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THE NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
THE NEWi MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
EDITORS
LANSING B. BLOOM PAUL A. F. WALTER
VOLUME I 1626
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY
THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO AT THE MUSEUM PRESS SANTA FE, NEW MEXICO
CONTENTS
NUMBER 1 - JANUARY, 1926
New Mexico in the Great War, I . Lansing B. Bloom 3
Frank H. H. Roberts 15
First Term of the U. S. Court in Taos
Francis T. Cheetham 23
Oiiate and the Founding of New Mexico
George P. Hammond 42
Necrology: Ralph Emerson Twitchell . .78
Melvin Whitson Mills 86
Mrs. L. Bradford Prince .... 88
Reviews and Exchanges 90
Notes and Comments . . 97
NUMBER 2 - APRIL, 1926
N. Mex. in the Great War (cont'd)
Walter M. Danburg 103
Rupert F. Asplund 120
Spanish Folk-Lore in N. Mex. . Aurelio M. Espinosa 135
Onate and the Founding of N. Mex. (cont'd) . . 156
Fray Marcos de Niza's Relation . Percy M. Baldwin 193
Reviews and Exchanges 224
NUMBER 3 - JULY,.. 1926
;>vV%
N. Mex. in the Great War (cont'd)
Alice Corbin Henderson 231 Paul A. F. Walter 245
vi CONTENTS
The Second Spanish Expedition to N. M.
J. Lloyd Mecham 265
Onate and the Founding of New Mexico (cont'd) . 292 Influence of Weapons on N. M. History
F. S. Curtis, Jr. 324
Po-se the late A. F. Bandelier 335
The Last Word on "Montezuma" . Benjamin M. Read 350
Reviews and Exchanges 359
NUMBER 4 - OCTOBER, 1926
Kit Carson .... Francis T. Cheetham 375 N. Mex. in the Great War (cont'd) . Paul A. F. Walter 400
Lansing B. Bloom 419
Uncle Sam's Camel Corps . . Fred S. Perrine 434 Onate and the Founding of N. Mex. (cont'd) . . 445 The Six Cities of Cibola, 1581-1680 . F. W. Hodge 478 Necrology: Washington E. Lindsey 489
Col. Eugene Van Patten
Malaquias Martinez
Judge A. A. Freeman
Dr. Nathan Boyd
ILLUSTRATIONS
The Museum Buildings facing 3
Governor Ezequiel Cabeza de Baca 10
Governor Washington E. Lindsey 15
Ralph Emerson Twitchell 78
Mary C. Prince 88
Charles Springer 103
Mrs. W. E. Lindsey 244
Map of Chamuscado's Approach to New Mexico . 268
Map of Chamuscado's Expeditions 272
Advertisement for the Runaway Boy, Carson . . 375 Carson's Commission as Brigadier General . . . 388 Kit Carson in Later Years 396
THE MUSEUM BUILDINGS
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Vol. I January, 1926 No. 1
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR
I The Breaking of the Storm
The winter months of 1916-1917 marked the. lull before that iStorm which was to involve the United States in its violence and destructiveness.
No part of the United States was farther removed from the storm center than was the State of New Mexico. A great in- land commonwealth on the watershed of the continent, the isolation of three centuries still obtained in various respects, -a protecting isolation to which to cling, in the opinion of some perhaps; certainly an isolation to be overcome if New Mexico was to share on a par with her sister states in carrying the Great War to a finish :and in making the world safe for democracy.
What New Mexico did to help meet the storm, in mobiliz- ing all her resources and in sending forth her sons to battle, is to be set forth in subsequent chapters, and it may safely be left to the judgment of the reader t'o say whether New Mex- ico did her part adequately and generously.
But before any consideration of the civilian and military activities of New Mexico, it will be well to glance briefly at the situation which had developed in Europe by the winter of 1916-1917 and to review the events which had, by then, strained our relations with Germany to the breaking-point. And we shall also see that when the break came, New Mex- ico, inland state though she was, responded to the president's call as promptly as any part of the Union.
4 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
In Europe, after two and a half yeairs of ebb and flow in the fortunes of war a casting-up of the whole situation seem- ed to indicate a virtual deadlock between the central powers and the entente allies. As winter settled down, Falkenhayri and Mackensen with their armies of Huns were continuing their devaistation of Roumania northwards toward the Dan- ube River, but on all other fronts the gains and losses were relatively insignificant and appeared to have in them no pro- mise of anything better than a stand-off. To those who ap- preciated the principles of justice and freedom which were at issue, to those who pondered on the awful toll of blood aind sorrow already exacted from crucified peoples and a suffering world, such a conclusion of the war was intolerable even in thought. Yet at this time apparently the only alter- native flroon a continuance of the terrible struggle wa.s a peace which would have left Germany dominant in central Europe, a menace to the whole liberty-loving world.
That Germany would, at this time, gladly have welcomed such a settlement became apparent on December 12, 1916, when the German kaiser proposed to the hostile powers that they enter on "a peace conference." Chancellor von Beth- ma nn-Hollweo;, in a speech before the reichstag announcing this action of the kaiser, boasted of "the glorious deeds" of Geman arms and in a thinly veiled threiat gave warning of what would! follow in case the German proposal to confer were not a.cceded to. Said he : "If our enemies decline to end the war, ilf they wish to take upon themselves the world's heavy burden of all these terrors which hereafter will follow, then even in the least and smallest homes every German heart will burn in sacred wrath (sic) agiainst our enemies who are un- willing to stop human slaughter, in order that their plans of conquest and annihilation may continue." Many and more explicit warnings r-e/ached the United States government that if the German peace move proved abortive, the submarines were to be unleashed for unrestricted and ruthless war upon all commeT'ce.
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 5
It is well to remember th;at, coincident with this peace move, Germany wais issuing her apology in defense of her wholesale deportation of Belgian workmen, an outrage which had raised to a new pitch the wrath of the allied world and protest against which had been formally registered by the United States government.
But what aroused the United States most directly wjas Ger- mjanyTs use of her submarines. As Germany violated repeat- edly all accepted principles of international law, the position of our nation as a neutral power bad become increasingly dif- ficult. From the sinking of the Lusitania on May 7, 1915, our controversy over this matter had grown more and more aicute, and up to "the issuing of Germany's peace note nearly 200 American lives had been sacrificed by the German sub- marines. Nor were outrages of this character mitigated by the pa/pers of Wolf von Igel, seized in New York by secret service men on April 26, 1916, which -revealed German machinations within the United States and explained num- erous outrages which had occurred throughout the country, outrages in which the German embassy itself was found to be directly implicated.
In view of these facts, it is not stnange that public opinion in this country, as well as in the allied countries, realized that such a peace as Germany proposed would leave the world in for worse situation than when the war began and that it would in effect be a German victory. The allied world had gotod reason to become utterly sceptical of German honor and con- sequently of any German overtures, and they were therefore determined to see the war through, to a settlement which should carry with it "adequate reparation for the past and adequate .security for the future."
Nor is it strange that the new premier of Great Britain,
David Lloyd-George, announced on December 19th to the
house of commons that the first act of his adiministration had
been to reject the proposal of the central powers for "a peace
1*
6 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
conference. ' ' He announced that the allies separately had con- cluded to reject it, although they had exchange views inform- ally and woujd within <a few days present a joint reply. A comment <on Lloyd-George's speech appeared in the Kreuz Zeitung which indicated the alternative which Germany had in, mind, even while holding out her blood-stained olive branch : ' * We have learned that our enemies do not want peace but war to the knife, so we must abandon all consider- ations and grasp all the means of war at our disposal!. "
Such in brief was the situation as reported in the dispatches of December 20, 1916. On the following day the world was startled by the news that President Wilson had issued ian ap- peal to all the belligerents that they discuss terms of peace and that each nation announce openly just whjat it was fight- ing for. The president had done this on his own initiative, iki- dependently of the various suggestions which had emanated from Berlin or from any other quarter, and he asked that his request be considered entirely on its own merits. His note was in effect an invitation to the hostile powers to compare their views as to the terms fundamental to any peace settlement and it was issued iJn the hope that such an interchange of views would clear the way at least for conference by giving definiteness to the .announced aims and demands of the res- pective nations. His request seemed a reasonable one because of the similarity in some respects in the demands of the hos- tile powers, in so far as these had been declared.
Our federal administration evidently realized thiat our na- tion might be compelled to give up its attitude of careful neu- trality and to take an active part in reestablishing peace in the world. As President Wilson said at Topeka on February 2, 1916, "We are not going to invade (any nation's right. But suppose, my felLowcountrymen, some nation should invade
our rights. What then? I have come here to tell you that
the difficulties of our foreign policy daily increase in num- ber and! intricacy and in danger, and I should be derelict to my duty to you if I did not deial with you in these matters
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 7
with the utmost candor, and tell you what it may be necessary to use the force of the United States to do."
On May 25, 1916, before the League to Enforce Peace the president outlined the main principles on which a stable peace must rest, principles which, if accepted, meant that the United States must assume the responsibilities of a world power. It was /a new and significant note in our foreign policy which he sounded. "So sincerely dio we believe these things that I am sure that I speak the mind and wish of the people of Amer- ica when I s,ay that the United States is willing to become a partner in any feasible association of nations formed in order to nealize these 'objects and make them secure 'against vio- lation." The Sussex outrage had occurred just two months before this address; the von Igel papers had been seized in April. These and other recent events had shown up Germany in such a way that President "Wilson's views, as set forth in this address, were very generally and emphatically endorsed throughout the nation.
The concessions yielded by the German government after the Sussex affair seemed for some months to have been made in good faith, but in October eight Americans were lost in the sinking of the Marina, and on December 14th the Russian was sunk with the loss of seventeen of our citizens. In view of all the evidence which had been accumulating on the cri- minal activities and intrigues of Germany against the United States, la statement given out by Secretary Lansing on Decem- ber 21st, explanatory of the president's note, is interesting:
"The reasons for sending of the note were as follows:
'It isn't our material interest we had in mind when the note was sent but more and more our own rights are becoming fn- volved by the belligerents on both sides so that the situation is becoming increasingly critical.
'I mean by that, that we are drawing nearer the verge of war ourselves and, therefore, we are entitled to know exactly what each belligerent seeks in order that we may regulate our conduct in the future.
8 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
''No nation has been sounded. No consideration >of the Ger- man overtures or of the speech of Lloyd-George was taken into account in the formulation of the document. The only thing the overtures did was to delay it a few days. It was not decided to send it until MondJay. Of course, the diffi culties that face the president were that it might be constru- ed as a movement toward peace and in aid of the German overtures. He specifically denies that that was the fact in the document itself."
The suggestion carried by this statement that the United States might shortly be drawn into war caused consternation in diplomatic circles and an attempt was made, with partial success, to modify its effect by ia second statement issued the next morning ; but 'as one looks back with a knowledge of later developments he realizes that our federal administration was, in a sense, clearing the decks for lactkm, should " action" prove necessary. The note was a step consistent with the president's policy to keep the United States out of the war if this could be done with honor, yet it was a step consciously taken towards "the verge of war."
Germany/® reply to the note was evasive, for it declined to state her terms for peace ; and in view of the refusal of the alliles to discuss the subject unless the central powers would first disclose the terms on which they would end the war, any prospect of peace was thus made impossible. As Lloj^d-Georgo put it, they did noti propose to put their neck in a npdse of which Germany held the rope-end. Germany wanted an old- style "conference", and this the allies would not agree to without first having a "compflete guarantee against Prussian militarism again disturbing the peia.ce of Europe" and such guarantee must be more binding than a treaty which might be cast aside asia mere "scrap of paper."
The allies considered Germany's peace note as insincere and not a peace offer so much as .a war maneuver, and on Decem- ber 30th theft* formal reply so stated. Their answer reviewed the Belgian invasion, admitted by the German chancellor on
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 9
August 4, 1914. to have been "an injustice contrary to the law of nations", and remarked that "at this very moment, while Germany is pro'claiming peace and humanity to the world, she Is deporting Belgian citizens by thousands and reducing them to slavery/'
Thus the year 1916 drew to a close, with all prospect of peace receding into the unknown future beyond many a blood-dren- ched battlefield. Along that path alone lay any surety of genu- ine peace and therefore in that path the allies would keep their feet. As the Albuquerque Morning Journal of January 1, 1917, well said, "It was easy for Berlin to launch a wiar on the first
day of August, 1914 but making peace at the end of 29
months of desperate bloodshed was quite a different matter. Russia, France and Great Britain had to go to war, but the time has not come when they have to make peace."
With the opening of the year 1917, the situation for the United States drew rapidly to the breaking-point. The dis- patches which came out of Germlany by "wireless to the As- sociated Press, via Sayville" showed that government deli- berately preparing to put her threats- into operation. Luden- dorf 's universal service law was in force • stupendous quanti- ties of amunitions were being assembled; many thousands of guns were being turned! out every week. In a word, the Ger- man government was resolved to drive to a finish the storm of destruction which it had loosed, and now the storm was to smite the United States and other neutral counties ias well as the avowed enemies of Germany.
That tbe United States was awake to the impending crisis was evident in the deliberations and enactments of congress during the winter session. Congress had hardly convened after the holiday recess when Senator Lodge created -a sen- sation by openly referring to the German ambassador, von Bernstorff, when attacking him for giving out an interview on the president's peace note. The $800,000,000 military budget for 1$18, the matter of oil lands for the navy,machine- guns, motorcycles, armored tanks, and other national defense
10 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
measures were subjects which had a generous share of con- gressional attention. Much time was given to hearings on, and discussion of, the federalized national guard and consi- derable support developed for universal military training. The Army Act which later embodied this principle was. not passed until May 18th, during the first session of the War Congress, but the exhaustive consideration given to the matter during the winter session was preparatory to the later action and the time was by no means lost.
Such in brief survey were the crowding events which her- alded to the people of the United States the approaching storm. Citizens of New Mexico who read the daily dispatches had a fair knowledge of the trtend of affairs, but it can hardly be said that the people as a whole realized that war with Ger- many was almost upon us*. For the present, therefore, state affairs loomed larger for New Mexico than did any world crisis.
This New Year's Day in New Mexico marked the beginn- ing of u new state administration. The governor-elect to suc- ceed Governor MacDonald was Ezequiel Cabeza de Baca, descendant of the famous Spanish explorer of four centuries before. De Baca had served as lieutenant-governor from the beginning of statehood and, as presiding officer of the state senate through three sessions, had set a record for dignified, able, and impartial administration.
But Mr. De Baca was destined never to enter the executive office nor even to step inside the executive mansion as govern- or of the state. Assailed by a serious malia;dy, premonitions of which were recognized even at the time of the fall camp- aign, Mr. De Bac<a put up a brave fight latid increased the high esteem in which he was already held throughout the state. He haid gone in November to a hospital in Los Angeles and great -anxiety had been felt lest he could not return for the inauguration. But he made the journey with an 'attendant nurse and, in a room at St. Vincent's Sanitarium, took the oath of office on New Year's Day in the presence of 'a few of- ficials and close friends.
EZEQUIEL CABEZA DE BACA
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 11
Washington E. Lindsey, who had been elected to the office of lieutenant-governor, expressed the regard which Governor de Baca had won for hhnself by his brave fight against dis- ease when, on this occasion, he grasped de Baca's hand and said: "My name is Lindsey. I want to assure you of my heartiest cooperation and assistance in the discharge of the duties of your hisrh office." With equal warmth Governor de Baca replied, "Thank you, governor. You also will have my cordial support in your own office."'
The message which Governor de^ Baca sent to the legislature on January 9th was commendable for the matters on which he :a,sked action. Among these were an inheritance tax, a tax on mining properties, a budget system, a new election law providing for secret ballot, and a better jury system. In dig- nified, conservative, sincere, and businesslike mariner he in- vited the cooperation iof the legislature in the program which he outlined. Bills along the lines indicated were introduced but none of the measures were carried through until after his death.
One incident occurred, however, during de Bia,ca's brief ten- ure of office which may wall be recorded as marking the first formal expression from New Mexico relating to the war. It was occasioned by the crisis) which was at last reached when the German government informed our administration on January 31st that from the following dlay the submarines would attack all ships sailing for allied ports. To* such a challenge only one course was possible. On February 3rd the German ambassador was handed his passports and President Wilson announced to congress the complete severance of our relations with Germany. It was on the same day, in answer to inquires sent out by the New York World, that Governor de Baca sent the following wire :
"Santa Fe, New Mexico, Feb. 3, 1917 4 'The World, New York, N. Y.
"New Mexico will stand loyally behind the president and hold up his hands. We endorse the action already taken. We
12 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
believe the avenues of trade on the high seas should be kept open to neutral commerce in accordance with the law of na- tions and that the armed force of the United States should be used! for that purpose, if necessary.
E. C. de Daca, governor of New Mexico"
With the death of Ezequiel C. de Baca on February 18th, Washington E. Lindsey succeeded to the office of governor, and as his tenure was practically coterminus with the active period of the war, he may well be styled "the war executive. "
Just a week after his inauguration, the Laconia was sunk with the loss of eight American lives, and President Wilson asked congress to take the next step towards open conflict by authorizing " armed neutrality/' It was characteristic of Senator A. B. Fall of New Mexico, and to his credit and that of his state, that he immediately introduced a resolution authorizing the president to use all the armed forces of the country in protecting its right.
In his inauerural address a few days later, President Wil- son declared that there could now be mo turning back from the tragic events of the last thirty months which had brought upon Americans a new responsibility as citizens of the world. He declared anew that America must stand for peace, for the stability and self-government of free peoples, and that the seas must be free to all.
Nevertheless, there was some opposition to " armed neut- rality" until the fedteral administration jrave out the text of a German note dated January 19th and addressed by the foreign minister Zimmermann to the German minister in Mexico. This note, instigating an attack by Mexico upon the United States even while conducting peace negotiations with us, revealed such treachery as to be convincing proof thiat sooner or later we must have a definite settlement with this crimihial among nations. Accordingly, on March 12th, after Ambassador Gerard had safelv reached home and reported, our government issued orders to place armed guards on >our
MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAB 13
merchant ships. Then at, intervals of a few days each, caine in reports of other sinkings: On March 16th the Vilgilancia went down with the loss of 5 Americans ; two days later, the €ity of Memphis -and tihe Illinois, with a loss of 17 ; the Heald- ton was sunk on the 21st ;and 7 Americans perished; and on April 1st the Aztec went down with 28 more. As officially stated, "In all, up to our declaration of war, 226 Americans^ many of them women and children, had lost their lives by the action of German submarines, and in most instances 'without the faintest color of international right. "
The winter session of the New Mexico legislature had end- on the 10th of March, before the fedieral administration had decided upon "armed neutrality", but our citizens showed in various ways that the national situation was being watch- ed with keen interest and with that cordial sympathy which Governor de Baca had voiced. On March 10th, the Santa Fe chamber of commerce affirmed its patriotic support of the president in a set of emphatic resolutions, tatnd similar action vras taken by other organizations over the state. By the mid- dle of March, the Red! Cross was energetically engaged in re- cruiting- new members, and war-gardening was already well under way. Not the least interesting display of patriotism was the voting of a gold medal by the state legislature to General Pershing in appreciation of his services to the state, and its bestowal by Governor Lindsey at El Paso on March 19th.
Just as the national guard on the border was being must- ered out of federal service came the first cal|L from Washing- ton for navy and army volunteers and recruiting stations were promptly opened1 in New Mexico. It was already re- cognized very generally, however, that some method of selec- tive service must be formulated and put into operation, and it is therefore interesting to recall that, as early as March 26th, Governor Lindsey sent a wire to New York City in which he strongly favored action by the war congress, call-
14 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ed to convene on April 2nd, which should provide for uni- versal military training.
"Good Friday", 1917, will be a day long remembered in Nieiw Mexico, for on that d'ay at last came the formal declar- ation of war on the German government. April 6, 1917, sum- moned New Mexico to tine field of combat, both at the home- baise and overseas, and nobly did she rise to the occasion and take up the gauge of battle, equally with her sister states, A special session of the state legislature was promptly called by Governor Lindsey and in the brief space of eight days measures were passeed which were necessary to the proper- carrying on of our part in the war.
Aside from appropriating the small sum of $7,440 to cover the expenses of the special session, the legislature enacted and Governor Lindsey signed, five measures which were very largely to shape and guide the activities of New Mexico d111"- ing the period of the war.
The Public Defense act appropriated $750,000 for prepared- ness and defense, the money to be raised by ttog issuance and salle of certificates of indebtedness, and expended and dis- bursed solely under the direction of the governor1. It creat- ed ia state council of defense of nijne members. It authorized a special county levy of not to exceed one mill in 1917 and 1918 for the repair and construction of highways. It empowered the governor to equip any portion of the national guard re- serve up to a battalion as mounted infantry in case of emer- gency. It authorized the state treasurer to invest the perman- ent state funds in the certificates of indebtedness issued, and gave the governor authority to sell certificates to the federal reserve banks or to negotiate loans through them on the certificates as security.
Another act of the legislature accepted the provision* of the National Defense act and arranged! for the drafting of men for the national guard.
A Third enactment provided for the further extension of
WASHINGTON E. LINDSEY
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 15
cooperative agricultural work and made possible the em- ployment of an agricultural agent in every county.
A fourth bill passed accepted the provisions of the Smith- Hughes act for vocational education and appropriated $15,000 annually for two years to meet a lilke appropriation from the federal government.
One other important measure was enacted which empow- ered the governor, for the purpose of giving aid to- the na- tional government or providing for public health, welfare, and safety in the state, to organize and employ all the re- sources of the state, whether of men, property, or Instrument- alities.
Thus unreservedly, promptly, -and wholeheartedly did the people of New Mexico, through their chosen representatives, throw themselves and all their resources into the Great War. The Sunshine State fears no storm.
Lansing B. Bloom.
II The War Executive
In every state the "War Governor" is -of special interest -his administration is more generally studied than those of other men of equal ability and success. There is no question but that the War Governor of New Mexico will be of special interest to the future historian . His ability and his fidelity to the interests of the State and Nation will rank him among the outstanding governors.
Every bijography is of interest to two classes ~ the young and the experienced. Childhood and youth and their form- ative influences appeal to the young, while opinions and acts hold the attention of the mature.
The youth of Lincoln or of Garf Jeld contained no more in- teresting elements of privation and no more evidence of surmounting difficulty than can be found in the life of Washington Ellsworth Lindsey, who was born December 20, 1862, in Belmont County, Ohio, on Capitana Creek, of a sturdy Scotch parentage.
16' NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Robert Lindsey, the founder of the family in America, was; a horsesho-er in Washington's Army, having enlisted from; Maryland. His son Robert L. Lindsay emigrated from Virginia lo Ohi<5, crossing the Alleghainy Mountains in a wagon with a water tight bed! which was used as a boat when the Ohio- River was crtossed. He settled on a branch of the Capitana Creek where he established a settlement that soon grew to a? village. He was the owner of the saw mill, the flour millr the blacksmith iaind the carpenter shops, and a, general store His son, Robert Washington Lindsey (father of the subject of this sketch) after he reached his maturity enlisted for t»ie Mexican War,, but peace was declared before he was ready for service. In the Civil War he was a recruiting office •. Throughout its entire history the family lias been noted for its loyalty and its sturdy pioneer qualities.
Washington E. Lindsey was never away from the home* community until twelve years of age, when he went to a: nearby railway station to meet his father who had been at the county seat serving on the jury. He and the horses had never seen a train. The wagon road crossed a railroad a short distance from a tunnel. As the boy and horses ap- proached the crossing a locomotive in all its grandeur and awe inspiring power emer'ged from the tunnel both boy and horses ran away. This was the beginning of his education in ouitside experiences.
He began his school career when seven years old in an eight cornered brick building. There were sixty pupils and the future governor was permitted to recite once a week. He at- tended this school for three or four months every year until he was seventeen when he entered Scio College, where the ''One Study System" as in vogue. The student devot- ed himself exclusively to the study of mathematics until he had complete the required amount, then he took up the study of grammar and so on, until the course was finished. Pro- fessor Smith, by his close personal friendship, inspired the young country boy to continue his education until he was
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 17
graduated by the University of Michigan in the class of 1891 with the degree LL. B. He did post-graduate work un- der Henry Coates Adanis in history and government. He was a student under John Dewey and a classmate of James R. Angell, now of Chicago Univieirsity.
Upon graduation he opened a law office in Chicago, where he continued the practice of law until he came to New Mex- ico in 1900. After a brief stay in Roswell he settled in Port- ales June 20, 1900.
His first endeavor for community building was in writing a bill to create Roosevelt County and securing its passage through the territorial legislature. He was aided by Albert Bacon Fall, then a member of the council. The bill was in- troduced, passed through both houses of the legislature and signed by the governor in a single legislative day. He was ap- pointed probate clerk of the new county by Governor Otero and from that time on, he has been a prominent factor in local and state interests. Although a republican, he was elected a member of the constitutional convention of 1910 by a constituency that was 'overwhelmingly democratic. He served as a member and as president of the board of education of Portales fromj 1913 to 1917.
Mr. Lindsey offered his services to his country during the Spanish-American War and was comimisioned captain of Company L of a provisional division in Illinois, but the armistice was signed before his regiment was inducted into service.
At the republican convention of 1916 Mr. Lindsey was no- minated as candidate for the office of lieutenant governor and at the November election he received a majority of the votes. He was sworn iinto office January 1. 19|17, and presid- ed over the senate from .January 9th to February 19th, on which day he took the oath of office as governor to succeed E. C. de Baca who died in office.
Shortly after the adjournment of the regular session of the legislature came the declaration of war, and Governor 2
18 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Lindsey called a special session of the members of the third legislature to meet on May 1, 1917. He read his message to both houses, in which he asked for wider powers and for the appointment of a war committee to aid in the recruiting of soldiers and in the production of additional food stuffs. He closed his message with the following words : ' ' Let me there- fore, in conclusion, urge that in this great crisis, in this even tragic time, we shall all, forgetting stelf and political bias, labor earnestly to serve most efficiently our state and our nation. This it seems to me, is our supreme privilege, as, no less, it is our supreme duty."
Governor Lindstey is justly proud of the services that he has rendered the state. His acts as "War Governor", his friendship to the movements in education, and his connect- ion with state-wide Prohibition are his claims to a place in the history of the state. He issued various addresses and pro- clamations to the citizens of the state, among which " A First Lesson on the War", "Why the United States Entered the War", "An Educational Proclamation" (under date of Sixteenth Day of August), "Our Flag", "The Pinto Bean", are outstanding in patriotism and wisdom. "Our Flag" is the best product of his pen, having attracted wide attention, and it is worthy of a permanent place in this book.
Our Flag
" Tis the star spangled banner, oh, long may it wave O'er the land of the free and the homie of the brave." A flag may be described as a strip of cloth of a; light fabric, varying in form and color, frequently bearing some emble- nuatib design, and ordinarily displayed, affixed by one end to a staff, pole or rope. The most common use of flags is as em- blems of nations.
The use of flags is of great antiquity. In the, book, NUM- BERS, of the Bible, we read, "Every man of the Children of Isreal shall pitch by his own standard, with the ensign of their fathers' house."
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 19
Standards, ensigns, flags are what peoples and nations make them from generation to generation, from age to age.
The Totem of the North American Indian has no vital sig- nificance to us, but to him it is Standard, Ensign, Flag, Reli- gion, History and Government.
The Star Spangled Banner-flag of the Republic of North America--OUR FLAG, had origin in a resolution of the Con- tinental Congress, June 14th, 1777, and is the oldest National flag in existence. Its Union was declared as "thirteen stars, white in a field of blue, Representing a new constellation, and thirteen bars, alterate red and -white". The stars in OUR FLAG stand for the states of the Union. They were thirteen in the Revolution, thirty-five in the Civil War, forty-five in the war with Spain, and are now forty-eight.
Those stars, white in a field of blue, those bars, alternate red and white, are to you and to me, no more than what we make them. OUR FLAG is ;an affront to< the traitor in the Nation. The seditious mock it, and cowards flee from it, but to the loyal citizen who knows our history and is acquainted with the heroic deeds of our fathers, OUR FLAG is the sym- bol of the power, the honor, the glory, the thought and the purpose of our people.
In the American Revolution, LIBERTY rocked in its cna- dle beneath the flaunting folds of OUR FLAG, and from then untfl, now, that flag has waved in majestic silence over H. Nation of conquerors-conquerors, not for conquest, not for subjugation, not even for indemnity - but conquerors for justice, righteousness and truth. With those ideals em- blazoned upon its folds, OUR FLAG ha never yet been fur- led in defeat, nor trailed in the dust. Nor will it i ever be.
For the sixth significant time, OUR FLAG is being proud- ly born aloft in battle line on earth iand sea, and, for the first time, high above the earth and deep beneath the ,sea. The ground and reach of all our other wars have been vectional and Iprescribed, but in this war, they are world wide, reach- ing up to heaven and down to hell. For us, they are the
20 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
glorification of liberty and the triumph of the power of right. For our enemies, they are the perpetuation of servi- tude and the enthronement of the power of might.
Rightly we glorify our fathers, who for justice and the preservation of the Union, have died beneath the folds of OUR FLAG from Lexington to Yorktown, from Balls' Bluff to Appomattox, but higher < glory is reserved for us, if, in this world war, we prove worthy sons of noble sires by carrying OUR FLAG to the battlements of Berlin, there to uncrown the Hohenzollern land hamstring the Beast.
''And the star spangled banner in triumph shall wave
While the land of the free is the hiome of the brave. ' '
W. E. Lindsey.
In a statement made by Governor Lindsey summing up his administration, the important events are so> clearly :set forth that it is deemed wise to let him speak for himself.
The illness of Governor E. C. de Baca hung like a pall over the members of the Third Legislature and little was accomp- lished during the early days of the Session. After his death the Legislature, realizing in spite of the general grief of the state, that the purpose for which they met must be accomp- lished, took up thteir work. "In the remaining twenty day period of the regular session, resolutions were adopted and laws enacted which went far to consummate the desitfes and hopes of the forward and upward looking people of the state.
"Among those, conspicuous for notation and remark, was that submitting to the will of the franchise of the state, Arti- cle XXIII, of the Constitution, prohibiting the manufacture and importation of alcoholic liquors for sale, barter", or gift, from and after October 1st, 1918. The timeliness and wis- dom of this action were conclusively established at the November, 1917, election in its adoption by a vote of ap- proximately three for to one against.
"Other acts of that legislative session of far reaching con- sequence to the people of iour state are that providing for a
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 21
secret ballot; a state budget; workmen's compensation; the consolidation of rural schools; the determination and invest- ment of the state's permaent public lands fund, an act relat- ing to public highways and bridges, and others.
"From the very hour when the congress of the govern- ment at Washington declared that the imperial German was carrying on war against the goverment of the United States of America, every available resource of power, both legislative and executive, jn the state of New Mexico, has been freely and enthusiastically contributed to aid in the accomplish- ment of thte> will to win the war " for the preservation of the nation and the rights of free governments and free peoples. The orders of the President as commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, in theiir application to this state, have been faithfully executed and the require- ments of the general government, from the people of this state, have been more than met in every instance.
"Twenty- four days after the declaration of war, the legis- lature of the state assembled in special session and, in the brief period of eight days, enacted laws that enabled our peo-ple to pass at once from a status of profound industrial peace promotion to a status of univeral war promotion. By Chapter Three of that session, acts, the authority and exer- cise of plenary power, was not only freely conferred upon the state executive, but all necessary and required exercise there- of was demanded of him. By Chapter Four of that session a.cts, provisions for arming the state in its self defense were enacted; and Chapter Five thereof created thte council of de- fense for the state and put at the disposal of the executive, war credit to the amount of $750,000."
Immediately after the adjournment of the special session of the legislature, the Council of Defense was organized. The governor was in constant touch with all its splendid labors for the increase of foodstuffs, for the rapid and effective mobilization of men, for the encouragement of all the Liberty Loian and War Fund Drives.
22 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Near the close of Governor Lindsey's administration it was reported that various soldiers at Camp Kearney and at Camp Cody were being discriminated against. At the bottom of this discrimination was the ignorance of the officers higher up- of the officers who did come in contact with the splen- did men from this state. Governor Lindsey went to Camp Kearney and protested that every man from New Mexico should receive proper treatment, no matter how inadequate his knowledge of the English language might be. After in- vestigating the situation, Major General Strong wrote Gov- ernor Lindsey as follows: "I am glad to say that the Spanish Americans are now happily situated. When we began to arrange for transfers, much to- our surprise 'and delight we found that commanding officers did not want to give them
up I shall take a personal interest in looking after these
men, who, from the fact thiat they cannot speak English, are at a disadvantage." One result of this visit was that schools of instruction in the English language were formed for those who could not speak the language. A similar change was effected by Governor Lindsey's visit to Camp Cody, in im- proving the condition of the volunteers and draftees who were being discriminated against beciauste they could not speak the English language.
The last official act of Governor Lindseey which was of special importance was his trip to Washington for the purpose of securing compensation from the government for expendi- tures at the College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts and at the University for the training of soldiers in the Students' Army Training Corps, and also to interest the government in the reclamation of the Rio Grande Valley.
Governor Lindsey's administration was clean, patriotic, effective, and worthy of the great state of New Mexico.
Prank H. H. Roberts.
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 23
THE FIRST TERM OF THE AMERICAN COURT IN TAOS, NEW MEXICO.
Francis T. Cheetham
Hubert Howie Bancroft, in his monumental work on the History of the Western States, devotes two volumes to Po- pular Tribunals. He might have used tht term "Vigilante Justice." He shows that in nearly all the western states, it took some years before the courts began to properly function. Jduges and District Attorneys were chosen, took oaths of office and drew their salaries ; but criminals went unpunished. The invariable rule is that when those, whose duty it is to in- force the law, utterly fail to do their duty for any consider- able length of time and lawless mien are permitted to disre- gard the law as a means of money gathering, the commJon people, when the breaking point is reached, rise up, take the law into their own hands and administer attempted justice without law. This is the experience of the ages.
An examination of the record of the First Term of the Circuit and District Courts for the Northern District of New Mexico, which convened at Taos, April 5, 1847, a copy of which record is hereto appended, discloses a remarkable a.chievment. And, while it took from two to ten years for the courts to- begin to function properly in the other western commionwealths, this court established a record, probably never excelled in the history of the world, for the dispatch and sound discretion exercised in the transaction of the business then before the court.
As to the personnel of this Court, it will readily be seen that it was a Trader's and Trapper's Court. Don Carlos Reaubien, the presiding judge, was a native of Canada of French extraction, who came to New Mexico in 1823, and settled in Taos; -and while what he did not know about the law would fill volumes, yet he was a man of intelligence and
24 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
action. That his reasoning faculties were good is well shown in the argument he advanced against Padne Martinez in his answer to the Hearned padre 's protest agiainst Beaubien 's peti- tion for the Ijand grant, since known as the Maxwell Land Grant. Joab Houghton was a native of New York, a college man and a civil engineer by profession. He came to New Mexico in November, 1843, land located in Santa Fe. He had succeeded Manuel Alvarez as U. S. Consul at Santa Fe before the Mexican War. When Gen. Kearney organized the courts of the provisional Territory, he appointed Houghton, an American, Chief justice, and Charles Beaubien, a Frenchman, and Antonio el. Otero, of Spanish blood, as associate justices. Frank P. Blair, the United States attorney was probably the only lawyer present and he had just lately been admitted to practice hi his native state. On account of ill health he had come west and stopped for some months at Bent's Fort on the Arkansas, and when the Mexican War started he came in with the army. Of the nineteen men who composed the grand jury, four were Americans. George Bent the foreman was a brother of the slain governor. James S. Barry 'and Joseph M. Graham were sturdy mountain-men and Elliott Lee was a relative of Stephen Louis Lee, late Sheriff of the Coun- ty. The venire of the petit jury contains some interesting names indeed. On this list we find such men as Lucien Max- well, who had been one of Fremont's men of the first and second expeditions of the Pathfinder. Joseph Paulding was a noted trapper who had migrated to California in 1832 and had constructed the first billiard table on the coast. Baut- iste Charleyfoe had trapped all the way from the Saskatcha- wan to the Gila and came near losing his scalp in the Snake country. Charles Town was likewise one of Fremont's men pnd was well known from the1 Sweetwater to the Gila. Sir William Stuart knew him on Lewis' Fork and says he wrote a song, the last two lines of which ran :— •
"The rock rushed down with a mighty din, And broke a gun and a Frenchman's shin."
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 25
Antonio1 Leroux was a noted scout and guide. Benjamin Day was one of Ewing Young's trappers back in the 'twenties and bad accompanied the latter to California in 1831. Asa Estis was probably of the family of Geo. H. Estes, who, with others had petitioned in 1884 for a grant on the Sapello, where Ft. Union was afterwards established. Charles Roubidoux was also a noted scout and guide to General Kearney and others, and afterwards led the Sitgreaves Expedition. He belonged to that noted family of our traders who founded St. Joseph, Mo., and Riverside1, Cal., and who maintained two forts in the mountain country. A number of the jurors of Spanish blood had long been trappers. Their contempt fon the or- dinary type of Missouri Volunteer is well shown in the fol- lowing lines taken from Louis H. Garrard's book entitled "Wash-to-yah, or the Taos Trail," published in 1850,-if a digression may be indulged, for it throws' an interesting side light on the scene. Garrard visited the Taos "carcel*'' or prison on April 9th, 1847, the day of the first judicial hang- ing. In part he says : —
" Entering a portal, with a nod to the1 sentina] on duty, we found ourselves in a court. In a room fronting this, was a ragged, ill-looking pelado, conversing with a miserably- dressed old woman- his mother-and discussing greenish-blue tortillas, and chile Colorado, under the1 espionage of a slouch- ing attired, long-haired, dirty and awkward volunteer, who to judge by his outward show, was no credit to his corps, or silver-gilt eagle buttons. He leaned in a most unsoldierlike position against the doorframe, and on our near approach, drew his feet somewhat closer to perpendicular, accosting us with- 'Well, strangers! how are ye?' 'Quite wejll, thank you/ replied one of us. "Them's great briches of yourn,' broke in he, abruptly, after eyeing my fringed buckskins for some momients, 'Whar'd they rig-mate- SantyFee'? Beats linsey-woolsey all holler, down to Galaway county.'
26 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
'Santa Fe,!' replied Hatcher, disgusted with the fellow's simplicity, 'Why hoss, them's Calif orny!'
1 Callyf orny ! My oh ! let rs look at them, stranger. Calyf orny I way over yonder:!' half way soliloquising, and staring me doubtingly, with a side twist to his head, and a knowing- squint from his poncine eyes, 'now yon don't mean to sayr you was in them briches when they was in Calyf orny ?'
'Him?' interrupted Hatcher, wishing to astonish the man, 'that boy's been everywhar. He's stole more mule flesh from the Spaniards, and raised more Injun har than you could tuck in your belt in a week.'
'How raise Injun hair? like we raise com and hemp to Callaway County or jest like we raise hogs and y'oxens.'
'Oh! you darned fool,' retorted Louy Simonds, 'a long ways the greenest Ned we see yet, NoP rejoined he imper- atively, 'when an Injun's a gone beaver we take a knife like this,' pulling out his long scalp blade, which motion caused the man to open his eyes, 'bettch hold of the top knot and rip skin and all rite off, quicker an' a goat could jump.'
'What's a gone beaver, stranger?7 again spoke up our ver clant queries!.
'Why, whar was you brung up, not to* know the meanifc* of sich terms-we'd show you round fur a curiosity up in the mountains- let's go, fellers.'
We started to another part of the jail, but werei stopped by a final question from our brave volunteer to Hatcher- 'Stranger! what mout your name be, ef I mout be so fneie like?'
'Well, hos!' returned the questioned, 'my name mout be Bill Williams, or it mout be Rube Herring, or it mout be John Smith, or it mout bei Jim Beckwith, but this buffi en s call'ed John L. Hatcher, to- rendevoo. Wa.gh!"
Garrard left behind the most complete narrative of the proceedings o*f this court, outside its own record. He revolt- od at the idea of the hanging of a man for high treason. No doubt he was right, but the mountainmen evidently thought
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 27
that Polo Salazar deserved hanging on general principles, for they did not hesitate to acquit the next man. charged with the same offense. Garrard, at the time, was a mere boy scarcely eighteen years of age and he had not learned thei code of the mountainmen, which required an eye for an eye and a tooth for tooth. Moreover he allows his poetic inclination to lead him into some errors, as to the facts, as will appear from the court record; but as a whole his narrative ife reliable and intensely interesting and as a literary effort, it is a classic.
This Court was in session fifteen working days, during which time seventeen men were indicted for murder, fifteen of whom were found guilty and two not guilty, by the jury. Five men werei indicted for high treason, one of whom was convicted, one acquitted by the jury and three went out on a nolle. Seventeen were indicted for larceny of whom six were convicted, three found not guilty, seven discharged by a nolle prosque and one case appears to have been continued for the term. In no instance was a plea of guilty entered. Every man "put himself on the country-" Therte was no talk about thei law's delays here, for this court convicted a man of murder, for each and every working day of the term. Ap- peals were not much in favor in this court, for each homicide convict was hnnged before a transcript could havei been writ- ten. Before this Court did its work, the Taos country had been a hotbed of revolution. Practically every insurrection in Northern Mexico had had its inception at this place. But since the fifth of April, 1847, revolution has not been po- pular in the Valley of Taos.
The record of the Court is as follows: —
Be it remembered that on this Fifth day of April in the vear of our Lord Eighteen hundred forty seven. The Honor- able District Court of the Territory of New Mexico, conven- ed in pursuant to an order from the judge ther^r.f, at Don Fernandez de Taos, in said Territory. The Honorable Charles Beaubien presiding Judge assisted by the Honorable Joab Houghton, Judge of the Central District.
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The Marshall proclaimed the Court opened in due form and ready for the transaction of business, the Marshal,! returned the venire for the Grand Jury, with the names, George Bentr James S. Barry, Joseph M. Graham, Antonio Ortiz, Jose Gre- gory Martinez, Miguel Sanchez, Elliot Lee, Mariano; Martin, Matias Vigil, Gabriel Vigil, Santiago Martinez, Ventutfa Martinez, Jose Cordova!, Felipe Romero, Ramonde Cordoval, Antonio Medina, Jose Angel Vigil, Antonio Jose Bingo, Jean Bennette Valdez,
The Court organized the grand jury by appointing George Bent as foreman, who took the necessary obligation, and the others took the oath of Grand Jurors, when the Court charg- ed the said Grand Jury in relation to the duties involved up- *on them as Grand Jurors as aforesaid, after which they re- tired, when the Court adjourned until tomorrow morning at nine O'clock, previous to which Mr. Theodore Wheaton presented his Commission from the acting Governor of the Territory of his appointment as Circuit Attorney for the Northern District of the Territory of New Mexico, the Court received said commission and ordered it to be filed.
Robert Carey
Approved Clerk
Oharles Beaubien.
Don Fernando de Taos, April 6, 1847.
"The Court opened pursuant to adjournment. The Grand Jury appeared and all answered to* their names, when they presented several Bills of Indictment, among whome were the, Territory of New Mexico
vs Indictment for Murder.
Jose Manuel Garcia.
And now on this day F. P. Blair, Esq., appears on behalf of said Territory and is prepared for trial. The Council for the defendant not being ready ask the Court to aidjourn un- til the afternoon. Whereupon the Court grants said request and adjourns accordingly. The Court meets, the parties ap- pearing, when the defendant pleads not guilty to the charge, whereupon a jury is called and sworn consisting George Long, Lucian Maxwell, Joseph Play, Charles Ortibus, Antonio Dewitt, Peter Joseph, Benjamin Day, Joseph Paulding, Ed- mong Chadwick Charles Town, Bautiste Charleyfoe and Henry Katz, the evidence being submitted to them they re- turn the following verdict.
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 29
We the Jury find the defendant Guilty as charged in the Indictment. It is therefore considered and adjudged by the Court that the said defendant is guilty as charged, and that he be taken to the jail, from whence he came and there re- main until the sentence of death be passed upon him the said defendant after which the Court adjourned until tomarrow morning at 9 O'clock,
Robert Carey
Approve Clerk.
Charles Beaubien*
Don Fernandez de Tiaos, April 7, 1847.
The Court met pursuant to adjournment, the Grand Jury appeared and answered to their names, the Prisoner Jose Manuel Garcia who had on the previous day been convicted of Murder was brought into Court, when the sentence of death was passed upon him, to-wit :
That on Friday next the 9th Inst. he be taken from the Jail of said County to the place of execution and between the hours of ten O'clock in the forenoon and two o'clock in the afternoon and hang him said Jose Manuel Garcia by the neck until he is dead.
Territory of New Mexico
vs Indictment for Murder.
Pedro Lucero, Manuel Romero, Juan Ramon Trujillo, Isidor Romero.
And now on this day the parties appe'ar and are ready for trial, the said defendants plead not Guilty to the Charges as set forth in said Indictment, whereupon a jury is called, em- paneled and sworn, to-wit : Juan Miguel Baca, Julian Lucero, William LeBUanc, Henry Katz, Bautiste Charleyfoe, Robert Fisher, Manuel Lafore, Charles Ortibus, Elilah Ness, Peter Joseph, C. L. Courrier, Jose Maria Valdez. The Council for the defendants submit a plea to quash s'aid Indictment, the Court after due consideration overrules said plea and1 the trial proceeded, the Evidence having been submitted the jury returned the following verdict : We the Jury find named defendants Guilty as Charged in the Indictment.
It is therefore considered and adjudged by the Court that the said Defendants be taken from the place of their con- finement, on Friday next the 9th Inst. to the place of Execu- tion and between the hours of ten o'clock of the forenoon
30 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
and two o'clock of the afternoon hang them by the neck un- til they are dead.
Robery Carey.
Aprove : Clerk.
Charles Beaubien.
Don Fernandez de Taos, April 7" 1847.
The United States District Court open in the regular form,
the same Judge presiding. The Grand Jury appeared and
answered to their names and presented a Bill of Indictment.
United States
vs Indictment for High Treason
Polo* Salizar.
And on this day Comes the U. S. District Attorney, F. P. Blair, Esq. and the Defendant with his Council, who pleads Not Guilty to the Charge as; set forth in the Indictment. Whereupon a Jury is called empaneled and sworn, to-wit: Juan Miguel Baca, William Le Blac, Henry Katz, Bapti'ste Charleyfoe, Robert Fisher, Manuel Lafore, Charles Ortibus, Elijah Ness, Peter Joseph, C. L. Corner and Jose Manuel Valdez.
The evidence being submitted to the Jury, they returned the following verdict: we the Jury find' the Defendant Guilty as charged in the Indictment. Robert Fisher, Fore- man. Whereupon it-Considered and Adjudged by the Court that the said Defendant - the penalties of la.w and that he be taken to the Jail and there remain until the sentence of Death be passed upon him after which the Court adjourned to tomarrow Morning at nine o'clock.
Robert Carey
Aprove Clerk.
Charles Beaubien.
Don Fernandez d'e Tao?., April 8th 1847. The Circuit Court met pursuant to adjournment, the Grand Jury appeared and answered to their names. The Prisoner Polo Salazar who was convicted of High Treason was brought into Court, when the Sentence of Death was passed upon him to-wit: That on Friday next the 9th Inst he be taken from the Jail of the County of Ttaos. to the place of Execution and there between the hours of Ten o'clock of the forenoon and
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 31
Two o'clock of the afternoon he the said Polo Salizar be hung by the neck until he is dead,
Francisco Naranjo, Jose Gabriel Somoro, Juan Domingo Matins Juan Antonio Lucero and El Curero* has been indict- ed by the Grand Jury.
Territory of New Mexico,
vs Indictment for Murder.
Francisco Naranjo, Jose Gabriel Somoro, Juan Domingo Mar- tins, Juan Antonio Lucero and El Cuerroe.
And now on this day comes the Cirucift Attorney, and the said defendants with their counsel, and pleads not guilt}?- as charged, Whereupon a jury is called, empaneled and sworn towit :
Manuel Lafore, Edmund1 Cfoadwick, Benj. Davy, Charles Town, C. L. Corrier, Elijah Ness, Lewis Simmonds, Basal Le- Rew, Baptiste Charleyfoe, Jos. Paulding, Thomas Whitlo and John L. Hatcher, during the pendency of the case the Court adjourned to tw-o d 'clock in the afternoon, when the Court met and the trial proceeded, the evidence having been given to the jury and a brief argument by the counsel the matter was submitted, they returned the following verdict. We the Jury find the above1 named defendants Guilty as charged in the Indictment.
Whereupon the Court considered and adjudged that the s'aad Defendants suffer the penalties -of the law in such cases and that the defendants aforesaid be sent back to the Prison and there remain until the sentence of death be passed upon them afte'r which the Court adjourned until Friday the 9th Inst at nine o'clock.
Robert Gary,
Aprove Clerk
Charles Bemibien.
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl, 9, 1847.
The Court met pursuant to adjournment, Manuel Miera, Manuel Sandoval, Rafael Tafoya and Juan Pacheco who had been Indicted for Murder and Francisco Rivole charged with High Treason who all plead not Guilty as charged. The counsel for Francisco Rivole moved the postponment of said tritel until Mondav. The Court considers said motion and
32 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
grants said request, after which the Court adjourned until Saturday the 10th Inst,
Robert Gary
Approve Clerk.
Charles BeaubieB,
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl 10-47,
The Court met pursuant to Adjournment; Mr. Allen Coun- sel for the Five Indians who were convicted of Murder on the 8th Inst, Submitted a Motion to the Court to Set the Ver- dict aside and order a new trial; the* Court after duly con- sidering slald Motion it was overruled, and the Sentence of Death was passed upon said Prisoners, to-wit, That on Fri- day the 30th Inst they be taken from, the jail to the place of Execution and between the hours of Ten O'clock of the fore- noon and Two O'clock of the afternoon, of said day they be hung by the neck until they are dead.
Territory of New Mexico1
vs Indictment for Murder.
Manuel Miera, Manuel Siandoval Rafael Tafoya, Juan Pacheco.
And now on this day comes the Circuit Attorney, and the said Defendants with their counsel and being ready for trial a Jury is called, empaneled and sworn to-wit: Horace Long, Jostetph Pley, Manuel Lafore, Peter Joseph, Benjamin Dayr Joseph Paulding, Edmund Chadwick, Asa Estes, John S. Hatcheir, Louis Simmons, Thos. Whitlo and Baptiste Charley- foe. The evidence being Submitted to the Jury they return- ed the following verdict. We the Jury find the above named defendants Guilty as charged in the Indictment. It is there- fore Considered and adjudged by the Court that the said de- fendants suffer the penalties of the law in such cas-es made and provided, 'and that on Friday the 30th day of April nest they the said defendants be taken from the Jail of their con- finement to the place of execution and between the hours of Tten 0 'clock of the forenoon and Two 0 'clock of the after- noon 'O'f said day they be hung by the neck until they are dead, after which the Court adjourned until Morning at Nine O'- clock.
: Robert Cary,
Aprove, Clerk
Charles Baa-ubien.
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 33
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl 12" 1847.
The* Court met pursuant to Adjournment. Grand Jury call- ed and answered to their names and presented a True Bill.
Territory of New Mexico
vs Indictment for Murder.
Asencio.
And now this day comes the Circuit Attorney and the said defendant with his counsel and said defendant pleaded not Guilty as charged. Whereupon a Jury is called, empaneled and sworn to-wit: Horace Long, Lucian Maxwell, Antonio Dutt. Peter Joseph, Benj. Day, Asa Estes, Charles Town, Elijah Ness, Manuel Lafore, Bapti&te Charleyfoe, Berall Le- Rew and Rovert Fisher. The Evfdence having been given to the Jury they returned the fallowing verdict : We tfye Jury find the Defendant Not Guilty as charged in the Indictment, Benj. Da.y, Foreman. It is therefore considered and adjudged by the Court that said defendant be discharged from the custody of the law and that he go his way, after which the Court adjourned.
Robert Gary,
Aprove, Clerk
Charles Beaubien.
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl, 12, 1847.
The U. States District Court met. Grand Jury called and answered to their names. United States
v Indictment for High Treason.
Francisco Revali.
And no'w on this day the1 U. S. Attorney appeared and the defendant with his counsel. A Jury was called, empaneled and sworn, to-wit : Horace Long, Peter Joseph, Benj. Day, Jos. Pauldijng, Chas. Town, Antonio Duet, Basil LeRew, Jose Ignacio Valdez, Edmund Chadwick, Pedro Valdez, Asa Estes and Rafael de Serna. the evidence being submitted the jury return the following verdict, We the jury find the defendant not guilty as charged in the Indictment. Edmund Chadwick, Foreman. It is therefore adjudged and considered by the Court that the said defendant be discharged from the custody of the l-?w and tl.at he depart without day.
34 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Territory of New Mexico
vs Indictment for Murder.
Juan Antonfo Avile.
The Circuit Attorney Appears and the defendant with his counsel and are ready for trial when the Court adjourned until tomarrow at Nine O'clock. Approved.
Ctoarles Bteaubien.
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl 12, 1847. The Court met pursuant to adjournment and the case of the
Territory of New Mexico
vs Francisco Revali.
Continued. A Jury was called, empaneled and sworn, to-wit : Horace Long, Peter Joseph, Benj. Day, Jos. PMding, Char- les Town, Antonio Duet, Basil Le Rew, Jose Ignacio Valdez, Edmund Chadwick, Pedro Valdez, Asa Estes and Rafael de Luna, the matter being submitted the Jury return thie! follow- ing verdict, We the juiry find the defendant not guilty as changed in the Indictment. It is therefore adjudged! and con- sidered, by the Court that the defendant be discharged from the custody of the Haw and that he go his way. being
entered by the Court as an attorney, was enrolled accordingly after which the Court adjourned.
Robert Cary Charles Beaubien.
Don Fernandez de Taos, April 13, 1847. The Court met pursuant to adjournment.
Territory of New Mexico
v Indictment for Murder.
Juan Antonio Avila
And now on this day comes the1 Circuit Attorney and the defendant with his counsel and being prepared for trial a Jury is empaneled and sworn to-wit: Robert Fisher, Antonio Deitt, Peter Joseph, Joseph Paulding, Edmund Chadwick, C. L. Corner, Pedro Valdez, Vidal Trujillo, Asa Este-s, Jose Ignacio Valdez, Rafael de Luna and Benjamin Day. The evidence having been given to> the Jury, they returned the following verdict. W>e> the jury find the defendant Guilty as Charged in the Indictment. It is therefore adjudged and
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 35
considered, by the Court that the defendant suffer the penal- ties of the law and that on Friday the seventh day of Mky next he be taken from the jail of thfei County to the place of execution and between the hours of Ten O'clock of the fore- noon and two o'clock of the' afternoon of said day he the saiJ Antonio Avila be hung by the neck until he is dead. The U. S. District Attorney entered a nol pirosque in the case of the United States vs Varua Tafoya, Felipe Tafoya, Pablo Guerr- era, charged with High Treason and are accordingly dismiss- ed.
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl 14, 1847. The Court met pursuant to adjournment. Martinez v Romero, Suit dismissed at the cost of the Plain- tiff.
Lee v Truiillo, Suit renewed Lee v Martinez, Suit renewed Town v Wife, Suit dismissed at the Cost of Plff. Day v Truly, Suit dismissed at the Cost of Plff. Joseph y Montaiio, Suit renewed.
Territory of New Mexico
v Indictment for Larceny,
Jesus Silva,
And on this day the said defendant is brought into !a*id pleads not guilty as charged, he asks the Court thhrough his counsel to postpone the case until the 15th, the Court grants the request and continues the case.
Territory of New Mexico
v Indictment for Larceny.
Miguel Vollina, Farel Peralta, Soledad Sandoval.
The defendants appears and pleads not guilty as charged, when the Court adjourned to cases until tomamow the
15th Inst. After which the Court adjourned until tomarrow morning 8 O'clock.
Robert Gary Aprove Charles Beaubien.
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl 15, 1847. The Court met pursuant to adjournment. Territory of New Mexico v Jesus Silva, Continued to Mon- day the 19th Inst.
36 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Territory of New Mexico
vs Indictment for Horse Stealing.
Miguel Molina.
And now on this day the defendant is brought into Court and pleads not guilty. Whereupon a Jury is called, em- paneled and sworn, to-wit r- Peter Joseph, Charles Town, C. L. Corrier, Basil Le Rew, Thos. Whitlo, 0la,ss Trujillo, Inline Lucero, Jose Ignacio Valdez, Edmund Chadwick, Momingue LeGrand, Jose Tafoya and Rafael Sanchez, the evidence being given, the Julry found the following verdict. We the Jury find the Defendant guilty as charged and assess his punish- miant at Fifty lashes, on his bare back, well Md on. Ed- mund Chadwick Foreman. It is therefore considered by the Court, that the said defendant suffer the penalties as set forth in the verdict, to-wit: that in Fifteen minutes after the said sentence he the said defendant receive twenty-five lashes tomarrow morning at 8 'o'clock he receive twenty five and be further remanded to Prison until the Costs in this behalf are paid, and the said defendant was indicted by the Grand Jury, charged with Horse Stealing, and the Circuit At- torney entered a nol pros, que and discharged from the second Indictment, after which the Court adjourned until 2 o'clock.
The Court met pursuant to adjournment.
Territory <of New Mexico,
v Indictment for Theft.
Teralto.
And now on this day comes the Circuit Attorney and the defendant with his counsel and pleads Not Guilty as charged, a Jury is called, empaneled and sworn, to-wit: Robert Fisher, Manuel Lafore, Charles Town, Elijah Ness, Jose Ignacio Val- dez Jose Tafoya, Juan Miguel Baca, Blass Trujillo, Thos. Whitto, Chas. Roselecheuf, Rafael Sanchez and Julian Lucero, the Jury after hearing the evidence returned the following verdict. We the Jury find the Defendant Not Guilty, Chas. Town, Foreman. It is therefore considered by the/ Court, that the said defendant be discharged from the custody of the law and th'at he go without day- after which the Court adj. until tomarrow at 9 O'clock.
Robert Gary
Aprove, Clerk
Charles Beaubien.
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 37
v • : ' • g • , ' - • .':.<• ; :••••.••: i s/«J
Don Fernandez de Taos, April 16th 1847. .The Court met pursuant to adjournment.; . Territory of New Mexico, . •>
* vs Indictment for Horse Stealing.
Jose Fabian Baca.
The defendant 'appears with his ' counsel and ' pleads not guilty. o Wtyetreupoir a Jury is called^ empaneled sworn, to-wit : Jos Pla~y, Luois Sheets, .Chas, Koubideaux, C. L. Corrier, Jos. Paulding, Benj. Day, Peter Joseph and Blass . Trujillo. The evidence being submitted to the Jury the- return the fol- lowing verdict. ' We therJuTy find Jose Fabian' Baca (3-uilty as charged and condem him to receive twenty five lashes ori ,his bare back, Edmund Chadwiek Foreman. It is therefore considered by the ;Court that the said defendant be punished in accordance with the verdict, and that at Six of the after- noon of this day he receive upon his bare back lafrid that said defend;antr satisfy the costs nr this behalf .^pendedv \-"
Territory of New Mexico' v SoLeda<j !Sandoval? Case continu- ed, r
Territory of New Mexico,
v Indictment T for Larceny .
Jesus Silva. '
And now on this day the defendant appears witn his coun- sel who plead not guilty as charged, whereupon a Jury is calledj empaneled and' s^rorn, towit : Antonio Duett, Basil Lenie, Robert Fished, Le\vis; Sheets, Miiah Ness,. Horace Loner, j. Day^; Ljucian Maxwell Charles Town, Peter RushfoT'dt,
Behj.
Pablo Archuleta and Jose Ignaicio Valdez. The evidence be- ing ,. they returned the following verdict. "We the Jury find the, defendant Not Guilty, Lewis Sheets, Foreman. It, is there- fore considered and adjudged by the Court, that the s'add' de- fendant be di$j;c.harÂŁed from tne consideration of said In4ict- ment, b;iit' the Court .ordered fte said Defendant back tp prison, and th^ere tp await the. trial ctf another Indi/ctmejit of a similiar character after which the Court 'adjourned unt;?} tomatrow morning ait 9 o 'clocjj.
Robert Car?
Aprove :' Clerk
Charles Beaubien. ; 1
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl 17, 1847.
The Court met pursuant to adjournment, and being no 3*
38 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
business prepared, the Court adjourned until 2 o/'clofck of the afternoon, iat which timje the Court met and still no busi- ness to be brought forward the Court adjourned until Mon- day Morning at 9.
Robert Gary
Aprove Clerk
Charles Beaubien.
Don Fernandez de T-aos, April 20, 1847. The Court met pursuant to adjournment. Territory of New Mjeixico,
vs Indictment for Mule Stealing.
Jose Mariana Samora.
And on this the parties appeared the defendant pleads not guilty as charged whereupon a Jury is called to-wit: A. B. Robans, Peter Joseph, Thos. Whitlo, Chas. Town, Elijah Ness, Basil Lerew, Juan Tafoya, C. L. Carrier, Vicente Carde- nas, Juan Trujillo and Jesus Tafoya who being duly sworn to try the cause, (a<nd hearing the evidence they return the following verdict. We the Jury find the above named de- fendant Guilty, and1 assess the punishment to twiemty five lash on his bare back. It is thereupon coi^sidered and adjudged, by the Court, that said defendant receive the pun ishment as set forth in said verdict and that on this afternoon at Six o'clock, the slatid defendant receive twenty five lashes on his bare back.
Territory of New Mexico vs Archuleta, by agreement of coun- sel a nol pros entered. Same v Nicolas de Herrera and Jesus Mondracon were discharged by paying costs. Court adjourn- ed until 2 o'clock.
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl. 20-47.
The Court met pursuant to adjournment, the Grand Jury appeared before the Court and prayed that the Court would discharge s/aid Grand Jury from further consideration of the duties, for which they had been called together as they had finished the business as enjoined upon them by the Court. The Court hearing said prayer from said Grand Jury and ac- cordingly they were discharged.
Territoiry of New Mexico,
vs Indictment for
Jesus Ba'ca.
FIRST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 39
And; now on this day the Circuit Attorney and counsel for defendant by their agreement, a nol Pros que was entered and said defendant was released from the penalty of the law and the cost in this behalf expended be rendered against said defendant after which the Court adjourned to 2 o'clock.
Don Fernandez de Taos, April 20" 1847. The Court met pursuant to adj-oirrnment.
Territory of New Mexico
vs Indictment for Larceny.
Lugarde Cortez and Guadelupe Montoya.
And now on this day the Circuit Attorney appears and also the said defendants with their counsel and pleads not guilty, whereupon ia Jury is called, empaneled and sworn, to-wit: Wm. Rutherford, Elijah Ness. Peter Joseph, Jose Tafoya, Juan Miguel Baca, Juan TruiiTlo, Jesus Romero, Pedro Val- dez, Julian Martinez, Vicente Cardenas and Juan Cristobal Tafoya ; thie Evidence beini? given to the Jury, they returned the following verdict. We the jury find the above named Defendants Guilty and assess the punishment to Lugarde Cortez one year imprisonment at hard labor and Guadelupe Montoya a fine of Ten Dollars, C. L. Corrier Foreman. It is therefore considered and adiudored by the Court that said de- fendants be punished as set forth in said verdict and that the costs in this behialf expended be tendered against them.
Territory of New Mexico
v Indictment for receiving stolen goods.
Jose Maria Bent.
And now on this day appears the Circuit Attorney and the said defendant with his counsel and pleads not guilty as charged. Whereupon a jury is called, empaneled and sworn, to-wit: A. B. Robann, Thos. Whitlo, Elijah Ness, C. L. Cor- ner, Basil LeRew, Jose Tafoya, Jose Maria Sandoval, Ped'ro Vald'ez, Juan Miguel Baca, Juan Trujillo, Jesus Romero and Juan Tafoya, the Jury affer hearing the evidence returned the following verdict: We the Jury find the defendant not guilty, C. L. Courier, Foreman. It is therefore adjudged and considered, by the Court, that the said defendant be disch&lrg- ed from the custody of the law and that he go without day; the sentence of Jose Maria Samora wa*s postponed by the
$) NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW ,r
Court until Thursday the 23rd Inst, at 8 o'clock of the fqre- aoon.
Rwbietrt OtarJ
Aprove Clerk
Charles JBeaubien.
..'.••'•.. ' . - - • ; •;;.,,.'. :1
Don Fernandez de T-aos April 23d 1847. . " The Court met Pursuant.
Territory of New Mexico
vs Indictment for receiving stolen goods.
Rafael Lucero.
And now on this day the Circuit Attorney appears and the defendant with counsel and pileads not ' Guilty as charged. Whereupon a Jury is Called, Empaneled and' sworn 'to- wit :' Chas. Town, Win Rutherford, Elijah Ness, Lucian Maxwell, Basil LeRew, Antoine Duett, Peter Joseph, : Tomafe Romerbi Anton?o Martinez, Rafael de Luna, Juan Rafael de Serria and Vicente Martinez, who hearing the evidence, the Circuit At-1 torney enterled a noil pros in the case. Whereupon the Court discharged the said Defendant from" the custody of the law.
Territory of tfe'w Mexico,
vs .Indictment for, receiving stolen goods;
Mjariano Martin. . . , ,
And on this day the parties appear and the defendant pleads not guilty as charged. Whereupon a> Jury is called to-wit: Peter Joseph, William Rutherford, Elijah Ness, Antonio. Duett, Lucian Maxwell, Basil Lerew,VChas; Town^ Rafael de Luna, Tomas Ltlcero Juan Rafael de Luna, Vicente Cardenas and Antonio Lucero, who being duly sworn to try the case and after the evidence being submitted, the Circuit' At torney entered- a Noll pros In the case, and : the Court 'discharged said defendant when the Court adjourned till 2 o:< clock of the afternoon.
Robert Cary
Apro-v^ Clerk
[ . Charles Bieiaubien.
Dom Fernandez de Taos, April 23d 1847. The Court met pursuant .to 'adjournment. : <
Territory of New Mexico,
Indictment for Larceny. Jesus Silva.
FIBST TERM AMERICAN COURT IN TAGS 4l
And now on this day conies the Circuit Attorney and the defendant with his; counsel and pleads not guilty to the charge. Whereupon a Jury was caHed, tq^wit:,Ai . Bi R6bans, Lewis D. Sheets, Wm Ruth erf otrd, Antonio- Duett, Thos. Whitlo, Peter Joseph, Henry White-, Basil Lerew, Chas. Town, Juan Tafoya, C. L. Corrier and Elijah Ness, who being duly sworn to try the case, the Evidence haying been submitted they returned the following verdict. "We the Juty find the Defendant Guilty and .assess the punishment at twenty five lashes;, A. B. Robaris Foreman. It is therefore considered by the" Court, that the said defendant receive on his bare back, Twenty Five lashes, on tfye.. 24th, Inst :at a quarter past one of the afternoon, after which the Court adjourned to 9 o'clock tomarrow morning1.
Robert Cary
Aprove Clerk
Charles Bte'aubien.
Don Fernandez de Taos, Apl 24 1847.
,... The. Court met pursuant to adjournment and there being no further business for the considerataion of the Court, an? adjournment was ordered until the next regular, term there-; tiff. (On the margin is written the, word ll void/') i
The Circuit Attormeiy appears and also the counsel for rfose Maria Samora and prays the Court to remit the punishment •of said defendant and to impose a fine of one hundred Dol- l,ars: and costs, the Court duly considers said prayer and or-; iers the Sheriff, to^remlt.- the punishment for which sai'd d^ fendant was found guilty, and the execution be issued for One Hundred Dollars. The after which the pourt duly ex- amined the nefcords from the conimencement and finds them correct, signs them as approved, there "being nos further busi- ness for the consideration of the Court, order an adjoiurnmant until the next regular term. >
Robert Cary
Aprove , . Clerk
Charles Beaubien,
42 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
DON JUAN DE ONATE AND THE FOUNDING? OF NEW MEXICO.
A NEW INVESTIGATION INTO THE EARLY HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO IN THE LIGHT OF A MASS OF NEW MATERIALS RECENTLY. OBTAINED FROM THE ARCHIVO GENERAL DE INDIAS, SEVILLE, SPAIN,
By
George P. Hammond, Ph. IX
Chapter I. The Early Expeditions Into New Mexica.
Cabeza de Vaca. The northern frontier of New Spain soori became famed as a land of mystery. After Cortes had com- pleted the conquest of Tenoehtitlan the adventurous Spanish conquistador es began to seek for other Mexicos to subjugate. A hasty exploration of the surrounding territory soon ne- vealed the fact that such riches were not to be found near at hand. But when Cabeza de Vaca in 1536 straggled into Culiacan from Florida after an eight years jaunt through a "no man's land" his stories, retold by hungry fortunie seek- ers, were sufficiently astounding to provide anyone with material fott dreams of great conquests in the interior. When he went to Spain and told the wonderful tale of his experi- ences it added greatly to the enthusiasm in the De Soto ex- pedition then preparing. In New Spain, where Antonio de Mendoza had but recently taken up his duties as first viceroy, Vaca's accounts stirred his ambition to acquire those fabled regions. Of course, the intrepid Cabtea did not visit New Mexico. But "the effective part of his statement was the re- port,, obtained from the Indians, of populous towns with large houses and plenty of turquoises and tetmeralds. situated
THE POUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 43
to the north of his route, "l He was thus the first European to approach and hear of New Mexico, and hfls hearsay re- ports were the incentive which led to its discovery and ex- ploration.
Fray Marcos de Niza, Mendoza's immediate plans for northern exploration failed to materialize. Nevertheless his interest did not abate, and when Coronado became the gov- ernor of Nueva Galicia he had instructions for carrying on •certain preliminary discoveries with a view to bigger things should there be any excuse therefor. The expedition of Fray Marcos de Niza, a Franciscan missionary, was one of these tours. It was arranged by Viceroy Mendoza through his lieutenant Coronado. 2
Early in March, 1539, Fray Marcos set out from Culiacan on a reconnoitering expedition. He was accompanieid by some guides and the negro Stephen, one of Vaoai's companions, whom the viceroy had taken into his pay. Proceeding into Sonora Fray Marcos sent the meigro on ahead to leairn what he could. He soon sent back notice that the missionary should follow immediately, great news had been obtained. It was the Seven Cities, called Cibola, of which he had heard, and whose wealth was nothing short of mairvelous.
Inland were the Seven CStitets, situated on la great height. Their doors were studded with turquoises, as if feathers from the wings of the blue sky had dropped and clung thert Within those jeweled cities were whole streets of goldsmiths, so great was the store of shining metal to be worked.
Beyond these Seven Cities were other rich provinces, each of which was greater than any of the famous Seven.
1. Bancroft, H. H. "History of Arizona and New Mexico," 18.
2. The standard books on the expeditions into New Mexico are: Bolton, H. E. "The Spanish Borderlands; Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1542-1700"; Bancroft, ''Arizona and New Mexico;" Lowery, W. "The Spanish Settlements within the present Limits of the United States, 1513- 1561;' Wlnship, George Parker, The Coronado Expedition; Twitchell, R. E. •'L,eadinff Facts of New Mexican History." The quotations are from the "Spanish Borderlands."
.44 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
So, as ever in these tales, the splendor within reach was (al- ready- <Jim?ned by the .splendor, beyond'! TO Cibola, th ere- fora, the friar set out on the second day .after Easter.
Continuing northward to the Gila he heard of Stephen:, accompanied; by:, .a -band of three; hundred Indians, farther on ahead toward the northeast. Fsay Marcos .followed1 in his wake, ;but s,oon 'learned b$d , njews. A fleeing Indian told df Stephen 's capture ,at ; pibola, • w^eref his ; party was met by a shower of arrows. , It was jstated by some that he fell during the attack. I/ndaunted by the news the friar Continued for- ward, going far enough^ to get a glimpse of the Seven •• Cities of Cibpla fromvar,plateaii. There :he took , possession in the name of the king and then hurried back fearful of being at- v but teaphed , Nueygi G-alicia in safety. --
In the city ! of Mexico the rdesicripti6ns J of Fray Marcos of the , great city, as /he believed hie had * seen it with his very eyes, caused. <a tumult ^Another Mexico had at last been found! , Th^j discoyery. w,as proudly, proclaimed from every pulpit. .It passed from .moutji to mouth among, the cavaliter adventuriersi, 'dfcing arid dueling away their time arid impa- tient for richer hafcairds arid hotter* work fotr their swords.
Coroiriado. Soo(n ^ everybody ;_ wanted ,toi 'go to Cibola, and in a short time tlie viceroy ' had enlisted three hundred Spani- ards land , eight hundred Indian allies to undertake !the sub- jugation k>f the1 Sieven- Cities and other 'wealthy pi^O'Vinceis beydnd. 'Coreyliado'' was "made their Racier. The -assembly took place ^ at Com^psteia in february',.' , 1540, whither the viceroy came to give his final blessing upon the vemture. Two months later ' J Cororiado was oh his wiay to'' the kingdom of fabled wealth' J
Coronado's plan was to hasten forward with a picked body of men. including the missionaries headed by Fray Marcos. Early in July he came within sight of Cibola. Bitter Was the disillusion. Instead of great '.cities glimmering in wealth the conquerors saw a crowded village which at once showed fight: The Indians were soon driven within the walls, however, but
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO &
not till Coronado had been knocked from his horse by a rock and received an arrow wound in the foot. The diefhated na- tives then deserted their stronghold. This satified the Spani- ards as it was well stocked with food. It was Hawikuh which had been won, the ruins of which are to be seen about fifteien miles southwest of Zuiii, Coronado< renamed it Granada, and there he remained till November, 154-0.
Fray Marcos soon realized that Cibola was mo place for him. It is not recorded that he was treated with violence by the disgusted soldiers, his cloak protected him, but it did not shield him from the terrible imprecations hurled at his head. His gross 'exaggeration was represented as falsehood, and he soon went south to escape the torment of his companions.
The Grand Canyon. "While Coronado was resting, his lieu- tenants were sent to explore othter provinces*, which were now reported to contain the wealth not found1 at Cibola. Captain Tovar was sent to Tuzayan, the present Moqui towns in Ari- zona. After a short encounter with the Indians they sued for pelace 'and became vassals of the king of Spain. They, to<o, had stories to tell and spoke of a great river several days' journey distant, flowing far down between red mountain walls. Captain Cardenas was sent to verify the report, and thus became the first white man to view the Grand Oanyon of the Colorado. His men made futile attempts to- descend the gorge. On one occasion three of them spent a day in try- ing, but only succeeded in goinnr on© third of the distance.
The Buffalo Country. Durinj; the absence of Cardenas visitors from the buffalo country came to call on Coronado. They were led by Bigotes, their be-whiskered chief, and sought the friendship of the Spaniards. They told of nu- merous " humpbacked cows'* near their country and brought a picture of one on a piece of hide. Alvarado with twenty men was sent to* Accompany them on the return. Going by way of Acuco and Tiguex, in ottoeir words, by way of Acoma and the Tiguex villages on the Rio Grande, he reached Cicuye on the Uppdr Pecos on the border of the plains in fifteen days. Here he was not only wieill received but picked up a find, a
46 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
really good story-teller whom he called El Turco from his ap- pearance. Before returning a trip wfas made to the buffalo plains with the new friend as guide. Once ba<ck at Tiguex, near present Beirnalillo, he found Cardenas preparing winter quialrters for the army, and here he awaited Ooronado's ar- trival. The latter had remained at Oibola till the main army came up. After a short rest it also set out to join Cardenas and Alvarado.
El Turco 's Tales. El Turco delighted the hungry fortune seekers with tales of a new El Dorado called Quivira. It was his own home, situated far to the teiast.
The chief of that country took his afternoon nap under a tall spreading tree decorated with an infinitude of little goldleta. bells on which gentle zephyrs played his lullaby. Even the common folk there had their ordinary dishes made of "wrought plate"; and the pitchers tand bowls were of solid gold.
This cheering news made the army more hopeful and en- thusiastic. But nothing could be done till spring. In the meantime trouble occurred with the natives. Chief Bigotfes was put in chains when his tribe failed to produce some gold- en bracelets said to have been stolen from El Turco. Coron- ado next demanded three hundred blankets from the Tiguas. When these were not produced the natives were stripped of their garments. They rebelled and a battle followed. Soon the) Indians begged for peace by making symbols and the Spaniards responded in like manner. But the conqueror was faithless. About twoi hundred were seized, many were burned, while the others broke away or died in the" attempt. Never -again did this people listen to proposals of peace from a race which could not be trusted.
The Expedition to Quivira. April 23, 1541, Coronado set out for Quivira under the guidance of W Turco. By June he was in westetrn Tex-as where the maijn part of the army was ordered back to Tiguex. With a chosen body of men he con- tinued, now veering to the north. In five weeks time the home of the Wichita Indians in Kansas had been Heached.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 47
There* no sparkling sails floated like petals on the clear sur- face of an immeasurable stream. No lordly chief drowsed to the murmur of innumerable bells. The w#ter pitchers on the low entrances of their grassthatched huts, were not golden. "' Neither gold nor silver nor any trace of either was found among these people,."
El Turco confessed that he had been telling lies, but insist ed that it wiais at the instigation of the* people of Cicuye, who desired that the Spaniards might perish on the plains -or com<* back in such weakened condition that tthey could easily b« overcome. After El Turco had been put to death for hJU perfidy Ooironadoi returned to Tiguex. Here exploring parties were sent up and down the river, north to Taos, and as far youth as Socorro.
The Return to Mexico. When winter came a great deial of suffering and discontent came with it. Next spring further explorations were planned, but then Coronado suffered a dan- gerous fall during a tournament. It was a long time before his recovery, and by that time he had given up all plans of conquest.
Hungry and tattered, and harassed by Indians, Coronado and his army painfully made their way back towards New Galicia. The soldiers were in open revolt; they dropped out by the scotae and went on pillaging forays at their pleasure. With barely a hundred followers, Coronado presented him- self before Mendoza, bringing with him nothing more precious than the goldplated armor in which he had) siet out two yeairs before. He had enriched neither him/self nor his king, so his end is soon told: 4<he lost his reputation, and shortly there- after the government of New Galicia."
A >remnant of the wrecked expedition remained: in New Mexico. Some Mexican Indians, whom we shall meet (again, two soldiers, whose fate* is unknown, and two missionaries and a lay brother, who suffered martyrdom in all probability, miade up this group.
The Rodriguez Expedition. During the four decades which now elapsed before New Mexico again came into prominence the frontier of Sptamish occupation had blazed new trails to-
4g NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ward the no'rth. The discovery of mines: was ever an im- poirtant factor in expansion, and when these were discovered in the San Bartolome valley it rapidly became the center of a thriving settlement. There were Santa Barbara in south- ern Chihtiahuta, (frequently written Santa Barbola in tLe early records), San Geronimo, San Bartolome and Todos Santos forming a group of towns in that vicinity. Here was stationed Fnafy Augnstiii Rodriguez, a Franciscan lay brother. who had heard iotf a great country to the north. His ftnagi- nation w&s stirred by the report and he applied to the viceroy for permission to enter the land. The request was granted, but the soldiers who were tof accompany him were limited to twenty. At the same time the latter were allowed to barter with the Indians, which made the expedition much more at- tractive. With Rodriguez
went Fray Francisco Lopez, Fray Juan de Santa Maria, nineteen Indian servants, and nine soldier-traders. The soldiers were led by Fransisco Chamuseado, "the Signed/' They were equipped with ninety hor&es, co-ats of mail for horse and rider, and six hundred cattle, besides sheep, goiats and hogs. For barter with the natives they carried mer- chandise. While the primary purpose of the stock was to» provide food on the way, the friars were prepared to remain in New Mexico if conditions were propitious.
Leaving Sainta Barbara June 5, 1581, they descended the Concbos to the Rio Grande and then followed the latter to New Mexico, visiting most of the pueblo groups along tt«e way, the Piros, Tiguas, and Tanos. At that point Father Santa Maria determined to- return for the purpose of giving an acccount of the land. There was much opposition among his companions, but he went nevertheless. There days later the Indians took his life. The rest of the party meanwhile continued northwatrd to Taos, and then lisited the buffalo plains, east of Pecos. Returning the pa cy went west to Acoma and Zuiii, where they found four Mexican Indians who had remained there! from Coronado-'s time. Practically
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 49
the entire pueblo region had been seen and they now return- ed to Santa Barbara, though Fathers Rodriguez and Lopez remained at Puaray to cfetablish a mission. January 31, 1582, the soldiers departed from Puamy. They could not march rapidly as their leader, Chamuscado, was ill. He died before they reached Santa Barbara two and one-half months later.
Espejo's Relief Expedition. Reports were now made to the viceroy on the prospects of the land. It was considered especially desirable to succor the two priests (and investigate the mining possibilities reported by the! soldiers. But before the slow moving machinery in Mexico or Spain could be set in motion a private enterprise had been organized to rescue the friars. The Franciscans were particularly anxious about their brethren, and Fray Bernardino Beltran was eager to ac- company fltnother "entrada." At the samle time there chanced to be visiting at Santa Barbara Don Antonio Espejo, a rich merchant of Mexico, who was willing to act as le'ader and pay the expenses of a relief expedition. Accordingly a party of fifteen soldiers was organized and a license secured from the "alcalde mayor" of Cuatro Cienegas. On November 10 1582, the party set out from San Bartolome equipped with one hundred and fifteen horses and mules.
Like the Rodriguez expedition Espejo's group went down the Oo-nchos to the' junction and up the Rio Grande. Above the junction the soldiers passed through Jumano villages, and after passing two other tribes entered the pueblo region. They were soon at Puaray where the death of the two miission aries, Rodriguez and Lopez, was verified. With the purpose of the journey completed they might have returned, but for this Espejo was not ready. His desire for exploration was approved by Father Beltran, and off they went to the vicini- ty of the buffalo plains. They soon returned and spent some time visiting most of the pueblos on the Rio Grain de and its branches, the Queres, S?a and Jemez. Then their path went westward to Acoma and Zuiii where they conversed with the 4
50 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Indians left by Ooronado. A part of the expedition, includ- ing Father Beltran, was now ready to return to Nueva Vizc- aya. But the rest with Espejo. were bent on finding ta. lake of gold which had been reported toward the northwest. The mythical lake eluded their grasp, but at Moqui a gift of four thousand cotton blankets was heaped upon them. These Espejo sent back to Zuni with five soldiers, while the remain- ing four accompanied him to the region of rich ores farther west. This was in the western part of Arizona, in the region of Bill Wililiiams Fork.
Back at Zuni, where Espejo now proceedeki, he found Father Beltran still waiting. But the latter was tired of wait ing and now returned to San Bartolome, while Espejo con- tinued to search for riches. Going east once m'oire1 Espejo visited the Queres, the Ubates, where mineral prospects were found, and the Tanos. Then, be'caus-e of the smallness of his following, he determined to return. Going- down the Pecos one hundred and twenty leagues the Jumanos conducted him to the Conchos, He reached San Bartolome September 20, 1583, a short time later than Father Beltran.
Results of these Entraxlas. Either of the expeditions of Rodriguez and Espejo, small as they were, accomplished al- most as much as the gre'at army which Coronado had led. In practical results they were vastly more important. Coronado's entrada had demonstrated that the Seven Citiek were a hol- low phantom. His exiploits were well nigh forgotten. But the glowing accounts of Rodriguez and Espejo stimulated new interest in the country as a field of great opportunity. A lake of gold and mining possibilities had been reported. The frontier was taglow with enthusiasm.
The Conquest of New Mexico Authorized. Meanwhile the viceroy made a report to the king regarding the Rodriguez expedition. In response came a royal cedula, April 19, 1583, instructing him to make a contract for the settlement of the new region. The royal treasury could not be drawn upon for this purpose, and the Council of the Indies had to approve whatever plans might be arranged.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 51
The Applicants. Numerous applicants soon appeared to take advantage of this order. The first was Cristobal Mar- tin, of Mexico, who made extravagant demandte. Aftei- him came Espejo, who negotiated directly with the crown. Fran- cisco Diaz de Vargas, an official of Pueblo, also sought the distinction. Each of these was ready to spend large sums of money on the enterprise.
Several years had now elapsed and nothing had been accom- plished. Before the Marquis -of Villamanrique was sent to New S^ain as viceroy the problem of choosing a suitable candidate was thoroughly considered in a "junta" which he attended. The inference is that none of those who had till then sought the privilege were judged worthy. In order that there might be no further delay Villamanrique was remind- ed of the importance of choosing a qualified leader a,t once. He was given full power, except that the project had to be m'a.dc without royal support.
Juan Bautista de Lomas y Colmenares, famed as the weal- thiest man in Nueva Galicia, was the first one of whom we have any record to petition Villamanrique for the conquest of New Mexico. Though Lomas was very exacting in his de- nraoids the viceroy approved the proposal March 11, 1589, and; it was then forwarded to Spain only to be entirely dis- regarded.
Castano's Illegal March. In the next year occurred an un- looked-for entnada which put a stop to the immediate plans for the conquest of New Mexico. It was made by Gaspar Castafio de Sosa, lieutenant governor of Nueva Leon, who effected an unlicensed entrance. From the totwn of Alamadem, now Monclova, established in 1590, he started on July 27, with more than one hundred and seventy pers'oms, including women and children. About August 21 messengers had been sent to Mexico, iamd im September the expedition halted at the Bravo for three weeks awaiting their return.3 They had probably been sent to secure the viceroy's approval for
3. Bancroft, "Arizona and New Mexico," 102' note 15.
52 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
entering New Mexico. They did not conue back. Meantime the viceroy informed the king of what had 'occurred, for on April 9, 1591, it was decreed that neither Carabajal's lieute- nant, nor anyone else, might conquer New Mexico without the viceroy's order. Moreover the king ordered that no out? named by Carabajal should be chosen to carry out the " -n- quest.4 Meanwhile Castaii-o, unaware of what was coming, led his expedition to the Pecos after overcoming numerous hardships. Late in December the first pueblo was sighted, perhaps Pecos. In the exploration that followed he> may have gone as far north as Taos, down to the Queue®, and "to the province wheire the padres were said to have been killed years before. "5 On returning from the tour to the latter place he was informed by the Indians that another body of Spaniards had arrived. It proved to be Captain Juan Morlete, who had come with fifty men to arrest him by order of the viceroy "for having made an entrada of New Mexico and enslaved some Indians without order or license "6 Cast- afio's entire force accordingly left New Mexico by way of the Rio Grande in the summer of 1591.
Leyva and Humana. About 1593 another unauthorized ex- pedition was made to New Mexico by Leyva de Bonilla and Antonio Gutierrez de Humana. They started from Nueva Vizcayia and spent about a year among the pueblos, making Stan Ildefonso their headquarters. They went east toi the buf- fale country and finally made an excursion to Kansas. On the way Humana killed Leyva, but was in turn destroyed a little later with most of his followers.
After the first of these interruptions had passed away re- newed efforts were made by wealthy individuals to win the right to settle New Mexico. Velasco was now viceroy, and to him Lomas in 1592 repeated his earlier petition. Nothing
4. "Real cedilla al virrey de la Nueva Espana," April 9, 1591 Archive General de Indias, 87-5-1
5. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 106.
6. "Real Cedula a la audiencia de Nueva Eapafia," January 17, 1593, A. G. I., 87-5-1.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 5J
<oame of his offer since the terms werte1 considered exorbitant by the king. 7 Then appeared Francisco de Urdififcla, lieu- Ijenant governor of Nueva Vizcaya, and a contract was made with him for the conquest. However he was shortly accus- ed of poisoning his wife and thus lost the opportunity. Lomas made a third1 fruitless (attempt in 1595, the last application be- fore that of Don Juan de Onate of Zacatecas.
7. "Koa.1 4-e/JuJ^i H) virre_v de Xuevu Espana," January 17, 1593i, A. G- I,
S7-S-L
4*
54 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL BEVIEW -,
Chapter II, Y
The Controversy over Onate rs Contract
Oiiate's Qualifications, It was not till 1595 that the con- quest of New Mexico was finally awarded to the man who was destined to fulfill the mission. At that time Don Jujan de Onate, the descendant of a family distinguished in the1 annals of New Spain,8 was given the contract. 9 The condi- tions under which the agreement had been arranged seemed favorable. The viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, was his inti- mate friendi,lO and had accordingly shown great generosity in placing his sanction on the entersprise.il There appeared to be no' question of Don Juan's fitness for the task, even if we consider certain stringent qualities, which, according to an earlier decision of the viceroy, a competent adelantado> must possess. On January 30, 1595, shortly after Francisco- de Urdinola had been arrested and before Onate had con- sidered going to New Mexico, Velasco lamented the fact that he knew of no one in the kingdom capable of managing such a great undertaking, "for the service of God and your ma- jesty and the good of the natives/ f!2 As a faithful servant of the* king it was his1 conviction that the conqueror must con- tinue the work of converting the heathen even though gold or silver mines might not be discovered. There was the dan- ger. The possibility of finding precious metals was a prime
8. Cornish, "The Ancestry and Family of Juan de Onate," in Stephens' and Boltoii, "The Pacific Ocean in History," 452.
S. "Petition to the viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, for the journey of ex- ploration and capitulations of the viceroy with Don Juan de Onate,
Mexico, September 21, 1595," in Hackett, C. W. "Historical Documents re- lating to New Mexico. Xueva Vizcaya, and Approaches Thereto, to 1773," 225-255. Herefter cited as Onate's contract.
10. Villagra, Capitan Caspar de, "Historia de la Nueva Mexico." (Mexico, 1900> I, 27).
11. Onate's contract, in Hackett, "Hist, Docs.," 225-255,passim.
12. Letter of Viceroy Velasco to the king, Mexico, January 30, 1595, in Ibid., 221.
THE FOUNDING OP NEW MEXICO 55
motive in any discovery, tand Velasco regretted that ordinari- ly the explorers would desert as soon as the dearth of such wealth was realized. The proposed pacification and con- version would thereby be completely defeated, the baptized Indians would at once relapse into barbarism, and the desert- ing soldiers and colonists commit outrages and lassualts on the Indians, which must invariably make the very name of Christians contemptible and odious among the heathen. The viceroy realized these facts and confessed that such had beien the experience in other explorations.13
Velasco \s discouragement over Urinolla's fate, as evidenced by the above letter, was forgotten when Onate came forward and sought to lead an expedition to the "'Oitro" Mexico.14 Various motives entered into Don Juan's determination to risk his fortune and reputation in this venture, chief of which, perhaps, was the hope of glory and material gahi. These considerations always playeid a part in any conquest under- taken by the Spaniard?. 15 Nor can we overlook the religious reason which was ever prominent in these entradias. But a different incentive also appears. Onate1 h'ad just suffered the loss of his wife, and like the famous Simon Bolivar of South America determined to conquer his grief by dedicating him- self in a greater way than before* to the service of his mia- jesty.ie.
The first negotiations seemed destined to bear fruit. In the summer of 1595 he had petitioned th© viceroy for the honor and privilege of undertaking this conquest, which had been awtaiting the beckon of some enterprising character since the days when Espejo reexplored the land and re- ported it good. To Velasco the new conquistador seemed the man for the job. Reporting to his sovereign the circumst-
13. Letter of Velasco to the king, January 30, 1595, in ibid.
14. Onate's contract, in ibid., 225.
15. Cunninghame Graham, R. B. The Conquest of New Granada, viii.
16. "Relacion que hlzo Don Luis de Velasco del estado en qtte
hallo y dexo aquel reyno quando le promevieron al virreynato del Peru, 1595," A. G. I., 2-2-4—4.
56 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ances of the contract made with Onate, he stated that Don Juan was better qualified to conquer this "new" Mexi ? than any of those who had formerly sought the honor.17 Moreover before Velasco hlad actually accepted Onate for this conquest some correspondence had taken place between the two in which the viceroy acknowledged the arreat services of Don Juan's ancestors as well as his own merits, and only re- gretted that things were in such a condition that he could not then open negotiations. 18 If additional proof of Ofiate's standing is necessary it may be observed that Martin, Lomas, and Urinola were all men of wealth and acievement, 19 and when the vicelroy stated that Don Juan de Onlate was bette- qualified than these it is evident that he was highly apprecia ed by his contemporaries.20
Family Ties. Don Juan's reputation was naturally en- hanced by the standing of his father, Don Cristobal, for after arriving in Mexico in 1524, the latter soon became en- gaged in exploring and conquering on the frontier of Nueva Galicia.2l Here he proved himself equal to the dangers and responsibilities of the frontier. In 1538, on the delath of the governor of Nueva Galicia, Don Cristobal he-Id that office a short time, and when Francisco Vazquez Coronado was nam- ed governor in 1539, he beciame lientenant governor. Heavy responsibilities soon devolved on him, for during the absence of Coronado in New Mexico the Indians of Nueva Galicia revolted, and it became his duty to quell the uprising. In doing so he distinguished himself by his prudence, justice and military skill.22 After the Mixton war, as this revolt is
17. Velasco to the king, Mexico, October 14. 1595, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.." 257. 18.Villagra, "Hlstorla," I, 27.
19. See Bancroft, 'Arizona and New Mexico. 94-100.
20. Santiago del Riego to the king, Mexico November 10, 1596, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 369 ff. Riego gave Don Juan a remarkable send- off in this letter; whether it was nobility of character, material resources, or the support of wealthy friends and relatives, ke possessed them all.
21. Cornish, op. cit., 454.
22. Bancroft, "History of Mexico, ' II, 464-465; 490.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 57
termed, was over, Don Cristobal continued his exploring activities. In fact, he is reported to have conquered and settled the major part of Nueva Galicia at his own expense.23 In 1548 we find him, in company with three notable Spanisn officers, exploring and pacifying the Indians in the* vicinity of Zacatecas.24 From the natives rumors of rich silver lodles in the) neighborhood reached them and these they soon dis- covered. So abundant were these veins that they became the four wealthiest men ib Americla at that time.25
Not much is known of Don Juan de Onate before! the year 1595. He appears to have been born in Mexico,26 but neither his native town nor the date of his birth has been preserved Our knowledge of his youth is equally meager. It seems that he entered ih& service of the king early in life. In his peti- tion to Velasco in 1595, he stated that for more than twenty years he had been engaged in fighting land pacifying the Chichimecas, Guachichiles, and other Indians of Nue»va Gali- cia and Nueva Vizcaya at his own expense.27
Influential Friends. The meritorious experiences of Onate 's youth may, indeed, not have befen different from those of many another frontier ciaptain. However the distinguished services and great wealth of his father were a marked asset in obtaining preferment in the royal service. Furthermore the Onate family was blessed with a host of friends among the best families of New Spain and Nueva Gailicia. Don Juan had mjarried into one of the famous colonial families. His wife was Isabel Tolosa Cortesi Montezuma, great grandaugh- tefr of Montezuma, granddaughter of Cortes, daughter of Juian de Tolosa and Leonor Cortes de Montezuma.28 Don
23 Onate's contract, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 227.
24. Mota Padilla, "Hist or in de la conqnista de la Nueva Galicia," 194- 195.
25. Bancroft, "Mexico," II, 554; Bolton and Marshall, ''Colonization of North America," 55.
26. Probably in 1549."Consulta en el Consejo de Indias ," April 6. 1622. A. G. I., 66-5-10.
27. Onate's contract, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 227.
28. Bolton, "Spanish Borderlands," 170; Cornish, op. cit., 459, and table facing 452.
58 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Juan's four brothers, Don Fernando, Don Cristobal, Luis Nunez Perez, and Don Alonso. were all wealthy and rendered valuable assistance in the conquest <of New Mexico. Of these the first three and Maria de Gralarsa, their only sister, mar- ried successfully.29 Don Alonso seems to have remained single.
Don Juiaai also had the support of four famous nephews, the Zaldivar brothers, Cristobal, Francisco, Juan and Vi- cente, who achieved distinction in the service of the king.30 In addition he had the support of Diego Fernandez de Vel- asco, governor of Nueva Vizcaya, with whom he had con ferred in regard to the contract ;31 of Rodrigo del Rio de Dosa, who had been instrumental in opening up mines in Nueva Vizciaiya, a man who possessed enormous cattle ranches there and had at one time been governor of the same1 province ;3^ of Santiago- del Riego, an "oidor1" of the' audiencia of Mexico, who in 1596 had spent thirty-three years in audiencia service ;33 of Maldonado, likewise1 of the aud&encia ; of Don Antonio de Figueroa ; Ruy Diaz de Mendoza ; floid Juan Cortes, great grandson of Cortes. 34 These are the names of some of the influential men who encouraged Onatfe> and sup- ported him in the proposed oonquest. Moreover Velasco the viceroy always dealt liberally with him and recommended him
29. Cornish, op cit.. 461-462. Mrs. Cornish states that Luis Nunez was un- married, which is an error. He was married to a daughter of Vicente de Zaldivar. "Memoria de carsros y capitulos que se averigruaran contra H Doctor Valderrama Mexico, 1610.
A. G. I., Camara, no 273.
30. Cornish, op. cit., 463. There has been some argument as to whether the Zaldivar brothers were Oriate's coxisins or nephews. In the documents they are always referred to as "sobrinos," never as cousins. Cf. Bancroft «'Arizona and New Mexivo," 117 note 9.
31. Villagra, "Historia," I, 28.
32. Bolton and Marshall, "Colonization," 56, 58; Hackett, "Hist Docs," 16. 17.
33. Santiago del Riego to the king, November 10, 1596, in ibid., 369-375; cl. Villagra, ''Historia" I. 28.
34. Villagra, "Historia," I., 28-29. Villagra states that the greater num- ber of these men were descendants of Juan de Tolosa, founder of Zaca- tecas, and of the illustrious Salas, its first alcalde.
THE POUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 59
to the king for the' bestowal oif greater favors,35 so long as these demands did not exceed or controvert the royal ordi- nances of 1573, regulating new discoveries. Velasco was a very popular ruler, intelligent and learned. He had resided in the country many years and had occupied various important positions. As viceroy he was accordingly beloved by his people. This fact helps us to understand his g'enerous 'attitude toward! Don Juan de Onate.36
The Petition and Contract. The lengthy document in which Don Juan presented his petition for the conquest of New Mexico was read before the vicerroy on September 21, 1595.37 He examined the petition and contract, and gave a detailed opinion <)<n every proposal in the form of extensive marginal notes. Most of the proposals were accepted without change; some were modified ; and others rejected outright. Several copies of the contract have recently comle to light as the re- sult of investigations in the Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain, proving abundantly that it is the dlocument by which Onate was awarded the discovery and conquest of New M'ecx- ico.38
The only writer who has seen or made any use of this con- tract is Josiah Gregg. He obtained a copy of the document from the Secretary of State1 at Santa Fe, and gave a brief fle- sume thereof in his "Commerce of the Prairies." He accur- ately stated the proposals made by Onate, but gave no indi- cation a® to what demands were* griatnted or rejected by the viceroy in his marginal decrees. Gregg merely satisfied him- self with the generalization that "although these exorbitant demands wer^e not all conceded, they go to demonstrate by what incentives of pecuniary interest, as well of honors, the
35. Oiiate's contract, in Hackett, "Hist, Docs.," 235, 237, 243.
36. Bancroft, "Mexico," II, 758; Riva Palacio, "Mexico a traves de los Hitflos," II, 449.
37. Onate's contract, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 225-255. According to Villagra, the poet and historian of the expedition, the viceroy made a contract with Onate on August 24, 1595. There is no evidence to support this statement.
38. Two copies of the contract are in A. G. I., 1-1-3 — 22; another in 58-3-15; another in 58-3-12; another 58-3-14.
60 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Spanish monarch sought the ' descubrimiento, pacificacion $ conversion,' as they modestly termed it, of the poor ^aborigines of America. "39 Nor does Gregg have any information of the delays and changes that occurred with the coming of the new viceroy, the Count of Montetrey. Bancroft was unable to find a copy of this document so he followed Gregg in his narra- tive.40
Terms of the Contract. According to the terms of the con- tract which Onlaite had entered into he was obliged to recruit a minimumi of 200 men, fully equipped with the necessary suppies and provisions. This was to be done entirely at his own, cost, though he was permitted to enlist soldiers; defray- ing their own expenses. The royal treasury was not to be called upon to provide salaries for any part of the army what- ever. Don Juan offered, among other things, to take 1000 helad of cattle, 3000 sheep for wool, another 1000 for mutton, 1000 goats, 100 head of black cattle, 150 colts, 150 mares, quantities of flour, corn, jerked beef, and sowing wheat. There were also numelrous minor articles including horseshoe iron and nails, footgear, medicine, bellows iron tools of vari- ous kindjs, gifts to th'e Indians, cloth and plalper1. These sup- plies were to be held in reserve till the new settlements should be reached, but in case of extreme necessity could be used while on the march. For this latter purpose additional sup- plies were to be furnished by Onate.4l
Don Juan realized the necessity of .providing regally fotr his own needs on this great expedition. His wardrobe was there fore carefuly selected. As part of his personal equipment he agreed to take twenty-five horses, a like number of mules with mules, six light cavalry saddles, six trooper's saddles, six hiarness, two coaches with mules, two iron-tired carts with leather shields, six lances, twelve halberds, six coats of mail, six cuishes, six helmets with beavers, six sets of horse armor.
39. Gregg, Josiah. "Commerce of the Prairies," I, 117-'19.
40. Bancroft, "Arizona and New Mexico," 116-117.
41. Onate's contract ,in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 227-229.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO ol
six harquebuses, six swords and daggers, two complete cor- selets, two stands of arms, and six buckskin jackets. These things Onate promised to halve in readiness art Santa Barbara by the end >of March, 1596, but with this the viceroy was not satisfied and required him to be ready two months earlier.42
Onate's Titles Onate was granted the titles of governor -and1 captain-general for two generations on condition that he fulfill his part of the contract. The viceroy promised to sup- plicate the king to extend this period an 'equal length of time. He was. also to have the title of adelantado on taking posses- sion of the land. This honor was to endure as long as the governorship, and Velasco agreed to« seek a similar extension of the office.43
Aid Furnished by the Crown. To minister unto the Spani- ards and convert the natives Onate was granted five priests and a lay brother, with all nec'essary equipment, ia,t royal ex- pense. To aid in maintaining peace in the province he was allowed three field! pieces, thirty quintals of powder, one hundred quintals of lead .and one dozen coate of mail, though he had to pay ftfr the latter item. 44 Onate also secured a six year loan of 6000 pesos ;45 much more had been requested. In addition he might requisition the carts and wagons needed.46
An eagerly sought privilege granted Onaite was the right of "encomienda" for three generations. Landi was to be given the settlors, and they were to be ennobled and to be- come hidalgo® with the right to enjoy "all the honors and
privileges that all noblemen and knights of the kingdom
of Castile en joy. "47
42. Onate's contract, ibid, 229.
43. Onate's contract, ibid. 235-237.
44. Onate's contract, ibid., 231.
45. Onate's contract, ibid., 237. Many accounts state that Onate receiv- ed 10,000 pesos, of which 4,000 were a gift. See Torquemada, "Monarchic Indiana," I. 670; Rivera Cambas, "I^os grobernantes de Mexico," I, 70 Vetancurt, ''Cronica." 95; Calle, "Memorial y Noticias Sacrns," 102; Cavo, "L.08 tres siglos de Mexico," I, 226.
46. Onate's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 231-233.
47. Onate's contract, ibid., 237-239.
62 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Furthermore Onate was to receive a salary of 6000 ducats^S to name the officials of the expedition,49 appoint and remove alguaciles, set up a royal treasury and mine its official!sr exploit mines though paying only a tenth instfelaid of the usuai fifth,50 erect forts, suppress rebellion, make laws and divide the land into governmental districts. 51 These powers were not absolute, but usually limited to approval by the crown.
Two articles of Onate rs contract were of special signifi- cance. In the first place he was made directly subject to the Council of the Indies. Under this arrangement neither the viceroys of New Spain nor neighboring audienclas could in- terfere in the administration of his government. This pro- vision was considered of prime importance by Onate. It meant that he would, to all intents land purposes, be entirely independent. He would not be subject to any petty intier- fdrence from officials in Mexico. Only to the Council of the Indies in Spain would he be required to remder account of his actions. From New Mexico Seville woud indeed be far, far away.52
In the second place Onate might recruit men in any part of the kingdom of Spain. This was in a manner corollary to the above privilege. When in need of reinforcements, which must inevitably be secured in New Spain or Nueva Galicia, it would not be necessary to ask permission firom the viceroy or audi- encia. Such subservience involved the possibility of refusal, and, at a critical time, might mean the difference between success and failure to the conquerors of New Mexico. The fact that Velasco approved Onfcte's request for these favors Is not startling, for it was done by authority of the royal or- dinances of 1573 regulating new conquests.53
48. Ibid., 241.
49. Ibid., 239.
50. Ibid., 243.
51. Ibid., 245.
52. Onate's contract. Ibid., 247; cf, Cunningham, "The: Audienela In the Spanish Colonies," 21-24; 29.
53. Onate's contract ,in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 247. In 1573 was Issued a set of ordinances governing new discoveries, conquest, and pacifications. They were intended to govern and control all exploration and settlement
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 63
Some additional points in Onate's agreement with the vice- roy deserve mention. Practical freedom was given him in levying tribute ; neighboring officials were to give all possible assistance in the enterprise; OQate might annually bring two ships duty free to his proving; provisions for the colony were exempt for ten years and supplies for Onate's household for twenty years, while excise taxes were not to foei paid for twenty years. In each case an extension of these privileges was s-ought.54
Some of the outstanding requests refused by the viceroy included thiei giving of encomiend'as to Onate's brothers in Mexico55 and the right of the adelantado to ^appoint a sub- stitute that he might leave the province.56
On his part Don Juan obligated himself to execute the con- quest "in all pmce, friendship and Christianity. " At the same time he asked that instructions be given him for his guid- ance in settling the problems that would arise in New Mexico. This was promised, land they were issued a short time later.57
In order to insure success Onate requested that his patent of discovery and expiration should take precedence over that of any other person who might conceivably come from Spain with -another capitulation signed by the king. To this Velasco replied that he was making the contract "by commission and ordieir of his majesty", and that it should take effect from the day c<n which it was signed and sealed. 58 In case another should come from Spain with prior rights he was reserved the
undertaken in the colonies, and were addressed to the viceroys, presidents, audiencias, governors, and all other persons whom they might in any man- ner concern. See "Ordena.nzas de su magestad hechas para los nuevos descubrimientos, conquistas y pacificaciones. - Julio de 1573," in "Col Dot\ Ined.," XVI. 142-187.
