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NICOLAUS Oi' LAilASCUS' Lli^^ Oi' AUGUSTUS Translated with a Coranentary

A IJiseertation submitted to the Board of University Studies of the Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the aegree of Doctor of Philosophy

By

Clayton U. Hall

1922

nii',

• i^OKEWORD

In preparine" this translation of the Life of Augustus, the text of L. iJindorf, Historici (iraeci Linores, Leipaic 1871, vol.1, has been used a,s a basis. Suggestions of K, kxiller, i'raginenta Historicorxim Graecorun, Paris 1074, vol. 3, pp.427 ff., and of N. Piccolos, Nicolas de Lajnas, Vie de Cesar, Paris 1850, have been found of value. The last named work treats only of the section found in the 'Codex Escorialensis' , namely chapters 16 to Zl. In cases of vari- ation arriong these three editors, the preferred reading has been duly indicated in the commentary; departures from their texts have also been noted. V/orks which ha-ve been of value in preparing the commentary have been fully cited therein.

To obviate the confusion between the elder and the younger Caesar, which exists through the excerpt, it has been fovind expedient to refer to the later Augustus as Octavius uniformly until his arrival in Italy from Apollonia, v/hen he became acquainted v/ith the contents of Caesa,r's will, and thereafter a,s Octavian.

All the references to Appian are to his 'Civil ..'ars'.

The writer here v/ishes to express his obligation to Professor T. Prajik, under whose direction this v/ork was undertaken, to Professor W.P.LiUstard, who has kindly read the entire manuscript of the translation, and to Professors C.W.E.Liller and L.k. Robinson.

TRANSLATION

••• »

The Life of Augustus

1. Men gave hin thie name in view of his claim

to honor; &sid , scattered over islands and continents,

through city and tribe, they revere him by building;

o) temples and by sacrificing to him, ' thus requiting

him for his great virtue and acts of kindness toward

themselves. ?or this ma-n, having attained preeminent

pov7er and discretion, ruled over the greatest nxinber

of people within the memory of man, established the

furthest bounaaries for the Roman Jinpire, ajid settled

securely not only the tribes of Greeks and barbarians,

but also their dispositions; at first with arms but

afterward even without arms, by attracting them of

their ov/n free will. By making himself known through

kindness he persuaded them to obey him. The names

of some of them men had never heard before, nor had

they been subject within the memory of anyone, but he

subdued them; all those that live as far as the

Rhine and beyond the Ionian Sea and the Illyrieji

5) peoples. These are called Pannonians and lacians.

(See the work: 'Concerning Brave Honest Leeds.'}

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2, To set forth the full power of this man's intel- ligence and virtue, both in the administration which he exercised at Rome and in the conduct of great wars both domestic and foreign, is a subject for competition in speech and essay, that men may win renown by treat- ing: it v/ell. I myself shall relate his achievements, so that all can knov; the truth. First I shall speak

of his birth and breeding, his parents, his nurture and education from infancy, by means of which he came to such an estate. '

His father v/as Caius Octavius, a man of senatorial rank.^' His forebears, renovmed for both v/ealth '

and justice, left their estates to him, an orphan, at

4) 5)

their death. His guardians spent his money, but

he remitting his just claims was satisfied v/ith the

remainder.

3. Octavius at the age of about nine years was an object of no little admiration to the Romans, exhibit- ing as he did great excellence of nature, young though he was; for he gave an oration ' before a large crowd and received much applause from grown men. After his

grandmother's death he was brought up by his mother

3)

2) Atia and her husb8,nd Lucius Philippue, who was a

descendant of the conquerors of Philip of l^acedonia.

~c~

At Philippus' hoUBe, as if at his father's, Octavius was reared and shov/ed great promise, already seeming to be treated v/ith respect by his comrades, the chil- dren of highest birth, ilany of them 8,s80ciated with him, 8Jid even not a few of the youths who had hopes to undertake affairs of sts-te. Laily many lads, men, and boys of his own age attended him whether he rode on horseback outside of the town or went to the house of his relations or of any other person; for he exer- cised his mind with the finest practices and his body with both genteel and warlike pursuits; and more quick- ly than hib teachers he himself applied his lesson to

the facts in hand, so that for this reason also KUch

4) praise redounded to him m the city. Both his

mother and her husband Philippus took care of him,

5) inquiring each day from the instructors ' and cura- tors v;hom they had placed in charge of the boy y.'hat he had accomplished, how far he had advancea, or how he had spent the day and with whom he had associated. 4. At the time when the Civil w'ar had laid hold on the city, his mother Atia and Philippus quietly sent Octavius off to one of his father's country places."'

He entered the forum, a^^ed about fourteen, to

-4-

put off the toga praetextata and aeBunie the toga virilie,

5) this being a token of his becoming registered as a man- Then v/hile all the citizens looked upon him, because of hie comeliness and very evidently noble descent, he

sacrificed to the gode and was registered in the sacred

4)

college in the place of Lucius Eomitius, who had died.

5) The people indeed had very eagerly elected ' him to

this position. Accordingly, he performed the sacrifice,

adorned with the toga virilis and at the same time the

6 ) honors of a very high priestly office. Nevertheless,

though he v/as registered as of age according to law,

his mother would not let him leave the house other

than as he did before, when he was a chilG, sjid she

made him keep to the same moae of life and sleep in

the same apartment as before. Por he v/as of age only

by law and in other respects was taken care of a,s a

child. He did not change the fashion of his clothes,

7) but continued to use the Roman garb.

5. He went to the temples on the regular days, but after dark on account of his youthful charm, seeing that he attracted many women by his comeliness and high lineage; though often tempted by them he seems never to have been enticed. Not only did the watch- ful care of his mother, who guarded him and forbade

•■ \.

-6-

his wandering, protect him but he too was prudent now that he was advancint; in age. Luring the Latin lesti- val v.'hen the consuls had to ascend the Alban Lount to perform the cuBtoi:ie.ry sacrifices, the priests mean- v/hile succeeding to the jurisdiction of the consuls,

Octavius sat on the tribunal in the centre of the for-

2) £,)

van. And there came many people on legal buainesB '

and many on no business at 8,11 except for a sight of

the boy; for he was well worth beholding especially

when he assiimed the dignity and honorable aspect of

office.

6. Caesar had by this time completed the wars in

l) 2)

jfiurope, had conquered Pompey in Macedonia, had

taken Egypt, had returned from Syria and the Euxine

5) eea, and was intending to advance into Libya in order

to put dov/n what was left of war over there; sjid Oc- tavius wanted to take the fielG with him in order that he might ga,in experience in the practice of war. But v/hen he found that his mother Atia was opposed he said nothing by way of argument but remained at home. It was plain that caesar, out of solicitude for him, did not wish him to take the field yet, lest he might bring on illness to a v/eak body through changing his moae of life and thus permanently injure his health, i'or

-6-

thiB cause he took no part in the expedition.

7. After finishing that war also, Caesar returned to Rome, having granted pardon to a very few of the cap- tives who fell to him because they had not learned wis- com in the earlier wars."' Then the following incident occurred: There was a particular associate and friend of Octavius, Agrippa, who had been educatea at the same pla.ce and who was a very special friend of his. His brother was with Cato and treated with much respect; he had participated in the Libyan War, but was at this time taken captive. Although Octavius haa never yet asked anything of caesar he wanted to beg the prisoner off, but he hesitated because of modesty and at the same ti^ie because he sav/ how Caesar was cicposed toward those v/ho had been captured in that war. However, he made bold to ask it, and had his request granted. Thereupon he v^as very glad at having rescued a brother for his friend and he was praised by others for employ- ing his zeal and right of intercession first of all

for a frienc's sa-fety.

8. After this, Caesar celebrated his triumphs for the Libyan V.'ar and the others which he had fought; and he orGered the young v^aesar, whom he had now adopted, and v;ho v/as in a way a son even b^ nature, on account of

-7-

2)

the closeness of their relationship, to follow hia

chariot, having bestowed upon him military decorations, as if he had been his aide in war. Likewise at the sacrifices and when entering the temples he stationed him at his eide a.nd he ordered the others to yield precedence to him. Caesar alrea,dy bore the rank of

Imperp-tor, v/hich was the highest sxcordin^i to the

5) Roman usage, and he was highly esteemed in the state.

The boy, being his companion both at the theatre ajid at the banquets, and seeing that he conversed kindly v/ith him, as if with his own son, 8,nd having by this time become somev.'he.t more courageous, when many of his friends and citizens asked him to intercede for them with ^aesar, in matters in which they were in need of aid, looking out for the opportune moment he respect- fully asked and was successful; and he became of great value to many of his kinsfolk, for he took care never to ask a favor at an inopportune time, ncr when it v/as annoying to Oaesar. And he displayed not a few sparks of kindness and natural intelligence. 9. Caesar v/ished Octavius to he.ve the experience of directing the exhibition of theatrical productions (for there v/ere two theatres, the one Roman, over v/hich he himself had charge, and the other Greek).

-0-

Thie he turned over to the care of Octavius. The lat- ter, wiehine to exhibit interest and benevolence in the matter, even in the hottest and lonj^est days, never left his poet before the end of the play; with the re- sult that he fell ill, for he was young and unaccus- tomed to toil, iieinfc, very ill, every one felt con- siderable apprehension regarding him, lest e. constitu- tion such a.s his might suffer some mishap, and Caesar most of all. Accordingly, every day he either called himself and encouraged him or else sent friends to do so, and he kept physicians in continuous attendance. On one occasion word was brought to him while he was dining that Octavius was relaxed and was dangerously ill. He sprang up ajid ran barefooted to the place where the patient v/ae, and in great anxiety and with great emotion questioned the physicians, and he sat

dov/n by the bedside himself. Vi'hen Octavius' full

2) recovery was brought about he showed much joy.

10. While Octavius was convalescent, still weak pJiysi- cally though entirely out of danger, Caesar had to take the field on an expedition ' in which he had pre- viously the intention of taking the boy. This however he coula not now qo on account of hie attack of sick- ness. Accordingly, he left him behind in the care of

-9-

a number of perBons ;vho v/ere to take particular charge of his node of life; ajid giving oraers that if Octavius should grov; strong enoUi>h, he v/as to fol- low him, he went off to the war. The elaest son of

2) Pompeiue Lagnus had got together a great force in

a short time, contrary to the expectations of every- one, v/ith the intention of avenging his father's death, and, if possitle, of retrieving his father's defeat. Octavius, left behind in Rome, in the first place gave hie attention to gaining as much physical strength as possible, and soon he v/as sufficiently robust. Then he set out from home toward the armi^-, according to his uncle's instructions \for that is vfhat he called him). Many were eager to accompany him on account of his great promise but he rejected them all, even his mother herself, and selecting the speediest and strongest of his servants he hastened on his journey and with incredible despatch he covered the long road and approached Caesar, who had already completed the whole war in the space of seven months. 11. When Octavius reached Tarraco it was hard to

believe that he had managed to arrive in so great a tumult of war. Not finding Caesar there, he had to endure more trouble and danger. He caught up with

-10-

Caesar in bpain near the city of Calpia."^ Caesar embre-ced hioi as a son and welcomed him, for he had left him at home, ill, a,nd he now unexpectedly saw him safe from both enemies and brigands. In fact, he did not let him go from him, but he kept him at

his ov/n quarters and mess. He commended hie zeal

2) and intelligence inasmuch as he was the first of

those who hs-d set out from Rome to arrive. And he made the point of e-sking him concernin^i many things in the course of their conversation, for he was anxious to make a trial of his understanding; and finding that he was sagacious, intelligent, and con- cise in his replies and that he always ansv/ered to the point, his esteem axid affection for him increased. After this they had to sail for Carthago Nova, and arrangements v/ere made whereby Octavius embarked in the ssone boat as Caesar, with five slaves, but, out of affection, he took three of hie companions aboard in addition to the slaves, though he feared that Caesar would be angry when he found this out. How- ever, the reverse was the case, for oaesar was pleased in that Octavius was fond of his conirades sjid he com- menaed him beca,uee he always likec to have present with him men v/ho were observant and who triea to attain

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to excellence; and because he was already giving no little thought to gaining a good reputation c5.t home. 12. Caesar duly arrived at Carthago Nova, intending to n:eet with those who v/ere in need of hiiri. A grea,t many cane to see him, some for the purpose of settling any differences they might have with certain persons, others because of matters of civil administration, others in order to obtain the rewards for deeds of courage which they had performed. Regarding these matters he gave them audience. Llany other officers had congregated there also. The Saguntini ceune to Octavius asking for assistance, for there were a num- ber of charges against them. He acted as their spokes- man, and speaking before Caesar skillfully secured their release from the charges. He sent them home delighted, singing his praises to everyone and calling him their savior. Thereupon many people a.ppr cached him, asking for his patronage, and he proved of con- siderable value to them, bome he relieved of the charges brought against them, for others he secured rewards, and he placed still others in offices of state. His kindness, huma-nity, and the prucence he

had revealed at these gatherings v;ere subjects of com-

1) ment to all. In fact, Caesar himself cautiously ....