54. Onate's contract, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 247-249.
55. Ibid., 245.
56. Ibid., 249.
57. Ibid., 233. They were issued on October 21, 1595.
58. Ibid., 251. There is no documentary evidence that this was not on September 21, 1595. Torquemada and Calle state the capitulations were finished on September 30. Torquemada, "Monarchia Indiana," I, 670; Calle, "Noticias," 102. I believe it perfectly certain from the contract that the former date is the correct one.
64 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
privilege to collect from the intruder any expenses that mignf already have been incurred for the expedition.59 Finally the viceroy pledged in the name of the king to carry out the agree- ment in full and to petition for the many addition/a! favors and privileges sought by the Zaeatecas applicant.
In this manner the Spanish conquerors enumerated their own obligations and the concessions which the king must grant them before they would risk their lives and fortunes in seeking wealth and glory in new conquests. Onate 's contract, was in no wise extraordinary. It was typical of the capitul- ations made by all the conquerors from the earliest time. It illustrates the devious paths a man must follow if he desired to win glory in subjugating new lands and rescuing the souls of the aborigines.
A Change of Viceroys. It was unfortunate for the hero of our stotry that a change of viceroys should be made at the very time when the contract was under consideration. Such how- ever was the case. On September 18, 1595,the fleet from Spain arrived at San Juan de Ulloa, bringing Don Gaspar de Zuriiga y Acevedo, the Count of Monterey, who was to serve as vice- roy of New Spain. At the same time the incumbent, Don Luis de Velasco, was promoted to the viceroyalty of Peru.60 The Count thus arrived to take charge of his new province three days before Velasco accepted Onate as the conqueror of New Meixico and concluded a contract with him for that purpose.
The Oculma Conference. The arrival of ta new viceroy call- ed for ceremonies and formalities. These took place at the village of Oculma, six league® from the city of Mexico, whither Velasco proceeded to welcome the new official. 61 Amid the
59. Ibid., 251-253. Professor Hackett's statement that if "a , person should come from Spain with a similar contract signed by the king, this was not to annul his contract, but on the other 'hand he was to be permitted to execute it notwithstanding," is not in accord with the documents which he edits. Ibid., 196. The viceroy approved the contract, and sent it to the king for final confirmation, reserving to Onate the right to collect from his rival should one be sent by the king in the meantime.
60. Velasco's commission was signed June 5, 1595. Bancroft, ''Mexico," II, 766.
61. Torquemada, ''Monarchia Indiana," I, 670.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 65
festivities of the occasion the two viceroys confeirre'd on the problems that the Count would at once be called upon to face.62 These dealt with Vizcaino's expedition to tbei Califor- nias; the sending of the annual supply ships to the Philip- pines , providing the retiring viceroy with some means of go- ing to his new charge in Peru; and the Onate expedition for the exploration and pacification of New Mexico. With so many big undertakings to deal with at once the Count's equanimity was somewhat ruff led. 63 But he went to work with a will and secured from his predecessor an idea of tihe things that must be done.64
Up till the present time little oir nothing has been known of the Ocutaa conference which took place sometime between October 14 and November 5, the date on which Monterey enter- ed the city of Mexico. 65 In a letter to the king written in Mex- ico on October 14 Velasco mentioned] the arrival of Monterely at San Juan de Ullo>a on September 18, but said nothing of having seen him. On the contrary he wrote "In the few days that remain from now until the Count will enter this city, I will hasten to do, as I ought what your majesty orders me by it ; iand what I am not able to do I will communicate to the Count so that he may carry it out. . . ."66
From the above it is clear that the two officials did not meet before October 14. That they met directly thereafter seems equally certain. Wrting in 1619, Martin Lopez de Gauna, then "escribano mayor," stated that on October 21, 1595, Viceroy Monterey chose Don Juan de Oiiate as gover-
62. "Relacion que hizo Velasco," 1595. Cf. Martin Lopez de Gauna to Cristobal de Onate and L,uys Nunez Perez, A. G. I., 58-3-15.
63. Monterey to the king, February 28, 1596, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.", 259.
64. "Relacion que hizo Velaaco, 1595. The document is not signed nor is the specific date given. However it was written before Christmas, 1595. All the letters that went by that dispatch boat were dated between December 16 and 23. The next batch of letters were sent by the second dispatch boat and were written on February 28, 1596.
65. Torquemada, "Moiiarehia Indiana," I, 671.
66. Velasco to the king, October 14, 1595, in Hackett, ''Hist. Docs.," 255.
6'ft NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
nor of New Mexico. 67 Furthermore it was on October 21 that TelasGO issued the instructions to- Oilate which he was to ob- serve in New Mexico and on the way thithe'r.68 The fact that these instructions were released on the same date confirm® Gauna's testimony. Velastco's action in issuing them was elearly the result of Monterey's provisional approval as- given at Oeulma on October 21.
The Contract Approved.' Conditionally. In regard to what actually occurred at Oeulma we have brief accoiunts by both of the principal actors. 69 The retiring viceroy, it is clear, laid the entire subject of the Oiiate expedition before the Count.70 This was in accord with Onate rs wish, for he did not want to go ahead; with his preparations until assured that the new viceroy would approve the contract which Velasco had made. 71 At the time of their meeting affairs had pro- gressed to such an extent that it required! but a nod of assent from Monterey to nuafce the contract a legal document. The Count would then hav« been unable to make any changes should he later have deemed it expedient, without proceeding against Onate in the courts. Monterey hesitated but finally refus'ed! to give the requisite approval till he could examine Don Juan's qualifications for the task and the provisions of the contract with care, and he contended that this could not be done without going to Mexico city. 72
Realizing that the fortunes of his friend were in serious
67. Martin Lopez de Gatma, May 20, 1619. A. G. I., 58-3-18.
68. "Copia do la instruceion a Onate," October 21, 1595, A. G. I., 58-3-15.
69. "Relaeion quo hi/.o Velaseo," 1595; "eopia de un capitiilo de carta One *1 vlrrey Don l-uis de Velasco scrivio a su niagrestad," December* 23, 1595, A. G. I., 58-3-15; caria del Conde de Monterey a S. M. Mexico, Febr- uary 28, 1596, A. G. I., 58-3-15.
70. Martin Lopez de Gauna to Cristobal de Onate and Luis Nunez Perez, A. G. I., 58-3-15; "relaoion qne hhso Velasco," 1595; "carta del Conde de Monterey a S. M.." February 28, 1596.
71. Onate to Monterey, Rio de Nasas, September 13, 1595, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 363.
72. Carta del Conde de Monterey a S. M.," February 28, 1596. Monterey's approval of the contract, after Velasco had laid it before him, is confirm- ed by Velasco. "Kelaeion que hizo Velasro," 1595; "el Consejo de I ml ins it S. M.," Madrid, June 9, 1600, A. G. I., 1-1-3—22.
'THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 67
Veiasco now proposed that Don Juan should be given his patents and commissions, and he even went so far in his anxiety for Ofiate '$ welfare that he agreed to assume the res- ponsibility for his choice as leader of the enterprise.73 Villagra -says that V^laseot gave Monterey such abundant and convin- cing proof of the refutation and standing -of Don Juan and Ms family that no one in New Spain could rival him as the right choice for the leadership of the expedition.74 Under such circumstances Monterey felt obligevd to permit the issu- ance of Ofiate 's warrants on October 21, 1595. Nevertheless this sanction was merely provisional. In reglaird to the actual provisions of the contract, no final decision was reached. It was agreed, because Velasco insisted upon it, if we are to be- lieve Monterey, that he was to study the contract somejwhat at his leisure. Should he deem it desirable that any Alterations be made he was to be at liberty to do< so. This is the Count's version of the affair ait any rate',75
According to Villagra Onate's diplomatic procedure at this particular time in securing the provisional permission to con- tinue the expedition was of significance. He dispatched a courteous letter to the new viceroy congratulating him on his arrival in New Spiadn, and the Count made a gracious reply in which he expressed regret that Velasco had not concluded negotiations with Ofiate, as he was an official of greiat pru- dence and distinction.76
Judging from the above it is at least clear that the two viceroys were not in complete accord. Velasco, the retiring of- ficial, who did not sail for Peru till February, 1596,77
73. "Carta del Coiide do Monterey a S. M.," February 28, 1596.
74. Villagra, "Historia," I, 31
75. «'Carta del Conde de Monterey a S. M., February 28, 15196.
76. Villagra, "Historia," I. 32, 34. These letters are not extant. Ofiate states that he welcomed the viceroy on his arrival. Ofiate to Monterey, September 13, 1596, in Hackett, "Hist. Does.," 363. Villagra goes on to say that the Count of Monterey approved all that had been discussed between Ofiate and Velasco without changing anything whatsoever, and that he did this by ordering Ofiate to depart without delay and wishing both divine and viceregal blessings on the enterprise. Villagra, "Historia," I, 32.
77. ''Don Lui8 de Velam-o a S. M.." February 25, 1596, A. G. I., 88-6-2.
68 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
tinued to follow the Onjate expedition closely. On December 23, in a short letter" to the king regarding this matter, he gave an explanation of what had occurred. He said the pacific- ation of New Me-xico was still in Onate 's hamds, but on certain conditions. From the letter it does not appear what these provisos were, but it probably refers to the provisional sanc- tion given by Monterey at Oculma.78
That the contract was merely given provisional approval by the Oooint is confirmed by Oiiate also. He states that he re- ceived a letter from the new viceroy, dated a/t Oculma, in which Monterey "not only approved and! confirmed what
Velasco had done, but ordered me to gather my provisions
and ammunition in the shortest time possible for the said ex- pedition, promising in the same letter toi examine the articles of the agreement and send them to me. after correcting in them anything that seemed to need it "79
It is clear that the outcome of the first tilt with Montere\y did not seem unfavorable, and Oiiate expected to receive his final papers SOOD. But it took the Count a long time before he found the opportunity or the 'desire to review these negotia- tions. He complained it was because of the large amount of business on hand. 80 As we shall soon see Villagra gave a very different explanation and ascribed the delay to the machin- ations of Oiiate 's enemies. 81 Whatever the cause may have been Oiiate had to wait two months before anything was done by Monterey in this matter.
Meanwhile Onate 's brothers, Cristobal and Luis Nunez
78. "Copia de uii .eapitulo de carta que el virrey Don I/uis de Velasco scrivio a su magestad." December 23, 1595, A. G. I., 58-3-15. Bancroft ac- cepts the view that Monterey had requested Velasco to delay matters, "Arizona and New Mexico," 118.
79. Onate to Monterey, September 13, 1596, in Hackett, "Hist Docs.," 363.
80. "Copia de un eapitulo de carta que el virrey Don Liuis de Velasco scrivio a su magestad," December 23, 1595. Bancroft's argument is that Monterey opposed Onate's capitulation because he favored Don Pedro Ponce de Leon. "Arizona and New Mexico," 118. There is nothing to sup- port this view. Ponce was backed by the Council of the Indies.
81. Villagra, "Historia," I. 30. Cf. ch. 4 of this work.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 69
Perez,82 represented him. in Mexico with the power of attorney which had been given them at Zacatecas on October 19, 1595.83 On December 15 they appeared before Martin Lopez de^ Gauna, the ' ' secretalriio de gobernacion'7 in Mexico, and accejpted the capitulations made by Velasico with Don Juan for the conquest of New Mexico. They bound him to fulfill his duties in every respect and promised that he would not deviate one iota from the instructions which the viceroy had promulgated for his guidance on October 21.
Oiiarte's Instructions. It is of interest to note the nature of the instructions which the viceroy had issued to Onate to guide his conduct in the conquest of New Mexico. 84 They illustrate how thoroughly conquering expeditions were clothed in mis- si onaJry disguise. According to the law it was the chief de- sire of the crown to Christianize and civilize the natives. As a matter of fact conquerors undertaking to pacify new regions were usually bent on individual profit and glory.
First of all, Onaite was instructed to take oiath and render homage to Vicente de Zaldivar. the king 's ' ' teniente de capitan general de Chichimecas." He was reminded that the chief purpose of the expedition wa,s to ??e!rve God OUT Lord, to ex tend the holy Catholic faith, and to conquer and pacify the natives of the provinces of New Mexico. To this end the ut- most efforts should be e«xerted without violating his own self- respect or oath of fealty. He was to fulfill, in every regard, the royal 'ordinances of 1573 regulating new conquests, and the contract made with him in accordance with those laws ; to
82. Villagra is therefore mistaken when he says: '•Y luego embio poder a don Fernando, A don Christoval, y a Luys Nunez Perez, Trmbien a don Alonso sus hermanos, . . , Estos capitulnron la Jornada, . . ."
Villagra, "Historia," I. 28.
80. "Acei>tivcion de las capitulaciones," December 15, 1595, A. G. I., 58-3-12. "Parecieron el thesorero Luys Nunez Perez y Don Xpoual de Onate . . . y dixoron que en virtud del poder que tienen de Don Juan de Onate que passo ante pedro venegas scriva.no rl de minas y registros de la ciudad de nuestra senora de las cacatecas ..."
84. "Oopia de la instruction a Onate," October 21, 1595, A. G. I., 58-3-15.
5*
70 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
carry out the march with great care and discipline, informing the settlers and soldiers that in every case they must treat the Indians with such kindness -as to insure peace.
Disorders must not be allowed. The missionaries were to be treated with consideration, for how otherwise would the natives obey the padres? Only honorable means were to be used in converting the Indians, and interpreters should be pro- cured, if possible.
In view of the belief in a mythical Strait of Anian which connected the Atlantic and the Pacific,85 Onate was instruct- ed to inform the viceroy of New Spain of his discoveries in the "North Sea" without delay. Careful reports were to be mad'/ on the coastline. Harbors were not to be used till proper re- gulations could be mnde. for the great secret must not be en- dangered. If an enemy learned of these things it would P'eir- haps rob the Spaniards of the fruits of their discovery.
The Indians were to be persuaded to serve the white man, forced labor being prohibited. This applied to mining a® well as to o<ther occupations. Success in handling the Indians would eliminate the necessity of bringing in negros, which alway* complicated the problem of f-'overnment.
All of these things Onjate was to observe with the diligence and care appropriate in oirder that the conquest might redound to the service of God, the growth of the holy Catholic faith, and of the royal crown. 8 6
Monterey's Delays. Between the time of the issuance of theses instructions and the coming of Monterey Don Juan was busy preparing1 his expedition.87 Seemingly he did not think of obstructions being thrown in his way. But many were in store far him, due to the arival of a new viceroy. It is true that Monterey was reputed to be a very excellent man, but he was otherwise unknown. He soon proved to be a very cautions
85. Bancroft gives a description of the current Spanish ideas of the Northern Mystery. "Arizona and New Mexico," 13-15.
86. "Copia de la instruction a Onate."
87. Villagra, "Historla," I, 31.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 71
official deliberating policies fully. 88 This caution on his part with the resultant delay gave rise to most of Onate 's difficul- ties, and to they judgment which contemporaries formed of Monterey. Torquemada could only call him a well intentioned man! He lacked the vision of a good mler.89
Considering these characteristics of the new viceroy it is easier to fallow his course of action in regard to the projected conquest of New Mexico, which had besn postponed until he could familiarize himself with the whole affair.90 On Decem ber 20, 1595, he wrote a short letter to the king, stating that he had not yett reached any conclusion regarding the appro- priateness of Onate 's contract. 01 He therefore asked the king to await additional information before approving the con- tract, for he feared that efforts were being miade on Don Juan's part to seeure final confirmation directly from the king.92
Ofiate Appeals to the Crown. Onate had been growing im- patient while this long drawn out delay was slowly wearing itself away. Unable to secure the expected confirmation from the viceroy, he had, /as Monterey feared, appealed directly to the king.93 Onate recalled the distinguished services of his
88. Bancroft, "Mexico." II, 766 ff; Rivera Cambas, "L,os gobernantes de Mexico," I, 71.
89. Torquemada, "Monarchia Indiana," I., 671; Rivera Cambas, op, cit,
90. «'Carta del Conde do Monterey a S. M., February 28, 1596.
91. Monterey to the king, December 20, 1596, in Hackett, "Higt. Docs.," 257-259. This is apparently a contradiction, for Onate's letter of December 16, 1595, mentions one specific limitation made by Monterey, namely, in regard to ordinance 69, which provided that he should be directly sub- ject to the Council of the Indies.
92. Monterey to the king, December 20, 1595, in Hackett, "Hist. Docs.," 259. Villagra says that the Count was doing this secretly:
"Y con esto escriuio tambien a Espana, «on notable sccreto y gran recato, A vuestra Real Consejo que si fuessen, De parte de don Juan a que aprouasen, Aqueste assiento y causa ya tratada, Se suspendiese todo y dilatase, Hasta qiie el de otra cosa diesse auiso." See his "Historia," I. 30.
93. "Curtn de don Juan de Onute u S. M.," December 16, 1595, A. G. I., 5S-3-15.
72 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
father in the conquest of Nueva Gralicia and his own deteir- minaion to spend life and fortune in a similar cause. His contract had been accepted by Velasco. Excessive delays which had intervened were damaging the expedition materially, and he humby sought a favorable decree from the king in a cause which was so important to the royal service. Onate emphasized the fact that he had not contracted for anything besides what was granted in the ordinances of 1573, due to the fact that Lomas andi Urdinola had failed in the same cause since their demands had been deemed exorbitant.94 But he did make one urgent request. He desired to be directly subject to the Coun- cil of the Indies, in accordance with the law, which would make him independent of the viceroy of New Spain and the audiencra's.95 This had been granted by Veliisiio but vetoed by Monterey. 96
No relief followed this petition. The Count 's report of December 20, and Onate 'si appeal of December 16, were evi- dently received by the Council of the Indies at the same time and the viceroy's acted upon first. 97 Onate 's meissage was considered on March 11, 1595.98 The Council heaJrtily encour-
94. The statement Onate here makes is bombastic if Monterey spoke the truth when he said that he modified Onate's contract to make it simi- lar to UrdinoLi's. Five out of the eight articles modified were fashioned after that model. It seems to be true however that Lomas' contract was very extravagant. Bancroft, "Arizona and New Mexico," 99-100.
95. No. 69 the "Ordenances de su Magestad hechas para los; nuevos des- cubrimientos . . . Julio de 1573," in "Col. Docs. Ined.," XVI, 161.
96. See below.
97. This is inferred from the decree of the Council in regard to Onate's request, which read, "que esta bien como se a respondido al virey." De- cree in "Carta de don Juan de Onate a S. M.t" December 16, 1595. The reply here referred to is unquestionably the decree which appears on Velasco's letter of October 14, 1595, informing the king of the contract made with Onate. It was acted upon by the Council on March 4, 1596. The decree reads: "Al Conde de Monterey se escrivia con esta rrelacion, encar- gandole que entendido el estado en que dexa don Luys la guerra a esta pacificacion lo procure fauorecer para que se continue como cosa que se ha deseado y ynporta, y abise de todo la que se hiziere. Hay una rubrica." Decree in "Carta de don I.uis de Velasco a S. M., October 14. 1595, A. G. I., 58-3-12.
98. See "Carta de don Juan de Onate a S. M.," December 16, 1595. "Vista en XI de Marco, 1596."
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 73
aged Don Juan but aside from thai simply asked the viceroy and audiencia1 of New Spain to make/ further reports in this matter. Meanwhile no changes were to be made. 99
Monterey's Decision. The Count of Monterey seems to have been somewhat inconsistent. At the time that he asked the king not to approve Ofiate's pretensions he had already com'e to a decision in regard tor at least one point. He had re- jected the article permitting the governor of New Mecxico to be immediately subject to the Council of the Indies.100 All other doubts weire cleared up immediately after the sending of the letter of December 20. In his next report to the crown the Count stated that he had come to a decision in regard to Onate 's contract during the Christmas holidays. 101 On that occasion his capitulations were carefully compared with those formerly made with Lomas and Urdinolb, likewise for the con- quest of New Mexico, and his conclusion was to< limit some of the articles granted by Velasco even though they might be sanctioned by the laws of 1573. Monterey professed to have many reasons for acting in such a manner, the gist of which was that if Onate merited reward it could be given in the fu- ture.
Reasons for his Actio-n. The viceroy went on to explain his treatment of Onate at some length. Ogano's expedition to the Philippines, in which it seem he was particularly interested, and Vizcaino's expedition to the Calif ornias were being re- cruited at the same time. He desi;red to speed up the former, and therefore:' had not allowed Onate more than one recruit- ing squad although he thereby delayed the organization of his arm}7. His reasion for this was practical enough as he feared that so many simultaneous efforts to fill the requisite quotas would lead to serious trouble with the Indians. In former years there had been much difficulty in recruiting the neces- sary men for the Philippine service. "While the troops were
99. Ibid. "Informen cerca desto virey y audiencia y en el entretanto no se liaga nobedad."
100. Tsrrta de don Junn tie Onate a S. M., December 16, 1595.
101. "C.irta del Comle cle Monterey a S. M., February 28, 1596.
74 -STEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
being enlisted tlie city of Mexico* would be in a state of tur- moil, since compulsion was frequently resorted! to in order to- get the desired number. Accordingly Monterey wanted to- send off the more diffiout seta- expedition, fearing that every- body would flock to Onate's standard as he would goi by land. The results were as expected. Ogano had no difficulty filling his quota, and thus at the' time Monterey was writing, Febr- uary 28, 1596, he had already permitted Oiiate the privilege of sending out aditional recruiting squads both in Mexico and in Nueva Galicia.102 Monterey's caution in regard to arousing the Indians was in acc>c\rd with his general policy as viceroy- He was determined to settle the Indian problem of New Spain which his predecessor had not accomplished. For that reason he did not wish to incur the hatred of the natives before at- tempting to carry out the plans of his administration. 103
In a-dldition the new viceroy was -opposed to some parts of Onate's contract, and he requested that these be not granted. He had conferred with his advisers in New Spain who were better infoJrmed in such matters, and they supported him. Onate's independence of the viceroy of New Spain was not al- lowed. 104 Monterey felt that there was too great danger in giving him such freedom. The king's subject in New Spain should hteve recourse to the crown thejre. and not only in dis- tant Spain. He considered it even less tolerable that there should be no appeal to the audiencias, as was provided in Onate's contract. The audiencia served as a check on the vi- ceroy ; was it fitting that a mere governor should be complete- ly unrestricted? Moreover doubts were cast on Onaters fit ness for the position of governor of New Mexico He Locked property and funds, and was burdened with debts, so it was said. 105 These aspersions oniue at a critical moment. Pre- viously, on December 20, 1595, Monterey advised delay. Now,
102. Ibid.
103. Bancroft, 'Mrxh-o," II, 767; Rivera Cambas, op. rit.. I, 71-72.
104. See below.
105. *'Carta del Conde do Monterey a S. M.," February 28, 159G.
THE FOUNDING OF NEAV MEXICO 7o
two months later, he not only recommended reservations but actually cast serious reflections on Onate 's ability to carry out the conquest. These statements were duly considered by the Council of the Indies. They ciaane at the time when Dor* Pedro Ponce de Leon was seeking the Council's permission to replace Onate as governor of New Mexico.
The Modifications. The limitations made by Monterey in Onate 's contract were finally made known at Christmas time, 1595. Notice of what the viceroy had decided upon was sent to Luis Nunez Pe"rez and Cristobal, Onate 's brothers who re presented him in Mexico. The modifications follow.106
First, the right to enlist soldiers and colonists was limited to the expedition then being prepared by Onate. If reinforce- ments were needed a special order must be sought from the viceroy. The appointment of the commissioned officers was limited in the same way.
Second, Oilate's right to appoint royal officials with suit able salaries was limited so that their pay should not exceed that of the officials in Mexico.
Third, instead of being independent of the viceroy and audi encia in Mexico, Onate was macl'e responsible to the viceroy in all matters of war and finance, and to the audiencia of Mexico in judicial and administrative affairs.
Fourth, Onate had been permitted to send some ships to the "North Sea" which he was about to discover. This privilege was withdrawn.
Fifth, the Indians were to be persuaded, if possible, to pay tribute voluntarily. The governor might determine the amounti, but he was required to seek the advice of the royal officials and of the prelates of the religious orders.
Sixth, all encomiendas of Indians granted by Onate must be reported to the king and confirmation secured within three yearn
106. Martin Lopez de Gauna to Cristobal de Onate and Luis Nunez Perez (December, 1596?) A. G. I., 58-3-15.
76 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Seventh, the honor of becoming hidalgo with the same pri- vileges as nobility of that rank enjoyed in Spain, was limited to those who persevered in the conquest for five years.
Eighth, Onate was ordered to pay for the thirty quintals of powder and) one hundred quintals of lead which the king was to provide.
Acceptance of the Modifications. Cristobal de Onate had been informed of these limitations of his brother's capitula- tions by Martin Lopez de Gauna, the "secretario de gober- nacion," without delay, it seems.107 But in view of the fact tha/t Don Juan's privileges had been so severely curtailed Cristobal protested. In assuming this conquest it was his brother's principal motive, as well as his own, to continue to serve the king as their family had hitherto done. 108 It was in thiait manner they hoped to win reward, rather than by seek- ing the fulfillment of those provisions in the contract which Monterey had limited. For that reason he consented to the modification of Onate 's contract, as the Count had stipulated, in order that the expedition might go on. Obviously that was the 'only course open to him. Cristobal made one reservation, however. He retained the privilege of appealing to the king for the restoration of the limitations which he had just (assent- ed to, and also made a special request of the viceroy. He ask- ed that Don Juan be freed from the obligation of paying for the powder, lead and artillery as Monterey had1 required. Cristobal stated that it had been granted in order that Leyba •aindl Humana and their companions, who were thought to be in New Mexico, might be apprehended. The Count however was
107. Martin Lopez de Gauna to Cristobal de Onate and Luis Nunez Perez (December, 1595?) A. G. I., 58-3-15.
108. Letter of Cristobal de Onate, (January, 1596) A. G. I., 58-3-15. Cris- tobal's reply was written in the margin of Gauna's letter containing the limitations made by Monterey. No date is given for either one, but it is evident that this correspondence took place between the Christmas Holi- days of 1595 and January 13, 1596. The Count said he made the modific- ations at the former time. On the latter date the viceroy issued a decree acknowledging receipt of Don Cristobal's letter wherein he agreed to the limitation of the contract in the name of his brother. This decree finally permitted Onate to go ahead with the expedition.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 77
adamant. No concession woulld be made. But he did agree to Investigate the particular reasons advanced and promised that if these proved sufficient to warrant the expense to give at- tention to the request. 109
The Expedition Authorized. On the acceptance of Cristobal de Onate's letter the Count immediately dispatched a decree, giving Don Juan permission to use the contract which Velasco had made with him, provided the above limitations were add- ed.UO He was thus finally gijven an unrestricted right to pro- ceed with the conquest and to enjoy all the privileges previous - ly granted, with the exception of the restrictions just noted For Onate the cloiuds of trouble at last seemed to have rolled away, but in the meantime a plot was hatching on the other side of the Atlantic. So we shall now leave Onate to enjoy his temporary good fortune while we observe the development of events in Spain. For a time these affairs, centering about Don Pedro; Ponce, de Leon, threatened to upset Don Juan's hopes and to give an entirely different turn to the stoj*y of the con- quest of New Mexico.
109. Martin Lopez de Gauna to Cristobal de Onate and Luis Nunea Perez.
110. January 13, 1596. "Aceptacion del consenttmiento a la WJoderarion «Jp las eapitulaeiones .", A. G. I., 58-3-15.
(To be continued.)
78 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
RALPH EMERSON TWITCHELL
AFTER long illness and intense suffering, death came to Colonel Ralph Emerson Twitchell, the 'Seventh president of the Historical Society of New Mexico, at sunrise, August 26, 1925, at the Cara Barton Hospital, Losi Angeles. Burial took place in Fairview Cemetery, Santa Fe, on the Sunday follow- ing, after services in the Church of the Holy Faith (Episcopal) conducted by the pastor, Rev. WTalter Trowbridge. The Ma- sonic ritual at the grave concluded the obsequies.
Ralph Emerson Twitchell was born at Ann Arbor, Michigan, November 29, 1859. His parents were Daniel Sawin and Delia Scott Twitchell, both of distinguished New England an- cestry whose lines have been traced back to feudal days in England. Early in life, he giave evidence of a flare for re- search -and scholarship. At the age of 23, he graduated from the University of Michigan with the degree LL.. B., although the University of Kansas had) been his earlier alma mater.
As a Lawyer
Having chosen the law for his profession young Twitchell entered the law offices of Judge Henry L. Waldo, solicitor for the A. T. and S. F. Railway Company, which had just extend- ed its line to Santa Fe, the City that had given the system its name. The friendship of the two men continued for three die- cades, closed only by Judge Waldo's death. The latter had trained his younger associate to be his successor but somehow this wish of the able jurist failed to reach fulfillment, although Colonel Twitchell to the end maintained his connection with the legal department of the railway system. Even after he had been pensioned, he was called in >on intricate cases and proved his value to the railroad comapny in important dam- age suits. As a tribute to his standing in the legal profession, he was elected to the presidency of the New Mexico Bar As- sociation. During the stormy administration of Governor
RALPH EMERSON TWITCHELL
RALPH EMERSON TWITCHELL 79
Lionel Sheldon, he was judge advocate of the Militia. From 1889 to 1892 he was district attorney for the First Judicial district. Of late years he was a special assistant to the at- torney general of the United States being assigned the duty of examining into Pueblo land titles. He prepared! an ex- haustive) monograph on the history and status of the Pueblo land grants which has not yet been published by the federal government.
In Political Life
From the law to politics was a natural sequence. Colonel Twitchell, a Republican, threw himself with characteristic en- ergy into the political turmoil of the then Territory. He was delegate to political conventions in city, county and state. He was in demand for campaign speaking and held various party positions culminating with the chairmanship of the Republi- can Territorial Central Committee in 1902 and 1903. He was appointed to territorial and state boards by successive gov- ernors, those he prized most highly being membership in the governing board of the Museum of New Mexico and the chairmanship of the Panama California Exposition Board.
Organizer and Publicist
Colonel Twitchell loveid the spectacular and the light of pu- bilicity. He was a born advertiser and showman, and One of his early triumphs in these fields was at the session of the Na- ational Irrigation Congress held in Albuquerque in 1908. In making the arrangements for this convention, he compiled his first big volume on the resources of New Mexico. As first vice- president of the Congress, he contributed to the formulating of the reclamation policy adopted by the Nation. As president of the Santa Fe chamber of commerce, he was a factor in mak- ing the Santa Fe Fiesta a nationally known event. It was in the New Mexico Exhibit at the San Diego Exposition, how- ever, that his genius for creating spectacular effects and for obtaining publicity, reached its apogee. At his suggestion, New Mexico reproduced for its building the Franciscan Mis-
SO NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
sion of Acoma. He was among the first to use motion pic- tures to advertise a state's attractions and resources. Later the Exposition building w:as perpetuated in more substantial and elaborate form jjj the Art Museum at Santa Fe, in the construction of which he was deeply interested. Several vo- lumes of clippings from newspapers and magazines, tell the story of achievements by New Mexico at San Diego, the ef- fects of which are still beneficially felt ten and more years, later throughout the entire Southwest. It wias for this ex- position that Colonel Twitchell compiled his second volumin- ous New Mexico publicity volume.. The fine publicity given Santa Fe for years by the A. T. and S. F. Railway Company in the way of beautifully illustrated pamphlets and folders, had its oirigin iand impetus through Colonel Twitchell. One of his last pamphlets was for publicity purposes of the Chamber of Commerce,
Orator and Lecturer
As an orator and lecturer, Colonel Twitchell was much sought. His lectures, ''The Man and His Book" and "When Women Built the Temples " were repeatedly given to large audiences. A handsome presence, a sonorous voice and a gift for emphiaisizing the human interest in history, assured him rapt attention and applause! whenever he sipoke in public. He illustrated his lectures often with photographs he himself had taken or with pictorial material furnished by the Museum of New Mexico and from his books.
As Historian and Writer
It is as a historian, a writer and a builder, that Colonel Twitchell made his most lasting contribution and by which he will be longest remembered!. Quoting from a tribute paid him by Lansing Bloom. Secretary of the Historical Society of New Mexico, at a memorial meeting held in th^ Palace of the Governors :
"It is a significant fact to know that Colonel Twitchell's first interest in the history of the Southwest gre;w out of as-
RALPH EMERSON TWITCHELL 81
sociation with Adolf Bandelier. ... In the midst of Bandelier?s research in the Southwest, Colonel Twitchell arrived in New Mexico and it was the work on the archives especially, which caught his interest and very possibly it is owing to this fact that we now have these (archives at all. In his 'Leading Facts' Twitchell states simply: 'On the 12th of May. 1892, the Capitol Building was destroyed by fire and many public documents were lost. The collection of ancient papers known as the 'Santa Fe Archives' was saved.' The ifiact (as related by Colonel Twitchell in personal conversa- tion) is that he ia,nd one or two others kne-w exactly where these papers were, went directly there at the time of the fire and carried them to safe'ty. . . From 1917 down to date, eleven bulletins of the Society have been published and of these eight came from his pen. And other papers, including the catalogs of our collections, which were largely the result of his labor up to the time of his passing, are either ready for the presis or nearly so. ... In 1909 was published his first book, 'The Military Occupation of New Mexico,' and in 1911 appeared the first volume of 'Leiading Facts of New Mexico History.' This was followed in 1912 by Volume II, and was later supplemented by three more volumes. In 1914 his two volume work on 'The Spanish Archives of New Meixico' was published, and during the years 1913 to 1916, he successfully carried the historical quarterly 'Old Santa Fe' through three volumes. And; (shortly before his de>ath his last book 'The Story of Old Santa Fe' came from the press.
"Those who are at all familiar with the soiurces of South- western history can appreciate in some measure tha great store of information which is represented by these briefly re- cited facts. To use the phrase of Lummis, Ralph Emerson Twitchell knew the 'story of man' here in the Southwest as few others have done or may hope to do*."
It was Twitchell who was most enthusiastic in the mainten- ance of Santa Fe as "The City Different." The socalled Santa Fe,1 Mission Style of Architecture, found in him its most elo- quent advocate although he took sides against those who would pedantically condemn any variation from ancient ex- amples of the Pueblo style of building. He contended that architecture, like/ art, is the unfolding of the flower of human genius ; that unless architecture is progressively alive and
82 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
admits of variations, expansion and adaptation to new ma- terial, different environment, it is dead and has but academic interest for the student. To prove his theory he remodeled an old non descript building into a beia.utiful residence that com- bined a Spanish round tower with Pueblo lines, and modern comforts with Indian decorations. It is there he loved to en- tertain and it is today one of Santa Fe's show places.
Historical Society
Although ia mejmber of the New Mexico Archaeological Society and a valued regent of the Museum iof New Mexico as well as member of the managing comftnittee of the School of American Research, it was his interest in the Historical Socie- ty of New Mexico that was paramount. Once more quoting Mr. Bloom, Secretary of the Society :
"It seems strange to have to admit that our own rejcords as a Historical Society are very incomplete, but such is the case. Perhaps, it is safe to assume that Colonel Twitchell was elect- Od to membership in the early '90s — the earlier record-books are missing, but his dues were paid in June, 1911. One earlier reference to him is found in the minutebook, when on January 29, 1909, he was elected third vice-president. Here again pre- vious records are very meager, but his election to this office indicates that he had) been taking an active part in the work of the Society, probably for some years before. On May 29, 1912, he was elected to life membership, in recognition of valuable gifts, and in subsequent years there were frequent acknowledgments of similar gifts from him. By re-election he was continued in the office of vice-president down to Novem- ber 14, 1924, when he was elected president of the Society. On March 17, 1919, the office of director was created and Colonel Twitchell was elected to this additional position, the resolu- tion reciting that he 'shall be charged with the duty of auxi- liary organization work, the securing and preparation of his- torical monographs, the collection of manuscripts, their pub- lication and the securing of funds for such purposes and with such additional duties as the Society from time to time, may determine.' Sufficiently comprehensive surely, and yet the resolution only recites lines which he was already actively pursuing. ' '
It was a dream of Colonel Twitchell to correlate the work
RALPH EMERSON TWITCHELL 83
of the Society with that of the Museum of New Mexico and the School of American Research. It was for that reason that he had the collections of the Society arranged and catalogued and that he established an office in the Palace of the Governors in the same room with the Acting Director of the Museum.
Bioliophile and Friend of Art
Colonel Twitchell was a collector of objects of Indian handi- crafts ranging from basketry and pottery to Indian fetishete. He picked u<p a mass of historical material and loved to visit old bookshops and scan book catalogs for works on the South- west and1 on Art. He presented to the Museum a collection of book® on Art and loaned to it his historical library, main- taining another library at his home. He had an instinct for art and it was due to this that he had Kenneth M. Chapman draw many of the/ illustrations for his "Leading Facts" and that the pictorial side of his publications always received the minutest c>are. It was on his order, that the collection of en- largements of portraits of men prominent in New Mefcdco his- tory was made and, after exhibit at S'an Diego, given a per- manent place in the Palace of the Governors. He also com- missioned Gerald Cassidy, the Santa Fe artist, to paint the portraits of Villagra, De Vargas, Kit Cars'om, etc.., for the Historical Society. Strong as was his admiration for the art of men like Cassidy, his disapproval of the modernist sichool was wellknown. He would have banned their exhibitions from the Museum at Santa Fe. When men like George Bellows, Leon Kro:ll, B. J. 0. Norfeldt and others hung their paintings he literally raged and for a time threatened) to resign from the Museum Board. Later he modified his views very much and found especial delight in Robert Henri's "Dieguito" and other examples of the modern schools that did not go to ex- tremes. He bought paintings in a modest way and took great pride in showing them to visitors! at his home..
Twitchell, the Man
A man endowed with such abundant vitality was sure to
84 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
arouse criticism. He made enemies but he made many more friends for himself and for the State and City he so loved. In friendship he was gefnerous to a fault. He was extremely proud of the esteem of men like Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Hon. Frank Springer, Dr. Edgar L. Hewett, (whom he always fondly called "Old Hewett" although the latter was the youn- er man), F. W. Hodge and many others. The writer owes him much in the way of kindly encouragement and unselfish loyalty in many undertakings for the advancement of the Mu- seum -and the City of the Holy Faith.
Colonel Twitchell was twice married. At St. Joseph, Mo., December 9, 1885, he took as bride, Maragaret Olivia Collins, who fourteen years later was taken from his side, by the Grim Reaper. A son Waldo, also named after the Sage of Concord, is at present resident in Los Angeles. During the Great Wiair, Waldo wia*s an officer in the Aviation Service. He is also a University of Michigan man, an engineer, who has taken an important place in the motion picture industry and is the au- thor of scenarios and the librettos for several musical plays. A few years ago, Colonel Twitchell married Estelle Burton, who survives him. She collaborated in the writing of several of his later historical essays and is the author of several papers andi biographical sketches that appeared in "Old Santa Fe." Quoting in conclusion from a sketch by the writejr, made ten years ^go : " Perhaps, the mere enumeration of activities and achievements of a useful citizen who has helpejd to form public opinion for thirty years in the Southwest, who has made not- able contributions to history and literature, who has been bril- liantly successful in his profession, who has been a leader in civic and political movements, does not visualize adequately the man as he acts and lives. In the Palace of the Governors, hangs a large portrait of the man, enlarged from a snapshot surreptitiously taken in Westlake Park, Los Angeles. There he appears in all his splendid physical vitality, with the lines in the face that proclaim the man who is living la rounde'd-out existence, with cleft and firm chin, with thoughtful and dteter- mined, yet shrewd, eyes, a man apparently possessed of the
RALPH EMERSON TWITCHELL 85
saving grace of humor, a man with imagination, and yet a man who as a lawyer, has learned to weigh evidence, to analyze, to draw conclusions justified only by the facts. Beneath might be written: "He has found happiness where happiness alone can be found, in the appreciation of art, the acquisition of culture and the constant work for the common good.
The elements
So mix'd in him that Nature might stand! up And say to all the world: 'This was a man!"' El Palacio, September 1, 1925.
Santa Fe Daily New Mexican, August 28, 31, September 16, 1925.
Bibliography
1909.— The Military Occupation of New Mexico, 394 pp. Illus- trated.
1911. — Leading- Facts of New Mexico History. 5 volsi Illus- trated.
1914. — The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, 2 vols.
1925.— The Story of Old Santa Fe 488 pp. Illustrated1.
Genealogy of the Twitchell Family — in manuscript
Pamphlets and Bulletins.
The Bench and Bar in N. Mex., 1846-50 (Santa F6 1891) Historical Sketch of Gov. William Carr Lane De Anza, Diary of Expedition to the Moquis- and Biographical
Sketch
Spanish Colonization in N. Mex.,0nate and De Vargas Periods Story of the Conquest of Santa Fe and Building of Old Fort
Marcy
Dr. Josiiah Gregg, Historian of the Santa Fe Tfail Capt. Don Gaspar Perez de Villagra Palace of the Governors, The City of Santa Fe* Its Museums
and Monuments
Biennial Report, Historical Society of N. Mex., 1924 The Pueblo- Revolt of 1696 Report on the Pueblo Land Grants (unpublished)
*6
86 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
MELVIN WHITSON MILLS
A life member of the Historical Society of New Mexico, Melvin Whitson Mills, who died at Springer, Colfax County, on August 19, 1925, had prepared a paper which he was to havd read at the meeting of the Society only one evening be- fore the above date. He hadl been one of the makers of history in the Southwest, having come to the Territory in 1869.
Ooilonel Mills as he was known to his friends, was born on October 11, 1845, at Sparta, Ontario, Canada, of Quaker par- entage. His father 'and mother were Daniel W. land Hannah Mills. For three years, Colonel Mills attended high school at Adrian, Michigan, and for four years: he was a student at the University of Michigan, receiving the degree of LL. B. upon graduation. In that year, stories of gold strikes at Elizabeth- town reached) Ann Arbor and young Mills made his, way to that mining camlp the same year. Here he hung out his shin- gle and also engaged in mining and ranching. The camp at that time' had not far from six thousand inhabitants but it soon declined and the county seat was removed to Cimarron, Mills moving with it.
Of those stirring days before the coming of the A. T. and S. F. Railway in which Mills pleyed an important part, thrill- ing incidents are told in Twitchell's " Leading Facts of New Mexican History" Vol. Ill, pp. 78 to 83. Colonel Milk was repeatedly sent to the territorial legislature and was instru- mental in having the county seat moved to Springer which town he had platted in 1877 with William Thornton, with whose fortunes he was identified until his death. Early days in Springer were not less exciting than they had been in Elizabethtown and Cimarron. For fifteen years prosecuting attorney for the counties of Rio Arriba, Taos, Colfax and Mora. Mills figured in many famous trials!. Several times he narrowly escaped mob violence
Colonel Mills wiais an expert fruit grower and for years his
MELVIN WHITSON MILLS 87
orchard was pointed out as one of New Mexico's show places. At Springer, he built a great three story mansion of more than 20 rooms, wonderfully decorated for its day, the interior woodwork being walnut artistically carved. It was his dying wish, that he be carried into his io>ld -rloom in this great house, which he had lost through financial reverses. His wish was acceded to, so that his last moments were spent in the house he had loved so well,
In his early dlays he was associated with Lucien B. Max- well, founder of The First National Bank of Santa Fe, and at the time of hisi death, he was in the employ of the Bank look- ing after its property interests at Springer. Colonel Mills was married on January 6, 1877, to Ella E. House, who sur- vives him, together with the following foster children: Mrs. Hugo Sfcaberg of Raton ; Whitson E. Mills of Denver ; Mrs. J. G. Barton of Cleveland, Ohio ; and Elsie W. Mills of Springer. A foster daughter, Mrs. George W. White died fourteen years ago in California.
P. A. F. W.
88 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
MRS. L. BRADFORD PRINCE
Surviving her noted husband only a few years, Mrs. Mary 0. Prince, widow of Former Governor and Chief Justice L. Bradford Prince, gently fell sleep in death on Christmas even- ing, at the old Prince residence on East Palace, Avenue, which had been her Santa Fe home for 43 years.
Mary Catherine Burckle Be-ardsley was born at Oswego, New York, on September 4, 1846, the daughter of Colonel Samuel Bea,rdsley of the "Iron Brigade" and his wife, Char- lotte Elizabeth Burckle. Her father, who died on the Poto- mac during the Civil War, traced his ancestry to the May- flower, while on her mother's side, her line was connected with distinguished ancestors in Germany. Her paternal grand- father was Judge Levi Beardsley of New York.
Mrs. Prince came to Santa Fa as a bride, the second wife of Governor Prince, whom she married on November 17, 1881. Bishop Little John of New Yoirk officiating. Her social regime in the Palace was brilliant and until her death she maintained social leadership in Santa Fe. Mrs. Prince held high positions and honors in patriotic societies, such as The Daughters of the American Revolution, and was active in the affairs of The Church of the Holy Faith (Protestant Episcopal).
Among her many interests, the Historical Society of which she was a life member, was always close to her affections, and she not only made many gifts) to the Society, but transcribed and translated some of the early Spanish archives. Mrs. Prince was the author of several stories and many papers, most of which were read before The Fifteen Club of Santa Fe, one of her favorite organizations. She was zealous in her endeavors to have New Mexico's historic spots) suitably marked, and it was as much due to< her efforts, as to those of any one else, that the Santa Fe Trail in New Mexico was given granite
MARY C. PRINCE
MRS. L. BRADFORD PRINCE 89
markers, the last one of which stands in the Plaza at Santa Fe. Brief prayers were offered by Bishop Frederick B. Howdten at the Prince residence on Sunday afternoon, December 27, after which the remains were taken to Flushing, Long Island, New York, by her son, William B. Prince, and her companion of many years, Miss Sara Hart. Funeral services were held in St. George's Chapel, Flushing, on the last day of the year, interment being at the side of Governor Prince in St. George's Cemetery.
P. A. F. W,
6t
W NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES
Mesa, Canon, and Pueblo,
By Charles F. Lummis. (New York, Century Company, 1925, 517 pp., ill., $4.50)
The announcement of any book by Charles F. Lummisi is sufficient to arouse lively anticipations. A new one on the Southwest by him is an event of high importance. Not eveiry book that iisi called 'epoch making' can succeed in living up to such reputation; but the writings of Charles F. Lummis won that distinction more than a quarter of a century ago — and held it. That fascinating region has been well explored from the time of Coronado, and scientific and historic reports con- cerning it make sizable libraries!. But in literary description of it, Lummis took the lead and has never been overtaken. It is safe to say that he never will be.
The thousands who read his 'Tramp Across the Continent/ 'Land of Poco Tiempo,' 'Some Strange Corners of Our Coun- try/ now superseded by 'Mesa, Canon and Pueblo,' and a doizen other works that came from his brain in those marvel- ously prolific days, have found everything else on the South- west a bit disappointing. No other writer1 ever crave himself up to- it as he did. There was his whole life for many years ; and to it he has returned, from time to time, to find it the same inexhaustible source as in the old days.
As a result of his later excursions:, there comes this new wark, 'Mesa, Canon and Pueblo,' and one does not need to read far to find that the master is still here. The best of the stories from the old classic, "Some Strange Corners of Our Country,' are carried over into the new work, rewritten if there was any need for it. But not much that Lummis ever wrote has needed' rewriting. The great amount of new mat- erial that has been added brings the book up-to-date and makes it a work that can never be displaced. There are parts
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 91
of the world in which no one would travel without a copy of Herodotus or Pausanias, and it will be so to the end of time Likewise, it will be said of the traveler in the Southwest ; he will not be equipped, be it centuries from now, without a copy of this latest book by Lummis, as well as some of the earlier
OlieiSi.
E. L. H.
Memorial to the Robidoux Brothers
By Orral Messmore Robidoux, (Kansas City, Smith-Greaves Co., 1924. 311 pp., ill., $5.00,
In the considerable group of French traders, trappers, and merchants who e'arly became identified with New Mexico history were Louis and Antoine Robidoux. "In 1822 Joseph Robidoux of Blacksnake Hills iand his two brothers, Antoine and Louis1 Robidoux, outfitted a caravan, and Antoine and Louis set out for the Southwest country and settled at Santa Fe, and for mjany years 'after their frdeght caravans traversed the plains between St. Joseph, Missouri, and Santa Fe with general merchandise to the Southwest, and buffalo, bear, elk skins and other pelts were transported to the Missouri River points and to St. Louis." "He (Antodne) was one of New Mexico's earliest gold miners, sinking $8,000.00 He also was interpreter and guide with the Kearny overland column of 1846 to California, where his brother, who had preceded him by two years, was alcalde and juez de paz at San Bern- ardino. "
"Antonio" Robidoux figures in the New Mexico* archives as the purchaser at Santa Fe in 1834 of the "cerro d'el oro" mine; and there are frequent references to these brothers in such New Mexicana as Gregg's "Commerce of the Prairies," Bancroft's history, and Twitch ell's "Leading Facts."
Such memoirs as are presented in this book are of especial value in the personal interest which they give to history, and the insight into conditions of the times.
L. B. B.
92 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The Southwestern Trails to California in 1849
By Ralph P. Bieber, reprinted from the Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. XII, No. 3, Dec., 1925.
Epic in its sweep is the story of the Southwestern Trails to Californial as told by Ralph P. Bieber, of Washington Univer- sity land a Fellow of the Historical Society of New Mexico. By rather curious coincidence, just after his monograph was writ- ten, Mabelle E. Martin published an article on "California Emigrant Roads through Texas, " discussing in greater detail the migration that passed through Texas. Both writers rely to considerable extent on diaries, newspapers of the day, and official documents, revealing how much interesting and half- forgotten hisftory may be dug out of old newspaper files and letters. According to Bieber, " aproximately 9000 forty-niners, constituting an important element in the early American settlement of Califotrnia, reached the gold mines by way of southwestern ttfails." Several of these centered at Santa Fe whence three - Cooke's wagon road, Kearny's Trail and the old Spanish Trlail-gave a choice of roads. Says the author: "The main depot for supplies was Santa Fe, where a number of argonauts bought 'articles at high prices from merchants who trafficked over the old Santa Fe Trail. Santa Fe was a lawless town in '49. Drinking, gambling, and general rowdy- ism were the order of the day and night, to the great amaze- ment of those who had been reared in less boisterous sur- roundings. Many emigrants participated in the local pastime of gambling, with the result that a number were relieved of what little funds they possessed, and a few became so poor 'that they were reduced to: the necessity of selling their cloth- ing, or even the likenesses of friends.' The New Mexican towns through which the overlandters traveled weire very hospitable and entertained the visitors with fandlaing'oies. These affairs furnished a pleasant and unique diversion for the weary travelers, who were always unstinted in their praise of the graceful dancing of the dark-eyed senoritas.
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 93
Most of the emigrants from Arkansas passed the vicinity of Santa Fe between May and August, and reached the gold mines oif California in about seven or eight months. ' '
The route of m/any lay through El Paso or farther south through Durango, Mexico. Speaking of those who passed through Mexico the author Says: "Emigrants were delighted with some of the scenery along the way and showed much interest in the quaint customs and habitations of the natives, which were so different in many respects from their own. Some were even induced to remain in the country for a while to aid the inhabitants in their attempt to exterminate several of the warlike Indian tribes. A number of Texans who were thus employed by the state of Chihuahua had a rather unique contract which provided for (remuneration on a commission basis, $200 being paid them for every scalp of Apache Indians over fourteen years of age and $100 each for all scalps of Apache under this age." No wonder the Apache was implac- able in later years when on the warpath against the pale faces !
Says the writer, "Between the latter part of April and the middle of September about twenty-five hundred emigrants from at least ten states left western Missouri for California
via the S'anta Fe Trail The argonauts from Missouri
passed the vicinity of Santa Fe between July and October, and were treated with the same hospitality by the New Mex- ican towns! in the Rio Grande Valley as were the emigrants from Arkansas who had passed earlier in the year.
"Those who made the best time traveled to the northwest by way of the Great Salt Lake. The trails in this direction began at Santa Fe and Pueblo and extended to the northern route to California, joining it at various points between Fort /jaramie and Salt Lake City. One of the most populatr of these was the old Spanish trail from Santa Fe to Salt Lake City. ' '
"More extensively traveled than the routes to the north- west were the trails to the souhwest along the Gila River. By fair the most popular of these wlas the wagon -rjoad made by Lieutenant Colonel Philip St. George Cooke and his Mormon Battalion between November, 1846, and January, 1847. Leav
04 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ing the Rio Grande at a- point near the present town of Rincoirr New Mexico, this road extended to the southwest across the Kio Mimbres and through the Guadalupe Pass to the San
Pedro river Kearny's trail was used by a considerable
number of emigrants. Well known to the fur traders ever since the early part >o\f the nineteenth century, it had been fol- lowed! by Kit Carson when he guided General Stephen W. Kearny and his 'Army of the West' from New Mexico to California between October 'and December, 1846. It left the Rio Grande a short distances noirth of the point where Cooke's road began, and proceeded west along the Gila River to the Pimia Indian villages, where it was .joined by Cooke's road and continued to California. Another trail used by a few emigrants extended west from Albuquerque to Zuni, and thence southwest to the Gila by way of the valley of the Salt River."
Professor Bieber in the thirty pages of printed matter sup- plemented by a double p<age map, tells the sitory of the 49 's with great restraint, there being an avoidance of dramatics and but mere reference to incidents that make the story of the Argonauts one of the most thrilling and dramatic in all
history.
P. A. F. W.
The Colorado Magazine of January (1925) has a paper by L. R. Hlaifen discussting the "Early Mail Service to Colorado, 1858-60." The facts presented are based on sources to which the reader is referred. The relation of the subject to New Mexico is1 indicated : "The little embryo towns of Auraria and Denver on the South Platte were in the no-man's- land triangle between the two famous highways to the west-the Santa Fe and the Oregon trails. Eight years prio'r to the dis- covery of placer gold on the South Platte by W. Green Rus sell, monthly mail lines had been established frtomi Independ- ence, Missouri, to Sialt L'ake City and to Santa Fe respective- ly." As stated in footnotes, the postal route to Santa Fe was established in 1847, but service on this route was not begun
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 95
rnitil 1850. An extended description of this route will be found in "The Overland Mail toj the Pacific Coast, 1849-69'' which, Dr. Hafen writes, is to' be brought out by the A. H. Clark Company in the spring.
The October number of the Missouri Historical Review is notable for several articles covering the earlier periods of the state's history. Among the "Personal Recollections of Distinguished Miss>oiuri]ans " is found one by Daniel M. Gris- som on "Sterling Price." He ^controverts the impression created by eastern newspapers during the Civil War that General Price was uncouth in manner and uneducated. He was ^'tall and commanding in person, with frank latnd open fea- tures, he possessed a bearing and manners that placed him at ease in any company. He was not an ofrator, nor debater, but he never rose on any occasion nor in 'any presence to speiaik without securing perfect attention. Few men possess, in a higher degree than he possessed, the personal force and au- thority that subdues a turbulent assembly, and brings it to order." The writer states that General Price, like General Donovan and General Harney, was six feet twoi inches in height "and it might be said that three finer looking men could not be found in the world. ' ' Other articles having New Mexico interest include: "The Liberal Republican Movement in Missouri," "Early Gunpowder Making in Missouri, "' "The Osage War, 1837," "The Warrensburg Speech of Frank P. Blair," and a "Jim Bridger" anecdote, quoted from Adven- ture Magazine.
Mrs. Cyruisi Beard, in Annals of Wyoming for October, in discussing early Wyoming history, gives various data regard- ing the Sublettes, Jim Bridger, Jedediah Smith, and Capt. Bonneville- who may be the Col. B. L. E. Bonneville who was in Santa Fe in 1860 and! wias elected a member of the New Mex- ico society on Apr. 30th of that year. The notes on changes in prices for beaver skins are of value for comparison.
% NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The Wisconsin Magazine of History for June, in the jour- nal of Bishop Kemper, "Trip thru Wisconsin in 1838," gives; a brief description of the archaeological site Aztalan and ex- plains the origin of its name,
Minnesota History for June gives a delightful picture of the- French Canadian "Voyageur" of a hundred years ago and his part in the fur-trade.
Chronicles of Oklahoma for June has a paper by Grant Fore- ftian on "Early Trails through Oklahoma" which touches Ne1v Mexico history at many points.
The Legislation of the forty-first General Assembly of Iowa,, Which convened early in 1925, is reviewed land analyzed in the October number of the Iowa Journal of History and Poli- ties. Such a review would also be timely in New Mexico, and should be extended not only to the work of the 1925 Legisla- ture, but of all the proceeding sessions since the American Occupation. Jacob A. Swisher, one of the Botaird of Curators of the State Historical Society of Iowa, which publishes the Journal, is the author of the article.
A letter by Wm. D. Marmaduke written from Dry Diggins- ville, California October 14, 1849, is published in the Missouri Historical Review. He tells that in the seven weeks since his arrival he had taken out over $1,000 in gold from the fifteen square feet of ground which are allotted to each miner. He spaks of living being excessively high, and that it is costing him, as much as $9.00 a week, with pork at fifty cents a pound, flour twenty-five to thirty cents a pound, mackerel fifty cents per piece, onions two cents an ounce and Irish potatoes at two dollars a bushel.
:NOTES AND COMMENTS 97
NOTES AND COMMENTS
If any reasons are needed for the launching of the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, they may be found in the importance of the field, in the source material available, and1 in the interest of research students in this part of the South- west.
New Mexico is the meeting ground of three distinct cul- tures. For nearly four hundred years, the native Indian and the Spanish-American cultures have lived side by side ; and for more than a hundred years the Anglo-American cultulre has played itsi part also, the integrity of each having maintained itself and each of the three reacting on the others in many significant ways. This fact alone suggests many fascinating lines of study, and in such study historical research has an important part.
As to source material, that part of the Spanish and Mexican archives of New Mexico which wasi removed twenty-three years ag>o to the Library of Congress is again in Santa Fe, where the archives relating to land-grants have always re- mained. The important libraries of the School of American Research a'nd the Historical Society are receiving accessions of manuscripts and New Mexicana. The records and papers of several state departments have supplied valuable material, and others are available.
An increasing number of research students is coming to Santa Fe for work, and others have been furnished transcripts and phoitostat copies. The REVIEW is intended to serve as a medium of publication for these students and for the general reader in Southwestern history. Since the suspension of OLD SANTA FE, shortly before the war, monographs, translations, and miscellaneous papers have accumulated and the REVIEW will publish these as fast as possible.
Many giratifying experessions of approval and good wishes have answered the announcement of the REVIEW. From Los
0# NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Angeles, Charles F, Luminis writes:. "I am. very glad to leans of the Review, That is a worthy field and a rich one." Prof!. Etienne B. Renaud, University of Denver, says, "your pro- gram is very interesting and of great educative value. . . This- will be a true contribution both to the Souhwest iand to His- tory. *' From Prof. R. P. Bieber, Washington University, comes; the word, "I want to congratulate you uipon inaugurating' the REVIEW and allied publications. ... A publication of this; kiindl fills a gap which has long been feUt by students of New Mexican history. I shall be very glad to cooperate with you in any wiay. 'r Frederick W. Hodge writes from New York,, "No organization devoted to similar purposes has a wider or more attractive field ... I wish it every success/' Prof. H.. E. Bolton, University of California, says, "I had already learned with de-light <xf the birth of the REVIEW. We cer- tainly need such an organ. I congratulate yon."
These and similar expressions are sincerely appreciated by the editors, as well as the large response in subscriptions. And the annual membership of the Society has nearly doubled since the first announcement of the REVIEW.
The quarterly is being published on the Museum Press, where a new linotype machine will be in service before the hext issue. This will allow greater flexibility in the proper handling of source material iand annotations. Features of the April number will include Fray Marcos de Nizars "Relacion," edited by Prof. P. M. Baldwin, State College, N. Mex., ancf "Po-se," a tale of Sian Ildefonso pueblo forty years ago, left in manuscript by Adolph F. Bandelier,
L. B. B.
Anent the proceedings of the first American court in Taos as presented by F. T. Cheetham in this isstue, Mr. Benj. M. Read gives the following passage from a letter in his posses- sion, dated April 12, 1847, from Father Antonio Jose Martinez to Bon Manuel Alvarez in Santa Fe :
"The Judge of crimes, Don Carlos Beaubien, and his assio-ci- ates a.re endeavoring to kill all the people tof T,aos. On the
WNTBIBUTORS '99
day they sentenced six and these were hanged the third »iay ; the second day nine were sentenced to death but their execution has been delayed until the arrival of reinforcements •asked for 'by the Colonel, lie fearing a disturbance or a revolt
'by the people I am sending by the bearer of this letter a
•detailed report of what is taking place at Taos to> Colonel Price and beg of you to take charge of, and make presentation «of, said report to Colonel Price. ^
CONTRIBUTORS
Prank H. H. Roberts. - educator, author, lecturer; B. Pd., A. M., Ph. D., LL. D., formerly connected with schools and liigher institutions of Ohio, Wyoming, Colorado', and New Mexico; 1910-21, president of N. M. Normal University; since 1921 president Junior College, El Paso, Texas. Author oÂŁ nu- merous books and articles in educational laind political jour- nials. Active in work of the Y. M. C. A. andi the Methodist Church; Rotarian.
Francis T. Cheetham. -- attorney at law, Taos N. Mex. He- •search student in New Mexico history, with especial reference to Kit Carson and the Tiaos Valley; vice-president Historical Society of N. M; member committee on Masonic history and research, Grand Lodge of N. Mex., A. P. and A. M.
George P. Hammond. - M. A. and Ph. D. (Univ. of Calif.) ; for two years, faculty member, Univ. of N. Dakota; 1922-23, fellow of "Native Sons of the Golden West" in Paicific Coast History; now ass't professor of history, Univ. of Arizona. Author of various articles and reviews in the "North Dakota Quarterly" and the "Southwestern Historical Quarterly."
100 iSpEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS
of the late Ralph Er Twitchell
price, carriage extra Milftairy Occupation of N. Mex., 304 pp.,, ill., $2.50
Leading Facts of N. M. History, 2 vols.,, ilL, indexed - - $12.00
Spanish Archives of N. M., 2 vols ill.,, indexed $12.00
Story of Old Santa Fer 488 pp., ill.,, indexed $7.50
(for monographs, see Publications of Historical Society)
OLD SANTA FE, historical quarterly, 1913-16, 3 tols., Unbound:
a few complete seta 13.00
sets complete except HO. 5 (Jan. '15) - ~ -. $11.00
single volumes, no&. I and III, - - $4.00
single volumes, no. II ----- $5.00
single numbers, except no. 5 - - - $1.00
To meet orders on above items, $1.50 each will be paid for clean copies of OLD SANTA FE, no. 5 (Jan. 15)
Address orders to Lansing B. Bloom, secretary Historical Society,
Santa Fe, N. M-
CHARLES SPRINGER
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Vol. I. April, 1926 No. 2
NEW MEXICO IN THE GEEAT WAR III The State Council of Defense
New Mexico responded quickly and willingly to the nation's call for the mobilization and use of its resources to prepare for and maintain the public defense and to as- sist in the prosecution of the war against Germany. Im- mediately following the issuance of the declaration of war against Germany, Governor Washington E. Lindsey sum- moned a group of representative citizens to convene at the state capitol as a council, to discuss ways and means of preparing New Mexico to fully meet the emergencies and requirements of war. The council convened in Santa Fe on April 21st, 1917. Governor Lindsey, presiding, briefly reviewed the war situation and prophetically summarized the things that the citizens of the state would be called up- on to do to provide for state and national security and to aid the entente allies. A state of war existed! New Mex- ico would perform its full duty. The conviction was ex- pressed by members of the conference that sooner or later the United States would be obliged to tax its resources to the utmost and wage an offensive war in order effectively to protect our country and conquer Germany. There was no debate, no dissenting opinions. The council appointed a committee, with Edward C. Crampton, of Raton, as its chairman, to formulate plans and make recommendations for the designation and organization of a permanent war body. On the same day the committee, reporting back
104 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to the council, recommended, among other things, that a permanent "War Committee" be formed, consisting of one member from each judicial district of the state and four members at-large, to be appointed by the governor, with the governor as ex-officio member of the committee; that the committee should take immediate steps to organize the agricultural resources of the state for a greater production of food stuffs and to provide for the economic and military defense of the state and nation; that the governor, in his discretion, should call a special session of the legislature to provide the means for carrying out the war program, and that the War Committee, as soon as appointed, should im- mediately organize and remain in session from day to day until every requirement had been met. These and other recommendations of the committee were unanimously adopted by the council. Immediately after the adjourn- ment of the council, Governor Lindsely appointed the fol- lowing war committee : Charles Springer, Cimarron ; C. R. Brice, Roswell; E. C. Crampton, Raton; Ed. M Otero, Los Lunas; B. C. Hernandez, Tierra Amarilla; R. E. Putney, Albuquerque; Jose Gonzales, Las Cruces; W. A. Hawkins, Three Rivers; Secudino Romero, Las Vegas; Rafael Garcia, Albuquerque; J. M. Sully, Santa Rita; and Eufracio Gallegos of Gallegos.
The war committee, selecting E. C. Crampton as its permanent chairman and Miss Edith Wileman as its tem- porary secretary, was formally organized on April 25th. At this meeting, Neil B. Field, of Albuquerque, presented the following resolution adopted at a public meeting of the citizens of that city favoring the calling of a special session of the legislature :
"BE IT RESOLVED, that it is the sense of this meet- ing that the governor should be requested to call immedi- ately an extra session of the legislature to pass all such laws as may be necessary to mobilize the resources of the state for the present emergency and the raising of such funds as may be required for that purpose."
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 105
The committee considering the resolution in connection with its own information declared that public necessity re- quired early enactment of war measures and adopted and addressed the following resolution to Governor Lnidsey:
'That it be the sense of this committee that the gover- nor be requested to call a special session of the legislature immediately, and the work of the session be confined to the matter of economic agriculture and military offensive and defensive operations of the state and nation growing out of the present emergency."
On the following day, April 26th, Governor Lindsey issued his proclamation calling the Third State Legislature to meet in special session on Tuesday, May 1st, 1917, to enact such legislation as would enable New Mexico to "pro- vide for its own defense and to assist the United States in the prosecution of the war. "
The War Committee continued to meet daily until it was succeeded by the State Council of Defense. In addition to considering many important matters and taking appro- priate action concerning them, the War Committee appoint- ed auxiliary committees in each county, secured valuable information regarding the agricultural and industrial resources of the state, considered 'and recommended measures to the governor for the public defense and of- fered suggestions for emergency legislation. Upon the pass- age and approval of the Public Defense Act, May 8th, 1917, the War Committee was dissolved.
The Third Legislature met in extraordinary session on May 1st, 1917. Among other laws enacted was the Pub- lic Defense Act, passed and approved on May 8th, which created the Council of Defense of New Mexico consisting of nine members to be appointed by the governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, to serve during the period of the war, and for such further time thereafter as the governor deemed necessary. The act appropriated the sum of $750,000.00, or so much thereof as might be re- quired, to be expended and disbursed by and under the direction of the governor in such manner and for such 7*
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purposes, and through such agencies, and under such reg- ulations, as he might deem neccessary or proper to provide for the increase of domestic production of articles and ma- terials essential to the support of armies and to provide for the public defense. The act provided that the funds appro- priated should be raised by the issuance and sale of war certificates from time to time in such amounts as the gov- ernor might determine.
Immediately following his approval of the Defense Act on May 8th, the governor appointed the following to mem- bership on the Council of Defense: B. C. Hernandez, C. R. Brice, Charles Springer, W. A. Hawkins, Secundino Ro- mero, Rafael Garcia, J. M. Sully, Eufracio Gallegos and R. E. Putney.
These appointments were promptly confirmed by the senate on the same day. It will be noted that all of the members of the Council of Defense had served on the War Committee. On May 10th Secundino Romero was elected chairman of the Council and Phil. H. LeNoir its general secretary.
It will be seen that New Mexico had held a special ses- sion of its legislature and had organized an official war body, all within the space of thirty-five days and during that period had done many things to place the state upon a war footing.
Mr. Putney and Mr. Garcia, sheriff of Bernalillo Coun- ty, both resigned shortly after the organization of the Council because of other public and private demands upon their time. Eduardo M. Otero succeeded Mr. Putney through appointment by the governor, but the vacancy caused by the resignation of Sheriff Garcia was never fill- ed.
Mr. LeNoir, general secretary, compelled to give up his work on account of ill health, resigned the secretaryship in October, 1917. Mr. LeNoir rendered very efficient ser- vice, especially in organizing the Conference of War Work- ers held at Albuquerque during the week of October 7th, 1917. So far as known this was the first state-wide war
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 107
conference held in the United States. Following his resig- nation in October, the present writer, Walter M. Danburg, was elected general secretary of the Council.
With the exception of the changes noted the personnel of the Council remained the same throughout its existence.
Following its organization the Council adopted com- prehensive plans for increasing production of food crops and acted upon many other matters, including the mobili- zation of the New Mexico National Guard.
It early became evident that all members of the coun- cil could not remain at Santa Fe. Upon request of the members the governor appointed an executive commit- tee composed of Charles Springer, chairman, B. C. Hern- andez and C. R. Brice. The executive committee was cloth- ed with all of the powers of the Council and authorized to act and discharge the duties imposed during the interim between meetings of the Council.
Although the members of the Council were often con- sulted by the executive committee and the writer concern- ing various phases of the war work, they never met in reg- ular session after the appointment of the Executive Com- mittee. The Executive Committee, however, was in ses- sion almost continuously during the war emergency, and thereafter as often as the business of the Council required until its voluntary dissolution in the fall of 1920. Judge C. R. Brice was appointed disbursing agent for the dis- bursement of the "War Fund" under the direction of the Council of Defense and its Executive Committee. The Coun- cil of Defense and the Executive Committee were designat- ed by the governor as the chief agencies for carrying out the provisions of chapters III and V of the acts passed by the legislature at its special session.
At one stroke of the pen Governor Lindsey made it possible to coordinate and systematize the state's war acti- vities.
By an act of congress the State Council of Defense and the county and community councils of defense became of- ficial auxiliaries to the National Council of Defense for
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carrying out its instructions and suggestions and the orders of the president in all matters pertaining to the efficient prosecution of the war.
For its own complex tasks, and in order to co-operate effectively with the government through the National Council of Defense and all other accredited agencies en- gaged in war and relief work, the State Council develop- ed auxiliary organizations and appointed committees and agents throughout the state. County councils of defense were organized at an early date. Financial agents were ap- pointed throughout the state to handle the Council's agri- cultural activities in the sale and distribution of seed at cost on both a cash and credit plan. Later by the National Council of Defense county councils of defense were asked to organize community councils in every school district or other proper district within their respective counties. Pre- vious to that time the New Mexico Council had caused war committees to be organized in many of the school districts of various counties. In such cases the personnel and busi- ness of war committees was practically the same as pre- scribed by the National Council for the Community Coun- cils. Merely changing the name of these subsidiary units gave our state an early lead in the organization of Com- munity Councils.
The work of the county councils, community councils, local committees and agents, was carried on in every coun- ty of the state by volunteers who served without pay. In addition to the specific work laid upon them by the Coun- cil, these volunteers were in most instances the local rep- resentatives, organizers and workers for Liberty Loans, War Savings, Food and Fuel Conservation and Production, the Red Cross and other war relief undertakings. The splendid record credited to New Mexico in respect to all matters pertaining to the war speaks more eloquently for the many men and women who gave of their time without stint than any words I might set down speaking of their sacrifices and accomplishments. The records show that the people of New Mexico over-subscribed every Liberty
:NEW iviExrco IN THE GREAT WAR 109
"Loan quota and that the quotas for Red Cross, Salvation .Army, Knights of Columbus, Y. M. C. A. and other ac- credited war relief organizations also received large over- subscriptions. In the record in other directions especially in the matter of the state's contribution to the military and naval forces of the United States, a still greater testimonial to the loyalty of the people of New Mexico will be found. For over sixty years the people of New Mexico sought to igain admission to the Union for their territory, but it was not until 1912 that New Mexico was admited to statehood* just a scant five years prior to war being declared against Germany by the United States.
As the council's war activities increased it was found necessary to appoint certain committees and create certain •departments and bureaus with state-wide jurisdiction. With one or two 'exceptions the various chairmen and directors served without pay. It is impossible to cover all of the activities of the Council of Defense and its various departments and auxiliary and subsidiary Committees with* In the pages of this short review or to mention the names of all of the many persons who contributed to the success of the many undertakings. Brief reference, however, to these committees, bureaus and departments in the order of their creation will give some idea as to the scope and magnitude of the emergency activities.
The Woman's Committee
The Woman's Auxiliary of the Council of Defense, as it was known in the first instance, was organized May 5th* 1917, when women delegates appointed by the War Com- mittees from the various counties met at Santa Fe during the special session of the legislature. Mrs. W* E. Lindsey was named chairman of the Auxiliary. The Women quickly effected a state-wide organization with precinct and coun- ty chairmen. The Auxiliary was organized and function- ing before the complete organization of the Woman's Com- mittee of the National Council of Defense. Early in 1918 the Auxiliary was reorganized under the name of the "Wo-
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man's Committee" and otherwise made to conform more closely to the scheme of organization and work finally pre- scribed by the Woman's Committee of the National Coun- cil of Defense. Matters of organization, including the per- sonnel of the committee, its activities and accomplishments: are reviewed in a separate chapter and such matter will not be detailed here. It should be said, however, that the Woman's Committee and the women of the state under its- leadership contributed in service and accomplishment in a very large way to New Mexico's splendid war record. In a number of instances the committee and its auxiliary or- ganizations achieved notable results and surpassed the re- cords made by similar organizations in some of the older and more densely populated states. Did space permit men- tion would be made of the exceptional services rendered by many women throughout the state and credit would be given to many of the women of the Woman's Committee who worked continuously and faithfully throughout the emergency without monetary remuneration and who per- formed extraordinary services. A large share of the credit for the accomplishments of the auxiliary and the commit- tee should go to the late Mrs. W. E. Lindsey,, wife of our war governor. Under her leadership New Mexico was pro- bably the first state to perfect a woman's state-wide or- ganization. Despite her duties as First Lady of the State and despite the handicap of ill health, which caused her to relinquish the chairmanship of the committee at the time of its reorganization, she kept in constant touch with the work of the committee and assisted in directing its affairs. During the three strenuous months or more preceeding the signing of the Armistice, Mrs. Lindsey was in active charge of the work and affairs of the Woman's Committee owing to the absence of the chairman from the state.
Publicity Department
The publicity department of the Council was created May 22, 1917, with Guthrie Smith as director. Through this department, with Mr. Smith as editor, was published
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 111
the New Mexico War Neivs, issued weekly for the purpose of keeping the war-workers and the public informed as to all war activities including the work of the State and Na- tional Councils of Defense. In addition to the publicity work of the council, the publicity department conducted the publicity campaigns in New Mexico for the Council of Na- tional Defense, the United States Shipping Board, the Pro- vost Marshal General's office, the United States Public Service Reserve and the United States Boy's Working Re- serve. On July 15, 1918, the department commenced the publication of a Spanish edition of the War News, with Senator A, V. Lucero as it editor. The Spanish edition was sent to those who did not read English readily and reached a large number of persons who did riot regularly read any newspaper. The publicity department rendered a distinc- tive service and was highly complimented by the officials in charge of the various departments at Washington for its effective support and work. The War News came into national prominence by reason of the council's campaign against the Hearst publications. The council had been in- structed to watch carefully all newspapers which had been disloyal or pro-German before the United States entered the war and those suspected of exerting a bad influence over our citizens in connection with the prosecution of the war. Articles that had appeared in some of the Hearst papers were republished in the War News in connection with some of the facts relating to the asserted disloyalty of the Hearst papers and the news dealers and people were asked not to purchase, sell or read such papers. News deal- ers in many sections of the state discontinued the sale of the Hearst papers and publications. In some way the phrase "Hearst Publications" crept into the publicity and as a re- sult the International Magazine Company, a purported Hearst publishing concern sought to enjoin the members of the council of defense, the governor, the attorney general, Guthrie Smith, the writer and others from doing anything further in pursuance of an alleged "unlawful scheme and purpose" to injure the business of the Magazine Company
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in the sale of the magazines published by it. None of the Hearst newspaper concerns were parties: to the. court ac- tion or made any attempt to justify their policy pursued in\ relation to the war or to prevent the council's activities,, other than might be inferred from the action of the Mag- azine Company, The Magazine Company probably had. good reason to complain and secured a temporary injunc- tion ag&inst tne defendants in the United States Court. The council members and other defendants appealed from the- decision granting the temporary writ to the Circuit Court of Appeals. Before the matter came; up for hearing the- war ended and neither the company nor the council took any further notice of the matter.
The publication of the War Neivs was- discontinued immediately after the signing of the armistice.
Agricultural Operations
The most serious problem confronting the state was that of increasing the production ol the more important food crops. New Mexico farmers were producing only about fifty per centum of the staple food products, other than meat, required for home consumption. After a careful survey of the state the conclusion was reached that certain crops, notably wheat, pinto beans and corn could be raised successfully in many sections upon lands used almost wholly for grazing purposes. In some localities it was felt that dry farming operations had failed principally through the lack of proper soil treatment and cultivation and the plant- ing of crops unsuited to the soil and climatic conditions. The council lost no time in perfecting plans to stimulate and increase the production of food crops. Working in co-operation with the Extension (farm) Service of the New Mexico College of Agriculture, the council soon had many agencies at work in the agricultural field. Eleven coun- ties had agricultural agents or farm experts. Governor Lindsey auuthorized the expenditure of $35.000 for the em- ployment of agricultural agents in the other seventeen
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 113
fcounties and such agents were quickly employed. This step was more than justified for within a year increased production, improved farming methods and greater inter- est in agricultural pursuits were plainly visible.
It was determined that the money available for farm- ing operations could best be used for purchasing selected ,seed and selling it to farmers at cost for cash, or on cred- it in those cases where the farmer could not otherxvise se- cure seed. In this connection the council secured from the U. S. Department of Agriculture, services of an expert seed man, Mr. Roland Harwell, who selected practically all of the seed purchased and distributed by the agents of the council. Many car loads of seed wheat, oats, rye, barley, beans, kafir corn, cane and potatoes were purchased and distributed. A total of $131,208.40 was paid out of the War fund for this purpose. No money was loaned to any person for any purpose. $80,000. or more had been repaid to the state when the council turned its affairs over to the state when the council turned its affairs over to the state auditor in 1920. Notes and mortgages were turned over to the auditor to cover the greater portion of the balance remain- ing unpaid.
That the effort to increase production was successful is best evidenced by the figures of the U. S. Bureau of Crop Estimates. In 1916 the production of wheat totaled 2,104,- 000 bushels on 113,000 acres. In 1919 the state produced 6,100,000 bushels of wheat on 283,000 acres. The pro- duction of corn was also increased, the state being credited with a 7,000,000 bushel production in 1919.
The increase in wheat and bean production was largely due to the planting of winter wheat, and beans, in the dry farm sections. Over 60% of the 1919 wheat crop was pro- duced on the so called dry farms, and 77% of the total bean crop was produced on similar lands. The total crop value in New Mexico in 1918 was given as $37,644,000. The 1919 total value came to $58,362,000., or an increase of over $20,000,000.
It is noteworthy in this connection that 85% or more
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of the total production of wheat and beans during 1919 is credited by the Bureau of Crop Estimates to those coun- ties that received 85% of the seed sold and distributed by the council on the credit-sales plan.
As a part of its agricultural program the Council, in co-operation with the U. S. Department of Agriculture, conducted an extensive campaign for the extermination of noxious rodents and predatory wild animals. The co-oper- ative campaign against predatory animals was commenced in February, 1918, and the campaign against the noxious rodents in April, 1918. The expenses for this work were shared equally by the council and the federal government. The results obtained were so satisfactory upon completion, December 31, 1919, of the work called for under the co- operative agreement, that the Fourth Legislature made provision for the continuance of the co-operative work, and authorized the expenditure of $50,000. by the council for such purpose, the work to be continued and carried on by the State College and the U. S. Biological Survey. The de- tailed reports concerning these activities cover a number of pages in the council's final report. Mr. S. E. Piper, of the U. S. Biological Survey, was in charge of predatory animal control operations, and Mr. Charles F. Bliss, bio- logical assistant, was in charge of rodent pest repression. Their work was efficient and highly commendable.
Military Operations
When war was declared, April 6th, 1917, the state faced an unusual situation. The New Mexico National Guard had just been mustered out, upon its return from the Mexican border where it had been in active service for some eighteen months. National Guard appropriations had been exhausted and funds were lacking for reorganization and recruiting purposes, and camp facilities and equipment were lacking. When the Guard was called into federal service again, on April 21, 1917, the actual strength of the Guard, including Battery "A," was 49 officers and 39 en- listed men. Recruiting the Guard up to war strength was
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 115
first undertaken by the War Department. The recruiting work progressed so slowly, however, that the regular army officers seriously considered abandonment of the attempt and the mustering out of those already recruited. In this emergency Governor Lindsey, upon the recommendation of the Council of Defense, ordered Adjutant General James Eaca to undertake the recruiting work. The council was authorized to pay the expenses of recruiting and mobiliza- tion. The recruiting progressed rapidly under the direc- tion of Adjutant General Baca and the First Infantry Re- giment and Battery "A" were quickly brought up to war strength.
It was then found that the mobilization and training camps to be provided by the national government would not be ready for several months. Again the council acted. Governor Lindsey authorized it to proceed to construct and eqiup a complete training camp at Albuquerque. The can- tonments and other buildings were rapidly constructed and the New Mexico National Guard was mobilized at Albu- querque about June 1, 1917, and was given intensive train- ing for four and one-half months. Battery "A" went to Camp Greene, North Carolina, and soon left for France where it figured prominently in the allied offensive known as the second battle of the Marne. It was one of the bat- teries that fired the opening guns at Chateau-Thierry and was cited for exceptional and effective service. The In- fantry Regiment, under Col. E. C. Abbott, was sent from Albuquerque to Camp Kearny, California, where it became a part of the 40th Division and finally saw service in France.
The New Mexico State College, the Roswell Military Institute and the State University were called upon by the War Department to provide training for enlisted men in technical and mechanical branches and to provide facilities for training recruits in the Student Army. Governor Lind- sey was determined that New Mexico should make good in very branch of war work and he authorized the Council of Defense to construct necessary quarters at the State Col-
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lege for the housing of 210 soldiers and to purchase re- quired equipment. Appropriations were also made to the* Military Institute and to the University to provide proper facilities for their work.
Hew Mexico took the lead in other work of a military character and was the first state to undertake medical1 and hospital treatment for discharged soldiers, until such time as the federal government might provide for their care. Another operation of the council was the selection of legal advisory boards, working through the county com- cils to aid in the enforcement of the selective service law. A legal committee, composed of Ira L. Grimshaw, Levi A., Hughes, Benjamin M. Read, J. 0. Seth and Charles Springer was appointed, and in turn local county legal committees were selected, to give advice and assistance to persons called for military service and dependents and re- latives of soldiers and sailors. A legal booklet prepared by Mr. Grimshaw for the use of the committees was issued. These committees under direction of the state legal com- mittee gave free advice to registrants as to their affairs and legal rights, and to soldiers' and sailors' dependents regarding insurance, allotments, allowances and compensa- tion matters. Many cases were referred to the Council of Defense and satisfactorily disposed of.
The council also created a medical department, with Dr. J. A. Massie of Santa Fe as director. This department under the direction of Dr. Massie and with the assistance of Dr. J. W. Elder, capt. Med. Corps and medical aide to the governor, rendered most valuable service. The results obtained by the department caused the legislature to create a permanent State Health and Welfare Department.
Historical Service Department
A Board of Historical Service, consisting of Edgar L. Hewett, Benjamin M. Read and Col R. E. Twitchell, with Lansing B. Bloom as executive secretary, was appointed at an early date, to arrange and preserve all facts and records relating to the services and activities of our citizens in con-
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 117
nection with the war, including a complete record of the services of every New Mexico soldier. The results of its work are shown in part in a separate chapter.
Speakers' Bureau
The speakers' bureau of the Council consisted of four- teen members, with Col. R. E. Twitchell as its chairman and director. The first work undertaken by the bureau was in connection with the recruiting of the New Mexico National Guard, and in this work Colonel Twitchell, speak- ing throughout the state and otherwise assisting the coun- cil, Adjutant General Baca, Captain Edward L. Safford, and others, rendered exceptional service. In 1918 the Bu- reau was consolidated with the Four Minute Men's organiz- ation and Mr Laurence F. Lee, chairman of that body, suc- ceeded Colonel Twitchell as chairman of the bureau. The effective work of the Speakers' Bureau, which includes the Four Minute Men, is reflected in the results obtained in all drives for funds and the increasing ease with which all work was being accomplished as the war progressed.
Department of Education and Labor
Jonathan H. Wagner, state superintendent of public instruction, directed the affairs of this department. He was also federal state director of the Public Service Re- serve and of the Boys' Working Reserve. New Mexico was one of the first states in the union to register and exceed its quota of workmen for the shipyards. This department organized the community war labor boards. Through it the National Council's educational program was carried out in New Mexico. The state legislature took cognizance of the effective work done by Mr. Wagner and his co-workers and continued some of the department's activities for an indefinite period.
The council had other committees, including the High- ways Transport committee, with five district chairmen and a director, George S. Singleton of Clovis; and the Motor
8
118 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Minute Men's organization whose members volunteered the use of their cars and their services for any and all war work.
On account of the disturbed conditions along the Mexi- can border during 1918, and in order to give proper pro- tection to life and property, it was found necessary to re- establish the New Mexico Mounted Police. Under rules and regulations prescribed by the committee on State Police, composed of Charles Springer, Victor Culberson and Charles Ballard, the Mounted Police consisted of Captain Herbert McGrath of Silver City, two sergeants and fourteen paid privates, its operations being directed from the council headquarters. The police were paid from the war fund and served from May 1, 1918, to December 31,
1918, when the force was disbanded. On January 2nd,
1919, the force was restablished by Governor Larrazolo and the Council of Defense was directed to continue to pay the salaries and expenses of the organization. The 1919 legislature made the force permanent and provided funds for its maintenance, but the force was abolished in 1921. During 1918 the police performed very valuable service to the state and nation.
Of the $750,000 war certificates authorized to be is- sued, only $370,000 thereof were issued and sold. The total war debt of the state therefore amounted to $370,000. Under the policy followed by the council and the governor short term certificates only were issued, and on May 1st, 1921, all of the certificates so issued had been redeemed and cancelled, thus wiping out New Mexico's war debt.
Under the provisions of the Public Defense Act, and amendments thereof, the Council of Defense was to con- tinue its work until peace should be formally declared by the United States. At the time of the signing of the Armis- tice and thereafter, the council by reason of legislative action was engaged in winding up certain of its activities and at the same time continuing certain activities delegated to it. Provision had been made to transfer any and all un- finished business to the state auditor at such time as the
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 119
council's term expired. Early in May, 1920, it appeared that it might be some time before peace would be formally declared and it was thought advisable to discontinue the Council. In order to do this the Executive Committee authorized its secretary to ask the members of the coun- cil to resign. Acceptance of the resignations by the gover- nor would naturally accomplished the desired result. The final reports of the council and of its disbursing agent were prepared and filed with the governor as of May 31, 1920. The members of the council submitted their resignations, and upon their acceptance, the council turned over its business and records to the state auditor.
No one ever need apologize for New Mexico's war record. Measured by the standards of wealth, population and responsiveness, its record equalled that of any state in the union and in instances its contribution to the cause exceeded that of many of the other states. In the matter of voluntary enlistments in the army and navy, New Mexico stood fifth among the states. Over 17,000 of her sons ser- ved in the various branches of the military service. Twenty- one per centum of the state's physicians were in active service. Every quota, whether for men or money, was exceeded. Every call was answered quickly. There was not a single disturbance or strike of the slightest import- ance during the emergency. If trouble seemed to be brew- ing, the situation was promptly and effectively handled by the officers of the council or its agents acting under speci- fic instructions.
Governor W. E. Lindsey cooperated with the Council of Defense in every possible way. His absolute honesty and devotion to the duties of his office and the fidelity with which he served the people reflected great credit up- on his administration.
During every emergency some strong man is found to direct the important undertakings. New Mexico had its strong man, a man of unusual patience and wisdom ; one whose courage never faltered in any situation. He could pour oil upon troubled waters with greater facility and ef-
120 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
fectiveness than any man I ever met. He was tolerant to a fault of other men's deficiences. The aggressive side of his character is tempered with an unusual gentleness. His sincerity and unquestionable integrity, his accomplish- ments and services rendered to the state without financial reward, easily stamp him as New Mexico's most useful citizen. I refer to Charles Springer of Cimarron who was chairman of the council's executive committee and to whom the credit belongs for the work and accomplishments of the state draft board, chairman of the state highway com- mission, and the directing head of other activities. He dis- charged all of his various duties with fidelity and with marked success. Always interested in everything that af- fects the welfare of the people of the state, Mr. Springer finds time somehow to help in a practical and effective way, and I know of no man in the state who has rendered more unselfish service than he.
WALTER M. DANBURG
IV Civilian Activities
By civilian war activities are meant the activities of individuals, institutions, and agencies outside of the milita- ry organization. In a sense the "Great War" was a civilians' war in that practically all New Mexicans who did mili- tary service were in civilian pursuits previously. The great- est civilian activity of the war was the bearing of arms by civilians. But apart from those under arms, civilians per- formed exploits of almost incredible multiplicity and mag- nitude. From the national organization down to the most remotely isolated cabin there developed a close bond of un- derstanding and cooperation in the mighty undertaking of "winning the war" for the freedom of the world. This was brought about through the Councils of Defense, national, state, county, and community, representing a splendid achievement of civilian enterprise, an achievement which requires a separate chapter for adequate treatment. Let it be noted here, however, that the State Council of Defense
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 121
for New Mexico has stood in the van of similar state or- ganizations in supervising and stimulating with such signal success the numberless activities which it initiated.
It is not our purpose in this chapter to speak of the ef- forts of the splendid women of the state, although their work comes under the general head of civilian activities under whatever form it was carried on. The remarkable assistance rendered by newspapers, industrial and other concerns, and by institutions, public and private, can be merely mentioned as part of the sum total of civilian effort. While these agencies are treated in other chapters of this volume, it is difficult not to remark upon the evidence, found everywhere, of the spirit of Kipling's lines :
"It aint the guns nor armament, for funds that they can pay,
But the close cooperation that makes them win the day,
It aint the individual, nor the army as a whole
But the everlasting teamwork of every blooming soul."
The story can in fact, be told only in outline. Here and there a name may be mentioned, but the list of patrio- tic men and women who contributed to the success of our great adventure, must be elsewhere permanently record- ed. The story begins with the organization of the Red Cross work in the spring of 1915, and this was the only form of activity carried on until the stage was set for the entrance of the United States in the final scene. Then rep- resentative men of the state visited the East and brought back those urgent messages that set the people of New Mexico to their heroic task.
During the war, New Mexico selected more than fif- teen thousand of its best young men for active military service. The remarkable feature of this selection is that the machinery was almost entirely civilian. In charge of the selective draft was Captain R. C. Reid acting at first for Adjutant General James E. Baca and later as draft execu- tive, with a medical advisor also holding a captain's com- mission. The state was organized into two districts, the 8*
122 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
northern and the southern, each under an exemption board. In each county at first, the county sheriff, the county clerk, and three other civilians had supervision over the selection with powers of exemption. Later the number of members on the local board was reduced to three. Under the reg- ulations issued by the provost marchal-general, medical, dental, and legal advisory boards usually of three members each were organized to aid the county draft boards in their work. In each county a lawyer was appointed to act for those appealing for exemption. Every doctor, dentist, and lawyer in the community, however, was asked to assist in the work of selecting our soldiers from those registering on June 5, 1917, and June 5, August 24, and September 12, of 1918. The entire cost of the selective draft in New Mexico was about §80,000. or approximately one dollar per regis- trant. This low cost was brought about by the fact that, in most of the counties, the members of the various boards made no claims, or very moderate claims, for reim- bursement. With infinite patience and strict honesty, as well as incalculable sacrifice of time and effort, these men have served their state and nation beyond our power to fully appreciate.
The Y. M. C. A. campaign for $30,000. was in charge of Ralph E. Twitchell and was initiated at Santa Fe with a banquet attended by one hundred and fifty representative men. On that occasion alone $2,500 was pledged. The campaign was carried on vigorously throughout the vari- ous counties with the result that the state's quota of $30,- 000, was exceeded by $30,603, making the total $60,603, double the quota. In this connection mention should be made of the Y. W. C. A. campaign in 1917, when there was subscribed approximately $5,000. The subscriptions were practically all secured from women, the "drive" being in charge of local Y. W. C. A. organizations and the State Federation of Women's Clubs.
In August 1918, the Knights of Columbus initiated a campaign for war funds. A remarkable banquet was held in the historic De Vargas Hotel in the city of the Holy Faith
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 123
at which men were present representing all religious be- liefs, and addresses were made by an Episcopal rector, a Methodist minister, and a Jew, as well as by Roman Catho- lics. As a result the sum of $4,000 was pledged, a part of which was later included in the amount raised in the United War Work campaign. In the whole state, the pledges reached a total of $20,000. The Knights of Columbus' drive was under the direction of Honorable E. P. Davis who labored even more earnestly when the move- ment was merged with those of six other organizations.
The Salvation Army drive came July 24, 25, 1918. In New Mexico, the campaign was in charge of the Bene- volent and Protective Order of Elks, Mr. P. A. Lineau, Ex- alted Ruler of the Santa Fe Lodge and Deputy State In- surance Commissioner, being the state chairman. The us- ual thorough preparation was made to meet the state's quota of $18,000 and again New Mexico went beyond the mark with subscriptions aggregating $24,623.72 exceeding the quota by 37 per cent.
The United War Work Campaign began September first, 1918, under the direction of S. J. Brient of El Paso. In the campaign, seven organizations worked harmonious- ly, each with a representative from the state at large, as follows: Young Men's Christian Association, George A. Kaseman, Albuquerque ; Young Women's Christian Associ- ation, Mrs. F. W. Parker, Santa Fe ; National Catholic War Council, E. P. Davies, Santa Fe; Jewish Welfare Board, Alfred Grunsfeld, Albuquerque; War Camp Community Service, E. T. Chase, Albuquerque; American Library As- sociation, Evlyn Schuler, Raton; Salvation Army, T. J. Mabry, Albuquerque. At the head of this committee was R. E. Twitchell, who gave himself whole heartedly to the work of inspiration and leadership in all civilian activi- ties. At a conference held at Albuquerque on September 19, 1918, practically every county was represented and plans were well laid with a view to an effective campaign. The quota for the state of $204,600 was accepted. The organization was complete and reached into practically
124 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
every community in the state. The state was divided into six districts with a director and a chairman for each. Each county also had its chairman and there was besides an ad- visory committee of one hundred members. The campaign was directed along several lines of endeavor including the following divisions: The Boys and Girls Earn and Give Clubs; Student work; Women's organizations; Spanish speaking communities; Indians (Zuni, Navajo, Apache, Mescalero, and Pueblo) ; Speakers Bureau. The drive be- gan on November 11, 1918, the day of the signing of the armistice, and in spite of difficulties and handicaps it estab- lished a record of which our state may indeed be proud. According to reports, 3,584 boys gave $5,320 and 4,339 girls $6,179. The educative values suggested in these fig- ures is significant. In the five state institutions open at the time, the University, the Spanish-American Normal, the New Mexico Military Institute, the Agricultural Col- lege and the School of Mines, 1,000 students and members of faculties gave $6,000. The pupils of the Indian School at Albuquerque gave $750 and those in the Indian School at Santa Fe $100. Indians on the reservations contributed approximately $3,000. Miners contributed generously as did employers in all the industries. One of the largest contributions was that of $35,000 by the Chino Copper Company of Grant County. So thoroughly had the work been done that the state was third in reaching its quota and on November 24th it was found that the state had con- tributed $286,153.
Types of organizations for meeting war quotas and for performing the community's part in all activities were the "War Chest" in Colfax County, the "Lick the Kaiser" Club in Eddy County and the "Patriots' Fund" in Albuquerque. The last mentioned fund was made up of contributions made upon the basis of one per cent of the income follow- ing the Kenosha Plan. In Santa Fe, the Red Cross require- ments were met by systematic monthly payments. These various plans show the earnest spirit in which civilians were determined to "see it through."
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 125
In the four Liberty Loan campaigns of May and Octo- ber, 1917, April and September, 1918, New Mexico's quotas -were respectively $1,375,400 $3,095,700, $3,658,500 and $3,243,300. The subscriptions amounted to $1,834,600, $3,945,750, $6,001.750 and $6,170,300. This is a record of which New Mexico is justly proud. Individual credit can- jiot be distributed as it seemed that all lent their aid in ac- cordance with ability and opportunity. The figures for the third loan in the northern district where Judge Reed Hollo- .man was in charge are typical. In that campaign in the ten counties of Colfax, McKinley, Mora, Rio Arriba, San Juan, San Miguel, Sandoval, Santa Fe, Taos and Union, •every county oversubscribed its quota. The total quota for the ten counties was $1,058,300 and the subscriptions amounted to $2,323,450, the number of subscribers being 12,694. All the counties and fifty-five towns and villages in this district wrere awarded honor flags. The southern district under the directorship of Max Nordhaus of Albu- querque, was no less patriotic. In the campaign for raising New Mexico's quota of War Savings Stamps, it was, for several reasons, impossible for the people of the state to buy the amount assigned to it, yet many of the counties made splendid efforts to reach the mark set for them, Luna County, however, being the only one to exceed its quota. Grant County subscribed for $218,110.04, or 62 per cent of its allotment. Although New Mexico failed to raise its quota of seven million dollars, only two million dollars be- ing subscribed for, the ratio per capita will compare favor- ably with those in many of the more prosperous states; and this in spite of a three years' drought and an utter lack of war profits or business stimulation such as other sections enjoyed. For the remarkable results obtained, the unwearied efforts of the director of the campaign, Mr. Hal- lett Raynolds of Las Vegas, are chiefly responsible.
The whole machinery of the State Food Administra- tion was in the hands of civilians, thirteen hundred agents work under the directorship of Ralph C. Ely. There is not and representatives devoting their time and efforts to this
126 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
space in this chapter to tell of this work or of that of the Fuel Administration at the head of which, until his death, was former Governor William C. McDonald, with organiz- ations in all the counties. Sixty or more civilians acted as agents for the issuance of permits to handle explosives. There were organizations of livestock growers, of whole- sale and retail merchants, of restaurant and hotel keepers, each planning in conference and all working for the com- mon aim of "winning the war." These conferences took place as a rule either at Santa Fe or at Albuquerque, a gen- eral conference of all war workers being at Albuquerque, May 9th and 10th, 1918.
The Highways Transport Committee, under the chair- manship of George Singelton of Clovis, organized the state into five districts each in charge of a chairman. The aim of this committee was to facilitate the movement of com- modities in every way possible and, had the war continued,, its well laid plans, involving the co-operation of hundreds of persons, would without doubt have achieved the desired results.
The thorough organization of the "Four Minute Men" in every county in the state, as perfected under the leader- ship of Laurence F. Lee of Albuquerque, was a noteworthy feature of civilian activities. Very little of the literature relating to the war was printed in Spanish and public ad- dresses were, as a rule, the most effective means of appeal- ing to Spanish-speaking people. The results of the vari- ous campaigns in the northern counties of the state are suf- ficient evidence of the generous reponse to these appeals. The "Four Minute Men" began their work in August, 1917, but for a time reports were sent directly to Washington. From March 11 to December 31, 1918, there were two thousand two hundred ninty four addresses made to audi- ences aggregating four hundred ninety-two thousand four hundred twenty. It is conservatively estimated that fully as many talks were made and as many people heard them in the period from August 1917 to March 1918. Santa Fe County reported twenty speakers making a total of seventy-
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 127
five talks and together addressing eighteen thousand per- sons. In the city of Roswell one hundred fifteen talks were made to a total of forty-six thousand. In the organization were thirty-one chairmen and two hundred fifty regularly enlisted speakers, not including clergymen. Churches, motion picture theatres, school houses, public buildings of all kinds and many homes were freely offered for use by the "Four Minute Men." The extent to which the work was voluntary is indicated by the fact that the total ex- pense incurred in this wrork for the whole state during the entire war period was less than five hundred dollars.
In connection with "war" meetings, mention should be made of Liberty Choruses which furnished patriotic music on numerous occasion. Wherever an enthusiastic musician could be found to lead, groups were formed to sing the songs of America and her allies. Whole communi- ties were thus taught the national songs of the United States, England, France and Italy,
For the purposes of this chapter, one holding an of- fice under the national, state, county, or municipal govern- ment is a civilian. Practically every man in public life in the state was called upon to perform duties in connection with war activities as a speaker, or as a chairman of a com- mittee in charge of some important work. Thus our nine district judges were leaders in the Liberty Loan campaigns in their respective districts. All justices of the Su- preme Court were active participants in the various "drives." But our officials also performed important work by virtue of the office which they held. As to Governor Lindsey, some account of the leadership and service of our "War Governor" has already been given.
The state bank examiner, George H. Van Stone, con- tributed much to the effectiveness of the excellent organiz- ation of the banks of the state in promoting all forms of work and in addition gave of his time and efforts to arous- ing interest in increased food production. Through the interest and cooperation of R. P. Ervien, commissioner of public lands, 22441 acres of land leased for grazing pur-
128 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
poses were planted in crops, and the raising of corn, beans"., forage and potatoes was materially increased. The State Corporation Commission was instrumental in securing low- er freight rates on feed for livestock that saved the grow- ers of sheep and cattle over $100,000 in one season. The state treasurer invested three quarters of a million dollars; of Permanent Funds of the state institutions in Liberty Bonds.
The State Superintendent of Public Instruction was called upon again and again to set the machinery of the school system of the state into motion to assist in various undertakings. As state director of the United States Pu- blic Service Reserve and of the Boys Working Reserve, Superintendent Wagner and his office staff enrolled 3700 men and 2624 boys. Of the men enrolled, seven hundred skilled workers and three thousand unskilled laborers en- tered the employ of the government in various parts of the country. Of the boys enrolled eight hundred and sixty re- ported seventy nine thousand five hundred and thirty seven days of work with net earnings amounting to one hundred twelve thousand four hundred and three dollars and thirty- eight cents. In addition the state department of education supervised the organization of girls in a similar manner, enrolling one thousand three hundred and forty-one mem- bers of whom eight hundred and nine reported sixty-two thousand two hundred one working days with total net earning of forty-one thousand one hundred fifty nine dol- lars and sixty-nine cents. Associated with Superintendent Wagner in bringing about these splendid results was Mr, Guthrie Smith as executive secretary. These results, it must be noted, were reached practically without cost "to either state or nation. Through this office, the Thrift Stamp Campaign was carried into every school in the state. The director of industrial education, Mrs. Ruth C. Miller, was director also of the Home Economics Division of the State Food Administration and was one of the most active in spreading the gospel of production and food con- servation. Among county and city officials, too, there was
NEW MEXIICO IN THE GKEAT WAR
the same readiness to answer every summons to service, The duties of county clerks In connection with the selective draft were heavy ; sheriffs were called upon to assist in bringing in "slackers" of all classes; assessors made in- vestigations concerning property of aliens; and county su- perintendents served as organizers of rural communities through the medium of the schools.
Those citizens of the state who held positions under the federal government during the war were all in the civilian division of our army. Postmasters and postal em- ployees were overburdened with work naturally pertain- ing to their employment, and yet new duties were constant- ly added as a result of the government's war plans, For example, postmasters were appointed agents for securing laborers for war work and were expected to assist in the sale of War Savings Stamps. The officials of the various U. S. Land offices in the state and forest supervisors, all of whom were civilians, redoubled their efforts to improve conditions for quickly increasing production. In this state and in Arizona, as one result, the number of cattle grazed on national forest reserves increased by 70,000 over the previous year, and the number of sheep by 48,000.
The various state educational institutions, in addition to being centers of patriotism and loyalty, joined in every campaign for war funds. At the University of New Mex- ico, the service flag numbers one hundred seventy-five stars, evidence enough of the loyalty of the institution and its members. From the opening of the war in April, 1917, the president and board of regents of the University sought opportunities for cooperation with the state and nation in their war plans. The offer of its three hundred fifty acre campus for the location of barracks was accepted by the National Guard. The curriculum was adjusted to war con- ditions. Public lectures were given by members of the faculty on war topics. The columns of the "Weekly" and the "News" were devoted to disseminating war inform- ation. All "drives" were given the undivided support of instructors and students by generous subscriptions as well
130 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
as by participation as workers in each organization. On October 1, 1918, the University opened its doors on practi- cally a military basis in connection with the Student's Army Training* Corps. One hundred sixty young men reg- istered for military training in addition to college courses.