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1) 15. ... of silver, according to the ancestral cuetom;

nor to associate with young fellows who drank freely, nor to remain at banquetB till nightfall, nor to dine

before the tenth hour, except at the house of Caesar

2 ) or Philippus or i^arcellus, his sister's husband, a

man of sobriety and of the best Roman descent. Lodesty, which one might assume was fitting for one of that age (for nature has assigned it an earlier place than the other virtues) was apparent in his actions end con- tinued during his whole life. Therefore Caesar made much of him and not, as some think, entirely because of relationship, oome time before he had decided to adopt him, but fearing that elated at the hope of such good fortune, as those usually are who are brought up in wea,lth, he might become forgetful of virtue and depart from his accustomed mode of life, Caesar con- cealed his intention but he adopted him as son in his will ' (for he had no male children of his own) and made him residuary legatee of his entire estate, after

bequeathing one fourth of his property to friends ana

4) townsmen, a.s was afterwards knovm.

14. Octavius asked permission to go home to see his

mother, and when it was granted, he set out. Vilien he

reached the Janiculan hill near Home, a man v/ho claimed

I.. t

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to be the son of CaiUB Marius caxue with a large crowd of people to meet him. He had taken also some women who were relatives of c;aesar, for he was anxious to be enrolled in the family, and they testified to his de- scent. He did not succeed in persuading Atia at all, nor her sister, to make any fals$ statement concerning

their family; for the families of Caesar and Marius

2) were very close, but this young man v/as really no

relative whatever. So then, he came up to the young uaesar with a great multitude and tried to gain his authority also for being enrolled in the family. The citizens v/ho accompanied him were also earnestly per- suaded that he was laariue' son. Octavius v/as in quite a quandary and began to consider what he should do. It was a difficult thing to greet a stranger as a relative, one whose origin ne aia not know, sjia for whom his mother did noz vouch; and on the other hand, to repudiate the youth and the crowd of citizens with him would be very difficult particularly for one bo modest as he. Accordingly, he quietly ajiswered and dismissed the fellov;, saying that ^.aeear was the head of their family, and the chief of the state ajid of the whole Roman government. He should therefore go to him and explain to him the kinship, and if he con-

- X I.

* ^ J <

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vinced Caesar, then both they and the other relatione would accede to his decision quite convinced; other- wise there could be no grouno for their connection with him. In the laeanvfhile, until Caesar decided, he should not come to Octavius nor ask for anything that might be expected of a relative. Thus sensibly he answered and everyone there comruended hie:; nevertheless the youn^ fellow follov/ed him all the way home. 16. When he arrived in Rome he lodged near the house of Philippus and his mother and passed his time with them, seldom leaving them, except at times when he v/ished to invite some of his young friends to dine with him; but that was not often. iVhile he was in the city, he v/a,8 declared a patrician by the senate. Octavius lived soberly and in moderation; and his friends knew of something else about him that was re- markable. Jor 9jn entire year at the very age at which youths, particularly those of wealth, are most v/anton, he abstained from sexual gratification out of regard for both his voice and his strength. (End of

the history of Nicolaus Lamascenus and of the life

2)

of the young »-aesar. Concerning virtue and vice.)

16. Octavius spent three months in Rome and then came smd sojourned here. ' He was acmired by hie

-15-

friends and companions, revered "by everyone in the

2) city, and praised by his instructors. In the fourth

month of his stay, a freedxaan came from home, in ex- citement and dismay, sent by his mother and carrying a letter which said that Caesar had been killed in the senate by t^assius and Brutus and their accomplices. She asked her son to return to her e.s she did not know what the outcome of affaire would be. She said he must show himself a man now ana consider what he ought to do and put his plans in action, according to fortune and opportunity. His mother's letter made all this clear, and the man who brought it gave a similar report. He said he had been sent immediately after Caesar's murder, ejid he had v/asted no time on the way, so that hearing the news as quickly as possi- ble, Octavius would be able to make his plans axcord- ingly. He added that the relatives of the murdered man were in gres.t danger, and it was necessary to consider first of all hov; this was to be avoided. The group of murderers was not small, and they would drive out and murder Caesar's relatives.

When they heard this they were greatly disturbed (it was just about the time that they were going to dinner). Speedily a report spread to those out of

-16-

doors end through the whole city, revealing nothing accurately, but only that Bome great calamity had tef alien. Then when the evening was fully come many of the foremost ApollonianB came up with torches, asking with kind intent what the news was. After taking counsel with his friends Octavius decided to tell the mobt distinguished of them, but to send the rabble away. He and his friends did so, s-nd v/hen the crov/d was v/ith difficulty persuaded by the leaders to lea,ve, Octavius ha-d the opportunity of taking counsel with his friends (much of the night already having been spent) as to what ought to be done and how he should improve the situation. After thoroughly con- sidering the case, some of his friends advised him to

go and Join the army in iviacedonia; it had been sent

3) out for the ParthiaJi War, and Larcus Acilius was in

command of it. They advised him to take the army for the sake of safety, to go to Rome, ajia to take ven- geance upon the murderers. The soldiers would be hostile tov/ard the murderers because they had been fond of Caesar, ana their sympathy would increase when they saw the boy. But this seemed a difficult course for a very young man, and too much for his present youth and inexperience, especially since the

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dispoeition of the people toward him was not clea.r as yet ojid icany energies were at hajid. Hence this 8Ugij;eE- tion v/as not adopted.

Avengers of Caesar were expected to appear from amon^i those who in his lifetirae had come upon good fortune at his hands or who had received from him power, riches, and valuable gifts, such as they had not hoped for even in dreams. Octavius received ad- vice of various sorts from different people, as is always the case in times when a situation is obscure and unsettled, "but he determined to postpone decision in the whole matter until he could see those of his friends who were preeminently mature and wise and secure the aid of their counsel also. He decided therefore to refrain from action, but to go to Rome, and having first arrived in Italy , to find out what had taken place after Caesar's murder, and to take counsel with the people there concerning the entire affair. 17. His retinue then began preparations for the

voyage. Alexander pleadin^i his age and ill health, returned to his home at i^ergamum. The inhnbitants of Apollonia came in multitudes and for some time affectionately begged Octavius to stay with them.

-18-

Baying that they v/ould put the city to any use that

he wished, out of good will toward hira amd reverence

2) for the deceased. They thought that it would be

better for hira to await developments in a friendly city, since so nany eneraies were abroad. Hov/ever, since he aesired to participa,te in wha-tever was done, and to avail himself of any opportunity for action, he did not change his aecision, but said tha.t he must set sail. Then he praised the Apollonians, and after- ward when he became master of Rome he conferred on then autonomy and immunity and some other not incon- siderable favors, and made it one of the most fortu- nate of cities. All the people in tears escorted him at his departure, admiring his restraint and wisdom that he ha,d revealed in his sojourn there; and at the same time they were sorry for his lot.

There came to him from the army not a few from the cavalry and infantry, both tribunes and centurions, and many others for the sake of serving him, but some for their ovm gain. Then they e:diorted him to take up arms and they promised that they would take the field with him and persuade others also, in order to avenge Caesar's death. He commended them, but said that he had no need of them at present ;when, hov/ever, he

-19-

would call them to take vengeance, he asked that they be ready; and they agreed to this.

Octavius put out to sea on ships which were at hand, though it was still quite perilously wintry, and crossing the Ionian Sea, arrived at the nearest promontory of Calabria, where the nev/s regarding the revolution at Rome had not yet been clearly announced

to the inhabitants. He came ashore here and started

4) on foot for Lupiae. . V/hen he arrived there he met

people who had been in Rome when Caesar was buried;

and they told him, among other things, that he had

been named in the will as Caesar's son, inheriting

three fourths of his property, the remaining share

having been set aside to pay the sum of seventy five

5)

drachraae to each man in the city. He had enjoined

Atia, the youth's mother, to take charge of his burial, but a great crowd had forced its way into the forum and had there cremated the body and in- terred the remains. They told Octavius that Brutus and Cassius and the other murderers had taken posses- sion of the Capitol, and were obtaining, through the promise of freedom, the slaves as allies. On the

first two days while Uaesar's frienas were still

6) panic stricken many men came and joined the mur-

derers; but v/hen colonists from the neighboring cities (whom Caesar had furnished with grants and had estab- lished in those cities) began to come in lexge numbers

and attach themselves to the followers of Lepidus, the

7)

master of horse, and to those of Antonius, Caesar's

8) colleague in the consulship, who were promising to

avenge Caesar's death, most of the conspirators' group dispersed. The conspirators being thus deserted gath- ered some gladiators and others who were implacably hostile to oaesar, or who had had a share in the plot. A little later, all these came down from the Capito- line, having received pledges of safety from Antonius who now had a large force, but who for the present had given up his plan to avenge Caesar's murder. (That was why they were allowed to leave Rome safely and go to Antiura. ) iiiven their houses were besieged by the people, not under any leader, but the populace itself was enraged on account of the murder of Caesar, of whom they were fond, and especially when they had seen his bloody garment and newly slain body brought to burial wiien they had forced their way into the forum sind had there interred it. 18. When Octavius heard this he was moved to tears and grief because of his memory and affection for

the man, and his sorrow stirred anew. Then he stopped and waited for other letters from his mother and friends in Rome, although he did not disbelieve those who had reported the events, lor he saw no reason whj' they should fabricate any falsehood. After this he set sail for Brundisium, for he had now learned that none of his enemies were there, though previously he had been suspicious lest the city might be held by some of them, and consequently he had not recklessly ap- proached it directly from the other shore. There arrived from his mother also a letter in which was written an urgent request for him to return to her and the whole household as soon as possible, so that no treachery should come upon him from without, see- ing that he had been designated Caesar's son. It bore out the earlier news, and said that the whole populace was aroused against Brutus and Cassius and their party, and was greatly vexed at what they had done. His stepfather Philippus sent him a letter

asking- him not to take steps to secure Caesar's be-

2)

quest but even to retain his own narae because of

what had happened to Caesar and to live free from politics and in safety. Octavius knew that this ad- vice was given with kind intent, but he thought dif-

-22-

ferently, as he already had his mind on great things and he was full of confidence; he therefore took upon himself the toil ana dsmger and the eniaity of men whom he did not care to please. Nor did he propose to cede to anj^one a name or a rule so great as his,

particularly with the state on his side £ind calling

3)

him to come into his father's honors; and very

rightly, since both naturally and oy law the office "belonged to him, for he was the nearest rela,tive and had been ajdopted as son by Caesar himself, and he felt that to follow the matter up and avenge his death was the proper course to pursue. This is what he thought, and he wrote and so answered Philippus , though he did not succeed in convincing him. His mother Atia v/hen she saw hov/ glorious his fortune was and the extent of the empire rejoiced that it devolved upon her own son; but on the other hand knov/ing; that the unc.ertaking v/as full of fear and danger, and having seen what had happened to her uncle CJaesar, she was not very enthusiastic; so it looked as though she v/as between the view of her hus- band Philippus and the.t of her son. Hence she felt many carec , now anxious when she enumeratea all the dangers av/aiting one striving for supreme power, and

-25-

novv elated when she thought of the extent of that power and honor. Therefore she did not dare to dis- suade her son from attempting the great deed and effecting a just requital, but still she did not ven- ture to urge him on, hecause fortune seemed somewhat obscure. ' She penaitted his use of the narae Oaesar and in fact was the first to asi;ent. Octavian, hav- ing made inquiry as to wha-t all his friends thought about this also, without delay accepted both the name

sold the adoption, with tiood fortune and favorable

5)

omen.

This was the beginning of good both for himself and all mankind, but especially for the state and the

entire Roman people. He sent immediately to Asia

6) for the money and means that Caesar had previously

aespatched for the Parthian war, and when he received

it along with a year's tribute from the people of

Asia, contenting himself with the position that had

7) belonged to Caesar he turned the public property

over to the state treasury. At that time, too, some

of his friends urged him as they had at Apollonia to

8) go to Caesar's colonies and to levy an army, induc- ing the men to join an expedition on his behalf by

9) employing the prestige of the great name of Caesar.