The varied and extensive operations conducted by the New Mexico College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts can hardly be even outlined in a paragraph. Many of these op- erations were carried on in connection with the Council of Defense and accounts of some of them will, no doubt, have 3 place in other chapters. The whole equipment of the in- stitution and all its organization and facilities were offered to the government. In the engineering department, new courses were offered and old ones readjusted in accord- ance with war training requirements. For example a Radio and Buzzer Operators' School was established from which forty operators were trained. Special training was given in many trades required in the army, even before the as- surance that the institution would be used for soldier train- ing. Of the Student Army Training Corps, one hundred men registered in various departments, half of them elect- ing work in engineering. A total of five hundred and seven men were sent to the college for military training: during the summer and fall of 1918.
Because of the results of many years of study and ex- perimentation, the College was found ready to assist the State Food Administration and the Council of Defense in the production and conservation of food and forage. Num- erous bulletins were issued to supplement former public- ations. Information was promptly furnished along lines that had to do with methods for securing the best results quickly. Through the efforts of the agents and instructors in the College, it has been estimated that the production of crops was increased in the state by thirty per cent. In the extension department, the office and field force was ex- panded until there were one hundred ten persons on the pay roll all using their utmost efforts to assist the people of the state in their war work. Four thousand members
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 131
were enrolled in the Boys' and Girls' Club Work in 1918 in :nearly twenty different classes of projects with the value products amounting to one hundred twenty thousand dol- lars and profits of seventy five thousand dollars.
With the expansion of the work of the College due to war demands into so many fields, it might be supposed that less attention would be paid to Liberty Loan, Red Cross and other campaigns. The record shows however, a total of $55,934.30 pledged by the members of the faculty and the students for war funds.
Eighty-six per cent of the students enrolled in 1916 at the New Mexico School of Mines were found at the close of the war to have been in active service, thirty-eight per cent of these receiving commissions. Considering the fact that this institution does not include military training in its courses, this is a remarkable evidence of the character of engineering work done and the spirit of patriotism char- acterizing the school, its faculty and students.
The New Mexico Normal University was active in all war enterprises. Its instructors made over 150 patriotic addresses in various parts of the state; faculty and stu- dents took $30,000 in Liberty Bonds and War Savings Stamps; and Red Cross Work was carried on constantly. The institution had charge of the war gardens in the town of Las Vegas where 205 boys and girls were enrolled and vegetables produced of the value of $3844.80. In the reg- ular school work courses were readjusted to meet the de- mands of war conditions.
The New Mexico Normal School at Silver City has a long list of items to its credit in the civilian activities ac- count. Only a few typical ones can be here given. Faculty members and students performed their full share of Red Cross requirements. Practically all boxes used for ship- ping the suppiles of the Grant County Chapter were made by the manual training pupils of the Normal School. The support of orphan children of France and Belgium was assumed by the instructors and students of the school and by means of various entertainments the institution assist-
132 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ed in raising one thousand dollars for the Blind Soldiers* Fund. As volunteer workers for the draft board, as mem- bers of canteen committees* to care for sick soldiers passing- through Silver City on their way to Fort Bayard and gen- erous subscribers to all war funds, these teachers and stu- dents proved themselves patriotic and capable in the high- est degree. In the regular school work emphasis was laid en courses in First Aid, Home Care of the Sick, Surgical Dressing and in Food Conservation.
The New Mexico Military Institute, in addition to the participation of its students, past and present, in active war service, shared in all other activities incident to war needs. Upon the opening of hostilities, the whole work of the institution was readjusted to assist the government. Military training was intensified and every effort made to prepare young men to become officers in the army. Stu- dents were sent into various communities to serve as drill masters in local high schools and to assist in organizing military units. When the Student Army Training Corps- unit was established at the Institute, seventy-six students were inducted into the service; sixty-six others were en- rolled but the armistice took place while their papers were under consideration at Washington.
The work of the director of the Museum of New Mex- ico and his staff in connection with child welfare and the collection of historical material relating to New Mexico's part in the war must be classed with civilian activities. So must the service rendered by public libraries in their use of war posters and bulletin boards. It was largely through the librarians of the state, led by Miss Evelyn Shuler of Raton, that ten thousand volumes were collected in twenty^ two towns for the reading rooms at the various camps.
The increase in crop production under the stimulus of war demands is still another evidence of civilian energy and enterprise. The acreage planted in wheat increased from 113,000 acres in 1916 to 213,000 in 1918 and the pro- duction from 2,104,000 to 3,334,000 bushels. Of corn, 4,250,000 bushels were raised in 1918 as compared with
MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR IBS
2,625,000 in 1916. The potato yield was 816,000 bushels Jin 1916 and 1,276,000 bushels in 1918. In the former year, 64,000 acres were planted in beans and 207,000 acres in 1917. It is estimated that the bean crop In 1917 reached a total of 70,000,000 pounds. In Eddy County 6,500 bales <of cotton were picked and in Dona Ana County 14,700 crates of canteloupes were shipped in one season.
In war garden work, men, women and children res- ponded splendidly to the appeal for greater production. In all, there were about 3,000 war gardens, Tucumcari for example, reporting 140 gardens, Las Vegas 400, and the little town of Willard in Torrance county had 40. Mrs. Isaac Earth was the head of the home gardens division.
As a war measure, the adoption of the prohibition con* stitutional amendment at an election held November 6, 1917, should not be overlooked. On that date the civilians of New Mexico decreed by a splendid majority of 16,585 that they would not suffer their efforts to win the war to be handicapped by the liquor traffic. On October 1, 1918, therefore, in accordance with the provisions of the amend- ment adopted, all saloons in the state closed their doors and, it is believed, closed them forever.
We are not permitted in this brief resume to more than mention that in one of the Liberty Loan campaigns, twenty-seven convicts in the state pentientiary joined in the purchase of a one thousand dollar bond, each contri- buting an amount of from two dollars to four hundred dol- lars ; that practically all owners of automobiles placed their cars at the disposal of all committees and agencies engag- ed in war activities as Motor Minute Men; that traveling men in their several itineraries about the state added to the sum total of civilian activities by spreading the spirit of loyalty and by reporting to the proper authorities the slightest signs of disaffection; that miners in the Gallup coal fields volunteered to assist in the saving of the fruit crop in San Juan county ; that Indian farmers on the Mes- 9
134 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
calero reservation increased the acreage of potatoes plant- ed from three acres to seventy-eight acres in one year ; that in several towns and cities of the state, men formed Home Guard companies and drilled persistently until the war closed. In fact, the special activities here mentioned are merely typical of the loyal spirit of New Mexicans. They have been selected at random and the list could be greatly extended.
The story of civilian activity in New Mexico told here in brief outline, could not be fully told by recounting mere- ly what was done or attempted. What the people of the state did not do should also be a part of the history of the state for the period of the war. In obeying all suggest- ions and appeals it is doubtful whether any part of the United States has been more scrupulous than our own state. The food restrictions, often embarrasing, were sel- dom disregarded. The hampering regulations which gov- erned traveling and transportation met with cheerful com- pliance. Needing school houses and other public build- ings, all construction was promptly suspended at a suggest- ion from Washington. This was true also to a large extent, of the work on roads and bridges which had been planned by the county and state highway officials. In fact if the sum total of civilian self-restraint and sacrifice could be measur- ed, it would equal even the splendid aggregate of what we might call positive forms of activity. While thousands in New Mexico served, tens of thousands obeyed and waited. They were all parts of the remarkable system of cooper- ation that evolved so rapidly and that placed New Mex- ico in the front ranks of the states of the Union in war activities.
Rupert F. Asplund
SPANISH FOLK-LOBE 135
SPANISH FOLK-LOKE IN NEW MEXICO AURELJO M. ESPINOSA
One of the richest fields for the collecting and study of Spanish folk-lore is the southwestern part of our own country, particularly the states of Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California. Some of these regions are very old in Spanish traditions, being some of the oldest settle- ments made by the Spaniards after the conquest and colon- ization of Mexico or Nueva Espana, and they have very tenaciously preserved many precious treasures of old Span- ish folk-lore that other regions of the Spanish world and even Spain herself have completely forgotten. For the com- parative study of Spanish folk-lore, and, therefore, ethno- logy and culture, the collection, publication and study of folk-lore materials from the above mentioned regions of the United States are of the greatest interest and import- ance to science.
Very little has been done in the collection and public- ation of really old and traditional materials of Spanish source from any of these regions with the single exception of New Mexico. In the all-important field of New Mexican Spanish language and folk-lore the author of this article has worked almost alone, but even so he has been fortunate enough to collect abundant materials that have been published in various American and European jour- nals. Some of these materials, particularly the purely lin- guistic studies, the folk-tales, and the romances tradiciona* les, or traditional ballads, have been very welcome contri- butions to Spanish linguistics and folk-lore.1 The tradi- tional Spanish ballads, for example, that are ten in num-
1. My Studies in Neiv-Mexican Spanish (studies in linguistics and dialectology) were published in Germany, in the Revue de Dialectologie Ro-mane (Part 1. Phono- logy, 1909, Part II. Morphology, 1911, and Part III. The English Elements, 1914.) A special article, Syllabic Consonants in New Mexican Spanish was published in the December, 1925, number of Language, journal of the Linguistic Society of
136 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ber and are found in twenty-seven versions, furnish us one of the most interesting, important and most archaic col- lections of Spanish ballads that have been collected any- where in the Spanish world. Some of them are versions of old Spanish ballads: that were brought to the New World, by the early Spanish settlers in the XVIth century, and are,, therefore, some of the most precious materials oi Spanish folk-lore that have been found in Spanish America.
But the New Mexican field has not been exhausted by any means. Much more material is available no doubt andt it only awaits enthusiastic collectors and students of folk- lore who will appreciate its worth and save it from obli- vion. New Mexican institutions unfortunately have taken little interest in the study or preservation of the Spanish language in New Mexico or in the collection and study of its folk-lore. The New Mexico Historical Society as now constituted is now to take the leading part in this great work and has asked the present writer to publish in the new journal of the Society articles on the Spanish language in New Mexico and on New-Mexican Spanish folk-lore. Thisi is the first ray of hope for New-Mexican Spanish language and folk-lore and the plans of the New Mexico Historical Society will be seconded by all students of linguistics, folk- lore and ethnology. The present article, therefore, is an at- tempt to present to the readers of the Neiv Mexico Histo- rical Revieiv an outline of New-Mexican Spanish folk-lore studies and to suggest the methods best suited to the pur- suit of these.
America. Most of tny articles and stttdieff on New-Mexican Spanish folk-lore were published in the Journal of American Folk-Lore during the years 1910-1916, with the general title New -Mexican Spanish Folk-Lore, as follows: Part 1. Myths, Part II* Superstitions' and Beliefs, Part III. Folk-Tales, Part IV. Mexican Proverbs, Part V. Popular Comparisons, Part VI. Los Trovos del Viejo Vilmas, Part VII. More Folk- Taleg, Part VIII. Short Stories and Anecdotes, Part IX. Riddles, Part X Children's Games, Part XI. Nursery Rhymes. Fourteen more New- Mexican Spanish folk-tales were published in the Bulletin de Dialectoloffic Romane, Germany (1914.) My collection and study of the traditional Spanish ballads froii* New Mexico was published in the Revue Hispanique, Paris in 1915, with the title Rotnetncero Nuevomejicano. As we have said above, there are ten ballads in twenty-seven versions, although Mr. C. F. Lummis in his work The Land of Poco Tiempo, New York, 1893, stated that no traditional Spanish ballads were to be found in New Mexico.
SPANISH FOLK-LORE 137
In California there are more collectors, according to reports, but very little has been published as yet that has any great value for Spanish folk-lore studies. The author of this article has collected and published a small number of traditional Spansh ballads, which like the New-Mexican are real gems on account of the archaic character of the versions. They are published unedited in the Memorial Volumes2 published in Spain recently in honor of Don Ra- mon Menendez Pidal, the greatest living authority on Span- ish language and literature, and who is collecting for pub- lication the Spanish balladry of the whole Spanish-speak- ing world. He has the theory that the Spanish ballads are found in oral tradition wherever the Spanish language is spoken, and thus far his theory has been upheld wherever folk-lorists have looked for such materials. The author also has an unpublished collection of folk-tales from Spanish California. As for Spanish popular songs and lyrics, the only interesting collection for the Southwest as a whole is the publication of Miss Eleanor Hague, Spanish American Folk-Songs, New York, 1917. These songs, however, are not very old. The recent publications of Mr. Lummis, Spanish Songs from Old California, are XlXth century songs, and of little interest to folk-lore.
From Arizona and Texas I do not know of any import- ant published documents of traditional Spanish folk-lore. Now that interest in the Spanish language is spreading over our country, thanks to the just appreciation on the part of Americans for a language that is spoken on this continent by some fifty million people with whom we must live in con- tinual commercial and cultural relations, and that is one of the great languages of the world, it is to be hoped that pro- fessors and teachers of Spanish in our universities and col- leges will make an earnest effort to interest their students in Spanish folk-lore, an almost virgin field that lies at our doors.
The American Folk-Lore Society, thanks to the efforts
2. Homena,je a Don Ramon Menjndez Pidal, 2 volumes, Madrid, 1925.
9*
138 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of Professor Franz Boas of Columbia University, has tak- en a very active interest in the collecting and publishing: €>f Spanish folk-lore from every possible source. But the funds of the society are limited, and unless material aid' is constantly received from persons of wealth it is very dif- ficult to carry on these investigations. In order to have a large collection of peninsular Spanish folk-tales for our comparative studies the American Folk-Lore Society de- cided several years ago to send a special investigator to* Spain. The generosity of Mrs, Elsie CIew» Parsons, past president of the society, and one of the most eminent- American folk-lorists, made possible the expedition to> Spain, and the result was most fortunate. We came back from Spain with some three hundred folk-tales that will be of inestimable value to our comparative studies.8 We have in these Spanish materials conclusive proof of the theories we formerly held about the general character of the Span- ish-American material, namely that it is for the most part traditional and very old. For the ballads the creative period, ended in the XVIth century. From that time to the end of the XVIIIth century they came to the New World through various channels of tradition. In other fields the creative- period has had a longer life. In the case of the copla^, the decimas, or ballad-like compositions of a narrative, amor- ous or philosophic character, the vigor of modern tradition vies with the old.
And to collect these materials from the Spanish-speak- ing Americans of our great Southwest a work really her- culean is necessary* To cry for funds to carry on these re- searches may seem, in our commercially mad age, like a voice that cries in the wilderness. But it does not matter. For even without funds some of this precious material may be collected by some of us.
In the following pages we give samples of genuine
8. These materials are now being published in the Stanford University Publica- tions, with the title, Cuentos Popul&res Espanoles. Volumes I and II appeared in 1923 and 1924. Volume III is now in press.
SPANISH FQLR-LOftE 139
New-Mexican Spanish folk-lore, for the most part taken rfrom my various studies already published. For the sake of brevity and because I am here reprinting in part from ;my own articles I shall omit all references to source*
As already indicated the most precious materials for the study of comparative literature and folk-lore are the romances tradlcionoles or old Spanish ballads. According to a theory of Ram6n Menendez Pidal the old Spanish ro- mances were derived from the old cantarvs de gesla or old epic poems. From all the evidences derived from the Span- ish chronicles of the XHIth, XlVth and XVth centuries the old Spanish jongleurs and troubadours recited and sang the national epics to the people during those centuries. "Como dicen los juglares en sus cantares y en sm fablas," is a commonplace expression to be found In the old chroni- cles when they wish to indicate the sources of the national legends. And more than that, the prose accounts very often reveal the old verse epic by copying down whole pas- sages of prosified verse from the cantares. The cantares^ however, were handed down in the mouths of the people and from these are derived the first romances or ballads, The old Spanish ballads, so admirably appreciated and translated into English by Lockhart and Longfellow, are pieces of the old epic songs. These historical ballads wers handed down in oral tradition from the XHIth and XlVth centuries to the XVIth and XVIIth centuries when the bal- lad collectors and the national dramatists like Lope de Vega and Guillen de Castro saved them from oblivion and gave them dramatic form. Some, however, have survived in oral tradition even to the present day, and they may be found in the oral tradition of Castile and other parts of Spain, in the Balkan Peninsula among the Jews that were exiled from Spain in 1492, in Chile and Mexico, and in our own New Mexico.
The opening lines of the best versions of the ten tradi- tional Spanish ballads found by me in New Mexico, and which may be useful to those who wish to seek other ver- sions, are the following:
140 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
1. Delgadina se paseaba por una sala cuadrada.
2. Gerineldo, Gerineldo, mi camarero aguerrido.
3. Una nina en un balcon le dice a un pastor :-Espera,
4. Francisquita, Francisquita, la del cuerpo muy sutil.
5. Andabame yo paseando por las orillas del mar.
6. En una playa arenosa una blanca sombra vi.
7. Catalina, Catalina, pano bianco de lino es.
8. Chiquita, si me muriere no me entierres en sagrado.
9. Atencion, seiiores mios, Membruno se va a casar.
10. El piojo y la liendre se quieren casar.
There is an eleventh New Mexican Spanish version of a traditional Spanish ballad, the one found by Miss Bar- bara Freire-Marreco of Oxford, England, when studying ethnology among the New-Mexican Pueblo Indians and published by me in the Journal of American Folk-Lore, in December, 1916, with a comparative study. Later I myself obtained another version of the same ballad from Taos (see Revue Hispanique, Paris, 1917.) The complete list to date, therefore of traditional Spanish ballads found in New Mexico contains eleven ballads in twenty-nine versions. There are, of course more ballads, but they are not really old and traditional.
I now give versions of two of the old ballads in full.4
LA APARICION (Recited by Gregorio Garcia of Socorro, New Mexico)
En una playa arenosa una blanca sombra vi,
y entre mas me retiraba mas se acercaba de mi.
— ^Donde vas, caballerito, alejandote de mi?
— Voy en busca de mi esposa, que hace dias no la vi.
— Ya tu esposa ya esta muerta, con mis ojos yo la vi ;
cuarto duques la llevaban a la ciudad de Madrid.
El coche en que la llevaban era cle oro y carmesi ;
la tapa que le pusieron era de oro y de marfil.
Casate, caballerito, y no te quedes ansi,
y al primer nino que tengas ponle noinbre como a mi.
4. Since we are not concerned at present with the peculiarities of New-Mexican Spanish I shall transcribe all the folk-lore materials in the standard Spanish alphabet.
SPANISH FOLK-LORE 141
Ya murio la flor de mayo, ya murip en el mes de abril ; ya murio la que reinaba en la ciudad de Madrid.
CAMINO DEL CALVARIO
For el rastro de la cruz que Jesucrito llevaba camina la Virgen Pura en una fresca manana. Como era tan de manana la hora que caminaba las campanas de Belen todas tocaban el alba. Encontro a San Juan Bautista y de esta manera le
habla :
— ,;No me has visto por aqui al hijo de mis entranas? — Por aqui paso, senora, antes que el gallo cantara. Cinco mil azotes lleva en sus sagradas espaldas. Tres clavos lleva en sus manos con que ha de ser en-
clavado,
y una corona de espinas con que ha de ser coronado. Una cruz lleva en sus hombros de madera muy pesada ; tanto el peso le rendia que caia y se levantaba ; una soga en su garganta, que era una pena doblada. Cada estiron que le daban mi Jesus se arrodillaba. Al punto que oyo la Virgen cayo al suelo desmayada. San Juan, como buen sobrino, luego acudio a levan-
tarla.
— Levantese, tia mia, que no es tiempo de tardanza; que el martirio de Jesus es libertad de las almas.
This last ballad, which is the Taos version of a very old traditional Spanish ballad dating from the XVth cen- tury or earlier, is a very vivid account of a traditional episode of the tragedy of Golgotha. My father tells me that it is part of the repertoire of religious songs that describe the Passion of the Saviour and form the Holy Week ritual of the Hermanos Penitentes, the New Mexico flagellants, the last and degenerate sons of the Third Order of St. Francis that still exist and practice their rites in New Mexico and Southern Colorado. Their organizers and leaders in the New World were the early Franciscan mis- sionaries. Other interesting old religious ballads may be found in the ritual of this society.5
5. For a general account of the history of the New-Mexican flagellants see my article, Los Hermanoa Penilentcs, in The Catholic Encyclopedia.
142 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Just as important as the old romances, in some respects even more important, are the New-Mexican Spanish folk- tales. The number of these must be very large. In all my collections already published the number does not reach fifty. In fact I have published only some thirty really long traditional tales. The study of the New-Mexican Span- ish folk-tales has always been important because it helps us to trace very definitely the Indian influence, if any. The New-Mexican materials are, for the most part, Spanish and traditional. The Indians have been influenced by the Span- ish in the folk-tale transmission, but the reverse influence has been found to be negligible. My trip to Spain in 1920 has convinced me of this fact absolutely, although before the Spanish expedition I had expressed the same view. The New-Mexican Spanish version of the Tar-Baby story, for example, is one derived from the Spanish Sanson story found by me in Spain, and the Spanish tale as well as the well-known negro tales of similar character are all in fact modern versions of the old Hindu tale of the Demon with the matted hair. The Engilsh folk-lorist Joseph Jacobs is substantially of the same opinion. In fact it is very pro- bable that the tale has travelled from India to Europe and from Europe to Africa and America through Spanish and Portuguese versions, as Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons has very well shown.9
To give even a brief account of the folk-tales of Span- ish provenience that may be found in New Mexico would take us far beyond the limits of this article. I may give a comparison to illustrate the abundance of the traditional material that I confidently believe is still waiting in New Mexico for the pious sympathy of some scholar. During my six months stay in Spain in the year 1920 collecting Spanish folk-tales I collected some three hundred old tales of the greatest interest for comparative folk-lore studies. It is my guess that a similar number of old Spanish f olk-
6. See Joseph Jacobs, Indian Fairy Tales, London, 1892, page 9, and folk-Lore, vol. XXX, pages 227-234, London, 1919.
SPANISH FOLK-LORE 143
tales could be collected yet in New Mexico in the same length of time. New-Mexican tradition represents a very archaic epoch with very little foreign influence since the beginning of the seventeenth ceuntury. A collection of some ten or more versions of the well-known picaresque tale of Pedro de Urdemalas alone would be at present a very desirable project. My few New-Mexican versions published in the Journal of American Folk-Lore awakened a genuine interest in the genre throughout the Spanish- speaking countries and recently some have been published from Chile by Ramon A. Laval.7
Comparative studies in the folk-tale material reveal to us surprising procedures in folk-loristic psychology. With- out entering into a detailed comparative study of the mate- rial I give below versions of a Spanish tale, both modern versions of an old tale from India, one found in the Pants- chatantra and the Calila and Digna. Both Spanish versions, the one being one found by me in Spain in 1920, the other in New Mexico and recited to me by my mother many years ago and recorded for publication in 1912, date, no doubt, from a time when the Calila and Digna popularized the Arabic versions in Spain in the Xlllth and XlVth centur- ies.8 Both are excellent examples of the vigor of Spanish tradition in isolated districts in Toro, Spain, and New Mexico.
The two Spanish versions follow. I may add that the Spanish version from Toro, Spain, was the very first tale collected by me in Spain. The reader can imagine the joy and surprise I received when I heard this my first penin- sular Spanish find of what was to be a collection of some three hundred, and recalled the similar, almost identical version that I had heard when a child from the lips of my mother. Perhaps other and longer versions may yet ap- pear from New Mexico.
7. Ctientos de Pedro de Urdemales, Santiago de Chile, 1925.
8. See Theodore Benfey, Pantschatantra, Leipzig, 1869, vol. I. pages 609-610.
144 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
•-.*•
A. Version from Toro, Spain
LA PEGA Y sus PEGUITOS (The magpie and her little ones)
Habia una vez una pega que vivia en un ponjo donde tenia un nido con varios peguitos. Todos los dias venia un zorro y le decia a la pega :
— 'Peguita, dame un peguito, que si no te corto el ponjo.
La pega, con grande dolor de su corazon, le tiraba del ponjo un peguito y el picaro del zorro se lo comia. Volvia el zorro y pasaba siempre lo mismo. El zorro le decia a la pega que le diera un peguito y que si no le cortaba el ponjo. y la pega, con grande dolor de su corazon, le tiraba uno.
Ya el zorro acababa con los peguitos, cuando llego un dia a visitar a la pega su primo, el alcaravan. Cuando £ste se entero de lo que pasaba le dijo a su prima, la pega : — Si el zorro viene otra vez no le^des un peguito. Y si te dice que te corta el ponjo le dices tu :
El hocil si corta el ponjo, pero no el rabo (d)el raposo.
Se fue el alcaravan y a poco Ileg6 el zorro y le dijo a la pega:
— Peguita, dame un peguito, que si no, te corto el ponjo.
Y la pega le respondio como le habia dicho su primo, el alcaravan :
— El hocil si corta el ponjo, pero no el rabo (d)el raposo.
El zorro le dijo entonces a la pega : — I Quien te ha dicho que me dijeras eso? Seguramente fue tu primo, el alcara- van. Pues yo le pillare culo arriba en un cascajal. Y con efecto el zorro se dio mafia para coger al alcaravan. Lo cogi6 y se lo trago vivo. El pobre del alcaravan le decia desde la tripa: — Sueltame, hermano zorro. Dejame salir. El zorro se negaba a ello y por fin le dijo el alcaravan : — Ya que no quieres dejarme salir por lo menos vete delante del ponjo de mi prima, la pega, y grita desde alii bien alto para que todos se enteren: \ Alcaravan comi!
Asi lo hizo el zorro. Fue y se puso delante del ponjo de
SPANISH FOLK-LORE 145
la pega y grito muy alto : — \ Alcaravan comi ! Pero al gritar abrio la boca tan grande que el alcaravan se escape y ex- clamo : — ; A otro, que no a mi !
B, Version from New Mexico9 LA PALOMA Y sus PICHONES
Una paloma viyia en el monte y tenia un nido en un encino con cuatro pichoncitos. Un dia llego un coyote y le dijo:
— Paloma, dame uno de tus pichones.
Y la paloma le respondio:
— No, no te lo doy.
Entpnces le dijo el coyote:
— Si no me lo das, te corto el encino y me los como todos.
Y coinenzo colazo y colazo a darle al encino. La pobre paloma se espanto y de miedo le tiro uno de sus pichones y le coyote lo agarro y se lo comio.
Luego llego el calvo (el palomo) y hallo a la pobre pa- loma llorando y le dijo: — iPor que lloras? Y la paloma le respondio: — i.Como no he de llorar? Vino el coyote y me quito uno de mis pichoncitos. — £Pa que se lo diste? — le dijo el calvo. Y la paloma le respondio: Porque me dijo que si no le daba uno me cortaba el encino y se los comia todos. Y el calvo le dijo entonces: — Si vuelve a venir no le des nada. Y si te dice que te corta el encino y se los come todos le dices:
Haeha, burro, corta encino, no cola de raposino.
A poco que se fue el calvo vino de nuevo el coyote y le dijo a la paloma:
— Paloma, darne uno de tus pichones.
Y la paloma le respondio :
— No, no te lo doy.
Entpnces le dijo el coyote :
— Si no me lo das te corto el encino y me los como todos.
Y la paloma le dijo entonces :
9. I am calling this a New-Mexican version because I believe it is really a tale that may belong to New-Mexican tradition, but just how long it has been divorced from a peninsular Spanish tradition I would not pretend to determine. My mother learned it from her mother, but beyond that we do not know from where it came. My mother's paternal grandmother came directly from Spain toward the end of the XVIIIth century and she may have brought the tale from her home in Castile.
146 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
— -Hacha, burro, corta encino, no cola de raposino
El coyote se fue muy nojao, maliciando que el calvo era el de la culpa y lo hallo bebiendo agua en un ojito. Arri- mandose poco a poco y muy quedito, lo pesco y le dijo: — Ora si te voy a comer, porque tu fuiste el que le dijiste a la paloma que no me diera otro pichon. Y el calvo le res- pondio: — No, manito coyotito, no me mates. Mira que yo soy el rey de todas las aves y yo te llevare onde te las comas todas. Subete arriba de aquella lomita y te paras en las patas de atras y gritas: jAlcaravan comi! y todas las aves vendran y te las comeras.
El coyote dijo que estaba bueno, que asi lo haria. Y se fue como el calvo le dijo pa arriba de la lomita, se paro en las patas de atras y abri6 la boca muy grande pa gritar lo que el calvo le habia dicho. Pero abrio la boca tan grande cuando grito \ Alcaravan comi ! que el calvo se escape y le dijo : — i M — comiste !
New Mexico seems to be particularly rich in tradi- tional Spanish proverbs and riddles. Some of these are in assonance or rhyme and represent very archaic materials. A complete or fairly complete collection of the New-Mexi- can Spanish proverbs would be easy to compile among the Spanish pupils in the schools. They could be asked to col- lect them in their homes and some one could arrange them and publish them. The same might be done with the riddles. These last are often presented in the form of decimas or riddle-tales. My own published collection of proverbs con- tains six hundred and one and the riddles number one hun- dred and sixty-five. The proverbs are of the greatest pos- sible interest. Of the entire six hundred and one in my publication exactly four hundred and twenty, or about sev- enty per cent are to be found in the Diccinario de la Lengua Espanola published recently in the 15th edition by the Royal Spanish Academy. In other words seventy per- cent of the entire collection (with here and there insigni- ficant changes in words or dialectic changes) are part of the general store house of Spanish proverb tradition so skillfully used by the great Cervantes in the mouth of San-
SPANISH FOLK-LORE 147
cho Panza. The following, which I select at random from my published collection, may be given as examples :
A. In assonance or rhyme
El que se enoja no moja ni come maiz de la troja.
El que tiene hi jo varon que no de voces ni preg6n.
El que nacio para guaje haste jumate no para.
El que da lo que ha menester el diablo se rie de 61.
El muerto al pozo y el vivo al negocio.
El que a las ocho no se va a las nueve I que espera ? Que lo
agarren de la mano y lo echen fuera? El que regala bien vende y el que lo recibe lo entiende. Eres come Juan Gomez tu lo das y tu te lo comes. El que da lo que tiene no desea lo que ve. El que de santo resbala hasta el infierno no para. El dinero del mezquino dos veces anda el camino. El martes ni te cases ni te embarques. Favor referido ni de Dios ni del diablo es agradecido. Haz bien y no acates a quien. Hace mas el que quiere que el que tiene. La suerte de la fea la bonita la desea.
No hay dolor que dure cien anos ni enfermo que lo aguante. Natural y figura haste la sepultura. No prometas ni a los santos votos ni a los ninos bollos. Piensa el ladron que todos son de su condici6n. Recaudo hace cocina, no Catalina. Si quieres pasar mal dia deja tu casa y vente a la mia. Tanto va el cantaro al agua hasta que se cae. Vale mas saber que tener. Vanidad y probreza son de un pieza. Zamora no se gano en una hora.
B. Not in assonance or rhyme
A palabras necias oidos sordos.
A cada uno su gusto le engorda.
Asi le paga el diablo al que bien le sirve.
Al que se hace de miel se lo comen las moscas.
A la bondad le dicen salvajada.
Al caballo y al amigo no hay que apurarles.
Al que Dios se la tiene San Pedro se la bendice.
Al que tiene manada le dan potrillito.
Buen abogado mal vecino.
Caras vemos pero corazones no.
148 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Con la vara que mides seras medido.
Con deseos no se hacen templos.
Cada loco con su tema y yo con mi terquedad.
Cuando el diablo reza enganar quiere.
De tal palo tal astilla.
Digotelo a ti, mi hija, y entiendetelo tu, mi nuera.
El que busca el peligro cae en el.
El que da un paso da dos.
El que ha de ser real sencillo aunque ande entre los do-
blones.
El que esta hecho al mal el bien le ofende. La esperanza no engorda pero mantiene. La caridad bien ordenada comienza por si mismo. No* hay mal que por bien no venga. ^Para que quiere lavandera el que no tiene camisa? Pajaros de una misma pluma se reconocen. Se espantan los muertos de los degollados. Vale mas un toma-toma qeu un aguardate-tantito.
The riddles, although not so numerous as the proverbs, are just as important for folk-lore studies. They are fre- quently more archaic, especially those preserved in poetic form. There is one type that is of special value for com- parative folk-lore, the long and complicated riddle that is preserved in oral tradition in the form of a decima. A de- cima is in Spanish a poetic composition in hendecasyllabic or octosyllabic metre in five strophaic groups, the first of four verses and the last four of ten each. The popular de- cima is found in all Spanish-speaking countries and on al- most any subject. Political subjects are frequently treated in the decimas. In Spanish literature they are very old. In the riddle-decima we have, therefore, a popular poetic composition of great interest and importance and a tradi- tional genre that very eloquently gives testimony of the vigor of Spanish tradition. It is most surprising that such long compositions should be handed down in oral tradition and preserved so long unchanged. A collection of these riddle-decimas from New Mexico is published in my Ro- mancero Nuevomejlcano already mentioned. But that col-
SPANISH FOLK-LORE
149
lection is small and we need many more. The following one will serve as an example:
El dia en que yo naci ese dia m« bautizaron; ese dia pedi mujer, y ese dia me casaron.
ConfiieBo que aoy criatura, ,y de la tierra naci; y antes de f-ormarm<e a mi 'hicieron mi sepialtura. Y me vide en tal altura qne mnchos me respetaron, €on cuatro letras me hfc y para mas entender, hi ego qu« yo tuve e! ser, on la horn me bautizaron.
Mi madre es una criatura que no tiene entendimiento ni luz ni conocimento; iii sabe hablar pnrque es muda, Mi padre es imagen pura, ancomprensible, y asf qae h^biendome rriado a mi -con su poder sinsegundo, trie nombro solo en el murido en el dia en que naci.
Fui en el nacer admirable, porque no soy engendrado, ni tampoco bautizado •en la iglesia, nuestra madre, y para qtre mas les cuadre; tres y uno solo me criaron; por mi nombre me ilarnaron, y para m^s . entender, lueg que yo tuve el ser, en la hora me bautisaron.
Yo soy padre de mi herrnana y me tuvo por esposo; pues Dios, come poderoso m-j la did por desposada. Pues ella no fue engendrada, Dios la crio con su poder. De mi edad la quiso hacer con su poder infinito; y yo, por no estar solito,
ese dia pedi mujer.
(Adat\
In the field of popular poetry New Mexico is indeed a veritable mine of folk-loristic materials, important both as traditional legendary material and as new native pro- duct. We have already spoken of the romances tradiciona- les or popular ballads, the proverbs and riddles. There are many other genres. Of those not yet discussed perhaps the most important is the copla popular or octosyllabic quatrain known in New Mexico as verso. Echar versos, to compose, sing or recite the popular coplas or versos was during the XVIIIth and XlXth centuries a popular pastime in New Mexico at almost any social gathering. Sometimes they took the form of poetic competitions and the canta-
10
150 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
dores or popular poets and singers, the jongleurs and tron- badours of New Mexico, were held in high esteem among: the people. These popular poets, of whom, let us hope, there may exist yet a few in New Mexico, are the same ones that compose and sing and recite any kind of popular poetic composition, but the verso was the most popular genre cultivated by them. At baptisms, at weddings, at the pren- dorios and other important social events, and between the copitas de vino, or something a little stronger, the canta- dorcs were the center of attraction and interest. The mono- tonous tones of the guitarrista or the more melodious me- lancholy music of the New-Mexican violinista accompanied as a rule the popular cantador in his entertainment.
A very large and important part of the repertoire of versos of the New-Mexican cantador have always been tra- ditional material that came from Spain, and It is therefore similar to that found in all Spanish countries. In fact the institution itself of echar versos is not of New-Mexican origin. The old Spanish juglar and trovador of the past ages that, at the courts King John II in the XVth century, or even earlier, sang in popular song the deeds of the old Spanish heroes or the tragic loves of the Provenzal trou- badours, is the direct ancestor of the New-Mexican canta- dor just as the Spanish Franciscan friar of the XVth cen- tury is the direct ancestor of the modern degenerate peni- tente who flogs himself in public despite the admonitions of his ecclesiastical superiors. The material of the verso popular, however, is not entirely old. These versos are a constant growth and new forms appear every day. Many of them are of a proverbial or sententious character and may be changed and adapted to fit almost any occasion. The versos are the philosophy of the people and express in beautiful and rhythmic verse the feelings and ideas of the Spanish people. The real character of the Spanish race may be very well studied in the popular copla. In it are ex- pressed its joys and its sorrows, its hopes and its skeptic- ism, its sentiments, feelings and ideas. In short it express- es the life of the people in artistic form. My collection of po-
SPANISH FOLK-LORE 151
piiiar coplas or versos contains about one thousand and is -as yet unpublished. The collection being now so large it is desirable to make it as complete as possible and for that reason I hope that New-Mexican teachers and others who may be able to collect material may be good enough to send It to me. No doubt there will be many repetitions and du- plicate versions sent, but the task is well worth while. Col- lections have been published of popular coplas from various parts of Spain by Rodriguez Marin in his five volume edi- tion of Cantos Populares Espanvles (Madrid, 1882-1884), Ledesma in his Cancionero Castellano, etc. Our New-Mexi- can collection promises to be even larger and more import- ant than these if our New-Mexican friends will continue their active help.
The New-Mexican verso is an octosyllabic quatrain that expresses in its four short verses a complete judgment or idea. The verses are as a rule united by assonance or rhyme. When in assonance only the second and fourth ver- ses are so joined. This metre is the Spanish national metre par excellence and is the verse of the Classic, and XlXth century drama. The following New-Mexican versos, taken at random from my collection, will serve as examples of this poetic genre known to all New Mexicans. I confident- ly believe that it would be difficult to find a New Mexican of Spanish descent who could not recite or sing at least a half dozen of them. The local newspapers printed in Span- ish often publish a few of them and a small collection could be compiled from these newspapers alone.
1 3
Dicen que lo negro es triste, Antenoche fui a tu casa
yo digo que no es verdad; y vide luz en tu ventana;
tu tienes los ojos negros era la luz de tus ojos,
y eres mi felicidad. lucero de la manana.
2 4
De tu ventana a la mia De los chinos de tu frente
me tirates dos abrazos; me daras una semilla,
uno se quedo en el aire para sembrar en 1' oriente
y el otro se hizo pedazos. una rosa de Castilla.
152
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
El rio grande va crecido y el chiqurto va hecho tin mar, Manuelito ea la otra banda y yo sin poder paaar.
6
Ya la luua tieae cueiHOS j el lucero la acoinpana. jAy, que triste queda un hombre cuando una guera lo engana I
7
Vale mas morir a palos que de eeios padecer; vale mas querer a un perro que no a una iagrata mujey,
8-
Cuatro palomitas blancaa, sentadas en un romero, una a la otra se deeian :- —No hay amor coino el primero.
9
Dices que me quieres tanto no me subas ran arriba,. que las hojas en el arboi no duran toda la vida.
10
Arbolito enfloreeido. verde, color de esperanza; mi corazon no te olvida ni de quererte se cansa.
11
Ninguno cante vitoria aunque en el estribo este^ que muchos en el estribo se suelen quedar a pie.
12
Si Dios me diera dinero- como aren&a tiene el mar,, gastaria como un )ocor todoa los dias un real.
IS
Me ban dicho que tienes otro qu-e lo qaieres mas que a mi. Gozalo pur mucnos aaos; no le pagues como a mi.
14
Cuando un pcbre te emb y un rico en sa compania, Ja del pobre es borraehera,. la del rico es alegria.
15
La que se casa con viejo ha de tener dos traLajt. s, el sobarle las rodillas y estirarle los zancajos.
16
jMal haya la ropa negra y el sastie que la corto! Mi morena tiene Juto sin que r»e haya muerto yo-
17
Cuando quise no quisites y ahora que quieres no quiero; llora tu tu aoledad que yo la Here primero.
18
De tus hermosos cabellos me daras para un cordon, y yo te dare por elloa la vida y el corazon.
A subject that has a direct relation to New-Mexican Spanish ethnology and folk-lore is New-Mexican music. We find here, of course, that Spanish tradition is also very strong. When I travelled through the villages of Old Cas- tile during my trip to Spain in 1920 I was more than once
SPAOTSH FOLK-LORE 153
agreably surprised to find that a New-Mexican ionadilla or tune known to me since childhood was practically the same as one yet current in Castile, In Salas de los Infantes, near Burgos, I heard a few Christmas carols sung by chil- dren and there was among these one,
Senora Santa Ana, Senor San Joaquin,
Arrollad este nino, Se quiere dorrnir,
that had the "same words and practically the same tune as the New-Mexican one, showing evidently a direct relation. The history of Spanish popular music is a, subject that is unknown to me, but I venture to suggest that in New Mex- ico there are important materials for its study in the New World. One thing is certain. There seems to be in the music and also in the development of the popular dances some native Indian influence. In the music of the popular, traditional poetic forms there may be little or no Indian in- fluence whatever. The following, for example, are tunes to which are sung popular versos, and these, I believe, are really of Spanish source:
ife
negroes tns-te, yo di-go que nq_es ver-dad
3P
Tu 'tie-nes lo» o -jjoa n»-groft XjP*res mi f« » li • ci - dad. CHORUS: prtstinimo, mareafo.
=#±*
La, la, Ja, la. etc.
im
154 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW N?4
i J J.M J
1* • "ftJ1 **'
De lo» chi-no» to
frea -to
dur
ni-Jla, pa-
pr^ftuimo^marcato.
na ro-aa de Cas - ti - lla.
U, U, U, U,«ta
The music of the follov/ing indita, however, betrays SL very decided Indian influence. The term indita has a variety of meanings in New-Mexican Spanish. It may mean a modern type of ballad written either in the traditional octosyllabic romance- verse or in octosyllabic quintillas or five verse strophies. But it also denotes a popular song and dance formed after the pattern of the Spanish jota that may be a song, a dance, or both. The following indita is one of the second type, and any one that has heard native New- Mexican Indian music will at once observe the Indian flavor of its notes. The way the Spanish octosyllabic verse with a perfectly well defined iambic accentuation and asson- anced scheme has been combined and harmonized with music of Indian source (probably of the Pueblo type) or at least strongly influenced by it is explained only by the fact that primitive rhythm, the only indispensable and ab- solutely essential principle in verse or music, is not the special patrimony of any people or race.
LA INDITA DE COCHITI
|Mal haya las indias Juanas y el alma que las pario, que como no son cristianas
SPANISH FOLK-LOKE
155
Teniegan de quien las crio! Indita, indita, indita, indita de Cochiti; no le hace que sea indita, al cabo no soy pa ti.
:fc
Mai ha-ya las io-dbs Jua-nas y el altna que Us pa»
que CD -mono son cris - tia-nas rt - nie-gaq de quien las
crj6
m
que co-mo no son cris - tia - nas re - oie-gan de quien
156 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
DON JUAN DE ONATE AND THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO
By George P, Hammond, PR. D.
Chapter I1L Don Pedro Ponce de Leozs
Ponce Plans to Conquer Neiv Mexico. l*n the early months of 1596, there appeared on the scene still another competitor in the person, of Bon Pedro Ponce d'e Leonr Count of Batten, ambitious to undertake the conquest of New Mexico. He wag not a total stranger in New Spain,111 for he had g&ne there with the Count of Coruna, who had served as viceroy from 1580 till his death in 1582V12 Presum- ably Ponce had soon again returned to Europe as he does not reappear in the records of New Spain, but during 1596 and 1597, while seeking to win the leadership of the New Mexico project, he frequently occupied the attention of the Council of the Indies.
Before the month of April, 1596, had progressed very far he had petitioned the king for the right to lead an ex- pedition for the conquest of New Mexico. On the 7th the Council of the Indies drew up a statement in regard to Ponce which disclosed the fact that he had by that time memorialized the crown for the right to undertake the coveted enterprise.118 His purpose in assuming the direc- tion of this great undertaking was, according to his own statement, entirely unselfish. He openly boasted that nothing other than the desire of furthering the service of his majesty could induce him to leave Spain. The station in life which he filled was already secure. His ancestors as counts of Bailen had never experienced want, but had always been able to serve the king. His object therefore
111. The Council of the Indies to the king, April 7, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Does., 293.
112. Priestley, The Mexican Nation, 88-89.
113. The Council to the king, April 7, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 293.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 157
was to distinguish himself above his forbears in some not- able manner, and he purposed to win that glory by ex- tending the dominions of the king to New Mexico. He sought no reward till the goal had been achieved, but actu- ally insisted that none be provided.114
The Council Supports Ponce. When the Council took Ponce's memorials under consideration, it was already in possession of the letter written by the Count of Monterey en December 20, 1595.UB In this letter, it will be recalled, the latter had asked the king that Ofiate's expedition be not confirmed till he should have time to examine the con- tract with greater care. The Council now stressed this incident in a report to the king regarding Ponce's desire to be the conqueror of New Mexico. It further reported,11' after having considered his petitions regarding this posi- tion, that in its opinion it would be possible to give the leadership of the undertaking to him, since Onate's con- tract had not been accepted by the Count of Monterey when he became viceroy.
The reasons advanced to substantiate this argument are interesting. First of all the Council emphasized the personality of Don Pedro Ponce, whose intelligence and general qualifications particularly fitted him for the task. These favorable conditions would enable him to attract a large following, especially in New Spain, which would serve a double purpose. Not only would the expedition benefit thereby, but Mexico would be freed of many idle and useless people who were a nuisance to the officials of the province. Furthermore the practical members of the Council of the Indies117 seemed quite willing that the Count of Bailen* should leave his peaceful and quiet life in Spain to exchange it for a life of privation on the frontier of America, in order that he might, as he had previously stat-
in. Don Pedro Ponce de Leon to the king, Madrid, April 23, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 299.
115. This is apparent from the royal decree of May 8, 1596. See ibid., 203 For Monterey's letter of December 20, 1595, see ibid., 257.
116. The Council to the king, April 7, 1596, in ibid., 293-295.
117. Th« Council was usually made up of high officials who had served in th« New World. Cunningham, The Audiencia in the Spanish Colonies, 15.
158 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ed in his memorials, perform a great service for the king. Seemingly the Council gave only slight attention to the rights of Onate other than to slur his reputation. It did however recommend that the viceroy be instructed to re- pay him if he should have made any preparations worthy of recompense.118
When the king received this communication he took no immediate action. He desired additional information and requested the Council to advise him more fully regarding Onate.119 This was done without delay. The reply con- sisted of a bitter attack on Onate.120 He was said not only to have wasted his fortune but to have incurred debts amounting to thirty thousand pesos, and was holding off his creditors by deceitful means. Since he was without money he would be unable to secure followers of repute, and his army must necessarily degenerate into a mob of desperadoes and vagabonds. His unfitness had already been demonstrated, for on a former expedition he had been unable to inspire respect or obedience among his men. These reports were said to have been given by persons of high standing who knew Onate and had had dealing with him.121
Ponce on the other hand was represented as an admir- able gentleman, an individual of such high standing and so well known in Mexico that he would at once secure a following of the best people in the province, since he in- tended to grant the latter all the profits on the new coun- try. Ponce wished nothing for himself, but simply desired that any reward which he might receive for his service should be left entirely to the generosity of the king. In the eyes of the Council of the Indies Ponce was thus a dis- tinguished and able man, while Onate, whose contract had already been delayed by the viceroy, was painted in sordid
118. The Council to the king, April 1, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 295.
119. Royal decree in report of the Council of April 7, 1596. A. G. I., 140-7-38. It is not printed by Hackett.
120. The Council to the king, April 25, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 299 ff.
121. Villagra vigorously assails those who were spreading false reports about Onate and lauds the courage and fortitude which he showed under those attacks. Historia, I, 31.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 159
colors. The Council desired that the king confirm the for- mer immediately so that the Ofiate expedition might be re- called before it was too late.122
The King Suspends Onate. Acting upon this advice the king decreed that instructions be given the Count of Monterey to suspend the execution of the contract which had been made with Don Juan.128 He also authorized the Council to examine the proposals which Ponce offered for the conquest of New Mexico, and to reach an agreement with him if possible. The members of the Council could now rejoice, for the candidate of their choice had seem- ingly won.
After having expedited a formal decree to the viceroy of New Spain embodying the king's order to suspend Onate,124 the Council appointed the licentiate Augustin Alvarez de Toledo to confer with Ponce and to examine the conditions which he proposed for making the expedition."5 Alvarez was also authorized to acquaint him with the de- tails of Onate's capitulations, and in addition to take note of how much more favorable terms Don Pedro would voluntarily offer for making the same conquest. A state- ment, drawn up in accordance with this order setting forth the claims of both Onate and Ponce was therefore made and sent to the king, so that, as the Council suggested, he could see for himself that Ponce's offer was really much more advantageous than that of Don Juan. At the same time it definitely recommended that Ponce be awarded the contract and urged immediate action in order that he might be ready to sail with the fleet for New Spain. To this re- commendation the king was not averse,128 and he therefore
122. The Council to the king, April 25, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 301.
123. Royal cedula in report of the Council of April 25, 1596, in ibid., 303. See also Historic,, I. 36, and "Memorial sol re el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico y SUB acontecimientos. Anos desde 1595 a 1602,"' in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 191.
124. Royal cedula to the viceroy of Spain, May 8, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 803.
125. The Council to the king, May 19, 1596, in ibid., 303.
126. The king usually accepted the advice of the Council of the Indies in all matters relating to the colonies. Moses, B. The Spanish Dependencies in South America, I. 232-234.
160 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ordered that an agreement be made with Ponce for the conquest of New Mexico.127
Ponce's Liberal Offer. The statement which the Council referred to as showing the eminent desirability of Ponce's contract in preference to Onate's, and of which a copy was sent to the king at the same time, has recently come to light in the Spanish archives.123 It compares the terms offered by Ponce with those made by Don Juan and vividly shows the advantages of the former's capitulation."* For example Onate had bound himself to enlist over two hundred soldiers and colonists; Ponce would increase this by one hundred mounted men. Don Juan had agreed to take 20,000 reales worth of flour, maize, wheat and jerked beef; Ponce offered to spend 39,000 reales for these materials.130 Of live stock incluuding cattle, sheep, goats, colts and mares, Onate had provided for 6,400 head, but again Ponce completely outdid him by offering to increase this number to 13,900. Instead of six bellows, as Onate had stipulated, Don Pedro would bring fourteen; in a group of materials including footgear, medicine, gifts to the Indians, paper, cloth, iron tools, and iron for horseshoes, Onate's offer was completely eclipsed. His sum was 38,400 reales; that of Ponce 79,400. Twenty ox carts had been specified by Onate ; his competitor would provide thirty. In no case did any of Ponce's proposals fall below those made by his rival. The latter's personal equipment of horses, mules, saddles, arms,
127. The Council to the king, May 19, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 303-305.
128. "Statement of what Don Juan de Onate and Don Pedro Ponce de Le6n of- fer for the exploration, pacification, and settlement of New Mexico, [1596?]" in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 281 ff. It bears no date or signature, but it was made before May 19, 1596, since the Council states that a copy was sent to the king on that dat« together with its report regarding Don Pedro. Council of the Indies, May 19, 1596, in ibid., 303. Furthermore it could not have been drawn up before May 2, for not till that time did the king order Onate's contract suspended. At the same time h« had authorized the Council to make a separate capitulation with Don Pedro. Royal cedula in report of the Council of the Indies of April 25, 1596, in ibid., S03.
129. The statement is in double column, each article in Onate's contract being paralleled by and contrasted with Don Pedro's offer.
130. The figures in Ponce's offer are given in reales, while on Onate's side of the ledger they are expressed in pesos. For the sake of convenience in com- parsion I have converted the latter to reales.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 161
etc., was, in general, increased an equal amount, and in ad- dition Ponce would take shields, helmets, muskets and crossbows, for which no provision had been made by Don Juan. Moreover many of the concessions demanded by Onate were not now mentioned.131 By this strong bid Ponce, Count of Bailen, thus strove to secure the honor of conquer- ing New Mexico.
Ponce and Alvarez Negotiate. During the summer months of 1596, the licentiate Agustin Alvarez de Toledo, acting for the Council of the Indies, reached an agreement with Ponce for the proposed conquest, and forwarded it to the Council for approval. This was given, and the papers were then sent to the king for final confirmation Septem- ber 7, 1596.18a
While the terms of a contract v/ere being arranged the aspiring conqueror specified some particular things which he desired his contract to contain. Some of these requests have been preserved in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain,133 in the form of rough notes, evi- dently made by some clerk for the convenience of Alvarez or the Council.184 They are, with one exception, undated and unsigned, but do contain decrees of approval or dissent and carry rubrics.133 Their chief importance rests in the
131. Statement of what Onate and Ponce offer, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 281. ff.
132. The Council to the king, September 7, 1596, in ibid., 805.
133. A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
134. "Don Pedro Ponce de Leon prays that your worship will propose to the members of the Council that they shall grant him what is stated in the following articles. [Madrid, April 23, 1596]," in Hackett, Hist Docs., 295-299. The decrees approving or refusing these requests are not giv-_n by Professor Hackett.
135. These papers v/ere published by Professor Hackett under date of April 23, 1596, which is date of a letter of Ponce de Leon, in which he elaborates on his rea- son for desiring to undertake the conquest of New Mexico. (See Hackett, HisL Docs., 295-299) None of the other papers were written that early, as an examination of the internal evidence shows. It was not till May 2, 1596, that the king authorized the Council to look into the conditions proposed by Ponce, (Royal decree in report of the Council of the Indies of April 2 >, 1596, in ibid., 301-303) and on May 19 that Alvarez was named to act for the Council. Moreover Ponce stated in one of these notes that a creditable person had come to Madrid from New Spain, bringing certain information which showed Onate's inability to manage the expedition honorably ; that his captains had left Mexico with only a handful of men, most of whom were half-breeds and mulattos ; and that so many outrages had been committed that the viceroy and audiencia had been constrained to send an alcalde to punish the lawless
162 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
fact that they show us some special privileges which Ponce requested in order to make his venture successful. In parti- cular he wanted to be made governor of Nueva Vizcaya on completion of the incumbent's term.188 That would enable him to place a lieutenant in that government, and to order reinforcements sent to New Mexico without appealing to the officials in New Spain, which was usually a dubious affair and likely to involve ruinous delay.
Ponce's request was not granted. The king merely informed the governor of Nueva Vizcaya of the contract and ordered him to aid the new conqueror in whatever he might need and ask for, specifically requiring him to re- turn any runaway soldiers found in Nueva Vizcaya.137 That was as far as the king would go in this matter. He did not want the adelantado of New Mexico to become too pewer- ful.
Nature of the Contract. The contract which the Coun- cil of the Indies had made with Ponce de Leon does not dif- fer materially from the one which the viceroy had conclud- ed with Onate, though its provisions are, on the whole,
bands. This "creditable person" could not possibly have reached Madrid as early as April 23. On February 28 the viceroy had reported to the king (Carta del condc de Monterey a S. M., February 28, 1596, A. G. I., 58-3-15) that the New Mexico expedition was being recruited and that it was planned to carry out the march to the new province in June. On April 17 further reports were sent. Most of the colonists assembled in Mexico were then on the march, said the viceroy, and the rest would be hurried forward in order that the expedition might be made that year. (El Conde de Monterey d S. M., April 17, 1596, A. G. I., 58-3-15) No disturb- ances are mentioned, but when writing on November 15, (Monterey to the king, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 377, he reported that it had been necessary to send an alcalde, Don Lope de Ulloa y Lemos, to stop the outrages, "which were not so bad as rumor indicated." These complaints reached the viceroy by the first of June. (Order of Monterey, June 10, 1596, in Ulloa visita, A. G. I., 58-3-14) In view of the slowness of communication it is safe to state that the report did not reach Madrid till July or August, and that Ponce then sent his note to the Council.
Another point might be singled out for mention. Ponce's contract, approved September 25, 1596, allowed him to bring two ships of two hundred tons burden each to the Indies. This proved impracticable and he petitioned for permission to use vessels of different size, and to sail before the flota. (See Ponce's petition in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 297. The king's answer came on October 26, 1596, granting Ponce's request in full. (Royal cedula, in ibid., 341) It would thus seem more accurate to date these papers in September rather than in April, 1596.
136. Petition of Ponce, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 297.
137. Royal cedula, October 19, 1596, in ibid., 327.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 163
characterized by greater concessions to Ponce.138 This is not strange in view of the fact that the latter had demand- ed less of the king and had promised to equip a larger ex- pedition entirely at his own expense. Nor can we forget that the Council particularly favored his cause and seem- ingly urged him to accept favors at the hands of the king.139
It has already been observed that Ponce agreed to assemble three hundred soldiers for the expedition, all to be recruited in the Indies. In order to enlist so many men every facility was placed at his command.140 The supplies required for the support of the expedition after the new lands had been reached, the flour, maize, wheat, cattle, etc., remained the same as Ponce had first proposed to the Council early in 1596.141 One new article of importance provided that he would bring one hundred and thirty of- ficials and servants of his own household to New Mexico, the married ones to be accompanied by their wives and families. In addition thereto one hundred soldiers might be recruited at home. After all, the entire three hundred need not be secured in the colonies, and the king instructed the Casa de Contratacion to permit them to leave Spain.143 The order was in no way compulsory, only certain objec- tionable classes being prohibited from going to the Indies.148
No export duties were to be paid by any of these men who enlisted in Spain, nor was Ponce to pay such duties. Cedulas embodying these favors were issued by the king and sent to officials in New Spain and Nueva Galicia.144
138. It was approved by the king on September 25, 1596. ibid., 305.
139. See the Statement of what Onate and Ponce offer, in ibid., 281-293, passim.
140. Contract and agreement with Don Pedro Ponce de Leon, September 25, 1596, in ibid., 307-317. (Hereafter cited as Ponce's contract) For special cedula confirm- ing this privilege, see ibid., 323-325.
141. The contract reads that 290 colts and 200 mares were to be taken to New Mexico, which is evidently an error for 250. See Hackett, Hist. Docs., 485 note 27. My copy of the same document also gives the number as 290.
142. Royal cedula, October 16, 1596, in Hackett, Hist Docs., 335.
143. Licenses had to be procured for going to the Indies, and the emigrant had to prove himself an orthodox Catholic before it would be issued. Robertson, W. S. History of the Latin-American Nations, 124.
144. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 315 ; royal cedula, October 19, 1598, in ibid., 337-339.
164 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
In the personal equipment of the two conquerors we also find a decided difference. Ponce in particular had bound himself to bring an elaborate supply of materials for this purpose, presumably to emphasize the greater distinc- tion of his own person.146
There were also some special provisions in Ponce's contract with the king. He agreed to carry out its terms within a year and a half after it had been approved.146 In Mexico his army was to be inspected by the viceroy in order that the king might know that he had fulfilled his obliga- tions. On the whole he was to remain under the viceroy's supervision while in New Spain and Nueva Galicia, but as soon as New Mexico was reached he was to be wholly inde- pendent. He would then be directly responsible to the Coun- cil of the Indies. Civil cases involving one hundred pesos or more could be appealed to Spain, and the same was true of criminal cases where the sentence was death, or the permanent injury or removal of a limb. However the ap- peal might be made to the nearby audiencia of Nueva Gali- cia. Aside from these points Ponce was the highest source of justice within New Mexico."7
Numerous aids and incentives were granted Ponce. He was made governor and captain-general with a salary of twelve thousand ducats,116 twice the amount allowed Oilate. He could engrave stamps and dies with the royal arms to mark the precious metals. He could establish royal treasuries, name the officials thereof, and after these had become explorers and settlers, divide the Indians among them, even though there might be prohibitions against holding these two privileges at the same time.14' Royal
145. Ponce's contract, in ibid., SCO.
146. Ibid.
147. Ibid., 317. A special cedula was issued concerning Ponce's independence of the officials in America, in which the viceroys and audiencias and other officials in New Spain and Nueva Galicia were warned of this fact. Royal cedula, October 26, 1596, A. G. I., 139-1-2.
143. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., SIS ; special cedulas to this effect were issued, but the king was to be under no obligation to pay that salary if there was no money in New Mexico. Ibid., 325 ; 339-341.
149. Ponce's contract, in ibid., 313 ; for special cedulas, see ibid., 339.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 165
funds might be used in suppressing rebellion, provided a majority of the royal officials approved.150 He was priv- ileged to make ordinances for the regulation of mines and the government, though royal sanction must be secured within three years. He could divide the province into dis- tricts and appoint officials, but royal approval must eventu- ally be had. He might also name a cosmographer who was to make scientific descriptions of the province and to select suitable sites for the establishment of towns.151 Three cities were to be founded within six years, and in each Ponce agreed to construct a fort.152 After their completion he was to have command of them for the remainder of his lifetime with an annual salary of one hundred thousand maravedis for each one.150 He would also build vessels to examine the rivers and parts of the North and South Seas in case his dis- covery should lead him to either of these bodies of water.154
Concerning war materials more was given Ponce than his competitor. His allowance consisted of four pieces of artillery, forty quintals of powder, a hundred and thirty of lead,155 and sixty quintals of fuse, for which he had petition- ed the crown. If more powder should be needed this might be purchased in Mexico at the same rate as the crown had to pay.156
Ponce de Leon was given some other powers similar to those granted Onate, namely : the right to arrest anyone who might have entered New Mexico without authority;107 to take along, as interpreter, an Indian woman who had come from that province;158 and to give all the Indians of
150. This was a special concession. Royal cedula, October 12, 1596, in ibid., 337.
151. Ponce's contract, in ibid., 313-319 ; for special cedulas, see ibid., 329 ; 373 ; 331.
152. Ponce's contract, in ibid., 317.
153. The maravedis is an old Spanish coin worth about one sixth of a cent.
154. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 311.
155. Ibid., 315.
156. Royal cedula, October 16, 1596, in Hackett Hist. Docs., 329.
157. This refers to Bonilla and Humana who made an unauthorized expedition to New Mexico in 1593.
158. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 315 ; royal cedula, October 16, 1596, in ibid., 331-333.
11
166 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
New Mexico in encomienda among the soldiers and settlers of the first three generations. However the ports and capital cities must be reserved for the crown. Ponce was especially warned that all the royal regulations designed to protect the natives must be observed. One point was singled out for emphasis and provided that the aborigines should be taxed according to the New Laws of 1542.159 If more than the proper amount of tribute should be exacted by an encomendero he was to be deprived of his encomienda and permanently disqualified from holding any such privi- lege again. Ponce was also permitted to give pasture and farm land to the settlers, but in order to acquire permanent title to such land the prospective owner had to "homestead" for five years. No taxes of any kind were to be levied on those who had erected sugar mills and used slaves to oper- ate them, nor could a tax be put on the slaves or the equip- ment used.1"0
A number of important exemptions were granted to Don Pedro Ponce. The customary royal fifth, always im- posed on the precious metals, pearls and valuable stones, was reduced to a tenth during the first twenty years of the conquest.181 The much hated alcabala, or excise tax, uni- versally despised in the Spanish-American colonies,18' was withheld for twenty years. Both of these privileges were to date from the time when the first town should be found- ed. Mention should also be made of the almojarifazgo, an import and export duty on all commerce, from which the colonists of New Mexico were freed for a decade.183
Some additional articles of Ponce's contract remain to be noticed. All the officials in the army of soldiers and colonists were to be appointed by him, and the king's agents in America were specially instructed to give all possible aid.
159. Royal cedula, October 16, 1596, in ibid., 323 ; for a summary of the New Laws, see Priestley, The Mexican Nation, 62-64.
160. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist Docs., 315-319 ; for special cedulas, see ibid., 323; 335.
161. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 315 ; for special cedula, ibid., 338.
162. Priestley, The Mexican Nation, 131-132.
163. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 315-317.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 167
Even if there were men in the army who had committed crimes they were not to be detained unless some one insist- ed on prosecuting them. As a special favor Ponce was per- mitted to take fifty negro slaves to the Indies free of duty, both in Spain and in New Spain. But thereupon the order was to be destroyed lest it be used again.164 So carefully was the commercial monopoly guarded.1"5
Then too Ponce was allowed to select his heir for the continuance of the conquest should he himself die before its completion.166 Ofiate, it win be recalled, was accorded the same privilege, subject to the approval of the viceroy of New Spain.
Ponce had petitioned the king for permission to leave the province of New Mexico at the end of six years after it had been explored and settled. This was granted, as was his request to leave a qualified substitute in his place.107 Oiiate's petition for the same privileges had been refused, but there is this point to be noted. Ponce asked to leave after having successfully completed his task, whereas Ofiate desired freedom to go at any time wherever he pleased.
The privilege of becoming hidalgo was granted to Ponce's settlers, but the honor did not hold should they abandon the province.188 This restriction was evidently de- signed to promote the growth of New Mexico as a Spanish province. Onate's settlers had to remain only five years to win the coveted glory. Titles of towns and cities could be given by Ponce as a further inducement for going to New Mexico.169 Political and military "plums" were to be dis- tributed among the sons and grandsons of the original set- tlers, and they could not be deprived of their offices.170
164. Ibid., 319-321 ; for special cedulas, ibid., 331 ; 339.
165. For an account of the mercantile system, see Haring, C. H. Trade and Navigation between Spain and thr. Indies, cbs. I and VI.
166. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 321.
167. Ibid., 321 ; 343.
168. Ponce's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 319 ; for special cedula. Bee ibid., 343.
169. Given in two cedulas issued October 19, 1596. ibid., 335-337.
170. Cedula of October 19, in ibid., 337.
168 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Regarding the missionaries who were to accompany the expedition and undertake the conversion of the land, Ponce had agreed to pay all their expenses. Jesuits had been procured for this purpose, and the contract so provid- ed.171 But for some reason which does not appear a dif- ferent arrangement had been made by October 28, 1596, Franciscans having been substituted for the Jesuits. On the date mentioned the king requested the Father Provin- cial of the Franciscan Order of New Spain to give Ponce six religious to engage in ministering unto the Indians of New Mexico.1'2 This remained the final disposition.
Ponce's Secure Position, 1596. It is thus evident that in September 1596, When Ponce's contract was approved by the king, his ascendency was complete. The Council of the Indies supported him. Philip II had accepted the re- commendations of his advisers seemingly without reserve. The contract read that "it is my royal and determined will that you and no other person whosoever shall undertake the said pacification, settlement, and exploration, or if it has been commenced by another that you shall continue and finish it.178 In accord with this policy so forcefully expressed the king instructed the Count of Monterey of the royal will in this matter and of the necessity of detaining Don Juan de Onate wherever he might be.174 Truly there seemed to be no hope for him.
Reversal of Fortune, 1597. Nothing is known of what actually transpired between the first part of November, 1596, and the early part of February, 1597. It seems that Ponce passed through a critical illness,375 and that his for- tunes, on the whole, suffered a serious check. This change is seen in a letter of the Council to the king.178 It reveals the fact that Ponce, previous to that date, had petitioned the
171. Ponce's contract, in ibid,, 307.
172. Cedula of October 26, 1596, in ibid., 843.
173. Ponce's contract, in ibid., 321.
174. Cedula of October 19, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 335.
175. The Council to the king, February 18, 1597. in ibid., 347.
176. The Council to the king, February 7, 1597, in ibid., 345.
THE FOUNDING OP NEW MEXICO 169
3dng for the right to place a mortgage on his estate in order to complete his preparations for the expedition to New Mexico. If this was not favored he desired the king to loan him a certain sum which would enable him to carry on what he had begun. It further shows that the Council was still •acting as spokesman for Ponce, urging that he should go very soon. When the Council wrote this report it had just received information from the viceroy of New Spain to the effect that Onate had been advised of the cedula of May 8, 1596, stopping the expedition. With his army halted the opportunity for Ponce was as good as ever, and he was anxious to conclude the necessary arrangements. But the king again acted with deliberation. He asked to see the papers which Monterey had sent dealing with these mat- ters.177
In spite of the king's lack of warmth for Ponce's cause the Council reiterated its preference for him.178 In a sum- mary of the whole situation it pointed out that in Decem- ber, 1595, Monterey had been dissatisfied with both Oiiate and his contract. Now all this was changed. His recent letters had urged that Onate be retained as leader of the ex- pedition.179 This change of heart displeased the Council. Ponce was ready to leave on eight days' notice. He had a brother in Seville preparing the ships, arms and provisions necessary. If a change should be made at that stage of af- fairs his reputation would suffer greatly. Such a rebuff would be an extremely poor reward for a man who had volunteered to serve his majesty with much spirit and gen- erosity. Furthermore the Council charged that the doubt cast on Ponce's cause was the work of a brother-in-law of Onate, an oidor of the audiencia of Mexico. His stand was that a captain coming from Spain would be unable to cope with conditions in the New World. But this was of minor
177. Royal decree in report of the Council of February 7, 1597, in ibid., 345,
178. The Council to the king, February 18, 1597, in ibid., 347.
179. The reference is to Monterey's letter of November 15, 1596. Hackett, Hist. Docs., 377.
11*
170 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
importance, maintained the Council, and it recommended that Ponce himself should bear the news of the king's deci- sion to the Indies.180
King Philip Suspends Ponce. On this occasion King: Philip did not accept the advice of his royal Council. He felt that since Ponce was in poor health and lacked the ne- cessary funds no immediate decision should be made. The Council was instructed to keep him in suspense for the time being, meanwhile making secret inquiry of the viceroy as to whether Onate still had everything In readiness to con- tinue the expedition. If so, he should be authorized to pro- ceed to New Mexico, but if his force had fallen to pieces, the king was to be promptly informed.181 The Council, how- ever, was in no mood to leave matters in such an uncertain muddle. Since Ponce was continuing Ms preparations at much expense it seemed proper that he be undeceived at once or that he be informed that no decision could be made for a year and a half,1*2 To this the king laconically replied that he should be informed that nothing could be determin- ed for a year.183
Shortly after these events had occurred the king's will was embodied in a formal cedula to the Count of Monterey. This was merely a repetition of his orders to the Council that Onate should be permitted to conquer New Mexico if he was prepared to do so.184 With this sudden termination Ponce's good fortune came to an abrupt end. As far as the expedition to New Mexico is concerned he is not heard of again. In fact nothing more is known of Don Pedro Ponce de Leon.
180. The Council to the king, February 18, 1597, in Kackett, Hist. Docs., 347.
181. Royal decree in report of the Council of February 18, 1597, in ibid., 349.
182. The Conncil to the king; March 7, 1597, in ibid., 349.
183. Royal decree in report of the Council of March 7, 1597, in Haekett, Hi*t. Does., 349.
184. Eoyal cedula, April 2, 1597, in ibid., 345.
THE POUNDING OP NEW MEXICO 171
Chapter IV. Onate in the Wilderness
Preparing the Expedition. The contract which the viceroy made with Oiiate was formally approved Septem- ber 21, 1595, as we have seen/"5 and preparations for the :great enterprise were soon under way. It was undertaken in feudal style. Important positions were given to wealthy friends and relatives. These did homage and swore fealty to Onate and raised companies at their own expense.181 Ofiate's nephew Juan de Zaldivar was at once named •maestre de campo; another nephew Vicente de Zaldivar became sargento mayor; the wealthy Juan Guerra de Resa was made lieutenant eaptain-general. Onate's brothers Cristobal and Luis Nuiiez Perez were made his personal representatives in Mexico.18'
The preparations were carried forward enthusiastical* ly for a time. If we believe the picture given by Villagra, the soldier-poet, a spirit of friendly helpfulness prevailed among the soldiers. Not even the bees, under the stimulus of the April sun, could make honey with greater haste than the future conquerors of New Mexico prepared themselves for their work. Proclamations were made in the most fre- quented streets, picturing the many privileges given to those who would serve in the conquest* Banners were hoisted, trumpets sounded, fifes played and drums beat. Mingled with these martial notes was the clamor of the soldiers who were burning with eagerness to set off for the land of promise, the "otro Mexico," immediately/88
185. See chapter II of this study in Vol. I of the Review.
186. Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, 170 ; Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 117.
187. They were given this power on October 19, 1595, in Zacatecas. Aceptacidn de las capitulacio-n.es, December 15, 1595. A. G. I., 58-3-12. Villagra mentions only Cristobal. Hiatoria, I, 29.
188. Villagra. Historia, I, 30.
172 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The scenes enacted by Onate and his followers re- sembled those which had occurred when Coronado organ- ized his army in 1540, to explore the Northern Mystery. In the city of Mexico where only one recruiting squad was> permitted, Vicente de Zaldivar was put in charge with auth- ority to enlist both foot and horse. Far this privilege his friends were so happy that they carried him to the palace to kiss the Count's hands. Proceeding to the grand plaza a salute of artillery was fired to indicate that enlistment was under way,"*
Opposition from Onate's Foes. The start so brilliant- ly begun soon struck obstacles. Monterey the new viceroy entered upon his duties in Mexico in November, 1595,1** and Onate's contract was submitted to him for his ap- proval.101 Office seekers flocked to his court, and among: them were enemies of Onate.192 These malcontents were probably the main element in prejudicing the viceroy against the enterprise.
Discouragement of the Soldiers. Before the two vice- roys came to an agreement at Oculma in regard to Ofiate's contract the uncertainty and delay caused by the change in government nearly ruined the army which had commen- ced to assemble. "It faded and dried up like an unwatered flower," said the poet. Gossip and slander had been so widely circulated that the soldiers lost faith in their lead- er and shamelessly believed the charges against him.108 In an appeal to the king Onate himself painted the difficulties under which he was working during the latter part of 1595. He complained that the delay in forwarding his warrants had occasioned enormous damage ; that some of the soldiers had lost interest and were completely discouraged ; and that the outlook was growing more dubious. It might not be pos-
189. Torquemada, Monarckia Indiana, I, 671.
190. Ibid; Bancroft, Mexico, II, 766.
191. See chapter II.
192. Villagra, Historia, I, 27; 30; Bancroft follows Villagra, Arizona, and New Mexico, 118.
193. Villagra, Historia, I, 31.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 173
sible to carry out the expedition before the rainy season commenced. That possibility would involve great expense, and be extremely disheartening to the entire army.194
By tactful management he succeeded, together with his lieutenant Juan Guerra de Resa, in preventing the break-up of the expedition, and at the conference of Mon- terey and Velasco at Oculma he was permitted to go on with the enterprise.195
The news of that decision was sent to the camp by let- ter and caused an outburst of joy.198 Recruiting again went forward with enthusiasm and the expedition was nearing completion in January, 1598, according to Ofiate's claims.197 Such a statement is probably an exaggeration, but it indi- cates that all was progressing as rapidly as could be ex- pected.198
At last nothing was lacking except the final warr- ants,109 but trouble was brewing. During the Christmas season of 1595, Monterey carefully scrutinized Ofiate's capitulation"00 and concluded to limit his privileges in some important particulars. As already intimated it is possible that this decision was due to suspicions aroused by discon- tented fortune seekers disgusted at Ofiate's success.
When the news of this additional misfortune reached the army it was thrown into utmost confusion. The angry soldiers turned on their leader again. It was clear to them that the privileges which had been so tantalisingly displayed at the time of enlistment had
194. Carta de Don Juan de Onate a S. M., December 16, 1595, A. G. I., 58-3-15.
195. See chapter II.
196. Villagra, Historia, I. 33.
197. Letter of Cristobal de Onate, [January, 1596] ; order of Monterey, June 6, 1506, in Traslado de la visita quc por comision del senor virrey t.omd Don Lope de Ulloa y Lemos d Don Juan de Onate, de la gente, armas y munic tones que ttevo para la conquista del Nuevo Mexico, A. G. I., 58-3-14. Hereafter cited as Ulloa visita. See also Santiago del Rieco to the king, November 10, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 369.
108. The Vizcaino expedition to the Californias was being organized at this same time, and though Monterey had objections to it and was dubious of the outcome, he did not hinder its progress. Chapman, C. E. History of California, 124-126.
199. Letter of Cristobal de Onate, [January, 1596] ; cf. Villagra, Historia, I, 33.
200. See chapter II.
174 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
been mere mockery. Charges of deception and even of treachery were leveled at him, and it was with much dif- ficulty that their suspicions were allayed and order re- stored anew. The assistance of the faithful Juan Guerra seems to have been important in bringing this about.201
Success in Enlisting Men. Ofiate's representatives did not hesitate in coming to a decision in regard to the viceroy's limitations. These they accepted,202 and then the governor was immediately given complete and final author- ity to go on with the enterprise.808 Additional facilities were also given for enlisting soldiers and Monterey thus felt that the journey to New Mexico could be made that season.804
In spite of the many reverses which had served to dis- credit the expedition the captains seemed to meet with suc- cess in securing men. The attitude of the viceroy had now changed and he was represented as friendly to the project. This aided in stimulating enlistment and many married men volunteered.808 In fact matters progressed so f<ast that on April 17, Monterey reported that almost all of the soldiers recruited in Mexico were already on the way to Zacatecas. Haste was necessary if the journey was to take place that year, as the viceroy realized, and he was hurrying along those who had not then departed.208
Arranging the Visita. At the same time Monterey was making other plans in order that Onate might not leave Zacatecas for New Mexico with a smaller number of men and less supplies than he had agreed to bring. In order to safeguard the welfare of the soldiers and settlers in the army and to protect the Indians and possessions of the mining settlements in Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya,
201. Villagra, Historia, I, 34-35.
202. Letter of Cristobal de Onate, [January, 1596].
203. Accptacion del consentimiento que se hizo por Don Juan de Onate d la moderation de las capitulaciones, Januaryl-3, 1596. A. G. I., 58-3-15.
204. Carta del Conde de Monterey d S. M., February 28, 1596.
205. Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, I, 671.
206. Monterey d S. M., April 17, 1596. A. G. I., 58-3-12.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 175
which were situated along the line of march, he determined to send a reliable officer to review the army. If we may believe his own words he appears to have been somewhat perturbed about the performance of this duty, because much suffering had already been caused Onate and this inspection would probably give additional reason for com- plaint.207 Nevertheless he proposed in an acuerdo de hazi- enda, held on May 18, 1596, that the inspection should be held, and the plan was approved.208
With these necessary arrangements completed the Count nominated the captain of the viceregal guard, Don Lope de Ulloa y Lemos, as juez visitador y teniente de cap itan-general for the New Mexico expedition. His in- structions required him to overtake the colonists and accom- pany them from Zacatecas to Santa Barbara in order to become thoroughly familiar with conditions in the army. The visita was not necessarily to be held at Santa Barbara, but near there.209 Onate's contract had stipulated that the army should be assembled at that place, the last settlement in the conquered territory, and there he should give proof of having fulfilled his obligations.210 If the inspection proved that the requirments of the contract had been fulfilled he was to be permitted to go on, otherwise he should be de- tained.211
One other commission was given Don Lope de Ulloa. Recruiting was dragging on more slowly than had been an- ticipated. Some of the soldiers and colonists were still in Mexico on June 6, 1596, in spite of efforts to hurry them on toward Onate's rendezvous. Small groups were departing
207. Monterey d S. M., April 17 ,1596, A. G. I., 58-3-12.
208. Order of Monterey, June 6, 1596, in Ulloa visita.
209. Ibid; see also "Memorial sobre el descubrimiento," in Col, Doc. InÂŁd., XVI, 191; Villagra, Historia, I, 35.
210. Onate's contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 231.
211. Monterey to the king, November 15, 1596, in ibid., 377. Ulloa was also given several assistants. Antonio de Negrete, who had served in the royal council of Castile, was made secrctario; Francisco de Esquivel, who had seen military service in Flanders and Portugal, was named comisario; and Jaime Fernandez went as alguacll. See order of Monterey, June 6, 1596, in Ulloa visita.
176 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
for Zacatecas at irregular intervals, and it was rumored that they were disturbing the inhabitants and causing more or less property damage.212 These complaints reached the viceroy in the first part of June. To punish such offences and eliminate future occurrences Monterey gave Ulloa full power to deal with any trouble that might arise. At the same time he was to observe friendly relations with Onate. The latter was to remain free to govern his people and to enforce military discipline. Ulloa should only inter- fere to protect the settlements or to punish those guilty of crimes. These special cases were left entirely to his discretion. As soon as the inspection had been held Onate should be compelled, if it was successful, to continue the journey in order that he might enter New Mexico in August, 1596.2'3 Monterey did not want the army to linger and excite the newly pacified areas of Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya. These orders were fulfilled at once. On June 11, the various officers left Mexico to assume their duties.814
On their journey northward Ulloa and his company carried letters from Monterey to Onate, wherein he wished him the good fortune which so illustrious an individual and his distinguished relatives deserved, and bade him God- speed in the conquest. He did not desire that Onate should be worried about the inspection which Ulloa was to make, and attempted to overcome objections by saying that it was ordered as a formality rather than because on any suspi- cions that the contract had not been fulfilled. These glad tidings were received with joy by the soldiers, for it seemed to augur a speedy march, and they celebrated with tour- naments and merrymaking.215
Appraising the Supplies. Before the inspection could take place certain preparations had to be made to enable
212. Order of Monterey, June 6, 1596, in Ulloa visita.
213. Order of Monterey, June 10, 1596, in Ulloa visita.
214. Report of Antonio de Negrete, June 11, 1596, ibid.
215. Villagra, Historia, I, 35.
THE POUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 177
Ulloa to hold it Onate, for example, had bound himself to take along five hundred pesos worth of medicine. Many other articles in the contract were given in the same man- ner.218 In order to determine upon a scale of prices for the visita Monterey ordered that two appraisers should be chosen, one by the king and the other by Onate, to make such an adjustment. This was done in Mexico City. Gordian Casasano, contador of the royal alcabala of New Spain, and Baltasar Rodriguez were chosen for this purpose by the respective groups.217 They were, to appraise the horseshoe iron, nails, footgear, medicine, iron tools, iron for making tools, paper, frieze and sackcloth, and things for bartering and for making gifts to the Indians, according to the prices prevailing in Zacatecas, Flour, maize, wheat and jerked beef, on the contrary, were to be regulated by the prices in the frontier towns of Guadiana (Durango), La Puana and Santa Barbara. When the appraisers presented their re- port in Mexico on June 18, two of these items, the medicine and the things for the Indians, could not be definitely ap- praised, and they suggested that it would have to be done in Zacatecas.2 8
Meanwhile Ulloa and his staff proceeded to Zacatecas where he soon delegated the second of his commissions, containing certain police powers, to the commissary Fran- cisco de Esquivel, instructing him carefully to follow the army to Santa Barbara and to punish all disorders. To simplify this task he was ordered not to permit the soldiers to scatter about; none were allowed to wander more than half a league beyond the camino real. Ulloa gave him full power for enforcing these measures and appointed an alguacil to assist him.216
Inspecting the Medicine. Having relieved himself of these disciplinary functions Ulloa next turned his attention
216. Oiiate'3 contract, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 227-229.
217. Statement of Monterey, June 14, 1596, in Ulloa visita.
218. Report of Gordian Casasano and Baltasar Rodriguez, Mexico, June 18, 1596 in ibid.
219. Order of Don Lope de Ulloa, Zacatecas, July 19, 1596, in ibid.
178 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to the inspection and ordered that the five hundered pesos of medicine which was to be valued according to the current Zacatecas price, should be appraised at once. To reach an agreement on this score he appointed as his agent Pedro de Vergara. At the same time Crist6bal de Zaldivar, Onate's representative in the province, chose Alonso Sanchez Montemolin to cooperate with him.22* They appraised the materials in question, but the total value only amounted to three hundred and six pesos, or one hundred and ninety- less than was required to fulfill the contract.221
The Order of Suspension. The record of what happened during the next six weeks is almost a blank. We do- know that the army continued marching, as it reached the Nazas river on September 9.222 It is also clear that Onate was completing his preparations for the inspection by pur- chasing such cattle and supplies as were still needed.22* Aside from that there was probably nothing to record.
While the soldiers were thus plodding forward dis- couraging news from Mexico was about to overtake them. In the latter part of July234 the viceroy received an order from the king, in response to his letter of December 20> 1595, suspending Onate as leader of the expedition and pro- hibiting him from entering New Mexico. If the journey should already have commenced the army was to come to an immediate halt. He was to remain under that ban till the king pleased to order otherwise.22* This cedula had been ordered on recomendation of the Council of the Indies which was vigorously campaigning for Don Pedro Ponce de Leon in order that he might become the conqueror of New Mexico.234
220. Order of Ulloa, Zacatecas, July 20, 1596, in Vlloa visita.
221. Report of Pedro de Vergara and Alonso Sanchez Montemolin, Zacatecas, July 24, 1596, in ibid.
222. Notification to Onate, Rio de las Nazas, September 9, 1596, in Hackett, Hist.. Docs., 351.
223. On August 24, 1590, Onate was at Santa Catalina, three leagues from Avino, where he contracted for a quantity of wheat. See Ulloa visita.
224. Monterey to the king, November 15, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 377.
225. Royal cedula, May 8, 1596, in ibid., Villagra, Historia, I. 36.
226. See chapter III.
THE FOUNDING UF NEW MEXICO 179
When Monterey received the cedula he forwarded it to Ulloa, and accompanied it by an order of his own of August 12, 1596."7 In rigorous terms he added warning and severe penalties to the king's decree should it not be obeyed. Onate was prohibited from going beyond the place where the cedula should be received, though Ulloa might allow him to go a few leagues, if he found it necessary to do so, to better hold the people. Any such arrangement had to be made in writing. Failure to comply with the king's cedula, was the dire threat, would mean the loss of all the privileges, granted in the contract.
Onate Dissimulates. The bitter news contained in these messages did not reach Oil ate till September 9, 1596, while the army was camped at the Rio de las Nazas in Nueva Vizcayar* On that day there came hurrying to the camp a messenger asking albricias229 for the dispatch which he brought from the viceroy. Believing that it contained orders for the continuation of the journey he proclaimed good news, saying that the entire camp was finally ord- ered to enter New Mexico. But it was all a tragic mistake. When the seal was broken, and Onate took the precaution to do this behind closed doors, it was found to be the royal order delaying the whole affair.230 Onate however did not falter, but remained true to his king as on former occasions. He respectfully kissed the unwelcome letter and reverently placed it upon his head in token of obedience.231
What was now to be done? If the army should learn the true nature of the message it would be demoralized* All were anxiously waiting to hear the news and Onate soon satisfied their curiosity. Putting on a bold front he
227. Order of Mcnterey, August 12, 1596, in Villagra Historia, I, 36-38; cf« '"Memorial sobre el descubrimiento," in Col Doc. Intd., XVI, 191-192.
228. Notification to Onate, in Hackett, Hist, Docs., 351; Onate to Monterey, September 13, 1596, in ibid., 353.
229. Reward for some good news.
230. Villagra Historia, I, 36 ; Santiago del Riego to the king, November 10, -596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 371.
231. Notification to Onate, in ibid., 351 ; Villagra, Historia, I, 39.
180 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
too proclaimed good news; the entrada would be made without delay. The overjoyed soldiers gave vent to their feelings by displaying their skill1 on horseback. A race was first run, and then a tilting match was staged, led by the two best men in the camp, the Zaldivar brothers, Juan and Vicente. Onate also celebrated by riding forth to witness the spectacle, and when he dismounted his gayly bedecked steed on returning" to camp he gave the messenger the reward expected for the good news he had borne.232
This additional discouragement was hard to bear. Onate had already suffered extraordinary expenses due to the earlier delays. His army had now been assembled practically a year and the situation was more dubious than ever before* It is true that there was still a ray of hope on the horizon. Further orders were expected from Spain by the fleet. It would come, at the very latest, in October.239 Hope was now pinned on the possibility that the king might countermand the decree of suspension.2*4 In the meantime he could not prevent the desertion of large numbers of the soldiers if they should learn the truth. Monterey took what precautions he could in order to help him in this respect, for there were rumors afloat in the city of Mexico that Don Pedro Ponce was coming to displace Onate. This story had been learned in private letters from Madrid. To dis- credit them Monterey said as much as he dared in public to counteract such hearsay, and Ulloa dissimulated in the same manner in Onate's army, where he was waiting to hold the inspection. If the fleet should arrive at the ac- customed time, the expedition would thus be found intact.285
Juan Guerra Promises Aid. While Onate was await- ing the receipt of such news, however, his supplies must deteriorate and losses of horses and cattle would be inevi- table. Up till this time he had already expended more than one hundred thousand Castilian ducats on the expedition.
232. Villagra, Ilistoria, I, 39-40.
233. Monterey to the king:, November 15, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 379.
234. Onate to Monterey, September 13, 11:96, in ibid., 353. 235. Monterey to the king, November 15, 1596, in ibid., 379.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 181
His captains and soldiers had spent more than twice that amount. They had sold their lands and would be practic- ally destitute on the break-up of the army. This inform- ation was included in a report made by Ulloa's secretary, Antonio Negrete.236 It is perhaps a proper antidote to Villagra's estimate of half a million ducados largos which Onate was said to have expended on the enterprise. It is at any rate clear that Onate was again in straightened cir- cumstances. In his difficulty he turned to his friend and relative Juan Guerra de Resa, the lieutenant captain-gen- eral of the expedition, and revealed the actual condition of affairs to him. Juan Guerra had long ere this won dis- tinction because of the great work and large sums of money he had spent in the service of the king, and he did not fail his friend now. "Like the illustrious Jacob, who, charmed by the beautiful Rachel wished to live with Laban again," so did Guerra once more desire to serve the king, and with- out considering the services he had already performed, pledged Onate one hundred thousand pesos annually from the income of his estates. He accepted joyfully.237
When the above events had transpired the expedition halted at the mines of Casco by Ulloa's order. The place proved an unfortunate stopping place, according to the poet, as it was barren of provisions, grazing land and water.238 These mines were reached November 1, 1596.288
Failure of the Fleet. The slender hopes which Don Juan had nourished regarding the arrival of additional news from the king that fall were shortly dashed to the ground. On October 22, Monterey dispatched a message,
236. Notification to Oiiate, September 9, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 851; Onate also pictures the poverty of the soldiers and colonists who had staked their all on the successful outcome of the expedition. Onate to Monterey, September 13, 1596, in ibid., 359.
237. Villagra, Historia, I, 39-40.
238. Ibid.
239. "Discurso de las jornadas que hizo el Campo de su Magestad desde la Nueva Espana a la provincia de la Nueva Mexico. Ano de 1596, Ytinerario de las minas del Caxco, . . ." in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 228-276. Hereafter cited as "Ytinerario."
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182 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
notifying him that the ships had not left that year, and therefore no news could be expected till spring.240 The in- formation was received on November 22, while the army w/as still at Casco. In view of this condition of affairs Onate was again warned that the ban of suspension was still in effect. It was a desperate situation which he was facing, but no sign of disobedience was shown.241 Villagra tells how the viceroy tried to assuage Onate's ruffled feel- ings by expressing the utmost confidence in him, but the poet scoffed at such condolatory expressions.242
Onate Protests. While the army was worrying away the weary days at the mines of Casco renewed efforts were made by the leaders in this drama to influence the viceroy and the king for a favorable decision. Onate sent a pains- taking and exhaustive report to Monterey.218 Freely now did he express his emotions. He was quite beside himself with grief over the new misfortune and complained that the extreme penalties provided in the viceroy's order ac- companying the royal cedula of suspension were unnecess- ary for a true and faithful vassal of the king. He protest- ed that he had no intention to do otherwise than to obey, even though it might mean an extraordinary reversal of fortune for him, loss of all the money and labor expend- ed, and irretrievable diminution of reputation and prestige. He promised obedience both in form and spirit, and volun- teered to make every effort to hold the expedition together until his majesty ordered differently.
Facing the facts squarely Onate informed Monterey that only a handful of soldiers or colonists would remain in the army should it be learned that a new leader was ex-
240. Order of Monterey, October 22, 1596, in Ulloa visita; "Memorial sobre el descubrimiento," in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 192 ; due to the wars in Europe only eleven fleets came to Vera Cruz between 1580 and 1600. Bourne, E. G. Spain in America, 285-286.
241. Notification to Onate, November 22, 1596, in Ulloa visita.
242. Villagra, Historia, I, 41.
243. Onate to Monterey, September 13, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 352-367.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 183
pected. There were obvious reasons for this. The army was a feudal organization. Should Onate and his chief of- ficers go the key stone would fall from the arch. The soldiers would follow their old leaders whom they admir- ed. Moreover Onate had followed the customary methods of the frontier in organizing his army. He was accustom- ed to Indian warfare and had acted from experience. Euro- pean methods of fighting would be futile against the na- tives. Consequently any one coming from Spain must necessarily be at a great disadvantage in managing an army organized to conquer a new province like the "otro Mexico.''
Onate thus argued that the threatening change of lead- ership would bring about the destruction of the expedition. Some had already deserted,244 and others were being re- tained by rather dubious means. These facts were soon seen by Ulloa, who was then with the expedition. He gave Onate all the assistance at his command in preserving the intactness of the force. Don Juan appreciated this kind- ness. He was glad that all straggling bands of soldiers had been compelled to unite with the army. The evil these iso- lated groups had inflicted on the countryside was as bad for Onate as for anyone else. The rumors of their depre- dations were giving the expedition a black eye and furnish- ing its enemies an opportunity to discredit its leader before the king.245
Onate Requests an Inspection. While thus attempting to make secure his position as leader of the expedition Ofiate was also seeking to safeguard his rights by giving proof of having fulfilled the contract. On November 1, a large part of the army reached Casco.248 Other parts were at Santa Barbara and La Puana. Normally the inspection
244. Santiago del Riego to the king, November 10, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 369.
245. Onate to Monterey, September 13, 1596, in ibid., 359.
246. See above.
184 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
would have been held without delay, but would if be done now that the enterprise was under suspension? It was a matter of importance for Ofiate. Further delay might mean the disintegration of the expedition and he could be charged with failure to carry out his obligations. Respon- sibility for defeat would therefore be his own. But he justly insisted that the inspection was also necessary to fulfill the king's duty toward him, and so he earnestly beseeched Mon- terey to order Ulloa to carry it out. He wanted to demon- strate that the contract had been liberally furnished, and that poverty, which had been ascribed to him in public, was unfounded. "Upon your lordship's doing me this favor depends all my reputation, honor and credit." It would be of material help in preventing desertion among the soldiers since they would feel that preparations for departure were steadily progressing.
Moreover though the status of his future part in the enterprise was so doubtful he requested permission for the entire camp to move forward to Santa Barbara, the last settlement on the frontier. The valley in which it lay was a fertile region where the expense of supporting the army would not be so great. There the inspection could con- veniently be held and the army could settle down to await the king's pleasure at the minimum cost. Ofiate had no ul- terior motives in mind when asking for these favors. He gave his word of honor not to advance a step beyond Santa Barbara without express order from the viceroy If Don Pedro Ponce or some one else should be given the leader- ship of the expedition he promised to make no disturbance whatever.247
Santiago del Riego's Appeal. Doctor Santiago del Riego, an oidor of the audiencia gave his support in this cause, and sent an impassioned appeal to the king in favor of Ofiate. He maintained that expeditions coming from Spain were never successful, because those who enlisted in
247. Ofiate to Monterey, September 13, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 365-367.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 185
Europe were usually poor people attracted by false promi- ses of mountains of gold. When it was learned how tho- roughly the truth had been concealed from them and how greatly they had been deceived they would cry out to God in their misfortune, and worst of all, return home— broken. After making a brief summary of the things required for such an expedition as Onate's, he exclaimed:248
What man, indeed, in these kingdoms will wish, or be able, to help the people procure these things ? What length of time will he need to secure it all? How will he succeed in providing it with four or five thousand head of cattle which must be taken ahead for food unless he wishes to en- ter by robbing the Indians in their poverty? How will he provide four or five thousand quintals of biscuit which will be needed for the road and the interval until they begin to cultivate and work the land? How will he provide fifty or more carts with the awnings which will be needed for the trip, and other things that are necessary for such a long journey, and at the least more than twelve hundred oxen which will be needed to draw them?
Santiago del Riego asserted that this mass of supplies, plus an infinite number of other things that would be need- ed, could not be secured for one hundred thousand ducats by any one bringing an expedition from Spain. Experience had proven moreover that armies organized in the Indies usually achieved brilliant success, and he recalled the work of Cortes and Pizarro as proof of his contention. Further- more he argued:
With what justice can the expedition be taken away from the one who made the contract and agreement with two viceroys who represented the person of your Majesty? What he spent in virtue of this agreement, which must be a very large sum, he must lose, and the viceroys, who make the contract in the name of your Majesty, must cheat their liegemen, which does not seem to be just. . .
248. Santiago del Riego to the king, November 10, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 371. Riego mentioned several men who had come with expeditions from Spain and had failed. He named Serpa, in New Andalucia ; Juan Ponce in Florida ; Luis de Carbajal in New Leon; and others whose identity has been lost.
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Monterey Consults the Audiencia. The pressure which Onate and his friends thus brought to bear on the viceroy had the desired effect. His attitude changed, but he was nevertheless perplexed as to what course of action to pur- sue toward him when the fleet failed to come. What should he do if some of Onate's men strayed off or broke away and left for New Mexico contrary to the royal orders? Finally he determined to bring the whole affair to the attention of the audiencia in order to learn its opinion. It felt however that nothing should be done until the king's will was known, and that in the meantime Onate should remain at the head of the army. It was still possible that ships would soon come bringing definite orders from Spain. Till then the expedition ought to be preserved. But Monterey was not satisfied with the Council's recommendation. He continued to urge upon the king the desirability and necessity of continuing the enterprise as then constituted, but at the same time he refused to assume the responsibility of send- ing the army on to New Mexico, and the audiencia likewise declined to take upon itself any part of the viceroy's bur- den.249
Reasons for Favoring Onate. In order to convince the king and the Council of the Indies of the very good reasons why Onate should be allowed to carry out the conquest the viceroy sent them a detailed list of notes, including his own opinion, that of the audiencia and others, in regard to the matter.200 These documents are of interest and importance. They indicate why the king at last approved Onate for this enterprise when Ponce's cause began to weaken.
First of all, Onate's contract had been legally made. If the project should be committed to another he would have a claim, which could not be denied, to collect interest from the crown on the expenses incurred.
249. Monterey to the king, November 15, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 379 ; re- port of the fiscal, in ibid., 391.
250. Reasons why Onate should go to New Mexico, November 15, 1596, in ibid., 383-389 ; report of the fiscal, in ibid., 389-395.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 187
Many had sold or mortgaged their estates and brought their families with them on the expedition. If not permitted to go their plight would be serious, all of which ought to be taken into consideration.
If the soldiers were disbanded they would scatter all over the country, and robberies and outrages might be perpetrated on the inhabitants. Some might join the In- dians and excite them to adopt their old habits as bandits and thieves, thereby breaking the peace which had recent- ly been established,251
There was danger that some of the soldiers might unite and go to New Mexico without authority. They would probably mistreat the Indians and discredit the Spaniards and their religion. In that case future attempts to pacify the country would be extremely difficult.
The annoying disturbances that New Spain and Nueva Galicia had experienced while the expedition was being organized would have to be endured again, should Onate's following be dispersed.
Oiiate's expedition had been highly esteemed among the people. If now defeated it would be virtually impossible to find any one in the Indies willing to organize such an expedition, and no one would enlist.
Should another army be equipped long delays would occur. As the chief purpose of the conquest was the con- version of the natives, for which Onate was well prepared, that mission must necessarily be jeopardized.
There was very serious doubt as to whether any one coming from Spain and without property in the New World, could collect, by money alone, the people and sup- plies necessary.
Moreover at the head of the expedition should be a man accustomed to deal with the Indians. Experience had demonstrated that a person coming from Spain did not pos-
251. The reference is probably to the peace established along the frontier by Velasco in 1591. See Bancroft, Mexico, II 763-764.
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sess that quality in a high degree, and was accordingly an important reason for retaining Onate.252
The Delay of the Inspection. Meanwhile the army was still stationed at the Casco mines where the goddess of good fortune seemed unable to find it. The inspection which Ulloa had been delegated to perform was still awaited. The viceroy stated it had been postponed because Onate did not lead the expedition to the last settlement, and that he did not arrive there in time to make the entrance, as had been ordered. But this was clearly impossible as the cedula of suspension had prohibited him from taking another step unless by Ulloa' s written order. The real reason is pro- bably to be sought elsewhere. Perhaps Ulloa had been or- dered not to hold the inspection if he believed that Onate could pass it satisfactorily, as he would then be able to charge interest on his expenditures. This idea is ascribed to the audiencia and may be true. At the same time, so runs this story, should Onate threaten to hold the inspec- tion without Ulloa's presence, then it should be done by the latter in order to avoid any opportunity for fraud, "and in order that it should not appear as though the truth were not being sought." Furthermore both Monterey and the audiencia were agreed that Ulloa should remain with the expedition regardless of the expense involved, since the soldiers would certainly be undeceived and immediately disperse when his departure became known.'53
As the weeks continued to roll by without further de- velopments the soldiers finally despaired and the army was on the verge of disintegration. At that moment Onate re- ceived help from an unexpected quarter. Dona Eufemia, wife of the real alferez Penalosa, a woman of singular valor, beauty and intelligence, according to the poet, har- angued the soldiers in the plaza. But it does not appear that
252. Reasons why Onate should go to New Mexico, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 385- 387 ; report of the fiscal, in ibid., 393-395.
253. Monterey to the king, November 15, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 383.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 189
her appeal to the courage and honor of the colonists had more than momentary effect. They continued to leave. As Villagra said, "Weak souls cannot desist from their in- tent."25'
Meanwhile Onate's trouble increased with the dis- satisfaction of his men. He was growing very impatient over the endless excuses advanced by Ulloa for not making the visita. On November 28, 1596, he explained to Ulloa that his army was assembled at the Casco mines and at Santa Barbara. This had entailed heavy expense. Sup- plies were running low, soldiers deserting, cattle horses and mules being lost, and New Mexico was still far away. He therefore demanded an immediate inspection. Ulloa how- ever paid little attention to this appeal. It was repeated on the same day, but he merely acknowledged acceptance of the message.** On December 2, and again on the 5, Onate renewed his request, with the same result.258
The Inspection Ordered. On December 9, the inspector delayed no longer. Onate had in the meantime threatened to hold it himself before a royal notary. Replying to his ap- peals Ulloa signified his readiness to carry out the visita even though it would be very expensive for the king as the expedition was widely scattered. However such action was not to be construed as repealing the orders prohibiting the continuation of the entrada.257 Thereupon he ordered Onate to take oath that all the supplies and other materials offered for inspection were his own, and that nothing had been given him simply for the purpose of making a creditable showing.258
254. Villagra, Historia, I, 42.
255. Onate to Ulloa, November 28, 1596, in VUoa visita; cf. "Memorial sobre el descubrimiento," in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 192-193.
256. Onate to Ulloa, December 2, and 5, 1596, in UUoa visita.
257. Order of Ulloa, December 9, 1596, m ibid.
258. Second order of Ulloa of December 9, 1596, in ibid. Morover if anyone had loaned anything to Onate he must appear within three days to make a statement thereof. Four soldiers reported that they had sold certain goods to him. They were Juan Moreno de la Rua, Captain Pablo de Aguilar, Alonso Gomez and Captain Joseph
190 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The inspection at Casco was then begun, but dragged on for more than two months. Practically every class of goods showed a substantial surplus, and there were quanti- ties of supplies which had not been specified in the capit- ulations. Of medicine there was still a deficit, though some additional things had been forwarded by Cristobal de Zaldivar from Zacatecas. To overcome this deficiency Onate requested that some supplies of sugar, oil, wine and other things be substituted, as these were essential for sick people. In this manner all difficulties were swept aside and the inspection at Casco was concluded toward the end of January, 1597,2S*
Again there came a break in Onate's plans. On Jan- uary 26, just as the inspectors were ready to go to Santa Barbara to continue the visita at that place, word was re- ceived from Mexico that Ulloa had been appointed com- mander of the Philippine flota for that year. Ofiate there- fore immediately requested him to go to Santa Barbara to complete the inspection, protesting that if Ulloa did not do so and if the inspection showed any deficits the respon- bility would not be his. But Ulloa did not want to go to Santa Barbara. He was willing to finish the job at Casco. To the more distant place he would send the commissary Esquivel.280 The latter was accordingly provided with the necessary power for that purpose.2*1
Before Ulloa left for Mexico Onate tried to secure a statement from him in regard to the elaborate equipment of the expedition when the order of suspension came. The visitor however did not feel that his instructions would permit him to do as Onate suggested. For that reason he agreed that he might make such a record himself .afla
On Februuary 1, 1597, Onate and the inspecting of- ficers left Casco for Santa Barbara, twenty-eight leagues
259. See the Vllca visita for January 31, 1597.
260. Onate to Xllloa and reply, January 27, 1597, in ibid.
261. Order of Ulloa, January 30, 1597, in ibid.
262. Onate to Ulloa and reply, January 30, 1597, in ibid; cf. "Memorial sobre el descubrimiento," in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 194-195.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 191
distant.203 They arrived there four days later, and on the 5, commenced the final part of the inspection.284 By the 19, all the supplies had been listed with the exception of cer- tain extra goods which Onate and the soldiers had brought along. The governor claimed to have forty thousand pesos worth of negro slaves, Chichimecas, clothing, wrought silver and numerous other things. Others in the expedi- tion had similar possessions of great value which amount- ed to more than one hundred and fifty thousand pesos. Onate insisted that all this should be recorded. There was some basis for his claim. Monterey had so ordered In his instructions to Ulloa, as Esquivel realized, but he replied that the latter had not given him the necessary authority. With that the matter dropped.283
When it was seen that nothing was lacking of what was required Esquivel issued an order, already promulgat- ed by Ulloa on January 30, prohibiting Onate from mov- ing the army till orders should be received from the vice- roy. As on previous occasions Don Juan promised to com- ply.208
The Successful Completion. Before the end of Feb- ruary Esquivel finished his task. At the mines of Casco there were found to be one hundred and thirty-one soldiers, at Santa Barabara thirty-nine and at La Puana thirty- five. The total number thus amounted to two hundred and five, or five more than Oiiate was obliged to furnish. Of supplies and provisions there was a surplus of well over four thousand pesos.267
The fact that Onate had been able to make such a fine
263. The "Ytinerario" gives this distance as twenty-four leagues. Col. Doc. /ne'e?., XVI, 229-231.
264. Report of Esquivel, February 4, in Ulloa visita.
265. Oiiate to Esquivel and reply, February 19, 1597, in Ulloa visita; cf. "Memorial sobre el descubrimiento," in Col. Doc. In6d., XVI, 196-197.