-24-

Thsy declared that the soldiers would gladly follow the leadership of Caesar's eon a-nd would do everything for him; for there persisted among them a wonderful loyalty and good will towara Caesar and a memory of what they had accomplished with him in his lifetime, and they desired under the auspices of i-aesar's name to v/in the power which they had formerly bestowed upon Caesar. However, the opportunity for this did not seem to he at hand. Ke therefore turned his atten- tion toward seeking legally, through a senatorial

10) decree, the dignity his father had held; and he

vvas careful not to acquire the reputation of being one who was ambitious and not a law-abiding man. Accordingly, he listened especially to the eldest of his friends and those of the greatest experience, and set out from Erundisi'um for Rome. 3.9. jjTom this point my na^rrative will investigate the manner in which the assassins formed their con- spiracy a-gainst Caesar and hov/ they worked out the v/hole affair, and what happened afterward when the whole state was shaken. Accordingly, I shall in the first place rehearse the circuiustances of the plot itself, its reasons, and its final momentous outcome. In the next place I shall speak of Octavian on whose

-25-

account this narrative was undertalcen; how he came into power, and how, after he had taken Iiis preaeces- sor's place, he employed himself in deeds of peace and war.

At first a fev/ men started the conspiracy, ' hut afterwards many took part, more than are remem- bered to have taken part in any earlier plot against

a commander. They say that there were more than

2) eighty who had a share in it. ' Axiiong those who had

the most influence v/ere: Decimus Brutus, a particular

friend of Caesar, Caius Cassius, and Larcus Brutus,

second to none in the estimation of the Romans a,t

that time. All these were formerly members of the

opposite faction, and had tried to further Pompeius'

S) interests, ' but when he was defeated, they came under

Caesar's jurisdiction and lived quietly for the time

being; but although Caesar tried to win them over

individually by kindly treatment, they never abandoned

4) their hope of doing him harm. ' He on his part was

naturally without grudge a,gainst the beaten party,

5) because of a certain leniency of disposition, ' but

they, using to their own advantage his lack of sus- picion, by seductive words and pretence of deeds treated him in such a way as to more readily escape

-26-

detection in their plot. There v/ere various reasons which aiTected each and all of them and impelled them to lay hands on the man. Some of them had hopes of becominfe; leaders themselves in his place if he were put out of the Y/ay; others were angered over v/hat had happened to them in the war, embittered over the loss of their relatives, property, or offices of state. They concealed the fact that they v.'ere angr^-' , and made the pretense of something more seemly, saying that they were displeased at the rule of a single man and that they v/ere striving for a. republican form of governn^ent, different people had different reasons, all brought together by whatever pretext they happened upon.

At first the ringleaders conspired; then many more joined, some of their own accord beca,use of per- sonal grievances, some because they had been associated with the others and v/ished to show plainly the good faith in their long standing friendship, and according- ly became their associates. There were some who v;ere of neither of these types, but v/ho had agreed because of the worth of the others, a-nd who resented the power of one man after the long-standing republican constitution. They were very glad not to start the

-27-

affair themselves, "but were willing to join such com- pany when someone else had initiated proceedings, not even hesitating to pay the pena-lty if neod be. The reputation which had loniz "been attached to the Brutus family wae very influentia.1 in causing the uprising, for Brutus' ancestors had overthrown the kings v/ho

ruleo from the time of Romulus, and they had first

C)

established republican government in Rome. Liore-

over, men who had been friends of Caesar v;ere no longer similarly well disposed toward him when they saw people who v/ere previously his enemies saved by him and given honors equal to their own. In fact,

even these others were not particularly v;ell cisposed

7) toT/ard him, for their ancient grudges took prece- dence over gratitude and made them forgetful of their good fortune in being saved, while, v/hen they remem- bered the good things they had lost in being defeated, they were provoked. Many also hated him because they had been saved by him although he had been irreproach- able in his behavior toward them in ev.ry respect; but nevertheless, the very thought of receiving as a favor the benefits which as victors they would readi- ly have enjoyed, annoyed them verj' much.

Then there was another class of men, namely those

-28-

vrho had served with hira, whether as officers or pri- vates, and who did not get a shG,re of glory. They asserted that prisoners of war v;^.re enrolled ar;iong the veteran forces and that they received identical pay. Accordingly, his friends were incensed at iDeing rated as equal to those whom they themselves ha.d taken prisoners, and indeed they v;ere even outranked by some of them. To many, also, the fact that they bene- fitted at his hands, both by gifts of property esid by appointments to offices, v/as a special source of grievance, since he alone v/s.s able to bestov* such benefits, and everyone else was ignored as of no im- portance. \f!aen he became exalted through many notable

victories (which was fair enough) and began to think

8 ) himself super human the common people worshipped

him, but he began to be obnoxious to the optimates and to those v/ho were trying to obtain a share in the government. And so, every kind of m.an combined against him: great and small, friend and foe, military and political, every one of v/hom put forv/ard his own par- ticular pretext for the matter in hand, and a.s a result of his own complaints each lent a ready ear to the

accusations of the others. They all confirmed each

9) other in their conspiracy and they furnished as surety

-29-

to one another the grievances which they held several- ly in private against him. Hence, though the number of conspirators becejne so great, no one dared to give information of the fact. Some say, however, that a little before his death, Caesar received a note in which warning of the plot v/as given, and that he v/as murdered with it in his hands before he had a chance

to read it, a,nd that it v/as found among other notes

10) after his death.

20. However, all this becaioe knov/n subsequently. At

that time some wished to gratify him by voting him

one honor after another, while others treacherously

included extra-vagant honors, and published them, so

that he might become an object of envy and suspicion

1) to all. Caesar was of guileless disposition and was

unskilled in political practices by reason of his

foreign campaigns, so that he was easily taken in by

these people, supposing, naturally enough, that their

cotu.iendations came rather from men who admij ed him

2) than from men who were plotting against him.

To those who v/ere in authority this lueasure was especie,lly displeasing: that the people were nov/ ren- dered pov/erless to make appointments to office, and that oaesar was given the right of investure to bestow

-50-

upon v.'homBoever he pleased. An ordinance voted not

3) long before provided thie. furthermore, all sorts

of rumorb were being bandied about in the crowd,

some telling one story, others smother. Some said

that he had decided to establish a capital of the

whole empire in iigypt, a.nd that Q,ueen Cleopatra had

lain with him and borne him a son, named Gyrus, there.