266. Order of Esquivel, February 18 ; Ofiate's reply, February 19, 1597, in Ulloa, visita.
267. "Memorial sobre el discubrimiento," in Col. Doc. hi6d.> XVI, 196.
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showing after having experienced an almost endless series of delays was clearly a tribute to his leadership and to the support of his wealthy lieutenant Juan Guerra de Resa and others. Under the circumstances it was a source of won- der to all New Spain, says the chronicler. As soon as the result was known Ofiate's brothers in Mexico appealed to the viceroy for permission to proceed. But Monterey was still awaiting orders from Spain and unable to do anything in their behalf. He did write encouraging letters, point- ing out that it was still possible that matters might be suc- cessfully adjusted.268 In this there was small comfort in- deed.
268. Villagra, Historia, I, 43.
FRAY MARCOS' RELACION 193
FRAY MARCOS DE NIZA AND HIS DISCOVERY OF THE SEVEN CITIES OF CIBOLA
PERCY M. BALDWIN, PH. D.
Although Fray Marcos de Niza (Friar Mark of Nice) was the first white man who indisputably set foot on the soil of New Mexico,1 there has^ hitherto been published no good translation into English of his Relation, or the report which he made to his official superiors upon his return. Indeed, the only previous translation that I have been able to discover is one given in Haluyt's Voyages2 and this was not made from the original Spanish, but from a very im- perfect Italian rendering by Ramusio.8 A French version may be found in Ternaux-Compans' Voyages* and this was made from the Spanish manuscript copy at Simancas, but unfortunately it is a careless and unreliable piece of work,5 The present translation has been prepared from the printed copy contained in the Documentos Ineditos del Archivo de Indias (Vol. Ill, pp. 325 et seq).
The report of Fray Marcos raised to fever heat the
1. Mr. Twitchell and others have accorded this honor to Cabeza de Vaca, but the claim is rejected by most historians.
2. Hakluyt, Richard: Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques & Discoveries. The "Relation" of Fray Marcos is in Vol. IX of the Glasgow edition of 1904 and in Vol. Ill of the London edition of 1810. It is also given as an appendix to Mrs. Bandolier's translation of The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca from Florida to the Pacific, 1528-1536; New York, 1905.
3. Ramusio, Giovanni Battista: Navigationi et Viaggi, 3 Vols., Venice, 1554-1583. The translation of Fray Marcos's report is in Vol. Ill, pp. 356 A-359 D.
4. Ternaux-Compans, Henri : Voyages, Relations, et Memoires Originaux pour servir a I'historie de la decouverte de I' Amerique. Paris, 1837-1841. The translation of the "Relation" is in tome IX, pp. 2C6-284. At the end of it appears the follow- ing note: "J'ai collationne cette copie avec 1'original, qui est a Simancas, le 3 septembre, 1781. --Juan Bautista Muiioz."
5. Several examples of this are quoted in footnotes to the translation given here- with and more are mentioned by Bandelier (article cited below), who, however, was in error in thinking that Ternaux-Compans translated from Ramusio.
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interest of the Spanish adventurers in "the seven cities of Cibola" and Coronado's army set out wiÂŁh high hopes of duplicating or surpassing the exploits of Cortes in Mexico. When these hopes were grievously disappointed and, in- stead of marvellous cities exceeding in wealth and grand- eur anything yet discovered in the New World, were found only the Indian pueblo villages of Zuni and its neighbor- hood, the father was roundly traduced as a liar. Cortes, at the court of Madrid in 1540, declared that the report was simply an elaboration of some information which he (Cortes) had received from Indians and which he had com- municated to the Friar and he alleged that the Friar, in thus relating what he had neither seen nor heard, was merely following a practice for which he had become noto- rious in Peru and Guatemala.6 This charge is grotesque, because Fray Marcos accompanied Coronado to Cibola and, had he not been over the ground previously, the fact would have become painfully evident as the expedition proceeded. However, this does not clear the Friar of the charges of exaggeration preferred against him by Coronado him- self.7 Castaneda de Nagera, the principal chronicler of the Coronado expedition, gives a story of Stephen Dorantes' death and subsequent events which differs in several parti- culars from the "Relation." He says the Indians killed only Stephen and let his companions go and that when these met the "friars" (plural), they incontinently fled, so that they never came within sight of Cibola.8 This is tantamount to a charge that the Friar's report, presented immediately after his return and solemnly sworn to, was deliberately falsified to cover an act of cowardice. But Castaneda is evidently wrong when he speaks of there being three friars,
6. Smithsonian Institution : Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethno- logy, in article by Winship on "The Coronado Expedition," p. 367.
7. Letter of Coronado to the Emperor, October 20, 1541. Given by Ternaux- Compans, IX, 362, and by Winship, op. cit. supra, p. 583.
8. Winship's translation of Castaneda, op. cit. supra, p. 475. Or, Hodge's trans- lation in Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528-1542, p. 290; New York, 1907.
FRAY MARCOS' RELACION 195
whom he mentions by name as Marcos, Daniel, and Antonio de Santa Maria. Fray Marcos expressly speaks of his be- ing alone and having no one with whom he could take coun- sel, having left his companion Onorato (not Daniel nor Antonio) behind at Vacapa. His official superiors must have known how many companions he had and an error on this point would have been obvious. Castafieda's ac- count was written more than twenty years after the events he describes and, when it comes to a question of his word against the Friar's, there is centainly no reason to accept his.
Some historians have been almost as unkind to Fray Marcos as were his contemporaries. Ternaux-Compans speaks disparagingly of him9 and Haynes, in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, says: "We think that he fairly deserves the epithet of the 'lying monk/ which has been bestowed upon him, in spite of the air of probability which pervades the greater part of his narrative."10 On the other hand, as John G. Shea remarks: "Haynes follows his real narrative and does not note a single statement as false or bring any evidence to show any assertion untrue/'11 F. H. Gushing has brought to light Indian traditions which corroborate a part of the Friar's story.12 A. F. Bandelier has stoutly defended him and has given plausible explan- ations of all his statements, as well as traced his probable route, in his Contributions to the History of the South- ivestern Portion of the United States.™ J. P. Winship, in discussing his credibility writes: "Friar Marcos undoubt- edly never wilfully told an untruth about the country of Cibola, even in a barber's chair."11 C. F. Lummis goes so
9. Ternaux-Compans, op. cit. supra, tome IX, "Preface de 1' editeur fran^ais," pp. v-vi.
10. Op. cit., II, 499.
11. Shea, John Gilmary : The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 117, footnote.
12. In The Magazine of Western History, cit id by Bandelier in Southwestern Historical Contributions, p. 106.
13. Bandslier, op. cit., in Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, Amer. series, Vol. V, pp. 106-178.
14. Winship, op. cit. supra, p. 366.
196 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
far as to say warmly : "He has been accused of misrepre- sentation and exaggeration in his reports ; but if his critics had not been so ignorant of the locality, of the Indians and of their traditions, they never would have spoken. Fray Marcos's statements were absolutely truthful."1'
The Friar himself, in concluding his report, says : "I simply tell what I saw and what was told me concerning the countries where I went and those of which I had in- formation." All through his narrative he is careful to dis- tinguish between observation and hearsay and certainly nothing that he spates from observation can be set down as deliberately false. On the contrary, as Bandelier has shown, it conforms pretty accurately with what we know of the ethnology and topography of the region over which he travelled.
There are, however, two statements for which he vouches that are open to question. One is his observation have made an error here of about 3° 30' in his latitude that in 35° the coast suddenly turns to the west. He must which does not say much for the knowledge of cosmography that Fra. Antonio ascribes to him and which is given as one of the reasons why he was chosen for the exploration. Even with the crude instruments of those days, 3^2 degrees is a large error. But the most puzzling point is that at a pre- vious point in his journey he had found himself 40 leagues from the coast and his subsequent traveling must have led him away further still. Bandelier estimates that he must have been 200 miles away,18 and seems to think that he made a special trip to the coast to ascertain its direction. But nothing in the text would indicate that he made any such important deviation from his route. He was hurrying on after Stephen Dorantes and he was only a day's march from Cibola when he met the fugitive who gave him the first news of Stephen's disastrous end. This lone observa- tion of our cosmographer-priest is unfortunately of no as-
15. Lummis, Charles Fletcher: The Spanish Pioneers, p. SO.
16. Op. cit, supra, p. 143.
FRAY MARCOS' RELACION 197
sistance to us in determining his route. Nowhere else does he mention his latitude and he gives only vague clues as to the direction in which he is marching.
The other dubious statement is that, from a distance, Cibola appeared to him bigger than Mexico. Castaneda later wrote: "There are mansions in New Spain which make a better appearance from a distance,"17 and he tells us that Fray Marcos found it unsafe to remain with Coro- nado's army when his exaggerations became apparent, and returned to New Spain. However, allowance must be made for the difference in point of view. Friar Mark had been given many glowing accounts of the greatness of Cibola by the Indians; these accounts had checked with one an- other and the Indians had been truthful in all else. His mind was primed to expect a big city and no doubt distance lent enchantment to the view. After all, his was only com- mon human failing of being prone to believe what he want- ed to believe and to see what he wanted to see.
It is altogether probable that the accounts which the adventurers in Coronado's army had heard were grossly exaggerated and garbled versions of Fray Marcos's report. It is possible that some of these got into print and that one of them was used by Ramusio for his Italian version. How else can one explain the extraordinary interpolation in con- nection with the description of Cibola? (See page 218) It is difficult to believe that Ramusio invented it and deliber- ately foisted it into the text. Certainly Fray Marcos should not be held responsible for these embellishments of his narrative.
In one respect, at any rate, the Friar deserves our ad- miration. He is fair to the Indians at every point. He de- scribes their joy at being set free by Mendoza; he draws attention to their agriculture being neglected due to war- like raids upon them by the "Christians" of San Miguel; he will not break faith with the messengers he sent to the
17. Winship, op. cit. supra, p. 483.
13*
198 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
sea coast from Vacapa ; he declines to receive gifts from the aborigines in a country where white men have not been previously known; he gratefully acknowledges their hospi- tality and aid at every stage of his journey; he testifies to their great truthfulness; he does not blame them when they manifest a hostile disposition towards himself after the massacre of their companions; he evidently regards their anger as arising naturally from their grief and says that it would be against his will if Christians should come to avenge his death. He seems to be moved throughout by missionary zeal and there is no reason to suppose him in- sincere, even though, as Castaneda insinuates, the ambition to be elected Father Provincial of his order may not have been absent from his thoughts.
When all is said, the fairest treatment we can give him is to let him speak for himself, and therefore the subjoined translation of his "Relation" is given for the benefit of the readers of the Neiv Mexico Historical Review. The report is written in a nai've style that does not lack interest and we feel sure that New Mexicans will be willing to accord the discoverer of their land an attentive hearing.
INSTRUCTION OF DON ANTONIO, VICEROY OF NEW SPAIN
[Fray Marcos de Niza, this is what you have to do in the expedition which you are undertaking for the honor and glory of the Holy Trinity, and for the propagation of our holy catholic faith] /
First: As soon as you arrive at the province of Culiacan, you shall exhort and encourage the Spaniards, who reside in the town of San Miguel, to treat well the In- dians who are at peace and not to employ them on ex- cessive tasks, assuring them that if they do so, they shall find favor with and be rewarded by H. M. for the labors
1. This introductory paragraph is given by Ternaux-Compans. It is no* in the Documentos ineditoa.
FRAY MARCOS' RELACION 199
which they have there undergone, and in me they shall have a good supporter for their claims, but if they do the contrary, they shall be punished and out of favor.
You shall give the Indians to understand that I send you, in the name of H. M., to order that they be treated well, and that they may know that he is afflicted by the affronts and injuries which they have received, and that henceforward they shall be well treated, and that those who do them harm shall be punished.
Likewise you shall assure them that they shall no longer be made slaves, nor removed from their lands, but that they shall be left free on them, without hurt or dam- age; that they shall lose their fear and recognize God Our Lord, who is in heaven, and the Emperor, who is placed by His hand on earth to rule and govern it.
And as Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, whom H. M. has appointed governor of that province, will go with you to the town of San Miguel of Culiacan, you must advise me how he provides for the affairs of that town, in what concerns the service of God Our Lord and the conversion and good treatment of the natives of that province.
And if by the aid of God Our Lord and the grace of the Holy Ghost, you shall find a way to go further and to enter the country beyond, you shall take with you Stephen Dorantes for a guide, whom I order that he obey you in all and by all that you command him, as he would myself, and, if he does not so, he shall be in jeopardy and shall incur the penalties which befall those who do not obey per- sons who hold power from H. M. to command them.
Likewise the said governor, Francisco Vazquez, has with him the Indians who came with Dorantes and some others, that it has been possible to gather from those parts, in order that, if to him and to you both it may seem advis- able that you take some in your company, you may do so and may use them as you see is good for the service of Our Lord.
You shall always arrange to go in the safest manner possible, and inform yourself first if the Indians be at
200 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
peace or war with one another, that you may give them no occasion to commit any indiscretion against your per- son, which would be the cause of proceeding against them and chastizing them. If such were the case, instead of doing them good and bringing them light, it would be the opposite.
You shall take much care to observe the people that there are, whether they be many or few, and if they are scattered or live close together.
Note the quality and fertility of the soil, the climate of the country, the trees and plants and domestic and wild animals, which there may be, the nature of the ground, whether rugged or level, the rivers, whether great or small, and the stones and metals which there are in the country. Send or carry back samples of such things as it is possible to do so, to the end that H. M. may be advised of every- thing.
Always endeavor to obtain information about the sea coast, that of the North as well as that of the South, be- cause the land may narrow and in the country beyond some arm of the sea may enter. And if you come to the coast of the South Sea, bury letters concerning whatever may ap- pear to you noteworthy, on the prominent points, at the foot of some tree distinguished for its size, and on the tree make a cross so that it may be known. Likewise make the same sign of the cross and leave letters by the most re- markable trees near the water, at the mouths of rivers and at places suitable for anchorage. Thus, if we send ships, they will go advised to look for such signs.
Always arrange to send news by the Indians, telling how you fare and are received and particularly what you may find.
And if God Our Lord be pleased that you find some large town, where it may seem to you that there is a good situation to establish a monastery and to send religious to undertake the work of conversion, send word by Indians or return yourself to Culiacan. Send such word with all secrecy, in order that what is necessary may be provided
PRAY MARCOS' KELACION
without commotion, because in bringing peace to the country which may be found, we look to the service of Our iLord and the good of the inhabitants.
And although all the earth belongs to the Emperor our lord, you in my name shall take possession of the coun* try for H. M., and you shall erect the signs and perform the acts, which seem to yon to be required in such case, and you shall give the natives of the country to understand that there is a God in heaven and the Emperor on the earth to command and govern it, to whom all men must be subject and whom all must serve*~Z>(m Antonio de Mendoza*
ACKNOWLEDGMENT OP RECEIPT
I, Fray Marcos de Nixa, of the order of St. Francis, <le» clare that I received a copy of these instructions signed by the most illustrious lord Don Antonio de Mendoza, vice- roy and governor of New Spain, the which was delivered to me, by command of his lordship and in his name, by Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, governor of this New Galicia. The said copy is taken from these instructions de verbo ad verbum, corrected by them and made to agree with them. I promise faithfully to fulfill the said instruc- tions and not to go against nor to exceed them in anything therein contained, now or at any time. And as I will thus adhere to and fulfill them, I sign hereto my name, at To- nala, on the twentieth day of the month of November in the year one thousand five hundred and thirty-eight, where were given and delivered to me in the said name the said instructions, and which is in the province of this New Galicia.-Fra. Marcos de Niaa.
RELATION
With the aid and favor of the most holy Virgin Mary* our Lady, and of our seraphic father St. Francis, I, Fray Marcos de Niza, a professed religious of the order of St. Francis, in fulfillment of the instructions above given of the most illustrious lord Don Antonio de Mendoza, vice- roy and governor for H. M. of New Spain, left the town
202 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of San Miguel, in the province of Culiacan, on Friday, March 7th, 1530. I took with me as companion Friar Honoratus and also Stephen of Darantes, a negro, and cer- tain Indians, which the said Lord Viceroy bought for the purpose and set at liberty* They were delivered to me by Francisco de Coronaclo, governor of New Galieia, along with many other Indians from Petatlan and from the vil- lage of Cuchillo, situated about fifty leagues frcm the said town. All these came to the valley of Culiacan, manifest- ing great joy, because it had been certified to them that the Indians were free, the said governor having sent in. advance to acquaint them of their freedom and to tell them that it was the desire and command of H. M. that they should not be enslaved nor made war upon nor badly treat- ed.
With this company as stated, I took my way towards the town of Petatlan, receiving much hospitality and pres- ents of food, roses and other such things; besides which, at all the stopping-places where there were no people, huts were constructed for me of mats and branches. In this town of Petatlan I stayed three days, because my compan- ion Friar Honoratus fell sick, I found it advisable to leave him there and, conformably with the instructions given to me, I followed the way in which I was guided, though un- worthy, by the Holy Ghost. There went with me Stephen Dorantes, the negro, some of the freed Indians and many people of that country. I was received everywhere I went with much hospitality and rejoicing and with triumphal arches. The inhabitants also gave me what food they had, which was little, because they said it had not rained for three years, and because the Indians of that territory think more of hiding than of growing crops, for fear of the Christians of the town of San Miguel, who up to that time were accustomed to make war upon and enslave them. On all this road, which would be about 25 or 30 leagues be- yond Petatlan, I did not see anything worthy of being set down here, except that there came to me some Indians from the island visited by the Marquess of Valle, and who
TRAY MAKCOS' EELACION 203
informed me that it was really an island and not, as some think, part of the mainland. I saw that they passed to and from the mainland on rafts and that the distance between the island and the mainland might be half a sea league, rather more or less. Likewise there came to see me In- dians from another larger and more distant island, by whom I Yvras told that there were thirty other small islands, inhabited, but with poor food excepting two, which they said had maize. These Indians wore suspended from their necks many shells of the kind' which contain pearls; I showed them a pearl which I carried for sample and they told me that there were some in the islands, but I did not see any.
I took my way over a desert for four days and there went with me some Indians from the islands mentioned as well as from the villages which I left behind, and at the end of the desert I found some other Indians, who were astonished to see me, as they had no news of Christians, having no traffic with the people on the other side of the desert. These Indians made me very welcome, giving me plenty of food, and they endeavored to touch my clothes, calling me Sayola, which means in their language "man from heaven," I made them understand, the best I could by my interpreters, the content of my instructions, name- ,ly, the knowledge of Our Lord in heaven and of H. M. on earth. And always, by all the means that I could, I sought to learn about a country with numerous towns and a people of a higher culture than those I was encountering, but I had no news except that they told me that in the country beyond, four or five days' journey thence, where the chains of mountains ended, there was an extensive and level open tract,2 in which they told me there were many and very large towns inhabited by a people clothed with cotton. When I showed them some metals which I was carrying, in order to take account of the metals of the coun- try, they took a piece of gold and told me that there were
2. "Abra."
'264 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW'
vessels of it among the people of the region and that they wear certain articles of that metal, suspended from their noses and ears, and that they had some Httk blades of it,. With which they scrape and relieve themselves, of sweat. But as this tract lies inland and my intention was to stay near the coast, I determined to leave it till my return, be- eauae then I would be able to see it better. And so I march- ed three days through a country inhabited by the same people, by whom I was received in the same manner as by those I had already passed.. I came to a medium-sized town; named Vacapa, where they made me a great welcome and gave me much food, of which they had plenty, as the whole land is irrigated. From this town to the sea is forty lea- gues. As I found myself so far away from the sea, and! as It was two days before Passion Sunday, I determined to stay there until Easter, to inform myself concerning the islands of which I said above that I had news. So I gent Indian messengers to the sea, by three ways, whom I charged to bring back to me people from the coast and from some of the islands, that I might inform myself con- cerning them. In another direction I sent Stephen Dor- antes, the negro, whom I instructed to take the route to- wards the north for fifty or sixty leagues to see if by that Way he might obtain an account of any important thing- such as we were seeking. I agreed with him that if he had any news of a populous, rich and important country he should not continue further but should return in per- son or send me Indians with a certain signal which we ar- ranged, namely, that if it were something of medium im- portance, he should send me a white cross of a hand's breadth, if it were something of great importance, he should send me one of two hands' breadth, while if it were bigger and better than New Spain, he should send me a great cross. And so the said negro Stephen departed from me on Passion Sunday after dinner, whilst I stayed in the town, which I say is called Vacapa.
In four days' time there came messengers from Ste- phen with a very great cross, as high as a man, and they
PRAY MARCOS RELACION 205
told me on Stephen's behalf that I should immediately come and follow him, because he had met people who gave him an account of the greatest country in the world, and that he had Indians who had been there, of whom he sent me one. This man told me so many wonderful things about the country, that I forebore to believe them until I should have seen them or should have more certitude of the matter. He told me that it was thirty days* journey from where Stephen was staying to the first city of the country, which was named Cibola. As it appears to me to be worth while to put In this paper what this Indian, whom Stephen sent me, said concerning the country, I will da so. He asserted that in the first province there were seven very great cities, all under one lord, that the houses, con- structed of stone and lime, were large, that the smallest were of one storey with a terrace above, that there were others of two and three storeys, whilst that of the lord had four, and all were joined under his rule. He said that the doorways of the principal houses were much ornamented with turquoises, of which there was a great abundance, and that the people of those cities went very well clothed* He told me many other particulars, not only of the seven cities but of other provinces beyond them, each one of which he said was much bigger than that of the seven cities. That I might understand the matter as he knew It, we had many questions and answers and I found him very intelligent.
I gave thanks to Our Lord, but deferred my depart- ure after Stephen Dorantes, thinking that he would wait for me, as I had agreed with him, and also because I had promised the messengers whom I had sent to the sea that I would wait for them, for I proposed always to treat with good faith the people with whom I came in contact. The messengers returned on Easter Sunday, and with them people from the coast and from two islands, which I knew to be the islands above mentioned and which, as I already knew, are poor of food, though populated. These people
206 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
wore shells on their foreheads and said that they contain pearls. They told me that there were thirty-four island® near to one another, whose names I am setting down im another paper, where I give the names- of the. islands and towns. The people of the coast say that they, as well as the people of the islands, have little food, and that they traffic with one another by means of rafts. The coast trends almost directly towards the north. These Indians of the coast brought to me shields of oxhide, very well fashioned, big enough to cover them from head to foot,, with some holes above the handle so that one could see from behind them; they are so hard, that I think that d, bullet would not pass through them. The same day there came to me three of those Indians known as Pintados, with their faces, chests and arms all decorated;3 they live over towards the east and their territory borders on those near the seven cities. They told me that, having had news of me, they had come to see me and among other things they gave me much information concerning the seven cities and provinces, that the Indian sent by Stephen had told me of, and almost in the same manner as he. I therefore sent back the coast people, but two Indians of the island* said they would like to go with me seven or eight days.
So with them and the three Pintados already men- tioned, I left Vacapa on the second day of the Easter festi- val, taking the same road that Stephen had followed. I had received from him more messengers, with another big- cross as big as the first which he sent, urging me to hurry and stating that the country in question was the best and greatest of which he had ever heard. These messengers gave me, individually, the same story as the first, except that they told me much more and gave me a clearer ac- count. So for that day, the second of Easter, and for two more days I followed the same stages of the route as Ste- phen had; at the end of which I met the people who had
3. "Labrados"— Bandelier would translate this word by "tattooed." Ternaux- Compans says "peints." The word here used leaves it indefinite like the Spanish.
FKAY MARCOS' HELACION 207
given Mm news of the seven cities and of the country beyond. They told me that from there it was thirty days' journey to the city of Cibola, which is the first of the seven. I had an account not from one only, but from many, and they told me in great detail the size of the houses and the manner of them, just as the first ones had. They told me that, beyond these seven cities, there were other kingdoms named Marata, Acus and Totonteac, I desired very much to know for what they went so far from their homes and they told me that they went for turquoises, cowhides and other things, that there was a quantity of these things in that town. Likewise I asked what they exchanged for such articles and they told me the sweat of their brows •and the service of their persons, that they went to the first city, which is called Cibola, where they served in digging the ground and performing other work, for which work they are given oxhides, of the kind produced in that coun- try, and turquoises. The people of this town all wear good and beautiful turquoises hanging from their ears and noses and they say that these jewels are worked into the prin- cipal doors of Cibola. They told me that the fashion of clothing worn in Cibola is a cotton shirt reaching to the instep, with a button at the throat and a long cord hang- ing down, the sleeves of the shirts being the same width throughout their length ; it seems to me this would resem- ble the Bohemian style. They say that those people go girt with belts of turquoises and that over these shirts some wear excellent cloaks and others very well dressed cow- hides, which are considered the best clothing, and of which they say there is a great quantity in that country. The women likewise go clothed and covered to the feet in the same manner.
These Indians received me very well and took great care to learn the day of my departure from Vacapa, so that they might furnish me on the way with victuals and lodg- ings. They brought me sick persons that I might cure them and they tried to touch my clothes ; I recited the Gos- pel over them. They gave me some cowhides so well tan-
2GÂŁ NEW MEXICO" HISTORICAL REVIEW
ned and dressed that they seemed to have been prepared by some highly civilized people, and they aJl said that they came from Cibola.
The next day I continued my journey, taking with me the Pintados, who wished not to leave me. I arrived at another settlement where I was very well received by its people, who also endeavored to touch my clothing'. They gave me information concerning the country whither I was bound as much in detail as those I had met before, and they told me that some persons had gone from there with Stephen Dorantes, four or five days previously. Here I found a great cross which Stephen had left for me, as a sign that the news of the good country continually increas- ed, and he had left word for me to hurry and that he would wait for me at the end of the first desert Here I set up two crosses and took possession, according to my instruc- tions, because that country appeared to me better than, that which I had already passed and hence it was fitting: to perform the acts of possession.
In this manner I travelled five days, always finding1 people, who gave me a very hospitable reception, many turquoises and cowhides and the same account of the coun- try- They all spoke to me right away of Cibola and that province as people who knew that I was going in search of it. They told me how Stephen was going forward, and I received from him messengers who were inhabitants of that town and who had been some distance with him. He spoke more and more enthusiastically of the greatness of the country and he urged me to hurry. Here I learned that two days' journey thence I would encounter a desert of four days' journey, in which there was no provision except what was supplied by making shelters for me and carrying food. I hurried forward, expecting to meet Stephen at the end of it, because he had sent me word that he would await me there.
Before arriving at the desert, I came to a green, well watered settlement, where there came to meet me a crowd of p^oplo, r?.?n and women, clothed in cotton ar.cl some
FRAY MARCOS' RELACION 209
covered with cowhides, which in general they consider a better dress material than cotton. All the people of this town wear turquoises hanging from their noses and ears; these ornaments are called cacona. Among them came the chief of the town and his two brothers, very well dressed in cotton, encaconados, and each with a necklace of turquoises around his neck. They brought to me a quantity of game—venison, rabbits and quail— also maize and meal, all in great abundance. They offered me many turquoises, cowhides, very pretty cups and other things, of which I accepted none, for such was my custom since entering the country where we were not known. And here I had the same account as before of the seven cities and the kingdoms and provinces as I have related above. I was wearing a garment of dark woollen cloth, of the kind call- ed Saragossa, which was given to me by Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, governor of New Galicia. The chief of the village and other Indians touched it with their hands and told me that there was plenty of that fabric in Totonteac and that the natives of that place were clothed with it. At this I laughed and said it could not be so, that it must be garments of cotton which those people wore. Then they said to me : "Do you think that we do not know that what you wear and what we wear is different? Know that in Cibola the houses are full of that material which we are wearing, but in Totonteac there are some small animals from which they obtain that with which they make a fabric like yours." This astonished me, as I had not heard of any such thing previously, and I desired to inform my- self more particularly about it. They told me that the animals are of the size of the Castilian greyhounds which Stephen had with him ; they said there were many of them in Totonteac. I could not guess what species of animals they might be.
The next day I entered into the desert and at the place where I had to go for dinner, I found huts and food enough, by the side of a watercourse. At night I found cabins and 14
210 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
food again and so it was for the four days that I travelled through this desert. At the end of them, I entered a very well populated valley and at the first town many men and women came with food to meet me. They all wore many turquoises suspended from their noses and ears, and some wore necklaces of turquoises, like those which I said were worn by the chief of the town on the other side of the desert and his brothers, except that they only wore one string, while these Indians wore three or four. They were dressed in very good cloaks of ox leather. The women likewise wore turquoises in their noses and ears and very good petticoats and blouses. Here they had as much in- formation of Cibola, as in New Spain they have of Mexico and in Peru of Cuzco. They described in detail the houses, streets and squares of the town, like people who had been there many times, and they were wearing various objects brought from there, which they had obtained by their services, like the Indians I had previously met. I said to them that it was not possible that the houses should be in the manner which they described to me, so to make me un- derstand they took earth and ashes and mixed them with water, and showed how the stone is placed and the edifice reared, placing stone and mortar till the required height is reached. I asked them if the men of that country had wings to climb those storeys; they laughed and explained to me a ladder, as wrell as I could do, and they took a stick and placed it over their heads and said it was that height from storey to storey. Here I was also given an account of the woolen cloth of Totonteac, where they say the houses are like those at Cibola but better and bigger, and that it is a very great place and has no limit.
Here I learned that the coast turns to the west,4 almost at a right angle, because until I reached the entrance of the first desert which I passed, the coast always trended towards the north. As it was very important to know the direction of the coast, I wished to assure myself and so
4. Ternaux-Compans says, "vers le nord," but the Spanish is "al Poniente."
FRAY MARCOS' RELACION 211
went to look out5 and I saw clearly that in latitude 35 de- grees it turns to the west. I was not less pleased at this discovery than at the good news I had of the country.
So I turned to follow my route and was in that val- ley five days. It is so thickly populated with fine people and so provided with food that there would be enough to supply more than three hundred horse. It is all watered and is like a garden. There are villages at every half or quarter league or so. In each of them I had a very long account of Cibola and they sp&ke to me in detail about it, as people would who went there each year to earn their living. Here I found a man who was a native of Cibola. He told me he had fled from the governor whom the lord had placed there in Cibola — for the lord of these seven cities lives and has his residence in one of them, which is called Ahacus, and in the others he has placed persons who command for him. This citizen of Cibola is a man of good disposition, somewhat old and much more intelligent than the natives of the valley and those I had formerly met; he told me that he wished to go with me so that I might pro- cure his pardon. I interrogated him carefully and he told me that Cibola is a big city, that it has a large population and many streets and squares, and that in some parts of the city there are very great houses, ten storeys high, in which the chiefs meet on certain days of the year* He corroborated what I had already been told, that the houses are constructed out of stone and lime, and he said that the doors and fronts of the principal houses are of turquoise; he added that the others of the seven cities are similar, though some are bigger, and that the most important is Ahacus. He told me that towards the south-east there lay
5. "Y asi fui en demanda della." "Demanda" is a nautical term for "look-out" and this translation seems to be indicated, as Fray Marcos goes on to say that he saw clearly that the coast turned to the West. Being familiar with navigation (see the attestation of Fray Antonio) it would be natural for him to use a sailor's ex- pression and the mention of the latitude points to an actual observation. Never- theless, this remains a very puzzling statement, as Fray Marcos was evidently too far from the coast to see it. Perhaps the meaning is, "after inquiry, I perceived etc."
212 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
a kingdom called Marata, in which there used to be many very large towns, having the same kind of houses built of stone and with several storeys ; that this kingdom had been and still was at war with the lord of the seven cities ; that by this war Marata had been greatly reduced in power, although it was still independent and continued the war.
He likewise told me that to the south-east6 there is a kingdom named Totonteac, which he said was the biggest, most populous, and the richest in the world, and that there they wore clothes made of the same stuff as mine, and others of a more delicate material obtained from the animals of which I had already had a description; the people were highly cultured and different from those I had hitherto seen. He further informed me that there is another province and very great kingdom, which is called Acus — f or there are Ahacus and Acus ; Ahacus, with the aspiration, is one of the seven cities, the most important one, and Acus, without the aspiration, is a kingdom and province by itself.
He corroborated what I had been told concerning the clothes worn in Cibola and added that all the people of that city sleep in beds raised above the floor, with fabrics7 and with tilts above to cover the beds. He said that he would go with me to Cibola and beyond, if I desired to take him along. I was given the same account in this town by many other persons, though not in such great detail.
I travelled in this valley three days and the natives made for me all the feasts and rejoicings that they could. Here in this valley I saw more than two thousand oxhides, extremely well cured ; I saw a very large quantity of tur- quoises and necklaces thereof, as in the places I had left behind, and all said that they came from the city of Cibola. They know this place as well as I would know what I hold in my hands, and they are similarly acquainted with the kingdoms of Marata, Acus and Totonteac. Here in this
6. Ternaux-Compans and Hakluyt both say to the west, which seems more reasonable, as Marata lay to the south-east.
7. "Ropas," perhaps blankets.
PRAY MARCOS' BELACION
valley they brought to me a skin, half as big again as that <of a large cow, and told me that it was from an animal "which has only one horn on its forehead and that this horn is curved towards its chest and then there sticks out a straight point, in which they 'said there was so much •strength, that no object, no matter how hard, could fail to break when struck with it. They averred that there were many of these animalB in that country. The color of the skin is like that of the goat and the hair is as long as one's finger.
Here I had messengers from Stephen, who told me on his behalf that he was then entering the last desert, and the more cheerfully, as he was going more assured of the -country ; and he sent to me to say that, since departing from me, he had never found the Indians out in any lie, but up to that point had found everything as they had told him and so he thought to find that beyond. And so I held it for certain, because it is true that, from the first day I had news of the city of Gibola, the Indians had told me of everything that till then I had seen, telling me always what towns I would find along the road and the numbers of them and, in the parts where there was no population, showing me where I would eat and sleep, without erring in one point. I had then marched, from the first place where I had news of the country, one hundred and twelve leagues, so it appears to me not unworthy to note the great truthful- ness of these people. Here in this valley, as in the other towns before, I erected crosses and performed the appropri- ate acts and ceremonies, according to my instructions. The natives of this town asked me to stay with them three or four days, because there was a desert four leagues thence, and from the beginning of it to the city of Cibola would be a march of fifteen days and they wished to put up food for me and to make the necessary arrangements for it. They told me that with the negro Stephen there had gone more than three hundred men to accompany him and carry food, and that many wished to go with me also, to serve me and be- 14*
214 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
cause they expected to return rich. I acknowledged their kindness and asked that they should get ready speedily,, because each day seemed to me a year, so much I desired to see Cibola, And so I remained three days without go- ing forward, during which I continually informed myself concerning Cibola and all the other places. In doing so I took the Indians aside and questioned each one by himself, and all agreed in their account and told me the number of the people, the order of the streets, the size of the houses and the fashion of the doorways, just as I had been told by those before.
After the three days were past, many people assem- bled to go with me, of whom I chose thirty chiefs, who were very well supplied with necklaces of turquoises, some of them wearing as many as five or six strings. With these I took the retinue necessary to carry food for them and me and started on my way. I entered the desert on the ninth day of May. On the first day, by a very wide and well travelled road, we arrived for dinner at a place where there was water, which the Indians showed to me, and in the evening we came again to water, and there I found a shel- ter which the Indians had just constructed for me and another which had been made for Stephen to sleep in when he passed. There were some old huts and many signs of fire, made by people passing to Cibola over this road. In this fashion I journeyed twelve days, always very well supplied with victuals of venison, hares, and partridges of the same color and flavor as those of Spain, although rather smaller.
At this juncture I met an Indian, the son of one of the chiefs who were journeying with me, who had gone in company with the negro Stephen. This man showed fatigue in his countenance, had his body covered with sweat, and manifested the deepest sadness in his whole person. He told me that, at a day's march before coming to Cibola, Stephen according to his custom sent ahead messengers with his calabash, that they might know he was coming.
PRAY MARCOS' RELACION 215
The calabash was adorned with some rows of rattles7* and two feathers, one white and one red. When they ar- rived at Cibola, before the person of the lord's represent- ative in that place, and gave him the calabash, as soon as he took it in his hands and saw the rattles, with great anger he flung it on the ground and told the messengers to be gone forthwith, that he knew what sort of people these were, and that the messengers should tell them not to enter the city, as if they did so he would put them to death. The messengers went back, told Stephen what had passed. He said to them that that was nothing, that those who showed themselves irritated received him the better. So he continued his journey till he arrived at the city of Cibola, where he found people who would not consent to let him enter, who put him in a big house which was out- side the city, and who at once took away from him all that he carried, his articles of barter and the turquoises and other things which he had received on the road from the Indians. They left him that night without giving any- thing to eat or drink either to him or to those that were with him. The following morning my informant was thirsty and went out of the house to drink from a nearby stream. When he had been there a few moments he saw Stephen fleeing away pursued by the people of the city and they killed some of those who were with him. When this Indian saw this he concealed himself and made his way up the stream, then crossed over and regained the road of the desert.
At these tidings, some of the Indians who were with me commenced to weep. As for myself, the wretched news made me fear I should be lost. I feared not so much to lose my life as not to be able to return to give a report of the greatness of the country, where God Our Lord might be so well served and his holy faith exalted and the royal domains of H. M. extended. In these circumstances I con- soled them as best I could and told them that one ought
N'EW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
not to give entire credence to that Indian, but they said to me with- Biany tear& that the IradlaB only related, what he had seen. So I drew apart from, the Indians to commend, myself to Our Lord and to pray Him. to guide this matter as He might best be served and to enlighten my mind. This- done, I returned to the Indians, and with a knife cut the sord& of the packages of dry goods and articles of barter which I was carrying with me and which till then I had not touched nor given away any of the contents. I divid- ed up the goods among all those chiefs and told them not to fear and to go along with me, which they did..
Continuing our journey, at a day's march from Ci- foola, we met two other Indians^ of those who had gone with Stephen, who appeared bloody and with many wounds. At this meeting, they and those that were with me set up such a crying, that out of pity and fear they also made me cry. So great was the noise that I could not ask about Stephen nor of what had happened to them, so I begged them to be quiet that we might learn what had passed. They said to me : "How can we be quiet, when we know that our fathers,, sons and brothers who were with Stephen, to the number of more than three hundred men, are dead? And we no more dare go to Ciboia, as we have been accustomed/' Nevetheless, as well as I could, I endeavored to pacify them and to put off their fear, although I myself was not without need of someone to calm me. I asked the wounded Indians concerning Stephen and as to what had happen- ed. They remained a short time without speaking a word, weeping along with those of their towns. At last they told me that when Stephen arrived at a day's journey from Ciboia, he sent his messengers with his calabash to the lord of Ciboia to announce his arrival and that he was com- ing peacefully and to cure them. When the messengers gave him the calabash and he saw the rattles, he flung it furiously on the floor and said: "I know these people; these rattles are not of our style of workmanship; tell them to go back immediately or not a man of them will re-
FRAY MARCOS5 RELACION 217
main alive." Thus he remained very angry. The messen- gers went back sad, and hardly dared to tell Stephen of the reception they had met. Nevertheless they told him and he said that they should not fear, that he desired to go on, because, although they answered him badly, they would receive him well. So he went and arrived at the city of Cibola just before sunset, with all his company, which would be more than three hundred men, besides many women. The inhabitants would not permit them to enter the city, but put them in a large and commodious house ouutside the city. They at once took away from Stephen all that he carried, telling him that the lord so ordered. "All that night," said the Indians, "they gave us nothing to eat nor drink. The next day, when the sun was a lance-length high, Stephen went out of the house and some of the chiefs with him. Straightway many people came out of the city and, as soon as he saw them, he be- gan to flee and we with him. Then they gave us these arrow-strokes and cuts and we fell and some dead men fell on top of us. Thus we lay till nightfall, without dar- ing to stir. We heard loud voices in the city and we saw many men and women watching on the terraces. We saw no more of Stephen and we concluded that they had shot him with arrows as they had the rest that were with him, of whom there escaped only us."
In view of what the Indians had related and the bad outlook for continuing my journey as I desired, I could not help but feel their loss and mine. God is witness of how much I desired to have someone of whom I could take counsel, for I confess I was at a loss what to do. I told them that Our Lord would chastize Cibola and that when the Emperor knew what had happened he would send many Christians to punish its people. They did not believe me, because they say that no one can withstand the power of Cibola. I begged them to be comforted and not to weep and consoled them with the best words I could muster, which would be too long to set down here. With this I left them and withdrew a stone's throw or two apart, to
218 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
commend myself to God, and remained thus an hour and a half. When I went back to them, I found one of my In- dians, named Mark, who had come from Mexico, and he said to me: "Father, these men have plotted to kill you, because they say that on account of you and Stephen their kinsfolk have been murdered, and that there will not re- main a man or woman among them all who will not be killed." I then divided among them all that remained of dry stuffs and other articles, in order to pacify them. I told them to observe that if they killed me they would do me no harm, because I would die a Christian and would go to heaven, and that those who killed me would suffer for it, because the Christians would come in search of me, and against my will would kill them all. With these and many other words I pacified them somewhat, although there was still high feeling on account of the people kill- ed. I asked that some of them should go to Cibola, to see if any other Indian had escaped and to obtain some news of Stephen, but I could not persuade them to do so. See- ing this, I told them that, in any case, I must see the city of Cibola and they said that no one would go with me. Finally, seeing me determined, two chiefs said that they would go with me.
With these and with my own Indians and interpreters, I continued my journey till I came within sight of Cibola. It is situated on a level stretch on the brow of a roundish hill. It appears to be a very beautiful city, the best that I have seen in these parts ; the houses are of the type that the Indians described to me, all of stone with their storeys and terraces, as it appeared to me from a hill whence I could see it. The town is bigger than the city of Mexico.8
8. Here Ramusio, III. 359B, interpolates : La citta e maggior che la citta di Temistitan, laqual passa venti mila case, le genti sono quasi bianche, vanno vestiti, & dormono in letti, tengono archi per arme, hanno molti smeraldi, ÂŁ altre gioie, anchor che non apprezzino se non turchese, con lequali adornano li pareti delli portali delle case, & le vesti, & li vasi, & si spende come moneta in tutto quel paese. Vestono di cotone, & di cuoi di vacca: & questo e il piu apprezzato, & honoreuole vestire: vsano vasi d'oro, & d'argento, perche non hanno altro metallo, delquale vi e maggior vs. & maggior abbondanza che nel Peru, & questo comprano per
FRA YMARCOS' RELACION 219
At times I was tempted to go to it, because I knew that I risked nothing but my life, which I had offered to God the day I commenced the journey; finally I feared to do so, considering my danger and that if I died, I would not be able to give an account of this country, which seems to me to be the greatest and best of the discoveries. When I said to the chiefs who were with me how beautiful Ci- bola appeared to me, they told me that it was the least of the seven cities, and that Totonteac is much bigger and better than all the seven, and that it has so many houses and people that there is no end to it. Viewing the situ- ation of the city, it occurred to me to call that country the new kingdom of St. Francis, and there, with the aid of the Indians, I made a big heap of stones and on top of it I placed a small, slender cross, not having the materials to construct a bigger one. I declared that I placed that cross and landmark in the name of Don Antonio de Men- doza, viceroy and governor of New Spain for the Em- peror, our lord, in sign of possession, in conformity with my instructions. I declared that I took possession there of all the seven cities and of the kingdoms of Tontonteac and Acus and Marata, and that I did not go to them, in order that I might return to give an account of what I had done and seen.
Then I started back, with much more fear than food, and went to meet the people whom I had left behind, with the greatest haste I could make. I overtook them after
turquese nella provincia delli Pintadi, doue si dice che vi sono le minere in grande abbodanza. D'altri regni non potetti hauere instruttione cosi particolare, alcune volte fui tentato andarmene fino li . . .
Hakluyt translates this passage as follows : The people are somewhat white, they wear apparell, and lie in beds, their weapons are bowes, they have Emeralds and other iewels, although they esteeme none so much as turqueses wherewith they adorne the walles of the porches of their houses, and their apparell and vessels, and they use them instead of money through all the Country. Their apparell is of cot- ton and Oxe hides, and this is their most commendable and honourable apparell. They use vessels of gold and silver, for they have no other mettall, whereof there is greater use and more abundance then in Peru, and they buy the same for tur- queses in the province of the Pintados, where there are sayd to be mines of great abundance. Of other Kingdoms I could not obtain so particular instruction. Divers times I was tempted to goe thither . . .
220 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
two days' march and went with them till we had passed the desert and arrived at their home. Here I was not made welcome as previously, because the men as well as the wo- men indulged in much weeping for the persons killed at Cibola. Without tarrying I hastened in fear from that people and that valley. The first day I went ten leagues, then I went eight and again ten leagues, without stopping till I had passed the second desert.
On my return, although I was not without fear, I determined to approach the open tract," situated at the end of the mountain ranges, of which I said above (page 5) that I had some account. As I came near, I was in- formed that it is peopled for many days' journey towards the east, but I dared not enter it, because it seemed to me that we must go to colonize and to rule that other country of the seven cities and the kingdoms I have spoken of, and that then one could see it better. So I forebore to risk my person and left it alone to given an account of what I had seen. However, I saw, from the mouth of the tract seven moderate-sized towns at some distance, and further a very fresh valley of very good land,10 whence rose much smoke.11 I was informed that there is much gold in it and that the natives of it deal in vessels and jewels for the ears and little plates with which they scrape themselves to re- lieve themselves of sweat, and that these people will not consent to trade with those of the other part of the valley ; but I was not able to learn the cause for this. Here I placed two crosses and took possession of all this plain and valley in the same manner as I had done with the other posses- sions, according to my instructions. From there I continu- ed my return journey, with all the haste I could, till I ar- rived at the town of San Miguel, in the province of Culi- acan, expecting to find there Francisco Vazquez de Coro-
9. "Abra."
10. Here Ternaux-Compans inserts: "et une tres jolie ville," which brings down upon him a severe criticism from Bandelier.
11. Hakluyt says: "out of which ran many rivers." This is his own mistrans- lation, as Ramusio writes "fumos."
PRAY MARCOS* RELACION 221
nado, governor of New Galicia. As I did not find him there, I continued my journey to the city of Compostella, where I found him. From there I immediately wrote word of my coming to the most illustrious lord, the viceroy of New Spain, and to our father provinical, Friar Antonio of Ciudad-Rodrigo, asking him to send me orders what to do. I omit here many particulars which are not pertinent ; I simply tell what I saw and what was told me concerning the countries where I went and those of which I was given Information, in order to make a ^report to our father pro- vincial, that he may show it to the father of our order, who may advise him, or to the council of the order, at whose command I went, that they may give it to the most illus- trious lord, the viceroy of New Spain, at whose request they sent me on this journey. — Fray Marcos de Niza, vwe comis- sarius,
ATTESTATIONS
I, Friar Antonio of Ciudad-Rodrigo, religious of the order of the Minorites and minister provincial for the time being of the province of the Holy Evangel of this New Spain, declare that it is true that I sent Fray Marcos de Niza, priest, friar, presbyter and religious, and in all vir- tue and religion so esteemed that, by me and my brethren of the governing board who take counsel together in all arduous and difficult matters, he was approved and held as fit and able to make this journey and discovery, as well for the aforesaid character of his person, as for being learned, not only in theology, but also in cosmography and navigation. When it had been considered and decided that he should go, he departed with a companion, a lay-brother named Friar Honoratus, by the command of the lord Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of this said New Spain. His lordship gave him all the furnishings and equipment neces- sary for the said journey and exploration. His instruc- tions which are here written, which I saw and which his lordship communicated to me, asking my advice thereon,
222 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
were given, as they appeared to me good, to the said Fray Marcos, by the hand of Francisco Vazquez de Coronado. He duly received them and executed them faithfully, as in fact has appeared. And as the above is the truth and there is no mis-statement in it, I have written this faithful testi- mony and signed it with my name. —Executed in Mexico, on the twenty-sixth12 day of August, in the year one thou- sand five hundred and thirty-nine. — Fra. Antonio de Ciu- dad-Rodrigo, minister provincial.
In the great city of Temixtitan, Mexico of New Spain, on the second day of ths month of September, in the year of the birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand five hundred and thirty-nine, before the very illustrious lord Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy and governor for H. M. in this New Spain, president of the audiencia and royal chancery, residing in the said city, and being present the very magnificent lords, the learned judge Francisco de Ceifios, oidor for H. M. in the said royal audiencia, and Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, governor for H. M. in the province of New Galicia, and in the presence of us, Juan Baeza de Herrera, chief secretary of the said royal audi- encia and of the government of the said New Spain, and Antonio de Turcios, secretary to Their Majesties and of the said royal audienciaf appeared the very reverend father Fray Marcos de Niza, vice-commissary in these parts of the Indies of the Ocean,13 of the order of San Francisco, and presented before their lordships and before us the said secretaries and witnesses the appended writings, these in- structions and this relation signed with his name and seal- ed with the general seal of the Indies, the which have nine leaves, including this in which go our signatures; and he said, affirmed and certified to be true the content of the said instructions and relation and that what is contained therein occurred, in order that H. M, may be informed of
12. Ternaax-Compans gives the 27th, IS. "Las Indias del mar Oceano."
FRAY MARCOS' RELACION 223
the truth of that which is made mention of therein. And their lordships ordered us the said secretaries, that, as the said vice-commissary presented it and declared it to be such, we attest the same at the foot thereof and that we declare It for truth, signed with our signatures. — Witnesses pres- ent: the above-named, and Alamaguer14 and Friar Martin of Ozocastro, religious of the same order.
In faith whereof, I the said Juan Baeza, the above- named secretary, affix here this -my seal, thus In testimony of truth.
— Juan Baeza de Herrera.
And I the said Antonio de Turcios, the above-named secretary, who was present at what is here said, affix here this my seal, XTS. *n testimony of truth.
— Antonio de Tureios,
CONTRIBUTORS
Aurelio M. Espinosa. — educator and author; M. A» Ph. D.; former professor Univ» of N. Mex*, Univ. of Chicago, and since 1910 professor of Spanish at Stanford University; editor Hispania, assoc. editor Journal Am. Folk-Lore; corr. mem. Real Academia Espanola, hon. mem. Chile Folk-Lore Society, fellow Hist. Soc. of N. Mex.
Percy M. Baldwin. — M. A. (Queen's Univ., London) ; research student in Spain; Ph. D. (Univ. of Calif.) ; since January, 1925, professor of history, N. Mex. College of A. &M.A.
14. Ternaux-Ccmpans gives "Antonio of Almaguez."
224 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES
The Frontier Times for January publishes a biograph- ical sketch of Kit Carson, which in view of the centennary of Carson's first trip to Santa Fe, is of special interest, Among other contributions in the current issue is one by George S* Roper of Two Harbors, Minnesota, who tells of "Soldiering on the Frontier" fifty five years ago. Roper was a trooper in the Eighth Cavalry commanded by Gen- eral «L Orvin Gregg, He says among other things :
"We got to Kit Carson, Colorado, and the first thing we saw the next morning were two fellows strung up under a railroad bridge where they had been hung the night be- fore by a vigilance committee At Kit Carson we
were given guns, and we picked up a bunch of 'doughboys' headed for the 15th Infantry .... There we started on our long march of nearly 1,200 miles to New Mexico. Any one now passing over the A. T. & S. F. from Los Aninias, Colo- rado, to San Marcial, New Mexico, probably would not ap- preciate what a God-forsaken country that hike took us
through back in the fall of 1870 Trinidad was just
one street, with a few scattering adobe shanties down near the river. We crossed the Raton Mountains at Dick Woot- en's ranch, and found the Red River of the South, west of the foot of the mountains, only about 10 feet wide. One place where we camped for a night there was a rancher liv- ing. It was said that at this house they had soda biscuits three tim.es a day, 365 days in the year. I had a good many meals there and I never found any other kind of bread ; so it must be so. At this place we saw our first Indians.. They were Utes, and one of them had on a Major General's dress uniform, coat, epaulets, and all, which had been given him by General Sherman. .The old chief also had a letter from the General which he prized very highly. The letter advised the reader to watch the old fellow very close, that he would carry away anything he could get his hands on. Cimarron was about the only place we found that would lead one to believe that there had ever been anything but a Mexican in that country. Fort Union was the headquarters of the 8th Cavalry. I was fortunate enough to be assigned to troop
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 225
B, with Captain Wm. McCleave in command. He is long since dead, but I want to go on record as believing that there were very few officers that were his equal. At Fort Union we lost the men who were assigned to troops at that station, and also those at Fort Garland. After a few days' rest we again took up the weary march, and two days after we camped at Las Vegas, an old Mexican town. What is now East Las Vegas was not at that time even a hole in the ground. At Albuquerque we first saw the Rio Grande, and lost our comrades that were enroute for Fort Wingate. At Fort Craig the fellows for Fort Selden and Fort Bayard kept on down the riyer; and we that were going to Fort Stanton crossed the river and hiked east through the sandy desert. The first of November we reached our long looked for 'happy home.' We were not long in taking up the duties of soldiers, with foot and mounted drill nearly every day. We had a splendid drillmaster in Sergeant Patrick Golden, an old soldier of several years' service. A short time be- fore we reached the pest the Apaches killed one of pur troop, and also a member of Co. I of the 15th Infantry with- in a few miles of the post. A scout was at once started after the murderers who were followed so closely that in order to let the bucks get away the squaws got in the way of the charge going up a narrow canyon, knowing, as they did, that in order to get around them it would delay the charge. Several prisoners were taken and we found them still in confinement at the post with a guard over them. That post was not very desirable. We enlisted at $16 a month, but Congress got funny and reduced our pay to $13. Of course, that did not set very good, and the result was the army lost many men by refusal to re-enlist and by desertion. One of the latter was my bunkey. It would be hard for one who has not passed through the experience to realize the irk- some sameness, or want of variety of a soldier's life in New Mexico, and especially at Fort Stanton in the early 70's. The nearest point of anything that might be called civiliz- ation being Las Vegas, more than 150 miles away. Not a book or anything to read. Mail once a week and taking from four to five weeks for a letter from as far East as Ohio. Where one was fortunate enough to have a friend who sent them the home paper it was read by every man in the troop until entirely worn out. There was nothing to attract one's attention except the same old round of sold- ier duty, an unending sequence of guard, stable police, 15
226 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
kitchen police, and fatigue; and then back over the same thing. We cavalrymen had a little the best of the infantry- men. We got all the escort duty, scouting and other things of that kind. For a few days we had a chance to lose sight of the old stone buildings of the post. We looked forward with delight to the afternoon that we were the old guard, as we then had the splendid duty of herding the horses for grazing. It certainly was fun to get the horses all excited in the corral (when there were no commissioned officers around), and then turn them loose and run them until they got their play out. We all felt as though we had lost our best friend when mounted drill was taken off. All of the officers of the regiment above Second Lieutenant had seen service during the Civil War. Several of them had reach- ed the rank of Brigadier General. With us as we were mak- ing our tramp was four Second Lieutenants that had grad- uated with the class of 1870. I think only one of them is now living, Brig. Gen. Samuel W. Fountain, retired. Lieut. R. A. Williams only lived long enough to get his Captain's commission. I have understood that Lieut. F. E. Phelps lost a leg at Wounded Knee, and was retired ; Lieut. Godwin be- came a Brigadier General, retired. S. B. M. Young was one of our original captains, appointed in 1868. He was, I think the last one to die. Capt. J. F. Randlett was transferred to the regiment in 1870 and was a captain for 16 years. This letter starts by saying '55 years ago I put on the blue/ Now I close it by saying that 50 years ago Major J. H. Mahnked, Regimental Adjutant, handed me my discharge at Santa Fe, New Mexico, for expiration of term of service, signed by General Gregg, and the Major was kind enough to write the word 'excellent' under the black line."
The Frontier Times also publishes in this issue a list of Confederates who were stationed at different points in New Mexico during the Civil War. The list included a number of documents pertaining to these troops furnished by Henry J. Brown of Santa Rita. A copy of the pay-roll is also attached.
SANTA FE'S FIRST AMERICAN PORTAIT PAINTER
The latest annual report of the Smithsonian Institution prints a portrait and biographical sketch of John Mix Stanley, by David I. Bushnell, Jr., whose portraits painted from life among forty-three different tribes of Indians
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 227
during ten years that he spent in New Mexico and other western states, were entrusted to the Smithsonian Institu- tion. Unfortunately, all of these except five were destroyed In the fire of January 24, 1865, which damaged the main building. The following are excerpts from the biography :
"In 1842, accompanied by Sumner Dickerman, of Troy, he visited the Indian country in Arkansas and New Mex- ico and made sketches and pictures of the Indians and In- dian scenes The opportunities afforded by his
constant contact with the Indians were improved by almost daily paintings and sketching. In attempting to paint the portrait of the Cherokee chiefs Mr. Stanley found a dif- ficulty in their caprice and superstition. They insisted that portraits should first be painted of Jim Shaw, a Delaware, and of Jess Chisholm, a Cherokee, under whose protection Mr. Stanley had been conducted; if these men should con- sent to sit and should receive no harm from the operation, then the Cherokee chiefs would sit. It was done in this way. They came forward in the order of their rank and were delighted with the idea of being painted, considering it a great honor. Mr. Stanley spent part of the year 1845 in New Mexico. By the year 1846 he had painted 83 can- vases, and in January of that year he and Mr. Dickerman exhibited them in Cincinnati and Louisville In Octo- ber, 1846, he visited Santa Fe to paint still more pictures. Here he joined the expedition of Gen S. W. Kearny, who led the dangerous march overland to San Diego, Calif. He was placed under the immediate command of Captain Emory, of the Topographical Corps, United States Army. At the mouth of the Gila River they had a battle with some California irregulars. This was during the time when General Flores, the counter revolutionist, held Los Angeles and Commodore Stockton, in opposition, held San Diego. In this march Mr. Stanley was also in the actions at San
Pasquale, Calif In 1853 Mr. Stanley was appointed
to be the artist of the expedition sent by the Government of the United States to explore a 'Route for the Pacific Railroad near the forty-seventh and forty-ninth parallels
of latitude from St. Paul to Puget Sound The Indians
were impressed by Mr. Stanley's ability to make pictures of them with his brush. Also the daguerreotype process which he sometimes used was to them a thing inspired be- cause produced by the light of the sun As a member
228 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of the expedition he made a large number of sketches of the various points of interest, and as a novel experiment he carried a daguerreotype apparatus, probably the first taken up the Missouri. In the report of the expedition is this note: 'August 7, 1853. Mr. Stanley, the artist, was busily occupied during our stay at Fort Union with his, daguerreotype apparatus, and the Indians were greatly pleased with their daguerreotypes., "
Of the five paintings still on exhibition in the Smith- sonian, three bear evidence of having been painted in New Mexico. One is that of a Towoccono Warrior.
"This man distinguished himself among his people by a daring attempt at stealing horses, in the night, from Fort Milan, on the western frontier of Texas. He succeeded in passing the sentries, and had secured some eight or ten horses to a lariat, and was making his way to the gates of the fort, when he was discovered and fired upon. The night being dark, the shots were at random; he was, however, severely wounded by two balls, received two sabre wounds upon his arms, and narrowly escaped with his life. He is about twenty-three years of age, and by this daring feat has won the name and standing of a warrior among his people."
The second painting is entitled "A Buffalo Hunt on the Southwestern Prairies," while the third is a protrait of Black Knife, an Apache chief who accompanied Kearny on his march from Santa Fe to California.
MRS. WASHINGTON E. LINDSEY
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW
Vol. I. July, 1926 No. 3.
NEW MEXICO Iff THE GEEAT WAR
(Continued)
V The Women's Part
The Woman's Auxiliary of the State Council of De- fense came into being- during the special session of the legis- lature called by Governor Lindsey, May 1, 1917, when wom- en delegates from each of the twentj^-eight counties ap- pointed by the War Committee for the purpose of forming a Woman's Auxiliary to the State Council of Defense, met at the State Capitol on May 5, 3 917, and elected the follow- ing officers :
Mrs. W. E. Lindsey, chairman; Mrs. A. A. Kellam, 1st vice chairman; Mrs. H. J. Hammond, 2nd vice chairman; Mrs. F. L. Myers, secretary; Mrs. Walter M. Danburg as- sistant secretary; Mrs. R. M. Fergusson, treasurer; Mrs. R. Harwell, auditor;
Chairmen at large: Mrs. A. A. Kellam, Albuquerque; Mrs. R. Harwell, Estancia ; Mrs. Walter M. Danburgr, Santa Fe ; Mrs. F. L. Myers, East Las Vegas. Judicial Districts: 1st. Mrs. Otero- Warren, Santa Fe; 2nd. Mrs. Alfred Grunsf eld, Albuquerque ; 3rd Mrs. Henry Stoes, Las Cruces; 4th. Mrs. W. E. Gortner, Las Vegas; 5th. Mrs. J. T. Stalker, Clovis; 6th. Mrs, R. M. Fergusson, Tyrone; 7th. Mrs. M. C. Mechem, Socorro; 8th. Mrs. H. J. Ham- mond, Clayton.
Publicity Chairman: Mrs. Wm. P. Henderson, Santa Fe. Subsequently county and precinct chairmen were appointed throughout the State.
232 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
New Mexico was thus one of the first states — if not the first — to mobilize its women for war service through an effective, state-wide organization.
As will be seen, the Woman's Auxiliary was formed before the complete organization of the Women's commit- tee of the Council of National Defense, which was created as a sub-committee of the Council of National Defense at Washington, with Dr. Anna Howard Shaw as its chair- man. But with the appointment of Mrs. W. E. Lindsey, wife of the governor, as state chairman of the Women's Committee of the Committee of National Defense, the Wom- an's Auxiliary became automatically the state division of the national body, just as the state Councils of Defense were state divisions of the National Council of Defense.
As there was always a certain amount of confusion, however, resulting from the fact that the New Mexico division had a different name and a slightly different form of state organization, the Woman's Auxiliary was reorgan- ized in March, 1918, to conform more closely to the other state divisions of the Woman's Committee of the National Council of Defense, with state department heads as fol1 Honorary Chairman: Mrs. W. E. Lindsey, Santa Fe; State Chairman: Mrs. Ceo. W, Prichard; Department of Regis- tration, Mrs. Kate Hall, Santa Fe; Victory Gardens, Mrs. Isaac Earth, Albuquerque ; Food Conservation, Mrs. Walter M. Danburg; Child Welfare, Mrs. Max Nordhaus, Albu- querque; Health Recreation and Social Service, Dr. Janet Reid, Deming; Liberty Loan and Thrift Stamps, Mrs. How- ard Huey, Santa Fe; Publicity, Mrs. R. E. Twitchell, Santa Fe ; Women in Industry, Mrs. H. L. Hall, Charna ; Woman's Land Army, Mrs. R. L. Fergusson, Tyrone ; Patriotic Edu- cation and Americanization, Mrs. Alfred Grunsfeld, Albu- querque; Home Economics, Mrs. Ruth C. Miller, Santa Fe; Publicity Markets, Mrs. B. C. Hernandez, Canjilon; Home and Foreign Relief, Mrs. A. B. Renehan.
In order to avoid confusion in this account, the term
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 233
"Woman's Committee" will be used to apply equally to the organization existing" previous to March, 1918, as well as that existing afterward. The two were in fact identical in scope and purpose.
Before passing from the subject of organization, it may be well to say a word in regard to the purpose of the Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense. This Committee was created as a sub-committee of the Council of National Defense "to co-ordinate the activities and the resources of the organized and unorganized women of the country in order that their power might be immedi- ately utilized in time of need, and to supply a new and direct channel of communication and co-operation between women and governmental departments." It was meant as a vast clearing-house of women's activities, to serve as a telephone or railway system in a country that had before been with- out one; to serve as an artery, not only of trade and com- merce, but of ideas and inspiration. And it abundantly justified its promise.
It implies no discredit, however, to the women of New Mexico to say that in the beginning they were a little mys- tified by the problem of organization. In a country so new, so sparsely settled, and with geographical and racial condi- tions making each county as distinct from the next as many states are, it is not surprising that the women knew more about work than they did about organization. It took them only a short time, however, to learn that the one is as im- portant as the other, and it is a tribute and a credit to the state that the unusual conditions confronting the women of New Mexico were so far overcome that they not only pro- duced tangible material results in the way of Red Cross and Navy League work, contributions to all war funds, and an increased production of food, but that when it came to a thing like securing signatures to the Hoover Pledge cards, they turned in results that averaged higher than those of many more thickly populated, railway-articulated states! 16*
234 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
For instance, the official tabulation of pledge card returns at Washington credited New Mexico with 34% of families signed up, whereas Massachusetts and New York each had only 27% and Ohio 24%.
It is doubtful if one who does not know the actual conditions can appreciate what it meant to roll up the re- turns on those Hoover pledges in New Mexico! Little things like getting stuck in the middle of an arroyo during a cloud-burst and having to wait until the water subsided — if luckily one were not drowrned by it — can hardly be ap- preciated by canvassers outside the state. Just what a house canvass in New Mexico means can only be under- stood by one who has "jitneyed" by narrow gauge railway, stage-coach, bronco, or burro over some of the rugged or sandy landscape of New Mexico — where distances between houses are measured not by blocks but by arroyos, moun- tains, or mesas. Nor is there another state in the union in which one half of the population can not understand the other half without an interpreter. And yet these things only added to the zest with which the women of New Mex- ico tackled their problems. One thing, of course, which simplified the problem was the fact that although the state is bi-lingual, there was never the least question of disloyal- ty or of anything but complete willingness and a desire ta be of service on the part of New Mexico women. Nothing could have been more inspiring than the deep earnestness of the English, Spanish, and Indian speaking women who met over the canning kettle, or across the Red Cross table where a common impulse moved them and a common pur- pose obviated any need of an interpreter — the will to win the war! In New Mexico certainly it has been amply de- monstrated that racial variety is indeed no barrier to na- tional unity, when democracy and not autocracy is the gov- ernment practised.
The women in New Mexico did not wait to be mobi- lized, they did not wait for organization — they went to work. They knew what the women of England and France
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 235
had done; they knew what the women of Belgium and northern France and Servia and Poland and Armenia had suffered; they knew what was expected of them. That is why, in answer to requests for reports sent out during the early part of 1917, letters like the following would come in :
"Our women are not indifferent; they are busy. They are hard at work for the Red Cross and conserving and drying and canning food, and in a quiet way they are doing everything that they possibily can. They do not under- stand organization very well, but they will in a little while."
And this proved true. But the point to be emphasized is the fact that the women of New Mexico were doers rather than talkers; theirs was not an organization existing only on paper, but an organization of hands and hearts.
During the summer of 1917 dozens of letters like the following one came in :
"While only a few of the districts in the county have sent in a written report of the work they are accomplish- ing, we find, on investigation, that the women of the coun- ty are quietly and earnestly practising economy and con- servation in their homes. All with whom we have talked say that they have doubled and trebled their usual supply of canned and dried fruit and vegetables."
In this brief summary it will not be possible to do more than indicate some of the things accomplished by the wom- en of New Mexico. Statistics and figures are historically far less important than the mass result and the spirit un- derlying its achievements. It is enough to say that the women of New Mexico never failed to give what was required of them — and more, abundantly more.
Whatever the powers at war may have thought about it in the beginning, they soon realized that this war could not be won without the women. In England and France the influence of the women, in industries, military and civil, can not be measured. In this country the first re- cognition of the supreme need for co-operation on the part of the women was in the appeal of the Food Administration
236 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to the women of the United States to win the war- by sav- ing and conserving food. Millions of hungry people over- seas had to be fed, and only strict economy and conserva- tion could accomplish the task. This was so largely in the hands of the women of the nation that each one felt it a per- sonal responsibility to do her utmost.
In New Mexico the co-operation of the women was hearty and enthusiastic. Home gardens and open markets were urged by the Women's Committee in letters and ar- ticles sent to the press throughout the state, with gratify- ing results. At Santa ,Fe particularly the open market maintained during the two summers of 1917 and 1918 was a notable success. In connection with the conservation of food, the Hoover Food Administration pledge cards, asking each woman to pledge herself to f ollow the directions of the Food Administration and observe certain wheatless and meatless meals and days, were issued and distributed by the Woman's Committee; and a remarkably high percent- age of returns was received, as noted above.
With these cards were also sent out the registration blanks of the Woman's Committee, following the model furnished by the National Board. These cards served somewhat the purpose of a selective draft and questionnaire combined. Each woman who signed pledged herself for a limited or complete amount of service and time, should the need arise, and specified also her particular capacity and training in any given line. Many women in the beginning did not understand the special function of classification to be served by these cards. Many, who were already devot- ing every moment of their spare time to war activities, thought that some further pledge was here demanded of them, instead of the mere statement of the time and ser- vice already contributed by them ; for this reason the regis- tration returns were not as high as those of the Hoover food pledge cards, but they were nevertheless remarkably high considering all the circumstances, and registration was still going on when the war stopped.
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 237
Both these registration blanks and the Hoover cards were printed in Spanish and English at the expense of the State Council of Defense and distributed to the county chairmen of the Woman's Committee, who, with their pre- cinct chairmen and special committees, conducted the can- vass.
The one engrossing subject during this period was the subject of FOOD: food production, food conservation, food preservation. To give the period a name, we may call it the period of 'the search for the^substitute." Innumerable meetings were held devoted to the subject of the discovery and adaptability of all substitutes for wheat flour or for meat, and other foods which the Food Administration want- ed conserved.
Substitute menus were prepared and discussed, and wherever two or three women were gathered together, it was pretty sure that the subject under discussion was the relative advantages of suggested substitutes. In co-oper- ation with the local branches of the Woman's Committee, the home demonstrators from the State College of Agri- culture held meetings throughout the state, demonstrating the latest methods of canning or drying fruits and vege- tables. Incidentally, in connection with these meetings it was discovered that New Mexico, owing to its climate and traditions, had advantages over other states in so far as the preservation of food was concerned, not only because of the favorable dryness of the atmosphere but also because almost all the natives and ranch women knew and practiced the art of drying fruit and vegetables. The following letter from a county chairman is an example of many similar re- ports :
"Our native women carefully dry apples, peaches, pears, plums, sweet corn, green and red chili, also meat. Most of our American housekeepers dry the fruits and corn, and can fruits, vegetables, pickles, etc.
The Indians also dry cantaloupes, cut in half, with seeds and outer skin removed.
All ranchers bury (or pit) potatoes, cabbage, beets,
238 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
turnips and carrots for winter use and store squash and pumpkins."
At the request of the Food Administration, descrip- tions and photographs of native and Indian methods of dry- ing food were sent to the headquarters at Washington.
During the Patriotic Week at Albuquerque, food kitchens were maintained at which the latest menus and substitutes were demonstrated. The Food Show in the New Museum at Santa Fe, held under the auspices of Mrs. Walter Danburg, state chairman of the Food Department, and Mrs. Harry L. Wilson, chairman of the library division of the food administration, was illustrative of the intense interest on the part of the women in one another's recipes. Bread, cakes, and candies made from all kinds of substi- tutes for wheat or sugar were exhibited with the menus appended, and throngs of women came and tasted and spent hours copying one another's recipes for use in their own homes. Later on these recipes were printed in the Santa Fe New Mexican and circulated through the state by the Food Administration.
The Food Show was followed by a Potato Show, sti- mulating the use of potato dishes in order to dispose of the mammoth supply which would otherwise have gone to waste and in order to release other foods to be shipped abroad.
These few instances, of course, are merely typical of other food shows and other meetings held throughout the state.
On June 24-29, 1918, a "Mother-Daughter" Congress was held at Albuquerque under the joint auspices of the State Agricultural College, the State Food Administration, the State Council of Defense, and the Woman's Committee. To this congress all the counties sent several "teams," each team consisting of a mother and a young girl — hence the title of the congress — to learn the latest methods of home economics and other branches of domestic and social ser- vice. Lectures and demonstrations were given by experts of national reputation. Three separate kitchens were
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 239
maintained by the Food Administration, the Extension Service division of the College, and the Woman's Commit- tee of the Council of Defense. At these on successive days there were canning, drying, bread-making, cheese-making, and pinto-bean demonstrations, and demonstrations of other "home economic" subjects.
Of course, during this period of the "search for the substitutes," other activities went on and, indeed, multi- plied. Red Cross work never flagged. At the same time, there were many "drives" for relief funds, for Red Cross and allied purposes, for comfort kits for the soldiers in camp, for the Smilage Campaign, for the Permanent Blind Relief Funds, for the Armenian and Servian Relief funds, for the Liberty Loan bonds — all these were either helped or actually pushed over the top by the women.
In all the Liberty Loan drives the women played a conspicuous part. At the time of the first Liberty Loan sale the women were barely organized; the campaign for the second will be remembered by the Liberty bonfires which were collected and lit by the women throughout the state; and when the time came for the third and fourth campaigns the women, splendidly organized, under the chairmanship of Mrs. Howard Huey, were sending out teams that worked well abreast of and sometimes out dis- tanced the men's committees. During the Fourth drive, the women of one county outdistanced the Men's Commit- tee by approximately $100,000.00. In another, the two chairmen reported sales made by the Woman's Committee alone which practically doubled the county quota. In a third, the women's chairman took over the work of the men's chairman, who was ill with influenza, and under her direction committees of both men and women doubled the county quota, of which amount the women obtained three fourths. Indeed, in many of the counties the women ob- tained a large percentage of the amount subscribed, chiefly through a house to house campaign for bonds, most of these being of small denomination. As an effective aid to cam-
240 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
paigning, and as a general patriotic incentive, mention must be made of the Liberty Choruses, instituted in every town and village through the department of Patriotic Education and Americanization of which Mrs. Alfred Grunsfeld was state chairman. At every important rally, these Choruses sang patriotic songs, and in many places, as one report reads, the Liberty Chorus "literally sang the Liberty Loan over the top!"
In every phase of home and foreign relief the women were equally active.
It is impossible to give any estimate of the Red Cross work done by the women of the state, since there was no separate state head of the organization — the work of the state coming under the Rocky Mountain division with headquarters at Denver — but the state had been well organized, and innumerable cases of knitted goods, re- fuge garments, hospital and first-aid supplies were ship- ped to the headquarters at Denver. Not only in the larger towns, but in the most remote mountain villages and in the Indian pueblos, Red Cross auxiliaries piled up work re- presenting the devoted service of women to the cause of winning the war. In the Indian pueblos of San Juan and Santa Clara, to mention single instances, it was recorded that Indian womeen "have knitted sweaters, socks, scarfs, and made kits for the soldiers; have made dozens of band- ages, sponges, wipes, handkerchiefs, tray cloths, etc., for the hospitals; and children's dresses, underwear, hoods and baby clothes for the refugees, these latter being trim- med with fancy stitches and crocheted edges showing their loving1 interest in the work. Even the children did their part in making gun wipes/' It goes without saying that in all the larger towns the women carried on the Red Cross work with enthusiasm and determination, the work usually representing the sacrifice of all the leisure time at their disposal, as well as a curtailment of regular domestic duties. Nor did the work cease with the signing of the armistice. All the Red Cross branches continued to turn
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 241
out clothes for destitute children and citizens of the war- stricken countries.
Although the campaign for the Fund for the Father- less Children of France was instituted somewhat late in New Mexico, the state was soon supporting 130 French orphans and almost all of these were adopted after August, 1918, when Mrs. I. H. Rapp became state chairman for the Fund. It was estimated that there were in France about 5,000,000 children who were without fathers as a result of the war. In order to make it possible for these children to remain with their families, and grow up and rebuild and perpetuate the nation that has meant and means so much to the cause of civilization and liberty, this American fund was started. It cost but 10 cents a day, $36.50 a year, to become a godparent to one of these children, and the Fund undertook to fill New Mexico's quota of 488 children. It is interesting to note that the Girl Scouts of Santa Fe were the first organization in New Mexico to adopt a French orphan. They gave a dinner hoping to make enough to adopt one, and made enough for three ; later they took two more.
Indeed, no account of Woman's war activities in New Mexico would be complete without mention of the Girl Scouts, who fetched and carried for the Red Cross, collected newspapers and fruit pits, tended babies for mothers who wished to do Red Cross work, and in every way contributed willing and efficient service.
A movement brought into existence by the war of far- reaching importance was that of the Woman's Land Army which, in New Mexico, achieved quite remarkable results. Of course a great deal of work in this line was accom- plished before any organization had been perfected ; women in many districts helped save fruit and grain crops — notably in San Juan county in 1917; and of all this great amount of work no report is available. That the supply of food thus saved was very great, however, there can be no question. In the spring of 1918, however, under the
242 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
organization achieved by the state chairman of this depart- ment, Mrs. R. L. Fergusson, the movement began to take definite shape. The work was undertaken with the thought that American women might have to take the place of men on the land as French and English women had done. Work- ing in connection with the county agricultural agents the Woman's Committee made a survey of the labor problem in each county, and women and girls were organized pre- paratory to help. When the harvest and fruit seasons came, various "squads'* were assigned to certain districts, and the squad invariably made good, as was attested by their employers. To give but a few instances : in Mimbres Valley, Grant county, eight women mowed, raked, and stacked sixteen tons of hay. In the Gila Valley, Grant Coun- ty, about thirty women and boys proved that they could pick and pack fruit so that it arrived at market in perfect condition, and at Mountain Park, Otero County, fifty wom- en practically solved the problem of labor shortage and saved the fruit crop ; the estimates proved that they handled about 31% of the crop-picking, grading and packing of about 27,700 boxes of apples. These women came from ten counties in the state. Most of the workers slept on the floor on alfalfa or pine boughs; the heat in the harvest fields where these women worked was often 110-116 de- grees at noon ; yet all not only survived the work but were physically benefitted by it without exception. During the excessive heat, the working hours for the "harvest hands" were from 6:30 to 11:30 A. M.; 3:00 until 8:00 P. M. with a short interval at five o'clock for tea. Such an organiza- tion abundantly proved that in a war emergency, the wom- en could do their bit as effectively and willingly in this country as in England and France.
Of incalculable importance was the Child Welfare division of the Woman's Committee, which did splendid work in New Mexico under the joint auspices of the Wom- an's Committee, the Federated Women's Clubs, and the State Council of Defense with Mrs. Max Nordhaus as
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 243
Chairman of the Child Welfare department of the Woman's Committee and Dr. Edgar L. Hewett of the School of American Research at Santa Fe as director of examina- tions. This work was under the supervision of the Chil- dren's Bureau of the Department of Labor of which Miss Julia Lathrop was the head.
For the purpose of examining all children in the state under six years of age, an appropriation of $1500 was made by the State Council of Defense and a training school for workers was instituted at Santa Fe during the week of September 16-23, 1918. In instituting this training course New Mexico had the advantage of the experience of other states conducting earlier campaigns, in which the mistake was made of having the examinations made by women not adequately trained. At the Child Welfare conference in Santa Fe the instruction in mental testing was given by a trained expert, Miss Montana Hastings of San Diego, California, and the work in physical examination by Dr. Hewett and several Santa Fe physicians. Forty-one dele- gates from various counties attended the conference, each of these women pledging herself to give at least six weeks to the work of examining the children in her community.
Instruments required for different physical measure- ments and tests were made by the children in the manual training classes of the Santa Fe High School and by chil- dren in the Indian School at Albuquerque, these children themselves manifesting deep interest in the work.
The work was progressing well and many children had been examined when unfortunately the influenza epidemic intervened. It is estimated that 300,000 children die annually in the United States of preventable causes, and of this number it is estimated that a high percentage could be saved through examination, diagnosis, and treat- ment. Undertaken primarily as a war measure, to repair the losses of the men killed in action, this work is an equally important peace measure — too obvious to be neglected by any enlightened state. For child welfare means adult wel-
244 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
fare — the welfare of the community and the state. The detection in childhood of physical and mental delinquencies, involving their correction whenever possible, is of such far-reaching importance that no progressive state can af- ford to ignore this avenue of social improvement. It is to be hoped that New Mexico will create some permanent state fund for continuing this work, and create and maintain a children's bureau, as other states are now doing.
In connection with this work may be mentioned the work of the Woman's Committee under the department of Health, Recreation and Social Service. This department, under the chairmanship of Dr. Janet Reid of Deming, did much for the social betterment of the soldiers in camp, co- operating in every respect with the government in this im- portant work.
There are many phases of this social service work of vital importance to the state, not only during war but in time of peace, but the subject is too extensive to be gone into here.
One of the last features of the activity of the Woman's Committee before the signing of the armistice was the re- gistration of women as student nurses to fill the place of those sent abroad. Under the chairmanship of Mrs. Kate Hall, 77 women and young girls from the various counties were registered for this service.
It is to be regretted that this account can not embrace the activities of every group of women and of every wom- an in New Mexico who contributed services to the work of winning the war, but a list of these and of their accomplish- ments would require a separate volume. It seems highly fitting, however, that tribute should be paid to Mrs. W. E. Lindsey, who, as active state chairman, devoted an un- limited amount of time and energy to the organization of the Woman's Committee, and whose interest and co-oper- ation never ceased even after the pressure of other duties made her relinquish the active chairmanship to Mrs. Geo. W. Prichard, who, in her turn, carried on and developed
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 245
to a high degree of efficiency the work begun by her pre- decessor. But indeed all the officers of the organization, and all the "privates," deserve ''service stars" for their willing and patriotic contribution of time and effort to the cause.
As will be seen from this all too fragmentary sum- mary, the work of the women of New Mexico was construc- tive throughout. That is why it seems essential that it should be continued through some permanent form of or- ganization. Certainly there can be no doubt that the period of re-construction is as vital as was our winning the war. Even from this brief outline of what the women of New Mexico did — and the half has not been stated — it is evi- dent that with concerted effort they might accomplish un- told benefits for the community and for the state in times of peace. It is to be hoped therefore that most of these de- partments of the Woman's Committee of the Council of De- fense may be maintained and perpetuated for the good of the community.
The generosity, the sacrifice, the will to serve on the part of the women of New Mexico during the war was im- pressive. Their spirit of public enterprise, of social intelli- gence, co-operation and faith should augur well for the future of the commonwealth.
ALICE CORBIN HENDERSON.
VI The Press and Public Opinion
Like a corps of well disciplined veterans, the news- papers of New Mexico without a moment's wavering fell into battle line and placed themselves voluntarily at the disposal of the government and all the recognized agencies that were bent upon winning the war. It was nothing short of marvelous, epoch-making, the unanimity of spirit and action. Public opinion responded enthusiastically to the leadership thus unselfishly assumed by the press. The seedlings of sedition, of pro-Germanism, even of dissent carefully planted, it seemed, by enemy propaganda, weak- 17
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ened and died under the withering comment of news and editorial columns, while at the same time the plants of courage, of self-sacrifice, of patriotism took deeper root and grew rapidly and flourished. The blast that consumed the forces of disintegration on the one hand, also fanned the fires of national consciousness into flames that leaped the Atlantic. This unanimity of the press, especially in New Mexico, was the more surprising when one remem- bers that the right of dissent, or to fight the party in power, or to attack officials, is not only the most cherished pall- adium of the press, but also is, in many instances, the reason for the existence of many a newspaper. It is true to a large extent, that the newspaper which isn't fighting something or somebody in high places, or isn't scolding this or the other official in every issue, soon loses influence and esteem and, with these, loses subscribers and business. The press that had made it its business continually to question motives, to harp against officials and government action, all at once admitted that "theirs was not to reason why" but simply to do what the government deemed best for the winning of the war.
This unanimity, it must be said emphatically, was not inspired by narrow, local self-interest or fear. It was not the unanimity that at times is purchased by favors or brought about by coercion. There was no reptilian press in New Mexico. If anything, the Federal government treated the newspapers in a step-fatherly fashion. It mulcted them by increasing the cost of the mails to them, which newspaper owners had to pay in addition to the taxes which fell upon them as upon every one else. It restricted the amount of paper they could use and even prohibited their giving credit to subscribers or exchanging free copies with other publications.
The censorship never weighed heavily upon New Mexico papers nor was the espionage law necessary to keep them in line and in step. In most instances, the New Mex- ico press went farther than the Government in combating disloyalty, pro-Germanism and other "isms" that were not
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 247
in hearty accord with America's methods and spirit dur- ing the War. It is undoubtedly due to this solidarity of the press in insisting upon the most outspoken patriotism, that there were comparatively few cases of real disloyalty brought to the attention of the authorities during the en- tire war. It was an example of altruism that would ac- complish marvels for the State in other fields if it were possible to center intelligently the support of the 140 or so periodical publications in the State in favor of any given specific cause.
It must be said, however, that it was fortunate for Nation and State that the War came to the United States after the presidential campaign of 1918 had been fought, after the president had been again inagurated, after the new congress was organized and after most of the state legislatures had completed their sessions. It was the most auspicious time for an era of good feeling in which parti- sanship would be forgotten in a great common cause. It was fortunate too, that the War had been practically won before the congressional and state campaigns of 1918 were in full swing, for voices of disagree ment, of severe criti- cism, again found utterance as the campaign progressed and here in New Mexico too, President Wilson and his politics, the State Council of Defense and the conduct of the War were criticised with partisan bitterness from October on, when according to Frank H. Simonds of the American Re- view of Reviews, the military decision of the Great War had come at Cambria and St. Quentin.
One can not measure adequately the beneficent result of the solidarity of the New Mexico press in aiding the Na- tion in every manner possible to win the War. The happen- ings along the border had brought forth sharp criticism in New Mexico and inspired vigorous conflict of opinion. The disintegration of the National Guard upon its return to home armories and the fight waged in the Legislature to abolish it altogether, were not conducive to voluntary en- listment. But the press of New Mexico quickly wrought a change of sentiment and it was due to its insistence that
248 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
New Mexico men must give unquestioning allegiance, that practicially one half of the military enlistments, besides all of the naval recruits, were volunteers, and that when the draft came, there was a willing response to the Nation's call. For reasons given in other chapters, the situation in New Mexico was far more difficult and complicated than in other states and the draft boards readily acknowledged that but for the liberal support and patriotic fervor of the press, the task of calling the men to the colors would have been infinitely more burdensome. The opposition of the press, even if it could not have defeated conscription, would have made its enforcement a continuous riot. The Nation and the people should recognize that the press was the ful- crum for the lever that furnished the power which raised armies, supplied billions of dollars, and upheld the morale of the country. Other interests may have given as gener- ously and as whole heartedly, but certainly none gave more effectively than did the newspapers in every cause for the winning of the War.
If one were to figure the value of the space given to the Liberty Loan, Red Cross, United War Work and other drives, the sum would be formidable indeed, although it could in no way compare with the value of the editorial support of the War by the newspapers. In the United War Work campaign in November, 1918, four daily newspapers in Albuquerque, Las Vegas, and Santa Fe gave free of charge something like 400 columns of editorial and other reading matter. The other newspapers did as well in pro- portion. Multiply this by the number of the various other causes supported at that and other times, and the total during the nineteen months of war amounted to thousands of pages. It must be remembered that this was in addition to the actual news of the war, the news notes about the men who participated, and the space given to advertisers, all of which aided in bringing the conflict home to the people and to maintain their fervor for the American cause.
During the War, the records show, not one New Mex-
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 249
ico newspaper was prosecuted under the Espionage Act. In only one instance was the loyalty of ah editor questioned and that was more for utterances made by his newspaper before the United States had declared war than for any expressions or acts afterwards. In fact, the paper con- cerned was most zealous in its support of President Wilson and his politics and long before the end of the War dissi- pated any and all doubt about its patriotism. True, most of the papers of the State print no editorial expressions except during the heat of a political campaign, and some of them carried very little if any news or comment on the war itself, but they all gave liberally of their space to the war causes and to the local aspects of war policies and acts and thus helped to crystallize public opinion in favor of the draft, assisted in raising billions of dollars through taxation and popular loans, and dissipated whatever senti- ment there existed against the Allies, especially Great Britain. At the same time it assured parents that their sons received every care and attention in camp and canton- ment, that the boys were safeguarded as far as humanly possible against immoral and sinister influences, and arous- ed local pride to emulation of the example set by other com- munities.
Several New Mexico newspapermen gave their time freely as publicity agents in various drives. E. Dana Johnson, editor of the Santa Fe New Mexican, was in charge, for instance, of the publicity for the State Food administration. Guthrie Smith was editor of the New Mexico War News for the State Council of Defense, State Senator A. V. Lucero taking charge of the Spanish edition. Willard E. Holt of the Deming Graphic became secretary of Camp Activities at Camp Cody. Quite a number of news- paper employees enlisted either in active military service or in war construction work, Lieut. Frank Newkirk, editor of the Pecos Valley Neivs at Artesia for instance, serving in France. Several newspapers were seriously crippled be- cause their employees had gone to war. If there were any
250 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
slackers in any respect among the State's journalists, the public records available do not disclose it. It is safe to say that the War left no New Mexico publisher richer in mat- erial wealth than he went into it.
It is interesting to follow the evolution of newspaper opinion in New Mexico from the day that Austria declared war upon Servia until the days that followed the armistice and it is significant that right from the start, the bulk of New Mexico newspapers were anti-German if not pro- Ally. As early as August 2, 1914, the Albuquerque Morning Journal said editorially:
"Whatever may occur to the other nations involved, Germany will be crushed. It is hardly probable that she will come out of the struggle, if real war ensue, without the loss of Alsace and Lorraine to France and of German Poland to Russia. It is not likely that Great Britain would permit further diminution of the empire, because it would seriously disturb the balance of power in Europe, which the English nation has been building up since the downfall of Napoleon."
However, in those early days, the Journal as most other papers, did not place the blame for the War entirely on the Central Empires. Says an editorial on August 1, 1914:
"Nor is Austria, from its own point of view, to blame for this present grave condition. Austria precipitated it, to be sure, but the crisis is really due to conditions that make a conflict inevitable. Servia is not entirely a victim."
Very early in the War, the press recognized the real German aim. Said the Albuquerque Morning Journal on August 3, 1914 :
"The real contest centers about the spirit of pan-Ger- manism, as represented by Russia and the Balkan states.
The key to the situation has been the kaiser The game
Germany has played is a terribly perilous one. We of the United States can only hope that the punishment nearly sure to come to her may not be too severe, for to the Ger- man people this Nation and the World owe a debt of lasting
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 25i
gratitude for the great advances they have made in learn- ing and research work which has blessed all mankind/'
Still, the Journal as well as many other newspapers, was mistaken about the strength of Russia. It headed its leading editorial on August 4, 1914: "Russia the Uncon- querable," and predicted that Russia "may dictate peace from Vienna or Berlin. The other powers combined could dictate peace from St. Petersburg."
As early as August 7, 1914, the Journal pointed to the necessity of a shipping program by the United States, say- ing:
"It is not likely that the war will last long enough to shift world shipping to the American flag as largely as it was shifted a century ago, but such temporary impulse would utilize our ocean shipping more than subsidies."
The editorial attitude of the Morning Journal is cited because it became immediately articulate in its opinion up- on war events and was not prone to take its cue merely from the press of the great news centers of America. How- ever, there are other newspapers in New Mexico of whom this can be said although the Journal, being the only morn- ing and every-day publication in New Mexico, had, inde- pendent of its statewide, large subscription-list, a consider- able influence in shaping the opinions of many of the other newspapers. It was important therefore that the Journal recognized early in the War that the press must be solidly behind the American authorities, for it said on August 9, 1914:
"It is the duty of the press, of the civil authorities, and of the people themselves, no matter what their per- sonal sympathies and antipathies may be, to speak calmly. It is the duty of every one at an hour like this to hold his tongue."
The press right from the start recognized the hope- lessness of Germany's ambition. On August 14, 1914, the Santa Fe Neiv Mexican said :
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"It is hard to believe that Germany can get off with what she has undertaken/'
However, the New Mexican, like the Journal, evidently believed at that time that the blame was not entirely on Berlin and Vienna, for in speaking of the death of the Pope on August 20, 1914, and his dying appeal for peace, it said :
"And how blasphemous, in contrast, appear the boast- ing of Gaul and Teuton and Russ and Anglo-Saxon each that 'God is on our side' !"
In fact, the New Mexico daily papers were loath to believe the first stories of German outrages in Belgium. Said the Neiv Mexican on August 20, 1914:
"It is only fairness to call attention to the fact that the daily dispatches picturing the alleged barbarity and in- humanity of the Germans come entirely from prejudiced sources and entirely through partisan channels."
On August 26, 1914, the Albuquerque Morning Journal expressed itself on the same subject as follows:
"We are having the usual crop of stories that always come with any war, of outrages perpetrated by one set of belligerents on soldiers of the other and on the non-com- batants It is always well to discount stories of this
sort, especially when they are told while the passions of war still rage and while those who tell them have a direct interest in influencing public opinion against their adver- saries. War is not a parlor game. It is decidedly rough. Adherents of one side of the struggle are not apt to be any too gentle with those of the other. Charges of brutality are to be expected when one set of men are trying their utmost
to kill another In every army there are soldiers of
brutal instincts commanded by officers who do not exer- cise the proper restraint over them."
On August 16, 1914, the Morning Journal foreshad- owed a League of Nations as the solution for the war prob- lem. It said :
"The barriers between men are artificial. Take them down in a federation of some kind and men will not fight.
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 253
They don't need to and they don't wish to. War is the great illusion. The United States proves it."
Two days later, the Journal expressed the opinion that the War would end soon. At least, it said :
"The war cannot last for years unless the armies of Europe and the peoples of Europe fall back upon primitive conditions, for they cannot support the war financially. It is estimated that the cost of it now is approximately $50,- 000,000 a day. At that rate, Europe will, as Bismark pre- dicted of the first great war, be bled as white as veal."
But it was only two weeks later, that the Journal came to the conclusion:
'The more Germany succeeds, the more certain it is that the war will be a long one. But there can be but one end to it — Germany will be crushed, but at an awful price of blood and treasure."
It was on the same day that the Journal said:
"It is easy to guess that fully ten million voters in the United States are thankful that Theodore is not now presi- dent."
The next day, the Journal again referred to the stories of atrocities in Belgium :
"We may take with several grains of salt the stories
of atrocities committed by the Germans We must
remember there were crops of such stories of American outrages in the Philippines and of British outrages com- mitted against the Boers. While war is hell, most of such reports are false."
However, all of New Mexico's newspapers became more and more convinced that the stories of German brut- ality in Belgium and France were the truth and their com- ment became increasingly bitter. Most pronounced in its anger, even after the signing of the armistice, was the Albuquerque Evening Herald, which insisted that Germany and its people must be made to pay the last ounce of their ability and even referred to the attitude of Shylock in de- manding the fulfilling of his contract, as the proper one
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to assume toward Germany's petitions to modify the terms of the armistice.
The Las Vegas Optic was filled with similar indigna- tion, and said editorially on Christmas Eve, 1918:
"There is something sickening in the contrast between smug, comfortable Germany, welcoming her soldiers after their debauch of wanton cruelty, and these poor, desolate French towns with their more desolate people. It is well to bear this contrast in mind, as the peace conference as- sembles. Then there will be little danger that any peace terms dictated to Germany will seem too harsh to any na- tion save Germany herself. As a matter of fact, it will be a difficult matter for any men inherently decent to im- pose terms that are harsh enough to be adequate punish- ment for all the ruin and horror that Germany has wrought."
If any provocative was needed to set the newspapers of New Mexico more firmly against Germany, it was the sinking of the Lusitania. The Albuquerque Morning Journal said in commenting on this wanton act:
"The act of the German submarine admits no excuse. That it was planned by the German Navy, with the full as- sent of the kaiser's government, cannot be doubted. It's planning was as deliberate as its execution was dastardly. But it does not constitute cause for war by this country. The sinking of the Gullflight, from the viewpoint of inter- national law, was far more serious ... As for Germany, the sinking of the Lusitania, in the language of Talleyrand, was worse than a crime, it was a blunder. That act has caused a shudder of horror throughout the civilized world, far greater than was caused by the wanton destruction of Louvain. It gives more color to the charge by Germany's enemies that crass materialism, in which mercy, -justice and God are not considered, rules the thought and the ac- tions of that empire and inspires its policies of government."
The Santa Fe Neiv Mexican declared on May 10, 1915 :
"At one blow the German nation has forfeited and ir- retrievably lost the sympathy and moral support of the people of America in her war with the allies."
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR
Still, newspaper opinion in New Mexico was not yet ready for war with Germany. Said the New Mexican on May 8, 1915 :
"The time is not one for precipitate action; but it is one for absolutely determined and unwavering action, no time for temporizing-. The assassination or attempted as- sassination of American men, women and children is the culmination of a series of outrages upon America, Ameri- can citizens and the American flag."
The Morning Journal add6d on May 3, 1915 :
"We can hardly conceive of the sending of an Ameri- can expeditionary force across the Atlantic to take part in the war in Belgium and in France. Besides, the allies have all the fighting forces there that can be used effective- ly."
Less than a year's persistence of Germany in its un- restricted submarine warfare changed all this and New Mexico papers sturdily swung in line for war to the hilt. Yet, as late as March 2, 1917, the Glenrio Tribune-Progress queried and answered, editorially:
" 'Is the pacifist a traitor or patriot?' asks the Literary Digest. Decidedly the latter, for he or she prevents, by honest means, harm coming to the good old U. S. A."
The Neiu Mexican on March 20, 1917, put it very strongly when it said :
"It is well to bear in mind that when the last ditch is crossed we have been driven and bullied and pushed and goaded across it by the German in a way never before known in history. And it is well- to bear in mind that the man in America who at this pass will seek to justify Ger- many for murder of Americans, for murder of Americans on the high seas, is little different virtually from the man who directs the torpedo's flight from the bowels of the Teuton submarine. Certainly, he has no business in the United States. For a couple of years the United States has been warred upon and has not resisted. And the Ger- mans say we are 'seeking it' !"
On April 1, 1917, the Morning Journal declared:
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"We have to lick the Kaiser, but that is no reason why we should make every man who was born in Germany the object of our wrath."
On April 2, 1917, the Journal said further :
"We must fight with every ounce of powder we have- every dollar, every pound of man-power in the industries, at home or in the trenches abroad."
The following day an editorial heading confidently proclaimed: "Democracies always Win," and on April 4, 1917, two editorial headings were: "We must be One People," and "Show your Patriotism." On April 8, editorial captions announced confidently "The Kaiser Must Go," and "No Weak Peace." Yet there was still compassion for the enemy, for the Journal in speaking of the fruits of the war which would accrue from a victorious peace, said : "It will result in the liberation of the German people themselves." Truly it seems the spirit of prophesy does at time dwell in editorial sanctums.
Yet, less than two weeks later, the Journal exclaimed editorially :
"What is the matter with New Mexico? We can't respond, 'She's all right/ because she is not. We are without friends, without organization, with- out head or tail."
However, this was merely a wail in a determined cam- paign to force the calling of a special session of the legis- lature. Some of the newspapers were not convinced that a special session was necessary but once it was called, practically every newspaper admitted the wisdom of the step and approved of the action taken. There was division over some of the measures hastily proposed and over the question of the emergency appropriation for war purposes. But there never has been any hesitancy about the general proposition that everything must be done to help the nation win the War. Said the Tucumcari American :
"The gravity of the situation is not understood by the
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 257
rabble, but the patriotic American who must stand or fall under the folds of Old Glory, who is looking with a clear vis- ion in the future and who is steeled for the conflict, is not giving up any blarney. He realizes what war with its inci- dent train of disaster, its destruction of property and life and its miserable miseries may bring to our loved country. War is a sacrifice ; war is misery, and Sherman was right, when he said: War is hell. But, we are in it. Some men doubt that there was ever a just war. Others love it for war's sake, and the soldier of fortune is conspicuous in romance, and it is not impossible that a man who has nothing to do with bringing it about is among the first to take up arms in the defense of the flag. No rational hu- man being wants war, but the heritage of liberty, handed down to us by the founders of this government, no matter what the cause that brings its perpetuation into jeopardy, must be defended with the life and property of the nation. And in entering into the war, let us stand unitedly in both spirit and purpose and let harmony and unity guide and temper our action. Let us do the right thing under the circumstances always and give our substance and our loyal service to the country."
On April 13, 1917, the Silver City Enterprise broke an editorial lance in defense of the National Guard which had been in service on the Mexican Border. At the same time, the Enterprise spoke as follows of conscription:
"As a matter of fact there is nothing undemocratic about the draft system. Certain things necessary for the welfare of the country must be done. Every man of mili- tary age should be considered ready to serve his country when called upon and a careful selection, made with all the facts available, would probably work the minimum hard- ship. In any event the pay should be made commensurate with the service rendered."
The Enterprise a month later commended' the special session of the legislature as follows :
"The special session of the legislature which adjourned Tuesday took only eight days to transact all its business and adopted measures of great value to the state in the present national crisis. Such a good record naturally arouses the envy and malice of those small-souled people
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and newspapers who would inject politics into a situation which requires at this time great patience, foresight, judg- ment, and complete laying aside of all prejudices, political and otherwise."
The Tatum Democrat was not so favorably impressed, for it printed:
"The New Mexico legislature is in session and its ses- sions are, as usual, marked with a lot of useless juggling and cheap wrangling. If there be any statesmanship in a man it surely would show up at a critical period like now."
The Carrizozo News, had both praise and blame, for it delivered itself of the following editorially :
"At this time and at this distance it appears that the people of New Mexico have the upper house of the state legislature to thank for killing some rather question- able war legislation proposed by the lower house. No crisis in the Country's affairs is of sufficient gravity it would seem to overcome the small bore politician's propensity to play politics."
Even more severe were several of the criticisms of Dem- ocratic papers in commenting upon the appointment of the State Council of Defense by the State's Executive, charg- ing him with appointing too few Democrats. The Las Vegas Journal, the Sierra Free Press and the Portales Valley News were among those especially outspoken. At the same time, the Estancia News-Herald pounced upon the float re- presentative from Torrance, Santa Fe and Guadalupe coun- ties for introducing and having passed by the lower house a measure to tax the railroads on cars and engines by the 'car mile/ a procedure, which, according to the News Herald, would have taxed the Santa Fe Railroad to the ex- tent of $3,000,000 a year or more, ample to meet not only all extraordinary war expenses but also all of the ordinary expenses besides. Said the paper further :
"Of course, the introducer knew just as much about the bill as Tobe's pup — and no more. It was a sandbag bill, prepared by somebody for the purpose of swatting some- body else."
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In other words, the federal censorship and unanimity of effort to win the War had not robbed the New Mexico press of picturesque expressions in criticizing legislators and officials. The Rio Grande Republican made mince meat of a proposition to have the state appropriate the sum needed to raise and equip a cowboy cavalry regiment to be commanded by "Rough Riders." Its local contemporary, the Las Cruces Citizen had peppery editorial comment upon measures fathered by Cipriano, Lucero, a member of the lower house from Santa Fe County. The Fort Sumner Lea- der as well as the Santa Fe Eagle, felt moved to comment adversely upon legislators and legislative employees accept- ing pay for their services during the special session.
The press seconded enthusiastically the efforts of the State Council of Defense to increase agricultural produc- tion. It was no doubt due in part to the insistent urging of the newspapers that, despite drouth and every possible untoward condition, the total crop values for 1918 were greater than ever before in the history of the common- wealth. Typical is the comment of La Voz Publica at Santa Rosa:
"Wear a 'frijole' as a pin on your tie, but also wear a callous or two on your hand as additional appendage that you are proving your words by your works. Make a couple of beans grow, where 'nairn grpwed before.' Its lots of fun, it's profitable too, and patriotic, by the way."
On July 10, 1917, the New Mexico War News was ushered into existence by the State Council of Defense. It was published weekly with Guthrie Smith as editor, and toward the end, with State Senator A. V. Lucero editor of the Spanish edition. It was modeled no doubt after the first similar publications in other states, and was to serve the same purpose in the state that the Official Bulletin pub- lished at Washington, D. C., was designed to serve in the nation. But it was a good deal snappier, although it shared with the Official Bulletin the cordial opposition by the other papers that attaches to every kind of newspaper that is
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subsidized and which serves mere propaganda. Guthrie Smith's and George Creel's editorial peers were loath to make use of the excellent material which both publications offered them free of charge. Still, Smith was quoted much oftener, in proportion to size of clientele, than was George Creel and his publication. When the War News became more and more outspoken against the Hearst newspapers, it aroused as much of a storm in the State as did the Official Bulletin with its aircraft predictions and accounts of naval victories. To emphasize its patriotism, the War News was printed in blue ink on white paper. The fireworks started by its utterances no doubt furnished the red in several of the editorial sanctums, even no farther away than the Capi- tal City. The climax came with injunction proceedings brought by the International News Company in the Federal Court, in which Guthrie Smith was made one of the defend- ants. With its teeth partly pulled by judicial decree, its press force crippled by the "flu," and the end of the war in sight, the War News was discontinued, having valiantly ser- ved its purpose and having furnished historical archives in New Mexico with part of their most precious and valu- able records.
One could go on citing paper upon paper, editorial after editorial, which helped to hold the lines at home while the New Mexico men were being trained in increasing num- bers and rushed to the trenches in France to help throw back the invaders of France and Belgium. Very early in the draft, the Otero County News dwelt in praise upon "the physical shape of the young men who come in from the mountain districts of the country." The Silver City Inde- pendent, equally proud of Grant County men who attended the first officers' reserve camp at the Presidio, devoted a leading editorial to them. The Farmington Times-Hustler, which wore blue spectacles repeatedly when making war comment, relieved its mind of the following:
"Watch for the names of those who buy Liberty bonds and see if those who are most posing as patriots are on the
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 261
lists. Some people are very patriotic when there is a chance of getting some money from the government, whose en- thusiasm wanes when they are asked to give some money to help the government. It is every man's duty who can pos- sibly spare the money to assist in making this loan a suc- cess!"
The Rio Grande Republican appeared to be peevish when it said :
"There is something peculiarly offensive in having the women of wealthy families going" about the cities in their automobiles and calling on the more humble people urging them to practice economy in the use of food. Those hum- ble people have studied and practiced economy from sheer necessity all the days of their lives, and now that the cost of the necessities of life has reached outrageous figures, wholly out of proportion to wages and salaries, circum- stances force an economy more exacting than the society dames are able to conceive of."
The Neiv Southwest at Reserve, in its first number on December 1, 1917, headed its leading editorial "War to the Knife and the Knife to the Hilt", and voiced vigorously the sentiments that animated the New Mexico Press.
The Portales Valley News thought it "funny that General Crowder's revised draft rules make first-class men of some of those who fail to support their wives and chil- dren," and in the same issue pleads for publicity and in- formation in place of suppression of important triumphs of American mobilization when the publication of such knowledge would hearten Americans as well as Allies and discourage the enemy.
The Clayton Citizen as late as August 2, called down the men from its own town who sought to have Union County's Liberty Bond quota reduced and resented the in- sinuation that it was pro-German. In speaking of the "Work or Fight" movement, it declared :
"It would also be well for some of the useless and un- necessary coupon clippers who talk much and spend much, to emulate the working man in his patriotism by doing some useful service." 18
262 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The W. W. W. and the International Sociolists received short shrift from the pens of New Mexico's editorial writ- ers, and there was practical unanimity in condeming slack- ers of every kind and denouncing those of pro-German or pacifist leaning's. In fact, at first, there was lack of con- demnation and, every now and then, thinly veiled praise for those who resorted to mob methods in their patriotic fervor, real or assumed, to stamp out opposition to the war or unfriendliness to the government. After President Wil- son and Governor Lindsey had made it clear that such mob violence worked into the hands of the enemy, the press was unanimous in condemning it, although there were again utterances of commendation when convicts at the State Penitentiary tarred and feathered an army officer from Camp Cody who was confined there for safe keeping under charges preferred against him under the espionage act.
The Spanish language press was as loyal and as fervent in its editorial comment on the war and war measures as the papers printed in English. Such weeklies as La Revista de Taos and La Voz del Pueblo, and certainly La Revista CoMlica.., were more philosophical, and at times perhaps more just, in their observations. The last named on April 8, 1917, called for "Mas Prudencia y Mas Justicia!" in an editorial which said :
"La Prensa, mas bien cierta parte de la prensa, fue la causa de la guerra del 98 ; y la prensa, casi toda ella, es la causa de nuestra participacion en la presente. Algunos dicen que si esta o no esta subvencionada para esto; por supuesto. los periodicos principales lo niegan; con todo estan haciendo la obra tan bien como si para ello recibieran una remuneration. Si entramos en la guerra, y ya no nos cabe la menor duda de que esto sera lo primero que decidira el Congreso, se lo debemos al sentimiento que ha creado fomentado, y sostenido la prensa."
In speaking of patriotism, it cited with approval Brownson's "War and Loyalty," saying:
"El verdadero patriotismo se manifiesta con obras, y no con palabras. Los verdadoros patriotas americanos no son esos seres ligeros de cascos y de corazon apocado que
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 263
estan continuamente cacareando el espiritu americano, el genio americano, los intereses y la grandeza americana . . . ; sine aquellos espiritus reposados, calladps y serenos, a quienes rara vez se les ocurre preguntarse si son americanos o no, y son demasiado sinceros y ardientes en su patriotismo para sonar que sea necesario hacer alarde de sus titulos. Su patriotismo no tiene sospechas, ni celos, ni temor, ni es arrogante. Es demasiado profundo para describirlo con palabras. Es callado y majestuoso. Donde esta la patria alii esta el ; hace lo que ella manda, y, aunque sacrif ique todp sobre las aras de la patria, nunca se le ocurre que esta haciendo cosa extraordinaria. Hay probablemente mas de este patriotismo puro entre el pueblo americano que los estranjeros o nosotros mismos creemos."
The editor of La Revista de Taos expressed his con- tempt for those who in profound ignorance volunteer sug- gestions on how to win the war, though it was a striking virtue of the New Mexico press that it very seldom, if ever, suggested how the war should be fought, thus differentiat- ing its attitude from that of many newspapers during the Civil War and even the Spanish American War. Says the Revista under the headline "Dislatas y Disparates" :
"En tiempos de agitacion y dc efervescencia popular que trae consigo el prospecto de una guerra, los consejeros voluntaries son los que siempre se adelantan a discurrir y proponer medios y arbitrios que se senalan por su falta de razon y de sentido comun. De este generp son las pro- posicipnes que se han de levantar un regimiento de Indios Navajoes, y otro de Indios de Pueblo."
It is this editor too who declared that dreams of a league of nations and universal peace are a chimera, say- ing:
"La quimera de la paz y el buen acuerdo entre todas las razas y naciones del mundo ha recivido su glope de muerte, y no volvera a reaparecer en la imagination de los hombres de sentido sino como un sueno o un delirio que jamas puede convertirse en realidad. Lo que si veran las generaciones presente y f uturas es guerras mas mortiferas y asoladoras cada dia en todas partes del universe."
By the summer of 1918, newspaper offices were liter- ally swamped with publicity matter sent out by govern-
264 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ment and its agencies as well as by war charities. In many if not most offices, envelopes containing publicity matter were dumped into the waste-basket without being read. The publicity that found its way into print gave the gen- ever a time when the mythical office cat was fed so flood of readable and interesting publicity matter poured into editorial offices. It happened that an editor would get in the same mail three or four copies of the same publi- city clip sheet or half a dozen identical appeals. Nor was there ever a time when the mythical office cat was fed so much printed and mimeographed matter. Said one New Mexico editor at the Capital: "This stuff could not jimmy its way into this paper with a crow bar. When we are cut down to a minimum in the use of paper, these reams and reams of publicity matter fill our waste-bas- kets day after day as if in derision." However, the press continued with the utmost liberality to give its most valu- able space in great prodigality to the Fourth Liberty Loan, and even after the Armistice was in effect, to the United War Work Drive, the Red Cross Roll Call and the Armen- ian Drive.
It is hardly fair to confront an editor with his utter- ances made years before under circumstances that differ vitally from those today, and yet no truer mirror of the times, no juster account of events, can be given than is found in the New Mexico press from August 1, 1914, to November 11, 1918. Fortunate and far-seeing is he who has kept a file of his favorite home paper for future gene- rations to .enjoy. In fact he himself will find no more in- teresting pastime in after years than to browse through these papers. Many a veteran lived over the Civil War in files of Harpers' Weekly, and many a survivor of the Great War, in glancing over the old copies of some humble New Mexico weekly, will recall vividly the beautiful, unanimous loyalty with which New Mexico answered the Nation's call for men, for means, for moral support, in the days when the world's fate trembled in the balance.
PAUL A. F. WALTER
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 265
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION TO NEW MEXICO J. LLOYD MECHAM
An Account of the Chamuscado-Rodriguez Entrada of 1581-1582
After the sorry outcome of the Coronado expedition, no white men appeared within the present confines of New Mexico for a period of forty years. The complete failure of the first entrada has generally been regarded as an eloquent warning which discouraged further ex- ploration into the New Mexican region. But this alone cannot explain the lapse of interest in the far north. The great Indian revolt, the Mixon War, in Nueva Galicia, which occurred during the absence of Governor Coronado, pointed out a pertinent lesson to the Spaniards regarding the advisability of natural and compact frontiers. Also, the discovery of rich mines in Zacatecas, Guanajuato, and Durango engaged the interest of treasure seekers and ex- erted an even greater influence in expelling the once glam- orous New Mexico from the minds of men.
During the forty years succeeding the Coronado ex- pedition, there was a steady northward advance from Nueva
1. The principal printed sources regarding the entrada are those documents contained in Coleccion d« documentos ineditos relutivoa al descubrimiento, conquiata y colonizacidn de las poaeaionea eapanolaa en America y Oceania, aacados, en an mayor parte. del Real Archivo de India* (Madrid, 1864-1886), XV. Most of these are translated in H. E. Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1542-1707 (New York, 1916), 137-160. Accompanying his translation of the soldiers' nar- ratives, Bolton refers in his footnotes to two unpublished accounts which had just come into his possession: (1) Baltasar de Obreg6n, "Cronica comentario 6 relaciones de los descubrimientos antiguos y modernos de N. E. y del Nuevo Mexico," 1584 (Archivo General de Indias, 1-1-3/22); and (2) Hernaii Gallegos, "Relacion y concudfo de el viage y subseso que Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado con ocho soldados BUS companeroB hizo en el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico en junio de 1581" (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22). Beyond this slight use these documents have never been consulted for an authoritative account. In the preparation of this article the writer has made use of the materials mentioned above, and unpublished documents which he found in the Archivo General de Indias.
266 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Galicia2 into the newly-organized province of Nueva Viz- caya3. By 1580 the limits of Spanish settlement were car- ried north to Santa Barbara, located i nsouthern Chihua- hua on one of the sources of the Rio Conchos. There were congregated miners, soldiers, and Franciscan friars. It was from this northern outpost that the soldiers and mis- sionaries were recruited to undertake the second invasion of New Mexico.
Santa Barbara was the center of a rich mining dis- trict, but unfortunately for the mine owners, the native population was all too sparse to insure profitable working of the mines. To supply the labor deficiency numerous slave-hunting expeditions were made far to the north, some beyond the Rio Grande.4 On these raids the frontiersmen learned about a country still farther to the north where there were people who wore cotton garments, irrigated their fields of maize and beans, and lived in large, well- built "cities." Thus were revived tales of New Mexico, adorned as of old with magnetic glamour. These rumors found ready listeners in some of the restless soldiers and missionaries of Santa Barbara.
The principal organizer and guiding spirit of the ex- pedition to New Mexico was Father Augustin Rodriguez, a Franciscan lay-brother stationed at San Bartolome, a little mining camp a short distance to the northeast of Santa Barbara. Closely associated with the friar in the work of organizing the entrada was Francisco Sanchez, commonly called "El Chamuscado," or "the singed," because of his flaming red beard. Father Rodriguez was undoubtedly encouraged by his lay associate to secure a license for an expedition because it was much easier for a religious to obtain permission to enter unexplored lands. By the terms
2. Organized by Nuno de Guzman (1529-1535). The Audiencia of Nueva Galicia was created in 1548.
3. Conquered and settled by Francisco de Ibarra (1562-1575). Nueva Vizcaya comprised approximately the present Mexican states of Durango, Chihuahua. Sinaloa, and Sonora.
4. Diego Pdrez de Luxan, "Entrada que hizo en el Nuevo Mexico Anton de Espejo en el ano de 82" (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 267
of the Ordinance of 1573, no one was allowed to enter un- explored territory beyond the frontiers of New Spain with- out first obtaining permission from the viceroy, audien- cia, or royal council. This of course retarded exploration for it was very difficult to obtain a license. The religious orders were favored, however, for, says the ordinance, "let the discovery be entrusted to them (the religious) rather than to others, and authority be granted them for the pur- pose, and let them be favored and provided with all neces- saries for such a holy and worthy undertaking at our ex- pense/'8
In November, 1580, Father Agustin presented in per- son a petition to Viceroy Lorenzo Suarez de Mendoza, ask- ing that he be granted a license to lead some missionaries beyond Santa Barbara "for the purpose of preaching the Holy Gospel."6 The viceroy, in consideration of the great zeal of the padre, granted him permission to take with him as many friars as he desired, and a maximum of twenty soldiers, "for the safety of their persons, and in order that they might be able to preach the Holy Gospel."7 He was also given a captain's commission to bestow upon one of the soldiers as leader of the expedition. Father Augustin, presumably according to previous arrangement, gave the commission to Chamuscado.
Preparations for the expedition were made in Santa Barbara, the northernmost pueblo on the Christian fron- tier. The personnel consisted of three Franciscan friars and nine soldiers. Besides Father Agustin Rodriguez, the religious were Father Francisco Lopez and Father Juan de Santa Maria. Father Lopez was designated the superior. The soldier guard was composed of Captain Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, Herman Gallegos, (official scribe and chronicler who gives us the fullest account of the ex-
6. "Ordenanzas de Su Magestad hechas para los nuevos descubrimientos, con- quista* y pacificaciones," in Col. Doc. InÂŁd., XVI, 142-187.
«. Obreg6n. Crdnica (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22)
7. "Permission was not given for more men to go because your majesty had i»Buad instructions that no entries should be made without your express opinion" ("Report of the Viceroy," in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 158).
the expedition had reached New Mexico.
268 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
pedition), Pedro de Bustamante, Hernando Barrado, Felipe de Escalante, Pedro de Heviera, Pedro Sanchez de Fuen- salida, Juan Sanchez de Fuensalida, and Sanchez de Chavez.8 There were also in the party nineteen Indian servants, two of them being Indian women." All equip- ment and supplies were furnished at the viceroy's expense, for the expedition was to be made in his service. They had good offensive and defensive arms, such as arquebuses, coats-of-mail, and armour for the horses ; munitions, ninety saddle and draft horses, six hundred cows, goats, ewes, sheep, and hogs, ground maize, and pieces of iron and trinkets to be bartered with the natives.10
All arrangements having been completed, the mission- aries and soldiers departed from Santa Barbara on June 5, 1581. On that day they traveled down the San Gregorio River to the frontier outpost San Bartolome, or, as it was sometimes called, San Gregorio.11 On the the next day, June 6, 1581, the explorers resumed their march down the San Gregorio River to the junction of the Conchos, Florido, and San Gregorio rivers. Thereafter they followed the Conchos to its junction with the Rio Grande del Norte.
The first wild Indians, called Chichimecos, found by the explorers were the Conchos, who occupied a strip of territory about fifty leagues in extent along the banks of the Conchos River and north of the Conchos-Florido junc-
8. Escalante and Barrado, "Brief and True Account of the Exploration of New Mexico, 1588," in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 154 ; Gallegos, Relacion, and Obregon, Crdnica, in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22) ; Gallegos to the King, March 14, 1583 (A. G. I.. 66- 6-16).
9. Obregdn, Crdnica (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22). Pedro de Bustamante, ("Declaration of Pedro de Bustamante, 1582," in Eolton.Spanish Exploration, 144) testified that the soldiers had an Indian servant apiece, and that the friars took seven Indians from Santa Barbara.
10. Gallepros, Relacidn (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
11. A comparison of the sources leads to the inference that San Bartolome and San Gregorio were located on the same site. See Espejo, "Account of the journey to the Provinces and Settlements of New Mexico, 1583," in Bolton, Spanish Ex- ploration, 170; Luxan, Entrada, and Gallegos, Relacion, in A. G. I.. 1-1-8/22; Ban- croft (Arizona and New Mexico, 74) says that the present Allende- Jimenez region was known by the various names of San Bartolome, Santa Barbara, Santa Barbola, and San Gregorio.
> (Albuquerque)
NUQVO HEX/CO
U M\A N OS
(Chihuahua)
BOLSON DC MAPIMI
)
CHAMUSCADO- RODRIGUEZ
EXPEDITION
1581 - 15S2
N 17 E V A l BROACH TO N&VMEX/CO. COMPILED BY J. LLOYD MECHAM NOTÂŁ: MODERN NAMES ARE IN PARENTHE5E5
ion Greqorio 5antoL Barbara
VI ZC A Y A
Culiacan „
SCALE
Sfatutc. Miles, 77 « 1 Inch
DRAWN &Y W.L. CORNELL
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 269
tion.12 These Indians were in a very low state of develop- ment, and, indeed, compared very unfavorably with the natives who lived north of them. They were an unclothed people, and, living principally by the chase, they had no permanent homes. They did not sow maize, but ate ground mesquite, prickly-pears, calabashes, fish, and game. They were described by Gallegos as ugly, lazy, and filthy. Not- withstanding the fact that these Indians had been visited occasionally by missionaries, thejr principal contact with the Spaniards had been with the slave hunters. There- fore, with good reason the Conchos viewed the approach of Chamuscado and his companions with alarm. Often they fled into the mountains, but generally the padres were able to reassure them and convince them of the peaceful purpose of their mission.
After the explorers had marched fifty leagues through the Conchos nation, they came to another tribe, the Paza- guantes.13 Here solar observations were taken by Father Santa Maria, who was a trained astronomer, and he found that they were near the twenty-ninth parallel of north latitude.11 The Pazaguantes had been visited by the slave- hunting expeditions, and, like the Conchos, displayed great alarm upon witnessing the approach of the Spaniards. The friars reassured them, as they had the Conchos, and to protect them from future harm by the slavers, they erected crosses in their villages so that the Christians, up- on seeing them, would not harm the Indians. The Paza- guantes inhabited the banks of the Conchos River for a distance of only about forty miles. Chamuscado's party, therefore, was soon within the borders of a third Indian nation, the Jumanos.15
12. Obregon, Cronica (A. G. L, 1-1-3/22).
13. According to Obregon and Gallegos the Conchos' neighbors on the north were the Cabri. The Cabri have been identified with the Pazaguantes, See Luxan (En- trada, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22) and Espejo (Account of the Journey to New Mexico. 171).
14. This would be near Cuchillo Parado. The distance from the Conchos-Florido junction to 29° north latitude is about fifty leagues "as the crow flies;" therefor* the Spaniards were not far wrong in estimating their location.
15. Espejo (Account of the Journey to New Mexico, 171) said that he met the Toboso Indians after the Pazaguantes. The Tobosos are not mentioned by Obreg6n. Luxan, and Gallegos. At a later date the Tobosos were encountered in this region.
270 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The Jumano nation inhabited an extensive region about the confluence of the Conchos and Rio Grande. They were divided into several branches, speaking different dia- lects, but nevertheless related. Those bordering on the Pazaguantes on the Conchos River and extending some distance up the Rio Grande, were called Patarabueyes or Otomoacos. Those living at the Rio Grande-Conchos junc- tion and south of it were called Abriadres. The Indians who roamed the plains northeast of the Rio Grande in quest of the buffalo were the Jumanos proper.18 Although basic- ally their culture was no different from the Conchos' and Pazaguantes', the Jumanos were finer physical specimens, and displayed a higher degree of intelligence. Although they cultivated maize and beans to a certain extent, their principal sustenance was from game and fish.
On July 6, 1581, Captain Chamuscado and his compan- ions arrived at the Rio Grande del Norte at a point about five leagues above the mouth of the Conchos. They had been advised by the Indians to leave the Conchos where it bends to the southeast and march overland directly north to the Rio Grande.17 They had traveled, since leaving Santa Barbara, about seventy leagues of the most desolate, barren country, and the most difficult of the whole journey to negotiate.
The valley of the Rio Grande near the Conchos junc- tion was called "Valle de Concepci6n," the river being called "La Concepcion."1' Along the banks of the river they found a great number of Otomoaco Indians living in "well-constructed pueblos" of palisades and mud. These were the first fixed residences that they saw on the ex- pedition. According to Espejo the Indians in this district
16. Gallegos, Relacion, Obregon, Cronica, and Luxan, Entrada, in A. G. I., 1-1- 8/22; Espejo, Account of the Journey to New Mexico, 172. For the Jumano In- dians, see F. W. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico (Wash- ington, 1907), I, 636.
17. Gallegos, Relacion, and Obregon, Cronica, in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
18. Obreg6n called the river by various names : "Del Norte", "Rio de Nuestra Senora',, and "Rio de la Concepcion". Luxan called it "El Rio Turbio." Busta- mante (Relacion, 145) called it .the "Guadalquivir," but this name was not applied
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 27l
numbered about ten thousand.19 The explorers were con- vinced that the respect and homage paid them by the In- dians was due to the "miracles" of Cabeza de Vaca. That Cabeza de Vaca had passed through that land is certain, for, upon being asked if they had seen other people like the Spaniards, they answered that many years before they had seen four bearded men. These must have been Cabeza de Vaca and his companions. Espejo, the following year, was told by the same Indians about Cabeza de Vaca.20
Chamuscado and his men remained in "Valle de la Concepci6n" only a day. When they were told about "clothed people with large pueblos, who lived far in the interior," they decided to move on immediately. Many Indians ac- companied them as they marched up the river. There was not a day, it was said, when they were accompanied by less than three hundred Indians.21 Forty-five leagues from the Conchos, they found a considerable Otomoaco settlement. This settlement, named Magdalena, was located about ten miles south of Fort Quitman, and on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande. Magdalena marked the limits of the Jumanos up the Rio Grande, for a short distance beyond the explorers came to another tribe called Caguates or Caguases.22 The Caguates, according to Luxan, were re- lated to the Otomoacos, and spoke almost the same lang- uage. These natives told Chamuscado that the people In- dians were about a seven days* journey up the river, and The Caguates' estimation of the time necessary to traverse the barren stretch which separated them from the pue- blo region proved to be much too short. Three days later the Spaniards found a vast marshland of about eight
19. Espejo, Account of the Journey to New Mexico, 172.
20. Obreg6n, Cronica, Gallegos, Relacion, and Luxan, Entrada, in A. G. I., 1-1- 8/22 ; Espejo, Account of the Journey to New Mexico, 173.
21. Gallegos, Relacion, (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
22. Gallegos, Relacion, and Obregon, Cronica, in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22; Espejo (Ac- count of the Journey to New Mexico, 173) reported that the Jumanos extended up the Rio Grande for a twelve days' journey; Luxan (Entrada, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22) said that after traveling four leagues from the last habitation of the Jumanos, or forty-nine leagues from the junction of the rivers, they came to the Caguates na- tion. Thus the Jumanos extended forty-five leagues up the Rio Grande.
272 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
leagues in extent which was formed by the river when it overflowed.23 Although it abounded in game of all kinds, it was uninhabited. A year later Antonio de Espejo found a tribe of Indians named Tampachoas near the great marshland. That Chamuscado did not see these people may be explained by the fact, that since they were nomadic, they were probably not in that locality when Chamuscado and his companions went through.24
From the marshlands, called "Valle de Valientes," the explorers continued up the river for fifteen days28 without meeting any Indians. They were now about sev- enty leagues from the Caguates, and near the border of the pueblo region, although they did not realize this. Since they had been on the road many days longer than the Cagua- tes had informed them would be necessary, they feared that they had been purposely misinformed. The near-exhaust- ion of their supplies added to their discouragement. When their spirits were lowest they were finally rewarded by finding some Indians, and, shortly after, they came to an old, uninhabited pueblo. It was a weather-beaten three- storied affair, and appeared not to have been inhabited for a long time.28 Two leagues beyond, on August 21, 1581, they discovered the most southerly of the Piro pueblos of New Mexico. They had tramped, since leaving the Con- chos-Rio Grande junction, 121 leagues, which were covered in forty-five days.27
The first Piro pueblo, which they called San Felipe, was located in the San Marcial region,28 probably on a small
23. This broad stretch of marshland begins at about Guadalupe and extends up the west side of the river to the neighborhood of El Paso.
24. Luxan, Entrada (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22)
25. The Espejo expedition also marched over this exact distance in fifteen days.
26. Luxan mentions a ruined pueblo two leagues southe of the first inhabited pueblo, San Felipe. It appears that Espejo followed substantially the same route as Chamuscado, and that neither of them crossed the Ria Grande before reaching the pueblos.
27. Gallegos, Relacion, and Obregon, Cronica, in A. G. I., 1-1-8/22.
28. "The region of San Marcial not only indicates the southern limit of the pueblos of the sivteenth century, but it seems also that the many-storied type of architecture at no time extended farther down the Rio Grande Valley" (A. F. Bandelier, Final Report of Investigations among the Indiana of the Southwestern United States, Cambridge, 1892, Part 11, 252).
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 273
hill near the later site of Fort Craig. Since it was made up of about forty-five houses of two and three stories, and was located on the west bank of the river, this throws out Bandelier's conclusion that Qualacu, the most southerly Piro village on the east bank of the Rio Grande, was the San Felipe of the Chamuscado-Rodriguez expedition.29 Nor can we conclude that Trenaquel, opposite Qualacu, and the most southerly Piro village on the west bank of the river was San Felipe. There is no mention by Gallegos of a pueblo opposite San Felipe, but two leagues above it, and opposite each other, were the pueblos of San Miguel and Santiago, which pueblos were probably Trenaquel and Qualacu respectively. San Felipe was therefore two leagues below Trenaquel (or San Miguel), and that it conceivably could be near the present Fort Craig is supported by Ban- delier.80
Before entering San Felipe, the Spaniards carefully examined their arms, to be prepared for any eventuality. These precautions were unnecessary, for, excepting a sick Indian, the pueblo was deserted. The Indians had aban- doned their homes the night before. Although a great quantity of maize, cotton, and turkeys had been left in the pueblo, Chamuscado would not allow his men to touch any- thing because he desired to convince the natives that he had come with peaceful intentions. When the Indians found that their possessions had not been harmed they were reas- sured and came in increasing numbers to the Spaniards' camp, which had been established a short distance from San Felipe. At one time, it was said, there were over two thousand Indians in the camp. The padres took advantage of this opportunity to preach the Holy Gospel to the na- tives.31
29. Gallegos, Relacion (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22) ; Hodge Handbook of American In- dians, II, 814 ; Bandelier, Final Report, II, 252. The Piros were the southernmost of the pueblo Indians. They extended from about San Marcial to Sevilleta, where they bordered the Tiguas.
30. Gallegos, Relacidn (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22). "There may possibly be some pueblo ruin a few miles south of San Marcial near Fort Craig" (Bandelier, Final Reports, II, 252).
31. Obregon, Cronica, and Gallegos, Relacidn, in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
274 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
After remaining four days in San Felipe, the explor- ers marched up the river, which was now called the Guadal- quivir, and discovered many more pueblos upon its banks. The pueblos of the Piros Indians extended for twenty leagues, or as far north as Sevilleta.82 The Spaniards named and described these pueblos, but the descriptions are generally so meager as to make the assignment of their locations difficult, and often impossible. As noted above, there were two pueblos above San Felipe, situated upon opposite banks of the river and facing each other. The one north of San Felipe, and probably occupying the site of Trenaquel, was named San Miguel. It had forty-seven houses of two stories. Santiago, the Qualacu of Bandelier, was on a height of ground on the opposite (east) side of the river. It had twenty-five houses. The next pueblo discovered on the west side was San Juan, which had forty houses. Since there are no indications that there ever existed pueblos between the modern village of San Antonio and San Marcial,33 it is probable that Senecu, located at San Antonio, and San Juan are the same pueblo. Our evidence, however, does not end here. San Juan, according to Galle- gos, was located on the brow of a hill, and Senecu also was "on an eminence." In addition, whereas opposite Senecu on the other bank of the river was San Pascual,34 in like manner Piastla, a pueblo of thirty-five houses, was said by Gallegos to be on the other bank of the river facing San Juan. Therefore, the location of these five pueblos is fairly certain.
As for the region between San Antonio and Alamillo, archaeological evidence, with the exception of the ruins
32. According to Obregon, the Province of San Felipe (the Piros,) was twenty leagues long and six leagues wide, and was made up of twelve pueblos of 250 houses. Gallegos stated that there were "twenty and more pueblos." "In 1630, Sevilleta, twenty miles north of Socorro, was the most northerly of the Piros pueblos" (Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, II, 515) ; ''Certainly the Piros did not extend north of Los Lentes (near Sevilleta)" (Bandelier, " An Outline of the Documentary History of the Zuni Tribes," in A Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, 1*92, III, 61).
33. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 251.
34. Ibid., 247, 250.
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 275
of Socorro, is very scant.35 The first group of pueblos, as has been demonstrated, extended as far north as Senecu and San Pascual. Five leagues to the north, according to Luxan, were four large, and one small, uninhabited pue- blos. This was undoubtedly the Socorro district where there are many ruins. Luxan mentions next two pueblos three leagues farther up the river. These two pueblos, as I shall soon show, were the ones named by Gallegos, El Oso and La Pedrosa, and were located at Alamillo. Two more pueblos mentioned by Gallegos, Pina, with eighty-five houses, and Elota, with fourteen houses, and located be- tween Senecu and Alamillo, remain to be accounted for. Our most natural surmise, based upon archaeological evi- dence, is that they were located in the Socorro district.
We now come to the northern border of the Piros. The next pueblos discovered and named by Chamuscado were El Oso and La Pedrosa; the former with fifty houses, the latter with fourteen.36 El Oso was situated on a high hill, and was only "dos tiros de arcabus" distant from La Pedrosa. Evidence regarding the site of Alamillo, "situ- ated a few miles south of La Joya, on a bluff not far from the banks of the Rio Grande,"37 points to Alamillo and El Oso being the same pueblo. Between Alamillo and the Tigua nation, Chamuscado passed two more small pueblos, Pueblo Nuevo of twenty houses, and Ponsitlan of twenty- five houses. Both of these pueblos were upon the east bank of the river, and one of them can probably be identified with Sevilleta, which, in 1630, was the most northerly of the Piro villages.38
The pueblos of the Piros were two and three storied structures of adobe and stone. They were well constructed with windows, corridors, and courts. The walls were white- washed and were generally ornamented with paintings of
35. Bandelier (Ibid., 241) says that the Christian pueblo of Nuestra Senora del Socorro, founded in 1628, was founded on the site of the sixteenth century pueblo Pil-o-Pue.
86. GaJlegos, Relacitn (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
87. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 239.
88. Bandelier, Documentary History of the Zuili Tribes, III, 61.
276 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
animals and people. The clay dishes, jars, and vases of these natives particularly impressed the Spaniards, for they said that they were more artistically made than those of the ancient Aztecs. Their clothing was of cotton cloth, although some chamois and deer-skins were worn. They wore sandals made of buffalo-hides. Near the pueblos were extensive fields where they cultivated maize, beans, calabashes, and cotton.38
Chamuscado and his companions next entered the lands of the Tigua nation. The first pueblo discovered ^as Caxtole (fifteen houses) located upon the east bank of the river fronting a large pueblo of one hundred houses, named Piguina-Quatengo. The latter pueblo has been identified with the Tigua pueblo of San Clemente, located on the present site of Los Lunas, and the only Tigua ruin discovered south of Isleta.40 Above Caxtole they discov- ered Mexicaltingo, a pueblo of forty houses; and next, Tomatlan, a large pueblo of 170 houses. This was un- doubtedly the large pueblo of 250 houses mentioned by Luxan, which, he says, was six leagues below the Puaray pueblo group. Fronting Tomatlan, on the west bank of the river, was another large pueblo of 123 houses. This pueblo, named Taxomulco, was probably Isleta, which now stands on the old site.41 Between Isleta and the Puaray group no pueblos were discovered by Chamuscado. Espejo, however, found a pueblo named Los Guajolotes in this dis- trict. Since the only ruins now existing between Albuquer- que and Isleta are those of Pur-e-Tu-ay, on the Mesa de los Padillas," a few miles north of Isleta, this must have been the site of Los Guajolotes. I have now accounted for six pueblos in the Isleta district, and find with considerable
39. Gallegos, Relacitin, and Obregon, Cronica, in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22. No attempt is made in this paper to describe the native culture of New Mexico.
40. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 233; Handbook of American Indians, I, 623; Luxan, Entrada (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
41. "According to Lummis it stands on the old site" (Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, I, 622).
42. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 232.
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 277
pleasure that Bandelier inferred that this southern group of Tigua settlements consisted of at least six pueblos.
About six leagues above Isleta, Chamuscado entered the most densely populated district of the Tiguas. So close were the pueblos to each other that the Spaniards passed twelve in one day. Luxan recorded that there were thir- teen pueblos in this group, and Castano de Sosa recorded that he saw at one time fourteen pueblos, and some of them were only a quarter of a league apart.1" The first pueblo of this group which Gallegos mentions was Santa Catalina on the west bank of the river. In 1681 Alameda was on the west bank, about eight leagues north of Isleta. In all probability Santa Catalina and Alameda were the same.14 There is a ruin on the east bank which Bandelier errone- ously located as Alameda. This ruin is on the site of Puaray as located in 1680, which was then one league above Alameda on the opposite bank of the river.43 The San Mateo (fifty houses) of Gallegos, which was on the east bank opposite Santa Catalina, was the Puaray of 1680. Immediately north of San Mateo was a large pueblo of 120 houses. It was named Puaray by Gallegos, but was pro- bably the pueblo of Sandia, which was one league above the Puaray of 1680.46 Across the river, according to Galle- gos, was a pueblo of sixty-two houses, named San Pedro. On the opposite bank from Bernalillo are many pueblo ruins so to this district can be ascribed the pueblos of Cempoalla, Analco, Culiacan, Villarassa, and La Palma. They had 84, 84, 100, and 134 houses, respectively. The explorers discovered more pueblos on the east bank above Puaray, but since no Tigua ruins are known to exist north of Berna- lillo, I conclude that these pueblos were located between
43. Gallegos, Relacion, Obregon, Cronica, and Luxan, Entrada, in A. G. I., 1-1- 3/22 ; Dorothy Hull, "Castano de Sosa's Expedition to New Mexico in 1590," in Old Santa Fe, III, S30.
44. C. W. Hackett, "The Location of the Tiyua pueblos of Alameda, Puaray, and Sandia, 1680-1681," in Old Santa Fe, II, 383.
45. Ibid.
46. Ibid.
19
278 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Sandia (Puaray) and Bernalillo.47 They were Nompe, Malpais, and Caceres, having 77, 123, and 145 houses res- pectively. These pueblos, I am inclined to believe, were located very near each other on the site of Bernalillo. Ac- cording to Bandelier, "There stood one pueblo, perhaps two, on the site of Bernalillo in the sixteenth century."48
The Chamuscado expedition arrived in Caceres, on the northern Tigua frontier, on September 2, 1581. The Tigua pueblos were described by Gallegos as being larger, higher, and better built than those of the Piros. The people although they spoke a different language, wore the same kind of clothes, and were accustomed to the same modes of living. Likewise, like the Piros, they received the Span- iards very kindly, and gave them supplies of food-stuffs.
Six leagues north of the Tiguas of Bernalillo were the Queres, who, according to Obregon, inhabited five pueblos. There is agreement with Bandelier here, for he says, "The Queres inhabited five pueblos; three on the Rio Grande: Cochiti, Santo Domingo, and San Felipe, and two in the Jemez Valley: Cia and Santa Ana." All the pueblos dis- covered by Chamuscado have been identified with these five.48 After leaving Caceres, the Chamuscado party went up the river to the first Queres pueblo, Campos. This pueblo, which had seventy houses, was on the east bank of the Rio Grande, and was undoubtedly the Santo Domingo of Castano de Sosa, and the Ji-py-y of Juan de Onate. It stood nearly on the site of the present village of Santo Domingo. Fronting Campos, on the other bank of the river, was a pueblo of seventy houses named Palomares. Across the river from Santo Domingo, near Cubero, are the pueblo ruins of Kat-isht-ya, or the first San Felipe.50 This was the probable site of Palomares. The third Queres
47. "The ruins on the east bank of the river are the following: the burned pue- blo of Bernalillo, a ruin near Sandia, one near Los Corrales south of Bernalillo, and the old pueblo of Alameda midway between Bernalillo and Albuquerque," (Bandelier, Final Report, II, 230).
48. Bandelier, Final Report, II. 222; Gallegos, Relacion, (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
49. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 139, 146. 60. Ibid., 188.
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 279
pueblo on the Rio Grande to be visited by the Chamuscado party was Medina de la Torre, situated on or near the site of Cochiti, which site it has certainly occupied since the sixteenth century.51 This pueblo was very large, for it had 230 houses. Since we know that it was on the west bank of the river, we can be doubly certain that it was Cochiti, for there was no other large pueblo on that side of the river between San Felipe and Santa Clara.52
The explorers did not visit the Queres pueblos in the Jemez Valley until later. They now made their first jour- ney away from the river. Near Medina de la Torre the Santa Fe rivulet emptied into the Rio Grande. The Span- iards marched up the valley of this stream until they came to four pueblos, Guaxitlan (seventy-six houses), Guarda, (one hundred houses), Valladolid (two hundred houses), and La Rinconada, (sixty houses). These pueblos which were discovered on September 6, 1581, may very conceiv- ably be some of the ruins which line the banks of the Santa Fe River. The most important of these is Tze-nat-ay, op- posite the little settlement of La Bajada.53 Since Coronado did not visit this valley, Chamuscado and his followers were the first Europeans to come near the present site of Santa Fe.
From the Santa Fe region they went a short distance to the south to the pueblo of Malpartida in the Galisteo valley. Here Father Juan de Santa Maria announced his intention to return to Mexico to render a report of all that had been done." His determination met with bitter op- si. Ibid.
52. Luxan mentions "Zashiti" as a large pueblo of three-storied houses which they visited four leagues above Puaray.
53. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 95-6.
54. "Arriving at Galisteo, and seeing the docility of the Indians, the three friars (having been deserted by the soldiers) agreed that one of them should return to inform the prelates what had been seen, and to ask for more priests. Father Juan de Santa Maria offered himself for the journey" (Geronimo de Zarate-Salmeron, "Relacion de todas las cosas que en el Nuevo Mexico se han vista y sabido asi por mar como por tierra desde el ano fle 1538 haste el de 1626," inDoc. Hist. Mex., 3d. Ser. IV. Mexico. 1856. Translated by C. F. Lummis, Land of Sunshine, XI, 340). Zarate-Salmeron is in error on two points: (1) Santa Maria did not depart from Galisteo, and (2) He did not leave after the departure of the soldiers nor with the permission of his friar-companions.
280 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
position from his brother friars and the soldiers. They argued that it would be both foolhardy and dangerous for him to go alone, and that his murder by the Indians would occasion serious consequences for them because it would destroy the Indians' belief in the Spaniards' immortality. They also declared that his report would be valueless be- cause they had hardly commenced to explore those lands. Notwithstanding the objections of his companions, Father Santa Maria persisted in his determination, and, unac- companied, set out on the long journey back to Mexico. To protect himself and his companions from unjust accu- sation, Captain Chamuscado ordered Hernan Gallegos, the scribe, to prepare an affidavit setting forth the circum- stances of the padre's departure. This was done, Septem- ber 10, 1581, and the document which was found by the writer in the Archive de Indias is indisputable evidence that Father Santa Maria left his companions against their will, and at a time long prior to the return of the soldiers to Nueva Vizcaya.55
It was Father Santa Maria's intention to find a new and more direct route to Mexico. He purposed to keep to the east of the Manzano Mountains by way of the salines, and from there to go due south to the Rio Grande.66 But on the third day after his departure the unfortunate padre was killed by the Indians. The probable location of his martyrdom was in the vicinity of the copper camp of San Pedro.57 The Chamuscado party did not hear about Father Santa Maria's death until some time later when they were returning from the buffalo country. The pueblo from
55. (Affidavit), San Felipe, New Mexico, September 10, 1581 (A. G. I.. 58-3-9). For a translation of this document, see J. L. Mecham, "Supplementary Documents Relating to the Chamuscado-Rodriguez Expedition," in Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXXIX, 224-231.
56. "He was a great astrologer (astronomer?) and traced out land to show how they might have traveled shorter" (ZArate-Salmeron, Relacion de todas las cosas que en el Nuevo Mexico, XI, 340).
57. Ibid., 341. The circumstances of Santa Maria's death are the subject of controversy; for a discussion, see J. L. Mecham, "The Martyrdom of Father Juan de Santa Maria," in The Catholic Historical Review, VI, No. 3.
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 281
which Santa Maria departed was called by Gallegos, "Mal- partida."
After the departure of Father Santa Maria, the Span- iards continued their exploration up the river to the Tewas, who lived north of the Queres.58 The first pueblo discov- ered was located near an arroyo with water in it on the east bank of the Rio Grande, and it had about forty houses. Gallegos didn't name it, but it was undoubtedly San Ilde- fonso.59 In the Canada de Santa Cruz, a short distance above San Ildefonso, there are ruins of both historic and prehistoric pueblos.60 The Chamuscado party failed to dis- cover these pueblos, or at least Galleries failed to mention them ; the next pueblo named by him was Castilla dc Avid. It had two hundred houses and was located on the pres- ent site of San Juan opposite the mouth of the Chama River. North of Castilla de Avid were two more pueblos, Suchipila, with ninety houses, and Talaban with eighty houses. One of them was perhaps Picuries,61 which with Taos, belonged to the northern group of the Tiguas.
The explorers now left the Rio Grande and went to Taos, or Nueva Tlascala, as it was called. There can be no mistaking of this pueblo, for it was the largest in this region. According to both Gallegos and Bustamante it had about five hundred houses. Although the Indians of Taos told the Spaniards about larger Indian settlements ten days to the north (which were mythical), they decided to go no farther, but returned to Castilla de Avid. There they crossed the river and explored the Chamita Valley,92
58. "The Tewa group of pueblo tribes belong to the Tanoan linguistic family, and now occupy San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, Nambe, Tesuque, and Hano" (Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, II, 737).
59. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 82.
60. Ibid., 83 ; J. P. Harrington, "The Ethnogeograpby of the Tewa Indians," in Twenty-ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1907-1908, Map No. 28, p. 301 ; Hull, Castano de Sosa. 825.
61. See map in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 212. Mr. Bloom advises me that Picuries was probably too far back from the Rio Grande to be identified with Suchipila or Talaban, and that these two pueblos were more probably in the Rio Grande valley to the north of San Juan, where there are a number of archaeological sites.
62. See Harrington, The Ethno geography of the Tewa Indians, Maps 10 and 11.
282 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
where were discovered three pueblos. The first, Castilla Blanca, was located at the mouth of the valley, and on the north bank of the Chama River fronting Castilla de Avid. This pueblo, which had two hundred houses, can be identi- fied with Chamita or Yuque Yunque.03 Farther up the valley they discovered the pueblo of Buena Vista (two hundred houses), and La Barranca (seventy houses). There are several important archaeological sites up the Chama valley, one of which was excavated by Jeanc.on in 1919.
The explorers returned to the Rio Grande and marched south to the mouth of the Galisteo River. Having been told that the buffalo could be found about thirty leagues east of the river, they determined to go in search of them. Five leagues up the Galisteo Valley, called San Mateo, they found four pueblos: Malpartida (100 houses), Mala- gon (80 houses), Piedrahita (300 houses), and Galisteo (140 houses). That there existed in the sixteenth century a group of pueblos in the Galisteo basin, is supported by archaeological evidence6' and by the records of early ex- plorers such as Castafieda's account of the Coronado ex- pedition, and Castano de Sosa's Memoria. Castaneda said that in going from the pueblo of Pecos westward to the Rio Grande they found three pueblos. One was unnamed, and the other two were called, Ximena, and Los Silos.05 Castano de Sosa, after leaving the Queres, went to a dis-
cs. "At Yukiwingge was established in 1598, by Juan de Onate, the colonizer of New Mexico, the settlement of San Gabriel de los Espanoles" (Hodge and Lewis, Spanish Explorers in the Southern United States, 1528-1543. New York, 1907, 340). The Martinez Map (Bolton.Sjjants/i Exploration, 212) shows that Chama was on the north bank of the Chama River, whereas San Gabriel was on the south bank. This may show that Bandelier, Hodge and Lewis, Harrington, and others were in error in assigning the site of San Gabriel as that of Chamita. Mr. Lansing Bloom, however, is of the opinion that, since space on the Martinez map was so limited, tho cartographer, to show two places which were close together, placed San Gabriel incorrectly, to the south of the confluence. He states that no archaeological sites south of the confluence have ever been identified.
64. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 100-107 ; Harrington, The Ethnogeography of the Tcwa Indians, 480-488. For a description of the ruins, see N. C. Nelson, "Pueblo Ruins in the Galisteo Basin, New Mexico," in Anthropological Papers of the American Mu- seum of Natural History, New York, 1914, XV, 103.
65. Hodge and Lewis, Spanish Explorers, 356,
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 283
trict where there were four pueblos all in sight of one another. Three of these named San Marcos, San Lucas, and San Cristobal, have been identified with ruins around Galisteo.00 In 1630, Father Benavides reported that there were five Tano pueblos. These have been identified with the Galisteo group.67
With the above information, it now remains to identify the Galisteo pueblos discovered by Chamuscado. Since Piedrahita was on the border of the buffalo country, I therefore conclude this pueblo to be San Cristobal which was the easternmost pueblo of the Galisteo basin. Piedra- hita also was "built of stone/' whereas a distinguishing feature of the San Cristobal ruins is the rock enclosure,88 San Marcos, four miles northeast of Cerrillos,69 was the first pueblo mentioned by Castano when he entered this region, and can therefore be identified with Malpartida, which seems likewise to have been the first pueblo of the group discovered by the Chamuscado expedition. The next pueblo mentioned by Gallegos was Malagon, a small pue- blo, near Malpartida. San Lazaro, twelve miles southwest of Lamy, is a small pueblo ruin.70 and since it is near San Marcos, it is probable that San Lazaro and Malagon were the same. Galisteo remains to be identified, and since of the known historic sites, only one, Galisteo, remains un- assigned, obviously then Chamuscado's Galisteo should be located at this place. The fact that the names are the same gives weight to this conclusion.
On September 28, the explorers departed from the pueblo of Piedrahita for the buffalo country. They were
66. Hull, Castano de Sosa, 327 ; Bandelier, Final Report, II, 101 ; Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexican History, I, 296.
67. "In addition to the three historical pueblos of Galisteo, San Crist6bal, and
San Lorenzo, the other two pueblos were San Marcos and Cienega To sum
up the situation : ( 1 ) San Marcos, and perhaps the village of Cienega, as well, were pueblos founded after Coronado's visit, but some time before Castano's arrival; (2) the two Galisteo pueblos, San Lucas (Galisteo), and San Cristobal, had been re- habilitated since 1541" (Nelson, Galisteo Ruins, 26).
68. Gallegos, Relacion (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22) ; Bandelier, Final Report, II, 104.
69. Harrington, The Ethnology of the Tcwa Indians, 552.
70. Nelson, Galisteo Ruins, 98.
284 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
told that the herds were but two days away. In fact, the Indians said that at certain times of the year, the buffalo came within eight leagues of the pueblos.71 This led them to expect a short easy journey. They skirted the northern edge of the table-land between Galisteo and the Pecos River, but, since they were looking for a pass through the mountains, they remained in the plains country and did not cross the hills separating them from the Pecos Valley. Finally, on October 3, the fifth day out, they discovered the Pecos River near the present Anton Chico. They named the river "El Rio de Santo Domingo/' and it was described as being large and beautiful.
Four leagues down the Pecos they found a large rancheria of Indians, the first seen by them since leaving Piedrahita. These Indians, to the number of four hun- dred warriors, threatened the Spaniards, but Father Rod- riguez was able to assure them of his peaceful mission. The inhabitants of the rancheria were Querechos, a naked nomadic people, whose food consisted mostly of raw buf- falo meat. The explorers were interested in the Indians' clogs that were equipped with pack-saddles on which they carried loads of fifty to seventy-five pounds for three or four leagues a day. The buffalo, they told the Spaniards, were two days away, and were "as numerous as grass in the fields or sand in the rivers."72
Leaving the Pecos at their backs, they traveled in an easterly direction until, on October 10, 1581, they discov- ered great herds of buffalo. They had covered, since leav- ing Piedrahita,, about forty leagues, but since they had been marching in a circuitous way, it was hardly more than twenty leagues to the pueblos.73
The explorers killed a number of the buffalo, and so great was their skill with their firearms that their Querecho
71. Obregon, Cronica, and Gallegos, Relacion, in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
72. Ibid.
73. Bustamante, Declaration, 148 ; Gallegos, Relacion, and Obregon, Cronica, in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22. The "Valle de San Francisco," where Chamuscado found the buffalo, was formed by one of the upper sources of the Canadian River.
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 285
guide was filled with amazement. Laden with buffalo- meat, they returned to the Querecho rancheria. Then, by their old trail, they returned to the pueblo of Galisteo.
Since their supplies were near exhaustion they asked aid of the inhabitants of Piedrahita. They were inclined to refuse, but when the soldiers discharged their guns in the air, the Indians complied with alacrity. However, since they knew that the Spaniards were not supernatural be- ings, for they had heard about the death of Father Santa Maria, they secretly plotted against them. They began to put their evil designs into effect by killing some of the horses. This act so angered the soldiers that they deter- mined to punish the culprits so that others would be de- terred from any additional acts of violence. Although the Indians were said to number over a thousand, the soldiers attacked the pueblo of Malagon and captured three Indians. Chamuscado then pretended to condemn them to public decapitation. At the psychological moment the padres in- terfered and rescued the captives. This act won the friend- ship and confidence of all the natives.74
From Galisteo the explorers returned to the Rio Grande and then went to the Jemez Valley. Five leagues up the valley, called "Valle de Santiago," they discovered two pueblos: Puertofrio, which had three hundred houses, and Banos, with one hundred houses. These pueblos were probably located near the present Santa Ana and Cia,75 since these two were the only important pueblos in the lower Jemez Valley.78 It is impossible, however, to distinguish between these two pueblos, although I am inclined to be- lieve that Banos and Cia were the same.
While at Puaray the Spaniards heard that about thirty-five leagues to the west were many settlements and mines. To verify these reports they left the Rio Grande
74. Obregon, Cronica (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
75. Santa Ana is situated about five miles up the Jemez River on the north bank. Cia is eight miles northwest of Santa Ana and also on the north bank of the Jemez.
76. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 196.
286 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
pueblos and marched for two days in a westerly direction until they came to the pueblo of Acoma. It was described by Gallegos as having five hundred houses and occupying the best fortified position in Christendom. Bandelier's emphatic statement that "Chamuscado certainly went to Zuni but did not visit Acoma"77 is thus disproven. From Acoma they went to Zuni, and since it is known that they passed El Morro, or Inscription Rock, where Chamuscado and seven soldiers inscribed their names,78 we can be fairly certain that their trail from Acoma to Zuni passed by the famous Inscription Rock, to the headwaters of the Zuni River at Pescado. We have documentary evidence that such a trail existed as early as 1540.
In Zuni, located about seventy-five miles west of Acoma, Chamuscado discovered six pueblos. According to Gallegos they were named: Aquima, Maca, Aconagua, Allico, and Acana. They had seventy-five, one hundred, forty-five, sixty, one hundred eighteen, and forty houses, respectively. This is our first list of the villages of Cibola with their original names, notwithstanding Bandelier's assertion that Onate gave us the first list. Since Luxan also gives the native names for the pueblos, Onate was not the first but the third.79 Maca was the most northeasterly of the Zuni pueblos. It was located at the foot of the north- east corner of Thunder Mountain in the Zuni Valley. Allico was the most southwesterly pueblo of the group, for it was from this pueblo (Agrisco) that the Espejo party left to go to Moqui. This pueblo was also the first one (Aguicobi) discovered by Coronado who approached from the west, and it was mentioned as the largest. It was the largest Zuni pueblo seen by Chamuscado, having 118 houses. It was
77. Ibid., 331.
78. "In 1888 Mr. Gushing discovered the names on the rock" (Ibid.. 33).
79. Bandelier, Documentary History of the Zuni Tribes, III, 84-85 ; "In 1598 Onate named the pueblos, Aguicobi, Canabi, Coaqueria, Halonagu, Macaqui, and Aquinsa" (Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, II, 1017) ; "There are six pue- blos named Maleque, Cuaquema, Agrisco, Olona, Cuaguima, and Cana" (Luxan, Entrada, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22). See Fewkes, A Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, I, 95, for map of the Zuni Valley.
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 287
on the south side of the Zuni River, about fifteen miles southeast of Maca. The other pueblos were located be- tween Maca and Allico. Aconagua (the Halonagu of Onate) was but a short distance south of the present site of the pueblo of Zuni. Aquima (Pinana) was also a short dist- ance west-southwest of Aconagua. Coaguima (Kia-Kima) was situated at the foot of the southwest corner of Thunder Mountain. Here tradition says the negro Estevan was killed in 1539. One more pueblo, Acana (Canabi) remains to be accounted for. It was probably located two miles east of Allico on the Ojo Caliente.80
While at Zuni the explorers were told that at a two days' journey to the west was the Moqui settlement with five large pueblos. They were not able to visit Moqui be- cause of a heavy snowfall. The return to the Tigua pueblo of Puaray on the Rio Grande was made over the same trail which they had taken in going to Acoma and Zuni.
After the return from Zuni, another side trip was made east of the Rio Grande. On this occasion they ex- plored the saline country east of the Manzano Mountains. Which route they took in going from Puaray to the salines is not known, but it is presumed that they passed through the mountains by way of the San Pedro Valley. Near the salines, about fourteen leagues east of the mountains, they found several pueblos. Gallegos names five of these: Zacatula (125 houses), Ruiseco, (200 houses), La Mesa (90 houses), La Joyal (95 houses), and Francavilla, (65 houses). The salt lakes proper and the plains to the north of them as far as Galisteo, are today without vestiges of human occupation. But to the northwest near Chilili, on the west side of the creek by the same name, there is a pue- blo ruin which seems to be the most northerly of this group of pueblos. Between Chilili and Tajique, which is fifteen miles to the south, there are no ruins. Likewise, between
80. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 336-338 ; Documentary History of
the Zuili Tribes, III, 35-37 ; Luxan, Entrada, and Gallegos, Rclacion, in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
288 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Tajique and Manzanos, the country is barren of pueblo re- mains. Both at and around Manzano, however, there are many pueblo ruins one of the most important being Cuar-ay (quarai) six miles east of Manzano and on the southwest- ern edge of the salt lakes. I conclude, therefore, that the five pueblos named by Gallegos must have been the Tigua pueblos located between Chilili and Manzano.81 The ex- plorers heard about three other larger pueblos farther from the salines. These pueblos must have been Abo, Tenabo, and Tabira. They were not able to visit them be- cause of the snow, and for that reason returned by the same route to Puaray.82
It was now over six months since the explorers had left Santa Barbara. Notwithstanding their paucity of numbers, they had been eminently successful in exploring not only the entire pueblo region on the upper Rio Grande, but also as far west as Zuni and as far east as the Canadian River. A thorough reconnaisance having been made, it was felt that an immediate return should be made to render a report to the viceroy. The two friars, Rodriguez and Lopez, stated their intention of remaining among the In- dians. Realizing the great dangers the padres courted, the soldiers argued that it was not only dangerous for the reli- gious themselves to remain, but, in the event of their death, it would be doubly difficult for other missionaries to enter that land. Their arguments were without avail for the friars persisted in their intention to remain. Another af- fidavit similar to the one prepared by Gallegos after the departure of Father Santa Maria was drawn up by the scribe, setting forth their unsuccessful efforts to induce the friars to return to Mexico with them.83
Since he was not able to shake the friars from their
81. Escalante and Ban-ado, Brief and True Account, 157; Gallegos, Relacidn, (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22) ; Bandelier, Final Report, II, 253-260.
82. Ibid., 268; Gallegos, Relation (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
83. (Affidavit), Province of San Felipe, February 13, 1582 (A. G. I., 58-3-9). For a translation of this document, see J. L. Mecham, Supplementary Documents Relating to the Chamuscado- Rodriguez Expedition, 224-231.
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 289
purpose, Chamuscado did all in his power to make their stay as safe and comfortable as possible. The Indians were told that the soldiers were leaving to bring back more Christians, and the Indians were asked to care for the padres during their absence. The soldiers also left the friars most of their own supplies, and a few of the Indian servants who had accompanied them from Mexico. After promising to exercise all possible haste in returning to Mex- ico and in sending back help, they left Puaray on January 31, 1582.
The fate of the two Franciscans remained unknown to the soldiers until after their return to Mexico. About three months after their arrival in Santa Barbara there appeared at that place two of the Indian servants, Francisco and Geronimo, who had remained in New Mexico with the padres. Their story is the only authentic information we have regarding the martyrdom of Fathers Rodriguez and I Lopez. They said that shortly after the departure of the soldiers, the Indians of Puaray killed Father Lopez. Fran- cisco and Geronimo, being frightened, ran away, and while I they were running they heard outcries in the pueblo and from this they judged that the Indians had attacked Father Agustin.84
From Puaray Chamuscado and his eight soldier-com- panions returned to Santa Barbara by the same route over which they had entered the pueblo region. On the return trip they stopped now and then to prospect for minerals in the mountains near the Rio Grande. Throughout the I expedition they had always been on the lookout for "pros- i pects," thereby betraying their personal, material interest I in the expedition. Some of the more noteworthy "finds"
84. Barrado, Declaration, 151-3 ; Report of the Viceroy, 159. Obregon laconically states that the Indians killed the padres because they coveted the supplies the soldiers had left them. Zarate-Salmeron (Relacion de Nuevo Mexico. XI, 341), gives de- tails concerning the deaths of the padres ; he says, "Father Lopez was killed a little distance from the pueblo (Puaray) with two blows of a war-club. Father Rodriguez was taken to Santiago one and one-half leagues up the river, but was killed also, and his body cast in the river." Since Zarate-Salmeron's account is replete with error, we ftmst regard this story as hearsay.
290 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
were: (1) One in the San Mateo Mountains south of San Felipe; (2) one near the pueblo of Malpartida in the Cerri- llos district; (3) the mine of Santa Catalina, five leagues southwest of Malpartida in the Manzano Mountains. Esca- lante and Barrado testified that they discovered good min- eral prospects. Specimens were taken to Mexico City where they were assayed, and some were found to be worth thirty- six marks per quintal.86
Captain Chamuscado, because of the hardships of the journey and his advanced years, for he was near seventy years of age, became very ill when the explorers were below El Paso. He was bled with difficulty because all of the surgical instruments had been left with the missionaries.; Thereafter the soldiers had to proceed slowly to give their captain an opportunity to regain his strength. But he de- clined slowly, and since he was too weak to ride a horse, j a litter was made to be carried between two horses. Since even their axes had been left with the padres, they were compelled to use their swords to cut poles, and to obtain leather they were forced to kill a horse. Their desire to reach Santa Barbara where the last sacrament could be administered to the sick captain was not fulfilled, for, when they were about forty leagues away, Chamuscado died. They buried him as best they were able, and marked the spot in order that if ever opportunity afforded, his body might be removed to Santa Barbara. The Espejo party discovered the cross marking the grave two leagues below the junction of the San Pedro and Conchos Rivers.86! The eight soldiers, with Hernan Gallegos in command, ar- rived in Santa Barbara on April 15, 1582, after an absence of nearly eleven months.
The explorers were joyfully received by the vecinos ol Santa Barbara, for, because of their long absence, theja were thought to be lost. Although New Mexico had been explored by virtue of a viceregal commission, and there-S
85. Escalante and Barrado, Brief and True Account, 157 ; Gallegos to the Kinw March 14, (A. G. I., 66-5-16).
86. Luxan, Entrada (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22).
THE SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION 291
fore was regarded as being under the direct jurisdiction of the viceroy, the alcalde of Santa Barbara pretended to claim the new lands for Diego de Ibarra, the governor of Nueva Vizcaya. He ordered Hernan Gallegos to surrender all of his papers, and, seeing that resistance was useless, Gallegos agreed to do so the following day. Early in the morning, however, he left Santa Barbara secretly, with his papers and two companions. The other soldiers remained in Santa Barbara, "to prevent any person from entering the newly-discovered region untirthe viceroy had acted on the matter."87 They arrived in Mexico City on May 8, 1582. There they saw the viceroy and gave complete reports of the expedition. They also exhibited such specimens of the new lands as cotton-cloth, buffalo-hides, minerals, wicker baskets, and earthenware. Hernan Gallegos return- ed to Spain soon after, and, in Madrid, on March 30, 1583, he petitioned the crown for a capitulation "similar to that granted Francisco de Ibarra" to undertake the conquest of New Mexico. Of course his petition was not granted, but nevertheless we must add the name of Hernan Gallegos to the list of applicants for the grant to conquer New Mex- ico.88
"Only nine men dared to enter that land and accom- plished what five hundred men were unable to do," wrote Gallegos. Although it is certain that the immediate achieve- ments of Chamuscado did not equal those of Coronado, nevertheless it is true that the smaller expedition was at- tended by far greater consequences. Coronado's enter- prise resulted in vague, hazy rumors of an almost forgotten land; Chamuscado's entrada was the immediate occasion of Espejo's expedition, which in turn culminated in Onate's colonization of New Mexico. In the Chamuscado expedi- tion of 1581-1582, we witness the first steps in the found- ing of Spanish New Mexico.
87. Gallegos, Relation (A. G. I., 1-1-3/22)
88. Hernan Gallegos to the King, Madrid, March 30, 1583 (A. G. I.. 66-5-16). For a list of the applicants, see G. P. Hammond, "Don Juan de Onate and the Found- ing of New Mexico" in New Mexico Historical Review, I, 51-53.
292 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO
(continued) Chapter V.
The Final Inspection
The Religious Motive of the Expedition. On the com- pletion of the inspection conducted by Ulloa and Esquivel early in 1597, satisfactory though it was, the soldiers in the army could do nothing save wait for good news from the king. And though a favorable decision was soon made the summer of 1597 waned before the report could be carried to the frontier of Nueva Vizcaya.
In the meantime it is necessary to follow another and very important phase of the conquest of New Mexico, the story of the missionaries. The religious object of conquer- ing expeditions was always a leading motive in their or- ganization.288 The Spanish monarchs were not only inter- ested in reaping a great harvest of gold and silver ; they also wanted to save souls. Thus friars invariably accompanied the military tours to preach the gospel and to baptize the willing natives. Onate's expedition was no exception. Prac- tically every appeal which he or his friends made to the king pretended that the proposed conquest was undertaken solely for the conversion of the natives.270 When Onate re- ceived the news of the order of suspension he bemoaned the success of the devil to prevent and delay that which was to have been done by this expedition for a multitude of souls — who are under his dominion but who are longing
269. See Merriman, R. B. Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and the New, III, 621-2, 631 and 652, regarding missionary activity and the search for riches.
270. Onate to the king, December 16, 1596 A. G. I., 58--3-15 ; Oiiate's petition and contract, September 21, 1595, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 227 ; order of the king, March 4. 1596, A. G. I., 58-3-12.
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for the bread of the divine gospel — by bringing them to the knowledge of our sacred faith."1
The reason for placing so much emphasis on this point was that expeditions for the discovery and conquest of new regions could only be carried out under the guise of religi- ous conquests. The New Laws of 1542-1543, better known for the attempt to check the encomienda system, prohibited the former marauding campaigns which had wiped out thousands of Indians, thereby arousing eternal hostility in the hearts of the survivors against the Spaniards. These laws attempted to regulate some of the worst features of the Spanish colonial system, and though they were not immediately successful it was a step forward. The crown definitely laid down the policy that our chief intention and will has always been and is the preservation and increase of the Indians, and that they be instructed and taught in the matters of our holy Catholic faith, and be well treated as free persons and our vassals, as they are.272
The Council of the Indies was charged with the duty of continually guarding the welfare of the natives. One or two missionaries must accompany every expedition to care for their spiritual welfare. No excesses would be tolerated either by governors or by private persons. Moreover dis- coverers could not bring away Indians from their province except three or four interpreters. The penalty for violation of the law was death.273
Additional regulations of a like nature were provided in 1573, but with particular reference to new discoveries. The religious purpose of new pacifications, for the word "conquests" should not be used, was again stressed and the missionaries were to be given preference in pacifying new lands, if there were any priests who desired to go.874
The First Band of Franciscans. The redemption of
271. Onate to Monterey, September 13, 1596, in Hackett, Hist. Docs.. 358; cf. Santiago del Riego to the king, November 10, 1596, in ibid., 373.
272. Stevens, Henry and Lucas, Fred W., The New Laws of the Indies, VII. 278. Ibid., XVIII.
274. "Ordenances de su Magestad, . . . 1573," in Col. Doe. Intd., XVI, 151-152,
20
294 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
souls was thus a prominent end to be achieved by the con- quest undertaken by Onate. Consequently as soon as the early controversy over the limitation of the contract had been settled he asked Father Pila, Franciscan commissary- general of New Spain, for missionaries. The latter respon- ded by naming Fray Rodrigo Duran apostolic-commissary of the band, which was to consist of five friars and one lay brother, according to Onate's contract. In the group were Fray Baltasar, Fray Cristobal de Salazar, Onate's cousin, characterized as "eminent in letters," Fray Diego Marquez, the representative of the Inquisition, called "the good" by Villagra,275 and Fray Francisco de San Miguel.278 They were on the point of leaving Mexico for Zacatecas on May 11, 1596,277 while preparations for an early departure for New Mexico were rapidly being concluded by the army.
Dispute over Jurisdiction. The appointment of these Franciscans was the occasion for a dispute between the church and the regular clergy in regard to jurisdiction over New Mexico.278 The bishop of Guadalajara in this case in- sisted that the province was within the confines of his bishopric and that he could exclude all friars pretending to administer -the sacraments. Monterey feared that some serious scandal might result if both parties, independent of one another, were allowed to send laborers into the new field. The old rivalry of the secular forces would break out and the salvation of souls be forgotten. For that rea- son he submitted the question to theologians and to the audiencia for their opinion.279 There is nothing to indicate that the bishop's demands were granted. It is likely that he became less enthusiastic when the region failed to bring forth the wealth in minerals which had been expected. For
275. Villagra, Hiftoria, I. 34; cf. Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, I, 671.
276. Monterey a S. M., May 1, 1598, A. G. I., 58- 3- 13.
277. Carta del Conde de Monterey d S. M., May 11, 1596, A. G. I., 58-8-15. '
278. The jealousy of the church and the orders was very bitter in the Indies. Tithes, tribute and the right of administering the sacraments being the chief causes of conflict. See Bancroft, Mexico, II, 663-674.
279. Carta del Conde de Monterey d S. M.f May 11, 1596.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 295
many years New Mexico was to remain a missionary field of the Franciscan Order.280
Recall of Fray Mdrquez. In regard to the good Fray Marquez some further trouble arose. Monterey was very much displeased that he had been named the agent of the Inquisition, which had been done without his knowledge. In the first place Marquez had been born in New Spain and was an intimate friend of Onate, and in the second place Monterey questioned the right of- the Inquisition to extend its authority over the province/51 He therefore warned the Holy Office that its claim could probably not be main- tained, at least not without a special order. The two ob- jections were effectively argued with the result that the Inquisition agreed to permit his recall and to refrain from naming another in his place. There were of course, but comparatively few Spaniards in Onate's army, and as the activity of the tribunal could not be extended to the Indians it was evident that there would be little need for Marquez's presence.282 Monterey explained the situation to the com- missary-general, who required Marquez to return to Mex- ico. He took leave of the army in 1598. Onate was loath to see him go, and in view of the close relations between them his feelings can readily be appreciated.2*3
Father Durdn Withdraws. It was while these events were in the initial stage that Onate received the royal ce- dula suspending his enterprise, in which state it was to re- main a whole year without any sign of relief. Fray Duran became thoroughly discouraged and determined to return to Mexico. The disappointed governor begged him to re- main but his requests were of no avail. The friar departed with some of his companions, leaving Father San Miguel
280. Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, 177-178 ; see the famous Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630, translated by Mrs. Edward E. Ayer and annotated by F. W. Hodge and C. F. Lummis.
281. Carta del Conde de Monterey a S. M., May 11, 1596. The Inquisition had been established in New Spain in 1571. Priestley, The Mexican Nation, 112 ; Ban- croft, Mexico, II, 675 ff.
282. Monterey a S. M., May 1, 1598; cf. Villaera, Historia, I, 44.
283. For the departure of Marquez see below.
296 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
in his place.284 Not all of the missionaries left, however. Father Salazar, Onate's cousin, did not leave, nor did Marquez, not till he was compelled to somewhat later.
The Friars Seek Additional Favors. There has come down to us an interesting memorial dealing with the pro- posed conversion of New Mexico. It was probably com- posed by the Franciscan friars while they were preparing to go to New Mexico. The petition was sent to the com- missary-general of the order who approved practically all of its provisions, whereupon it was directed to the viceroy in the hope of securing official sanction. As the king was to pay the expense of the missionaries royal consent was necessary before any increase of missionary force, as asked in the petition, could be made.285
The memorial sought to delimit the activities of the religious and temporal authorities. It is obvious that in such a frontier community there would be many oppor- tunities for conflict between the soldiers, bent on wealth and glory, and the friars, ambitious to augment the king- dom of God, and the purpose of the memorial was the elim- ination of the former.
The petitioners requested the viceroy to increase the number of missionaries going to New Mexico from six to twelve; to prohibit the governor and royal officials from interfering with the establishment of churches or schools wherever the friars might desire to locate them ; to have the governor assemble the Indians in towns that they might be more easily reached by the fathers ; to permit trips into the interior by the padres without military escort. This last request was frowned upon by the commissary-general, for some of the friars might go on such missions merely to court martyrdom. The memorial further sought to reserve to the religious freedom of communication with the viceroy
284. Monterey d S. M., May 1, 1598; cf. VillaEra, Hisloria, I, 44.
285. Memorial para el yllustrisimo senor vissorrey en lo perteneciente a la doctrina y ministros del Nuebo Mexico, undated, A. G. I., 58-3-15. It was sent to Spain by Martin Lopez de Gauna, the secretario de gobernacion.
286. This point had also been emphasized in Onate's instructions.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 297
and their superiors; to guarantee the natives freedom from serving the Spaniards in order not to incite their hostility;280 to insure the governor's leniency in making a census of the province which was to be used in apportion- ing tribute ; to secure as interpreter, an Indian woman who had been brought from New Mexico, and some orphan boys in New Spain who would be taught the language of the natives of New Mexico ; and to safeguard the new land from devastation by pardoning LeyVa and Humana of their mis- deed in entering the land without authority. It was evi- dently in response to this appeal that Father Martinez early in 1598 was able to lead nine other padres to New Mexico.287
The Army Leaves Casco. It is now necessary to re- turn to the thread of the story. We left Onate and his fol- lowers encamped at the Casco mines, where most of them had been stationed since November 1, 1596. By February, 1597, the inspection had been satisfactorily completed, but the army was not permitted to march. On August 1 of the same year it was set in motion, evidently to bring the Casco division to Santa Barbara. This occurred on August 19, and here at the farthest outpost of civilization camp was pitched to await the final inspection. 28S
The Royal Cedula of April 2, 1597. Meantime the Count of Monterey received the royal cedula of April 2, 1597 with the fleet."stt The decree was found to release Ofiate from the ban of suspension and authorized him to continue the expedition, provided the men and supplies re- quired by the contract were still held in readiness.290 When the viceroy forwarded this order to Onate he urged him to declare frankly that the expedition was hopelessly ruined,
287. See chapter VI, note 346. The interpreter mentioned was Dona Ynes who had been brought from New Mexico by Castano in 1591. She never learned her native tongue again. See "Ytinerario," in Col. Doc. In6d., XVI, 258.
288. "Ytinerario," in ibid., XVI, 231.
289. Ordinarily it arrived in August or September. In 1591 it came September 23-29; in 1595 on September 18.
290. Royal cedula, April 2, 1597, in Hackett Hist, Docs., 845.
298 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
if such should be the case, in order that the conquest should not be put off any longer. Delay, he argued, would merely increase his loss and cause his friends and relatives greater suffering. But Ofiate replied with great confidence that he was able to carry out the expedition at once. Monterey Was so impressed with the "extreme earnestness" of this letter that he determined to send an officer at once to in- spect the army.'81
Salazar Sent to Inspect the Army. On September 18, 1597, Monterey commissioned Juan de Frias Salazar to perform the required inspection.292 Salazar was a native of the Burgos mountains and an inhabitant and miner of Pachuca. According to Monterey his choice was generally considered excellent. Salazar was rich, well up in years and possessed the character and intelligence required for the task. He was experienced in military affairs, having served in Flanders for several years. Moreover he was said to be entirely reliable and free from any personal or political ties which might hinder him in performing his duty thoroughly and conscientiously.
Nearly a year had passed since Ulloa's inspection and it was therefore probable that many of Onate's soldiers and his stock of provisions would have dwindled consider- ably. This led Monterey to demand a thorough inspection in order that there might be no question as to his right to carry on the conquest of New Mexico.290 Salazar was given absolute power to carry it out. Onate and all his captains and soldiers were ordered to render obedience to him. In
291. Monterey to the king, November 26, 1597, A. G. I., 58-3-12; cf. order of Monterey, September 18, 1597, in Traslado authorizado en virtud de poder que para cllo el senor virrey Condc de Monterey para enviar a S. M., y d su Real Consejo de las indias acerca de la visita de la Jornada del Nuevo Mexico que hizo en comisidn don Juan de Frias Salazar, A. G. I., 58-3-14. Hereafter cited as Salazar visita.
292. Order of Monterey, September 18, 1597, in ibitl., cf. "Memorial sobre el deccubrimiento," in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 197.
293. Monterey to the king, November 26, 1597, A. G. I., 58-3-12. Captain Luis Guerrero was named Salazar's assistant and Jaime Fernandez was made notary. Salazar received a salary of three hundred pesos per month, Guerrero four pesos per day, Fernandez three, the constable two and one-half and the interpreter two. The cost was to be met by the real hacienda as expenses of war. Order of Monterey, September 18. 1597, in Salazar visita.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 299
case of any disturbance the inspector was to mete out justice strictly. Salazar was thus serving in a dual capa- city, both as visiiador and juez superior™
The instructions which Salazar carried for the per- formance of this inspection are known only in part. We know that he was required to take minute account of all the things Onate had agreed to bring, as stated in his con- tract, and also of all other things taken along. If it was shown that Onate had fully complied with his obligations he was to proceed with God's blessing. But if there were deficiencies it was left to Salazar to determine what should be done. A lack of as much as one-eight part of the required amount might be excused, but that was the maximum. If any such insufficiency existed security had to be given so that the supplies could be forwarded to New Mexico.295
Salazar's Arrival at Santa Barbara. When Salazar reached Zacatecas about the middle of October, 1597, some of Onate's colonists were still there. These he ordered to leave within three days, directing them to go by way of Fresnillo, eight leagues distant, where he would join them in order to make regulations for the march.2"5 By Novem- ber 16 he had reached Santa Barbara,297 where his arrival was the occasion for a great demonstration. The gover- nor and his officers appeared in full military regalia and fired a salute to honor their official guest. When Onate and Salazar met they embraced, further military ceremo- nies were staged and all marched to the camp where a
294. Ibid.
295. Copia de un capitulo de la comunicacion que llevd Juan de Friaa Salazar Quando fue a visitar el campo de Don Juan de Onate antes de entrar en el Nuevo Mexico. A. G. I., 58-3-13 undated.
296. Order of Salazar, undated, in Salazar visita. Since it required about three weeks to go from Mexico to Zacatecas and approximately an equal length of time to Santa Barbara the order was probably given about the middle of October.
297. Salazar to Onate, November 16, 1597, in ibid. This notification is the first indication we have of his arrival at Santa Barbara.
298. Villagra, Historia, I, 46. Villagra vividly depicts these scenes and the change in the esprit de corps of the army. In their joy, he states, the soldiers strutted about like peacocks.
300 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
second salute was given. The inspector's arrival had a re- markable effect on the army. Hope in the future was high.298
The enthusiasm exhibited in this ostentatious manner soon turned to bitterness. Immediately after his arrival, for instance, Salazar advised Onate that faithful obedience to all instructions would be necessary if the outcome of the inspection was expected to be successful. Then he ordered that the entire camp be put in immediate marching order ."" This was on November 16. At the same time he required Onate to furnish a list of all the officers and men in the army and ordered every member of the expedition to ap- pear personally before him.300 Onate received this order with disappointment. The ruin of the enterprise seemed imminent, according to Villagra, for many days would be needed to prepare and load the carts and wagons.801 Never- theless immediate compliance with the order was promised, though it was accompanied by a mild remonstrance, since the army was comfortably established and prepared to un- dergo the visitation in that locality.308
Salazar soon made provision for protecting the in- habitants in the neighborhood of the camp. Captain Juan de Gordejuela, the alcalde of the province, was authorized to protect them and to redress all wrongs whether inflicted on Spaniards or Indians by soldiers or colonists from the army. Members of the expedition were prohibited from taking anything which did not belong to them. For the first offense the guilty one must pay for the stolen goods at the rate of four times its value and receive six lashes. A second offense would necessitate more rigorous punish- ment. The order was publicly proclaimed.303
The Army Forced to Leave Santa Barbara. Six days had now passed since the inspector first required Onate to
299. Ibid.
300. Aviso. November 16, 1597, in Salazar viaita.
301. Villagra, Historia, I, 46.
802. Aviso, November 17, 1597, in Salazar viaita.
808. Orders of Salazar, November 21, 1597, in ibid.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 301
have the army in marching order and it was still at Santa Barbara. A second notice was given and a warning sounded. Again the governor promised to comply, but a louder pro- test was made. All his supplies were stored in Santa Bar- bara warehouses and he contended that the inspection ought to be held there. In spite of this situation he claimed to be exercising all the diligence and haste possible. On the same day Salazar forbade anyone, either within or without the army, to loan Ofiate anything in order to help him pass the inspection. If this had been done immediate notification had to be made thereof.304
Notwithstanding the above orders the army remained in camp, and as a result a third notice came.805 The gover- nor was now ordered to break camp and to set out toward the frontier, continuing till a suitable place for holding the visita should be found. Salazar maintained that it could not be done satisfactorily at Santa Barbara. On December 5 there came a fourth order of like tenor, which also re- quested him to account for his failure to obey. Onate was warned that this delay was at his own risk.308 This elicited a vigorous response from the aggrieved governor. Great injury was being done him, he insisted. According to his contract the inspection should be held at Santa Barbara where the army was then stationed, as that was the last settlement. Nevertheless neither he nor any of his men had been inactive. Their preparations were so far along that the march could be undertaken within a week..307
Though Onate was so very indignant because Salazar would not hold the inspection at Santa Barbara it is clear that the latter's orders were not all unfavorable to him. Thus he prohibited the soldiers from scattering while on the march. No one might turn back. The damage already inflicted on the country was bad enough, and returning
804. See reports under date of November 23, 1597. in ibid.
805. Tercero apercibimiento, November 30, 1597, in ibid.
806. Quarto apercibimiento, December 5, 1597, in ibid.
807. Notification, December 5, 1597. in ibid.
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bands of soldiers would probably be in more desperate cir- cumstances and cause further trouble. This order was occasioned by the departure of some soldiers on December 4. Onate was notified that if these deserters did not return as ordered the matter would be placed in the viceroy's hands.80" In his reply the governor agreed to cooperate with Salazar. He promised that the army should march with- out being divided. He expressed pleasure that no one would be allowed to depart, for that was exactly what he desired. Regarding the soldiers who had left the day previous he could only say that they had gone without permission to round up some cattle. Such was the story told in Santa Barbara. In compliance with Salazar's order he forbade them to take part in the enterprise.808
Final Arrangements for the Inspection. Plans for the inspection were meanwhile being formulated and en- forced by stern discipline. By one order every member of the expedition had been required to declare personally what he was bringing, whether it was provisions or munitions, horses or cattle, or anything else. This order had been is- sued November 16.810 Now it was decreed that this had to be done within four days or the goods would be subject. to confiscation..811 The order was generally observed, though a few stragglers appeared later in December. Those at Todos Santos gave their declarations between January 4 and 6, 1598. Salazar wanted to secure a record of what each man possessed in order to distinguish their goods from what Onate was bringing.812 A short time later it was de- creed that no one might leave for New Mexico without the inspector's approval under penalty of death ; nor could any live stock be taken along unless first seen by the inspect- ing officers.813
308. Auto. December 6, 1597. in ibid.
309. Notificacion. December 5. 1597, in ibid.
310. See above.
311. Hondo, December 5, 1597, in Salazar visita. 112. Manifestacidn. in ibid.
SIS. Bando. December 9, 1597, in ibid.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 303
After oft repeated orders Onate finally set the army in motion on December 18, 1597.314 The next two days were spent rounding up the cattle and crossing the San Barto- lome river. Two and one-half leagues farther on a halt was ordered at the San Geronimo river where the inspec- tion was ordered to be held.315 This aroused Villagra's ire, for it was a barren spot. Some relief was afforded, how- ever, when a few small springs furnishing an ample water supply were found near by. The faithful poet ascribed this discovery to the mercy of God.819
Without further delay Salazar made the final arrange- ments for the inspection. Two experienced stockmen were named to assist in inspecting the animals.817 Then notice was served that the inspection would actually begin on December 22 at the San Geronimo river, one league from the mines of Todos Santos.318 The governor was required to take oath that all the things in his possession were his own and that nothing had been furnished him secretly. This he did in the inspector's presence.819
In the neighborhood of Santa Barbara lived several men who possessed large holdings and great herds of cat- tle. Salazar feared that Onate might have made corrupt arrangements with them to help him pass the inspection. He required these men, Bartolome Delgado, Pedro Sanchez de Chaves and Pedro Sanchez de Fuensalida, to give sworn statement of the cattle they had given, sold or loaned him. Only Pedro Sanchez de Chaves had aided Onate, having sold him several hundred head of stock. As it was a legitimate sale no objections were made.320
814. Fee, December 19, 1597. in ibid. The "Ytinerario" gives the date when the •tart was made as the 17. Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 231.
815. This was December 20, ibid.
316. Villagrd, Hiatoria, I, 46.
317. They were Bartolome Delgado of Nombre de Dios and Juan Sanchez de Ulloa of Todos Santos. Auto, December 20, 1597, in Salazar visita.
318. Auto, December 21, 1597, in ibid.
319. Auto, and Onate's reply, December 22, 1597, in ibid. At the same time Onate chose the contador Alonso Sanchez to represent him during the viaita.
820. Order of Salazar and reply, December 21, 1597, in ibid. Pedro de la Cruz also appears as one of the prominent inhabitants of this locality.
304 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Before actually beginning the inspection Salazar or- dered that no one would be allowed to leave the camp or the quartel de armas for any reason whatsoever, except by his express order.321 This proclamation filled the army with dismay. It caused the soldiers who were guarding the stock to come into camp, for instance, leaving the latter to stray and to cause further confusion.322 But the visita was begun on December 22 as had been decreed.
While the inspection was under way it became evident to Salazar that injuries were being done the ranchers of the neighborhood by the soldiers. Perhaps the stringent measures adopted fostered a spirit of rebellion. At any rate cattle were disappearing from the vicinity without any more reasonable explanation than that they were stolen and slaughtered by the soldiers. So it was ordered that cattle should not be killed outside of the quartel, and that slaughtering should occur on only one day during the week, Onate being privileged to designate the day. Both he and Salazar then chose a representative who were to inspect the cattle on the stated day. They had to note the brand and report to the inspector.823
The Outcome of the Inspection. From December 22, 1597, to January 8, the inspection was in progress. Salazar gave it his personal attention, for it was not to be a mere formality, according to the viceroy's instructions. The inspector obeyed literally, if the poet is to be trusted. The cattle were first listed, one kind at the time. It was never known till the day previous what particular kind would be inspected in the morning. This compelled the men to go out at night to round up the scattered animals. If more should later be found Salazar refused to enter it in his re- cord.824 Onate did fall short of his obligations in some res- pects, but whether Villagra's excuses are the right ones is
821. Order of Salazar, December 21, 1597, in ibid; Villagra, Hiatoria, I, 47.
822. Ibid.
323. Order of Salazar, January 4, in Salazar visita.
824. Villagra, Hiatoria, I, 47.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 305
another story. It is obvious that Salazar had his own dif- ficulties in carrying out his task. A brief table will illus- trate Onate's chief deficits.
Name Required Deficit
goats 1000 head 284 head
sheep for wool 3000 head 483 head
sheep for mutton 1000 head 617 head
quicksilver 150 head 54 head
powder 150 head " 49 head
leads825 500 pesos 125 pesos
frieze & sackcloth 500 pesos 500 pesos
gifts to Indians 600 pesos 37 pesos
medicine 500 pesos 375 pesos
iron for tools 500 pesos 144 pesos
jerked beef 500 pesos 331 pesos
wheat 100 quintals 22 quintals
mares 30 quintals 4 quintals
colts 10 quintals 5 quintals
There was, on the other hand, a surplus in some di- visions, notably in the footgear, flour and iron tools. Onate also brought some things not stipulated in the contract.828 These surplus materials were substituted for some of the less important deficiencies.327 Nevertheless the final count showed that he was short over two thousand three hundred pesos.328
When the inspection of the cattle, supplies and provi- sions was completed the final review was ordered to be held at the mines of Todos Santos on January 8, 1598. Indians, mulattos or mestizos were barred from the review unless they made declaration of their status. If anyone proposed to enlist with the intention of remaining behind after hav-
325. Onate offered twenty quintals of greda as a substitute for the lead. How- ever when Salazar passed San Geronimo on the way to Mexico city he found two Indians with a cart and oxen digging up the said greda. They said that Onate had sold it to Pedro de la Cruz, one of the residents of that region. Reports of Salazar and Negrete, February 6, 1598, in Salazar visita.
326. Visita, in ibid.
327. Monterey a S. M., May 4, 1598, A. G. I. 58-3-13.
328. "Memorial sobre el descubrimiento" in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 197.
806 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ing helped the governor through the muster Salazar threat- ened the death penalty. They were given a free chance to leave, as were those who might have been persuaded to join the army.838
On the eve of the review Salazar had learned that a number of soldiers were dependent on Onate for their equipment and he requested him to declare the truth under oath. He named twenty-two men and desired to know what each was to receive. From this statement can be in- ferred how great a struggle Onate was putting forth to ful- fill the terms of the contract. Only in this way could he get soldiers to remain through the long delays. In his re- ply only twenty men were named as dependent upon him and he specified what each was to receive. With slight ex- ceptions this included two horses, helmet, visor, coat of mail, cuishes, harquebus and horse armor.380 It is signifi- cant to note, however, that of the twenty only eleven ap- peared in the final review. What had become of the others ? Villagra says that many took advantage of Salazar's offer permitting the return of those who wanted to do so.881 Evi- dently the faint-hearted took advantage of that opportunity and deserted the friends who had striven so hard to keep the expedition at its full number.
The review at Todos Santos was held as ordered, the performance taking place within the church. It was con- ducted in the following manner. As each appeared his name was recorded, together with his birthplace and his father's name. His personal appearance was briefly de- scribed, and he had to present the arms with which he was provided. When the task was completed at the end of the day one hundred and twenty-nine had appeared before the inspector, seventy-one less than the required number.38*
829. Orders of Salazar, January 7, 1698, in Salazar visita.
830. Auto, and Onate's reply, January 7, 1598, in ibid.
881. Villa&ra, Historic, I, 47-48.
882. Muestra y lista de la gente, January 8, 1598, in Salazar visita; Monterey d S. M., May 4, 1598, A. G. I., 58-3-13. The "Memorial" says there were one hun- dred and thirty men. Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 198. Besides these Onate had other
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 307
With that the inspection was over except in so far as Onate's personal equipment was concerned. It was listed the next day and found to contain more than had been agreed upon.833
As Salazar's instructions had authorized the continu- ance of the expedition provided bond was given for mak- ing good any deficiencies which might appear, Ofiate was forced to avail himself of that opportunity. Again he sought aid from his cousin Juan Guerra, the wealthy miner of Avino. The appeal was promptly answered. Juan Guerra and his wife, Dona Ana de Zaldivar y Mendoza, bonded themselves to pay for whatever deficits the inspection had revealed. The guarantee was drawn up at Avino January 21, 1598. Presenting the inspector with this security Onate requested permission to proceed. This was not given, how- ever, till he had certified that this should cover the expenses of eighty soldiers, of everything that would be required for their journey to New Mexico, of all damages that might be committed on the march and of the cost of an inspection of such reinforcements.834 With this new indebtedness on his hands Onate at last directed his force toward New Mex- ico.
soldiers, but they did not dare to enlist. They had evidently committed offenses and incurred Salazar's displeasure. Monterey d S. Af., May 4, 1598.
333. Para la persona, January 9, 1698, in Salazar visita.
334. Escritura otorgado en favor de la real hacienda por Don Juan de Onat*, January 27, 1598, A. G. I., 68-3-12 ; Monterey d S. M., May 4, 1598.
308 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Chapter VI.
The Establishment of the Colony
The Army Leaves Santa Barbara. With the ordeal of the Salazar inspection over the final preparations for the march to the north began. These were soon completed, and on January 26, 1598, the expedition began moving out of San Geronimo,385 where it had been stationed since Decem- ber 20, 1597.
When the Conchos river was reached on January 30 a week's halt was made in order to review the army and formally finish the inspection. Spanish travellers in Amer- ica never encamped on the near side of a river, but always made haste to cross and camp on the farther shore.88" The scene that now took place when Onate's army reached the Conchos is vividly portrayed by Villagra. One hundred and twenty-nine soldiers, eighty-three wagons and seven thousand head of stock had to cross the river.337 No one dared tempt the rushing stream. Seeing the fainthearted soldiers lag Onate mounted a charger and made a stirring challenge to his men. Then he spurred his horse into the river and soon gained the opposite bank. Returning to the army he took the lead in goading the stock across the stream.338
One incident in this scene called forth a novel plan.
335. "Ytinerario," January 26, 1598, in Col. Doc. In6d., XVI, 232. The "Ytinerario" will hereafter be cited by date entry only.
336. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 124.
337. "Ytinerario," April 1-2, 1598; Villagra, Historia, I, 35,49. When the Ulloa inspection took place only forty three carts were listed, nineteen of which belonged to various captains and soldiers. In the Salazar inspection only the twenty four carts Onate possessed were noted. On the other hand the "Ytinerario" states speci- fically that eighty-three wagons were taken to New Mexico, twenty-one being de- serted by the wayside as they were emptied of provisions. See below. The latter figure is undoubtedly correct as the personal possessions of the soldiers were not all listed.
338. Villagra, Historia, I, 50-51.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 309
When the sheep were driven into the water, many sank as the wool became water soaked. To remedy this tragic situ- ation the governor ordered his astonished followers to con- struct a bridge. It was a primitive pontoon structure. Two dozen cart wheels were placed in the stream some distance apart and secured by ropes. Trees were felled, stripped of branches and placed on top of the wheels. A layer of brush and sticks was added, then a covering of earth, and the bridge was completed. The sheep crossed dry-shod, and the structure was quickly destroyed as night settled on the scene.339
Departure of the Visitor. The following morning the people assembled to witness the departure of the visitor.840 All expected an encouraging message of farewell while the governor hoped to receive authority to continue the expedi- tion. He was deeply disappointed. After mass had been said Salazar informed him that he might proceed with the conquest, and without further ado turned his eyes toward Mexico city.341
The reason for the inspector's action is clear. Onate had not been able to meet his obligations, and Salazar re- fused to declare the contract fulfilled without consulting the viceroy. The permission to enter New Mexico was thus really conditional, as Monterey informed the king. If Onate did not prove satisfactory it would still be possible to take different action.842
With the visitor out of the way the expedition was soon ready for the march. On February 7, 1598, the camp at the Conchos river was deserted. But instead of following the course of that stream to the Rio Grande as previous expeditions had done, Onate struck out directly toward the
339. Villagra, Historia, I. 52.
340. This was perhaps February 2. Salazar's last order from the Conchos was made at that time when he ordered the death penalty for anyone turning back. Order of Salazar, in Salazar visita.
341. Villagra, Historia, 53.
342. Monterey d S. M., May 4, 1598, A. G. I., 58-3-13.
21
310 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
north, opening a new trail to the river.843 In the first three days march the colonists went eleven leagues to the San Pedro river. Here a month was spent awaiting the arrival of a new body of Franciscans.8"
It is of interest to note that about this time Fray Diego Marquez, whom Villagra calls the only confessor in the army, returned to Mexico. The governor implored him to remain, all to no avail. As he remained obdurate Onate ordered a guard to accompany him, Captain Farf an in com- mand. It departed as the army approached the San Pedro river on February 10.045 In less than a month, March 3, Farfan returned escorting the Franciscans on the final stretch of their journey to join the expedition. Fray Alonso Martinez was the new commissary of the group. Their arrival was celebrated with ceremonies befitting the oc- casion.5"6
Zaldivar Explores the Road. Meanwhile on February 14, the governor sent out a party of seventeen men, led by the sargento mayor Vicente de Zaldivar, to find a wagon road to the Rio del Norte.847 Many difficulties were en- countered by this force. Their guides proved a sorry lot. Water was hard to find, at one time three days being spent without any. Provisions, also, were running low. Then Zaldivar sent a part of his force back to the camp, giving them strict orders not to utter a word regarding the hunger and thirst they had experienced.848 With his remaining
343. See below.
344. "Ytinerario," February 10, 1598.
345. Villagra, Historia, I, 55-56. Bancroft leaves the impression that Fray Marquez left the expedition at the same time as the visitor, which took place about February 2, 1598. Arizona and New Mexico, 124.
346. "Ytinerario," February 10, 1598; the Franciscans were: Alonso Martinez, Francisco dc Zamora, Juan de Rosas, Francisco de San Miguel, Juan Claros, Alonso de Lugo, Crist6bal de Salazar, Andres Corchado, and two lay brothers, Pedro de Vergara and Juan de San Buenaventura. Three brothers are also named, Martin, Francisco and Juan de Dios.
347. "Ytinerario," February 10, 1598. Onate says that Zaldivar had sixteen men. Onate to the king, Rio de las Conchos, March 15, 1598, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 897.
348. On the contrary they were to dissimulate by announcing good news. Villagra, Historia, I, 56-58.
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companions the sargento mayor reached the Rio del Norte on February 28, after innumerable hardships. From the Conchos to the Rio Grande they had traveled about seventy leagues.349 Their purpose having been fulfilled they rejoined the camp on March 10, three days after the return of the first group.350
From the San Pedro to the Rio Grande. The entire expedition, including the missionaries, being now united, camp was broken the very day of Zaldivar's return.351 Two days later, from the Nombre de Dios river, Captain Landin was sent to Mexico city with letters.852
Gradually the little caravan crawled forward with little of importance to record. March 20 was a day of rest which was spent in adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. A little chapel was built, and the missionaries spent the night in penitence and prayer, petitioning the Lord to guide them on their march as he had formerly led the children of Israel out of Egypt.353
As it was Easter time the Spaniards gave every ob- ject or stopping place a name befitting the season. These names have not been retained, so it is difficult to map out Onate's precise route. In a general way it followed the line of the Mexican Central Railway.
On March 30 a short rest was taken in the Valle de San Martin, the latitude being exactly thirty degrees.864 The governor frequently found it difficult to find water for
349. On this trip they heard of the pueblos which were said to be sixteen or twenty leagues beyond the Rio Grande. The scouting party had left the hostile Pataragueyes forty leagues to the right. These were the Jumanos near the junction of the Conchos and the Rio Grande. Onate to the king, March 15, 1598, in Hackett, Hist. Docs., 397.
350. "Ytinerario," February 10, 1598; cf. Villagra, Historia, I, 68.
351. "Ytinerario," March 10, 1598.
352. Ibid., March 14, 1598 ; cf. Villagra, Historia, I, 58. One of these letters was from Onate to the king. Again he told the story of his troubles in order to con- vince the crown that the contract, as confirmed by Velasco, ought to be restored. It was dated March 15, 1598. See Hackett, Hist. Docs., 897.
353. Villagra, Historia, I, 58- 59; "Ytinerario," March 20, 1598. Villagra says that in a secret spot known only to himself, Onate spent part of the day on his knees, lacerating his shoulders and asking divine guidance in carrying out his mission as leader of the expedition. Many others did the same. Historia, I, 69.
354. "Ytinerario," March 27-30, 1598,
312 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
both men and beasts. On April 1 this deficiency was some- what miraculously supplied. That day all had been com- pelled to march without water, but an extraordinarily heavy rain left the water standing- in large pools, so that the entire herd of seven thousand animals drank their fill. Two days later the dry bed of a river was discovered. Near- by was a marsh formed by some hot springs. This was in latitude thirty and one-half degrees.355
On April 9 the army approached the region of the sand dunes. This was in approximately thirty-one degrees, for on the next day camp was pitched in precisely that lati- tude.356 Some days were now spent in avoiding the sand dunes and finding a route not destitute of water. For this reason the expedition marched within reach of the Rio Grande, in order that the cattle might go to the river for water. On April 20 the main part of the caravan reached the great river about twenty-five miles south of El Paso, at a place where the stream was very sluggish and the bed soft and muddy. Here nearly a week was spent until the entire expedition could unite. It had been forced to march in separate detachments in order to secure water.857
Taking Possession of the Land. Having reached the Rio Grande its course was followed till April 30, the day of the Ascension of the Lord, when the governor planned to take official possession of the land. A campsite parti- cularly appropriate for that purpose was selected, and everyone in the expedition was ordered to don his finest clothes to make a splendid show on the festive day.858 There- upon the customary elaborate ceremony of taking posses- sion was observed. Not only New Mexico was claimed for God, King Philip and himself, but all the adjoining prov- inces as well.859
355. Ibid., April 1 and 4, 1598. See also Villagra Historia, I, 75.
356. "Ytinerario," April 9-10, 1598.
357. Ibid., April 12-20, 1598; cf. Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, 172.
358. "Ytinerario," April 30, 1598 ; Carta de Don Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
359. The curious document which tells of this ceremony is given in full by Villagra. It was witnessed by Juan Perez de Donis, the royal notary, by all the friars jmd also by the officers and soldiers of the army. Historia, I, 77-81.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 313
As part of the festivities Fray Alonso Martinez preached a learned sermon. But it was also a time for re- joicing and merry making, the "otro" Mexico was not far distant. In the afternoon the royal standard was blessed and placed in charge of the royal ensign, Francisco de Sosa y Pefialosa.800 The day ended with the presentation of an original comedy written by Captain Farfan. Its theme dealt with the reception which the church would receive in New Mexico.881
El Paso del Norte. Following these events the march continued up stream. May 3 the first Indians from the river region were brought to camp. These were kindly treated, clothed and sent to bring their companions. The next day the army was shown a convenient ford, el paso, to which the natives came for leagues around when going injland. It is interesting to note that the ford by which Onate crossed the Rio Grande is the modern El Paso, a name that has been retained from his day till our own. Here about forty natives appeared, armed with bows and gayly decorated with paint. Presents were generously distributed among them, in return for which they aided the Spaniards in getting the sheep across the river. They told the Euro- peans, by signs, that the settlements were only eight days' march ahead.382
Reconnoitering the First Pueblos. The expedition was now on soil which had already been traversed by Span- ish feet. The tracks left by Castano's wagons when he was led captive from New Mexico in 1591, were seen on May
360. Writing to the king three years later Don Luis de Velasco charged Onate with irregularities in handling the royal standard during the performance. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601. This was also one of the charges later brought against Onate by the fiscal of the audiencia of Mexico. Teathnonio de las sentencias, May 16, 1614, A. G. I., 58-3-17.
361. Villagra, Historia, I, 76; "Ytinerario," April 30, 1598.
362. Ibid., May 3-4, 1598 ; Villagra also refers to these events but only in a general way. Historia, I, 76. On April 30 the army reached the Rio Grande exactly in latitude thirty-one and one-half degrees. On May 4 it was at El Paso in latitude thirty-one precisely. About eight and one-half leagues had been traversed, and though the march was upstream half a degree had been lost. Such is the record given in the "Ytinerario". It is true that there is a bend in the river, but not enough to account for this discrepancy.
314 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
4. At other places stories of Castano's escapade were heard. The march continued, and on May 12 Onate sent Captain Aguilar with six soldiers to reconnoitre. He had orders not to enter any of the native settlements under penalty of death.883 This nearly proved his undoing, for when he returned on the 20, he had visited the first of the New Mexico pueblos. For disobeying in this manner the gover- nor was on the point of garroting him, but relented when the captains and soldiers interceded in his behalf. Fear- ing that the Indians would now become frightened and hide their maize Onate set out for the pueblos two days later with a picked body of men. He was also on the look- out for Humana and Leyva, for it was not yet known that they were dead. The rest of the colonists were left to follow more slowly with the wagons."84 The point from which Onate here set out was fifteen and one-half leagues from El Paso.885
The governor's small force moved along under great hardships. The road was new and extremely difficult and water always scarce. It was the famous "Jornada del Muerto" which was being crossed. May 25, when the trail again followed the river, greater progress was made, and in two days, after an additional twenty-two leagues had been traversed, the soldiers reached "la cienega de la mesilla de guinea," a distinctive mesa of black rock.888 This con- spicuous landmark, according to Bpndelier, corresponds with the present San Marcial.807 The next day the first
863. "Ytinerario," May 4-12, 1598.
864. Ibid., May 20 and 22, 1598. With Onate were Fathers Martinez and Salazar, the aargento mayor and the maestre de campo. Villagra says there were fifty men in the group. Historia, I, 82. Onate gives the number as sixty. See his letter of March 22, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 213.
865. See "Ytinerario," for dates up to May 22, 1598.
866. Ibid., May 27, 1598.
867. Bandelier. A. F. A. Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, carried on mainly in the years from 1880 to 1885, I, 130-131, 131 notel. This is further substantiated by the detailed account of the pueblos given by the Chamuscado Rodriguez expedition. Hernan Gallegos, Relacidn y concudio de el viaje y subseso que Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado con ocho soldados sus companeros hizo en el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico . . . 1581-1582, A. G. I., 1-1-8/22. A copy of this document is in the Ayer collection of the Newberry Library. Chicago.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 315
pueblos were seen after a march of four leagues. Here camp was pitched near the second one, called Qualacii. The In- dians, excited and suspicious at the approach of the stran- gers, deserted their homes. Generous gifts of trinkets quieted them somewhat, and the soldiers remained camped near the river for some time in order not to unduly arouse them. Meanwhile provisions were sent back for the sol- diers who were following.8"8
About a fortnight later the march was resumed by the advance party. June 14 the men marched three leagues and halted in front of Teipana, or Socorro, as the Spaniards called it, because there they found a much needed supply of maize. This stop seems to have been in the vicinity of the present Socorro.868 Another seven leagues beyond Socorro was the pueblo of New Seville, which may corres- pond with the old pueblo of Sevilleta, near La Joya.370 At that place the Spanish soldiers dallied five days. Then they went to the new pueblo of San Juan Baptista, four leagues to the north.871 It, too, had been quickly abandoned. From this time numerous pueblos were seen on either side of the river, though they were generally deserted by the frightened natives.
In the meantime Onate had heard of two Mexican In- dians, Thomas and Crist6bal, when they sent a spy to visit him at San Juan Baptista. These two had remained in New Mexico since the time of Castafio's entrada, and would be invaluable as interpreters and guides. So the governor set out for Puaray, sixteen leagues beyond San Juan Bap-
868. "Ytinerario," May 22-28, 1598. The itinerary states that they remained encamped by the fiver a month. This ia contradicted a little later when it says they left after a stay of two weeks.
869. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 129. The total distance from El Paso is given as forty-one and one-half leagues and is an aid in arriving at this conclusion, as are the subsequent marches of the soldiers.
870. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 238.
871. "Ytinerario," June 12-16, 1598. So called because it was reached on Saint John's day. It should not be confused with San Juan de los Caballeros. Perhaps the ruins at Sabinal indicate the location of San Juan Baptista. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 238.
316 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
tista, in order to find them. He reached it on June 21.87a In this period, as Hackett has demonstrated in his study of the reconquest after the great revolt in 1680, Puaray was situated one league above Alameda, or about nine lea- gues above Isleta.378 This is further substantiated by the "census" made by the Chamuscado-Rodriguez expedition in 1581.™
At Puaray Onate was told that the two Indians in question were at Santo Domingo, six leagues distant. Ac- companied by his maestre de campo he immediately set out to secure the two men, and on the following day took them unawares and brought them back to Puaray. Now all pre- pared to go to Santa Domingo, but before doing so the two Zaldivars and Father Salazar visited the pueblo which they called Tria, perhaps Sia.375 Then the party moved on to San Felipe, almost three leagues, and on June 30 the sol- diers reached Santa Domingo, four leagues more.376 At that time the pueblo stood very near the present Santo Do- mingo.877
Santo Domingo Renders Obedience. Here Onate re- mained approximately a week in order to bring the In- dians of the surrounding country under his authority. Various chiefs were summoned, and on July 7 there was held the first council of seven chiefs in response to the governor's call.978 Many other native leaders were pres-
872. "Ytinerario," June 24-27, 1598; Villagra, Historia, I, 84. The natives of Puaray received Onate very hospitably. The friars were lodged in a newly painted room. When the paint had dried they saw pictures of Fathers Rodriguez and Lopez, which the Indians had tried to conceal. These two friars had remained in New Mexico in 1581. Both had suffered martyrdom.
378. Hackett, "The Location of the Tigua Pueblos of Alameda, Puaray, and Sandia in 1681." in Old Santa Fe. II, 881-391.
874. Hernan Gallegos, Relacion y concudio, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
876. See Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, II, 562.
876. "Ytinerario," June 28 and 30, 1598; Villagra, Historia, I, 85. As Bancroft «ays "not much importance can be attached to exact distances in these records. Clearly San Felipe and Santo Domingo correspond with those still so called, though it is not certain that the sites were not slightly changed in the next century." Arizona and New Mexico, 130 note 5. For a discussion of the Spanish league Bee Bandelier, Documentary History of the Rio Grande Pueblos, 8-9.
877. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 185 note 1.
878. "Ytinerario," July 7. 1598,
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 317
ent for the occasion, as well as the Spanish officers and missionaries. All gathered in the great estufa of the pue- blo. The interpreters were sworn in, and Onate explained to the assembled chiefs the purpose of his coming. He had been sent by the most powerful monarch in the world, King Philip of Spain, who wished that they should be his sub- jects. If they submitted they would be protected from their enemies. But he was especially eager for the salvation of their souls. Onate explained the doctrine of salvation and the fate awaiting those who did not accept baptism. After having listened to these new ideas the chiefs willing- ly agreed to accept the God and king of the Spaniards, and as a sign of their submission kneeled and kissed the hands of the father commissary and the governor.879 Whether or not Ofiate's speech on conversion and vassalage was understood, it was a necessary affair, and the Indians ac- cepted the new position, perhaps as Bancroft says, because "present disaster and future damnation" seemed "insepar- ably connected with refusal."080
The Capital Established at San Juan. After having received the submission of these tribal chieftains at Santo Domingo Onate soon set out on further explorations. He evidently went to Bove, renamed San Ildefonso,881 as soon as the ceremony at Santo Domingo was over, (the distance was eight leagues), for on July 10 he left that place and
379. "Obediencia y vasallaje a su Magestad por los indies de Santo Domingo" in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 101-108.
380. Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, 130-131.
881. The "Ytinerario" says nothing of the trip from Santo Domingo to Bove. It states : "Patrimos de Bove, que llamamos Sant Ildefonso. ... ay casi ocho leguaa y algun mal camino. . . ." It does not state where they came to at the end of the eight leagues, but continues : "A honce, andabimos dos leguas, al pueblo de Caypa, que llamamos Sant Joan . . ." There is clearly an error in this account. Instead of leaving Bove they must have gone to Bove, a distance of nearly eight leagues, and reached it on the 10th. Then on the llth two leagues to San Juan. This ex- planation corresponds with the actual distances and also makes possible the detour of the carts by way of San Marcos. Bancroft moved San Ildefonso farther south in an effort to make it agree with the "Ytinerario". But that is incorrect, for San Ildefonso, according to another source, was three leagues, from San Juan. Testimony of Jusepe Brondate in Copia de una informacidn que hizo Don Francisco de Valverde, June 28, 1601. A. G. I., 58-3-15. Compare Bancroft. Arizona and New Mexico, 181.
318 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
went two leagues to Caypa which he reached the next day. The carts were compelled to make a detour of an additional six leagues by way of San Marcos because the direct road was not fit for wagons. Here at Caypa Onate established his capital. It was christened San Juan,882 the name by which it has ever since been known. In Onate's time it was frequently called San Juan de los Caballeros, but the origin of the name is obscure.883 The Spaniards maintained their headquarters here till the establishment of San Gabriel west of the Rio Grande.384 Just when the change was made is uncertain, but at the time the relief expedi- tion arrived at Christmas, 1600, the capital had been changed to that place.885
Hasty Exploration of the Land. This period of the preliminary exploration of New Mexico by Onate and his friends was a period of great hopes. Might not any mo-
382. "Ytinerario," July 9-11, 1698. Twitchell holds that the carts on their de- tour passed near the present site of the city of Santa Fe. Leading Facts, 319 note 325. That they may have passed near the site of the city is quite possible, but Twitchell has the carts going south to reach San Juan ! He is misled by the "Ytinerario"and has the carts set out from San Ildefonso, going: up the present Pojoaque river by way of the pueblo of Tesuque, thence over a divide of two leagues to the Rio Santa Fe to San Marcos. A careful study of the "Ytinerario" shows clearly that the party went from Santo Domingo to San Ildefonso, the carts per- haps going over the rout* suggested by Twitchell, but in the reverse order. They were going north, not south.
883. Villigra says it was so named in order to commemorate the fame of those who first raised the banner of Christ in those regions. Historia, I, 87. Because of • story, also told by Villagra, of how the padres produced some much needed rain, Bancroft infers that the name was due to the courtesy of the Spaniards. Arizona and New Mexico, 181. Twitchell holds that it was so named because of the friend- liness with which the Indians of San Juan received Onate. Leading Facts, I, 315.
884. There is a controversy regarding the location of San Gabriel. Professor Bolton, relying on a contemporary map, places it on the right bank of the Chama, while Twitchell insistes it was on the left bank of that stream, holding that the map is in error. He bases his contention on ruins found there and on traditions of the Tndians. He quotes a document of 1710 to support his view. But it should be noted that the map referred to has a pueblo on the left bank of the Chama and tradition may readily have confused the two as regards the location of Onate's head- quarters during those first years in New Mexico. See Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 203, and map facing 212 ; Twitchell, Old Santa Fe, 17,22.
385. "Entrasemos en el real y pueblo de San Gabriel donde hallamos a Don Juan de Onate y la demas gente. . . ." Testimony of Fray Lope Izquierdo, in Auto del gobernador de Nuevo Mexico y diligcncias para que se levante el campo, September 7. 1601. A. G. I.. 58-3-15. The capital was still at San Juan as late as March, 1599. Bolton. Spanish Exploration, 203 note 1.
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ment reward their search with the discovery of untold wealth? Consequently we find the governor on the road again on July 13, going in the direction of Picuries, six leagues from San Juan, which stands on nearly the same spot today as it did then.886 On the way some one found a bit of ore which had accumulated in the riffles of a creek, but that was the sole extent of the precious metals dis- covered. Thence Oiiate proceeded to Taos, another six leagues. Its location has changed a few hundred yards, the former site being farther toward the northeast. This was the northern limit of exploration at that time.887
By July 19 the governor was back in San Juan, but not to stay. The next day he started a tour which went through San Ildefonso, San Marcos, San Crist6bal, Galis- teo and Pecos.388 Returning at once he reached Santo Do- mingo on July 27, where the maestre de campo Zaldivar had arrived with the carts and the main body of the troops on his way to San Juan.889 One can perhaps imagine the eagerness with which the newcomers listened to the stories of their friends who had already seen much of the "otro" Mexico, though not much of the looked for treasure.
Continuing the tour on August 2, the governor's party visited Tria on the way to Emmes. Here was a whole group of pueblos, eleven in number. This was the Jemez group, but modern archaeologists have not been able to determine the number or location of the various pueblos.*0 The Span- iards were astonished at their almost inaccessible location.
386. "Ytinerario," July 13, 1598: Bandelier. Final Report, I, 123.
387. "Ytinerario," July 13, 1598; Hodge Handbook, II, 688.
388. San Ildefonso was reached the 20, San Marcos, five leagues distant, the 21, San Cristobal the 22, Galisteo the 24, and Pecos the 25. On the 26 the party returned to San Marcos, a distance of five leagues, where ores were extracted from some mines, and on the 27 to Santo Domingo. See "Ytinerario," for dates mentioned.
San Marcos was near Callaite, famed for its "turquoise mines." Bandelier. final Report, II, 92-93. San Cristobal was five miles east of Galisteo. Ibid., 103-105. Galisteo was near its present location. Ibid., 100-101, and Hodge, Handbook, I, 481. Pecos was on an upper branch of the Pecos river. Ibid., II, 220. See also Bandelier, Final Report, I, 127ff ; II, 125ff.
389. See "Ytinerario" for dates mentioned.
390. Ibid., August 2-5 1598; Bandelier, Final Report, II, 204-207, Hodge. Hand- book, I. 629.
320 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
With this trip over they returned as far as San Ildefonso, which they reached on the 9, and undoubtedly to San Juan the next day.391 Nowhere had Onate found the things which were primarily sought. It was obvious that he would have to go farther afield in his search, and the next few years were spent chasing numerous, but ever elusive, hopes.
The Arrival of the Carts. Meantime the carts and wagons had experienced even greater difficulties than Onate's advance party, as it took them over a month to traverse the distance to the first pueblos covered by the governor in less than a week. June 26 the eighty-three wagons, now reduced to sixty-one, approached the first settlements. Santo Domingo was reached on July 27. The twenty-two carts not accounted for had been deserted as they were emptied of provisions.892 The soldiers and colo- nists bringing the carts were discontented, largely because of a lack of provisions. As a result there was difficulty in maintaining discipline.383 To avoid trouble and hurry them along Onate sent his maestre de campo to be their leader. Finally on August 18 they reached the capital which had been established at San Juan. From San Bartolome they had traveled one hundred and sixty-one weary leagues.394
The First Church is Built. Shortly after this a church was added to the little Spanish settlement in New Mexico. It was San Juan Baptista, begun on August 23 and so far completed in fifteen days that the dedicatory exercises
891. "Ytinerario," August 9, 1598. This document only tells of Onate's progress as far as San Ildefonso, but it is safe to assume that he went on to San Juan where the construction of an irrigation ditch was begun on the 11. This canal was for the "city of San Francisco." Fifteen hundred Indians gathered to assist in buliding it. Ibid.. August 11, 1598.
392. Ibid., July 4, 1598.
893. When Onate went ahead "to pacify" the land he had sent Zubia back with a supply of maize. Onate also found it necessary to return to the army, but went forward again into New Mexico and reached his advance party on June 12. "Ytinerario," June 12, 1598. Captain Velasco said that they were out of provisions while still fifty leagues from the first settlements. He further states that they were in such extremity of hunger that it was difficult for the governor to go ahead and bring back the maize. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco a S. M., March 22, 1601. But it should be observed that he wrote at a time when great efforts were being put forth to discredit the entire enterprise.
894. "Ytineraro," July 4, 1598 ; August 18, 1598.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 321
could be observed September 8. It was finished in the early part of October.395 The occasion was a festive one, and in their amusement the Spanish gallants demonstrated how much of the crusading spirit still coursed in their veins. To honor the event what else was appropriate but a sham battle, the soldiers being divided into opposing groups labeled Moors and Christians. The latter fought on horse- back with lances and shields, while the former were on foot and used muskets.396 The spectacle must indeed have been a novel one for the Indians.
A part of the ceremony of the day included the Indians who had been assembled from far and near for the event. Onate met them in the kiva, accompanied by his officers and the missionaries, and there he expounded the same ideas as already presented to their brothers at Santo Do- mingo. They must swear obedience to Father Martinez and Ofiate, the representatives of God and King Philip, and obey the new superiors. Thus their souls would be saved and earthly happiness insured. All agreed to these conditions with the customary ceremony.887
During the observances at San Juan Baptista the missionaries were assigned to their various fields of labor.898 Fray Francisco de Zamora was to have the provinces of Pieuries and Taos and Father San Miguel went to Pecos. Both had been accompanied to their pueblos by the father commissary. Father Rosas was established in the* province of the Queres, called Hores, to minister to San Felipe, Santo Domingo, Cochiti and others. Father Lugo was placed at Jemez, Father Corchado at Sia, with authority over the pueblos to the west, Acoma, Zuni and Moqui, and Father Claros was sent to the province of the Teguas. At San Juan there remained Father Cristobal de Salazar, together
395. Ibid., August 23, 1598 ; Onate to Monterey, March 22, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 215.
396. "Ytinerario," September 8, 1598.
397. "Obediencia y vasallaje a su Magestad por los indios del pueblo de San Juan Baptista," in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 108-117; "Ytinerario," September 9, 1598.
398. Ibid., September 15, 1598 ; Account of how the padres of San Francisco took charge of the provinces discovered in New Mexico, September 8, 1598. Bolton MS.
322 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
with two lay brothers, Fray Juan de San Buenaventura and Fray Pedro. The father commissary also stayed at the capital when not with Onate or on excursions to other pueblos.899
Dissension in the Camp. At no time had Onate found it an easy task to maintain discipline among his adventur- ous followers, nor did his burden prove any lighter in New Mexico itself. In the latter part of August, 1598, a serious disturbance was discovered when forty-five captains and soldiers, about a third of the force, formed a plan of es- caping to New Spain. Onate reported that the rebellious soldiers and colonists were disgusted with the whole enter- prise because they had not immediately found quantities of silver on the ground and because they had not been allowed to maltreat the natives or despoil them of their possessions. It was a bad situation. Two captains and a soldier, among them Captain Aguilar, said to be the guilty plotters, were arrested, but the army and missionaries were able to persuade Onate that the matter should be dealt with leniently. They were accordingly released. To minimize the gravity of the affair it was said that they were not traitors, but had merely been planning a plundering expedition.400
Just a few days after this episode another of the same kind was discovered. It is evident that the fires of dis- satisfaction -tfere still smoldering, for they now burst into flame once more. Four soldiers fled from the camp with a large number of horses in violation of numerous pro- clamations. Immediately Captains Villagra and Marquez with some companions were sent in pursuit with orders to overtake and punish them.401 This proved a difficult task, and it was not till two weeks later that two of the fleeing horse thieves were caught near Santa Barbara.
899. "Ytinerario," September 16-23, 1598; Villagra, Historia, I, 96; Obedicncia y vasallaje a BU Magestad por los indios del pueblo de San Juan Baptista," in Col. Doc. In4d., XVI, 113-116.
400. Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 214 ; "Ytinerario," August 20-21, 1598; Villagra, Historia, I, 88.
401. Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 214-215; Villagra,Ht«torta, I, 88-89.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 323
They were promptly hanged. The others narrowly escaped capture. The severe punishment inflicted on these men was one of the charges on which Onate and the captains concerned were later brought to trial.402 Having fulfilled their duty, Villagra and his companions visited Santa Bar- bara before setting out on the return journey. There they wrote to the viceroy of what had occurred.40*
402. Ibid., 89 ; Tcstimonio de las sentencias. . . . May 18, 1614, A. G. I., 68-8-17.
403. Villagra, Historia, I, 89; Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in Bolton, Span- h Exploration, 214-215.
324 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
TH1 INFLUENCE OF WEAPONS ON NEW MEXICO HISTORY P. S. Curtis, Jr.
Of the many factors which have brought about the events we call history, the influence of weapons has per- haps received the least attention. The history of New Mexico, as it happens, furnishes rather an interesting pic- ture of both the development of weapons and certain very curious phases of the effect of that development upon human events.
The original inhabitants of New Mexico, of course. present a complete and perfect example of the weapons of prehistoric man, and here, longer than anywhere else, these primitive weapons continue to exist and be used in constant association with the latest products of the armorer's in- vention. The pre-Spanish period, moreover, presents an interesting historical problem which can be given, in the present state of our knowledge, nothing better than a hypo- thetical solution, but for which the factor of weapons can offer an interesting and reasonably probable hypothesis.
The problem itself is simple: if, as certain archaeo- logists assert, the Pueblo civilization was declining at the Spanish Conquest, what was the cause of the decline? There is little evidence of loss of energy or population through epidemics. The migrations of which we know were merely from one site to another within the Pueblo area. Religion made no demands for human sacrifice. Agriculture does not seem to have suffered any really formidable calamities, so that continued famine would not seem to be the cause. The architecture and arrangement of the towns seems to have been most appropriate for the defensive tactics which had for centuries protected the Pueblos from their maraud- ing enemies. What, then, is a reasonable solution? The one which occurs most readily to a student of the mechani-
THE INFLUENCE OF WEAPONS 325
cal side of history is that one or more of the hostile tribes had developed a bow of greater range and accuracy than that of the Pueblos, and were thus enabled to overwhelm the weaker towns and to reduce the man-power of the stronger ones to a point where the production of food and the maintenance of security occupied so much of the pop- ulation that there was not time for cultural development or even the preservation of the culture of former times.
The most obvious instance of the effect of weapons on the history of the state is, naturally, the Spanish Conquest. In the period between 1540 and 1599 we see small bodies of Spaniards roaming at will over the entire Southwest, and finally assuming mastery of an enormous empire, all in the face of an incredibly disproportionate native pop- ulation, whose love of liberty and whose courage in battle were inferior to those of no race on earth. Superiority of Weapons, and that alone, made such exploits a possibility. It was the Stone Age against the Age of Metal and of Gun- powder, and the Stone Age had no recourse but submission or flight. Against stone-tipped arrows and lances, obsidian daggers, stone-headed clubs, and the propelling force of the human arm alone, the Spaniards opposed steel-tipped arrows and lances, steel swords and daggers, and the pro- pelling force of gunpowder. Against the buffalo-hide shield the Spaniard could match complete armor of steel, and the defensive powers of the two are comparable only in ridicule. It is true, of course, that the Spanish armor could be pierced at sufficiently short range - Villagra's ac- count of the death of Juan Zaldivar assures us of that much- and it is also true that it could be crushed if the wearer ventured to points where great rocks could be dropped up- on him, but for every Spaniard so wounded, there were five hundred Indians struck down for lack of adequate de- fense against the Spanish weapons. It is also true that the Spanish fire-arms - wheellocks or matchlocks, as they were - were uncertain of operation, fearfully inaccurate,
22
326 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
and capable of no more than one or two shots per minute, while such cannon as were capable of transportation were of small size and little real use, but against such weapons as the Indians had they were enough, and the fact was only too clear to the Indians, so that in all the period of conquest we find but four .important battles recorded. The first two of these, Coronado's battles at Zuiii and Tiguex, were sufficient proof of Spanish prowess to subdue all opposition for more than fifty years. The third, the first of the fights at Acoma, was an Indian triumph, but due far more to Spanish carelessness and mismanagement than to any other factor. The hopes it had raised, however, were quickly crushed in the terrific three-day battle in which Vicente Zaldivar, with no more than eighty men, not only avenged his brother, and restored the prestige of Spain, but reduced the population of Acoma to a bare six hundred, and from that time onward for eighty-three years the Pueblo Indian regained at peace. Courage he had, in abundance - the fight at Acoma was one of the most furious and most gal- lant of the whole history of America - but courage against superior machinery of war is of little use, and the Pueblo Indian was wise enough to face the fact.
The nomadic Indians, on the other hand, furnished a problem which the Spaniard never solved in full, and one which took the American many years of the very most strenuous effort to settle permanently. Faced with the problem of surrender or flight, he chose flight, for unlike the Pueblo, he had nothing to lose, no home to defend, and not even the desire for a fixed place of residence. War was his industry and his diversion, and the Spaniard meant no more than a new enemy who had to be dealt with more cautiously than the old. To the Spaniard this type of enemy was a really serious problem. To subdue him was impos- sible, for the heavily-armed Spaniard could not, either afoot or on horseback, come to grips with an enemy who would not wait for him, and who could escape him nine times out of ten, because of superior speed. To settle over
THE INFLUENCE OF WEAPONS 327
wide areas in the face of such an enemy was equally im- possible, for his sudden raids, delivered without the slight- est warning and always against the least protected, gave no chance for defense or for battle. The only solution, and that which the Spanish adopted, was much the same as the Pueblos had chosen centuries before, the concentration of population around a few strong and well-defended towns where the superiority of their weapons could be used for defense at least. Here, then, we find the reason why New Mexico remained so long a region of towns instead of farms, a region where the gap between rich and poor was so wide, where peonage and illiteracy flourished, and where feudal- ism outlived its time because the necessity which created feudalism in Europe was still alive in America.
A further (and a very wise) measure of the Spanish government was a law, couched in stringent terms, and carried out with the utmost care, forbidding the sale of weapons to the Indians. That this law was really effective n|ay be seen from two instances where it did not apply, one the massacre at Tome by Comanches who had secured firearms, the other, the terrible defeat of Don Pedro de Villasur in the battle on the Platte River in 1719, where the opposing forces - Indians and a few Frenchmen - were fully equipped wih firearms, and from which only six men returned, a force representing over half the garrison of Santa Fe having been left dead on the field of battle.
The Pueblo Revolution is a further and an impressive exhibit in the case of the weapon in history for several reasons. The last great effort of the Pueblo Indian against the domination of the Spaniard, there can be little doubt that a large part of the determination to revolt came from the gradual acquisition, piece by piece, of such small store of weapons as gave ground for the feeling that the advan- tage held by the Spaniard was at least reduced to the point where a favorable outcome could reasonably be expected. The early results, moreover, were quite in accordance with first expectations, and the hearts of the Pueblos, as well as
328 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
their hands, must have been greatly strengthened by the first tide of success, which had overwhelmed every settle- ment in New Mexico except Ysleta and Santa Fe as well as placing in the hands of the Indians a supply of nearly three hundred hackbusses, not to mention swords, lances, and other steel weapons. That the Spaniard should have been so stricken is due to no fault of the weapons they pos- sessed, but rather to that wise planning of the Indians which gave no opportunity for resistance. No time was given for the Spaniards to arm ; no chance offered for one town to assist another - save for the expedition of Garcia from Ysleta to Jemez - and only the strong points of Santa Fe and Ysleta withstood the storm.
That these two should have been able to survive the first shock, and later to remove to a place of safety through a country swarming with the enemy, is due partly to their weapons and partly to the reputation which the Spaniard, armed and prepared for battle, had made in the past. At the Siege of Santa Fe Governor Otermin with a bare 155 men fit for service (and of these, to quote his own records, "only thirty-six having complete armor, and the most part afoot, and with bad or broken hackbusses, and without even leathern jackets for their protection"), defended a total population of 2500 souls against the attack of more than three thousand fighting men, the figures themselves giving a clear picture of the great weight that armament cast in- to the Spanish side of the scale.
Between the Revolution and the Reconquest we find an interesting division of mind taking place among the victorious Indians. With some the victories of the Revolu- tion seem to have had such influence that they felt them- selves invincible. Others, however, saw most clearly the failure to destroy the Spaniards under Otermin and Garcia, and realized that armed opposition to the Spaniards in arms was as hopeless as ever. Those of the first opinion, regardless of their shortage of ammunition and lack of skill with the arms they had acquired, remained in their
THE INFLUENCE OF WEAPONS 329
towns before the expedition of Otermin and Cruzate, and the result was exactly what might have been expected. Otermin took Ysleta and Cruzate took Zia, each with little loss, but with terrible slaughter of the enemy. For either governor to proceed further in the work of Reconquest, however, was impossible because of a number of factors of which not the least was the course followed by those wiser Pueblos, who, realizing the futility of open combat, bor- rowed the tactics of their enemies of the Apacheria, left their towns for the recesses of the mountains, and har- rassed the Spaniards by sudden raids upon small foraging parties, by stampeding their horse-herds, and by a thou- sand other stratagems each insignificant in itself, but help- ing to swell a total that barred out the Spaniards as effect- ively as an actual defeat.
The inherent nature of the Pueblo, however, coupled with his native enemies, soon brought matters back to their former status. As a roving nomad, even though his roving was confined within very small limits, the Pueblo was not a success, for he was neither able to make himself comfort- able, nor to repel the attacks of the truly nomadic tribes, without the assistance of his adobe village; and it was but a short time before he returned to his accustomed dwelling, prepared, for the most part, to submit peaceably when the Spaniard returned, exchanging a precarious liberty for a certain safety and relative comfort. At the coming of De Vargas some few made one last effort at resistance, but Santa Fe and the pueblo on the Potrero Vie jo were soon taken, with the usual terrific losses on the part of the In- dians, and only the kindliness of De Vargas - perhaps sup- plemented by a shortage of ammunition - saved the re- fugees on the Mesa of San Ildefonso from a similar fate. So, then, the Reconquest ended, and the problem of Spanish settlement had been finally solved, with superiority of weapons aiding in no small degree to the solution.
The problem of expansion in the face of roving tribes was, as already stated, one which the Spaniards never en-
330 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
tirely settled, and in the hundred and fifty-odd years be- tween the Reconquest and the Civil War the failure to settle it kept New Mexico in virtually a feudal state of civilization, the feudal parallel being carried to its fullest extent by the great land-grants made to men and families whose reputation as Indian fighters stood highest.
In this same area at least two great occasions arose on which superiority of weapons might have played a great part, but in both cases a recourse to arms was avoided by purely diplomatic means, one instance being the Texas- Santa Fe Expedition, in which the astute conduct of Gover- nor Armijo avoided a clash where Texas rifles might have altered New Mexico history to a remarkable extent, and the other the capture of New Mexico by General Kearney, in which the same Armijo was - well, persuaded - that re- sistance to the well-armed troops of the United States was profitless. A view in miniature of what might have hap- pened on the two occasions is offered by a number of minor incidents in which the rifle contended aginst the smooth- bore, and among these Lobato's defeat at the hands of "Snively's Avengers" and the fight at Turley's Mill during the Taos Rebellion are worthy of mention. Lobato's battle was of short duration, but of some effect, his small force, though nearly equal to Snively's, being gobbled up with such celerity that General Armijo, who had intended to des- troy Snively with the main body of his troops, suddenly decided that Santa Fe was a far better military position than the one he then occupied, and translated his decision into action with commendable promptness. In the Turley's Mill fight eight men armed with rifles and well supplied with ammunition held out for two days and a night against a force of rebels amounting to well over five hundred, and at the end of that period, their ammunition being ex- hausted, three of the eight fought their way out.
The Taos Rebellion as a whole furnishes further proof, if such is needed, of the wisdom of Armijo in refusing to meet the forces of Kearney, and illustrates the ability of
THE INFLUENCE OF WEAPONS 331
the American forces to compel submission through superi- ority of armament. In the three battles of La Canada de Santa Cruz, Embudo, and the Pueblo de Taos the enemy invariably occupied a superior position, and probably out- numbered the Americans actually engaged yet in all the enemy was defeated completely and remarkably quickly, since the actual time consumed by all three seems to have been very little more than four hours, most of which was consumed at the battle at the Pueblo.
By no means to be forgotten is the fact that the com- merce of the Santa Fe Trail, which not only aided greatly in the financial support of the state at a time when such support was a vital necessity, but also called the attention of the United States most strongly to the Southwest, was maintained and made possible by the rifle. Here was the beginning of the solution of the problem of the roving In- dian, for despite his invariable willingness to try to capture some part of the immense wealth that rolled across the plains under his very nose, the rifles of the waggoners and their escort rendered his efforts useless in all but a minimum of cases, and these cases in which the number of travellers - and consequently the booty obtained - was so small as to make the cost quite disproportionate to the returns.
Except for questions of mere probability the Civil War in New Mexico offers little from the viewpoint of this paper. That the Southern forces operating in New Mexico must have been better armed than the majority of the Con- federate Army we know, because the surrender of General Twiggs in Texas, and the capture of Forts Fillmore and Stanton, of Major Isaac Lynde's command, and of the Depot at Albuquerque necessarily placed in their hands large quantities of the small arms and artillery of the Regular Army, so that the troops under Canby, including the New Mexico Militia, could have had very little superiority in regard to weapons, if, indeed, they possessed any. The Colorado Volunteers, however, may well have had some of
332 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the newer type of rifle which the Federal Government had adopted in '61 and '62, as they were equipped at Fort Union, a point in relatively direct communication with the centers of manufacture, and one which the government was mak- ing" every effort to supply in expectation of an impending attack. Further plausibility is gained for such an idea from the fact that when the Colorado troops met Sibley's forces in the battles near Apache Caflon the triumphant advance of the Confederates not only met its first serious check, but was turned back into a retreat that very soon took on the aspects of a rout, ending all possibility of a conquest of New Mexico by the Confederacy,
Another question, however, immediately took the place of this one, and continued to occupy the energies of both State and Federal governments for nearly twenty-five years of practically continuous effort. Even before the defeat of Sibley the concentration of Federal troops had left many outlying points undefended, and the hostile tribes had been quick to take advantage of the situation. After the menace of the Confederate invasion had been removed the National forces in New Mexico were reduced to a mini- mum, and the hostiles became even bolder, with the result that the New Mexico troops and such units as the War De- partment had left in the state were almost constantly oc- cupied by punitive expeditions to all points of the compass. Nor did the surrender at Appomatox mean peace for New Mexico, for though the end of the Civil War enabled the government to send aid with a liberal hand, and though that aid was continued until the necessity was over and was sent at an expenditure that seems incredible, the fighting con- tinued sporadically until the very threshold of the 20th century. The causes for so prolonged a struggle are natur- ally many and varied, among them the isolation of the field of action, the extreme difficulty of the terrain, and the extraordinary military abilities of the enemy (the Apaches in particular having proved themselves perhaps the most efficient body of fighters the world has ever seen) but the
THE INFLUENCE OF WEAPONS 333
factor which most concerns us at present is that of fire- arms, and in this particular situation the firearms factor functioned largely as both a cause and a solution.
In the years following the American occupation the hostile tribes first began to get a supply of modern weapons, and from that time until the end this supply was con- stantly on the increase. The Government itself, at various times, issued guns to Indians on Reservations, troubling itself very little over the fact that the Reservation Indian of today was only too likely to be the hostile of tomorrow, and that the possession of a practical firearm was of itself a strong temptation to the warpath. The gun-runner flour- ished like the green bay-tree, and both his mode of life and his occasional death at the hands of his customers were re- garded as uproariously funny by the average settler. That the arms furnished the Indians, whether by Government or gun-runner, were obsolete is quite true; the Indian got most of his really good weapons by capture; but after two hundred and fifty-odd years of fighting the white man and studying the tactics best adapted for his ruin the Indian did not need any advantage in weapons to make trouble. Any gun that would go off with reasonable regularity was quite sufficient for Indian purposes, and was more than good enough from the point of view of settler and soldier.
With the Indian possessed of modern arms, then, in addition to his other military equipment, the white man was really hard pressed, and for his defense he called up- on every resource he could use, both military and mech- anical. Of the military men we hear much. The names of Carson, Chavez, Crook, Howard, Eugene A. Carr, and a dozen others, are familiar to every student of the Indian Wars, and almost everyone has some idea as to the identity of the men named. The inventors, however, are far dif- ferent. The Kawkens, Christian Sharp, Tyler Henry, Win- chester, Hotchkiss, Colt, Remington, Spencer and Lee - some few of these names, perhaps, suggest great corpor- ations and the making of money, none the making of his- tory, yet had it not been for the inventive genius of these
334 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
men and many more in the making of ever better weapons of ever greater range, accuracy and rapidity of fire, our state might still be struggling to attain domestic peace and security with the goal not yet in sight. The hours spent in the workshop by a few men have shortened a hundred for one the hours spent on the battlefield by thousands of their fellow-citizens, and throughout the whole of New Mexico's history there has been standing, far off in the background, unseen and unheeded, the grimy figure of a man with the clever fingers of the mechanic and the dreamy eyes of the inventor, watching that history work out its course, its tools the weapons he has fashioned.
PO-SE 335
PO-SE By the late Adolph F. Bandelier.1
Looking eastward from the railroad which follows along the western bank of the Hio Grande del Norte, near the southern ending of the valley of La Joya, and half be- tween the Tegua Indian village of Santa Clara and that of San Ildefonso, may be seen the round-topped, mesa-like mountain which the Teguas call Tun-go Ping (The Basket Mountain). The native Mexican people have named this mountain, La Mesilla (The Little Mesa) ; while the Amer- icans - always practical - call it merely The Round Moun- tain. Its barren top, conspicuous in its isolation and in its somewhat more symmetrical proportions, rises consider- ably above the eastern sand hills. The river, winding about its western base, flows almost beneath its overhanging hills, and one must be a hardy climber indeed who would at- tempt to scale them from the river side. Only from the southeastern corner may one. ascend with safety.
Once up, the top shows a flat, ashy surface containing some fifteen or twenty acres, strewn here and there with stones, some of which, from their regular shapes, appear to have been used in the erection of house walls ; scattered about are many broken pieces of pottery, some yet showing the broken lines of the old decorations, some of them glazed, and some of the class of vessels that were used for cook- ing; and a keen-eyed searcher may find as a reward for his patience, or as a memento of his visit, still a few arrow heads which have been washed up by an occasional rain. Along the edge of the top, flush with the sides, rude walls, parts of them still intact, may be observed, built up, as some
1. A tale of San Ildefonso pueblo, forty odd years ago, left by Bandelier in manuscript and presented to the Historical Society by Mrs. Samuel Eldodt, Chamita, New Mexico.
336 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
suppose, to make more difficult the ascent of the hostiles, or to prevent, may be, the falling over its precipitous sides of some careless dweller above. All these evidences of domestic life, of defensive and offensive warfare, lead the fanciful to conclude that a permanent inhabitancy existed long since, or, at least, its dry and deserted top may have been used as a place of retreat from stronger forces than the ancient dwellers in the valley below were able to muster. But there is yet another theory which may account for the fallen ruins on the top, the broken pottery, the arrow heads and the wall remnants. The following account not only seems to give color to the theory, but rather seems to con- firm the argument made that the mountain was one of the numerous Indian shrines with which the country abounds.
-I-
It was the middle of February in one of the years of the earlier 80's that Dr. Rand and myself set up our camp in San Ildefonso. The gentle winds falling into the valley from the snowy tops of the Santa Fe and the Jemez ranges were warmed by the increasing rays of the sun rapidly re- turning northward, making, the doctor observed in his wise and positive way, "Just the proper mixture in the air to counteract disease germs".
I was convalescing from a long sickness, and, in truth, from the very first day I began to grow strong and take a deep interest in the doctor's investigations. His energy and zeal, always bubbling and stewing with enthusiasm, in- fected me and I became a willing assistant in many of his projects. We had ransacked the dimly written record books of the old church and made some copies of what the doctor declared to be valuable matter ; we had quizzed the Indian villagers, buying our way when persuasion was ineffective ; our incursions among the cliff and mesa ruins with pick and spade had added many a curious relic of the dead past to our impedimenta ; while our daily associations and night- ly juntas had made of us tolerable experts in the peculiar
PO-SE 337
inflections of the Tegua language. So occupied were we that April had passed before we thought of moving.
"The middle of May is an ideal time for Rocky Moun- tain travel for one hundred and one reason", the doctor replied pompously and finally, when I had suggested a transfer and a change of activities.
And I, not ill pleased at his dictum, continued to amuse myself with old Po-se, taking care to show no greater pro- ficiency in Indian lore than the doctor was able to acquire. Now, Dr. Rand was a very capable physician, my elder by some fifteen years, and the best-natured and most open- hearted man alive, and, notwithstanding his disposition to exercise a sort of paternalism and show his superiority I nearly always gave in to his theories and rarely criticised his conclusions. Because he had traveled much and had spent a short time once before in the valley, I easily looked over his pride - almost vanity - in his accomplishments and in his ability to learn new things. If his peculiarities be- came tiresome I made excuse, without offense, to make excursions on my own account. At night we would meet again, the best of friends, to compare the labors and pas- times of the day.
But not a drop of rain had fallen since early in March; towards the latter end of that month the winds seemed to gather force, and in April the days were mere repetitions of unchanging wind storms with every particle of moisture squeezed out ; then, because of the almost verti- cal rays of the sun the winds, blowing from the southwest, became hot blasts through the lengthening days ; they hard- ly ceased at night ; they parched the whole valley's expanse, and, rushing along the mountain sides and up the short canons, browned the vegetation and dried up the little canon streams almost to their very sources; the Rio Grande it- self had become a mere brook as its scant and shallow flow found way through the burning wastes of sand. At length, about the middle of May, the forests on the lower mesas and along the sides of the moutains caught fire, and this
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disaster fast dried up the little remaining water and pas- turage ; by day those fires appeared in the distance literally a "Pillar of Cloud" from the smoke; by night, a "Pillar of Light" from the flames ; yet there was no promise of good because of them ; rather, did the people stand aghast as they gazed upon the far off conflagrations, knowing that the fires promised present as well as future evil. Thus did the last days of May pass, and the first of June - a Sunday - was ushered in by the same irritating, nerves-racking wind, dry and parching heat.
The wind on that Sunday, as it had for a day or two before, came not in gusts as usual, but the blow was straight, steady and hard. Towards evening, disgusted and nervous with the never-ceasing sounds and the flying dust and sand, I fell asleep. Sometime afterwards I awoke, disturbed by the positive voice of the doctor outside. As I lay listening, I saw and wondered at a curious curtain of smoke which hung in the tent doorway. I realized that it came from the doctor's cigar, but why it should fill the doorway and become a screen, upon which fell the prismatic rays of the setting sun as they filtered through some torn holes in the tent walls, seemed more like some fantastic dream. Musing upon the strange spectacle of the smoke curtain, I listened for the wind sounds. They had ceased. I bounded up and rushed outside to enjoy once more mountain air unstirred and unmixed with flying dust and sand.
The doctor's companion was old Po-se and they were good naturedly disputing over the signs of the probable weather. Their language was singularly different. In the main - each understanding the other - it was the lang- uage of the old Conquistadores. The pronunciation, as well as the grammatical construction of the white man's speech, was wretched and interspersed now and then with an Eng- lish word, more for the purpose of advising that English •was his native tongue, and, with the occasional use of a Tegua word, to show that he was acquainted in some mea- sure with the Indian's own tongue ; still, curious and faulty
PO-SE 339
as was his use of the language, he spoke without any hesi- tation. The Indian's use of the Spanish, while much more grammatical, was quite as peculiar; although he made no use of his natural tongue, as if it were a sacrilege, a native Mexican would have said, "It is the accent of a Tegua". I shall translate, since their words may not -be intelligibly written.
The Doctor, dogmatically, "No, Juan" — Juan was the Indian's baptismal, or Spanish name — "No rain yet. Tomorrow, more wind. When it is full moon, then, may be, yes". And the Indian quite as wise in his own conceits: "The moon has now but five days. It is the growing (cre- ciente - first) quarter ; when she has six, may be seven, then will come the rain".
He stepped to the corner of the tent and made use of that peculiar gesture with the mouth by putting out his lips and indicated where the crescent hung over the west- ern mountains growing brighter with the fast fading light of the sun.
"The moon", he calmly went on, "you see is red, like the fire, the other moon was white all the time — "
"It is the smoke," broke in the doctor, "from the burn- ing forests through — "
The Indian paid no attention to the interruption but doggedly continued : " — but that moon sometimes is going to make a big lie. It is not the moon, no — no, sir ! It is that wind. The wind tells no lie."
Just then we heard the slow beat of an Indian drum and the low, even chant of two or three male voices in uni- son, the sounds coming from the Estuf a (council chamber) . I thought I detected in the imperfect light a contemptuous smile on the Indian's face as he turned towards the sounds and uttered with something of bitterness in his tones:
"Even the people know when to deceive. Now they make the big dance and then it will rain". He laughed a low, bitter laugh and added, as he turned toward us, "But some day that rain will come too fast and too much".
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His last words contained a real prophecy which I re- called afterwards. At the time, I thought of them only as the mutterings of a disappointed man.
The doctor had gone within and impatiently asked about supper.
"Going to spend the night at the Estufa?" I asked.
"Yes, I am going to see the whole works this time. To- morrow takes place the Rain Dance and tonight is the last of the preparation."
The Indian still stood, gazing into the west. I asked him if he would come over and talk after the doctor had gone.
In his own tongue he answered me: "Behind Ku-si ping" (the highest of the western range) "the moon will fall there, then shall I arrive."
Thus did he often dignify me when he dropped his Spanish and used the Tegua dialect. Speaking with the doctor he always used the white man's language ; but I was his younger brother (ti-u) ; therefore would he use the words that an older brother (pa-di) Might speak to his younger brother. Without turning, nor saying more, he brushed aside the low bushes growing near and went away, silently, with no more noise than a cat might have made.
The doctor came outside and looked around. Not see- ing the Indian, he exclaimed: "What in the world have you done with Juan? It looks as though he might have been swallowed up by that moon of his."
"Po-se is a pretty good type ; he comes and goes silent- ly", I replied. "What a pity, doctor, that he does not get along better with his fellows!"
In his usual, over-wise manner, the doctor answered: "So always with tyrants — and men. He belongs to the minority; those who are best equipped for counselors are not always in the council chamber. He is too wise to rule. His character, also, accounts for the name he has among his people".
PO-SE 341
"I have never heard that".
"The Indians are too polite to insult your friend in your presence ; but to me they often call him Chu-ge The word is a little stronger than the Spanish, brujo; a little worse than our English, wizard."
After supper the doctor bade me good night and went towards the Estufa leaving me to think over the strange character of my Indian friend. Many a tramp had we taken together, many a story had he told me of the old days, much of the old customs and much of his peculiar tongue. A di- plornat in his way, he professed to believe in the changes that were advocated by the new teachers, yet he still held tenaciously to much that was old, and I concluded that even his weak advocacy of the white man's improvements would change if only his faction could count a working majority, for no race is a greater stickler for a majority rule than that of the Indian ; yet he had a profound suspicion, in his crude way, of the "Square Deal" so long as the pack re- mained in the hands of his enemies. So he preferred seces- sion to submission.
In other ways Po-se fully satisfied my earlier formed ideals of an Indian hero. He was large for an Indian, but a giant among the Pueblos ; his massive shoulders, his large hands and feet, his straight, wiry form, his bold, aquiline face, made a figure to be picked out and set apart from a race that is fast deteriorating.
-II-
As I sat waiting outside in the unaccustomed stillness of the night air, the monotonous beat of the drum, the weird chant of the singers, the regular stamping of the dancers' feet upon the resonant floor of the estufa — the sounds muffled by the thick walls of the building — pro- duced a drowsiness and I was wishing that I had not asked my Indian friend's company. I began to frame, half un-
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consciously, some kind of an excuse to get rid of him upon his arrival, when, of a sudden, I was startled by a dark shadow, lengthened to uncommon and apparitious pro- portions, just in front of where I sat. Looking up I saw Po-se approaching and several feet away, but in the op- posite direction from which I expected him. He was in a direct line with the almost disappearing rays of the moon and I wondered if he might not have stood guard at some safe distance to be sure of nature's time piece.
Advancing, he entered the light space thrown out by the tent lamp beyond the darker shade wherein I sat. I could not but admire the graceful, blanketed figure, erect and moving in a direct line with a quick but noiseless tread as of some animal of prey.
Fully satisfied that Po-se had waited beyond the tent for the appointed hour, as soon as he had seated himself upon the ground I went into the cook's tent and brought him out a heaping plate of food. My surmise had either been correct, or he had met with scant cheer at home, for he ate ravenously.
The meal seemed an effective lubricant to his tongue, for, as he slowly rolled his cigarette, he cautiously asked, "Ke-ma (friend), is the medico (physician) still gone?"
Now the head gate leading to an Indian's information need not be opened too wide at the beginning. I answered carelessly, "Yes, nearly an hour."
"He will arrive when?"
"In the morning when the day breaks, he told me."
He was silent for several minutes while the smoke curled above his head and floated off into the darkness. Then, like one feeling his way over an unfamiliar trail, he asked, "He has not talked to you about the trouble between me and the people?"
"Yes, but he has heard only the other side ; maybe he knows not all the truth. Tell me your side and I will listen. Then I shall know the truth."
"I will. But first I will tell you of the dance which
PO-SE 343
we make when it is very dry and then you will understand." He began in that strange monotone, peculiar to re- lators and orators of his race. He used the Spanish which I best understood, yet now and then, as if he found the foreign tongue unworthy, he spoke a word or a phrase in the Tegua.
"Years ago, just after the planting, when the Rain Priest (Po-a-tun-go), and those with him, had prayed long for the rain and had done all else to bring down the water from the clouds that blew quickly away, and when the Rain Priest saw that it was very dry and more yet of sad- ness would come unless the good rain should fall; because the Guan-sa-be (The Navajo)2 had set fire to the mountain sides so that the deer (Pa-i) and the elk ( )3 and the
little rabbit (Pu) and the big rabbit (Quong) had run away and the rattle snakes ( )4 had gone far down into the
earth — for all these the people knew it could not rain. Then they heard that their friends who dwelt beyond the eastern mountains had gone far away to the great river and all the buffalo (Ko) had gone with them. That made the people very sad because their friends would not come in the time of the ripe corn; they would not bring the good meat nor the skins that were warm because of the long wool, since there would be no meal nor corn to pay for them. "Then the Po-a-tun-go went away for three days and when he came again he called the people and said what must be done for he had found out the way. So he chose all the young men that were of him, who had no women, and taught them a new dance. On the first day they must eat no food at all and for six days more they might eat only the food which the Po-a-tun-go brought down from the top of the Estuf a which the women placed there ; for none of the dancers might see a woman nor come close to one. On
2. Harrington, Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indiana, 107, gives the spelling, "Wan-sa-ve."
3. Bandelier left blank. The Tewa term "Ta" is given by Juniua Henderson, Ethnozoology of the Tewa Indians, p. 16 — editor.
4. Ibid, p. 51 "Qw ae' npu."
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the eighth day they must go to the flat rock which is on the south side of Tun-go Ping, and there they must dance all the day long, or until it might rain; first they would sing the song and beat the drum slowly and not too loud; afterwards, louder would they beat the drum and faster would they sing the song and the dancers would go very fast. Towards the evening the snakes would come out from beneath the mountain and because it had been very dry these had gone very far down.
"Thus they did according to the way the Po-a-tun-go had been told. And the young men who danced saw not the face of any woman during all of the eight days, they made not one mistake and obeyed all that their father, the Po-a-ttm-go, had told them to do, for they looked into all of the six ways and threw meal Up (Ma-ka-no,) Down (Non-so-oino-ge), East (Tom-pe), West (Tsom-pe), South A-kom-pe), North (Pim-pe).
"From the top of Tun-go Ping the women and the men who did not dance nor sing, looked down and saw that the dance was good and they were very glad; but the women covered the face that none who danced might see; when these brought up water the men would let it down over the side that the young men might drink and not fail. Then came the rain and it was good for all the people, and the snakes, because they came out and brought the rain, they took care of and made for them the little room by the flat rock. So always when it is dry for a long time the people make the Great Dance, that the snakes may not go away.
"Yet now the Po-a-tun-go is a bad man and does what the 0-ge-ke (Winter Cacique) tells him, and when the people dance they make many mistakes; they do not sing the song in the old way nor dance as they should and soon they will have no more the dance because they are very bad."
The old man paused and I asked so as not to offend, "Will it not be better when all the people have forgotten the dance?"
PO-SE 345
But he replied, using that peculiar Tegua word ex- pressing strong doubt, holding up both hands and shrug- ging up his shoulders, "Ga-ha!"
Then I, thinking to make an impression, argued, "0, my friend, when your people think less of the dance, they will have more time to think of work and all things else which help you to live better and have more ! For will not the rain come, or not come? Is not that God's business anyhow?"
-III-
Po-se gave no heed to my little sermon and I thought at the time that I had only wasted words ; but afterwards I found that the meaning had found lodgement in his crude mind.
He went on :
"Now I will tell of the trouble and I will tell you the truth. The time of the year was the same as now, and, as the mountain fires burn now, in the same way they burned then.
"The governor then was my father who asked the Po-a-tun-go what he was doing. That one said he had done everything else, but only the Great Dance on the flat rock must be done.
"Then my father cried from the top of the Estufa and told the people to wait and be good, for the Po-a-tun-go was going to make the dance and then it would surely rain.
"I was very glad when I heard the words because I am of the Kai-dge (one of the two divisions of the Teguas)5 and at that time I was very swift and strong. No other knew the song nor the dance as well as I, and the Po-a-tun- go liked me better than all the others because I obeyed all his words. He was very good to me and taught me more than all the others. Qua-sang-wi was his wife and a bad woman. She always helped Kai-e, her son, who was as bad
5. The "summer people." Harrington (Elhnogeography, p. 78) gives a different phonetic spelling — editor.
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as his mother. The Po-a-tun-go was always afraid of them, and he was almost as strong and swift as I, but not quite, but because he was the Rain Priest he could not quarrel with them and make them obey; for that is the way with the Po-a-tun-go; he must not quarrel but must always do his duty and be good to all the people. Kai-e was of the Qua-di (the other division of the Teguas)' like his mother and he was almost as strong and swift as I, but not quite, for I beat him always and that made him feel sad and his mother hated me.
"When the time came to make ready for the dance I went to Tset-ha, — she was the one that all the people had agreed should be my wife — and I told her not to carry any water only in the early morning, for in the evening I would have to watch from the top of the Estufa. Then I could make no mistake and forget and look upon her face. Tset- ha was always good and obeyed me in every thing: so she said she would do as I said, but because it was very dry and hot they would need water the day before the dance, and only on that day in the evening she would bring water. And I said it was good and surely I would not look on the last day. Then when I had obeyed all the days and stood the last day and looked long upon the place of the flat rock, I felt glad because we could make the good dance the next day.
"While I stood and thought no evil, I heard Tset-ha go along the pathway and she said 'Na-di' (I am here to those who stood near and I knew her voice and step. But Kai-e saw it all, for his mother had told him how to do. There he stood in the way and when he saw my own pass he caught her sabina (the head cloth) ; she cried out and took hold of the jar that it might not fall and then the cloth fell from her face. When I heard her voice I forgot and looked ; and because her sabina had fallen away I saw her face.
"When the people saw how I had been fooled they laughed but Tset-ha ran to her house because she was
i. The "winter people." For variant spelling, see ibid. p. 76.
PO-SE 347
afraid. I saw how it was and I said to Kai-e, 'Some day shall I pay you ; the longer you wait, the more shall I owe.'
"Then because I had made a mistake I could not dance ; only could I help in the place of the snakes and sing. And when the day of the dance came and the others had danced all the day long and had. done everything else, it did not rain for a long time and the people met and said I was to blame. They said I could not have Tset-ha, but that Kai-e should have her. They shut me up in the Estufa for a long time and not even my father would see me.
"Tset-ha then said she did not like me but that she liked Kai-e better, and in that way she fooled them and they let me out. When they let me out the rains had come and the people said they would have a big feast and then they would give my own to Kai-e. But before they could do that I met Tset-ha in the willows by the river, and then we laughed a long time because we were going to fool all the people.
"She said, 'Let us run away to Te-ma-ge (Cochiti) and they will not know; there is where lives my two cou- sins who are very strong and swift/
"And I said, 'It is a good way. Run back now to your house and I will wait; when the moon is behind Ku-si-ping we will go. All this night we will run and tomorrow we will be with your cousins/
"So she ran back, but in the way she met Kai-e who caught her by the arm. All the time he was saying, 'Na- vi-e! Na-vi-e!' (my own! my own!) while she was calling to me and fighting to keep him away. I heard them and ran swiftly from behind and with a big stone I struck him so that he fell down like one dead. When the people came to take him, he opened his eyes and laughed and kept on saying 'Na-vi-e! Na-vi-e!' So the people met and because they saw that Kai-e was Ping-e-he (crazy), they said that Tset-ha was to blame. They shut her up in the Estufa, but one night her two cousins came from Te-ma-ge, be- cause I ran there and told them, and we stole her away.
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We went to the priest and I told him the truth. Then he married us. So then the people could say no more about us and they could do nothing at all. Now you know the truth."
"But what became of the old Po-a-tun-go?" I asked. "Your present one is about your own age."
He hesitated before making his reply; then, as if weighing his words: "He died, yet he was not sick."
"And Qua-sang-wi?"
"The people all met and said she was chu-ge (witch) because she made her husband die when he was not sick. All the people were very angry, so they burned her till she died."
"What of Kai-e?"
The old man laughed at the question — . a hard, cruel, remorseless laugh. As he straightened up to his full height and stood in the shadow I thought I could detect that pe- culiar expression of an unfeeling victor flash from his eyes while he pointed over the flat roofs to the opposite edge of the village ; his words were distinct and bitter, the mem- ories of the past and deep hate preventing a connected ut- terance : "He lives yonder — the fool - with his real father, the governor for this year — laughing always — he says to everyone — to a man, to a woman, to a little boy, to a little girl, to a burro, to a dog — the same words, 'Na-vi-e ! Na-vi-e!"
I thought it best not to pursue the subject further, for the old man seemed deeply wrought up over the remem- brances of the past. Without thinking of the effect of my words, I said quietly,
"Po-se, my friend, come and go with me to the dance tomorrow ; I have the governor's permission ; only must we go by the trail up the southeast corner."
The old man wheeled 'round, drawing his blanket closer about his shoulder; I saw I had made a mistake in mentioning the governor but I awaited his words as I sat, fascinated by the glitter in his eyes. His compressed lips
PO-SE 349
trembled as he paused for a full minute before replying. Then his speech came and his words fell hissing from be- tween his slightly parted lips like escaping steam:
"ticensia del gobernador ! / (the governor's permis- sion!) I need it not. I have my rights. Who will prevent me? I shall not go by the trail, but by the Shay-i (ladders),. Go with me, na vi ke-ma, (my own friend) and I will show you the way up the Tun-go Ping Shay-i (the ladders of Tun-go Ping). Only the medico (physician) may not go with us."
"I will go as you say, my friend."
"It is a good way. Be ready early," he said. Again he parted the bushes and was gone.
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THE LAST WORD ON "MONTEZUMA" Benjamin M. Read
Those who read the Santa Fe New Mexican may re- call, in its issue of May 23, 1925, my article on the origin and history of the name "Montezuma", in which I comment on the so-called New Mexico Indian traditions : that Monte- zuma was born at the Indian pueblo of Pecos, whence he rode, centuries ago, on the back of an eagle to the site of the present City of Mexico; that the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico are related to the Aztecs of Old Mexico; that "Montezuma" is an Aztec word which had its origin in New Mexico - the truth of all of which statements I denied in my article.
THE NAME "MONTEZUMA" OF SPANISH ORIGIN
The word "Montezuma", in its original use, was un- doubtedly pronounced differently by the ancient Aztecs from the form in which it has been embalmed by historical writers. The first historian to give us the ancient Aztec pronunciation of the name was Fr. Bernardino Sahagun, who went to Mexico shortly after the conquest by Hernan Cortes. Father Sahagun's first work in the New World was the preparation of a History of the Discovery and Con- quest of the West Indies, which he recorded in the Aztec language in twelve volumes, of which the ninth volume deals with the history and conquest of the Aztec Empire. Sahagun's work was translated and published years later in Spain. In chapter one of the volume noted, in referring to the first embassy despatched by Montezuma to inter- view Juan de Grijalva, captain of the expedition sent by Velazquez from Cuba to Mexico, who had just arrived with
THE LAST WORD ON "MONTEZUMA" 351
his fleet at "San Juan de Ulua',1 Father Sahagun says, in regard to Grijalva's business in the New World, that the chief of the embassy, on being asked by Grijalva who had sent him, replied that the great ruler "Mocthecuzuoma" had sent them to meet the Spaniards. Bandelier, in his article "The Montezuma of the Pueblo Indians,"2 says: "There is no need of proving that the name of the Mexican "Chief of men" (Tlaca-tecuhtli) who perished while in the custody of the Spaniards under Hernando Cortes in 1520, w&s Mo-techu-zouma, literally "Our Wrathy Chieftain." Bandelier then adds: "Bernal Diaz del Castillo, an eye- witness and the much-prejudiced author of the True His- tory of the Conquest of Mexico/ is responsible for the corruption into Montezuma, which has since become pop- ular and most widely known." Further on Bandelier says:
"No mention is made of Montezuma in Spanish docu- ments on the Southwest of an earlier date than 1664, when speaking of the (then recently discovered) ruins of Casas Grandes, in northwestern Chihuahua, Francisco de Gor- raez Beaumont and Antonio de Oca Sarmiento speak of those buildings as the old 'houses of Montezuma/
In prehistoric times, and as early as 1440, the Indian name of the fifth king of the Aztecs was "Ilhuicamina Mocthecuzoma," but it seems that officially he was known as Mocthecuzoma only, which was, as above stated, cor- rupted by the Spaniards into Montezuma and Moctezuma (as claimed by Bandelier).3
The first time the name "Montezuma" was used was on the arrival of Cortes at Vera Cruz, and the first Span- iard to use it, or rather to corrupt its pronunciation, was Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who, in relating the interview be-
1. This is the name given by Grijalva to the small island opposite Vera Crut where stands the ancient Spanish fortification known by that name to this day, at which place GrijalvtTs fleet had arrived on Saint John's day, June 24, 1518.
2. American Anthropologist, vol. V. pp. 319-326, Washington, October 1892.
3. In connection therewith see Leduc, Lara y Pardo, Diccionario de Geografia, Historia y Biografiat Mexicanaa", p. 631.
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tween Cortes and the Indian chief of the embassy which the Aztec emperor sent to Cortes, stated that he was a ser- vant of the great Montezuma, his Lord, who had sent them there to learn who the Spaniards were and what they were seeking and, further, to ascertain if they were in need of anything, and, if so, to provide them with all things for which they might ask.4
It is well to observe that in my reference to original authorities I have preferred those who either heard the name first from the lips of the Aztec Indians during the time of the conquest by Cortes in 1519-21, like Bernal Diaz del Castillo, who was not only one of the conqueror's most valiant soldiers, but was also the historian of and co-con- queror in that remarkable achievement, or who, like Fr. Bernardino de Sahagun, who arrived in Mexico five or six years after the fall of the Aztec capital in August, 1521, and who was the first Spanish author to learn the Mexican language and to write, in that language, the first History of the Conquest, above cited. The next early author of the history of the conquest to be considered is no less a person than a son of one of the companions of Cabeza de Vaca during the most notable journey recorded in the annals of the New World. I refer to Cabeza de Vaca's journey from Florida to Mexico in 1528-36. This author was —
BALTAZAR DORANTES DE CARRANZA
Baltazar Dorantes de Carranza was the son of Andres Dorantes de Carranza who accompanied Cabeza de Vaca across the continent from Florida to Mexico, as above
4. "Y dende obra de media aora QUO obimos surgido vinieron dos Canoas muy grandes, que en aquellas partes, a las canoas grandes, llaman piraguas y en Ellas binieron muchos yndios mexicanos, y como vieron los Estandartes y El navio grande conozieron que alii avian de yr a hablar al capitan y fueronse derechos al nabio y entran dentro y pregutan qual Era El Tatuan que en su lengua dizen El senor y dofia marina que bien lo entendio, porque aabia muy bien la lengua, se le mostro a Cortes y los yndios hizieron mucho acato a Cortes. A su Vsanza y le dizeron que fuese bienvenido. E que vn criado del gran montezuma, les enviava A saber que hombres eramos, E que buscavamos E que si algo oviesemos menester para nosotros y los navios que se los dixesemos." — Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Historia de la Con- quista de la Nueva Espana, vo., I. pp. 105-06.
THE LAST WORD ON "MONTEZUMA" 353
stated. Baltazar's mother was a lady of the Aztec nobility. Baltazar wrote, in 1604, a complete genealogy of all the Spanish explorers, conquerors, laborers, soldiers, etc., un- der the title Sumaria Relation de las Cosas de la Nueva Espana. In referring to the Aztec emperor (p. 7) Baltazar calls him "Motectzumatzin". This work was not discovered until 1902, when, as stated by its discoverer, Don Jose Maria de Agreda y Sanchez, it was published under the auspices of the Museo Nacional of Mexico.
BALTAZAR DE OBREGON
Baltazar de Obregon, well known as the first historian of Mexican nationality, wrote several books toward the close of the sixteenth century. Among his more notable works, was the Historia de los Descubrimientos Antiguos y Modernos de Nueva Espana, written in 1584. This manu- script was not known to exist until the year 1924 when it was discovered by the Rev. Mariano Cuevas, S. J.,5 and, like the Sumaria Relation of Baltazar Dorantes de Carranza, was published by the Department of Public Education of . Mexico in the year named. In his references to the Aztec emperor, Obregon calls him by the name "Moctezuma" (chap. I, p. 9), a fact showing that many of the first his- torians of Spanish and Mexican extraction used both the original and the corrupted name of that ruler, some em- ploying the name "Montezuma" following the corrupted change made by Bernal Diaz del Castillo, and others re- cording "Moctezuma" or the original name "Mocthecu- zoma". Referring to this unfortunate misspelling of the original Indian name, Bandelier says:8
"It is interesting how that misspelling has taken hold of the public mind, how it has completely supplanted the original true orthography and meaning. Meaning even is out of place here, for, while Motecuzoma is a legitimate
5. Revista Catdlica, El Paso, Tex., Feb. 15, 1925, also Western American, El Paso, Tex., Feb. 14, 1925.
6. Op. cit., p. 319.
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Nahuatl word with a very plain signification, and also a typical Indian personal name, Montezuma has no signifi- cation whatever; and yet, in Mexico, even the Nahuatl In- dians - those who speak the Nahuatl language daily - know only Montezuma and would hardly recognize the original name as applicable to him, whom they have been taught to call an 'emperor'."
Further on Bandelier says: "The confusion between those two personages had already been procreative of a mythical Montezuma in the minds of the educated people. Is it to be wondered at if that mythical figure took a still stronger hold on the conceptions of the simple Indian?"
THE NAME IN NEW MEXICO
We will now consider the Montezuma worshipped by our Pueblo Indians and its probable introduction here in New Mexico.
In 1882, Hon. W. G. Ritch, then Secretary of the Terri- tory of New Mexico, published a pamphlet under the title New Mexico, A sketch of its History and Review of its Re- sources, in which (p. 11) the author makes a statement that, so far as my researches go, is not substantiated by any "written record which is to be found in some of the pue- blos." No creditable present-day historian can vouch for Mr. Ritch's statement, although one well-konwn author, Mr. Adolf F. Bandelier, ten years after Ritch's book, ap- peared, published his article on the " 'Montezuma' of the Pueblo Indians", above cited, which, it is fair to presume, was written by Bandelier for the purpose of refuting Ritch's story. In a statement shrouded in doubt, Bandelier tries to explain the existence of Ritch's "written record" respecting Montezuma, and, although he does not claim to have seen any such document, he says that Bishop Lamy told him that he (the Bishop) had seen it at the Pueblo of Jemez. The importance and relationship of Ritch's essay and Bandelier's article are so apparent that it justifies the reproduction of both. We will take them in their chrono- logical order. The Ritch statement follows:
THE LAST WORD ON "MONTEZUMA" 355
"A written record which is to be found in some of the Pueblos is that Pecos pueblo was the birth-place of Mon- tezuma ; that after he had grown to man's state7 he showed himself possessed of supernatural powers; that he at a certain time assembled a large number of his people and started from New Mexico on a journey south, Montezuma riding on the back of an eagle ; and thus riding in advance, vil|as to his people as was the star to the wise men of the East. The sign of arriving at the site of the great city and capital of the Aztec nation was to be the alighting of the eagle upon a cactus bush and devouring a serpent. This event took place when the eagle arrived at the site of the present city of Mexico, then first made a city and capital."
One may assume that Ritch had read the history of the conquest of Mexico, and very likely had been told that the Pueblo Indians had been brought up with that tradi- tion in their minds. Omitting the unfounded theories of those who have given to the world the Montezuma myth, the question naturally presents itself, Where did the Pue- blo Indians first receive the information about the legend? I have never been able to find any plausible answer to this question, unless we reach the conclusion that the first Spaniards who came to New Mexico had related to the Pueblo Indians the semi-historical story about the Aztecs having migrated into Mexico from the North. Be that as it may, Montezuma was not born in New Mexico, neither is there any traceable connection between the Aztecs and the Pueblo Indians.
ADOLPH F. BANDELIER
Referring to the probable time when the Montezuma- New Mexico myth reached New Mexico, Bandelier states :'
"We now come to the time when the Montezuma story assumed a prominent position among the New Mexican Pueblos. The manner in which this happened is not devoid of interest.
"In the year 1846, when war between the United States and Mexico was imminent, a singular document was con-
7. "Estate" ?
8. Op. cit., pp. 323-4.
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coded (according to its tenor, at least) in the City of Mex- ico. It is written in Spanish and was, to my knowledge, never printed, but exists in several manuscript copies in New Mexico. It purports to be a 'History of Montezuma'. Beginning with the folk-tale current among the Tehuas about their hero god Pose-yemo or Pose-ueve, it applies that part of the story relating to the latter's childhood to the childhood of Montezuma, and then goes on to relate the career of the latter, of his sister and mother, etc., un- til it makes of him a conqueror of Mexico. There Mon- tezuma becomes connected with the Malinche. What the Malinche was is well known. The name itself is a corrup- tion of the Spanish name Marina by the Nahuatl, who, not having the letter 'r' in their alphabet, substituted always the letter T, thus making "Malina" out of 'Marina'. Marina was the interpreter en chef of Cortes during his conquest of Mexico. The document cited makes of the Malinche a daughter of Montezuma, and, after bringing Cortes and his conquest and victory over Montezuma, concludes by marrying Malinche to Cortes, and by representing New Mexico as part of the dower which the Indian maiden brought to her Spanish husband. Such document, manu- factured at a time when an American invasion of New Mex- ico was apprehended, written at the City of Mexico and circulated in every New Mexican pueblo [?] that could be reached, is plainly what may be called a 'campaign docu- ment', conceived in view of strengthening the claims of Mexico upon New Mexico in the eyes of the Pueblo Indians and refuting anything to the contrary that might be antic- ipated from the side of the United States. It is written in a style peculiarly within the grasp of the Indian, it being Spanish after the fashion in which the Pueblo Indian uses ttyat language in conversation. Whether written in New Mexico and only dated from the capital, or written at that capital, it is certain that the author deserves great credit for the shrewdness with which he has adapted both story and style to the imagination and power of understanding of the aborigines. Since the circulation of that document the story of Montezuma has become stereotyped in the mouths of many Pueblo Indians, and when interrogated by tourists and ethnological volunteers they repeat it with greater or less precision."
We will now listen to Mr, Bandelier's statement re-
THE LAST WORD ON "MONTEZUMA" 357
garding the source of his information on the existence of the alleged Montezuma document:9
"I never succeeded in seeing it, but the Most Reverend Archbishop of Santa Fe [Lamy], during one of his official visits to Jemez, obtained permission to peruse the mysteri- ous volume. It proved to be, as we ascertained by com- paring it with a copy in my possession, a copy of the letters (Cartas) of Cortes edited by Lorenzana and illustrated with pictures of Mexican costumes. From this book, the existence of which was known to all the Pueblos [?], and about the contents of which they had been partially in- formed, it would have been easy to gather material for the 'History of Montezuma' of 1846, and it is not unlikely that it has been the source of the latter, except of the intro- ductory portions, which embody a genuine tradition of the Tehua Indians, which was easy to obtain from any one of the more communicative members of that or of any neigh- boring tribe. The Montezuma of New Mexico, is, therefore, in its present form a modern creation."
We will now hear Bancroft: but I wish first to avail myself of the opportunity to express to Mr. F. W. Hodge, of the Museum of the American Indian, my thanks for his valubale assistance, for it was through him that I obtained Bandelier's interesting paper, by the loan of his own printed copy, without which this would have remained incomplete.
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT Mr. Bancroft says :10
"It is also still the custom of most writers to refer to the ruins and relics of this region as undoubtedly of Aztec origin, and to adopt more or less fully the theory that the ancestors of the Pueblo tribes were Aztecs left in Arizona during the famous migration from the north-west to Mex- ico. As the reader of my Native Races is aware, it is my belief that no such general migration occurred, at least not within any period reached by tradition ; but whether this belief is well founded or not, I have found no reason to modify my position that the New Mexican people and cul-
9. Ibid.
10. History of Ariz., and N. M., pp. 4-5,
24
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ture were not Aztec. The Montezuma myth of the Pueblo communities, so far at least as the name is concerned if not altogether, was certainly of Spanish origin."
CONCLUSION
The above resume is, so far as my knowledge of the alleged legend is concerned, all there is to the so-called tra- dition regarding the migration and relationship of the Aztecs, — the origin of the name Montezuma, and of the alleged flight of that ruler from Pecos pueblo in New Mex- ico to the City of Mexico.
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REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES
The Rise of the Spanish Empire. By Roger Bigelow Merriman, Professor of History in Harvard University, (The MacMillan Company New York, 1926) It is seven years since the publication of Volume II by Professor Merriman of his scholarly history of the Spanish Empire. The first volume was given to Spain in the Middle Ages, in Volume II the story of the Catholic kings was told, while Volume III is devoted to the reign of Charles V, 300 of its 700 pages covering Spain's conquest in the New World. Volume IV is to take the history down to the death of Philip II.
Professor Merriman, in covering a span of history for which the sources are prolific and which has been exam- ined and re-examined by historians of various nationalities, particularly those of Germany and Austria, is generous in giving credit to those to whom he feels indebted and in pointing out the sources which have thrown new light for him upon wellknown historical facts. He admits that the final word is never said upon any epoch or historical episode and confesses that there have been compensations for the delay of seven years in publishing the third volume in that this delay has enabled him "to utilize several books whose recent appearance has made the study of Spanish history, and particularly of the period of Charles V, both easier and more fruitful than ever before." His conclusions are the latest word of scholarship but surely not the last upon the period under review, for he himself says : "The amount of practically unutilized printed material for Spanish his- tory still remains so vast, that it is quite as important that it should be thoroughly explored as that extensive re- searches should be made for something new."
Professor Merriman has not only the viewpoint but also the method of the modern scientific historian. He
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appears without prejudice though decided in expressing his opinions after weighing all authorities at his command. He realizes the danger of generalization and yet says: "If there was any one characteristic common to all ranks and classes of the Spain of that period, it was certainly dislike and distrust of foreigners. The reasons for this are not far to seek. Geographical facts and historical traditions furnished the background. A natural pride in glorious deeds done under the Catholic Kings, and a consequent tendency to look down on others who had accomplished less, counted for much." He quoted Guicciardini : "They are by nature proud, and believe that no other nation can be compared with their own. In their conversation they are constantly vaunting their own exploits. . . . They have little use for strangers, and are exceedingly rude in their deal- ings with them."
"That Charles knew little of Spain and of the Span- iards, and that most of that was wrong" was the opinion expressed by the bishop of Badajoz in a letter to Cardinal Ximenez at the beginning of the reign of Charles V and the history is therefore not only that of Spain but also the development of the young ruler who gave no "promise of the ability, ambition or independence which he was after- wards shown to possess." It is a striking portrait which the author draws of the appearance and personality of the Emperor and his deeds which reconciled the Spaniard to the fact that Spain's greatest glory came at the initiative of and under a foreign sovereign, a prince of the house of Hapsburg at that. It was Cardinal Ximenez who looms dominant in Spain in the first few months of the reign of Charles. Incidentally, the efforts of the Cardinal "for the progress and prosperity of the Spanish dominion across the Atlantic, and for the fair treatment of the American Indians, form an interesting and important episode in the history of Spanish civilization in the New World." Never- theless, the "most intimate adviser was the Burgundian
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Chievres, for whom Charles entertained affection and pro- found respect."
The problems of taxation and of government during the reign of Charles V are vividly presented, The conditions of life as they existed four hundred years ago in Spain and as the author interestingly describes them, were in their tendencies not much different from those of today. There are petitions to the Emperor to forbid cards and dice "as has been done in the kingdom of Portugal." One of the commonest demands is for the codification of laws into one volume and in language that the people could under- stand. There are requests that the ancient histories of the realm be collected and printed and that "books of lies and vanities" over which "youths and the young women spend their idleness" be burned. Much attention was given to higher education. One petition says: "Since fathers and mothers send their sons to the universities, and care- fully provide them with food and clothes and books, and the students, on the pretext that they need to purchase these things, seek to get money by loans or by pawning their books and effects and then gamble it away or spend it for other evil purposes and are thereby distracted from their studies" let it be forbidden "to imprison students for such debts." Another complaint has it that the apothe- caries are seldom present in their shops but leave behind them incompetent persons "who mix up the drugs and make other mistakes, from which great harm results for those who take the said medicir»3s." The petitioners ask that no one be permitted to practice without a thorough ex- amination and the degree of bachelor of arts. The procura- dores were also greatly concerned over the march of luxury and reckless expenditure. As stated : "It often happens to a poor woman who has nothing but a place in a doorway and a bed of cloths, which she has collected as a dowry for her daughter, that the guests who are imposed on her ruin her bed and destroy it." Gay clothes and carriages were another cause of complaint. "Such is the insolence that
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coaches and all their following have been seen to pass the Holy Sacrament in the streets without a single obeisance. . . moreover there have occurred countless terrible accidents through people's rushing and confusion, through the fright- ening of horses and mules, and the falls of their riders." There were also efforts to mitigate the harsh punishments of the day. "Since those who are condemned by the Her- mandad to be shot with arrows are shot alive, without first being strangled, and this seems to be inhuman, and some- times causes a lingering death, we beg your Majesty to give orders that no one shall be shot with arrows without first being strangled."
Much space is given to the wars with the Infidels and especially the pirate Barbarossa and is followed by an ac- count of the effort of the Emperor to root out Protestant- ism which ended so disastrously for Charles. The mar- riage of Philip to Queen Mary of England and the retire- ment and death of Charles in the convent of Yuste close a story of dramatic intensity.
In the chapters that follow is told concisely and graph- ically the narrative of Spain's conquests and government in the New World, centering of course, around the epoch- making feats of Hernando Cortes, who because of "his fondness for brawling and amorous adventures" gave up his studies of the law at the University of Salamanca to enter upon a career that led to brilliant successes through his sheer audacity. "In his passion for gambling, and in his looseness of his relation with women, he was typical of the Spaniard of his day," says the writer, "but he kept business and pleasure rigidly separate, and when he recog- nized the moment for decisive action, drove forward with a power that refused to be denied. His followers could not resist the magic of his appeal. Under his leadership they attempted and achieved the impossible!" The writer quotes Cortes's chaplain and apologist Gomara, in discussing the trouble of Cortes with Governor Velasquez which "originated in Cortes's refusal to fulfill his
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 363
promise to marry a lady whom he had persuaded to become his mistress," but prefers to give credence to Las Casas, the historian and eye-witness of the scenes he describes, and who reports that Cortes became deeply involved in a plot agjainst Velasquez who had befriended Cortes. However, Cortes married the lady he had wronged and Velasquez, apparently reconciled, conferred on Cortes the office of alcalde and actually stood godfather to one of his children. "But smouldering jealousy and distrust still remained" and out of them grew the events that were destined to shape the future history of the Americas.
Merriman follows Bernal Diaz pretty closely in outlin- ing the salient facts in the life of Cortes but also cites Pro- fessor A. S. Aiton of the University of Michigan, especially as to the last years of the Conqueror, who even at the mo- ment that Charles V. rendered his verdict in favor of Cortes deprived him of the management of finance by naming a contador, the certificate of whose appointment was found in the archives of the Indies by Aiton. The appointment of Mendoza as viceroy and of the second audiencia, even though it took Mendoza six years to get his instructions and reach his post ousted Cortes completely. He sought to retrieve his fortunes in Algiers. "Like many another loyal servant of the Spanish crown," he "was ruthlessly cast aside and suffered to die in neglect."
Equally vivid is the recital of Pizarro's conquest of Peru. Coronado, Fray Marcos de Niza, De Soto, Narvaez, are other figures that pass over these pages and which serve to tie up the American Southwest with the great monarch who dominated the world for so many years.
It is just four hundred years since Charles V wedded Isabella of Portugal. Of this, the historian says: "The spring, summer, and autumn months which followed his marriage were probably the happiest of Charles's whole life. His union with Isabella had been dictated by policy, not affection ; in fact, he wrote to his brother Ferdinand
364 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
that he wedded her to get her dowry and an acceptable representative when he had to be away. But the Emperor was to be more fortunate in his marriage than he knew; for besides the financial and political advantages, he had the additional satisfaction of falling in love with his wife. His nature was not romantic. The cares of state weighed ceaselessly upon him and left scant space for the develop- ment of his affections. But he yearned for sympathy, loyalty, and devotion, and these Isabella offered him in full measure. Though slight and pale, she bore herself like an empress; her head and her heart were both in the right place; she was as a contemporary justly observed, 'of the sort that men say ought to be married.' Certainly she was an ideal companion for Charles. Though he had married her in part to get a regent in his absence, he was to find it unexpectedly difficult to leave her side. Most of their honeymoon was spent at Granada, where they took re- fuge from the great heats of the valley of the Guadalquivir. It was the first time that Charles had visited Andalusia, and he gazed with wonder and delight on what he saw."
It is these revelations and human touches that make the volume more than a history and cause the pages to teem with romance, although every statement is well docu- mented. The footnotes and references are voluminous, the typography excellent, the maps informative, and altogether, the book is one that delights the bibliophile, the student, the historian as well as the general reader.
P. A. F. W.
Pioneer Days in the Southwest By Grant Foreman, (A. H. Clark Co., Cleveland, Ohio.) The centenary of Kit Carson's arrival in Santa Fe and of Jedediah Smith's entry into California is more fittingly marked by the publication of a volume such as "Pioneer Days in the Early Southwest" by Grant Foreman, than it would be by the erection of monuments in bronze or stone to the pioneers to whom the United States owes the acquisition of an empire.
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 365
The author opens with an account of the early ex- plorations of Louisiana Territory. He declares: "From the mouth of the Verdigris, in its day the farthest thrust of the pioneer, the conquest of a large part of the South- west was achieved. The story of this campaign covering a period of nearly fifty years, has never been written, though it contains much of romance that even in the form of isolated or related incidents it is possible to record." He continues: "The earliest explorers of the Southwest were Spaniards. The first known visitors were DeSoto who croesed the Mississippi in 1540, and Coronado who came from the south the next year. Schoolcraft traces the march of DeSoto to the north of the Verdigris." It was not far from there that Coronado passed on his march to find Quivira. The author then tells of the illfated expedi- tion of Captain Villasur who left Santa Fe in 1719 and after a march of 600 miles was massacred with all his men except "the priest who escaped on his horse."
The expedition of Zebulon Pike in 1806 and that of Don Facundo Melgares sent out from Santa Fe in antici- pation of Pike (Melgares who later conveyed Pike as a prisoner to Chihuahua) were parties to one of the first conflicts between Spanish and American authorities that found their climax in the Texas invasion of New Mexico in 1841, and the capture of Santa Fe by General Stephen W. Kearny on August 18, 1846 It was then, according to the author that "the Southwest of the trader, trapper and explorer gave way to the Southwest of the immigrant, the herdsman, the goldseeker, arid agriculturist. With the birth of a new era was closed the last chapter of an old."
It is with crucial incidents of the thirty years between 1816 and 1846, that the volume mostly concerns itself. The author has gone to original sources and has made good use of official documents as well as published reports. The chapter headings, perhaps, give the best synopsis of the riches one finds in the 350 pages of beautiful typography
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marred only here and there by some typographical error which slipped by the proofreader :
Establishment of Fort Smith in 1817.
Expeditions of Fowler and James to Santa Fe in 1821.
Establishment of Fort Gibson in 1824.
Earliest known traders on Arkansas River.
Washington Irving at Fort Gibson, 1832.
Peace Attempts with Western Prairie Indians, 1833.
The Osage Massacre.
Colonel Dodge Reaches Villages of Western Indians.
Western Garrison Life.
Governor Houston at His Trading Post on the Verdi- gris.
Governor Houston's Life among the Indians.
The Stokes Treaty Commission.
Governor Stokes's Views and Difficulties.
Indian Warfare between Texas and Mexico.
Expeditions of Bonneville and other Early Traders.
Governor Stokes's Uncompleted Plans.
Warfare on the Texas Border, 1836.
Border Warfare and Texas.
The bibliography, the index and and a map showing early explorations and routes of expeditions are valuable addenda.
The author recalls that John G. James who left St. Louis on May 10, 1821, opened a store in Santa Fe where he had arrived on December 1, 1821. James spent six months in Santa Fe and then returned east by way of Taos. However, Glenn who headed the Fowler expedition was the first to go from the mouth of the Verdigris to Santa Fe.
Still earlier, Col. A. P. Chouteau &nd Julius DeMun had been trading in Spanish territory. In 1815 they were trading with the Arapaho Indians at the headwaters of the Arkansas. They returned to St. Louis the following year. Says the author :
"In their absence, a friendly governor at Santa Fe
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 367
had been succeeded by one hostile to Americans. Disre- garding the permission granted by his predecessor for the Americans to enter Spanish territory, the governor caused the arrest of Chouteau and DeMun with their men, as they were about to leave the Arkansas for the Crow In- dian country on Columbia River. They were thrown in- to prison at Santa Fe, where they were confined for forty- eight days, part of the time in irons; their lives were threatened, and they were subjected to other indignities; the final and most poignant of all was that Chouteau and DeMun were compelled to kneel to hear a lieutenant read the sentence pronounced by the governor, and were then 'forced likewise to kiss the unjust and iniquitous sentence, that deprived harmless and inoffensive men of all they possessed —of the fruits of two years' labor and perils,' as reported by them to our government." The description of Chouteau's establishment, feudal in its extent and man- agement, the visit of Washington Irving, the sketch of Mrs. Nicks, the first American business woman in the far West, make a delightful chapter. Countless thousands of prairie chickens, numberless herds of buffalo, gave some hint of the wealth of game that covered the western prairies.
"A party of twelve traders had left Santa Fe in Decem- ber, 1832, under Judge Carr of Saint Louis for their homes in Missouri. Their baggage and about ten thousand dollars in specie were packed upon mules. They were descending the Canadian river when, near the present town of Lathrop in the Panhandle of Texas, they were attacked by an over- whelming force of Comanche and Kiowa Indians. Two of the men, one named Pratt, and the other Mitchell, were killed: and after a siege of 36 hours the survivors made their escape at night on foot, leaving all their property in possession of the Indians. The party became separated and after incredible hardship and suffering, five of them made their way to the Creek settlements on the Arkansas and to Fort Gibson where they found succor. Of the other
368 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
five only two survived. The money secured by the In- dians was the first they had ever seen."
This and other incidents in the year of the great flood and of star showers (1833) led to the displacement of the Rangers by the Dragoons, commanded by Major Henry Dodge, and Lt. Col. Stephen Watts Kearny, who was des- tined 13 years later to take Santa Fe. Jefferson Davis, only a few years out of West Point, became a first lieuten- ant in the regiment. "While the Rangers wore no uniforms, Congress went to the other extreme in the organization of the Dragoons, who must have created a sensation in all beholders, if one can visualize them in their splendor: A double-breasted dark blue cloth coat, with two rows of gilt buttons, ten to the row; cuffs and collar yellow, the latter framed with gold lace and the skirt ornamented with a star. Trousers of blue gray mixture, with two stripes of yellow cloth three-quarters an inch wide up each outside seam. A cap like in infantryman's, ornamented with a silver eagle, gold cord, and with a gilt star to be worn in front with a drooping white horsehair pompon. Ankle boots and yellow spurs; sabre with steel scabbard and a half -basket hilt; sash of silk net, deep orange in color, to be tied on right hip and worn with full dress. Black patent leather belt; black silk stock, and white gloves. For un- dress uniform, the dark blue coat had only nine buttons on each breast, one on each side of the collar, four on the cuffs, four along the flaps, and two on the hips; an epau- lette strap on each shoulder. There was also a great coat of blue gray, made double-breasted and worn with a cape. Add the soldier's equipment of rifle and ammunition, and picture these helpless tender-feet from northern states starting in the middle of summer on an expedition of seven hundred miles, to impress the Indians with the splendor of their raiment and the menace of their arms and num- bers ; marching over the blazing prairies in heavy uniforms and through the suffocating thickets of underbrush and
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 369
briars that entangled with the countless buttons and snatched off the towering cap with the white pompon."
Enough has been quoted to give an inkling of the sus- tained interest of the volume which gives so vivid a picture of the "Conquest of the Southwest."
P. A. F. W.
The United States and Mexico By Pauline Safford Relyea. (Smith College Studies in History) The diplo- matic relations between the United States and Mex- ico under Porfirio Diaz, 1876-1910, are the theme of one of the recent Smith College Studies in History. It is by Pauline Safford Relyea. Considerable space is given in the introduction to diplomatic relations between the two countries from 1825 to 1876. In conclusion, the writer says :
"The undercurrent of hostility to American interests is not found to have been shared by the Mexican government. The administration pursued the same friendly course as during the preceding years, but the question that arose at the time of the introduction of Diaz's policy to invite for- eign capital into Mexico, the question as to whether the government would be able to establish its own feeling in the minds of those whose private interests were engaged, must now be answered in the negative. Two currents of feeling were present in Mexico at this time— that of the government still friendly to the United States and to American interests; that of many Mexicans who resented the results of the government policy and laid their wrongs at the door of American intervention in Mexican develop- ment. If this intervention could have been guided from the United States by a policy of 'usefulness', it might great- ly have aided Diaz in the success of his policy, but exploi- tation was more often the policy under which Americans worked. The government was thus pursuing the same friendly attitude. In 1907, the boundary question was further settled by a convention for the equitable distri- bution of the waters of the Rio Grande, whereby the Unit- ed States undertook to deliver 60,000 acre-feet of water an- nually to Mexico without cost. In the same year the second question left by the Commission, the matter of 'bancos', was settled by a line drawn through the deepest channel of the
370 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
river for the present but providing that all future ques- tions should be settled by reference to the old bed of 1848. The third question, that of the El Chamisal tract, was sub- mitted to arbitration and settled satisfactorily in 1910. As important as the settlements themselves was the culmi- nation of the policy of arbitration in the treaty of 1908 for submitting to the Hague Tribunal all controversies be- tween the two republics not capable of settlement by ordi- nary diplomatic means."
There is also an interesting note on the attempt to continue the Santa Fe Trail into Mexico.
P. A. F. W.
A Manual of Navaho Grammar. By Fr. Berard Haile, 0. F. M. of St. Michael's, Ariz. (Santa Fe New Mexican Publishing Corporation, Santa Fe, New Mex., 324 pp.) If "infinite capacity for taking pains" is genius, then the book is the work of a genius. The Navaho language is natur- ally in keeping with the Indian's way of thinking; and be- ing a child of nature, the accidental qualities of things and actions obtain great prominence. This calls for minute, or rather indinite detail of expression. Fr. Berard is exception- ally well qualified to work out and give us this detail. Hav- ing been in the field, living among the Indians at St. Michael's Chin lee, Lukachukai ; and speaking the lang- uage for upwards of 27 years, he is naturally familiar with the Indian's way of thinking and expressing himself. His is the knowledge, not of the theorist, but of the practical man and student.
The alphabet used is essentially the same as that used in the "Ethnologic Dictionary" and the "Vocabulary of the Navaho Language" published some years ago by the Fran- ciscan Fathers; but it is rounded out and simplified by applying suggestions, found in the "Phonetic Transcrip- tion of Indian Languages" (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 66, No. 6) published in 1916.
The work is dedicated to the memory of the late Fr. Anselm Weber, 0. F. M., who so valiantly fought the battles of the Indians, and especially the Navahoes, against the
REVIEWS AND EXCHANGES 371
neglect and oppression of the white man; and was, with- out doubt, the most noted of Indian Missionaries of recent date.
The publishers are to be complimented on their ability to solve the intricacies of the amazing alphabet and word grouping.
All in all, the work is one that will not easily be dupli- cated, and ought to prove a valuable aid to students of the language.
Fr. T. M.
NOTES AND COMMENTS
Referring to Prof. Baldwin's paper in the April Re- view, Mr. H. R. Wagner of Berkeley writes:
"I certainly dispute the fact that Niza ever set foot on the soil of New Mexico, and there are plenty of others who do not believe it. I am quite convinced that he never went any farther than the Gila Valley, all the rest being imagination. As far as Cortez' remarks are concerned, Niza's own account bears internal evidence that he had re- ceived information either from Cortez himself or someone who had accompanied him."
For detailed discussion of this point, with citation of important documents, see Wagner, The Spanish Southwest, pp. 45-49. In the author's opinion, these sources
"go a long way to bear out the statements of Cortez, who after all would never have dreamed of saying that he told Niza the stories he heard from the Indians unless there had been some foundation for it."
In connection with the Chamuscado paper by Dr. Mecham in the present issue, the facts regarding a lost map bearing on this expedition as stated by Mr. Wagner in the same work (p. 76) are of interest:
"A marginal reference in Hakluyt, 390, to a map in his possession which he said had been made by Chamuscado,
372 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
is interesting. Purchas, IV, 1561, also refers to a map of New Mexico in his possession, made in 1585, no doubt the one referred to by Hakluyt. There is not much doubt that it was the map made by Francisco Dominguez, who in his petition to the Council, undated but after 1584, A. G. I., 58- 6-19, expressly states that he had made a map of New Mexico at the request of the Viceroy Conde de Coruna. The King afterward complained that this had not been re- ceived,— we now see because the English had intercepted it."
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§ II AT C>uj«*> bo?- itbobt
of nit .fttfe, but (hick tet; light bu »
ADVERTISEMENT FOR THE RUNAWAY BOY, C, CARSON
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Vol. I. October, 1926. No. 4.
KIT CAUSON
Pathbreaker, Patriot and Humanitarian
BY F. T. CHEETHAM
Just one hundred years ago, next month, there arrived in Santa Fe, with a belated caravan from the Missouri River, a run-away boy of sixteen years, who was destined to win the spurs of fame on the American frontier. Though of such tender years, he possessed a modesty of demeanor coupled with a firm self-reliance that became outstanding characteristics of his career. His name was Christopher Carson, but he soon became affectionately know by all who knew and loved him as "Kit" Carson.
During the two years next preceding he had been ap- prenticed to David Workman in a saddlery. He loved the great out-of-doors and the work at a bench became irk- some to him. He therefore ran away. He found his way to Independence, Missouri, where he secured passage to New Mexico. Upon his arrival in Santa Fe, he remained but a short time, when he proceeded to Taos where he spent the winter with an old friend of his family, by the name of Kincade.
In the spring of 1827, probably suffering from an acute attack of nostalgia, he started to return home. He got as far as the Arkansas River where he met a caravan on the way to Mexico. The spirit of adventure overcame his homesickness and he faced about. He accompanied this
376 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
party as far as El Paso when he returned to Santa Fe and Taos.
He again spent the winter in Taos, cooking for Ewing Young, the trader and trapper who afterwards figured so conspicuously in the early history of Oregon. The spring following, Carson again started for Missouri and on reach- ing the Arkansas River he met Colonel Tramell, a trader bound for Chihuahua. Carson hired to him as interpreter and accompanied the train to its destination. While in Chihuahua, Kit was employed by Robert McKnight to go to the copper mines near the River Gila. He worked there for a time as a teamster, but in August, 1828, he returned to Taos.
About the time Carson returned to Taos, Ewing Young had associated with himself David E. Jackson of Jackson's Hole fame and Dr. David Waldo, under the firm name of Jackson, Waldo & Co. This firm had dispatched an expedi- tion to the Salt River which had been defeated and driven back by the Indians that inhabited that region. In Au- gust, 1829, a stronger party was organized under the lead- ership of Ewing Young to trap the River Gila and go on into California. Carson joined this party. They left Taos travelling a northwest course until they had passed be- yond the sphere of Santa Fe and the governor's customs agents. On reaching a safe distance they altered their course to the southwest and reached the head-waters of the Salt River. There they were attacked by the same tribe that had driven back the preceding expedition. In the fight that followed the Indians were worsted and the party proceeded on their way.
After a successful catch the party divided. One por- tion of the original p&rty returned to New Mexico with the furs while the other, which Carson joined, went on to the Colorado River and into California. They picked their way across the desert until they struck the Mojave River. This they followed to its source, crossed the range through Cajon Pass and in a few days arrived at Mission San Gabriel.
KIT CARSON 377
They rested a few days at this mission and then went to Mission San Fernando. From there the party went north to the Sacramento River where they commenced trap- ping. There they found a Hudson Bay Company party under the leadership of Peter Skene Ogden. Young's party remained in the vicinity of the Sacramento until Septem- ber of the following year when they returned by way of the Pueblo of Los Angeles, having disposed of their furs to a trading schooner. At Los Angeles, the Mexican authorities tried to apprehend the whole party by getting them intoxicated. Young intrusted his horses and camp equipment to the youthful Kit, whom he sent on the way while he managed to get his other men out of the place. They returned to New Mexico by way of the copper mines where they cached the furs they had taken enroute. From there the party proceeded to Santa Fe, where Young secured a license to trade. He took Carson with him, returned to the copper mines, "traded" for his furs and returned with the same to the capital. By April, 1831, Carson was back in Taos.
In the fall of that year, young Kit joined a party under Fitzpatrick to trap in the Northwest. For the next ten years he engaged in trapping in the Rocky Mountain region, even venturing as far as the eastern slope of the Sierras. During this time he explored nearly every im- portant stream and mountain pass from the headwaters of the Platte and Missouri to California and Oregon. He also became intimately acquainted with all the mountain men of note. He participated in many battles with the savages, many times against heavy odds.1 During these yqars he particularly fitted himself for those larger and more important duties which the future had in store for him.
Probably the first mention of Kit Carson in the nar-
1. See Kit Carson's Own Story of His Life, the "Peters Manuscript," edited and published in full for the first time, by Blanche C. Grant, Taos, N. Mex., at the Santa Fe New Mexican press.
378 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ratives of the early western travellers, is found in the Rev. Samuel Parker's "Exploring Tour Beyond the Rocky Mountains/' first published in 1838, while Carson was quite a young man and was just winning his title as a "Na-chi-gaime"2 of the hunters and trappers. Parker re- lates how Carson tamed a French-Canadian bully named Shunan.
By the year 1841, the price of furs had so declined that the trappers were forced to adopt some other means of gaining a livelihood. The prices which the market af- forded were not commensurate with the dangers incurred and hardships endured in taking the peltries. So Carson drifted into Bent's Fort, situated on the then international boundary, on the Arkansas River, opposite the river Pisipa, near the present city of La Junta, Colorado. This fort had been erected and maintained as a trading post by the enterprising firm of Bent & St. Vrain to catch both the fur trade and the trade with Santa Fe and Chihuahua. Here he was offered employment as hunter for the fort. This position he accepted and during the following winter pro- vided this great trading post with an abundance of meat.
In April, 1842, the wagon trains of Messrs. Bent & St. Vrain departed for the Missouri River, and Carson, desir- ing to return home after sixteen years of adventure, joined them. After visiting his boyhood home, he went to St. Louis. On his return he took passage on the same steam- boat on which Lieut. John C. Fremont and his exploring party were proceeding westward. While on board, Car- son had several interviews with Fremont, who had hoped to employ Captain Dripps as his chief scout and guide. Carson modestly told him that he was well acquainted with the region to be explored and believed he could guide the party anywhere they desired to go. Fremont took time to make inquiries as to Carson's fitness and before they separated employed the latter.
2. The word "Na-chi-gaime" is & Pueblo Indian word used to signify one who has finished all his training and proved himself an accomplished hunter.
KIT CARSON 379
The exploring party landed at Ciprian, Chouteau's trading post on the Kaw and from there started overland, following largely what was then the Oregon Trail. While enroute, they met with a war party of the Dakotah tribe of Indians, but by the exercise of "Indian diplomacy" avoided hostilities. The objective of this expedition was the Rocky Mountains and the South Pass. Fremont scaled the peak which now bears his name and the expedition about-faced. Carson left the party at Ft. Laramie and returned to Bent's Fort. From there he went to Taos where in February, 1843, he was married to Josefa Jara- millo, a daughter of one of the most respected families of New Mexico.
In April of that year he again started for St. Louis with the wagon trains of Bent & St. Vrain. At Walnut Creek they met four companies of U. S. Dragoons under the command of Capt. P. St. George Cook. The captain had lately received information that a large party of Texans under the command of Colonel Sniveley was waiting along the trail to waylay and capture Governor Armijo's wagon train in retaliation for his treatment of their countrymen of the ill-fated McCleod Expedition. Captain Cook em- ployed Carson to carry a dispatch to Armijo. The latter was accompanied as far as Bent's Fort by Dick Owens and from there he travelled alone to Taos. At Taos he de- livered the dispatch to the alcalde who accepted the respon- sibility of transmitting it to Santa Fe.
After resting a short time, Carson again returned to Bent's Fort and upon his arrival learned that Fremont had just departed on his second pathfinding expedition. On learning that Fremont was not more than seventy miles from the fort, Carson decided to overtake him, not with a view of seeking employment but merely to visit his for- mer employer. On seeing Carson again, Fremont im- mediately implored him to accompany the expedition. This Carson agreed to do and was immediately sent back to Bent's Fort to purchase mules. This he accomplished and
380 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
joined the expedition at St. Vrain's Fort on the South Platte.
At Fort St. Vrain, the party divided, Major Fritz- patrick with the larger portion going by way of Fort Laramie, and Fremont with Carson for guide, going up the Big Thompson, Cache-la-Poudre, below the New Park into the Sweet Water. From there they followed the Oregon Trail until they reached the Soda Springs on Bear River. Fremont then dispatched Carson to Fort Hall for pro- visions, and the latter rejoined the expedition on the north shore of the Great Salt Lake. While camped on the shore of the lake, Fremont decided to explore a large island lying immediately in front of their camp. This he accomplished by means of a rubber boat carried along for such pur- poses. Kit accompanied him on this hazardous enterprise.
From the Great Salt Lake, the party went to Fort Hall and down the Columbia to the Dalles where they rested while supplies were secured from Fort Vancouver. From the Dalles, the expedition proceeded southward along the east side of the main range past Pyramid Lake. Con- tinuing on southward, after encountering deep snows and enduring untold hardships, they crossed the main range of the Sierras through Kit Carson Pass in what is now Mono County, California. From there they went to Colonel Sutter's Fort on the American Fork of the Sacra- mento where they were well and graciously received by friends.
At Sutter's Fort, Fremont rested his men and refitted for his return trip. Leaving this fort he proceeded south- ward along the west side of the Sierras until he reached the south end of the San Juaquin Valley. He then crossed the range through a low pass and struck the old Spanish Trail from the Pueblo of Los Angeles to Santa Fe and Taos. This they followed until they reached Vega Santa Clara, whence they proceeded to Utah Lake and crossed the Wasatch Range to Robidoux' Fort on the Uintah. They then followed a circuitous route back to Bent's Fort
KIT CARSON 381
where they arrived in time for a Fourth of July feast, just one year after their departure from that place.
Carson here took leave of Fremont and returned to Taos. He remained at that place until the spring of 1845 when he and Dick Owens made a settlement on the Little Cimarron about forty-five miles east of Taos. There they erected cabins, cleared and broke some land and planted crops of grain. But on leaving Fremont, Carson had pro- mised that in the event of his return for another expedi- tion his services would be available. In August of that year, Fremont returned to Bent's Fort on his third ex- pedition. He sent a dispatch to Carson and the latter, true to his word, sold out his claim at a loss and reported for duty.
This expedition pursued a more direct route to Cali- fornia again touching at the Great Salt Lake. On reach- ing the Sierras, the party again divided, one portion under Talbot and Walker making a detour to the south while Fremont and Carson crossed the Range by a direct route to Sutter's Fort. After securing supplies at the fort they proceeded on south hoping to find the other detachment of their party. This they failed to do and on arriving at San Jose they learned that Talbot was on the San Juaquin. Carson was then sent to get in touch with them and bring them in.
After the party had re-united, Fremont started for Monterey to re-outfit for the return trip. On arriving within about thirty miles of that place he received a per- emptory order from General Castro to leave the country at once. Fremont went into camp and rested his men, being constantly harrassed by threatened attacks. After giving his men sufficient rest, Fremont moved northward by the way of Sutter's Fort. From there he followed the Sacramento to Peter Lassen's Fort. There he secured supplies and started for the Columbia River. They had gotten as far as the Klamath Lakes when they received a dispatch from Lieutenant Gillespie who was trying to
382 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
overtake Fremont. He was the bearer of important ord- ers and messages some of which had not been entrusted to writing. Fearing that so small a party as Gillispie's would be attacked by the Klamath Indians, Fremont took a party of ten men, of whom Carson was one, and re- traced his steps hastily. Meeting the lieutenant they camped for the night. Fremont sat up late reading the letters and dispatches just received. He had retired only a short time when the keen ear of Carson heard the thud of a tomahawk. Before he could awaken the tired sleeping men two of their number were slain. Carson rushed to the counter- attack and soon the savages were driven off. Had it not been for the trained ear of Kit Carson there is no doubt but that the whole party would have been annihilated.
In pursuance of the orders and messages received, Fremont at once about-faced his entire command and mardhed back for California. They again touched at Peter Lassen's Fort where they secured necessary pro- visions. From there they went on south and found the whole country in a state of excitement. Fremont was an officer in the Army of the United States but he had as yet no official information that war had been declared and could not, therefore, wage war against a friendly nation. The Bear Flag Party was being organized. Fremont was a man of action. He put away his American Flag and joined the Bear Flag Party. Carson participated. Every- thing was swept before them. The Mexican forces fled southward. On July 2nd the American fleet under the command of Commodore Sloat entered Monterey har- bor and on the 7th the city was surrendered to him.
Fremont and his command arrived in the city on the 19th. Lieutenant Walpole of the British Ship Collingwood, in his Four Years in the Pacific, says: "He has one or two with him that enjoy a high reputation in the prairies. Kit Carson is as well known there as 'the Duke' is in Europe/'3 By this time Commodore Sloat had relinquished
3. The reference here is to the Duke of Wellington.
KIT CARSON 383
his command of the American squadron to Commodore Stockton. The latter immediately requested Fremont to organize what became known as the California Battalion. A concerted movement was then set on foot to reduce south- ern California, and the combined forces of Stockton and Fremont soon captured Los Angeles and San Diego.
It became necessary to apprise the government at Washington of what had been accomplished. Kit Carson was ordered to carry dispatches to the seat of government and lost no time in getting on his way. He followed the southern route by way of the Gila and had reached what is now the city of Socorro when he met General Kearny on his westward march. General Kearny ordered Car- son to deliver his dispatches to Fitzpatrick and return with him to California as his chief scout and guide. Kearny also, on learning of the success of Stockton and Fremont, reduced his force by ordering back two companies of dragoons. The general pushed rapidly on and upon near- ing San Diego, began to be harrassed by the Californians who had been reorganizing in Sonora. The battles of San Pascual were fought and Kearny lost heavily. In fact he found his little company outnumbered and sur- rounded. With his usual modesty and fortitude Kit Car- son stepped forward and offered to make his way through the enemy's lines and go for help. Lieutenant Beale of the Navy, who was with the expedition, offered to ac- company him. An Indian also joined the "forlorn hope." They made their way in the nightime through the lines of the Californians, enduring such hardships that the lieutenant was two years in recovering therefrom. Com- modore Stockton, on learning of General Kearny's predi- cament immediately dispatched a force to his relief. With Kearny's arrival in California the uprising of the Califor- nians was soon put down.
It was not long before Carson was again ordered to Washington with dispatches. James Madison Cutts, in
384 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
his Conquest of California and New Mexico, published in 1847, in speaking of this says :—
"About the 25th of February, Colonel Fremont sent dispatches to the United States government through passed Midshipman Beale, Lieutenant Talbot, and a personage who has often figured in these sketches; and whose memoir, from very competent hands is here inserted — not alone in justice to him, but that it fills up details, perhaps want- ing, in this narrative, — Kit Carson.
"Under this name, within a few years, he has become quite familiar to the public, mainly through his connection with the expeditions of Fremont, one of the best of those noble and original characters that have from time to time sprung up on and beyond our frontier, retreating with it to the west, and drawing from association with uncultivated nature, not the rudeness and sensualism of the savage, but genuine simplicity and truthfulness of disposition, and generosity, bravery, and single-heartedness to a degree rarely found in society. Although Kit has become known to the reading people of 'the States' and of Europe through Fremont's reports, he was long ago famous in a world as extended, if not as populous; famous for excelling in all the qualities that life in the trackless and vast west requires and develops. He has been celebrated (though now aged only thirty-seven years) as a hunter, trapper, guide or pilot of the prairies, and Indian Fighter, uniting the neces- sary characteristics of that adventurous and sturdy class, a kindness of heart, and gentleness of manner that relieves it of any possible harshness or asperity. He is now in 'the States' having recently arrived with dispatches from Cali- fornia; and I have taken the opportunity to extract from him a few incidents of his eventful life. He is worthy of an honorable and more extended memoir; and were his adventures fully written out, they would possess an inter- est equal to any personal narrative whatever."
Such was the estimate of him at thirty-seven.
Carson arrived in Washington in June, 1847, and while there, was appointed a lieutenant of the U. S. Mounted Rifles. He was ordered to return to California with dis- patches. Lieutenant Beale started with him, but on ac- count of ill-health brought on by the San Pascual affair, he was obliged to abandon the journey at St. Louis. Car-
KIT CARSON 385
son proceeded by the way of Ft. Leavenworth and Taos. At the latter place he selected a few picked men and con- tinued his journey. He arrived safely with his dispatches and mail at Monterey, this being the first overland mail carried across the continent.
After having* discharged his duty as dispatch bearer and mail carrier, he was ordered to report for duty at Los Angeles. On arriving there he was stationed at the Cajon Pass to guard against Indians and other horse-thieving parties. He remained at that post until the spring of 1848 when he was again ordered to Washington with dispatches. Lieutenant Brewerton accompanied him on this expedition. They followed the old Spanish Trail, and lost most of their ammunition in crossing Grand River. Arriving at a point about fifty miles north of Taos, they were attacked by a large war-party of Apaches. Carson avoided bloodshed by an unusual display of nerve and managed to extricate his little party.
On arriving at Taos he learned that his appointment as a lieutenant had not been confirmed by the United States Senate and some of his friends urged him to deliver his dispatches to the commanding officer at Santa Fe and return home. He replied that he regarded being intrusted with the difficult task of carrying the dispatches through, as a greater mark of confidence than an appointment which he would soon relinquish, and proceeded on his journey. At this time the Comanches were on the war- path. So he took a northern route by the headwaters of the South Platte. Emerson Hough credits him with being the first to carry eastward the news of the gold discovery at Sutter's Mill.
After having delivered his dispatches in Washington, he returned to Taos, where he spent the winter with his family. In April of 1849, Carson and Lucien Maxwell established a settlement on the Rayado creek, in what is now Colfax County. They contemplated putting up hay for the army, to be delivered at Ft. Union.
386 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
In 1853, Carson traded for 8500 head of sheep which he drove through to California, going out by way of the Arkansas and Ft. Laramie. He sold the sheep in Cali- fornia to good advantage and while there met up with Max- well, who likewise had driven sheep through. They re- turned by way of the Gila, carrying the proceeds of their sales, in gold dust, in their saddle bags.