4) This he himself refuted in his will as false.

Others said tha-t he was going to do the same thing

at Troy, on account of his ancient connection with

5)

the Trojan race.

Something else, such as it was, took place which especially stirred the conspirators against

him. There was a golden statue of him which had

6) been erectea on the rostra by vote of the people.

A &iao.em appeared on it, encircling the head, v/here-

upon the i^omans became very suspicious, supposing

that it was a symbol of servitude. Two of the

7)

tribunes, Lucius and oaius, came up and orderea

one of their subordinates to climb up, take it down, and throv/ it away. Vv'hen Caesar discovered what had happened, he convened the senate in the temple of

e)

Concordia and arraigned the tribunes, asserting that they themselves had secretly placed the diadem

-31-

on the statue, so that they niifjht have a chance to insult him openly s.na -hue fejet credit for doin^v a brave deed by dishonoring the statue, caring nothing . either for hin. or for the senate. He continued that their action was one which indicated a more serious resolution and plot: if somehow they might slander him to the people as a seeker after uncon- stitutional power, ejxcL thus (themselves stirring up

an insurrection) to slay him. After this address,

9) with the concurrence of the sens.te he banished them.

Accordingly, they went off into exile and other

tribunes were appointed in their place. Then the

people clamored that he become king and they shouted

that there should be no longer any delay in crowning

him as such, for fortune had already crowned him.

But Caesar declared that although he would grant the

people everything because of their good will toward

him., he would never a,llov/ this step; and he asked

their indulgence for contradicting their wishes in

preserving the old form of government, saying that

he preferred to hold the office of consul in accord-

10) ance v^ith the law to being king illegally.

21. Such was the people's talk at that time. Later,

in the course of the v/inter, a festival was held in

Rome, called Luperca,lia, in v/hich olc. and young men together teJce part in a procession, nakea except for a girdle, and anointed, railing bX those whom they meet and striking them with pieces of goat's hide. When this festiva-l came on Larcus Antonius was chosen director. He proceeded through the forum, as was the custom, and the rest of the throng followed him.

Caesar was sitting in a golden chair on the Rostra ,

2) wearing a purple toga. At first Liciniue advanced

toward him carrying a laurel wreath, though inside

it a diadem was plainly visible. He mounted up,

pushed up by his colleagues (for the place from which

Caesar was accustomed to address the assembly was

high), and set the diadem down before Caese^r's feet.

Amid the cheers of the crowd he placed it on oaesar's

head. Thereupon Caesar called Lepidus, the master

S) of horse, to ward him off, but Lepidus hesitated.

In the meanv/hile Cassius Longinus, one of the con- spirators, pretending to be really well disposed toward i-^aesar so that he might the more readily es- cape suspicion, hurriedly removed the diadem and

placed it in Caesar's lap. Publius Casca was also

4) with him. ^Vhile Caesar kept rejecting it, and

among the shouts of the people, Antonius suddenly

-Oo-

rushed up, naked and anointed, just as he was in the procession, end placed it on hie head. But Caesar snatched it off, and threw it into the crowd. Those who v/ere standing at some distajice applauded this action, but those who were near at hand claiaored that he should accept it and not repel the people's favor. Various individuals held different views of the matter. Some were angry, thinking it an indica- tion of power out of place in a deinocracy ; others, thinking to court favor, approved; still others spread the report that Antonius had acted as he did not without Caesar's connivance. There were xnajiy who were quite willing that Caesar be made king open- ly. All sorts of talk began to go through the crov/d. When Antonius crowned Caesar a second time, the people shouted in chorus, 'Hail, King; ' ' but Caesar still refusing the crown, ordered it to be taken to the temple of *^apitoline Jupiter, saying that it v/as more appropriate there. Again the same people ap- plauded as before. There is told another story, that Antonius acted thus wishing to in^^ratiate himself

with Caesar, and e.t the same time was cherishing the

6)

hope of being adopted as his son. iTinally, he em- brace ed Caesar and gave the crown to some of the men

-o4-

standing near to place it on the head of the statue of Caesar which v.'a-s near by. This they did. Of all the occurrenceB of that time this was not the least influential in hastening the action of the conspira- tors, for it proved to their very eyes the truth of

the suspicions they entertained.

1) 22. Not long after this, the praetor Cinna pro- pitiated Caesar to the extent of securing a decree which allowed the exiled tribunes to return. Though in accordance with the v/ish of the people they were not to resume their office, but to remain private citizens, yet not excluded from public affairs. Ca.eBa,r did not prevent their recall, so they returned.

Caesar called the annual comitia (for he had the

2) authority of a decree to do so) ' ajid appointed

Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius as consuls for the

ensuing year; for the year after that, L'ecimus Brutus,

one of the conspirators, ajid kunatius Plancus. I'irect-

ly after this, another thing happened that greatly

aroused the conspirators. Laesa^r was having a large,

handsome forum laid out in Rome, and he had called

together the artisajis ana was letting the contracts

for its construction. In the meanwhile up came a

proceBsion of Roman nobles, to confer the honors

which had just been voted him by common consent. In

the lead v/as the consul (the one who v/as oaesar'e

5) colleague a,t that time), and he carried the decree

with him. In front of him were lictore, keeping the

crowd back on either side. V/ith the consul carr.e the

praetors, tribunes, quaestors, sjnd all the other

officials. -Text came the senate in orderly formation,

and then a multitude of enormous size - never so large,

The dignity of the nobles was awe-inspiring - they

were entrusted with the rule of the whole empire, and

yet looked with admiration on another as if he were

4) still greater. Caesar v;as seated ' while they ad- vanced and because he was conversing with men stajid- ing to one side, he did not turn his head tov/ard the approaching procession or pay any attention to it, but continued to prosecute the business which he had on hand, until one of his friends, nearby, said, •Look at these people coming up in front of you. ' Then caesar laid down his papers and turned around

and listened to v/hat they had come to say. Nov/

5) among their number were the conspirators, who filled

the others with ill-will toward him, though the

others were already offenaed at him because of this

incident.