In March, 1854, Lieutenant Davidson, with Company I and a part of F company of the First U. S. Dragoons had a fight with the Apaches, in the Embudo Mountains of Taos County. In this fight the troops lost heavily, all but four being either killed or wounded. A few days later Lieut-Colonel Cook started in pursuit of the Apaches. He secured the services of Carson as chief scout and guide. They crossed the Rio Del Norte at the mouth of the Rio Hondo and continued in a northwest course from Taos. They came upon the fleeing Indians and killed a number, when the rest scattered. The expedition then returned to Abiquiu.
A few weeks later Major Carleton, afterwards General, set out on an expedition to chastise the same tribe. He too selected Carson as chief scout and guide. They went north into the San Luis Valley of Colorado, crossed the Sangre de Cristo Range through Huerfano Pass and found the Indians camped in the Raton Mountains near Trinidad. A running fight occurred in which a number of Indians were slain. It was on this expedition that Carson in- formed Major Carleton that they would come upon the Indians at two o'clock of the day the fight occurred. The major told Carson that if this proved true he, the major, would present Carson with the best hat to be had in New York City. They came upon the Indians at the appointed hour and the major afterwards delivered the hat. Out of this a friendship grew up which lasted unto death.
In August of that same year, the Indian agent sent Carson to the Utes to call them into council at Abiquiu. As they were returning from this place, the smallpox
KIT CARSON 387
broke out among them and they placed the blame on the agent. They accordingly went on the war-path and com- menced making depredations upon the settlements. Costilla was attacked and matters grew serious. The governor issued a call for volunteers. Ceran St. Vrain of the old firm of Bent & St. Vrain was elected to command the volunteers with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Colonel Fontleroy commanded the regulars. By the time the force was outfitted, winter had set in. Carson was again em- ployed as chief scout and guide. The expedition proceeded north to Ft. Massachusetts, at the foot of Mt. Blanca. From there they went westward and crossed the range near Saguache, where they had a sharp fight with the Indians.
After the close of this campaign, Carson was again asked to give up his farming operations and return to the service of the government as Indian agent. With head- quarters at Taos, he remained as agent until the opening of the Civil War. He had taught the Indian to fear him in war; he also taught the red man to trust him in time of peace. In all his dealings he. was a man of veracity. Fremont said of him that "to me Carson and the truth are the same thing." Carson would not tell the Indian a falsehood nor would he suffer any one under him to do so. On the other hand, he required the same of the Indians. The result of his policy was that the tribes with which he dealt remained at peace during the War of the Rebel- lion.
When that cataclysm came which almost rent the na- tion in twain, the Anglo-Saxon population of the mount- ain territories and California was almost equally divided between the north and the south. The gold supply of these regions was of vital importance and the side which se- cured this would probably win the war. Carson and his friend St. Vrain came of southern stock, but they had both followed the flag. Their loyalty to it knew no bounds. So when the call for troops came they both responded.
388 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
They helped to organize a regiment of which St. Vrain was made colonel and Carson lieutenant-colonel. St Vrain's health soon failed and he had to relinquish his command to the veteran of many "difficults" as Carson termed a battle. The regiment so organized was called the 1st New Mexico Cavalry and the personnel of the regiment was mostly Spanish-American.
Hardly had the regiment been mustered in when the invasion from Texas came. Its first engagement was at Valverde. In this fight a large number of the regulars, being recruited from the south, deserted to the invading army. Carson's regiment stood firm but the Union force as a whole was so demoralized that the battle was lost. The First New Mexico, however, did not retreat in front of the enemy, but remained in the south to protect the settlements against the inroads of the savage tribes.
The Confederates swept the Rio Grande Valley before them but met an inglorious defeat at the hands of Colonel Chivington and his men at Apache Canon. They were obliged, because of the destruction of their wagon and supply-trains, to retreat to El Paso. Before they could reform and re-equip their forces, the California Column under General Carleton arrived and all further danger of invasion from Texas and the south passed.
While the resources of the federal government were being taxed to the utmost in striving to put down the rebellion, the savage tribes of Indians saw an opportunity to strike and strike hard at the frontier settlements. Of these tribes the Navajos and Apaches were not the hind- most. Colonel Carson in his final report of the operations agiainst the Navajo tribe in part says:
"Since the first Spanish settlements were made in this country — a little less than two centuries — the Navajo Indians have subjected the people to a forced tax, which swallowed up the fruits of their hard earned industry. But it was not alone their property which would satisfy them ; the lives and honors of daughters were being con- tinually sacrificed by the remorseless savages; and it was
CARSON'S COMMISSION AS BREVET BRIGADIER GENERAL
The Original Hangs in the Home of Kit Carson, III, at Alamosa, Colo.
KIT CARSON 389
a common occurrence, the carrying into captivity their
innocent children
"Early in 1861 the Rebellion broke out, and all minor affairs were swallowed up in the major one of preserving the Union. The troops were recalled from the Navajo country to take part in the struggle, and hardly had they left their stations when the 'Warwhoop' of the relentless foe smote the hearing of our peacable citizens with ap- palling destruction, the more appalling from being unex- pected— owing to their faith in the treaty just concluded. About this time rumors reached us of a threatened invasion of the Territory by the Texans, and all the available force was needed to repel it, and the Navajos were consequently undisturbed in their infernal work of destruction. Never before were their atrocities so numerous. They overran the whole country, and carrying their boldness so far as to enter the settlements and towns, carrying off their stock from before the people's eyes, and murdering citizens, even within two miles of the capital. No place was secure, and every town and hamlet became a fortification to pro- tect its inhabitants."
The Apaches had been equally active and perhaps more cruel in their inroads upon the settlements. The indigni- ties suffered by innocent women and children, for mo- desty's sake, will never be told. Soon after General Carle- ton was placed in command of the department of New Mexico he resolved to chastise these savages. He adhered to General Sherman's idea of war, — that a liberal spilling of blood at the outset was the most humane in the end. He therefore ordered Colonel Carson to reoccupy Fort Stan- ton and proceed against the Mescalero Apaches and the Navajos. In his orders he said: —
"There is to be no council held with the Indians, nor any talks. The men are to be slain whenever and where- ever they can be found. The women and children may be taken as prisoners, but, of course, they are not to be killed."
Colonel Carson proceeded first against the Mescalero Apaches and compelled them to surrender and be taken to a reservation provided for them at Bosque Redondo,
26
390 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
near Fort Sumner. He then turned his attention to the Navajo tribe. On July 7, 1863, he left camp at Los Lunas with Companies "D," "K," "L" and "M" of the 1st N. M. Cavalry for Pueblo, Colorado, and arrived at old Fort Wing-ate on the 10th. He left there on the 14th and ar- rived at Ojo del Oso on the 16th. He arrived at Fort Defiance on the 21st, and next day he set out with a board to select the site for Fort Canby. This post was estab- lished and used by him as a base of operations. Some idea of his methods may be gathered from a perusal of his reports. In his report dated Fort Canby, N. M., Decem- ber 6, 1863, he in part says :—
"On the 21st arrived at the Moqui village. I found on my arrival that the inhabitants of all the villages, ex- cept the Mibis, had a misunderstanding with the Navajos, owing to some injustice perpetrated by the latter. I took advantage of this falling out and succeeded in obtaining representatives from all the villages — Oraibi excepted — to accompany me on the war-path. My object in insisting on parties of these people accompanying me was simply to involve them so far that they could not retract; to bind them to us, and place them in antagonism to the Navajos. They were of some service and manifested a great desire to aid us in every respect.
"While on this subject I would respectfully represent that these people, numbering some four thousand souls, are in a most deplorable condition, for the fact that the country for several miles around their village is quite barren, and is entirely destitute of vegetation. They have no water for the purpose of irrigation, and their only de- pendence for subsistence is on the little corn they raise when the weather is propitious, which is not always the case in this latitude. They are a peacable people, have never robbed or murdered the people of New Mexico, and act in ever way worthy of the fostering care of the Govern- ment. Of the bounty so unsparingly bestowed by it on the other Pueblo Indians — aye, even on the marauding bands — they have never tasted. And I earnestly recommend that the attention of the Indian Bureau be called to this matter. [ understand that a couple of years annuities for the Navajos not distributed are in the possession of the Super- intendent of Indian Affairs at Santa Fe, and I consider
KIT CARSON 391
that if such arrangement would be legal, these goods should be bestowed on these people."
He soon directed his movements against the heart of the Navajo country. It was the general belief at the time that their stronghold was in the Canon de Chelley. But this belief was not shared by Colonel Carson. In the same report of December 6th, he says : —
"I arrived yesterday at the post and as soon as the animals are sufficiently rested I shall send a command to examine the Canon de Chelley, and the smaller Canons that intersect it. Were I not of the opinion that but a few if any Navajos are in the Canon, I should have paid a visit long since, but of that I convinced myself while in that vi- cinity in September."
His report of December 26th seems to indicate that the commanding general was pressing him to explore the canon which up to that time seems not to have been ex- plored by white men. We find the following: —
"In the last few days we have had a considerable fall of snow, which will greatly facilitate my operation against the Canon de Chelley. Of one thing the General may rest assured, that before my return all that is connected with the canon will cease to be a mystery. It will be thoroughly explored, if perseverence and zeal with the numbers at my command can accomplish."
On January 6, 1864, he left Fort Canby with 14 com- missioned officers and 375 men on the expedition against the Canon de Chelley. The snow was so deep that it took the command three days to accomplish what ordinarily they could have done in one. He had sent Captain Pfeiffer with a troop to the east portal of the canon while he proceeded with the main force to the west. He arrived at the west opening on the 13th. Next morning he made a detour with his staff and escort and struck the canon about six miles above the mouth, for the purpose of reconnoitering before commencing operations. He pushed on about five miles farther, but could find no entrance into the canon, the walls
392 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
being about one thousand feet high. He had returned to camp when Sergeant Andres Herrera of "C" company came and reported having slain eleven warriors, the greatest number slain at any one time during all the operations of Carson against the Navajos.
On the 13th Colonel Carson divided his command in- to two detachments to operate on each side of the canon, the first consisting of "B" and "G" companies under Captain A. B. Carey on the south, and "E" and "D" com- panies under Captain Joseph Barney on the north side. They pushed eastward until the east portal was in view, without having seen Captain Pfeiffer's command. On re- turning to camp, however, they found that Captain Pf eiff er had passed through the entire canon, having killed three Indians and brought in ninety prisoners.
The effect of this operation may be gathered from his report. He says: —
"While enroute on my return to camp I was joined by three Indians with a flag of truce, requesting permission to come in with their people and submit. I told them, through my interpreter, that they and their people might come unmolested, to my camp up to 10 o'clock A. M. next day, but that after that time if they did not come my soldiers would hunt them up, and the work of destruction recom- mence. Accordingly, next morning, before the time appointed sixty Indians arrived. They had made known to them the intention of the Government in regard to them, and ex- pressed their willingness to immigrate to the Bosque Re- dondo. They declare that owing to the operation of my command they are in a complete state of starvation, and that many of their women and children have died from this cause. They also state that they would have come in long since, but they believed it was a war of extermination, and that they were agreeably surprised and delighted to learn the contrary from an old captive whom I had sent back to them for this purpose. I issued them some meat and they asked permission to return to their haunts and collect the remainder of their people."
Thus the spirit of this proud and haughty nation was broken. They had defied the Spanish government for two
KIT CARSON 393
hundred years. Mexico had been unable to conquer them. No previous expedition under the United States had ac- complished any lasting peace. But they were completely subdued by Carson and his men ; subdued forever and with a loss of less than fifty warriors slain; starved into sub- jection. With but a few hundred men Carson caused about seven thousand Indians to come in and give themselves up. It was the greatest feat of Indian warfare ever accomplished by an American soldier. In other Indian campaigns the commanding officer has usually had the undivided re- sources of the nation behind him. He has had regular troops, properly equipped. In this case Carson had a hand- ful of volunteers. But he knew Indians and Indian warfare ; no living white man of his day could read "Indian sign" as he could. The result was inevitable. This proud and haughty tribe theretofore unsubdued, could not withstand the persist- ent inroads made by him and his weatherbeaten men. Car- son's greatest gift to the people of New Mexico was peace with the Navajo — a peace that was and is to be everlasting. What man has done more for our fair State?
Soon after he returned from the Navajo country, Car- son was ordered to chastise the Kiowas and Comanches who had been making trouble in another direction. Their operations had threatened the Santa Fe Trail and the source of supply for all military operations in the Southwest. Carson believed that they had encamped for the winter on the Canadian in Texas. He therefore proceeded to Fort Bascom, which he used as his base, and collected a few companies of the First New Mexico Cavalry and some de- tachments from the California troops then in the territory. The little force set out to locate the Indians and they were found near the old adobe fort on the Canadian. Carson attacked and inflicted a severe punishment, killing over sixty of their braves, with but very slight loss to his own men. He had with him some Ute and Pueblo scouts who reported to Carson that there were other villages of the allied tribes just a short distance down the river. He knew
394 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
that he was outnumbered by an overwhelming force, armed with the same kind of guns that his men carried. He there- fore ordered a retreat before the Indians could consolidate and counter-attack. He was none too late. After the usual lamentations over their slain, the defeated warriors, rein- forced by a large number of warriors from below, started in pursuit to avenge the blow. Carson did an unheard-of thing in modern warfare and covered his retreat with his artillery. Had he fought according to the "rules of the game" as taught at West Point, no doubt he would have lost his entire command.
This was Carson's last big fight. He soon returned to civil life and was again appointed Indian agent. He spent his few remaining years trying to help the red men, and at the same time prevented many a marauding band from attacking the immigrants who were rapidly develop- ing the Far West. One of his last official acts was to avert the massacre of a company of "Regulars" which was about to become engaged in a fight with the Ute tribe. He gath- ered this tribe into a grand council at Maxwell's Ranch on the Cimarron and there made a treaty with them, thus averting trouble. This treaty was made on the 2nd day of March, 1868, and transmitted to the United States Sen- ate on the 18th.
He did not live long thereafter. His wife died April 23, 1868, and he followed her just one month later. Touch- ing his passing the first issue of the Pueblo Chieftain had the following to say : —
DEATH OF KIT CARSON
"The melancholy intelligence reaches us that General Kit Carson is no more. He died at his residence' on the Las Animas on the 24th inst. of disease of the heart. General Carson was a Kentuckyian by birth, removed early in life to the State of Missouri, and while yet a mere boy
4. Two errors crept into this newspaper article: He died at Fort Lyon and not at his ranch and on the 23rd instead of the 24th.
KIT CARSON 395
became a wanderer on the vast plains of the then unknown regions of the West. From about the age of seventeen years until fifty, he lived the life of a hunter, trader and trapper. He early explored, and became familiar with the mountains and plains from the Missouri to the Pacific Ocean. During all these years of his wild life he was con- stantly exposed to every hardship and danger, sometimes making his home with the Indians and assisting them in their wars against other tribes, sometimes employed as a trapper by some mountain trader — sometimes trading on his own account between New Mexico and California. His home was always the wilderness, and danger his con- stant companion. Unaided by the advantages of education or patronage, by the force of indomitable energy and will, by chivalrous courage, by tireless labor and self-denial, he rose step by step, until his name had become as familiar to the American people as a household word. He stood pre- eminent among the path-finders and founders of empire in the Great West, and his long career enriched by hard- ship and danger is unsullied by a record of littleness or meanness. He was nature's model of a gentleman. Kindly of heart, tolerant of all men, good in virtue of disposition, rather than great in qualities of mind, he has passed away- dying as through his life he had lived — in peace and charity with all men, and leaving behind him a name and memory to be cherished by his countrymen as long as modesty, valor, unobtrusive worth, charity and true chivalry survive among men. Of his precise age we are not advised, but judge that he was very near sixty years of age. He leaves children of tender years to mourn his loss."
Speaking of his modesty, Colonel Meline said of him : —
"The pleasantest episode of my visit here has been the society of Kit Carson, with whom I passed three days, I need hardly say delightfully. He is one of the few men I ever met who could talk long hours to you of what he had seen, and yet say very little about himself. He has to be drawn out. I had many questions to ask, and his answers were all marked by great distinctness of memory, simpli- city, candor, and a desire to make some one else, rather than himself the hero of his story."3
Jessie Benton Fremont, the widow of General Fremont,
5. Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, p. 246.
396 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
in an interview given to Charles F. Lummis, in speaking of Carson among other things said: —
"As a frontiersman, his name and fame are every- where known, but there are perhaps few who think of him except as the hero of wild adventures. That he was, but he was more. Nothing could be more mistaken than to think of him as a rough borderer.
"Kit Carson was a man among men ; a type of the real American pioneer, not only fearless but clear headed, as gentle as he was strong. He had the true courtesy of the heart; and withal a quiet pride — much as Richard the Lion-Hearted and his knights, who thanked God that they were not clerks.
"His nature was literally sweet — sweet by its whole- someness — sweet as a clear cut winter morning is sweet.
"My mother said to him one day ; 'You must have had a great many fights/
"'I never had a fight of my own, but one/ Carson answered. That was with a Frenchman. He said the Americans were cowards and darsn't fight. I told him that I was an American and that I was his man. And we fit.' He turned back his collar unconsciously and simply and showed the wound by the collar bone."6
As early as 1857, the New Mexico correspondent to the Washington Union, had this to say of Carson : —
"He is a mild, pleasant man in the expression of his face, and no one would ever suspect him of having led the life of daring and adventure which distingush him. He is refined in manner and very polite in his intercourse ; his conversation is marked with great earnestness and his language appropiate and well chosen, though not pro- nounced with correctness. He has a strong mind, and everything he says is pointed and practical, except when indulging in a vein of humor which is not infrequent. No one can converse with him without being favorably im- pressed; he has a jovial, honest, open countenance, and a kindness of heart almost feminine. He is universally be- loved here, and a favorite with all classes, Indians included. He never alludes to his career as an adventurer unless questioned relative to it. He is heavy framed and weighs
6. The Land of Sunshine, Vol. 6, No. 3.
KIT CARSON IN LATER YEARS
KIT CARSON 397
about one hundred and seventy pounds. He is forty-eight years old, but does not look to be over thirty-five. He came to this country in 1827, having run off from his employer near Boonville, Missouri, to whom he was apprenticed to learn the saddler's trade. The facts of his life are now in the possession of Washington Irving, and will doubtless be thrown into the form of a book during the coming winter.'"
Space will permit of only a few unpublished stories of General Carson. The late Captain Simpson of Taos, who was intimately acquainted with Carson for fifteen years, used to relate the story of the flag at Taos. He said that sometime about the winter of 1867, he and Colonel Carson were in a conversation on the west side of the plaza at Taos. This was just a few months before the frontiers- man's death. The latter called the captain's attention to the American flag floating over the plaza. Carson said "Captain, I have kept that flag up since '47, I will not be here much longer. I want you to see that it stays up." This the captain did until the day of his death a few years ago. The flag as well as the pole from which it floats has been renewed from time to time and marks the spot where the old whipping post stood.
Teresina Bent Scheurich, a daughter of Gov. Bent and a niece of Carson had many stories to tell of him. She often told of a trip she took with him in 1854 when they left Santa Fe for Taos on horseback. It was the last of March. From La Joya they took the trail to Embudo Plaza and from there on through the Embudo Mountains. A few miles above the settlement of Cieneguilla they rode upon the battlefield where Lieut. Davidson with Company I and a part of F Company of the 1st U. S. Dragoons had en- countered the Apaches and escaped with only four men uninjured. This was two days after the battle. They counted twenty-two soldiers lying dead on the battlefield. Carson put spurs to his horse, rode on to Taos, secured
7. The above was kindly handed the writer by Arthur M. Ellis of Los Angeles, a noted student of history and a member of the New Mexico Historical Society.
398 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
help and returned to the scene of the tragedy, and removed the bodies to Taos where he buried them. The place where they were buried is known as the Carson Cemetery to this day.
She also told of the rescue of a white boy who had been a captive and slave among the Comanches. She said that her Uncle Kit on learning of this, hired two Mexicans who were on friendly terms with the Comanches to go out and hunt up the particular band of the tribe who held the boy in bondage. He supplied them with trinkets and other articles suitable for trade and barter. They located the boy, traded for him and brought him to Carson's home in Taos. She was living with her uncle at the time. When the boy was brought in she could not tell him from an In- dian. Carson had him washed up and provided with cloth- ing. He tried first to converse with the boy in English, then in Spanish and afterwards in French. The boy seemed not to understand anything said to him. Carson then called Mr. Scheurich who spoke German to the boy. The latter immediately began to cry; it was his mother tongue. Mr. Scheurich learned the boy's name jand the place of resid- ence of his parents. He had been captured in Texas. Car- son then hired some men to take the boy to the home of his relatives, and provided them at his own expense with supplies and provisions for the journey.
Another story often related by Mrs. Scheurich was of the rescue of two women from the Comanches, by her Uncle Kit. These women had been captured by the Com- anches in old Mexico and carried off into slavery. They had learned of Carson's fame as an Indian fighter and knew that their captors had more or less cause to fear him. One day they heard that he was in the neighborhood of that portion of the tribe with which they were held. They made their escape and found him and his men. He em- ployed some men of Taos to take them back to Mexico and restored them to their people.
The old world may boast of her William Tell, her
KIT CARSON 399
Robert Bruce or her Robin Hood, but there were no deeds more daring than those of our own Kit Carson. Many States claim the honor of his achievements. Kentucky brought him forth; Missouri boasts that she gave him to the West; Nevada named her capital city after him; New Mexico is proud to be called his home. Had he done no more than to free the mothers and daughters of this great State from the scourge of the Navajo, he would have earned the everlasting gratitude of her people.
400 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
XEW MEXICO IN THE GEEAT WAK
(Continued)
VII Art, Drama, and Literature in War Service
Not only did New Mexico lay upon the national altar its material wealth, and, most precious of all, the flesh and blood of its young men, but its writers, singers, and paint- ers contributed of their best to the winning of the War. Take but this instance as an example and a text :
The Helen Haire Levinson prize of $200 for the best poem of the year was awarded in November 1918 by Poetry to John Curtis Underwood of Santa Fe for "The Song of the Cheochas," a strangely prophetic war poem. The United War Work Drive was on when Mr. Under- wood received his $200 check and he turned it over as a gift to the campaign committee. This significant and interesting incident gains in color if one emphasizes the setting and the circumstances.
Standing on the summit of the highest of the Truchas peaks, on a clear summer day, the vision encompasses all the State of New Mexico, thought it covers more than 78,- 000,000 acres. This vast region is populated by less than 400,000 people almost as diversified in language, habits, and origin as the peoples of Central Europe.
Here, to begin with, are the descendants of the original inhabitants, more than 20,000 Pueblos, Navajoes, and Apaches, clinging rather tenaciously to the language, re- ligion, philosophy, and habits of life of their ancestors. Then there are about 130,000 descendants of the Spanish Conquerors who to a large extent still speak Spanish and retain the Latin mode of thought and attitude toward life. In the main their forefathers came from Andulasia but one also finds among them traces of Moorish blood and of other races and nationalities. However, these 130,000
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 401
Spanish-speaking people are homogeneous to a notable ex- tent. In addition, New Mexico has some 25,000 other Spanish-speaking people, mostly men, who have come but lately from Mexico and in whose arteries runs a consider- able portion of Indian blood. These three classifications account for one-half of the population. Of the remaining half, 30,000 are foreign-born representing more than a score of nations, from 150 Montenegrans to 7,000 Germans. Negros, Japanese and Chinese together account for 2,000 of the population. The 145,000 or so of the inhabitants not included in the above, represent the people who have come from other states — not a homogeneous mass, however, for the Texan of the lower Pecos Valley is differentiated from the Pennsylvania and Ohio Quakers of Colfax county by as wide a gulf as he is from the Spanish-speaking New Mexi- cans.
The reaction of all of these peoples to the Great War was significant of the genius of America to draw to her- self all races and nationalities and eventually to make them sturdy patriots. The melting pot in Gotham presented no more interesting phenomenon during the crisis than did the sparse and widely scattered population of New Mexico. It is this meeting of the races and the nations amidst un- usual environment which stamps itself forcibly upon those who settle in the Southwest, and which makes portions of New Mexico alluring to artist and writer. Especially in and around Santa Fe and Taos there have of late years congregated brilliant men and women whose vision like that of the Alpine climber on the Truchas peaks encom- passes a wide horizon, and who appreciate fully the mystic age-old soul life and art that had developed in the South- west long before the coming of the white man. Their at- titude toward the War, their comment on what was going on around them, and their contribution toward victory were therefore of special significance.
To New Mexico, the War in its incipiency was very remote. Even when neighbors and friends volunteered, when
402 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
the National Guard was mustered into the service, when the draft took more and more of the men, the theater of the world-making events was still felt to be more or less in the blue distance. New Mexico has no ports out of which poured great flotillas, no shipyards nor marts of commerce throbbing with war activities, it had no great manufactur- ing industries turning out war material, and there were no great processions of soldiers to thrill the people.
Still, at the very beginning of the War, even before the United States had become one of the Allies, writers and artists gave expression to intense patriotism and prophecies of the coming days. As early as 1910, we find John Cur- tis Underwood writing:
America !
That's a great name. From Standish straight to Lincoln,
And her last soldier in the ranks today,
A land to live and die for. All the world
Waking, envisions her its heritage.
Two years later, in 1912, he published "Americans" and from it to "War Flames," in 1917, seemed but a day. The latter was inclusive of all the warring nations, even Ger- many, Austria and Russia, and gave a view so comprehensive that only a scholar, a voluminous reader and observer could and would have dared to present these vivid cosmopolitan sketches. It was written before the United States entered the war but was published by the MacMillan Company, in that epoch-making month of April, 1917. If all other books and papers referring to the Great War were des- troyed, this little volume of less than 200 pages would still give posterity a gripping and well-rounded story of the agony of nations.
Now that the lights are dimmed, all outer dark rolls
near new tides of night. Now that the earth spawns blood and hate and steel
and dynamite, Now men grope bent in cellars blind down raw trench
trails of war
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 403
For some new clew to life we lost who served its Minetaur.
What flared up in Bucharest, in Belgrade, in Sofia, in Berlin, in Paris, in a large human way, also flickered in reflection throughout the mining camps and ranges and towns of New Mexico and the poet presents it all in uni- versal terms.
Then in Poetry of June, 1918, came "War Times," a cycle of four poems of tremendous impact, poems that smote the mists and fogs of sophistry, that dispelled pre- judices and hatred, that revealed the God of Destiny and the glorious Tomorrow. There is "The Song of the Cheo- chas" who defended the ancient capital of Chechak although
They had no uniforms but their gray hair and beards, needed none;
They had no rations but half a pound of dry bread a day, and it sufficed them.
They were armed with rifles as old and battered as themselves, and they battered the Germans back.
Three times they drove them back, and took that shat- tered and exploding capital away from them.
And many of them died by the way, where hundreds
were lying starving and freezing - Dying on high Montenegrin mountains in the wind
and the snow that grew sleet, So gray icicles grew on their beards and the sleet
cut cold skin on their faces. And the wind cut their song into shreds, the song they
were singing when they died.
The Suabas are building houses, the Serbs shall live in
them.
The Suabas are planting corn, the Serbs shall eat it up, The Suabas are pressing wine, the Serbs shall drink
of it.
A few months later saw this prophesy fulfilled, when the Serbs were living in houses build by the German in- vaders, were eating the bread for which the Austrians
404 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
planted the corn, and were drinking the wine that the Bui- gars had tapped from the wine press.
"At Bethlehem," with its clang of huge steam ham- mers and the sparks from the red steel billets, recalls Schiller's "Song of the Bell":
For life ever fuses and flows,
Like the heart of a rose in the fire that eats up red billets of steel like raw fagots of wood.
And a war is as good as a rose in the eyes of the Watch- er of Space;
A war is as brief as a rose in its growth and its death in the fires of the Forger of Stars.
And the fire ever burns out the dross in the depths of the stone and the soul.
All the fires that ape or man ever kindled on earth were lit and fused to keep these crucibles boiling.
"The Red Coffins" in its terseness sums up the Rus- sian Revolution, its hopes, its disappointments, its signi- ficance :
To many it seemed
Like the red blood of Russia welling from a mortal
wound, And some sacred fagots of freedom rising and kindling
a fire that would warm all the world But no man there could tell the truth of it.
Finally "Down Fifth Avenue" preserves for posterity a word picture of young men marching into war with heads held high, eyes burning with zeal, souls thrilled with a vision of the world's freedom.
The past makes way for them.
This morning's discontent, yesterday's greed, last year's uncertainty, are muted and transmuted to a surging urge of victory.
Spirits that stood at Bunker Hill and Valley Forge, Ticonderoga, Yorktown, Lundy's Lane, Fort Sum- ter, Appomatox, are resurrected here;
With older fathers and mothers who farmed, and pushed frontiers and homes for freedom west- ward steadily;
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 405
With freedom's first grandfathers and forerunners, who grew to hold hill towers and forest fast- nesses, and range the sea and all its shores and islands for the right to live for liberty.
And their blood beats in these boys' hearts, and their hillbred and seabred strength is stirring in these feet that beat their measured cadences of courage.
And each beat of their feet and each beat of their hearts is a word in a gospel of steel that says the nations through ruins grow one again;
When God's drill-master War has welded nations in ranks that their children may serve Him together.
For Tomorrow makes way for them.
Truly no other war has ever had an interpreter like John Curtis Underwood ; no epoch a singer who expressed so loftily the heart-yearnings and souls-stirrings of hu- manity.
In a lighter vein, Underwood wrote a song "Concern- ing Planting" to which the Vigilantes gave wide circula- tion as an impetus to war gardening. Its refrain "Plant, pljant, plant," led thousands to take up spade and hoe to help feed the Allies.
There were prophetic voices in the early stages of the European War in New Mexico. Henry Herbert Knibbs, the novelist, on November 28, 1915, then at Farmington, wrote a poem "Men of My Country," which was returned by a well known New York magazine with the comment that its sentiments ran counter to the sentiments of the people of the United States and therefore could not be published. It deserves publication in permanent form:
MEN OF MY COUNTRY
Men of my country, awake from your dreaming!
Gather your strength ere too late to command ! O'er the far seas the wild war-star is gleaming!
Men of my country, the time is at hand!
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Hear the shrill wail of the nations in anguish!
Hark to the moan of the homeless and maimed ! Would ye, as they, 'neath an alien languish,
Jest of the centuries, conquered and tamed ?
Peace? Ye have fostered the name — would ye spurn it?
Power? Have ye scanned that drear lesson of old, Sloth in the purple? Yea, Rome lived to learn it,
Paying her legions in perilous gold.
Lost is each hour that in silence ye cherish Faith in the glory and fame that is past;
Wake! ere the soul of your loyalty perish Singing its pride and disdain to the last.
What of the hearts and the homes that have reared ye ;
What of the mother, the wife and the child, When the brute mouth that once praised ye and feared
ye,
Laughs at them, naked, despoiled and defiled?
Gather your strength, for a new dawn is breaking Red through the mist of a treachery planned
To blind ye to slumber and strike ye in waking — Men of my country, the time is at hand !
Walter M. Danburg, later secretary of the State Coun- cil of Defense, about the same time, a year and a half be- fore the United States formally declared war, wrote:
0 Sun of the Western skies,
Gleaming so brightly today, Shine on the soldiers of France,
Lead them to Vict'ry I pray.
0 Sun of the Western Skies,
Beaming so brightly today, Smile on the women of France,
Lighten their burdens I pray.
On the first anniversary of the Declaration of War against Germany by the United States he wrote:
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 407
Blow, bugles, blow!
Thrill every heart, Until the Nation's pulse
Beats strong again.
It was early in the war when, despite the grimness of the world war, a chuckle, a smile, a broad grin spread over faces from Portland, Maine, to Portland, Oregon. It had its origin in Santa Fe whence Mrs. Alice Corbin Henderson send out her deliciously humorous verses, "The Joke's on Kaiser Bill." It was first printed by the Chicago Tribune. How much it relieved an atmosphere tense with passions engendered by the sinking of the Lusitania, the story of outrages in Europe, or war preparations, will never be told, but wherever it was read (and it was read everywhere, for few were the papers that did not print it sooner or later) one heard the refrain:
"Ten thousand Texas rangers are shakin' with wicked
glee,
At the joke of the German Kaiser in his fierce per- plexity ! They are bustin' their buttons with laughin', they are
laughin' fit to kill,
"By Gawd," sez they, "but that's one on him ! by Gawd, but that's one on Bill !"
It is sure to have a permanent place in numberless scrapbooks, in anthologies, and will survive many of the more ambitious and serious poems of the War. Mrs. Hen- derson, who was then one of the editors of Poetry, contri- buted freely to the Vigilantes and her war poems breathed all the ardor of chivalry and passion for the great cause for which men were giving their lives. Who would not thrill to her "Son for Freedom" ? And what a rebuke there was in her "The Man without a Country" to the profiteer, to the foreignborn resident upon whom this Nation con- ferred citizenship and untold blessings but whose sympath- ies were with the Nation's enemies. Prophetic too was "The Vision," written before America entered the War, as far back as those August days of 1914 when the world's
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fate trembled in the balance; although published in The Dial only after peace was declared:
What do you see, Child of the Sun? I see a race that is just begun.
Why are your eyes so full of light? Because I come from Pools of Night.
What did you see beneath the waves? I saw a world of weeping slaves.
What do you see, now you are free? I see a world that is to be.
As each wave rose, I saw a crown '•]
By eager upstretched hands pulled down.
As each crown sank, confused cries And tempest thunders tore the skies.
Where the green wave had reared its head Were pools of crimson blood instead;
But from each blood-encrusted wave Uprose a spirit, shining, brave;
The joy of peace was in his eyes,
His wings were shot with changing dyes;
And in his wake the waters ran
And made a pathway for each man —
Each man and all that are to be, No longer bound, but glad and free.
A poem wonderfully fine and poignant appeared in the July, 1917, issue of Poetry:^
The great air birds go swiftly by, Pinions of bloom and death; And armies counter on shell-torn plains And strive, for a little breath. Pinnacled rockets in the gloom
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 409
Light for a little space
A gasping mouth, and a dying face
Blackened with night and doom —
As if in a little room
A sick man laid on his bed
Turned to his nurse and questioned when
Mass for his soul would be said.
Life is no larger than this,
Though thousands are slaked with lime,
Life is no larger than one man's soul,
One man's soul is as great as the whole
And no times greater than Time.
In April, 1918, Mrs. Henderson issued her appeal to America to send poets to the front to interpret the spirit of the Nation on the European battlefields and to record impressions for future generations. Said she : "The news- paper correspondent has an official position ; there are of- ficial camera men, official moving picture photographers, why not poets in a similar capacity? As a matter of fact Italy has D'Annunzio at the front; John Masefield and Rudyard Kipling have visited western and eastern fronts and published their impressions; why not American poets?"
It was Mrs. Henderson's "Litany of the Desert," which appeared first in the Yale Review, that seemed to have made the most widely accepted appeal, for it appeared in the compilations of war literature, such, for instance, as "The Spirit of Democracy" by Lyman P. Powell. It was not intended for a war poem ; in fact, it is such a contrast to the fervid and perfervid outbursts of poetic war frenzy that it bathes the spirit with a refreshing coolness and calm:
On the other side of the Sangre de Cristo mountains there is a great welter of steel and flame. I have read that it is so. I know nothing of it here.
On the other side of the water there is terrible carnage. I have read that it is so. I know nothing of it here.
I do not know why men fight and die. I do not know why men sweat and slave. I know nothing of it here.
Out of the peace of your great valleys, America, out of the depth and silence of your deep canons,
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Out of the wide stretch of yellow cornfields, out of the stealthy sweep of your rich prairies,
Out of the high mountain peaks, out of the intense purity of your snows,
Invigorate us, 0 America.
Out of the deep peace of your breast, out of the sure strength of your loins,
Recreate us, 0 America.
Not from the smoke and the fever and fret, not from the welter of furnaces, from the fierce melting-pots of cities ;
But from the quiet fields, from the little places, from the dark lamplit nights — from the plains, from the cabins, from the little house in the mountains,
Breathe strength upon us:
And give us the young men who will make us great.
Surely this was worthy of Walt Whitman and deserv- ing of a place besides Kipling's "Recessional."
Mrs. Henderson's plea to send poets as official rep- resentatives of America to the battlefield was not heeded, but poets took their place in the ranks of the fighting men. New Mexico sent, among other, Glenn Ward Dresbach of Tyrone. His poem "The Man who would not go to War" which first appeared in The Forum was widely copied and quoted. Powerfully it pictured the young man reluctant to shoulder the rifle, and his transformation through a vision when —
In Troubled sleep
War came to him. In dreams he saw a host Of strangers on the sky-line. Rifles cracked And red death fell on his beloved friends,
And in his dream he saw
His father, with his gray head bared to death, Stand on the door-step with his country's flag Waving defiance. Then his father fell And the flag fell across his silent breast. The house leaped into flames. His sister rushed Out of the door and raised the flag again. She fell and over her the flag. He saw A flash of fire from the doorway. There His brother stood, firing as steadily
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 411
As those who faced him. From behind him came His mother — and again the flag was raised ....
And madly in the dream he broke the chains That seemed to hold him and cried out in sleep A battle-cry that echoed through the house
And in the morning he left for town With fire in his eyes, to volunteer.
An anonymous and humble poet from Santa Fe, at Qamp Kearny, on July 4, 1918, published in Trench and Camp a "Song of the Drafted Men" which has a martial swing to it that sings itself into the memory:
Uncle Sam is calling: — (How the drums reverberate!)
Rat-tat-tat ! Rat-tat-tat ! 'Boys, I need you!' — (Hear the trumpets celebrate!)
Ta-ra-ra ! Ta-ra-ra !
'Freedom, which your fathers, and your Fathers' fathers bled and died for
Is at stake! Come, my young men, come my strong men,
Awake! Awake!'
Answer 'We are coming, Lafayette!
By the thousands, yea, by millions,
Row on row ! Where the Stripes are leading
We will follow — Where the Stars point There we go !'
In fact, it is a curious commentary on the spiritual mindedness of America's young men, that the weekly issues of Trench and Camp whereever it was published ran over with columns and columns of verses — good, bad and in- different — mostly bad but evidently sincere. An army of fighters, such as the Americans proved themselves to be, which expresses itself in verses and rhymes, surely
412 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
does not justify the charge of materialism that has been made against the Nation.
Mrs. Ruth Skeen, wife of State Senator M. P. Skeen of Artesia, among current poems wrote "Somewhere in France," which has sung itself into many a mother's heart :
Somewhere in France my soldier boy is fighting Under two flags for truth, and honor, too ;
I seem to hear those French lads calling,
"Coming at last! We've waited long for you."
C. M. Botts, recent president of the New Mexico Bar Association, deeply stirred a large audience in the high school auditorium at Albuquerque with his: "What is it Worth to You?"
What would you do toward winning the war,
If it all depended on you? What would you think and how would you act,
And what would you say or do, If a message were flashed from over the sea, "Our army must yield, must flee, Must bow to the Hun on bended knee,
Unless we can hear from you?"
What have you done in the conflict thus far?
I'm speaking, now, to you: Answer this question — consider it well —
And be sure that your answer is true.
Sombre was the poem by Miss Rose Henderson of Silver City, addressed "To One in the Trenches" :
I have dreamed vaguely of a flaming light
Growing somehow within the clash of things;
I have hoped wanly that the sodden night
Presaged a surprise and the rush of wings.
Is there such a spirit born of raining lead,
Such bloom of beauty from the shattered dead ?
You who have known war's maiming, iron clutch, Have breathed the wind of battle-breasting fire,
Is there a chastening vigor in the touch —
The writhing flesh, the stench of bloody mire?
Does there some rapture which pale peace withstood Cry through the tumult that the earth is good?
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 413
Miss Henderson in the New York Independent gave a picture of "The Border" after Villa's raid on Columbus :
Stretches of yellow, glaring sand,
Gray dust smarting with alkali, Mesquite huddled on either hand,
And a beaming, sun-drenched sky.
Creak of leather and clank of steel,
Khaki village and sun-burnt men, Rising clouds when the horses wheel
Back to the camp again.
Mess and gossip and drill and rest,
Night with the white stars thickly sown,
Moonrise over the ragged crest, And the coyote's dreary moan.
Hot gray rocks where the lizard runs, Skulking greasers in haggard bands,
Swift brown horsemen, the click of guns, And a splash of blood in the sands.
The late Mrs. Natalie Curtis Burlin of Santa Fe ar- ranged the stirring old Negro folk-songs for use in the army camps. What a unique experience on the front in northern France it was to come upon a negro regiment trudging along and singing her "Hymn of Freedom," or to be in camp when this song with its marvelous swing and haunting lilt was sung in the old camp meeting spirit ! Mrs. Burlin arranged the words so as to give the soldier a clear idea of the causes of the war and an understanding of the great human issues involved. It was in Washington, D. C., that a chorus of 2,000 voices first sang the "Hymn of Freedom" for a civic audience on a program in which Mrs. Baker, wife of the then secretary of War, took part. Since then this song to the Melody of "Ride on, Jesus, Ride on, Conquering King," has sung its way across the Atlantic, and from St. Helena Island, by way of Santa Fe and Taos, to Honolulu and Apia.
There have been many other poets and singers — minor,
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and perhaps some major — whose songs culled from the New Mexico press, added to those which have appeared in the magazines of national circulation and to which refer- ence has been made in part in this chapter, would make a voluminous and interesting anthology, but sufficient has been given to measure the patriotic fervor that was voiced in this commonwealth so far from the clamor of war and the frenzy of the battlefield.
Even the stolid native races felt it. It was on a day when the news from the battle front was particularly dis- couraging to patriots, that a band of Cochiti braves came to the Museum of New Mexico, looked at the Red Cross posters, and then timidly approached one of the staff.
"We want a house!" their spokesman said. "Why do you want a house?" "We want to give a dance." "Why do you want to dance?"
"We want to do something for the Red Cross the same as white man," was the brief reply.
They had come for thirty miles over a hard road, in wagons, bringing with them their katchinas or masques, their ceremonial costumes, in order to give the "Matachina" dance for the benefit of the Red Cross. That evening New Mexico's capitol saw a sight such as will always live in the memory of those who attended. In the beautiful St. Francis Auditorium of the New Museum, these men and women from Cochiti gave the "Matachina" dance with an enthusiasm, a spiritual exaltation, which made it a verit- able prayer for victory to the Sky Father, which signified an implicit faith. As St. Michael triumphed over Lucifer, and the spirits of good defeated those of malevolent intent, so American arms would help win the War for Democracy. The story was vividly told by G. Wentworth Field in the October, 1918, Red Cross Magazine. During the perform- ance of such dance dramas as the annual Corn Dance at San Felipe, May 1, at Santo Domingo, August 4, and else- where, booths for Red Cross Benefit were provided. Tell-
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 415
ing of such an episode at Taos, Marsden Hartley of Santa Fe (whose beautiful tribute to Joyce Kilmer in the Decem- ber, 1918, number of Poetry was the finest wreath laid upon the dead poet's grave) says in The Dial of November 16, 1918:
"The Pueblos patriotically offered their services for the Red Cross and gave one of their rarest dances on the evening of July 4 at the hour of sunset, certainly one of the most beautiful spectacles, brief though it was, which I have ever witnessed. It is called the dance of mercy. It is the dance in its original form, as it has been given dur- ing the run of the centuries." The writer then describes the marvelous dramatic rite, closing with the comment: "And through it all you felt that here was the history of your native land enacted for your pleasure, written in the very language of the sun and the moon and the sky, the birds and the flowers, rain and running rivers, and that it was in this tongue that they might surely speak with each other to a perfect understanding." Does not this yield a glimpse of an aspect of life in New Mexico during the War that no other commonwealth shared with it? The Indians translated their patriotism into action and deeds. They were found in the ranks of the Army of Liberty. Captain Ashley Pond of Santa Fe one evening at the New Museum told of meeting four New Mexico Mexicans in a machine gun nest manned by seven Americans in the St. Mihiel sector, one of the four New Mexicans being a Laguna In- dian, as stolid as if he were an onlooker at the Zuni Fire Dance.
At Santa Clara, one of the older men made war bon- nets and sold them for the benefit of the Red Cross. He invested $1,100 in Liberty Bonds and gave freely to all war causes. Others followed his example and one of the most impressive war meetings held in the state was ad- dressed in this pueblo by Miss Willard, who in simple terms explained to the Indians the causes for which America was giving her blood and treasure. Wlien she explained
416 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
that the Germans treated the Belgian and French women as the old-time Navajoes, the hereditary enemies of the Pueblos, had treated their ancestors, a wild whoop of rage went up to the Sky Father from the assembled braves and the women and children crouched in fear.
The artists in New Mexico found it more difficult than the writers to make a place for themselves among the workers for Victory. An appeal for artists, like that of Mrs. Henderson's for poets at the front, was heeded by the United States Government only toward the end of the war, long after the other nations had commissioned eminent painters to perpetuate their battles and battle leaders upon canvas. So there were few war pictures credited to New Mexico artists. Gustav Baumann's "Fifth Avenue" was a striking picture of the great thoroughfare, brave with flags as the troops came marching along. Warren E. Rollins hung for exhibit four war paintings, one of a camou- flaged ship, floating lazily at anchor near the Statue of Liberty, and another of a torpedoed ship going down in a turbulent sea. One was a portrait of his daughter as a Red Cross nurse and the fourth of a ship fighting off a submarine. He also blocked out in his studio in the Palace of the Governors, a striking conception of "Christ behind the Peace Table," a vision of the Saviour of Mankind stand- ing behind President Wilson as he sits at the head of the table while the dignitaries of the Nations look earnestly at the spokesman of the American people. Dimly seen in the background are the marching hosts that gave up their life for World Democracy. The title of the picture : "Will ye crucify me again?" carries with it a world appeal, and emphasis of the truth that no question is settled until it is settled right.
Of course, young men among the artists, like Lee Hersch, sought enlistment and donned the uniform. Others like I. E. Couse the Academician gave their sons. The artists contributed liberally in the war drives and took the lead in war charities. At one time, in Taos, a score
NEW MEXJCO IN THE GREAT WAR 417
gave paintings for a raffle that netted the Red Cross more than §1,000. When Taos was scourged by the influenza epidemic, they fearlessly acted as nurses in afflicted homes and comforted the stricken in the houses of death. They organized the relief work and performed as brave deeds as were recorded on the field of battle, doing so unostentati- ously, fearlessly, without thought of reward or fame. Mr. and Mrs. Burlin, Mr. and Mrs. Ufer, Victor Higgins, Miss Lucille Wrenn, Mr. and Mrs. Harwood and all the others in Taos during those terrible weeks when the population was actually decimated, worked day and night, sharing their own limited resources with those who had no means of their own, — going in and out among the sick and dying.
Of the Santa Fe artists, William Penhallow Henderson found a fine field for patriotic work, as a camofluer at San Francisco. Together with B. P. 0. Nordfeldt, now in Santa Fe, he developed the Pacific Coast "camouflage" to such an extent that it became a standard with which Atlantic Coast inspectors compared the work done in the eastern shipyards.
In the early spring of 1918, Ernest L. Blumenschein returned from New York filled with enthusiasm for the work taken up by the Salmagundo Club in furnishing material for "range finding paintings" for camps, canton- ments, and armories. It was a work that had been deve- loped in England early in the war and proved of great aid in training machine gun and rifle students. Mr. Blumen- schein on his way to Taos lectured at the New Museum in Santa Fe and explained how these canvases could be utilized in teaching the men how to find the range, how to estimate distances, how to detect "cover," how to de- signate strategical points, and how to make maps. With these landscapes of country in northern France and in Bel- gium, the student officers also familiarized themselves with the aspects and topography of that portion of Europe. While it was not required that these pictures for utilitarian purposes should have artistic merit, the twenty "Range Finders" exhibited in the New Museum in the late summer
418 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
at Santa Fe before being- sent to Camps Funston and Cody, proved a delight from the art stand-point to all visitors, for it seemed as if every one of the score of artists had taken pride in painting as beautifully as he knew how. Each canvas had an impress of individuality, and in some in- stances of a freedom and boldness which some of the paint- ers lacked in their easel pictures. Both men and women contributed to the cause including E. L. Blumenschein, who was chairman for the Taos-Santa Fe sector, Gustav Bau- mann, Sheldon Parsons, Walter Ufer, 0. E. Berninghaus, H. Paul Burlin, J. H. Sharp, Bert Phillips, W. H. Dunton, J. Young Hunter, Miss Harriet Blackstone, Miss Ethel Coe, Lee F. Hersch, Mrs. J. Wilson, and others. Leon Gas- pard sent to the exhibit a stunning sketch for a war poster, and altogether it was a display as unique as it was remark- able.
When New Mexico dedicated its art museum at the capitol, during Thanksgiving week, 1917, there gathered for the impressive exercises a notable assembly of scientists, artists, writers, educators, of representatives of all the peoples, and at the same time the Dedication exhibit in- cluded the works of forty and more New Mexico artists, several of the paintings displayed being afterwards crowned with prizes and medals at eastern exhibits. Immediately afterwards, the woman's reception rooms in the fine new building were turned over to the Santa Fe Chapter of the Red Cross for its working quarters during the War. Part of the studios .in the rear of the Palace of the Governors were assigned to the Board of Historical Service of the State Council of Defense and the west end of the Palace was given to the Child Welfare Service of the Woman's Division of the Council of Defense. The staff at the Mu- seum gave itself to every phase of war work, from food conservation to supplying exhibits of paintings for the War Community Service in army camps, at the same time holding aloft the torch of art, literature, and science, hav- ing constantly in mind the noble words of the Hon. Frank Springer in his Dedication address :
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 419
"When European civilization, in the early centuries of our era, perished amid the convulsions of barbarism, darkness enveloped the earth. Letters, Art, and Science went into hiding, and the lights of human intelligence were well nigh extinguished. They flickered with feeble sparks in the Arab's tent and in the hermit's cave. It cost man- kind a thousand years to rekindle the smouldering embers into flame. If the Twentieth Century is not to mark the beginning of another period of dark ages, it must be because those who do their part at home shall keep the lamps of knowledge burning. Great changes await us at the out- come of the present upheaval. To many of the old ways we shall not return, but out of the chaos of a world con- flict this nation is destined to be born again — through pain and suffering, no doubt, in which we must all share. It is for us to realize, in such a crisis, that there is a duty to preserve as well as to destroy; to upbuild, as well as to tear down. Come what may, we shall face the tasks al- loted to us as becomes the citizens of this great land, while at the same time we resolve that so far as in us lies en- lightenment, and the kindred blessings which make life worth living, shall not perish on this earth."
PAUL A. F. WALTER
VIII— To the Colors
A hundred years ago, a military force which we might speak of as the national guard of that time, was being des- cribed to the cortes assembled in Cadiz, Spain, by Don Pedro Bautista Pino of Santa Fe, deputy from the Pro- vince of New Mexico. He stated that the military force which for many years had safe-guarded this inland realm for the Spanish monarchy consisted of a paid force of 121 officers and men, supplemented in emergencies by three troops of militia.
Two weeks after the United States entered the Great War, when the president on April 21, 1917, called the na- tional guard into federal service, New Mexico could muster a total strength of only 88 men, — 49 officers and 39 enlisted men.
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As described in a preceding chapter, the New Mexico national guard had, shortly before, completed a service of eleven months on the Mexican border from May 9, 1916, until mustered out on April 5, 1917. As only 88 of the guardsmen had taken the federal oath prescribed by the National Defense Act of June 3, 1916, all the others were automatically discharged — strange as it may seem, the very day before war was formally declared by our federal government. The outcome of this situation, however, was that the national guard of New Mexico became a force of volunteers more completely perhaps than the guard of any other state — volunteers for service in this specific war.
General Pershing was then in command of the south- ern department and he was authorized by the secretary of war to recruit the national guard of New Mexico to full strength. When it became apparent, early in May, that federal recruiting was not securing the desired results, matters were speeded up by Adjutant General James A. Baca, who inaugurated a recruiting campaign and sent of- ficers out over the state at state expense. In consequence of both federal and state efforts approximately 1,300 men mobilized at Camp Funston, or "Camp Kitchener," near Albuquerque on June 11, 1917. How this compared with the mobilization in other states was thus stated by the Deming Headlight of July 27th :
"According to the number of men furnished to the na- tional guard in proportion to the population, New Mexico ranks fifth in the list of states. New Mexico's percentage is 351 men to every 100,000 of her population, a percentage that is exceeded by only Kansas, South Dakota, Maine, Vermont, all of them more thickly populated states than New Mexico."
That rather formidable difficulties were encountered and overcome in this mobilization is indicated by the follow- ing quotation from a report made some months later by the adjutant general to the state council of defense:
"As fast as recruits were obtained they were sent to
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 421
the nearest company rendezvous, at state expense, inas- much as the federal government did not pay transportation and subsistence of recruits from point of enlistment tc company rendezvous. Clothing and bedding were not avail- able from the federal government and for sanitary reasons the state was compelled to rent cots and bedding and pur- chase such clothing as was absolutely necessary. In locali- ties having no armories the state rented the most suitable quarters available for quartering recruits prior to being sent to the mobilization camp. Some medical attention was necessary and at points where the service of a medical of- ficer of the national guard were not available civilian doctors were employed by the state."
Notwithstanding the problems thus indicated as well as the problems of great distances and inadequate trans- portation, Adjutant General Baca could report that the work of recruiting and mobilizing had been effected at a total cost of $14,839.95, or a per capita cost of $11.42. This expense was met as authorized by Governor Lindsey, by the state council of defense, out of the public defense fund, as was also the further expense incurred in establishing Camp Funston on the mesa near Albuquerque, which amounted to a total of $19,938. 18.
The 1st New Mexico Infantry and the Sanitary Detach- ment were given about four months of intensive training at this camp and on October 16th these two units were en- trained for Camp Kearny at Linda Vista, California. Two weeks earlier it had been announced that the 1st New Mexico had been designated las the 159th Infantry Reg., U. S.-N. G., which news was followed almost immediately by the announcement that the New Mexico troops were to be broken up into two machine-gun companies, the 143rd and the 144th. Upon arrival in Linda Vista this change was carried out, part of the New Mexicans being used ?,lso in forming the 115th Headquarters and Military Police.
Three weeks before, Battery A, now designated as the 146th Field Artillery, had been transferred from Albu- querque to Charlotte, North Carolina. After some three 28
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months of additional training there, another transfer took this unit to Camp Mills, Long Island, and shortly after wards to Camp Merritt, New Jersey. The rumors that Battery A had embarked were not definitely confirmed until early January, 1918, when letters reached some of the New Mex- ico homes reporting the arrival of the battery in France. This unit of about 190 men under Captain Charles M. De Bremond was the first contingent which was distinctively New Mexican to get across. The 89th and 40th divisions, which included so many National Army and National Guard men of this state, did not follow until the months of June and September respectively.
While the recruiting for the national guard was still in full swing, the machinery for assembling the U. S. Na- tional Army through the selective draft was being worked out. June 5, 1917, will always be remembered as one of the most significant days in the history of our great demo- cracy. In New Mexico as elsewhere it was a day observed by patriotic assemblies, impassioned addresses by leading citizens, and enthusiastic parades in every city, town and plaza. Out of a population of 354,000 there was during the war a total registration for the state of 79,911 men of draft age, — this figure including the registrants of June 5, and August 24, 1918. Of this total 8,505 men were in- ducted and finally accepted for military service during the fourteen months from September, 1917, to October, 1918. This figure includes a number of men who were subse- quently discharged for various reasons but does not include 498 men who were inducted by their local boards but who by reason of physical defects were not accepted when they reached the camps to which they had been entrained.
No very large alien population appeared in connection with the draft except in the counties of Colfax, McKinley, and Grant, where there are quite a number of this type of residents in the employ of mines and railways. In Grant County some 1,300 registrants could not be reached with questionnaires, most or all of whom were evidently natives of Mexico. It may be said in this connection that relatively
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 423
few New Mexicans failed to register and had to be classed as delinquents, and very few brought dishonor to their state. Only four men to date have been officially reported as deserters, while early in the war there were two cases of court-martial for other causes.
During 1914-1918, the five war-years, 475 aliens were naturalized as against 337 during the preceding eight years while the flow of immigration was still running. Perhaps some of these 475 thereby sought to repudiate the claims of their natal lands, but it is equally true that all of them gave up the right as aliens to exemption from military service and accepted the full responsibilities of citizenship in the land of their adoption. The two nationalities most largely represented in these naturalizations were German and English, — a fact which is open to varied interpretations and may call for fuller consideration than is here possible.
Perhaps this is the best opportunity for a word with regard to the patriotism of our citizens of Spanish-Ameri- can descent, for it is a strange perversion of mind which sometimes leads people in other parts of the United States to consider half the population of New Mexico as alien and even to confuse our state with Mexico. It is probably true that in no other state of the union may one attend civic gatherings of all sorts, court sessions, and even the inau- gural of a governor where two languages are used as a matter of course, but so also is it true that if any compari- son be made it must be recognized that those who are native to the soil from Spanish times are more legitimately New Mexicans than are later arrivals of other nationalities and their descendants.
Citizens of Spanish-American descent must not be con- fused with unnaturalized residents from Mexico. Some thousands of alien Mexicans have enjoyed temporary domi- cile in New Mexico during recent years and many of them have gladly become sons of this country by adoption, but those who have remained alien in heart and conduct have found the native Mexican of this state even less compatible than the Anglo-American.
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Definite figures with regard to exemption claims are not here given, — nor are they necessary for estimating the loyalty of our citizenry. Anyone who shared or even ob- served in a very superficial way the correspondence which passed between the boys in service and the folks around the home fires has no need for figures; he knows of his own experience the high order of loyalty which glowed up- on the altars of our state. It was voiced by that mother who asked that the national anthem be one of the hymns used when the body of her last-born lay under the stars and stripes before her; it is the incense which rose from the letters of all those who were called upon to mourn, whether those letters were written in Spanish or in English. Truly the poet was right when he interpreted life in the words —
"Love's strength standeth in love's sacrifice, And he who suffers most hath most to give."
The patriotism of the forefathers of all true New Mexicans has been distilled anew in their sons. ' 'Mac's," "O's," "De" and "Di's," "Von's," plain "sons" by the score; "Jones" and "Garcia," "Smith" and "Chavez," "Martinez" and "Miller," "Baca" and "Baker,"— names and their prefixes may indicate origins or they may appear in seem- ingly endless repetition. The real meaning of a name, how- ever, is what its bearer makes it stand for, and countless New Mexico names today are wreathed by patriotic ser- vice nobly done.
In addition to the men who entered military service through the national guard and national army, there was another considerable aggregate of men who answered the call by volunteering in the regular army, in the navy, and along lines of special service. All postmasters in the state were authorized to accept enlistments and to forward re- cruits to the nearest recruiting station, as at Albuquerque, Gallup, Raton, Clovis, Tucumcari, Roswell, Alamogordo, Deming, Silver City. From such sub-stations men were
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 425
given transportation to the army or navy station in El Paso, or in some cases to one of these stations in Denver; if ac- cepted, a recruit was there given his rating and entrained for one of the camps for assignment. Of course, those within draft age had first to secure releases from their local boards.
The requirements for, and restrictions on, voluntary enlistment were repeatedly modified, no recruits at all being received for some weeks during the summer of 1918. In spite of transient difficulties along this line, however, some 1,250 New Mexicans entered the U. S. Navy and approxi- mately 4,000 volunteers entered various branches of the army, in addition to the men who enlisted through the selec- tive service and the national guard.
The total of New Mexicans in all branches of military service, as shown by the records kept by the State Historical Service, was 17,251. Figuring on the population of state and nation as 354,000 and 110,000,000 respectively, the U. S. Army and Navy should proportionately have had a total strength of 4,661,000 enlisted up to November 11, 1918, which is a total considerably larger than the whole num- ber reported by the federal authorities. In other words, New Mexico stood well above the average among the states in the number of men she contributed to the cause.
A few of those who served during the war were al- ready in army or navy before 1914; others answered the call from Europe before our nation declared war, getting across and into Canadian, Scotch, English, or French ser- vice in various ways. Still others followed immediately after war was declared, as Joe Quesenberry of Las Cruces, captain of the U. S. soldiers who took the first German prisoners -and who later gave his life while serving as major in the "Great Spring Drive." Quesenberry got across by securing a transfer from the 37th to the 18th Infantry. Carl Meyer of La Luz was another, the only one of his Coast Artillery unit to answer a call for six volunteers to com- plete the 3rd Trench Mortar Battalion. Rev. R.' C. Jackson of
426 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Farmington became a major in kilties and veteran of many a bloody field in Belgium, and was typical of many New Mexicans who succeeded in getting across early in the game.
Few even in New Mexico know that nearly a hundred Indians from this state joined the ranks — Jicarilla and Mescalero Apaches, Navajoes, Pueblos from Taos, San Juan, Santa Clara, Nambe, San Felipe, Isleta, Jemez, La- guna, Acoma. and Zuni. Perhaps those who scoffed in 1917 when it was suggested to raise troops among these citizens realized later that hundreds of them might have responded if they had been invited to enlist.
It is safe to say that every profession and business had representatives in military service, — doctors, editors, ministers, dentists, lawyers, bankers, teachers, herders from the plains, ranchers from mountain and valley, clerks, miners, cowboys, merchants, mechanics, — no civic occupa- tion can be named which did not contribute of its strength. The whole football team at the State University went into service. Every institution of higher eduucation has proud- ly shown a service flag; and may it be said here, even the state penitentiary had graduates in service.
More than one editor shoved aside the typewriter to sieze an automatic or an Enfield. It is interesting to note that of nearly 500 cowboys in service a relatively large num- ber from this arid state elected to ride the waves; and at least one playwright rode the clouds for Uncle Sam. To the cowboys also we owe the picturesque phrase so fre- quently used by recruits that they were "just r'arin' to go."
In June, 1918, at the time of the second registration, Capt. R. C. Reid stated that the proportion of volunteers to drafted men for the United States was 66% and for New Mexico was 84%. Not until after the June calls of 1918 did the total of selective service men forge ahead of the total of volunteers.
Distinctions between the regular army, the national army, and the national guard — and indeed the U. S. Navy — promptly became uncertain. Naval marines fought at
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 427
Chateau Thierry and in Belgium; regular army men ser- ved on ships; selective service men were used to fill up National Guard units, and men were detached from the National Guard for replacement use overseas. Engineers and motor men, medical corps and quartermaster's depart- ment were essential to all branches, of course, and distinc- tions soon had no value except for convenience at head- quarters.
New Mexicans were mixed like leaven apparently throughout the whole army, as is revealed by even a cursory glance at the units which included men from this state. Such a tabulation of aero squadrons, for example, includes, those numbered 11, 13, 27, 28, 30, 31, 36, 84, 89, 90, 103, 109, 113, 160, 165, 173, 181, 186, 190, 193, 195, 196, 210, 218, 228, 229, 236, 257, 270, 281, 313, 317, 328, 336-8, 350, 353, 356, 357, 360, 369, 372, 474, 475, 477, 485, 496, 607, 615, 626, 635, 636, 642, 644, 656, 808, 810-12, 823, 836, 869, 1103, and 1105.
As one other illustration take the engineers. Besides 151 men from this state in the two forestry regiments, the 10th and the 20th, and 226 railroad men of New Mexico in 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 31, 32, 39, 47, 48, 53, 62, 63, 69, and 503 (all of which were railway regiments), the state was also represented in the following regiments of engineers: 2-8, 9 (mounted), 11, 16, 25-29, 30 ("Gas and Flame"), 33-37, 41-44, 58, 65, 66, 70, 81, 98, 102-107, 109-111, 113-118, 127, 128, 132, 136, 143, 144, 147, 149, 209-11, 213, 214, 219, 220, 302, 309, 313-315, 318, 319, 428, 468, 502, 507, and 529. These lists might be considerably lengthened if all individual records in the archives were full in detail.
It is known, however, that the divisions in which New Mexicans served included the 1-13, 15, 16, 18, 23, 25-33, 34 ("Sandstorm"), 35-37, 40 ("Sunshine"), 41, 42 ("Rain- bow"), 77-80, 82, 83, 85-92, 97, and 101; and it may readily be appreciated, when the war-record of these divisions is reviewed, that New Mexico shared in very diversified lines
428 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
of service. It is worth noting that New Mexicans served in ten of the thirteen divisions which made up our "Army of Occupation" in Germany.
Of the total of about 450 physicians in the state, 115 applied for and received commissions in the medical corps, and many of the others gave valuable service as examiners and on medical advisory boards. The efficiency of this latter service is evidenced by the fact that of 7,858 men inducted from February 10th to September 9th, 1918, only 307 were rejected for physical defects at the various camps. This percentage of rejections, 3.9%, was the lowest of all states in the union save one.
In this connection record may well be made of the fact that the Red Cross at Camp Cody steadfastly refused to take into its service any man who could get into the army, and also of the fact that no one of the Red Cross personnel at that camp served on a salaried basis. New Mexico was well represented in other lines of service, also, not actually enlisted and yet "with the colors," a total of at least 40 men and 25 women having been reported as serving in the Y. M. C. A., the K. of C., the Y. W. C. A., and the Red Cross.
In joining the colors the men of New Mexico were dispersed in many camps. Camp Kitchener at Albuquer- que was not maintained after the national guardsmen were transferred to Camp Kearny, in spite of the various in- ducements held out to the federal authorities, although part of it was again utilized in the fall of 1918 for the students in training at the State University. Radio men and mechanics were trained at the College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, and barracks were built there also for the student training work. Other recruits of the S. A. T. C. were in training at the Military Institute also, but the only cantonment on a large scale within the state was Camp Cody at Deming.
All the men of the first draft, and the men drafted in March and April, 1918, went to Camp Funston, at Fort
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 429
Riley, Kansas. Most of them were trained there, though quite a number were transferred almost immediately to fill the ranks of units at Camp Kearny.
During the month of May, 1918, three state quotas were entrained : 274 men to Fort MacDowell in California, 985 to Camp Cody, and 443 to Fort Sam Houston in Texas. In June, 176 stockmen were sent to Camp Lee in Virginia for training ; 400 men were sent to Camp Mabry at Austin, Texas, for mechanical training; 489 additional men were placed at Camp Cody, and a small number went to Van- couver Barracks, Washington.
There was only one large call during July, that for 740 men to entrain for Camp Travis, Texas.
In August, about 40 colored recruits were sent to Camp Funston. During the same month there were calls for 200 more men to Camp Cody, for 1,000 to Camp Pike at Little Rock, Arkansas, and for 154 radio men and mechanics to the State College at Mesilla Park.
September saw the departure of 8 more colored men for training at Camp Travis, 101 men to Camp Bowie at Fort Worth, Texas, 400 men to Camp McArthur at Waco, Texas, and 54 men for limited service to Camp Cody. Only one small contingent got away in October, 44 men going to Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, for limited service. Subse- quent calls were cancelled owing to the epidemic of Spanish influenza.
Navy recruits, from both the Denver and El Paso stations, were forwarded chiefly to San Francisco and San Diego, though later a few went to Charleston, S. C., and to Long Island. Most of the army recruits went from Den- ver to Fort Logan, and from El Paso to Fort Bliss, beyond which points the state records did not follow them. Men were reported, however, at the following additional camps among others: Camp Humphries, Washington; Camp Gordon, Atlanta, Ga. ; Camp John Wise, near San Antonio ; Camp Upton, New York; Fort Oglethorpe, Ga.; Camp Zachary Taylor, Louisville, Ky. ; American Lake, Wash,;
430 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Camp Grant, Rockford, 111. ; Camp Perry, and Camp Sher- man, Ohio; and Camp Morrison, Va. Here again we see how widely scattered geographically our men were after joining the colors.
Thanks to the high standing and past efficiency of the New Mexico Military Institute, and also to the military training which many of our men had received at the State College and the University, a proportionately large num- ber of New Mexicans entered service as commissioned of- ficers or speedily won commissions. The Institute reported 80 former students holding such rank in army and navy; the roll of Chaves County showed 61 ; the honor-roll of the State College gave 50. Of all commissioned officers from the state at least 32 served in higher posts as field officers. As to New Mexicans who won places as "non-com's" the total was proportionately large.
Officers of the national guard did not receive federal commissions until they had first passed rigid examinations, and all others also who applied for commissions had to prove their worthiness. Two men won lieutenancies at Fort Riley as early as August, 1917, and 28 other commis- sions were awarded the same month to New Mexicans who successfully completed the first reserve officers' training course at the Presidio in San Francisco. As other train- ing camps of this type followed, at Leon Springs, Texas, at Camp Kearny and elsewhere, additional lists of graduates and awards were announced from time to time. But here again any complete statement of results is as yet impos- sible. Details as to promotions during service, of citations and decorations received by officers and by men in the ranks, are to be found in the individual records in the State archives.
As one looks back to the spring and summer of 1917 he realizes that the people of New Mexico, as was the case for all the states, travelled far in the two short years of the war. In a war address at Albuquerque late in July, 1917, Col. E. C. Abbott charged that a great many men were
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 431
planning to plead exemption on the ground that their ser- vices were needed in agricultural lines. It is true that the proportion of exemption claims were relatively very numerous that summer, but this situation gradually changed as the people over the state came to understand better the merits of the case and began to realize the power- ful motives impelling us to respond to the call to arms. War propaganda through the press and pulpit and public forum wrought a speedy unifying of the people against the menace of the Hun as they came to appreciate how that menace darkened the horizon of our country and there- fore of our own state.
Of course cities and towns on the railroad were more accessible to telegraphies from overseas and from other parts of the country, and the people of these places were naturally more immediately responsive. The Carbon City News of May 5, 1917, for example, reports a rousing "Span- ish-American Patriotic Meeting." In the next column are two paragraphs, "Gallup Girls to Try for Navy Steno- graphers" and "War Closer Home to Gallup People;" and still another frontpage lead reads, "Recruits Flocking to Colors." On the other hand it was well towards the end of 1917 before some of the small country newspapers indicated any real awakening of the people to the national and world crisis. But that awakening, when it did finally reach home to the remote parts of our state, is well illustrated by the cowboy who came loping over the plain to a little way- station on the Rock Island, just in time to turn his favorite saddle-horse loose with a parting slap and to swing onto the train — off for the recruiting station in El Paso.
"Draft Day" was treated as a holiday, even in places so small that there was nowhere for a parade to march save twice or thrice ground a little plaza; and when the time came for quotas of selective service men to entrain, there were glorious send-offs. In some places it was the men who went who gave the parting banquet or dance,
432 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
declaring that it was their wish thus to show how they appreciated the honor of being the ones chosen to go.
When the national guardsmen left Albuquerque for Linda Vista on the morning of October 16th, they were presented with 9,000 oranges and apples and great crowds gathered to bid them "Godspeed." Similar in kind were the reports of departures which came in from all parts of the state, but one illustration must suffice, taken from the record of one of those who did not return:
La noche antes del dia de su partida una concurrida reunion de parientes y amigos le dieron la despedida, y se profirieron algunos breves discursos que emanaban de corazones simpaticas que aunque sentian la separaci6n de un joven cuya vida era un modelo, lo animaban a ir a cum- plir un deber que la nacion Americana y el mundo entero demandaba.
Lo mas impresivo y patetico tomo lugar cuando los que le acompanaron hasta el acostumbrado lugar donde solemos salir con nuestros jovenes le dimos el ultimo adios, al ver a dos hombres como de seis pies de altos abrazarse el uno al otro para despedirse para siempre, — nuestro joven Tafoya y su digno y apreciadp padrastro quienes no pudieron contener sus lagrimas sino que las dejaban desgranarse y surcar sus mejillas sellando en aquel dis- tinguido sitio un amor puro y no fingido que cultivaron en el hogar, como tambien cubriendo la mas leve pfensa cometida por el uno en contra del otro. Alii principio el inmenso sacrificio de la familia el cual culmino cuando nuestro fiel patriota f ue ofrecido en el altar de la Libertad e Independencia, muriendo por la pureza de los hogares Americanos y por la integridad de los Estados Unidos de America. Se canto, antes de la separacion, aquel himno nacional :
God bless our splendid men, Send them safe home again,
God bless our men. Make them victorious, Faithful and chivalrous, They are so dear to us,
God bless our men.
NEW MEXICO IN THE GREAT WAR 433
The spirit which animated the men of New Mexico who answered the call to the colors and the spirit which 'animated the people from whose midst they went forth was fittingly voiced in a hymn which sprang from the heart of one of our own poets and which was dedicated by him "To the Soldiers of New Mexico:"
Os vimos a la lid marchar,
Soldados de Neo-Mejico, Al grito de la Libertad,
Soldados de Neo- Mejico; Yj cuan gloriso no os sera Pelear allende el Bravo Mar For Dios y por la Libertad,
Soldados de Neo-Mejico!
LANSING B. BLOOM
434 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
UNCLE SAM'S CAMEL CORPS FRED S. PERRINE
It is hard for this generation to realize, in the present clay of aeroplanes and automobiles, the transportation pro- blems faced by Uncle Sam in the great Southwest, three- quarters of a century ago. Guarding the then frontier against the raids of the Apaches, Comanches and other savage tribes, and locating and building roads thru that vast country to the Pacific coast, was indeed a problem.
One of the greatest troubles experienced was the trans- portation of troops and supplies across the arid plains of Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California, and the vari- ous mountain chains of the three latter states, or rather, territories.
Prominent among the leaders of a new scheme of transportation were Major Henry C. Wayne, U. S. A., and Edward F. Beale, formerly an officer in the Navy, but at that particular time, Superintendent of Indian Affairs in California.
For years Major Wayne had been an exponent of a system of army transportation in which camels or drome- daries were to be used as a means of conveying troops and supplies across the desert plains of the Southwest, from the Mississippi River to California. He was ably seconded by Superintendent Beale, who as a member of Commodore Stockton's command, had made several trips across the continent, to and from Washington, D. C., with dispatches for the government, and who undoubtedly real- ized, more than any one else the necessity of a better means of transportation for the troops and their supplies, than the horse and mule trains then being used.
Enlisting the support of Hon. Jefferson Davis, who was then Secretary of War, and who was heartily in ac- cord with the experiment, Congress was appealed to for
UNCLE SAM'S CAMEL CORPS 435
an appropriation to purchase camels and dromedaries, and to provide funds for carrying out the experiment. For several years Secretary Davis made recommendations to Congress, and at last an appropriation of $30.000.00 was made, which was approved on March 3, 1855.
No time was now lost, and on May 10, 1855, Major Wayne was ordered to proceed to the Levant; Lieutenant David D. Porter, then in command of the U. S. Storeship "Supply," which was at that time in New York harbor taking in supplies for the Mediterranean squadron, re- ceived instructions to meet Major Wayne at Spezzia, after discharging cargo, and to co-operate and act jointly with him in the purchase of such camels and dromedaries as they were able to obtain.
Major Wayne's instructions were very explicit. He wjas to obtain all the information that was possible in Eng- land, and especially from the French War Ministry, who had been using camels in Africa for some time. He visited the Zoological Gardens in London where several camels were in captivity, then proceeded to Paris, where he se- cured all the information that was available. In the mean- time Lieutenant Porter had arrived at Spezzia, and learn- ing that Major Wayne would not arrive for at least a week, decided to go to Pisa, where there was a herd of about 250 camels, the property of the grand duke. Gleaning all the data that he could regarding the habits etc., of the camel, he returned to Spezzia, where he was met by Major Wayne. Upon comparing notes they decided that there were a great many things regarding camels that they did not know, and in order to secure this knowledge first hand they sailed for Tunis, July 30, 1855, where they purposed to buy one camel, so that they could study its habits and its manage- ment on shipboard. Arriving at Tunis they made their purchase of a sample camel, and were very agreeably sur- prised when they were advised by the Bey of Tunis, that he would be very much pleased to present to them as a gift to the President and the people of the United States,
436 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
a fine camel. On the 9th of August they received two camels as gifts, instead of one, both stallions, one full grown and the other young.
With the three camels on board the ship set sail for Malta, Smyrna, and finally arrived at Constantinople. Reporting from this place Major Wayne states that on the voyage the camels had given them less trouble than horses would have done, but that one of them showed symptoms of the itch, a very common affliction among camels.
After making a trip to the Crimea, where they received considerable information from British officers, they re- turned to Constantinople, where it was decided to sell the camel which had developed the itch, and also the one which they had purchased in Tunis. Accordingly they were landed and sold to a butcher "for purposes best known to himself" for 1096 piastres equal to about $44.00.
While at Constantinople our officers were informed that the Sultan wished to present to them, four fine camels. There was such a delay, however, in getting them from the interior, that the ship was compelled to sail for Alex- andria, Egypt, without them. In Egypt, it was expected that they would be able to purchase ten dromedaries and four camels of burden. Major Wayne bought five drome- daries at Cairo, trusting to luck to get a permit to ship them, there being an embargo on their exportation from the country. He applied for permission to export 20 camels and after much correspondence permission was granted to ship two. After a great deal of wire pulling he received a permit to ship two males and two females, and it was not until Consul General Edwin DeLeon took a hand in the matter that permission was granted for the exportation of ten camels. In his report Major Wayne states "Yester- day, at Mr. DeLeon's request, I gave him two Minie rifles, as he said he had promised them to the viceroy on the 30th ultimo. To make the gift complete I added a bullet-mould
UNCLE SAM'S CAMEL CORPS 437
and a swedge." This is undoubtedly, the answer to the question, "How did he get the permit?"
After the question of the permit was settled, the viceroy of Egypt decided that he would like to present to the United States six of the very finest dromedaries in Egypt. Let us see what Lieutenant Porter has to say about this very valuable present, in his report to the Secre- tary of War : —
It was very gratifying to me to hear that we were to receive six dromedaries from his highness the viceroy's own stock. Of course I expected nothing but the very best blood of Oman or Nubia, knowing that the eastern potent- ates take a pride in making presents of the choicest kind. I felt that you would be very much disappointed in our bringing home so few dromedaries, and I was very glad to get the six that were promised. The selection of the animals was placed in the hands of the governor of Alex- andria; he passed the matter on to the next in office, and he in turn passed it on still to a "cavass" or under officer, who went to work to make a handsome profit out of the business. After more than a week's delay, and many in- quiries on my part as to when we might expect them, I was at last informed that the dromedaries were ready, to be delivered to any one I might send for them. I sent an officer to receive them, who returned in a few minutes and informed me that the animals were wretched in ap- pearance, and so rotten with disease, that he would not take the responsibility of accepting them without further orders. To avoid all mistakes, I went and inspected them myself, and found them infinitely worse than they had been represented; they were not dromedaries at all, but the common street camel of Alexandria, the most ill used and wretched looking beast in the world. What made the matter worse, two of them had been purchased by Major Wayne, in Cairo, and rejected, on their arrival in Alex- andria, because they turned out to be diseased, and they were about the best of the lot presented.
The whole affair, at first, looked like a studied insult. for the purpose of turning the expedition into ridicule. I promptly refused to receive the present, and the accom-
29
438 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
panying correspondence took place, which will explain the whole affair to you.
I felt that there was some improper course pursued by the subordinates of the pasha, and I thought it my duty to expose it. Mr. DeLeon approved of my course, and warmly seconded my remonstrances. These letters will tend to show how many impediments are thrown in the way of strangers in the prosecution of any purpose in Egypt. The well intended liberality of his highness the viceroy is often turned aside by his subordinates, who thereby reap some small advantage themselves, at the risk even of meeting with severe punishment. This piece of trickery caused another delay of a week; but when it was brought to the notice of his highness the viceroy, he put the matter in proper hands, and in seven days a fair lot of dromedaries were brought down from the interior, and six were selected out of fifteen, two males and four females.
The "Supply" sailed from Alexandria for Smyrna, with nine dromedaries, six of which had been presented by the viceroy of Egypt, and the Tunis camel. At Alex- andria three Arabs were hired to accompany the expedi- tion to America, and serve for one year. The care of the camels was under the direction of Albert Ray, wagon and forage master, who had served in the Mexican war, and who had enlisted with Lieutenant Porter for this parti- cular purpose. Mr. G. H. Heap, who had been sent ahead from Alexandria to Smyrna to purchase the balance of the cargo, had succeeded in his duty, and on the arrival of the "Supply" at Smyrna, the camels and dromedaries purchased by him were embarked.
The roll call of this first cargo of camels was as fol- low:—
1 Tunis camel of burden male.
1 Senaar dromedary male.
1 Muscat dromedary female.
2 Siout dromedaries males. 4 Siout dromedaries females.
1 Mt Sinai dromedary male.
2 Bactrian camels males.
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1 Booghdee or Tuilu, male, produce of the Bac-
train male and the Arabian female. 4 Arabian camels of burden males.
15 Arabian camels of burden females. 1 Arabian camel, 24 days old male.
33
These camels were to be landed at Indianola, Texas, where the expedition expected to arrive about April 15, 1856.
On the 13th of April, 1856, the "Supply" put into Kingston, Jamaica, where they remained about two weeks. The arrival of the "Supply," at Kingston created quite a furor, as few of the inhabitants had ever seen a camel, and on one day more than 4000 people visited the men- agerie" abroad the "Supply." The voyage so far had been very stormy, and a severe gale and head winds had pre- vented their stopping at the Canary Islands, as was the original intention.
On April 29, 1856, they made Pass Cavallo, and on the 1st of May were met by the steamer "Fashion," Captain Baker, with two schooners in tow. After making the at- tempt to transfer one of the camels, they gave it up as a bad job, as there were too many chances of injuring the camels on account of the roughness of the sea. It was decided therefore to make for Balize at the mouth of the Mississippi, and so on the 10th of May the camels were transferred to the "Fashion" in the south west passage of the Mississippi River. On May 14, 1856, the cargo was safely landed at "Powder Horn," Indianola, Texas, thirty- four camels being brought ashore, being one more than they had started with.
On the voyage six calves were born, of which four died, and one of the original thirty-three died. This left thirty-two of the original stock, and two calves, all of which were landed safely.
The cost of the expedition up to date had been about
440 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
$8000.00 leaving $12,000.00 placed to the credit of Major Wayne, still to be expended. Owing to the very favorable reports which had been made by both officers, together with the fact that more animals were needed to complete the experiment, and also because the appropriation had been only partly expended, Lieutenant Porter received orders dated June 26, 1856, to return to the East for another cargo. He was accompanied by Mr. G. H. Heap, who had proven so valuable on the first expedition.
We will leave the second expedition here and take up the story of the first cargo which hafl been landed at In- dianola. On June 4, Major Wayne left with the camels and after thirteen days travel arrived at San Antonio. They had been loaded lightly for the trip and all arrived safely, and without having caused any trouble. On this trip a female camel was born, which unfortunately, sur- vived only one day.
A camping place had already been arranged at the head waters of the San Pedro, about two miles from town. This site was owned by the corporation of San Antonio, and was occupied "free of any charge." A few days later Major Wayne reported that the proximity to town was not beneficial to either the men or animals, and the camp was moved out to the Medina to the ranch of Major Howard of San Antonio, with whom temporary arrangements had been made. After several weeks of investigation a per- manent camp was made at Green Valley, and named Camp Verde, where buildings were erected to shelter the animals. During this interval, two of the animals had died, both females, one evidently from "a heavy blow or blows inflicted on the neck of the animal" and the other from causes un- known.
And now we come to a very interesting item, not only an historical item, but one which shows that every effort was made to put the camel in as favorable light as possible, with the "powers that were." Major Wayne wrote to Secretary Davis that he was enclosing "herewith a pair of
UNCLE SAM'S CAMEL CORPS 441
socks knit for the President by Mrs. Mary A. Shirkey, of Victoria, Texas, (lately of Virginia) from the pile of one of our camels." There is no record to show whether Presi- dent Pierce received these socks, or if Secretary Davis confiscated them for his own use.
During the year 1856, several expeditions were made with the first lot of camels, and the reports made by the several officers in charge, showed that they were satis- factory in every respect, and were superior to the horse and mule trains, with which they were tried out.
Lieutenant Porter, reporting from Smyrna, Nov. 14, 1856, states: —
We shall sail tomorrow for the United States. . . . Mr. Heap has purchased a beautiful lot of animals, all young. . . Six of the camels have been presented by the Sultan, through our Minister at Constantinople. . . We shall sail with forty-four camels in all. . . I think our present home voyage will be about the same as last, and if the steamer will be ready on the 20th of January, I hope by that time to get to the mouth of the Mississippi.
Owing to storms, head winds and bad weather, Porter did not arrive at his destination until January 30, and on February 10, 1857, forty-one camels were landed at In- dianola in good condition, three having died on the voyage.
In all seventy-five camels and dromedaries, reached the United States in safety, enough to make the experiment. They were tried out in different ways, and on different ex- peditions in the Southwest, and every officer who was con- nected with these expeditions reported very favorably on their use.
The following news item dated Los Angeles, Cal., Nov. 23, 1857, and appearing in the Portland, Ore., Oregonian, Dec. 26, 1857, gives an idea of the general opinion of the different officers, who had come in contact with the Camel Corps : —
The camels are coming;' and the camels have come.
442 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
On the 9th inst., just as the express wagon wheeled out of one end of town with the Los Angeles budgets for San Francisco, two tall forerunners of the "Dromedary Line," ridden by Lieut. Beale and companion, came trotting in with a speedy and somewhat altitudinous motion, at the other end with their Atlantic budgets. Their approach made quite a stir among the native population, most of whom had never seen the like, and by the time the docile creatures were kneeling at the door of the hotel for their masters to dismount, the caravan was perfectly surrounded and obscured. After a days stoppage they took up their burdens and set out with their "long measure" trot for Fort Tejon, where I believe the remainder of the train, twenty-five in number will bring up. This mode of travers- ing the great plains and mountains will succeed. One of the company informed me that these animals would climb a mountain with a load on its back, where a mule could not get up without a load; even getting down on their knees to make the ascent of the steepest places. They thrive on grease-wood, eat the cactus without burning off the prickles, and live well where our domestic animals would die.
While a great majority of the Army officers, who had come in contact with the camels were very much in favor of their being retained in the service, the "mule-skinners" of the Army did not share their opinion, and abused the animals in many ways.
At the beginning of the Civil War, the camel stations in Texas passed into the hands of the Confederates, from whom they received scant attention. The writer has found only one record showing that they were made use of by them. A paragraph taken from the Portland, Ore., Ore- gonian of Nov. 20, 1865, reads as follows : —
A correspondent asked the other day, what had be- come of the camels the U. S. had in Texas before the war. We have come upon traces of one of these animals which seems to have joined the rebels. The Memphis Argus says : — The first effort to introduce the camel into this country was in process of successful experiment when the war came and put a stop to it. One of the camels originally imported for the purpose fell into the hands of one of
UNCLE SAM'S CAMEL CORPS 443
Sterling Price's Captains of infantry, commanding a com- pany from Noxubee County, (Miss.), who used it all through the war to carry his own and the whole company's baggage. Many a time on the march he might have been seen swinging easily along under a little mountain of car- pet sacks, cooking utensils, blankets etc., amounting in all to at least 1200 Ibs. — New York Post.
Many were allowed to escape from the different camps, and they wandered over the plains and desert places of the Southwest. There are numerous recorded instances where soldiers or hunters have seen or pursued them; these instances occurring with decreasing frequency as late as 1893. In 1901 wild camels were seen in the deserts of Arizona, and Sonora, Mexico.
One band of three wandered up into Arkansas, during the Civil War, where they were captured by Union forces, and sent to a point on the Des Moines River in Iowa, where they were later ordered to be sold at public auction.
On Sept. 9, 1863, the last of the herd in California, thrity-five in number, were ordered sold at public auction, and were purchased by Samuel McLaughlin, in whose care they had been for some time. It is probable that most of the animals found their way into menageries and zoological gardens.
At the close of the Civil War, the camels remaining at Camp Verde, Texas, numbered forty-four, and in March 1866, were ordered sold at auction. The bids were opened at New Orleans, and were respectively $5.00, $10.00, and $31.00 each. They were sold to Col. Bethel Coopwood at $31.00 each, and delivered to him at San Antonio, Texas, and he kept them in that vicinity until the end of the year, when they were driven into Mexico.
In January, 1867, twelve of them were sold to a circus, and the remainder appear to have been, during the next fif- teen years, disposed of in the same manner.
As late as 1903, the San Antonio Express speaks of having observed in one of the midway shows which had exhibited in that city, a camel which carried the U. S. brand.
444 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Of the seventy-five camels imported by the War De- partment nothing- but the skeleton of one of them remains in the possession of the government. This animal was killed by one of its mates at Fort Tejon, California, and its skeleton reposes in the National Museum at Washington, D. C.
UNCLE SAM'S CAMEL CORPS Bibliography
Message and Documents; 1853-1854; 1854-1855; 1855-1856; 1856-57; 1857-1858; 1858-
1859; 1859-1860.
Senate Ex. Doc. No. 1 34th Congress, 1st Session, part 2.
Senate Ex. Doc. No. 62 34th Congress, 3rd Session, vol viii. Misceli. Doc. No. 271 35th Congress, 1st Session,
Senate Ex. Doc. No. 43 35th Congress, 1st Session vol xii.
Senate Ex. Doc. No. 36th Congress, Session, vol ii, part 2.
House Ex. Doc. No. 107 58th Congress, 2nd Session, 9th Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1854. History of Nevada, (H. H. Bancroft). New York 111. News, June 25, 1853.
Frank Leslie's 111. Newspaper, New York, March 7, 1857. The Oregonian, Portland, Ore., Dec. 5, 1857 ; Dec 26, 1857 ; Nov. 20, 1865. Edward Fitzgerald Beale, (Stephen Bonsai) G. P. Putnams Sons, N. Y., 1912, p. 198 et seq.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 445
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO
(Contiued)
Chapter VII The Destruction of Acoma
Exploration Renewed; the Buffalo Plains. The results of Onate's preliminary exploration of New Mexico had net- ted small returns in comparison with the expectations of his gold-thirsty soldiers. But only a small region had been seen and preparations were soon renewed for more ex- tended investigations. In the middle of September, 1598,404 he sent the sargento mayor Vicente de Zaldivar with a company of about sixty men to visit the region of the "cat- tle herds." Many rumors had been heard of these ever since the time when Cabeza de Vaca crossed the plains of Texas on his way to Culiacan.405 When this force reached Pecos Father San Miguel and the lay brother Juan de Dios, whom they had been escorting, remained to take up their duties among the natives.406
A few leagues beyond the Pecos the Spaniards met four native vaqueros who were won over by presents of food and other gifts. They supplied Zaldivar with a guide to the buffalo plains, which they reached early in October. They were on the Canadian river, near the eastern border of New Mexico.407
404. September 15. Discovery of the buffalo, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 223. The "Ytinerario" gives the date as September 16; see entry of that date.
405. These herds of cattle were of course the buffalo. Cabeza De Vaca has given us the first description of the American bison. See Lowery, Spanish Settle- ments, 1513-1561, 200, or Bolton, Spanish Borderlands, 34.
406. Juan de Dios knew the language of the Pecos. He had learned it from Don Pedro Orez, a native, whom Castano had probably taken to Mexico. "Ytinerario." July 25, 1598.
407. Discovery of the buffalo, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 225, and 226 note 1.
446 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
The Attempt to Corral the Buffalo. The Spaniards were anxious to capture some of the sluggish looking cattle and very soon set to work to build a corral for that pur- pose.403 When finished the wings of the enclosure were so long that it was estimated it would hold 10,000 buffalo. They felt certain of being able to capture the beasts, for these ran in a very peculiar manner, as though fettered, explained the chronicler. With the big corral completed the Spaniards sallied forth to round up the animals. A large herd was soon spied and here is what happened in the words of the chronicler.
The cattle started very nicely towards the corral, but soon they turned back in a stampede towards the men, and, rushing through them in a mass, it was impossible to stop
them For several days they tried a thousand ways of
shutting them in or of surrounding them, but in no manner was it possible to do so. This was not due to fear, for they are remarkably savage and ferocious, so much so that they killed three of our horses and badly wounded forty.409
Zaldivar and his companions still refused to acknow- ledge defeat. If the full grown buffalo could not be captured they would be satisfied with taking the calves. The ef- fort was made and some were captured, "but they became so enraged that out of the many which were being brought, some dragged by ropes and others upon the horses, not one got a league toward the camp, for they all died within about an hour." Balked in their attempt to capture the buffalo alive they finally contented themselves with kill- ing some and taking a quantity of meat and suet back to the camp. They returned on November 8, 1598, a distance of seventy leagues, after having been gone nearly two months.410
408. It was made of poplar trees. The work was begun on October 9, 1598, and took three days.
409. Discovery of the buffalo, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 228; cf. Villagra Historia, I, 93.
410. "Ytinerario," November 8, 1598 ; Discovery of the buffalo in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 228-230.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 447
Onate Visits the Salines. Meantime Onate remained at San Juan long enough to supervise the preliminary work of establishing the town. After the church was finished and the missionaries had assumed their duty of Christianiz- ing and civilizing the natives, he prepared to resume the exploration of the country in person.411 Accordingly he left San Juan on October 6. The first place visited was the region of the saline pueblos, or Gallinas, twenty-seven leagues from San Juan, by the route followed via Santa Cruz, San Marcos and Tuerto.412 Here he remained three days to visit the salines situated about five or six leagues to the east. These were very large, about seven or eight leagues in circumference, according to the governor's esti- mate, and of very good quality. From there he went to the Abo and the three Xumana pueblos. All rendered obedience to the king of Spain.418
The Visit to Acoma and Zuni. Onate now determined to go to the sea. Thus he began retracing his steps, going by way of Abo and Gallinas. He reached Puaray where Father Claros was posted, on October 21, where he stopped two days. Then he continued west on October 23,414 and approached Acoma, which he reported to contain five hun- dred houses. It is a huge white rock, towering three hun- dred and fifty-seven feet toward the sky with the pueblo on top. Onate realized it was almost impregnable, for the path to the top consisted of small holes hewn in the very rock.415 If the Spaniards were astonished at the sight of the towering city the Acomas were no less impressed with the spectacle of the armored horses, which were put through a few special capers for their benefit. The governor was respectfully received. The natives provided food and water and rendered obedience to the king. But there was treach-
411. Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 215
412. Discovery of the salines and the sea, in ibid., 233.
413. Ibid., 234; "Ytinerario," October 6, 1598.
414. The "Ytinerario" states that Onate left Puaray on October 23, and from another source, Discovery of the salines and the sea, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration 233-234, we learn the exact route followed.
415. Hodge, Handbook, I, 10.
448 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ery afoot. When Onate climbed to the top of the rockc with a part of his men he was soon invited to see something,' remarkable guarded in an estufa. Unkown to him it con- tained twelve armed traitors. Peering into the dark cham- ber he declined with thanks, suggesting it was first necess- ary for him to arrange some matters below.416
After a day's rest at the rock of Acoma the next ob- jective of Onate and his men was Zuni. On the way a severe snowstorm was encountered at Agua de la Pena. The1 horses stampeded and some were not recovered. On Novem- ber 1 the first inhabited Zuiii pueblo was reached. They had passed the ruins of three on the way. Again the In- dians met them with a liberal supply of food. They did' the same at the next pueblo, Cibola, where each house added a blanket to the other things given them.417 Onate found i here the descendants of some Mexican Indians left by Coronado nearly sixty years before. All of these pueblos rendered obedience to his majesty with equally meaning- less motions.418
Onate's little force remained at Cibola from November 3 to 8, 1598. Meanwhile four of the men, led by Captain Farf an, were sent to investigate the rumor of a saline said to be about nine leagues to the west. Only three days were consumed in this visit, when the soldiers returned with the report that it was the best salt spring in the world.419
Villagrd's Escapade near Acoma. In this same interval three soldiers had been sent out to round up the horses scattered during the snow storm at Agua de la Pena. In- stead of finding the horses, they got a more valuable prize, Captain Villagra. He was found about half dead, with- out horse or arms, and without having tasted food for several days.420 He was returning from New Spain and '
416. Villagra, Historia, I, 99-100. This plot was not learned of till much later.
417. The pueblo of Hawikuh ; Discovery of the salines and the sea, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 235.
418. Ibid.
419. Ibid. See also Account of the discovery of the salines of Zuni, Bolton, Ms, and Villagra, Historia, I, 102.
420. Discovery of the salines and the sea, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 236.
11,
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 449
had stopped at Puaray where he heard that Onate had de- parted from there the day previously. So he immediately set out in pursuit, expecting to overtake him shortly. When he reached Acoma the actions of the Indians aroused his suspicions. Chief Zutacapan, a bitter opponent of the Spaniards, asked him to dismount, but he feigned haste with as cheerful a smile as he could muster, and quickly withdrew to a safe distance. Evening was approaching when this occurred and Villagra hastened forward. Hav- ing gone some distance he lay down to rest, but arose in the middle of the night and continued the journey. It was snowing and bitterly cold. He did not go very far, for like a flash of lightning his progress was stopped. Horse and man had unsuspectingly plunged into a deep pit, care- fully concealed in the road. It was the work of Zutacapan and his allies. The fall killed the horse. To save himself Villagra set out on foot, without armor or weapons and with his boots on backward to confuse pursuers. For several days he groped about amid great suffering till he^ was at length rescued by Onate's soldiers.421
Onate Visits Moqui. When these scouting parties had rejoined the camp on November 8, Onate set out to visit the Moqui pueblos.422 Everywhere he was received as a friend, and all rendered the required obedience. Meantime the Spaniards had heard rumors of rich mines in the vicinity. To test these reports the governor delegated Farfan with eight companions.423 They left November 17. While they were engaged in that exploration Onate led the rest of his men back to Zuni and there awaited the return of Farf an's
421. Ibid. Villagra, Historia, I, 103-104. The "Ytinerario" states that it was Captain Marquez who set out from Fuaray after Onate, and that it was he who fell into the trap. This is clearly an error, for it calls him procurator-general. We know that Villagra held this office. "Nombramiento de Procurador General del campo y Ejercito del Nuevo Mexico a favor del Captain Caspar Perez de Villagra." Ibid., II, 14-15. The same document in manuscript form is found in A. G. I., 58-6-36.
422. There were five pueblos in Onate's time. Awatobi, Walpi, Shongopovi, Mishongnovi, and Oraibi. Hodge, Handbook, I, 560-561.
423. Discovery of the salines and the sea, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 236-237. Villagra names all but two of the Spaniards in the party. Besides Far- fan and Quesada he mentions Don Juan Escarramad, Antonio Conde, Marcos Garcia Damiero, and Hernan Martin, Historia, I, 102.
450 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
party. This occurred on December 11, but only Farfan and Quesada came. They had left their seven companions in Moqui because the horses were worn out.424
Farfdn's Expedition into Arizona. Farf an's expedition in search of mining prospects probably visited some point in Yavapai county, Arizona. Travelling westward through a desert and treeless area it came upon a northward flow- ing river, the Little Colorado, after having gone about nine leagues. The stream was of moderate width and carried; considerable water. Its banks were lined with cotton- woods, but there was little pasture.
From there on identification of the route becomes more difficult. A march of three leagues brought the party to the slope of a mountain range ; two leagues more to a grove of small pines and a very deep pool; and then the explor- ers proceeded for two leagues along the snow covered mountain range. Here they found several rancherias of Jumana Indians. Now they travelled along this mountain range for six leagues. The snow was knee deep. The region abounded in large pine trees. At the end of this trip they came to a snow-free valley, and after going an- other two leagues, approached the "Rancheria de los Cruzados."425 The Indians bad powdered ores of different colors. Continuing on their way three leagues they passed through a land of pine groves, "with the finest of pastures, many cattle, very good prickly pears, and many and large maguey patches, where they saw Castilian partridges, a great many deer, hares, and rabbits." Here was another rancheria on the bank of a river of "fair width and much water." They now proceeded four leagues to another and larger river "which flowed almost from the north." Cross-
424. Discovery of the salines and the sea, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 237. Onate says they returned twenty-one days later, which would be December 8, but Farfan's testimony was given on the day of his return, December 11. Dis- covery of mines, in ibid., 239-249.
425. Bandelier identified the "Cruzados" with the Yavapai. Final Report, I, 109. At the end of the nineteenth century they occupied the Rio Verde valley, but in earlier times went much farther west, over to the Colorado river, accord- ing to Hodge. Handbook, II, 994.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 451
ing this stream they came to a much larger river two lea- gues distant which also came from the north. This stream they crossed and a league beyond reached the mines where the Indians got their ore. Numerous claims were staked out, and then the party returned arid joined Onate at Zufii as mentioned.428
Juan de Zaldivar at Acoma. Before setting out on this trip to Zuni and Moqui Onate had given orders that the maestre de campo Juan de Zaldivar, should reinforce him with thirty men in order to make the contemplated journey to the South Sea. Since he failed to come by the time of Farfan's return from Arizona, December 11, it was decided to go back to San Juan to celebrate Christmas. After the holiday season Onate might then visit the sea with as large a force as was required. The return from Zufii began December 12, the seven men at Moqui remain- ing there for the time being. The next day the governor was met by Captain Bernabe de las Casas with six com- panions at Agua de la Peiia, the scene of former events in this narrative. He had come to warn Onate and to report that the maestre de campo and twelve companions had been attacked and killed at Acoma on their way to join him.427
The ill-fated Juan de Zaldivar did not depart from the camp at San Juan till November 18, 1598, ten days after his brother Vicente had returned from the buffalo hunt.428 On the way he stopped at Acoma in order to procure a sup-
426. Discovery of mines, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 239-249. The "Ytiner- ario" gives some details not mentioned in the above document. Professor Bolton in his Spanish Exploration in the Southwest (1916) locates the mines visited by Farfan on the Big Sandy or the Spenser. They were, he thinks, in either the Aquarius or Hualpai ranges. In his Spanish Borderlands (1921) he places them "in the region of Prescott." This is more nearly in accord with Bancroft's view, though he located them farther north, in the vicinity of Bill Williams Mountain.
427. Discovery of the salines and the sea, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 237- 238 ; Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in ibid., 215 ; "Ytinerario," December 4 and 7, 1598.
428. Proceso que se hizo contra los yndios del pueblo de Acoma por aver muerto alebosamente d don Juan de Zaldivar Onate maese de campo general y a dos capitanes y ocho soldados y dos mozos y otros delitos, February 15, 1599. Cited hereafter as Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma. It is found in A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
452 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
ply of blankets and provisions for the journey to the sea.429 Meanwhile a significant change had taken place at the White Rock since last visited by the Spaniards. One party led by the belligerent Zutacapan was determined not to give the white men any more supplies. His son Zutancalpo and the aged Chumpo were bent on keeping the peace Many angry speeches were made on both sides, which did not end till the two pacifists deserted the pueblo with their followers, leaving Zutacapan to wreak his vengeance on the Europeans.480
When Zaldivar arrived on December 1, there was noth- ing to indicate the treachery contemplated by the Acomas. Food was needed by the visitors, and they promised the natives hatchets and other tools in exchange for what they desired. But no sign of compliance appeared, and thus Captain Marquez was sent up to the pueblo with six soldiers. He secured some food, but not enough to satisfy the needs of the Spaniards. The Indians claimed that no corn was ground and that if they returned in the morning more would be available. Accordingly the Spaniards went into camp about two leagues from the pueblo near an arroyo where water and wood could be obtained. Returning on December 4, Zaldivar visited the pueblo with eighteen men. In their search for provisions they were led from place to place by the Indians, but very little flour was collected. By that time it was getting late and Captain Diego Nunez de Chaves and six men were detailed to follow the Indians elsewhere. The Spaniards were thus divided. Moreover they were in a very narrow place near the cliffs, according to the survivors. It was at that moment that the Acomas, realizing the opportune moment for attack had come,
429. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601; cf. Villagra, Historia, I, 112, 116.
430. Ibid., 113-116. Villagra gives many of the speeches of these Indian chiefs. Perhaps they are the fruit of the poet's imagination, or he may have learned of the arguments from the Indians after the battle, as Bancroft suggests.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 453
raised a great cry and fell furiously on the foe. The battle was on.431
In the course of this struggle numerous feats of hero- ism were performed on both sides and Villagra fairly re- vels in recounting these bloody tales.432 In the end the Spaniards were defeated with heavy loss. Zaldivar fell at the hand of Zutacapan after a terrific struggle, if we may credit our poet. The situation of the others was soon desperate. But rather than be hacked to bits by the In- dians they leaped off the cliff onto the rocks below. Seven did so and survived. We have their testimony taken under oath a few weeks later at San Juan.433
The catastrophe at Acoma was a severe blow to the small Spanish force in New Mexico. Eleven soldiers and two servants had been killed. Three of the dead were of- ficers: Juan de Zaldivar maestre de campo, Diego Nunez de Chaves and Felipe de Escalante, captains. The others included the ensign Marcos Pereyra, Luis de Arauxo, Juan Camacho, Martin Ramirez, Juan de Segura, Pedro Robledo, Martin de Riveros, Sebastian Rodriguez, a mulatto and an
431. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22. Some accounts state that the Spaniards tried to take supplies by force. Such is the testimony of Herrera Orta and Juan de Ortega, in Copia de una informacion que hizo Don Francisco de Valverde, June 16, 1601, A. G. I., 58-3-15. Herrera Orta testified that Father Escalona secretly called him to his cell and there gave him this in- formation. Captain Velasco wrote that the fight commenced when the Indians refused to provide any blankets on the pretext that they had none. Carta de Dor Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601. The treasurer Alonso Sanchez says that in this second visit to procure food the Spaniards took some turkeys, whereupon a few of the natives, concealed on a height, killed a soldier named Bibero. Carta escrita por Alonso Sanchez d Rodrigo de Rio de Losa, February 28, 1599, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22. This story is also told in the Proceso. Bibero is not given in the list of the dead in the "Ytinerario," but the name Riveros is found. They are doubt- less identical, though in my list of Onate's colonists compiled from the Salazar inspection no such name appears. See appendix A.
432. Villagra, Historia, I, 119-123.
433. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma. Those who jumped and lived to tell the story were: Caspar Lopez de Tabora, Juan Olague, Juan de Leon, Juan Velasquez de Cabanillas, Alonso Gonzalez, a half-breed, Antonio de Sarinana, and Francisco Robledo. His brother Pedro was killed in making the leap. Villagra. says that five jumped, four of these landing safely. Historia, 124-125.
30
454 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Indian.434 The survivors immediately planned to warn their comrades of the rebellion, and the next day they sent the alguacil Tabora with three men to inform the governor. These, however, lost their way and soon returned. Then the ensign Bernabe de las Casas was dispatched on Decem- ber 6, accompanied by six soldiers. As we have seen he was successful. Onate was then on his way to Acoma, and they met one another about thirty miles west thereof on December 13, 1598.435
Though stricken by this sad news the governor did not neglect to provide for the future. The interpreter Thomas was sent back with a warning for the seven soldiers who had remained at Moqui to avoid Acoma and proceed directly to the capital. Captains Far fan and Quesada were sent on ahead to San Juan, while Onate and the soldiers followed, arriving in seven days, December 21. As they approached the camp a small group, including Onate's young son Don Cristobal came out to meet them. The missionaries gave thanks to God with a te deum for their safe arrival.436
For Onate this stroke of misfortune was doubly griev- ous. Not only was Juan de Zaldivar his nephew and inti- mate friend, but the loss of so many men with rebellion rife in the province meant a complete change of plans. Instead of being able to develop the mining prospects just discovered in Arizona or of making further explorations toward the South Sea, he had to concentrate his diminished forces to prosecute an unwished-for war.437 Villagra gives eloquent descriptions of the grief cast over the en-
434. "Ytinerario," December 4, 1598 ; Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 218 ; Onate to Villagra, January 11, 1599, A. G. I., 58-6-36. Some of the names of the murdered men do not appear in the list of Onate's colonists as given in the Salazar inspection documents. There is no Marcos Pereyra or Martin de Riveros. There is an Hernando de Segura, but no Juan. There appears to be no mistake in their names, and if that is true then they must have gone to New Mexico after the Salazar inspection.
435. "Ytinerario," December 5 and 7, 1598; Villagra Historia, I, 125-126; Dis- covery of the salines and the sea, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 238.
436. Ibid. Villagra, Historia, I, 129-130; "Ytinerario," December 21, 1598.
437. Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 216.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 455
tire colony, how Onate, Vicente de Zaldivar and the widows of the soldiers mourned their loss.438
What Constitutes a Just War. Without any loss of time Onate now took steps to punish Acoma. Court mar- tial proceedings were instituted against the rebellious pueblo, under Juan Gutierrez Bocanegra, appointed alcalde for that purpose. Before pronouncing sentence the governor asked the religious to give an opinion as to what consti- tuted a just cause for making war; and, granted that the war was justified, what disposition the conqueror might make of the victims and their possessions.439
The reply of the missionaries left sufficient leeway for a war against Acoma. The aggressor must have the sanction of a power which recognized no superior temporal authority. The immediate cause might be one of four: defending the innocent, restoring goods unjustly seized, punishing culprits who violated the laws, or the preserva- tion of the peace, "which is the principal end for which war is ordained." The second query presented by Onate was answered just as broadly. The conquered would be at the mercy of the conqueror. If the war was waged to defend the innocent, restore property or punish trespassers, the proper restitution should be made. But if the cause of the conflict was to preserve the peace all obstructions hindering its attainment might be destroyed. After peace had been gained, however, the war was no longer justi- fied and must cease.440
The Expedition against Acoma. Judging by this criterion there was ample cause for war and Onate pro- claimed that it be carried on by fire and sword. His nephew and sargento mayor Vicente de Zaldivar, brother of the
438. Villagra Historia, I, 125-128.
439. "Caso que puso el Governador, para que sobre el, diessen su parecer los Padres Religiosos." Given in full in Villagra, I, 131.
440. "Respuesta del Comissario, y Religosos." Given in full in Villagra., I, 131-132, and in the Proceso. "Y finalmente si la causa de la guerra es, la paz universal, o de su Reyno, y Republica, puede muy mas justamente hazer la sobredicha guerra, y destruir todos los incombinientes, que estorvaren la sobredicha paz, hasta conseguirla con efecto, . . ."
456 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
slain maestre de campo, was appointed lieutenant-gover- nor and commander of the seventy men sent to avenge the dead.411 With him went a council of war consisting of Alonso Sanchez, Zubia, Aguilar, Farfan, Marquez and Villagra. Father Martinez also accompanied the expedi- tion. The poet notes that mass was said and all the soldiers confessed before going into battle.442
The governor's instructions to Zaldivar ordered the punishment of those responsible for the slaying of the eleven Spaniards in the recent uprising. Full opportunity, however, should be given the Acomas to atone for their disobedience before the ordeal of arms was resorted to. The guilty were to be surrendered, the bodies and arms of the dead returned, the sky pueblo given up, and a new home built on the plain, where only the missionaries should be allowed to come. Thus read the ultimatum of the Span- iards. If it should be spurned by the haughty foe then no mercy was to be shown. The punishment of Acoma was to be a horrible example of what disobedience to the new master meant.443
It was not till January 12, 1599, that the sargento mayor set out for Acoma at the head of his soldiers. Captain Villagra was sent by way of Sia to secure provisions suf- ficient for a fortnight. When the Acomas saw the small force approach on January 21, they set up a derisive howl.444 Surely the Spaniards were crazy to think of conquering the White Rock with such a mere handful of men. Already the Indians, men and women, could be seen dancing their defiant war dances. As the army came nearer arrows and insults rained down from the rock, but Zaldivar bore it all in silence. Calling the interpreter Thomas to his side he
441. "Ytinerario," January 12, 1599. The treasurer Sanchez says Zaldivar was accompanied by seventy-two soldiers. Carta escrita por Alonso Sanchez a Rodrigo de Rio de Losa, February 28, 1599.
442. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma; Villagra, Historia, I, 134, 156; "Ytinerario," January 21, 1599.
443. Zaldivar's instructions are given in full in the Proceso; cf. Villagra, I, 133-134.
444. Ibid., I, 141 ; "Ytinerario," January 12 and 21, 1599.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 457
required the Acomas to come down from their pueblo and account for the murders they had committed. Defiant boasts were the only answer to his summons. The natives had already gone so far that they could not retreat.445
The Plan of Attack. The towering pile on which the pueblo of Acoma was built consisted of two parts. Villa- gra says the two portions of the mass were about three hundred steps apart, but that they were connected by a dangerous and narrow path of precipitous cliffs.446 This situation did not escape the attention of the sargento mayor as he laid his plan of attack. A stratagem was planned. With the main part of the army he proposed to attack the pueblo in force on the side of the main approach. It was thus hoped to concentrate the enemy's strength at that place, and other points of the summit would be left unde- fended. Meanwhile twelve chosen men led by Zaldivar, unobserved by the enemy, would be posted in a concealed spot at another point at the base of the cliff with orders to seize the top when the opportunity offered. Zaldivar's council of war concurred in these plans, and then the Span- ish camp rested in preparation for the morrow's struggle. The Acomas, on the contrary, spent the night in wild re- velry.447
The Attack. The evidence introduced in the Proceso
445. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma ; Villagra, Historia, I, 141-142. The poet records that chief Zutacapan wanted to send away the women and children, but this counsel was not taken. And he devotes a whole canto to the efforts of Gicombo, a chief who had been absent when Zaldivar was slain, to give up the war. His rival Zutacapan, however, was able to completely discomfit the pacifists. Ibid., 135-139.
446. "Y assi marchando en orden nos llegamos, Al poderoso fuerte, el qual constaua,
De dos grandes penoles lebantados,
Mas de trecientos passes deuididos,
Los terribles assientos no domados,
Y estaua un passaman del uno al otro,
De riscos tan soberuios que ygualauan,
Con las disformes cumbres nunca vistas." Ibid., 141.
Bancroft doubted the identity of the present pueblo of Acoma with that existing in Onate's time, but his view has not been accepted by others. See his Arizona and New Mexico, 125 note 24.
447. Villagra, Historia, I, 145-149; see also the Proceso.
458 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
shows that the Indians began the attack by killing two horses while they were being watered. It was evident to all that the Acomas were not only irreconcilable but determined to fight. From that time on there was no hesitation in the Spanish program. On the afternoon of January 22, their plans had all been formulated and the feigned attack was made about three o'clock.448 When the natives saw what appeared to be the entire Spanish force attacking at one point the warriors rushed to meet the onslaught. At once Zaldivar and his squad of eleven scaled the deserted side of the penol and gained a foothold on the summit near the houses of the pueblo. Here they were halted, however, before it was possible to gain the main portion of the rock, but they were able to hold the point the rest of that afternoon and during the night. To watch the crag till morning a guard was posted and placed in charge of Captain Pablo de Aguilar and others.449
The point they held was separated from the rock on which the Indians were fighting by two deep gorges. That night a beam was prepared to be used in bridging these spaces, and the next morning it was carried to the top. But the natives had also been active. They were now led by chief Gicombo who had a surprise in store for the Span- iards. Nor far from the two gorges he had stationed a great many warriors entirely hidden from view. When Zaldivar's men should attempt to cross the narrow passage- way the concealed fighters would emerge from the ambus- cade and overcome the foe.450
448. According to the "Ytinerario" and the Proceso it was on Friday, January 22. Alonso Sanchez reported that it occurred on Thursday afternoon the 21. Carta escrita por Alonso Sanchez d Rodrigo de Rio de Losa, February 28, 1599. Bancroft thought that an error had crept into the "Ytinerario" and that the battle began on Friday morning. There seems to be no reason for accepting this change. See Arizona and New Mexico, 144, 145 note 24.
449. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma; "Ytinerario," January 21, 1599; Villagra, Historia, I, 149-150. The names of the twelve are recorded by Villagra. Vicente de Zaidivar, Le6n de Isasti, Marcos Cortes, Lorenzo de Munuera, Antonio Hernandez, Juan Velarde, Cristobal Sanchez, Cristobal Lopez, Hernan Martin, Francisco Hernandez Cordero, Pablo de Aguilar, and Villagra.
450. Villagra is our sole authority for this story. Historia, I. 152.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 459
Villagrd's Leap. Meantime the soldiers ascended the cliff after the father-commissary had administered the sacrament. As they scanned the pueblo it appeared to be deserted, and without further consideration thirteen men crossed the two gorges in the passageway by means of the beam and occupied the other side. Swarming from their place of concealment the natives suddenly attacked the small group. The men were in a serious predicament. It was impossible to succor them since they had the beam. At that point Villagra, if we may believe the story, under- took to rescue the others from their peril. Throwing aside his shield he prepared to jump across the first abyss, though his friends feared he would be dashed to bits. But he suc- ceeded. Then he placed the plank over the gorge and others were able to reinforce the few who were so sorely pressed.451
The Destruction of Acoma. Throughout the second day of the battle the Acomas were forced back step by step with terrific slaughter. This was partly due to the fact that Zaldivar succeeded in getting two pieces of artillery up the rock and bringing these into action.452 At four o'clock in the afternoon the Spaniards ceased fighting in order to give the natives an opportunity to surrender. But they were resolute, and the bloodshed was renewed and continued for another hour or so, and then the Acomas sued for peace.453 Fate was obviously against them, for they saw an apparition of Saint James or Saint Paul riding a white horse and using a terrible sword fighting for the Christians.454
The number of casualties in the Acoma camp seems to have been between six and eight hundred.453 About seventy or eighty warriors were captured, in addition to about
451. Ibid., 156-157.
452. "Ytinerario," January 23, 1599.
453. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma.
454. "Ytinerario," January 23, 1599 ; Villagra, Historia, I, 178 ; Carta escrita por Alonso Sanchez a Rodrigo de Rio de Losa, February 28, 1599.
455. Captain Velasco gives the dead as 600, while Alonso Sanchez says that 800 were killed. Ibid., and Carta de Don Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601.
460 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
five hundred women and children/56 The Spanish force seems to have suffered very little. "It was miraculous that so great a number of the enemy were killed without the loss of any of ours," says the "Ytinerario." When evening came Acoma was ready to surrender, but Zaldivar waited till the following morning before taking possession of the pueblo.457
Villagra informs us that at the end of the day's fight- ing Zutacapan asked for Zaldivar's terms of peace. But the latter still insisted on the surrender of those responsible for the death of the Spaniards, of whom Zutacapan was the leader, and the terms were refused.458 Quite another story is told by Captain Don Luis de Velasco, one of Onate's critics. He says that the Indians surrendered after the war had lasted some time, and that they then gave corn, blankets and turkeys as had been demanded by the Span- iards they had slain. But the sargento mayor would not accept their offering, and confined many of the natives in the estufas as prisoners. From there they were taken out one by one, murdered, and thrown over the edge of the rock, a negro and some soldiers acting as the butcher- ing squad.459 These events took place on the third day of hostilities, January 24.460
This is practically the story as given in the Proceso. From it we learn that Zaldivar would not now accept the gifts of the natives, for he had come to punish those guilty of killing the Spaniards. Accordingly he seized some of the Acomas and confined them in the estufas where they fortified themselves and defied the conqueror once more!
456. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma.
457. Ibid. "Ytinerario," January 24, 1599 ; Villagra devotes the last four cantos of his poem to the final stages of the battle. It is a gory legend in which we learn of the death of many of the prominent Acoma chieftains. Historia, I, 159-181.
458. Ibid., 161-162.
459. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601 ; testimony of Herrera Orta in Copia de una informacion que hizo Don Francisco de Valverde, June 16, 1601.
4<>0. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma; "Ytinerario," January 24, 1599. Some of the sources limit the battle to two days, but this evidently does not include the killing and burning which took place on the 24th.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 461
But the god of war was not thus to be deprived of his spoils. When the Spaniards saw what had happened they set fire to the pueblo, as Onate had authorized. The victims tried to escape through the underground passages, but were not able to get away.461 Some killed one another rather than fall into the hands of the enemy ;162 others sur- rendered, or were destroyed by fire or by the sword. The pueblo of Acoma was completely laid waste and burned. As already indicated about five or six hundred remained to be carried into captivity.483
Punishment of the Acomas. The captives taken at Acoma were brought to trial at the pueblo of Santo Dom- ingo early in February, 1599, where Governor Onate heard the evidence presented for and against them. They were accused of killing eleven Spaniards and two servants and of failure to submit peacefully when Vicente de Zaldivar came to punish them. Some of the natives who appeared to testify at the trial pleaded absence from the pueblo at the time the murders were committed. They were away tilling the fields. Others cast the blame on the Spaniards for starting the trouble. As for their resistance to Vicente de Zaldivar, they had by that time agreed to oppose the Spaniards.464
Sentence was pronounced on February 12, 1599. Onate ordered that all males over twenty-five years of age be condemned to have one foot cut off and to give twenty years of personal service. The men between twelve and twenty-five years escaped with twenty years of service.
461. Ibid., and Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma.
462. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco a S. M., March 22, 1601.
463. Villagra, Historia, I, 177 ; Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma. The statements we have of the population of Acoma in 1598 are probably exaggerated. Onate put it at 3000. See his letter to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 218. Captain Velasco says over 600 were killed and 600 more taken captive. Sanchez says 800 were killed, 500 women and children captured and 80 punished. See Velasco's letter to the king, March 22, 1601, and that of Sanchez to Rodrigo del Rio, February 28, 1599. Either of these totals are more reliable than the figures Onate and others sent to Spain. They exaggerated the numbers in order to convince the king of the importance of the province. Cf. Hodge, Handbook, II. 324-5; and Bandelier, Final Report, I, 135-136.
464. Proceso contra los yndios de Acoma.
462 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
All the women above twelve years of age were likewise doomed to twenty years of servitude. Two Moqui natives captured at Acoma were condemned to lose the right hand and to be sent home as a warning to others. The boys and girls below twelve years escaped punishment, but they were to be subject to the Spaniards, the girls being made the special charges of Father Martinez and the boys of Vicente de Zaldivar. The sentence was executed as de- creed.465 "Fue gran lastima," says the indignant Captain Velasco.
With the infliction of this spectacular and exemplary punishment the province of New Mexico was cowed into obedience. No other revolt of equal significance occurred till the pueblo revolt of 1680. The natives were beginning to feel the weight of the hand of their new master.
Chapter VIII Reinforcements, and the Expedition to Quivira
Onate Reports to the Viceroy. Shortly after the Acoma revolt had been quelled Onate gave an interesting if ex- aggerated report on New Mexico, dated March 2, 1599. In glowing terms he painted the wonders of the land, em- phasizing particularly the richness of certain unexplored regions regarding which reports had been received from the natives. So remarkable was this new possession that "none other held by his Majesty in these Indies excels it," and the governor claimed to be judging solely by what he had seen and learned from reliable reports. The vast set- tlements in the west, in Arizona, and the certainty of find- ing great wealth in pearls in the South Sea, were described. He told of a great pueblo in the buffalo country nine leagues in length and two in width which had been visited
465. Ibid. Captain Velasco states that twenty-four were mutilated by having foot cut off. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 463
by an Indian in his camp. This native, Jusepe, had been with Humana's fatal party, but managed to escape and make his way back to New Mexico where he regaled Onate with wonderful accounts of the country to the east.486
His Request for Aid. In order to explore and conquer these new regions Onate needed more soldiers. That was his most pressing need. He appealed to the viceroy, send- ing several agents to represent him in Mexico. Father Martinez, "the most meritorious person with whom I have had any dealings," was sent to tell of the opportunity for saving souls and to secure more friars for that purpose. He was accompanied by Father Salazar, Onate's cousin, who, however, died on the way.487 Perhaps Father Vergara accompanied them.468 To tell of the wealth of the province in material things, there were delegated among others Villagra, captain and procurator-general of the expedi- tion, Farfan captain of the guard, and Juan Pinero, also captain.469 Villagra was put in command of the party and authorized to enlist troops. On reaching New Spain he would be subordinate to Juan Guerra de Resa, whom Onate had named lieutenant-governor and captain-general for this second expedition. Before attempting to enlist troops, Villagra was instructed to secure the viceroy's sanction,470 in accordance with the modification which had been made in the contract.471
Of especial interest, in view of later developments, is a document drawn up in the capital two days after Onate had written his letter of March 2. It was a vote of con-
466. Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 212- 222. See also Relacion que did un indio de la salida que hicieron Umana y Leyba del Nuevo Mexico, MS in Bolton collection.
467. Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, I, 673.
468. Ibid., I, 672. Torquemada is the only source which includes his name. Two contemporary documents fail to make any mention of him. They are, Alonso Sanchez to Rodrigo del Rio de Losa, February 28, 1599 ; and Onate to Monterey, March 2, 1599, op, cit., 221-222.
469. Ibid.
470. Order of Don Juan de Onate, Santo Domingo, March 16, 1599, A. G. I., 58-6-36.
471. Monterey had stipulated that if reinforcements were needed by Onate, special permission must be sought from the viceroy. See chapter II of this study.
464 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
fidence in the governor by the captains and soldiers of the army as well as an appeal for aid. Nineteen officials signed the paper. Besides vouching for Ofiate "as one of the most faithful and useful servants of the many your majesty has" and comparing him with the Duke of Alva and the Marquis of the Valley472 among others, they sug- gested that the king ought to know of their own noble sacrifices. Their fortunes had been spent, their lives had frequently been endangered in the royal service, and their wives and children had shared these adventures.473
News from Onate Reaches Mexico. It required a long time before these reports on New Mexico reached the viceroy or the king. On June 8, 1599, the Count of Monte- rey reported that news from Onate was still lacking.474 Immediately after this was written, however, word did come, for three days later Santiago del Riego wrote that good news had been received,475 and soon the viceroy dis- patched a like account inclosing Onate's letters.476
Monterey's reports on Onate's success in New Mexico were all complimentary at this time. He went so far as to defend him from the responsibility for the cruel punish- ment of the Acoma Indians by pointing out that Onate was not present. That episode was considered of such im- portance in Mexico that the audiencia took the matter under advisement. But it decided to drop the subject in
472. Hernan Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico.
473. Carta de los oficiales mayores y menores del cjercilo real del Nuevo Mexico, March 4, 1599, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22. Among the papers sent to Mexico at this time was a brief optimistic note to the viceroy, asking for half a dozen royal brands for marking the silver from New Mexico. Copia de carta de Don Juan de Onate al Conde de Monterey, March 5, 1599, A. G. I., 58-3-13.
474. Monterey d S. M., June 8, 1599, A. G. I., 58-3-13. Cf. Santiago del Riego a S. M., June 9, 1599, A. G. I., 58-5-12. Reigo had always been interested in the expedition and was not pleased with Onate's failure to keep his friends informed of his success in New Mexico.
475. Santiago del Riego a S. M., June 11, 1599, A. G. I. 1-1-3/22.
476. El Conde de Monterey d S. M., June 22, 1599, A. G. I., 58-3-13. The viceroy stated that he was not forwarding all of Onate's reports then as they were too voluminous for copies to be made before the sailing of the fleet. What they dealt with is not indicated.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 465
order not to discourage the whole New Mexico enterprise which appeared so full of promise at that moment.477
When the Council of the Indies finally received a full account of these early experiences of the army in New Mexico approximately a year had elapsed, a good example of how difficult it was to administer a province so far away. The Council read the reports with much gratification and informed the king that the conquest had begun favorably.478 Monterey was accordingly instructed to encourage Onate and to assist him as his discovery seemed to be important.479
Monterey Orders Reinforcements. Meanwhile the re- presentatives Onate sent to Mexico won some measure of success. They indicated that the province was a rich pos- session, and that smoothed their way. The viceroy granted them permission to recruit reinforcements.480 This was, in fact, necessary either to maintain the little settlement at San Juan or to extend the territory already conquered.481 Monterey commissioned a number of captains for this pur- pose, each of whom was authorized to enlist a following. Villagra was one of these, and by September, 1599, was busy enlisting men.482
The fact that additional soldiers were going to New Mexico required an official inspection. For this reason Monterey, on October 1, 1599, appointed Captain Juan de Gordejuela to inspect the reinforcements at Santa Bar- bara. He was to make a report before a notary of all who went on the expedition and of everything taken along.4*3 As commissary of this relief force the viceroy selected
477. Monterey d S. M., October 4, 1599, A. G. I., 58-3-13.
478. El Consejo de Indias, April 8, 1600, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
479. This was May 31, 1600. See "Discurso y Proposicion," in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 38.
480. Before August 20, 1599. El Conde de Monterey, August 20, 1599, A. G. I., 58-6-36.
481. Santiago del Riego d S. M., September 28, 1599, A. G. I., 58-3-12.
482. El Conde de Monterey, August 20, 1599 ; certification of the notary, Septem- ber 27, 1599, A. G. I., 58-6-36.
483. El Conde de Monterey, October 1, 1599, in Muestra cala y cata que tomaron Juan de Gordejuela y Juan de Sotelo de la gentc, armas y municiones que llevo Juan de Onate d las minas de San Bartolome, A. G. I., 58-3-14. Hereafter referred to as Gordejuela visita.
466 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Captain Juan de Sotelo y Cisneros, who had served the king in a military capacity in many countries. He was to follow the troops to Santa Barbara in order to make arrangements for securing supplies for men and beasts while on the journey. It was his duty, moreover, to see that no offenses against the Indians were committed. If such did occur he had full power to mete out the punish- ment required. At Santa Barbara he was to assist Captain Gordejuela in carrying out the inspection.484
Immediate Succor Sent North. The captains who were enlisting troops in the fall of 1599, found that their work progressed slowly. At the same time the viceroy seemed anxious that their departure should take place by Novem- ber, 1599, though he also noted that they might await fur- ther news from Onate. That is probably what happened, for the assembly at Santa Barbara of all those who were expected did not take place till August, 1600.485 The mis- sionaries were chosen in March of the same year, and pro- bably departed about the same time.488 Juan Guerra, how- ever, did not reach Santa Barbara till the early part of August.487
At that time a part of the soldiers had already been sent to New Mexico. The reason for this was that an In- dian, called Lorenzo, had fled from Onate's camp and reached San Bartolome, where notice of his arrival came to the attention of Captain Gordejuela. Lorenzo told of the great need among Ofiate's followers for food and cat- tle and how anxiously they were awaiting relief.488 In view of the delay in the assembly of the soldiers Gordejuela determined to send a small party forward at once. Seven men were chosen to make up this advance group, a man
484. El Conde de Monterey, December 30, 1599, in ibid.
485. Monterey a S. M., October 4, 1599, A. G. L, 58-3-13.
486. Testimony of Fray Lope Izquierdo, in Auto del gobernador de Nuevo Mexico y diligencias para que se levante el campo, San Gabriel, September 7, 1601, A. G. I., 58-3-15.
487. Order of Sotelo y Gordejuela, August 22, 1600, in Gordejuela visita.
488. Certification of Juan de Gordejuela, September 5, in ibid.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 467
named Robledo acting as leader.488 All of them had been en- listed by Juan Guerra. He furnished the food-supplies, horses, arms, powder, and other things which they brought. Their departure took place on June 2, 1600. Father Fray Alonso de la Oliva accompanied them as he was very anxi- ous to reach New Mexico.490
Aid Furnished by Juan Guerra. The reinforcements thus being assembled at Santa Barbara were practically all provided at the expense of Juan Guerra de Resa. The Salazar inspection had shown that Onate was far short of his obligations in some respects. Those deficiencies had to be made up, and Juan Guerra had agreed to foot the bill whenever the viceroy ordered the reinforcements sent/91 Nearly every article now provided, aside from the per- sonal possessions of the soldiers, was thus paid for by the rich lieutenant-governor.492 It cost him over one hundred thousand pesos, if we may believe Luis Nunez Perez, and Don Cristobal de Onate something less than that.493
When the required number of soldiers at length reached Santa Barbara and the necessary cattle and sup- plies had been purchased the inspection was soon arranged. Juan Guerra requested the inspectors to make a separate inventory of the things supplied by him and to place an account of it at the head of their report.494 To this no ob- jections were raised and the request was complied with.495
The Inspection. The inspection began on August 23 when Juan Guerra presented a detailed list of the things he had furnished.490 Carts, oxen, powder, artillery, muskets, blankets, various kinds of cloth including both Dutch and Rouen linen, shoes of many varieties, wine, and innumer-
489. Robledo's companions were : Juan Hurtado, Simon Garcia, Alvaro Garcia, Juan Gregorio, Pedro Perez, and Juan Fernandez.
490. Petition of Juan Guerra de Resa, September 5, 1600, in Gordejuela visita.
491. See chapter V of this study.
492. The entire record of the inspection reveals this fact. See also the certi- fication of thirteen captains and soldiers, September 1, 1600, in Gordejuela visita.
493. Traslado de un capitulo de carta de Luis Nunez Perez, November 30, 1600.
494. Petition of Juan Guerra de Resa, August 22, 1600, in Gordejuela visita.
495. Order of Sotelo and Gordejuela, August 22, 1600, in ibid.
496. Order of Sotelo and Gordejuela, August 23, 1600, in ibid.
468 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
able other items all duly attested, made up his portion of the succor being sent to Ofiate.497 The inspection of these things occupied two days. Then on the 25th it was decreed that other captains and soldiers must present themselves with their goods on that or the following day. The order was publicly proclaimed.498 Captain Bernabe de las Casas was the first to observe the order. The others followed. Altogether there were eleven captains in the force, though they were not all leaders of companies. Bernabe de las Casas, Villagra, and Ortega appear to have had such com- mands. Eight bore the rank of ensign, and five were ser- geants. The soldiers numbered forty-eight, making a total of seventy-three in the entire expedition.499 It should, how- ever, be remembered that seven men with Father Oliva had preceded the main force to New Mexico by three months.500
Finally everything seemed ready for the march and the commissaries decreed that the departure for New Mexico should take place August 30. But it was evidently impossible for all to be ready at the stated time, and on September 2 the order was repeated, requiring all to leave that same day. Guerra, nevertheless, asked for a little more time and presented another list of materials to be taken to New Mexico, and it was accepted. On September 4, two soldiers straggled into Santa Barbara, too late for the inspection. They were, however, allowed to join the army. On that same day the inspectors ordered every captain and soldier to depart at once under severe penal- ties, and on the next day the last soldiers left the city.501
497. Memoria de las cosas, armas, vinos, ropa de toda suerte y conservas y otras cosas que Juan Guerra de Resa embia al socorro y provincias de la Nueva Mexico, August 23 and 24, 1600, in ibid.
498. Order of Sotelo and Gordejuela, August 25, 1600, in ibid.
499. At the final review which was held on August 28-30, 1600, there were only seventy-one men, including Juan Guerra. This is the number given in the "Memorial sobre el descubrimiento." See Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 198. However, two men arrived on September 4, and they were allowed to enroll with the others, thus bringing the number up to seventy-three.
500. See above.
501. Transactions of August 29 to September 5, 1600, in Gordejuela visita.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 469
The lists were closed, and the San Bartolome valley was left to relapse into its former humdrum existence.
Onate' s Activity in the Interim. On Christmas eve, 1600, the relief expedition reached Onate's camp at San Gabriel, where it was received with great rejoicing. The new band of Franciscans, of which Father Fray Juan de Escalona was apostolic-commissary, accompanied it.502 The names of these missionaries have not been preserved.
Two years had now passed since the death of Juan de Zaldivar and his companions at Acoma. What had the governor done in the long interval? As we have seen, Villagra had soon been sent to Mexico for reinforcements. Without these it was impossible to undertake any extensive exploration or conquest due to the weakness of his force. But aside from thlat we know very little of what tran- spired in those long months of waiting. It is reported, for instance, by two Indians who fled from New Mexico June 29, 1600, that the governor and all the people were muy buena, and that the natives were peaceful, many of whom had already accepted Christianity. They also related how on St. John's day503 a celebration was held in honor of a great discovery of mines.504 This story is substantiated by two other sources which state that silver veins had been discovered at San Marcos and elsewhere.505 This indicates that Onate was not entirely idle, but major operations, on the whole, had to be postponed.
Zaldivar' s Expedition Toward the South Sea 1599. Nevertheless one extensive expedition toward the South Sea
502. Testimony of Fray Lope Izquierdo, in Auto del gobernador de Nuevo Mexico; and Relacion verdadera sacada de las cartas, testimonios y recaudas que Don Juan de Onate . . . envia con carta de veinte y dos de marzo desde ano de mil seiscientos uno d sus hermanos y deudos. MS in Bolton collection.
503. May 6.
504. Traslado de un capitulo de carta de Luis Nunez Perez, November 30, 1600, A. G. I., 1-1-3/22.
505. Testimony of Brondate and Herrera Orta, in Copia de una informacion que hizo Don Francisco de Valverde. San Marcos was six leagues from San Gabriel, according to these witnesses. It was near Callaite. Bandelier, Final Report, II, 93.
31
470 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
was attempted before the coming of the relief force. No diary or other full account of such an exploration has yet been found, but we have other testimony which indicates something of what happened. Ever since Farfan's expedi- tion into the present Arizona in December, 1598, reports of the sea were current in New Mexico. About the middle of the following year506 Vicente de Zaldivar was sent with a party of twenty-five or thirty men to verify these rumors. On the way he passed near the province of the Jumanos,507 where he tried to secure some provisions. But instead of giving food the natives brought him stones. Such im- pudence could not go unpunished, and preparations were made to correct it.
With a force of fifty men Onate went to the Jumano country, both to demand tribute and to punish those who had failed to respond to Zaldivar's request. When he asked for mantas, about a dozen were provided. The Jumanos claimed no more could be spared. Then Ofiate proceeded to punish the disobedient. A part of the pueblo was burned "so tactfully and gently . . . that the fire would cause no unnecessary damage beyond that which was in- tended/* half a dozen natives were killed by a volley from the muskets, and two of the most belligerent Jumanos were hanged. On top of this it was discovered that the inter- preter was not rendering a faithful account of what was told him so he also was hanged.508 With this chastisement the Jumanos were /allowed to escape on that occasion.
Meanwhile Zaldivar passed on toward the South Sea.
506. Relacion verdadera; Luis Nunez Perez in a letter to the king reported that Zaldivar had gone to explore the South Sea. Traslado de un capitulo de carlo, de Luis Nunez Perez, November 30, 1600.
507. Expeditions going westward by way of Acoma and Zuni from San Juan went south to Isleta to go through the pass. Vetancourt, Chronica, IV, 99. More- over we know that in Onate's time there were some Jumano villages near the salines, east of the Rio Grande. Hodge, Handbook, I, 636. It must have been here that provisions were sought by Zaldivar and Onate.
508. Such is the story as gleaned from the Relacion verdadera, and the testimony of Herrera Orta, in Copia de una informacion que hizo Don Francisco de Valvvrde. Captain Velasco also tells of a pueblo which refused to give supplies. He says that Onate killed the Indian who gave the answer of refusal and then burned part of the village. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 471
For about three months the party wandered on in a futile attempt to reach the coast, going one hundred and fifty or two hundred leagues in their wanderings. Numerous Indian settlements were visited, but there were no pueblos, nothing but rancherias. Like Espejo he found some In- dians who had crosses and who used them like Catholics.509 But he finally had to return because of the mountainous country and hostile Indians at a point only three days' march from the sea, according to the information gath- ered.510
After this unsuccessful expedition no further attempts were made in that direction for some years. Not enough men could be spared for the march. After the coming of the reinforcements, however, Oiiate prepared to carry it out. The plans were made, men, munitions, and carts outfitted, and the start set for April, 1601.511 For some reason which is not known Oiiate changed his mind after having held an assembly of the entire army, and went east instead. Perhaps Jusepe's glowing accounts of the country to the east seemed to offer better prospects than the dis- covery of the South Sea, which Zaldivar had already at- tempted.
Foraging Excursions. While Onate thus had big plans which, if successful, would have swept away all petty op- position, it was also necessary to care for the daily needs of starving colonists. If enormous wealth should be dis- covered some oppression of the Indians would naturally be overlooked, but failing in that, severe criticism was certain to be heaped upon him, and that is practically what happened. In the early days of the conquest food was ob- tained when the frightened Indians fled from their pue-
509. Relation verdadera; testimony of Captain Espinosa, in Copia de una information que hizo Don Francisco de Valverde; cf. the account of Espejo's ex- pedition in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 187.
510. Relation verdadera; see also "Father Escobar's Relation of the Onate Expedition to California," ed. by Bolton, in Catholic Historical Review, V, 21 ; and "Breve Relacion," in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI, 49, 60.
511. Relation verdadera.
472 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
bios, giving the Spaniards a free chance to take all the maize desired.512 Getting provisions in that way became more and more difficult, however, because of the hostility aroused. Soon the hidalgos had to raise wheat and other products, which they did, but clearly only in small quanti- ties, as starvation seemed to be ever a near visitor. To keep the wolf away from the door periodic foraging ex- cursions were therefore undertaken, compelling the In- dians to furnish maize and other food which they had stored up for their own use. The clamor and opposition of the natives on such occasions was extremely violent,513 but even the missionaries admitted that it was necessary. The Indians might be dying of starvation, but the Span- iards had to live.5"
Murder of Aguilar and Sosa. As sustained prospect- ing failed to disclose riches in New .Mexico the discontent of the soldiers and colonists steadily increased. Poverty, starvation, and rags, without compensation of any kind, shook their confidence in the province and in their leader, and the number of those who wanted to go back grew proportionally. This was fatal to Onate's hopes and could not be tolerated for a moment. For that reason dissatis- faction rose with every new act of repression. Immediately after the colonists reached New Mexico outbreaks had oc- » curred among them. On one of these occasions Villagra headed a party which captured and hanged two deserters.615 Equally severe penalties were inflicted on some others, as when Captain Pablo de Aguilar was dastardly killed, and
512. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco a S. M., March 22, 1601 ; "Ytinerario," in Col. Doc. Ined., XVI. 250, 252.
513. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco d S. M., March 22, 1601. It is stated that by the early part of 1601 the Spaniards had secured as tribute two thousand mtntas and five hundred tanned buckskins. As to the quantity of maize and beans re- ceived the amounts differ, one placing it at five or six thousand and another at two thousand fanegas. (The fanega measures one and six tenths bushels). Testi- mony of Brondate and Espinosa, in Copia de un informacion que hizo Don Fran- cisco de Valverde.
514. Testimony of Fray Francisco de San Miguel, in Auto del gobernador de Nuevo Mexico.
515. See chapter VI of this study.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 473
at Onate's instigation according to Captain Velasco. The reasons for this brutal deed are obscure,516 but such action, coupled with the disappointment over the sterility of the land, made the governor an unpopular man.
A similar thing happened when Captain Alonso de Sosa Albornoz asked leave to return to New Spain with his family. He was already ruined in fortune, he stated, and was now unable to support his family. Seemingly his request was granted.517 Then an order was issued by the governor requiring all captains and soldiers to round up the horses at a certain time. Captain Sosa accompanied the others, but was attacked and killed by a squad of soldiers headed by Zaldivar, and his body covered so that it should not be found. This group of men had been concealed in a ravine about two leagues from San Gabriel. It was drastic action on the part of the governor if the story is true, but it probably accomplished the purpose intended, as no further requests for going to New Spain were heard. However it left the capital apprehensive and suspicious. As Captain Velasco says all were downcast and went about expecting death at any moment. The colonists could not comprehend how the desire to return to Mexico in order
516. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco a S. M., March 22, 1601, Ofiate had ex- perienced difficulty with Captain Aguilar several times. It was he who entered the first pueblos against express orders. He was one of the forty-five who planned to desert just after the establishment of the capital. On both occasions he had been saved by the entreaties of the colony. There is no explanation of what he had done to warrant the attack described by Velasco, but he was apparently an insubordinate character who had to be put out of the way. Velasco's story of his death is as follows. One day the governor sent for Aguilar, greeted him cheerfully, and asked him to enter a certain room, where he had already posted a negro and an Indian armed with butcher knives, and other servants armed with short swords. On entering the place "and in the presence of myself and many others who were there they seized his arms. The said governor gave him a push, causing him to stumble, and there they stabbed him. The governor himself ran a sword through his body, although the poor man cried out, saying he was married and asking confession as he was a sinner."
517. Ofiate promised Sosa that within eight days he would be given permission to return with all his relatives. In that interval an auto was issued that he should be prepared to leave whenever it was ordered. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco a S. M., March 22, 1601. Though Velasco is our only authority for these events, there is clearly some foundation for them as Onate was convicted of these charges. Testi- monio de las sentencias, 1614, A. G. I., 58-3-17.
474 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
to register their complaints with the viceroy could be called treason and punishable by death.518
It seems thus that Onate was becoming willful and headstrong. Perhaps that was necessary to control his turbulent followers. For example, when the auditor-gen- eral, the licentiate Gines de Herrera Orta, who had come with the relief expedition in 1600,519 arrived in San Gabriel, he was not allowed to exercise the duties of his office. Nor was this all. It was said that Onate permitted his nephew to call him "majesty" in the presence of the religious and others. "If some of these things could only come to the attention of the viceroy of New Spain," wrote Velasco, "he would be moved by compassion and grief to redeem our oppression." Velasco sent that letter secretly and at great personal danger,520 and though it bore no immediate result it was of significance in Onate's trial.
The Expedition to Quivira. The settlement at San Gabriel was thus teeming with discontent long before the expedition to the east was undertaken. But though Onate probably realized the dissatisfaction among his settlers he went on with the preparations to visit Quivira, hoping that there would be found the wealth which New Mexico had thus far failed to produce. Reports of a great province to the east had been given by the Indians, and particularly by Jusepe, the Indian who had been with Humana. Onate was determined to investigate.
Between seventy and a hundred men521 and a large baggage train made up the expedition which began its
518. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco a S. M., March 22, 1601.
519. El licenciado Gines de Herrera Orta, September 3, 1600, in Gordejuela visita. He soon returned to New Spain.
520. Carta de Don Luis de Velasco a S. M., March 22, 1601. The letter was sent when Onate and Father Martinez sent Joseph de Coronda and Fray Luis Maironos to Mexico with reports.
521. The "True Account of the Expedition of Onate Toward the East," says seventy. Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 251 ; the "Breve Relaci6n" eighty. Col. Doc. Ined., XVI. 198; the "Memorial sobre el descubrimiento" one hundred. Ibid., XVI, 221; while ninety-four is the figure given in Informacion y papeles que envio la genie que alia quedo haciendo cargos d la que asi venia. San Gabriel October 2 1601, A. G. I., 58-3-15.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 475
long journey on June 23, 1601. Gathering his men at Galisteo four days later Onate led them eastward through the Galisteo Pass to the Pecos.522 They continued in an easterly direction to the Magdalena river, the Canadian, "which was reached just below the sharp turn to the east." The country was described as pleasant and fruitful. Fol- lowing the river for some distance a rough region was passed before they approached the plains again. From that time on the country was level and greater progress was made. Although it was the region frequented by the Apaches no trouble of any kind was experienced. The other hardships incident to the journey were alleviated by fish from the river and by fruit from the plum trees and grapes vines growing along its banks. In the early days of August the first buffalo were spied and some killed. But about that time the fertile valley of the Can- adian gave place to sand dunes. Then the expedition turned toward the north, just east of the Antelope Hills.683 The route followed now led northward to Beaver Creek and the Cimmaron river, which were followed for a time. Soon a huge rancheria was found, said to contain over five thousand inhabitants. The houses of these Indians were merely tents made from buffalo hides, and their villages temporary structures. They were roving Indians who fol- lowed the buffalo which furnished them with both food and clothing. They told the Spaniards of another nation eight leagues away. With these they were at war, so they accompanied Onate who would vanquish their enemies. But their action was no doubt partly due to the fact that Hu- mana had been killed in the vicinity and they wished to throw the responsibility on their foes.524
Acting as guides they now led the expedition to a large eastward flowing river, apparently the Arkansas, where
522. "True Account of the Expedition of Onate Toward the East," op. cit., 251-252. Professor Bolton has carefully identified Onate's route toward the east, and his conclusions are followed in this summary.
523. Ibid., 254-255.
524. Ibid., 256-257.
476 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
they quickly built their rancheria anew, much to the aston- ishment of the visitors. There they were content to re- main while Ofiate proceeded to visit their foes.525 The following day about four leagues distant the Spaniards saw other natives, some hostile and some friendly. Precautions were taken against a surprise attack during the night, but it passed without incident. In the morning, however, the hostile tribe was awaiting a chance to attack, boasting that they had murdered Humaiia's party and burned them all. In order to avoid a conflict Ofiate tried to capture their chief and succeeded in doing so.526 Continuing for- ward a short distance another settlement, said to contain 1,200 houses, was discovered. The "houses" were covered with dry grass on the outside and within contained elevated platforms which were used as beds.527 The settlement was deserted, and the Indians accompanying Ofiate wanted to pillage and burn it. This he prevented, however, and or- dered them back to their rancheria.528
In order to learn something of the country in which he was sojourning and what lay beyond the governor questioned the captive chief closely. The information was not at all pleasing. Numerous settlements, it would appear, existed both toward the north and east, but the prisoner advised the Spaniards not to go forward. The Indians who had withdrawn from the Spanish camp were assembling their friends, according to the captive, and would soon be so numerous that it would be possible to wipe out the small foreign force. In spite of such information Ofiate con- tinued a few leagues more, and then decided to return after his men had presented a petition summarizing the reasons
525. Ibid., 258.
526. Ibid., 259-260. According to Zarate-Salmeron, as Bolton points out, the Indians rescued him in a feint attack, carrying him away irons and all. Spanish Exploration, 260 note 1.
527. The description fits the Wichita grass lodges; see "True Account of the Expedition of Onate Toward the East," in Ibid., 260 and note 4 ; and Hodge, Hand- book, II, 949.
528. "True Account of the Expedition of Onate Toward th« East," op. cit., 260 261 note 1.
THE FOUNDING OF NEW MEXICO 477
why that should be done. As the report of the journey read, "that his Majesty . . . right issue the orders necessary to the royal service and to the acceleration of the salvation of these souls." From New Mexico the soldiers had now traveled two hundred and twenty leagues and reached the vicinity of Wichita, Kansas.529
On the return journey Onate learned that the Quiviras, the first settlement found in that region, were prepared for war, and though he attempted to avoid a clash the In- dians were evidently determined not to let him escape. In the course of the battle which followed most of the Span- iards were wounded, and finally a retreat was ordered. The soldiers were compelled to give up all the prisoners taken with one exception. One man, Miguel, was retained in order that a link might be established to communicate with his nation in case of future expeditions into that coun- try. Without further mishap the force then set out for San Gabriel, reaching it on November 24, 1601, after an absence of exactly five months.580
529. Ibid., 262-263, 260 note 2.
530. Ibid., 264-265.
478 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
THE SIX CITIES OF CIBOLA— 1581-1680 F. W. Hodge
In his excellent paper on the Second Spanish Expedition to New Mexico, which appears in the July issue of the Re- view, Mr. Mecham answers many questions respecting the habitat of the Pueblo Indians in the Rio Grande and trib- utary valleys at the time of the Chamuscado-Rodriguez expedition in 1581-1582. There are, however, a few points with which the student must contend in regard to the Zuni villages of that period. It is the aim of this brief paper to shed light on them.
As is well known, only two of the pueblos composing the "Seven Cities of Cibola" of Coronado's time are men- tioned by name. These are (1) Ahacus, of which Fray Marcos de Niza learned from his Piman Indian guides and which with every good reason is identified with Hawikuh, called Granada by Coronado in honor of the Viceroy Men- doza; and (2) Matsaki, recorded as Macaque by Castaneda, who mentions it as the largest of all the towns of Cibola, its houses reaching a height of seven stories. The evidence of the identity of Ahacus, Hawikuh, and Granada is incon- trovertible. We need mention here only the fact that it could have been the one Cibola-Zuni pueblo that was first seen and reached by the explorers in ascending the Zuni river.
Mr. Mecham has shown that Chamuscado proceeded westward from the Rio Grande to Zuni by way of Acoma, Bandelier's statement to the contrary notwithstanding; and it may be assumed that the party pursued the route (only from the opposite direction) followed by Coronado's ad- vance guard and his main force via El Morro or Inscription Rock, and Ojo del Pescado, one of the headwaters of the
THE CITIES OF CIBOLA 479
Rio Zuni, rather than by the difficult trail over the malpais which Alvarado took on his journey from Hawikuh to Acoma, which led him south of El Morro. There is no more truth, however, that "Chamuscado and seven soldiers in- scribed their names" on Inscription Rock than there is that the Zufii localize a native tradition that Estevanico, the so-called "Black Mexican," was murdered at Kiakima rather than at Hawikuh.1 There is no question that the earliest inscription on El Morro is that of Onate, whose name was carved in the rock, at which was the "Agua de la Pena," on his return from the Gulf of California in the spring of 1605. Absence of names at El Morro, of course, is only negative testimony that explorers did not follow that route in journeying between Acoma and Zuni; yet it was and still is the most practicable line of travel, for its physiographic features offered little resistance to the ex- plorers, while the immediate vicinity of the great rock af- forded all the necessaries of a temporary camp — water, forage, and abundant fuel.
Leaving the discussion of the earlier "Seven Cities of Cibola" for another occasion, it has long been known that after the time of Coronado and until shortly before the Revolt of 1680, if not up to the very time of the uprising, the Zuni inhabited only six villages. The native names and sites of all these are now well known, yet some of them have been the cause of almost as much confusion as any subject of Pueblo history by reason of the difficulty of harmonizing1 the array of recorded names, or rather the variations in the orthography of the names, with those by which the settlements were known to the native inhabitants. We will therefore endeavor to unravel the snarl by correlat- ing the jumbled terminology of the six Zuni villages oc- cupied in the latter half of the sixteenth century, as made available to us by the Spanish chroniclers. The attempts to identify the seventh pueblo of the early Spanish period
1. See Hodge, The First Discovered City of Cibola, American Anthropologist, vol. VIII, no. 2, Washington, 1895.
480 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
have been based on little more than conjecture, since suf- ficient archaeological research has not yet been conducted in the Zuni valley ; therefore, if a seventh "city" really ex- isted, we are as far from its true determination as in the day of Bandelier and Gushing.
1 — HAWIKUH
This pueblo, the largest of all, according to most of the Spanish narrators, was twelve miles southwest of the present Zuni, on the point of a low mesa that projects southward into the valley. The topography accords with the "rounded height" on which stood the only pueblo of Cibola which Fray Marcos de Niza says he viewed in 1539 from an elevation to the southward. It was this "City of Cibola" of Fray Marcos of which Coronado and his com- panions complained so bitterly in the following year, the commander asserting that the entire group of pueblos was called "the kingdom of Cevola, and each has its own name and no single one is called Cevola, but all together are called Cevola. This one which I have called a city," he says, "I have named Granada, partly because it has some similar- ity to it, as well as out of regard for Your Lordship."2 It contained two hundred houses with five hundred families.
The Gallegos report records Hawikuh as "Allico."8 From the narration of Espejo we gain little information on the subject aside from the fact that he gives the name Aquico (which in pronunciation closely approximates Hawikuh) and affords positive proof of the identity of Cibola and Zuni. For the first time Espejo presented
2. Coronado to Mendoza, in Winship, Coronado Expedition, p. 558, Washington, 1896.
3. Mr. Mecham (p. 286) gives the names of only five of the six pueblos dis- covered by Chamuscado, as recorded by Gallegos, followed by the number of inhabi- tants of each of the six, consequently (with the exception of Hawikuh) one can- not correlate Gallegos' villages with his population figures. This may be due to one of the typographical blunders with which Mr. Mecham's paper unfortunately is replete. The missing pueblo is Kwakina - the Quaquina of Luxan and the Coaque- ria of Oiiate.
THE CITIES OF CIBOLA 481
the name by which the Zuni are known to the Keres and which has clung to this day. Luxan is more explicit, for, like Gallegos, he notes the names of the six inhabited vil- lages, among which is "aguico".4
Before proceeding to later sources we must endeavor to untangle the knots found in the work of Baltasar de Obregon, which is accessible to me only in its printed form.6 In a marginal note (p. 19) and in the text (p. 293) of this work the pueblos of Cibola are recorded, but so confused are their names that we list them in order to show the dif- ficulties with which students have been obliged to contend in endeavoring to harmonize the vagaries in orthography, due largely to typographical errors. In the first Obregon list we find "Macaque, Macilona Quequina, Acin [or Que- quinaacin], Cocana", and, in the second, "Masaque, Caque- ma, Alona, Quequina, Acincocana."6 The intended applica- tion of these names must be determined at this point, be- cause Hawikuh is involved with the rest, and nothing short of the dissection which follows seems so well to serve the purpose.
4. Both Mr. Mecham (p. 286) and Dr. Bolton (Spanish Explorations in the Southwest, p. 184, New York, 1916) give "Agrisco," with what justification I do not know, as the Luxan manuscript, of which the present writer has a photostat copy, records "aguico" very plainly both in the text and in a marginal note.
5. Historia de los descvbrimientos antigvos y modernos de la Nueva Espana escrita por el conqvistador Baltasar de Obregon ano de 1584, Mexico, 1924.
6. Evidently the scribe who noted the names of the towns on the margin of the manuscript (p. 19 of the published work) became confused in his attempt to record the first two names, with the result that the equivalent of Kiakima appears to be missing from the first list. As a matter of fact, however, caque of "Macaque" and ma of "Macilona" should have been combined to form "Caquema," but as this leaves Matsaki pueblo represented by Ma alone, we assume that the error was one of omission by reason of the identity in the spelling of the latter part of Macaque and the first part of Caquema. Incidentally it may be said that in the second, less garbled, list, the pueblos occur in the exact order in which they would have been visited by a party coming from the east (i. e. from Acoma), while Luxan gives the same order except that Aguico (Hawikuh) is placed before Alona (Halona) instead of after Cuaquina (Kwakina). If we may assume that "Coaguima" (Kwakina) was unintentionally omitted from Gallegos' list as given by Mr. Mecham, and that it should have appeared between Aconagua (Halona) and Allico (Hawikuh), then the order of the pueblos is identical with that of Obregon, except that Matsaki and Kiakima, the two pueblos at the base of Tawayalane, are reversed. Evidently stationed at Hawikuh, the principal pueblo, when he recorded the village names, Onate listed them in exactly the reverse order to that given by Gallegos, save that the Onate list naturally names Hawikuh first.
482 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Matsaki Kidkima Kwakina Hawikub Kyanawa Halona Macaque [see note 6] Quequina Acin,Co canaMa cilona Masaquc C:\quema Quequina Acinco cana Alona
The Ofiate scribes, or more likely the copyists or the printers of the documents referring to the colonization in 1598, are among those who garbled Pueblo names practical- ly beyond recognition. Hawikuh becomes Aguicobi and Aguscobi, but in these particular forms the name of the pueblo is not difficult to recognize, the suffix bi probably being intended to represent the Zuni locative wa or wan, as in Onate's "Canabi" for Kyanawa.
Gallegos reported "Allico" as having one hundred and eighteen houses in 1581. and Ofiate one hundred and ten houses in 1598, a considerable reduction from the two hun- dred noted by Coronado nearly half a century earlier, al- though Hawikuh now had the distinction of being the chief Zuni town. At the time of its abandonment it was men- tioned by Vetancurt "con otros pueblos pequenos donde habia mas de mil personas."
The mission of Conception was established at Hawikuh in 1629 during the custodianship of Fray Estevan de Perea.7 The evidence respecting the date of the abandon- ment of the pueblo is not conclusive, for, although it was raided by the Apache about 1670 and abandoned, it seems not to have been forsaken permanently until the Revolt of 1680 resulted in the flight of the Zuni tribesmen to Tawayalane, or Corn Mountain, where they remained until Vargas appeared on the scene in 1692.
The following synonymy includes only names derived from the earlier original sources. There are hundreds of variations in orthography, many of them due to typographi- cal errors, with which we need not cumber the lists.
Ceuola (city and province). - Fray Marcos de Niza, Rela- tion (1539), in The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza
7. See Hodge in The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, 1630, Ayer trans., Chicago, 1916; Hodge, Bibliography of Fray Alonso de Benavides, Indian Notes and Monographs, III, no. 1. New York, 1919.
THE CITIES OF CIBOLA 483
de Vaca, Translated from his own Narrative by Fanny Bandelier, New York, 1905, p. 211 et seq.
Ceula. - Ibid., p. 217.
Ceulo. - Ibid., p. 214.
Ahacus. - Ibid. p. 219.
Granada. - Coronado (1540) in Winship, Coronado Expedi- tion, Washington, 1896, p. 558.
Cibola. - Castaneda (1540-96), ibid., passim.
Sivola. - Relation Postrera de Sivola (ca. 1542) in Winship, ibid., p. 566.
Allico. - Gallegos (1582) quoted by Mecham, op. cit., p. 286. (An evident miscopying or misprinting of Auico.)
Aquico. - Espejo (1583) in Doc. Ined. de Indias, XV, p. 133, 1871. (Probably a misprint of Aguico.)
Aguico. - Luxan (1582) Entrada que hizo en el Nuevo Mejico Anton de Espejo en el ano de [15]82, folio 83, MS. in Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla.
Agrisco. - Luxan (1582) as cited by Bolton, op. cit., and by Mecham, op. cit. (The letters ris are an obvious mis- copying of ui.)
Acinco. - Obregon (1584), Histaria, p. 293. (Erroneously combined with Cana [see Kechipauan], thus forming "Acincocana.")
Acin,Cocana. - Ibid., p. 19. (Erroneous separation of Acin, for Acui, from co ( Acuico) , and fusion of co with Cana, i. e., Kechipauan.)
Aguicobi. - Onate (1598) in Doc. Ined. de Indias, XVI, 133, 1871.
Aguscobi. - Onate (1598), ibid., 132.
Cuni. - Onate, Account of the Discovery of the Mines (1599), in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, 239, 1916.
Havico. - Zarate Salmeron, Relation (ca. 1629), in Land of Sunshine, p. 44, Dec. 1899. (Refers to the Onate ex- pedition.)
Zibola. - Perea, Verdadera Relation, Madrid, 1632, p. 4.
La Conception de Aguico. - Vetancurt (1697), Cronica, 320, repr. 1871.
484 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Tzibola. - Mota-Padilla (1742), Hist. Nueva Espana, 111, ed. 1871. (From documents of the Coronado period.)
2 — MATSAKI
The importance of Matsaki was set forth by Castaneda, who described it, in the form Macaque, as "the best, larg- est, and finest village of that [Cibola] province" and "the only one that has houses with seven stories."8 The area of the ruins, however, in comparison with that of Hawikuh, does not support Castaneda's assertion. As before men- tioned, aside from the "Ahacus" (Hawikuh) of Fray Mar- cos, Matsaki was the only Zuni pueblo mentioned by name before Chamuscado's time. It was situated about three miles east-southeast of present Zuni, a short distance from the northwestern talus slope of the great mesa of Tawaya- lane, or Corn mountain, popularly but improperly called "Thunder mountain" from Cushing's misinterpretation.
Macaque. - Castaneda (1540-1596), op, cit. ("Muzaque " in the narrative translated by Ternaux-Compans, Voy- ages, IX, 163, 1838.)
Maca. - Gallegos (1582) quoted by Mecham, op. cit., p. 286.
Mazaque. - Luxan Entrada (1582), op. cit., f. 83.
Malaque. - Luxan as quoted by Bolton, op. cit., p. 184.
Maleque. - Luxan as quoted by Mecham, op. cit., p. 286.
Masaque. - Obregon (1584), Historia, p. 293.
Macaque. - Ibid., p. 19.
Macaqui. - Onate (1598) in Doc. Ined. de Indias, XVI, 133, 1871.
Mazaquia. - Vetancurt (1697), Cronica, 320, repr. 1871.
3 — KIAKIMA
This pueblo, about four miles southeast of Zuni, was at the southwestern base of Corn mountain, which towers
8. Castaneda, in Winship, Coronado Expedition, op. cit., pp. 493, 51V.
THE CITIES OF CIBOLA 485
nine hundred feet, for which reason the great mesa was
called the Penol de Caquima by Vargas in 1692.
Aquima. - Gallegos (1582) cited by Mecham, op. cit., p. 286. (The name appears as "Aquiman" on Mecham's map.)
Quaquema. - Luxan, Entrada (1582), op. cit., f. 83.
Cuaquema. - Ibid.
Caquema. - Obregon (1584), Historia, p. 293.
MaCAQUE, MAcilona. - Ibid., p. 19. (An erroneous fusion of names in which Caquema is hidden. See note 6.)
Aquinsa. - Onate (1598) in Doc. Ined. de Indias, op. cit. (Cf. Aquima of Gallegos above, and note the frequent difficulty in transcribing initial C of unfamiliar pro- per names, of which the printed "Ame" for the Cunl of Espejo is an instance. In "Aquinsa," ns is no doubt a misprint of ra.)
Caquima. - Sigiienza y Gongora, Mercurio Volante, 1693, repr. Mexico, 1900, p. 17 (" . . .Penol no menos inex- pugnable de Caquima") ; Vetancurt (1697), Cronica, 320, repr. 1871.
Caquimay. - Doc. of 1635 quoted by Bandelier in Papers Archaeol. Inst. Amer., V, 165, 1890.
Every student of the subject has been confused by "Aquinsa," which seems to be no more than the result of mistranscribing a name which both Gallegos and Onate doubtless wrote Caquima. I am convinced that the identi- fication of Onate's Aquinsa is thus determined, and that his Coaqueria was not Kiakima, but Kwakina."
9. Dr. A. L. Kroeber has suggested (Anthr. Papers Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVIII, pt. Ill, p. 273, New York, 1917) "that the 'Aquinsa' of Onate's list is the native name 'Akinnsa' or 'Appkinnsa' (awa, rocks; kinnaa, black) for Black Rock or Rocks" where the Zuni school and agency are situated. Aside from the fact that no considerable ruins are to be found in that vicinity to account for the presence of a pueblo within the historic period, the etymology is unsound, for the Zuni cali Black Rocks Akwinkwin (a for dale, pi. awe, stone, rock ; kwin, black ; kwm, the locative), not Akinnsa or Appkinnsa. See note 10.
32
486 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
4 — HALONA
On the south bank of the Zuni river directly opposite the present Zuiii; indeed it is said that Halona stood on both sides of the stream, a belief made plausible because extensive excavations at the site by Gushing in 1888 re- vealed no evidences of the Franciscan church on the south side. Much of the site is now covered by buildings of a trading-store and several Zuni dwellings. At the time of its abandonment in 1680 the population of Halona was 1500, according to Vetancurt, but this probably included Matsaki and Kiakima, which were aldeas de visita of the Halona mission.
Aconagua. - Gallegos (1582) quoted by Mecham, op. cit., p. 287. (An evident attempt to record the Zuni form Halonawa. The c is doubtless a miscopying of L
Alona. - Luxan (1582), Entrada, f. 83.
Olond - Luxan as quoted by Bolton, op. cit., p. 184.
Olona. - Luxan as quoted by Mecham, op. cit., p. 286.
Alona. - Obregon (1584), op. cit, p. 293.
Macilona. - Ibid., p. 19. (An erroneous fusion of ma, be- longing to the preceding name (Caquema for Kiakima) and cilona, misprint of Alona. See Note 6.)
Cilona. - See Macilona, next preceding.
Halonagu. - Onate (1598) in Doc. Ined. de Indias, XVI, 133, 1871. (An attempt to record Halonawa or Halona- wan.)
Alona - Sigiienza y Gongora (1693), Mer curio Volante, p. 18, repr. Mexico, 1900.
Concepcion de Alona. - Vetancurt (1697), Menologia, 275 repr. Mexico, 1871. (In his Cronica Vetancurt men- tions La Concepcion de Aguico and refers to the Halona church as dedicated to la Purficacion de la Virgen.)
Purisima Concepcion de Alona. - Sarifiana y Cuenca, Oracion Funebre, Mexico, 1681, repr. Hist. Soc. New Mexico, Bull. 7, 1906.
THE CITIES OF CIBOLA 487
It will be noted that in recording the names of Halona and Hawikuh the Spaniards generally disregarded the faintly aspirated initial.
5 — KWAKINA
This pueblo was situated six or seven miles down the Zuni river from the present Zuni, on its northern side. The natives assert that it was of comparatively recent occu- pancy, but no archaeological research has been conducted at the site. Kwakina is not mentioned by Gallegos, unless inadvertently omitted from the list in Mr. Mecham's paper ;10 but Luxan records its name, as likewise does Onate a few years later. ,
Coaguima. - Gallegos (?) quoted by Mecham, op. cit., p. 287.
Quaquina. - Luxan (1582), Entrada, f. 83.
Cuaquina. - Luxan as quoted by Bolton, op. cit.
Cuaguima. - Luxan as quoted by Mecham, op. cit. (Mis- print.)
Quequina. - Obregon (1584), Historia, pp. 19, 293.
Coaqueria. - Onate (1598) in Doc. Ined. de Indfas, XVI, 133, 1871. (The letters eri are doubtless a misprint of in.)
6 — KECHIPAUAN
This is the name applied by the Zuni to a ruined pueblo on a mesa forming the northern wall of the little Ojo Cali- ente valley in which is the farming village of K'yapkwaina- kwin, commonly know as Ojo Caliente. It was situated about three miles in an air-line eastward from Hawikuh. The site is a very ancient one, but excavations have shown
10. Judging by Mr. Mecham's endeavor to identify and locate all the pueblos mentioned by Gallegos, this village was omitted by mistake, as he refers to Coaguima both in the text (p. 287) and on his map, regarding it to be the same as Kiakima. To the Spaniards Kiakima and Kwakina sounded much alike, yet it will be noted that they distinguished the determining m and n respectively in the last syllable of the names.
488 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
that a later and much smaller pueblo was built on the re- mains of the older town ; moreover, the walls of a well-built stone church are still standing several feet in height. This fact, together with the character of the native earthen- ware and the finding of objects of European provenience in the later houses and graves, prove its recency beyond question. The term kechipa signifies gypsum, and the village was so named because of the gypsum-like appear- ance of the sandstone eminence on which the ruins lie. The name of the locality, Kyanawe or Kyanawa, which has allusion to its water supply, was applied by the Spaniards to the pueblo which the Zuni invariably call Kechi- pauan, whence Cana, Canabi, etc., of the chroniclers.11
Acana. - Gallegos (1582) quoted by Mecham, op cit., p. 286.
Cana. - Luxan (1582), Entrada, f. 83. (This spelling is fol- lowed by Bolton and Mecham.)
Cooana. - Obregon (1584), Historia, p. 19. (Erroneous fusion of Co, belonging to the preceding name Acin, for Acui [See Hawikuh], plus Cana.)
Canabi. - Onate (1598) in Doc. Ined. de Indias, XVI, 133, 1871.
Acincocana. - Obregon, op. cit., p. 293. (Acinco, for Acuico, plus Cana.)
Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, Broadway at 155th St., New York, N. Y.
11. See Hodge, The Age of the Zuni Pueblo of Kechipauan, Indian Notes and Monographs, III, no. 2, New York, 1920. Note the omission by the Spaniards of the affix wa, often used by the Zuni in place-names. Another instance is Halona, Halonawa, both of which forms are employed.
NECROLOGY 489
NECROLOGY
WASHINGTON E. LINDSEY
Among the eminent figures in New Mexico contem- porary life removed by death from the stage of action dur- ing the current year, former Governor Washington E. Lindsey was probably the most prominent. As governor of the State during the late war, he had gained a special place in the annals of the commonwealth. His tragic death on April 5th came as a shock to his host of friends and admirers. He had been in ill health and despondent for several months.
Governor Lindsey was born in Belmon County, Ohio, on December 20, 1862. He was the son of Robert W. and Julia A. Shipman Lindsey. After attendance in the public schools of his native county, he matriculated in the Univer- sity of Michigan and graduated with the degree of Bachelor of Arts, in 1891 receiving the additional degree of Bachelor of Laws. For nine years he was engaged in the practice of law in Chicago, but in the year 1900 moved to Roswell, and a few years later to Portales, where he established a law office and took an active part in developing that part of New Mexico. He was president of the Portales Town- site Company, as well as of the Portales Irrigation Com- pany. It was through his efforts in 1902 that the territorial legislature established Roosevelt County.
As an active and aggressive Republican, he took part in politics and was elected a member of the Constitutional Convention. In November, 1916 he was elected lieutenant governor, and upon the death of Governor Ezequiel C. de Baca he succeeded to the executive office in February of 1917. On May 1, 1917, he called a special session of the legislature which placed New Mexico on war footing. With unwavering patriotism, he put his heart into every mea-
490 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
sure that placed New Mexico high in the rank of states that contributed to the winning of the war.
Upon retiring from the governorship, he opened a law office in Albuquerque, but later returned to Portales, where his wife, who had been an invalid for years, died a few years ago. She was Miss Amanda C. Houghton, and their marriage took place in October, 1891. There were three children, Howard W., Helen M., and Michael R. Lindsey. Some months before his death, he married Miss Becker of Albuquerque, who survives him. Governor Lindsey was a Congregationalist, and a member of the Knights of Pythias, the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks, and the Woodmen of the World. While a resident of Santa Fe and afterward, he took a keen interest in the New Mexico His- torical Society, and was a particular friend of the Museum of New Mexico and the School of American Research.
COLONEL EUGENE VAN PATTEN
On February 28, at the ripe age of 89 years, Colonel Eugene Van Patten departed this life at the home of his daughter Amelia Ascarate in the Mesilla Valley. One of the pioneers of that section of the state, he was a stage driver and Indian fighter in the early days. He was born in Rome, New York, on November 10, 1839, the son of Adam Van Patten and Nancy Adams, uniting Dutch and New England ancestry. In early youth he located at Utica, New York, and thence moved to El Paso in 1859, where he was employed as stage driver on the Butterfield Over- land Mail Route. During the Civil War he enlisted with the Confederates, holding a commission under Stonwall Jackson. He also gained fame as an Indian fighter.
While Dona Ana County still extended across the entire southern part of New Mexico, he served as sheriff. Later he became registrar of the Federal Land Office at Las Cruces, deputy United States marshal, and a colonel in the New Mexico National Guard. Among his choicest re- collections were two years spent on a trip around the world
NECROLOGY 491
with his uncle, Admiral Bushnell Stevens, and then two years at West Point Military Academy.
Colonel Van Patten was a public spirited citizen. He was of much assistance in having the A. T. & S. F. Rail- road construct its line from Albuquerque to El Paso. He raised funds for the building of the Loretto Academy at Las Cruces. The Indians of that section esteemed him highly, and he secured a grant of land for the pueblo of Tortugas. While Lew Wallace was governor of New Mex- ico, he was one of the political advisers of the executive. During the Spanish-American War, he was of much as- sistance to his friend, Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, in or- ganizing the Rough Riders. Colonel Van Patten was the owner of Dripping Springs in the Organ Mountains, a noted resort in which he took much pride.
His funeral took place from St. Genevieve's Catholic Church in Las Cruces, the 120th Engineers stationed at that place giving him military honors. The pall bearers were: Fabian Garcia, C. 0. Bennett, Jesus Garcia, Henry Stoes, A. J. Fountain, Sr., and Colonel M. C. O'Hara.
MALAQUIAS MARTINEZ
Another member of the convention that formulated the constitution of the State of New Mexico, Malaquias Martinez, died at St. Vincent's Hospital, Santa Fe, on August 15, as the result of an automobile accident while on his way to the Republican State Convention at Albuquer- que. He was the son of Santiago Valdez Martinez, pro- minent as legislator and political leader in the 70's of the last century, who resided in Mora from 1878 to 1884, and who died in Taos in 1888.
Malaquias Martinez was born at Taos, on December 15, 1860, but his parents took him to Mora, where he re- sided until 1890, when he returned to Taos. In 1882 he was married to Miss Juanita Chaves, with whom he had one son, Juan F. Martinez. In 1889 he married Emily Blatt-
492 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
man. Mr. Martinez was a member of the Knights of Pythias, and the Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks. For twenty-five years he was chairman of the Territorial and State Republican Committee for Taos County. He served two terms as deputy assessor, and as superintendent of schools in 1894 and 1895. His legislative career began in 1897, when he was elected to the House of the Territorial Assembly, and from 1899 to 1907 he represented the coun- ties of Taos, San Juan, and Rio Arriba, in the Territorial Senate. In the latter year he was elected senator from Mora and Taos Counties. In 1910 he served as a member of the Constitutional Convention. In 1915 he resumed legislative duties as a member from Taos County. Among the dif- ferent offices he held was that of coal oil inspector for the Territory in 1907. He was candidate for lieutenant gover- nor on the Republican ticket in the first state election. He also served as member of the Board of Penitentiary Com- missioners and the Cattle Sanitary Board. He was secretary of the Commission for the Revision of Laws during Gover- nor Otero's administration. Mr. Martinez was an eloquent speaker, was zealous in guarding the interests of the Span- ish-American people, and yet broad minded and statesman- like in his view of political questions and of legislative pro- blems.
JUDGE A. A. FREEMAN
Judge A. A. Freeman, prominent in territorial affairs, died at Vancouver, British Columbia, at a ripe old age. He had been prominent as a lawyer and politician in Ten- nessee, and came to New Mexico commissioned as associate justice of the Supreme Court by President Harrison. For four years he held a place on the supreme bench, and up- on retirement, resumed the practice of law at Socorro, where he had presided as judge. Later he located at Carls- bad in Eddy County, where he took an active interest in civic matters. In 1908 he went to the state of Washington, and from there to Vancouver, but kept in touch with New
NECROLOGY 493
Mexico affairs, occasionally contributing to the press some comment upon the trend of politics.
DR. NATHAN BOYD
For many years a prominent citizen of Las Cruces, Dr. Nathan Boyd was the pioneer in planning the Elephant Butte Irrigation Project. He had organized a British cor- poration to build the dam, which later was constructed by the United States Reclamation Service. He exhausted his resources in the litigation that followed upon his efforts to build the irrigation system. He was fought from court to court by the United States, which sought to establish that the Rio Grande was a navigable stream. In later years Dr. Boyd was vindicated by the United States itself build- ing the dam and completing the irrigation system. Only recently Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work lifted the embargo on the waters of the Rio Grande, which had been part of the reclamation policy, a further indication that Dr. Boyd was correct in his contentions. Dr. Boyd at one time had planned a large sanatarium for suffers from tuber- culosis, and had hoped to establish it at Dripping Springs near Las Cruces. He was interested in others public spirited projects for southern New Mexico, but upon the adverse decisions of the courts in the Elephant Butte liti- gation, he removed to Washington, D. C. Two sons and a daughter survive him.
494 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
REVIEWS AND NOTES
DOWN THE SANTA FE TRAIL AND INTO MEXICO, 1846-1847. Diary of Susan Shelby Magoffin. Edited by Stella M. Drumm. (Yale University Press, 1926. Pp. xxv, 294; ill; $4.00)
To a reviewer whose office is in the old "Palace of the Governors" at the western end of the old Santa Fe Trail, the title of this book is instantly arresting; nor are his anticipations disappointed as he turns the pages. The diary is that of a young gentlewoman, the eighteen year old bride of Samuel Magoffin, whose brother James was the efficient advance emissary of the American Army of Oc- cupation. The reader's interest is instantly caught and held thruout by the intimate details of camplif e, by the descrip- tions of the road, the prairies, the buffalo, antelope and other forms of life, terrific storms, toilsome mountain- passes, and "slippy" river-crossings. He is constantly be- ing given enlightening glimpses of traders, teamsters, soldiers, officers, Indians of plain and pueblo, the native people both of the humble and well-to-do classes ; and such glimpses are often charmingly enhanced by a naive word or phrase. Says the author, for example, "It is disagree- able to hear so much swearing; the animals are unruly 'tis true and worries the patience of their drivers, but I scarcely think they need be so profane." (p. 3) And while travelling on the lower Rio Grande where the mesquite growth was thick, she decides to be "rather careful in walk- ing out. The Indian is a wily man, and one cannot be too precausious when in his territory." (p. 202)
The editor, as librarian of the Missouri Historical Society, has had the use of valuable sources, as shown by the bibliography. As a result she has given the book an excellent introduction and very informative annotations.
REVIEWS AND NOTES 495
Thru the text and notes, men like the Magoffins, Connelly, Waldo, Kearny, Taylor, and many of their officers pass before us as in no previous book on the Southwest
Occasionally a Spanish phrase or word might have been more happily translated, Mui cerquiia de los carros means "very near the wagons" (p. 200) ; tata is a familiar word for "father." (p. 212) "San Juan" (p, 260) might have had in brackets zaguan (entrance hall). And the latter part of note 36 (pp. 99-100) is based entirely on the vagaries of early writers. Pecos is today a chief point of interest on the National Old Trails Highway and the facts about it may be found in various books and mono- graphs.
The date "1842" in note 71 (p. 170) is an error, pos- sibly in proofreading. Also exception might be taken to the spelling of various Spanish names, as "Arrillaga" (p. 127). But these are mere pecadillos when considering the book as a whole. Simply as a book of travel, Miss Drumm has done a delightful service; as a book on the Southwest this diary will rank with Gregg's classic, "The Commerce of the Prairies."
L> B. B>
HISTORICAL PAGEANTRY AT SANTA FE FIESTA
The Santa Fe Fiesta was again made notable by its pageantry, which passed in review most graphically the leading episodes from the earliest times to those of the American Occupation. Mr. F. S. Curtis, Jr., a member of the Historical Society, gave his talent not only to writing the scenarios for the historic episodes, but in personally supervising their production. In addition to the episodes, of the year before, there was added an act presenting the coming of man to the southwest. This was one of the most spectacular features of the pageantry. Very fine also was the act in commemoration of the hundredth anniversary of the coming of Kit Carson to Santa Fe, and of the advent of Jedediah Smith in California.
4% NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW
The latest issue of the Missouri Historical Revieiu features a contribution by Edgar A. Holt, superintendent of schools in Iowa City, Iowa. Mr. Holt's theme is "Mis- souri River Transportation in the Expansion of the South- west." Missouri River steamboat navigation reached its height in 1858, and was closely connected with traffic over the Santa Fe Trail. Mrs. W. R. Painter reviews some of the achievements of the Missouri Daughters of the Ameri- can Revolution, who now have a membership of more than 5,000 in that state. Among the achievements described are those of locating and marking the old Santa Fe Trail, including El Camino Real, the oldest public road in Mis- souri. "Western Missouri in 1837," includes correspondence that goes back to 1837, and throws an interesting sidelight on conditions in the west in those days. Speaking of the fertility of the soil, it is reported in the letter: "A man and one horse can easity tend twenty acres of corn, for which he receives in the fall 1000 bushels, or if he sow the field to wheat, it would be but a common crop to receive in re- turn 600 bushels. .... .We have 1000 bearing fruit trees.
It is likely there will not be less than 3000 bushels of apples realized from them this year. Fruit trees do remarkably well. Stock does well without feeding, even in the coldest winters we have had." "The Personal Recollections of Distinguished Missourians" in this issue deal with Frank P. Blair, while "The Little Visits with Literary Missouri- ans," include a sketch of Augustus Thomas. "The Liberal Republican Movement in Missouri," in which Carl Schurz figured so prominently, is probably the most important contribution in this number.
THE COLORADO MAGAZINE
Of special interest in the Colorado Magazine, published by the State Museum at Denver, Colorado, is a historical
REVIEWS AND NOTES 497
sketch of the San Luis Valley from 1850 to 1861. Former Governor Oliver H. Shoup reviews "Fifty years of Color- ado's Development." Albert B. Sanford has a sketch of John L. Routt, First State Governor of the neighboring commonwealth. Steps to Statehood in Colorado, Views on the Admission of Colorado in 1876, and the Statehood Cele- bration of 1876, recall that the centennial state is this year celebrating the semi-centennial of its admission into the Union.
CHRONICLES OF OKLAHOMA
"Some Legends of Oklahoma" are retold by Walter R. Smith in a late issue of the Chronicles of Oklahoma, the quarterly of the Oklahoma Historical Society. Thrilling is the story of a raid by the Comanches and their pursuit by the Chickasaws in 1865. The story of this expedition has never before been told in print, according to the author, and the facts that are told are therefore an important contribution to western history. "Gleanings from the By- Ways of Oklahoma Folk-Lore" and "A Choctaw Indian's Diary" are other interesting contributions.
498
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
INDEX
Abbott, Col. E. C., 115 ; quoted, 430
Abo, 288, 447
Abriadres, 270
Acana, 286, 287
Acoma, 286 ; destruction of, 445-62
Aconagua, 286, 287
Acus, 207, 212, 219
Agua de la Peiia, 448, 451, 479. See
El Morro
Aguilar, Capt., 314, 322, 458, 472 Abacus, 211, 212, 478 Aiton, Prof. A. S., 363 Alamaguer, 223 Alameda, 277 Alamillo, 275 Albuquerque Morning Journal, cited,
250 251, 252, 253, 254 255, 256 Allico, 286, 480 Alvarado, 15-16
Alvarez de Toledo, Augustin, 159, 161 Apaches, 386, 389, 482 Apalco, 277 Antonio of Ciudad-Rodrigo, Friar,
221-222
Antonio de Turcios, 222, 223 Aparicion, La, 140-141 Aquico, 480 Aquima, 286, 287 Armijo, Manuel, 328 Artists, war work of. 416 et teg. Asplund, Rupert F. : Civilian Activities,
120-134 Aztalan, 96
Baca, Adj. Gen. James A., 115, 117,
420
Baeza de Herrera, Juan 222, 223 Baldwin, Percy M. : Fray Marcos de
Niza and His Discovery of the
Seven Cities of Cibola, 193-223 ;
note on, 223; 371 Ballard, Charles, 118 Bancroft, H. H., cited, 43, 52, 56, 57,
60, 64, 68, 70, 71, 72, 74, 171, 172,
187, 268, 357 Bandelier, A. F., cited, 193, 195, 196,
206, 220, 272, 274, 275, 276, 278,
279, 281, 282, 283, 285, 286, 287,
288; paper by, 335-49; 353-7, 450,
478
Banos, 285 Barrado, Hernando, 268 ; reference, 289
Barranca, La, 282
Barry, James S., 24
Earth, Mrs. Isaac, 133, 232
Battery A, 115, 421
Baumann, Gustav, war painting by, 416
Beard, Mrs. Cyrus, reference to paper
by, 95
Beaubien, Carlos, 23-24; 98-99 Beltran, Fray Bernardino, 49 50 Benavides, Father, 283 Benfey, Theodore, reference, 143 Bent, George, 24, 28 Bieber, Ralph P., Review of The Southwestern Trails to California in 1849, by, 92-94 Bigotes, Chief, 46
Blair, Frank P., 24; reference to, 498 Bliss, Charles F., 114 Bloom, Lansing B. : New Mexico in the Great War, The Breaking of the Storm, 3-15 ; 116 ; footnote, 281 ; id. 282; To the Colors, 419-33 Blumenschein, Ernest L., war work of,
417
Boas, Prof. Franz, 138 Bolton, H. E. cited, 43, 57, 171, 285,
268, 281, 282, 475; 481 (note) Bolton and Marshallfi reference, 58 Botts. C. M., war poem by, 412 Bourne, E. G., reference, 182 Bove, See San Ildefonso Boyd, Dr. Nathan, necrology, 493 Brice, C. R., 104, 106, 107 Bridge, 809 Brient, S. J., 123 Brown, Henry J., 226 Buena Vista, 282 Buffalo, 445-6, 475 Burlin, Natalie Curtis, 413 Bushiiell, David I., Jr., quoted, 226-228 Bustamante, Pedro de, 268 ; reference, 270, 284
Cabri, 269 (note)
Caceres, 278
Caguates or Caguases, 271
Camel Corps, Uncle Sam's, by F. S.
Perrine, 434-44 Camino del Calvario, 141 Campos, 278 Capital, 318
Carbon City News, quot., 431 Cardenas, Capt., 45, 46
INDEX
499
Carleton, Maj., 386
Carrizozo Neivs, cited, 258
Carson, Kit, 224 ; paper on, 375-99
Casasano, Gordian, 177
Casco, 181 190, 297
Castaneda, 194-195; cited, 197 198,
282; 484 Castano de Sosa, Caspar, 51-52, 277,
282-283, 313 Castilla de Avid, 281 Castilla Blanca, 282 Caxtole, 276 Caypa, See San Juan Ceifies, Francisco de, 222 Cempoalla, 277 Chamita, 282
Chamuscado, Francisco Sanchez, 48, 49 ; Chamuscado-Rodriguez En- trada, 265-291; Wagner on, 371; Hodge on, 478-9 Chapman, C. E. reference, 173 Charleyfoe, Bautiste, 24 Chase, E. T., 123 Chavez, Capt. Diego Nufiez de, 452,
453
Chavez, Sanchez de, 268 Cheetham, Francis T. : The First Term of the American Court in Taos, 23-41; note on, 99; Kit Carson, 375-99 Chichimecos, 268-269 Churches, 320 Cia, 278, 285, 316, 319 Cibola, The Seven Cities of. Fray Marcos de Niza and His Dis- covery of, by Percy M. Baldwin, 193-223 ; 371 ; The Six Cities of by, F. W. Hodge, 478-88 Civilians, war service of, 428 Clares, Fray, 321, 447 Clayton Citizen, cited, 261 Coaguima, 287
Cochiti, 278, 279 ; war work of, 414 Col. Doc. Ined., reference, 181, 190,
191, 193, 265, 267 Comanches, 327 393 Comedy at El Paso, 313 Commissary, 294 322, 469 Conchos River, 268-269, 308 Confederates, 388 Cornish, reference, 54, 56, 57 Coronado, 44-47, 56, 194, 199, 201, 202,
209, 222
Cortes, Hernan, 357, 362 Cortes, Juan, 58, 194 Coruna, Count of, 156 Council of Defense, Organization of,
21; in the Great War, by Walter
M. Danburg, 103-120 Court in Taos, The First Term of
the American, by Francis T.
Cheetham, 23-41 Crampton, Edward C., 103 104 Creel, George, 260 Culberson, Victor, 118 Culiacan, 277
Cunningham, reference, 62, 157 Curtis, Jr., F. S., Influence of
Weapons on N. M. Hist., 324-
34 ; pageantry at Santa Fe, 495 Cuahing, F, H., reference, 195 ; 484,
486 Cutts, J. M., quoted, 884
Danburg, Walter M. : The State Coun- cil of Defense, 103-120, 107 ; war poem by, 406
Danburg, Mrs. Walter M., 231, 232 288
Davies, E. P., 123
Day, Benjamin, 25
De Baea, Gov. Ezequiel Cabeza, 10-12
Deming Headlight, quot., 420
Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, 351
Dorantes, Baltazar, 352
Dorantes, Stephen, 194, 196, 199, 202, 208-209, 213, 214-217, 287
Dragoons, Equipment of, 368
Drumm, Stella M., rev. of book edited by, 494-5
Duran, Fray Rodrigo, 294 295
El Paso del Norte, 318
Elder, Dr. J. W., 116
Eldodt, Mrs, Sam, 335 (note)
Ellis, A. M., reference, 397
Ely, Ralph C., 125
Encomienda System, 293
Ervien, R, P., 127
Escalante, Felipe de, 268, 453
Escalante and Barrado, reference, 288,
290
Escalona, Fray Juan de, 469 Espejo, Antonio, 49-50, 51 ; reference,
268, 269, 270, 271; 480 Espinosa, Aurelio M. : Spanish Folk-
Lore in New Mexico, 135-155 ;
bibliography, footndte, 135-136 ;
141 ; note on, 223 Esquivel, Francisco de, 177, 190, 191 Estancia Neivs-Herald, cited, 258 Estis, Asa, 2b
Farfan, Capt., 313 ; 449 et seq. Farmington Times-Hustler, cited, 260- 261
500
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Fergusson, Mrs. R. L., 231, 282, 242
Fewkes, J. W., reference, 286
Field, Neil B., 104
Figueroa, Antonio de, 58
Foreman, Grant, reference to paper
by, 96 ; rev., of book by, 364-9 Founding of N. Mex. See Onate Francavilla, 287 Franciscans, 293-5, 310 Freeman, Judge A. A., Necrology, 492 Freire-Marreco, Barbara, 140 Fremont, Jessie B., quoted, 395 Fremont, John C., 378 et seq. Fuensalida, Juan Sanchez de, 268 Fuensalida, Pedro Sanchez de, 268 Funston, Camp, 420, 421
Galisteo, 282, 283, 475
Gallegos, Eufracio, 104, 106
Gallegos, Hernan, cited, passim; 265-
91 passim; 480 Gallinas, 447 Garcia, Gregorio, 148 Garcia, Rafael, 104, 106 Garrad, Louis H., cited, 25-26 Garroting, S14 Gauna, Martin Lopez de, 65-66, 69, 76 ;
reference, 65, 66, 75, 76, 77 Glenrio Tribune-Progress, cited, 255 Gonzales, Jose, 104
Gordejuela, Capt. Juan de, 465, et seq. Gortner, Mrs. W. E., 231 Government, conflict of civil-military
and religions, 296
Graham, Cunninghame, reference, 55 Graham, Joseph M., 24 Granada, 478
Great War. See New Mexico in the Gregg, Josiah, 59-60 ; reference, 60 Grimshaw, Ira L., 116 Grissom, Daniel M., reference to paper
by, 95
Grunsfeld, Alfred, 123 Grunsfeld, Mrs. Alfred, 231, 232, 240 Guajalotes, Los, 276 Guarda, 279 Guaxitlan, 279 Guerra de Resa, Juan, 171, 173, 174,
180-181, 192, 307, 463, 467 Guzman, Nuno de, footnote, 266
Hackett, C. W., cited, 54, et seq.; 156,
et seq.; 277, 316 Hafen, L. R., referenc* to paper by,
94-5
Hague, Miss Eleanor, 137 Haile, Fr, Berard, rev. of book by. 370
Hakluyt, Richard, reference, 193-212 ;
cited, 219 ; 220 ; reference to 371 Hall, Mrs. H. L. 232 Hall, Mrs. Kate, 232 Halona, 486 Hammond, Geo. P. : Don Juan de Onate
and the Founding of N. Mex.,
42-77; 156-192; note on, 99, cited,
291; 292-323; 445-77 Hammond, Mrs. H. J., 231 Haring, C. H., reference, 167 Harrington, J. P., reference, 281, 282,
283
Hartley, Marsden, quoted, 415 Harwell, Mrs. R., 231 Hastings, Miss Montana, 243 Hawikuh, 478 et seq. Hawkins, W. A., 104, 106 Haynes, cited, 195
Henderson, Alice Corbin : The Wo- men's Part, 231-245; 231; war
poems by, 407-11
Henderson, Rose, war poems by, 412-3 Henderson, William P., war work of,
417
Hernandez, B. C., 104, 106, 107 Hernandez, Mrs. B. C., 232 Heviera, Pedro de, 268 Hewett, Edgar L., 116, 243 Hodge, F. W., cited, 194, 270, 273,
274, 276, 281, 286; 357; Six
Cities of Cibola 478-88 Hodge and Lewis, reference, 282 Holt, Willard E., 249 Honoratus, Friar, 202 Houghton, Joab, 24 Huey, Mrs. Howard, 232, 239 Hughes, Levi A., 116 Hull, Dorothy, reference, 277, 281, 283 Humana, Antonio Gutierrez de, 52, 76,
165, 476
Ibarra, Francisco de, footnote. 266 Indians, 426 See under tribal and
town names
Indita de Cochiti, La, 154-155 Inquisition, 294, 295 Inscription Rock, 286 See Agua de la
Pena Inspector, 175, 298, 309, 465
Jackson, R. C., 425
Jacobs, Joseph, reference, 142
James, John G., in Santa Fe, 366
Jean^on, J. A., 282
Jemez, 319, 357
Ji-py-y, 278
INDEX
501
Johnson, E. Dana, ?.i9
Jornada del Muerto, 314
Joyal. La, 287
Jumanos, 269, 270 271, 311 (note),
447, 450, 470
Jurisdiction, Religious, 294 Jusepe, 463
Kaseman, George A., 123
Kat-isht-ya, 278
Kearny, Camp, 421
Kearny, S. W.. 383
Kcchipauan, 487-8
Kellam, Mrs. A. A., 231
Kiakima, 484
Kiowas, 393-4
Knibbs, Henry H., poem, 405-6
Kroeber, A. L., 485 (note)
Kwakina, 480 (note), 485, 487
Laguna soldier at front, 415
Lamy, Archbishop, 357
Larrazolo, Governor, 118
Las Vegas Optic, cited, 254
Lathrop, Miss Julia, 243
Laval, Ramon A., 143
Laws of the Indies, The New, 293
Lee, Elliott, 24
Lee, Laurence F., 117, 126
Le Noir, Phil. H., 106
Leroux, Antonio, 25
Leyva de Bonilla, 52, 76, 165
Lindsey, Washington E., as governor,
12-22; biography, 15-22; 103, 104,
105, 115, 119, 231; necrology, 489 Lindsey, Mrs. W. E., 109, 110, 231, 232,
244
Lineau, P. A., 123 Live Stock, 303, 805, 308 Lomas y Colmenares, Juan Bautista
de, 51, 52, 53, 56, 72, 73 Lopez, Fray Francisco, 48, 49, 267,
288-289, 316
Lowery, W., reference, 43 Lucero, A. V., Ill, 249, 259 Lucero, Cipriano, 259 Lummis, Chas, F., review of Mesa,
Canon and Pueblo, 90-91 ; 136,
137, cited, 195-196 Luxan, Diego Perez de, cited, 266,
et aeq., 480, (note), 481, 487
Mabry, T. J., 123
Maca, 286
McDonald, Gov. Wm. C., 126
McGrath, Capt. Herbert, 118
Magdalena, 271
Magoffin, Susan Shelby, Diary of, rev., 494-5
Malagon, 282, 283, 285
Malpais, 278
Malpartida, 279, 281, 282, 283
Marata, 207, 212, 219
Marin, Rodriguez, 151
Marmaduke, Wm. D., reference to
letter, 96
.Marquez, Fray Diego, 294-5,296, 310 "Martin, Cristobal, 51, 56
Martin of Ozocastro, Friar, 223
Martinez, Fray Alonso, 297, 310
Martinez, Malaquias, 491-2
Mac.aque, 478
Massie, Dr. J. A., 478, 484
Matsaki, 478, 484
Maxwell, Lucien, 24, 385, 386
Mecham, J. Lloyd: The Second Span- ish Expedition to New Mexico, 265-291 ; footnote, 280 ; id, 288 ; 371; 478
Mechem, Mrs. M. C., 231
Medina de la Torre, 279
Meline, Col., quoted, 395
Mendoza, Antonio de, 197 ; instruc- tions to Fray Marcos, 198-201; 221, 222; 363
Mendoza, Viceroy Lorenzo Suarez de, 267
Mendoza, Ruy Diaz de, 58
Merriman, R. B., cited, 292; rev., of book by, 359-64
Mesa, La, 287
Mexicaltingo, 276
Mexico, The U. S. and, rev., 369
Meyer, Carl, 425
Military Institute, N. Mex., 430
Miller, Mrs. Ruth C., 128,232
Mills, Melvin Whitson, biography of, 86-7
Mines, 469
Missionaries, Franciscan, 294, 321
Morrtemolin, Alonso Sanchez, 178
Monterey, Viceroy, 64, et seq.; 168, et seq.; letter of, reference to, 66, 67, 73, 74, 157, 169, 174; 295, 297; 464
Montezuma, Isabel Tolosa Cortes, 57
Montezuma, The Last Word on, by B. M. Read, 350-8
Moqui, 287
Morlete, Juan, 52
Morro, El, 286 See Agua de la Pena ; 478-9
Moses, B., reference, 159
Mota Padilla, 57
502
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Museum of New Mexico, War work
at the, 418 Myers, Mrs. F. L., 231
National Guard, 419 et seg.
Natives, treatment of, 293, 296-7
Navaho Grammar, A Manual of, rev., 370
Navajoes, 388,389, 390-3
Negrete, Antonio, 181
Nelson, N. C., reference, 282, 283
Newkirk, Frank, 249
New Mexico in the Great War: I. The Breaking of the Storm, by Lansing B. Bloom, 3-15 ; II. The War Executive, by Frank H. H. Roberts, 15-22; III. The State Council of Defense, by Walter M. Danburg, 103-120; IV. Civilian Activities, by Rupert F. Asplund, 120-134 ; V. The Women's Part, by Alice Corbin Henderson, 231-245 ;
VI. The Press and Public Opinion, by Paul A. F. Walter, 24-264;
VII. Art, Drama, and Literature, by Paul A. F. Walter, 400-19;
VIII. To the Colors, by Lansing B. Bloom, 419-33
New Mexico, Don Juan de Onate and the Founding of, by Geo. P. Hammond, 42-77, 156-192
New Mexico, The Second Spanish Expedition to, by J. Lloyd Mec- ham, 265-291
Niza, Fray Marcos de, 43-44, 45 ; and His Discovery of the Seven Cities of Cibola, by Percy M. Bald- win, 193-223; Wagner on, 371
Nompe, 278
Nordhaus, Mrs. Max, 282, 242
Nordfeldt, B. P. O.f war work of, 417
Nueva Tlascala, 281
Obreg6n, Baltaaar d«, cited, 265, et
seg.; 353; 481
Oculma Conference, 64-66, 172, 173 Oliva, Fray Alonso de la. 467, 468 Onate, Alonso, 58 Onate, Cristobal, 56-7, 58, 68-69, 75,
76, 171, 467 Onate, Fernando, 58 Onate, Don Juan de, 42-77, 156-192,
292-323, 445-477; 479 footnote on
decree, 72 Onate, Luis Nunez PSrer, 58, 68-69,
75, 171
Onate, Maria de Galarsa, 58
Orgafio, 73, 74
Oso, El, 275
Otermin, 228
Otero, Antonio J., 24
Otero, Ed. M., 104
Otero- Warren, Mrs., 231
Otomoacos, 270 , 271
Palma, La, 277
Paloma y Sua Pichones, La, 145-146
Palomares, 273
Parker, Mrs. F. W., 123
Parsons, Mrs. Elsie Clews, 138, 142
Patarabueyes, 270, 311 (note)
Paulding, Joseph, 24
Pazaguantes, 269
Pedrosa, La, 275
Pega y Sus Pegitos, La, 144-145
Pefialosa, Dona Eufemia, 188-189
Perea, Fray Estevan de, 482
Perrine, Fred S., Uncle Sam'* Camel Corps, 434-44
Petatlan, 202
Philip II, 168, 170
Piastla, 274
Picuries, 281, 319
Piedrahita, 282, 283, 285
PiKuina-Quatengo, 276
Pidal, Ramon Menendez, 137, 139
Pina, 275
Pintados, 206, 208
Pioneer Days in the Southwest, by
Grant Foreman, rev., of, 364-9 Piper, S. E., 114 Piros, 272-27« Poetry, War, 400 et seg. Ponce de Leon, Don Pedro, 75, 156-
170, 180, 186
Pond, Ashley, quoted, 416 Ponsitlan, 275 Population, 400-1 Portalet Valley Newt, cited, 261 Po-se, paper by Bandelier, 835-49 Pose-neve, 356
Prichard, Mrs. Geo. W., 282-244 Priestley, reference, 156, 166 Prince, Mrs. L. Bradford, biography
of, 188-189
Puaray, 277, 287, 815, 447 Pueblo, Nuevo, 275 Puertofrio, 285 Punishment, Forms of, 814,323, 461-2,
472
Pur-e-Tu-ay, 276 Putney, R. E., 104, 106
INDEX
503
Qualacu 273, 315 Quaquina, 480 (note) Querechos, 284 Queres, 278-279 Quesenberry, Joe, 425 Quivira, 46-7, 462 et seq.
Ramusio, Giovanni Battista, reference, 193, 197: cited, 218-219
Rand, Dr., 337
Rapp, Mrs. I. H., 241
Raynolds, Hallett, 125
Read, Benj. M., 98-99, 116; Last Word on Montezuma, 350-8
Real Cedulas, reference, 52, 53
Reid, Dr. Janet, 232, 244
Reid, R. C., 121
Relyea, Pauline S., rev, of book by, 369
Renehan, Mrs. A. B. 232
Revista Catolica, La, cited. 262-263
Revista de Taos, La, cited, 263
Riego, Santiago del, 58, 184-185 464
Rinconada, 279
Rio Grande Republican, cited, 261
Rise of the Spanish Empire, rev.. 859-64
Ritch, W. G., cited, 354-5
Roads, 309, 313
Roberts, Frank H. H., New Mexico in the Great War: The War Ex- ecutive, 15-22 ; note on, 99
Robertson, W. S., reference, 163
Robidoux, Orral Messmore, review of Memorial to the Robidoux Broth- erg, by, 91
Rodriguez, Fray Augustin, 48-49 ; Chamuscado - Rodriguez Entrada, 265-291, 316
Rodriguez, Baltasar, 177
Rollins, Warren E., war paintings, 416
Romero, Secundino, 104, 106
Roper, George S., cited, 224-226
Rosas, Fray, 321
Roubidoux, Charles, 25
Ruiseco, 287
Sabinal, 315
Safford, Edw. L., 117
Sahagun, 852
Salazar, Fray Cristobal de, 294, 296, 821
Salazar, Juan de Frias, 298 et seq.
St Vrain, Ceran, 387
Saline pueblos, 447
San Clemente, 276
San Cristobal, 283
Sandia, 277
San Felipe, 272-274; 278, 816
San Gabriel, 318
San Geronimo River, 299, 308
San Ildefonso, 281, 317, 835 et seq.
San Juan Baptista. 315
San Juan, 274, 318
San Lazaro, 283
San Lucas, 283
San Luis Valley, history of, 496
San Marcial, 314
San Marcos, 283, 447. 469
San Mateo, 277
San Miguel, 274
San Miguel, Fray Francisco de, 294,
295, 321, 445 San Pascual, 275 San Pedro, 277 Santa 'Ana, 278, 285 Santa Barbara. 299. 465 Santa Catalina, 277 Santa Clara, war service, 415 Santa Fe Fiesta, Pageantry at, 495 Santa Fe New Mexican, cited, 252,
254, 255 Santa Fe Trail and Into Mexico,
1846-1847, Down the, rev., 494-5 Santa Maria, Fray Juan de, 48, 267,
269, 279-281 Santiago, 274 Santo Domingo, 278, 316 Scheurich, Teresa Bent, quoted, 197-8 Senecu. 274 Seth, J. O., 116 Sevilleta, 315
Shaw, Dr. Anna Howard. 232 Shea, John G., cited, 195 Sheep, 305, 309, 386 Shuler, Evelyn, 123, 132 Sia, See Cia Silos, Los, 282
Silver City Enterprise, cited, 257-258 Simonds, Frank H., 247 Simpson, Capt., quoted, 397 Singleton, George S., 117, 126 Skeen, Mrs. Ruth, war poem by, 412 Smallpox, 386 Smith. Guthrie, 110, 111, 128, 249, 259,
260
Socorro, 815
Soldiers of New Mexico, 419, et teq. South Sea, 451, 454, 462, 469 Spanish Expedition to New Mexico,
The Second, by J. Lloyd Mecham,
265-291 Spanish Folk-Lore in New Mexico, by
Aurelio M. Espinosa, 135-155 Springer, Charles, 104, 106, 107, 116,
118, 120
, Springer, Frank, quoted, 418 Stalker, Mrs. J. T., 231
504
NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Stanley, John Mix, 226-228 State College, war service of, 430 Stephens and Bolton, reference, 54 Stoes, Mrs. Henry, 231 Suchipila, 281 Sully, J. M., 104, 106 Swisher, Jacob A., reference to paper by, 96
Tabira, 288
Talaban, 281
Tampachoas, 272
Taos, The First Term of the Ameri- can Court, in, by Francfs T. Cheetham, 23-41; 281; 319; Car- son hi, 375, 379, 381, 397
Tatum Democrat, cited, 258
Tawayialaite, Corn Mountain, 481 (note), 482, 484
Taxomulco, 276
Tenabo, 288
Ternaux-Compans, Henri, cited, 193, et seq.
Texas, The Mexican Immigrant in, rev. of, 497
Tiguas, 276-278
Tlascala, Nueva, 281
Tobosos, footnote, 269
Tomatlan, 276
Tome, 327
Torquemada, reference, 63, 64, 65, 71, 172, 174
Totonteac, 207, 209, 210, 212, 219
Tovar, Capt., 45
Town, Charles, 24
Trade, 376, 386
Trenaquel, 273
Trench and Camp, quoted, 411
Tribute from Indiana, 471-2
Tucumcari American, cited, 256-257
Tuerto, 447
Turco, El, 46-47
Turley's Mill, 328
Twitchell, Ralph Emerson, Biography, 78-85; Bibliography, 85; 116, 117 122, 123, reference, 43, 198,283
Twitchell, Mrs. R. E., 232
Tze-nat-ay, 279
Ulloa y Lemos, Lope de, 175-191 Ulloa visita, cited, 175, 176, 177, 178,
182, 189, 190, 191 Underwood, John Curtis, 400 ; poems,
402-5 Urdinola, Francisco de, 53, 54, 56, 72
73 Utes, 386, 394
Vaca, Cabeza de, 43-43, 271
Vacapa, 202, 204, 206, 207 •
Van Patten, Col. Eugene, necrology,
490-1
Van Stone, George H., 127 Vargas, Francisco Diaz de, 51 Velasco, Diego Fernandez de, 58 Velasco, Viceroy Luis de, 52-73,
passim; 173 Velasco, Capt, Luis de, 320, 452 et
seq.; 470, 473, 474 Vergara, Pedro de, 178 Vetancurt, quot., 482 ; 486 Villagra, Capitan Caspar de, 54-70,
passim; cited, 71 158-192 passim;
448, 459, 463 Villarassa, 277 Vizcaino, 73
Vi!lamanrique, Marquis of, 51 Voz Publica, La, cited, 259
Wagner, H. R.. quoted, 371 Wagner, Jonathan H., 117, 128 Wagons, 308, 313, 319, 320, 388 Walter, P. A. F., Ralph E. Twitchell, 78-85 ; Mrs. L. Bradford Prince, 88-89; Melvin Whitson Mills, 86- 87 ; The Press and Public Opin- ion, 245-264 ; Art, Drama and Literature, 400-19 Weapons, Influence of, on N. M.
Hist; 324-34
Weber, Fr. Anselm, reference, 370 Wheaton, Theodore, 28 Wileman, Miss Edith, 104 Willard, Miss, at Santa Clara, 415 Wilson, Mrs. Harry L., 238 Winship, George Parker, reference,
43, 194, 195, 197 Winsor, reference, 195
Ximena, 282 Xumana. See Jumanos
Young, Ewing, 376-7 Ytinerario, reference, 181, 191 Yuque Yunque, 282
Zacatula, 287
Zaldivar, Cristobal, 58, 178, 190
Zaldivar, Francisco, 58
Zaldivar, Juan de, 58, 171, 180, 451,
453 Zaldivar, Vicente de, 58, 69, 171,
172, 180, 310, 445, 455, 470 Zamora, Fray Francisco de, 321 Zarate-Salmeron, reference, 280, 289 Zashiti, footnote, 279 Zuni, 286; 448, et seq.; 478 et seq. Zutacapan, Chief, 449, 460 Zutancalpo, 452
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