-36-

Then thoue aleo v/ere excited who wished to lay hands on him not to recover liberty but to destroy the entire extant system; they were looking for an opportunity to overcome one who seemed to be abso- lutely invincible. jj'or, although he had participated up to this time in three hundred ajid two battles in both Asia ana iiurope, it appeared that he had never been worsted. bince, hov/ever, he frequently came out by himself ana appeared before them, the hope arose that he could be taken by treachery. They tried to bring about, somehow, the dismissal of his body guard by flattering him when they addressed him, say- ing that he ought to be considered sacred in the eyes of all and be called 'pater patriae' ; and by pro- posing decrees to that effect in the hope that he would be thus misled and actually trust to their af- fection, and that he would dismiss his spearmen in the belief that he was guarded by the good will of

everyone. This actually came to pass, and ma,de their

7) task far ea.sier.

23. The conspirators never met to make their plans in the open, but in secret, a few at a time in each other's houses. As was natural, many plans were pro- posed ana set in motion by them as they considered

-37-

how ana when they should connit the awful deed. Dome proposed to attack him while on his way through the 'Via oacra', for he often walked there; others, at

the time of the comitia, when he had to cross a cer-

2) tain bridge to hold the election of mat^istrates in

the field before the city. They would so divide their duties by lot that some should jostle him off the bridge and the others should rush upon him and slay him. Others proposed that he be attacked v/hen the gladiatorial shows were held (they were near at hand), for then, because of these contests no suspicion would be a^roused in the sight of men armed -i^. for the deed. The majority urged that he be killed during the session of the senate, for then he was likely to be alone. There v/as no aomittance to non- members, and many of the senators were conspirators,

and carried sv/ords under their togas. This plan was

4)

adopted. Fortune had a part in this by causing

Caesar himself to set a certain day on which the members of the senate were to assemble to consider certain motions which he wished to introduce. uhen the appointed day came the conspirators assembled, prepared in all respects. They met in the portico of Pompeius' theatre, where they sometimes {gathered.

1

-3B- 31-

ThUB the divinity showed the vanity of msji's estate - how very unstable it is, and subject to the vaj^ariee of fortune - for oaesar was brought to the house of his enemy, there to lie, a corpse, before the statue of one whom, now dead, he had defeated when he was alive. And fate becomes a still stronger force if indeed one acknowledges her part in these things: on that day his friends, drav/ing conclusions from certain auguries, tried to prevent him from going to the senate room, as did also his physicians on account of vertigoes to v/hich he was sometimes subject, and from which he was at that time suffering; ana especially his wife *^alpurnia, who was terrified by a dream that night, bhe clung to him and said th.at she would not let him go out that day. But Brutus, one of the con- spirators, though he v/as at that time thought to be one of his most intimate friends, came up to him and said: 'What do you say, Caesar? Are you going to pay any attention to a woman's areams and foolish men's oinens, a man such as you? Are you going to insult the senate which has honored you and which you your- self convened, by not going out? No; if you take v;iy advice you will dismiss from your mind the creams of these people and go, for the senate has been in

-40-

eession since morning, and ie awaiting you.' He was persuaded and v/ent out . 24. Leanwhile the assassins were making ready, some

of them stationing themselves beside his chair, others in front of it, others behind it. The augurs brought forward the victims for him to make his final sacrifice before his entry into the senate room. It was manifest that the omens were unfavorable. The augurs substi- tuted one animal after another in the attempt to se- cure a more auspicious forecast. Finally they said that the indics^tions from the gods were unfavorable and that there was plainly some sort of curse hiding in the victims. In disgust, uaesar turned away toward the setting sun, and the augurs interpreted this action still more unfavorably. The assassins were on hajid and were pleased at all this. Caesar's friends begged that he postpone the present session on account

of v/hat the soothsayers haa said; and for his part,

2) he was just giving the order ' to do this, but sudden- ly the attendants came to summon him, saying that the senate had a quorum. Then Caesar cast a look tov/ard his friends. And Brutus approached him again and said: 'Come, sir, turn your back on these people's nonsense and do not postpone the business that deserves

-41-

ths attention of oaesar ajid of the great empire but consider your own v/orth a favorable omen. Thus per- suading him, he at the same time took him by the hand and led him in, for the sen ate -chamber was near by. Caesar followed in silence. '.Vhen he came in and the senate saw him, the members rose out of respect to him. Those who intended to lay hands on him were all about him. The first to come to him was Tullius Cimber, whose brother Caesar had exiled, and stepping forward as though to make an urgent

appeal on behalf of his brother, he seized Caesar's

3)

toga, seeming to act rather boldly for a suppliant, '

and thus prevented him from standing up and using his hands if he so wished. Caesar was very angry, but the men held to their purpose and all suddenly bared their daggers ana rushed upon hira. Pirst berviJius Casca stabbed him on the left shoulder a little above the collar bone, at which he had aimed but missed through nervousness. Caesar sprang up to defend himself against him, and Casca called to his brother, speaking in Creek in his excitement. The latter obeyed him anu drove his sword into Caesar's side. A moment before Cassius had struck him oblique- ly across the face. Leciraue Brutus struck him through

-42-

the thigh. Cassius Longinus was eaiger to ;iive another stroke, but he missed and struck Larcus Brutus on the hand, kinucius, too, maae a lunge at Caesar but he struck Rubrius on the thigh. It looked as if they were fit^hting over Caesar. He fell, under many wounds, before the statue of Pompey, and there was not one of them but struck him as he lay lifeless, to show that each of them had had a share in ths deed, until he had received thirty-five wounds, and breathed his laet.*^^ 25. A tremendous uproar arose from those who had

no knowledge of the plot and who were rushing terror- stricken from the senate house, thinking that the same awful thing was going to happen to tliemselves also; and from those of Caesar's associates v;ho were outside and who thought that the whole senate was involved and that a large army was on hand for the purpose; and from those who, ignorant of the affair, were terrified and thrown into confusion from the suddenness of the noise and from what burst upon their view (for all at once the assassins, with bloody daggers in their hanas ...}''■' The whole place was full of people running and shouting. There was a crowd, too, in the theatre, which got up and

-43-

rushed out in disorder (there happened to be a gladi- atorial exhibition in progress) knowing nothing definite of what- had happened but frightened by the shouting all about them. Sox.ie said that the senate was being slaughtered by t^ladiators, others that Caes-^r haa been murdered and that his army had start- ed to pillage the city; some got one impression, others another. There v/as nothing clear to be heard, for there was a continuous tumult until the people

saw the assassins and Larcus Brutus trying to stop

2) the outcry and exliorting the people to be of good

courage, for that no evil ha,d taken place. The sum and substance of his words (as the rest of the assassins also loualy boasted) was that they had slain a tyrant. It was proposed by some of the con- spirators that they ought to put out of the way still others who were likely to oppose them and again try

to i3ain control. They say that karcus Brutus re-

3) strained them, declaring that it y;as not right to

kill, for the sake of vague suspicion, people against whom there was no clear charge; and this view pre- vailed. Then rushing forth the assassins fled in haste through the i'orum up to the oapitoline, carry- ing their swords bare and shouting that they had

-44-

acted in behalf of common freedom. A great crowd of gladiators and slaves, who had been prepared for the purpose, followed them. There was much running in the streets and through the forum, now that the nev/s tha,t Caesar had been murdered became known to the throng. The city looked as if it had been occupied by an enemy. After the conspirators had ascended the Capitoline, they distributed themselves in a circle about the place and mounted guard, fearing that Caesar's soldiers would a,ttack them. 26. The body of L-aesar lay just where it fell, ig- nominiously stained with blood - a man who had ad- vanced westward as far as Britain and the Ocean, and who had intended to a.dva.nce eastward against the realms of the Parthians and Indi, so that, with them also subdued, an empire of all land and sea might be broUii,ht unaer the power of a single head. There he lay, no one daring to remain to remove the body. Those of his friends who had been present had run away, and those who were away remained hidden in their houses, or else changed their clothing and went out into the country districts nearby. Not one of his many friends stood by him, either while he was being slaughtered or afterward, except Calvisius

-4b-

2) Sabinus and Censorinus; ' but these also, though they

offered some slight opposition when Brutus and caesius

and their followers made their attack, had to flee

because of the greater number of their opponents.

All the others looked out for themselves smd some

even acquiesced in what had occurred. They say that

one of them thus addressed the body: 'Enough of

3) truckling to a tyrant,' A little later, three slaves,

who v/ere nearby, placed the body on a litter and carried it home through the forum, showing, where the covering was drawn back on each side, the hands hanging limp and the wounas on the face. Then no one refrained from tears, seeing hii;; v/ho had lately been honored like a god. Much weeping and lamenta- tion accompanied them from either side, from mourners on the roofs, in the streets, and in the vestibules. When they approached his house, a far greater wail- ing met their ears, for his wife rushed out with a number of women and servants, calling on her husband ajid bewailing her lot in that she had in vain coun- seled him not to go out on that day. But he had met with a fate far worse than she ever expected. 26 b. These were now preparing for his burial, but the assassins haa secured a number of gladiators

-46-

soine time prsvioua to the aeed when they were about to attack hiri and had placed them under arnis, between the senate house and the theatre in Pompeius' arcade. LeciiBue Brutus had got them ready under the pretext that he wishea to seize one of the gladiators who were assembling in that theatre, a man whom he had previously hired. (The contests were taking place at that time, and as he was going to conduct some himself, he pretended that he was jealous of the present exhibitor.) As a matter of fact, this prepa- ra.tion was more v/ith reference to the a.ssassination,

so that, in case any resistance should be offered by

2) Caesar's guards, the conspirators should have assis- tance at hand. V/ith these gladiators and an addi- tional throng of slaves they descended from the Capitoline. Calling together the people, they de- cided to test them and the L-iagistrates, finding out how they were regarded by them; whether they were

looked upon &b having ended a tyranny or as murderers.

3) ... that still greater ills v/ere likely to burst

forth in consequence of the late deed; for the action

had taken place with no inconsiderable forethought

amd preparation on the part of those v/ho accomplished

it, and on the part of those against .vhom the plot

-47-

was laid; and that there was a considerable number of <^aesar's auxiliary troops and i/r.portant commanders still left, who would take over the task of carrying out his plane. There was profounu silence then be- cause of the unusual nature of the situation, for men's minds v/ere confusea, everyone watching eagerly to see what bold move might first be made in such a crisis, and be the beginning of a revolution, i^ean- while since the people v/ere quietly awaiting the con- sequences, Larcus Brutus (honored throughout his whole life because of his discretion and the renown of hie ancestors and the fairness which he was supposed to have; Lis.de the following speech. ' ^See my work; 'Concerning Public Speeches.') 27. After this harangue the conspirators withdrew again to the Capitoline and took council ' as to v/hat ought to be done unaer the present circui.istances.

They decided to send envoys to Lepidus ana Antonius

2) to persuade them to come to them in the temple and

there confer v/ith them in planning the future of the

state; and to promise them that everything which

they possessed from Caesar's hajids v/ould be considered

as authorized gifts, so that there would be no cause

3) for dissent on these grounds. \then the envoys

-48-

arrived iVntonius ana Lepidus said that they would answer on the following aay. These things were done in the' late evening, and a greater confusion laid hold on the city, iiveryone saw to his. own property, deserting' the public interests, for they feared sud- den plots and attack^, "seeing that the leaders were encamped under arms in opposition to each other; nor was it yet clear to them v/ho would gain complete con- trol, tjhen n'ie,ht csji^e on they dispersed. On the

following day the consul Antonius was under arms;

4) ano Lepidus, having collected a considerable force

of auxiliaries proceeded through the middle of the forum, having decided to avenge Caesar. V/hen those v;ho hac. previously teen in doubt saw this, the^ joined Antonius and Lepidus, v/ith their respective retinues under arms, and the result was an army of considerable size. There were some who acted thus through fear, not v/ishing to seem too delighted eX Caesar's death, and a.t the same time looking to their future interests by joining the consuls.

MaJiy messages were sent to those who had bene- fitted at Caesar's hands (whether through grants of dwelling places in cities, through grants of land, or allotments of n.oney) saying that everything would

-42-

"bc changed unless some strenuous efforts v/ere exerted "by them as well. Then his friends received many inournful entres,ties, reminding thoce especially who had once taken the field with him how he ha,d suffered death abandoned by his friends, great as he was. Accordingly', many joined the consuls out of compassion and friendship, finding a chance for private gain as well as what would result from a revolution," ' es- pecially since the course of their opponents seemed to lack vigor and W8.s not what they previously expected it to be when they believed that they had a stronger force. Now it v/as openly said that Caesar must be avenged, and that this v/as the only thing to do, and that his death must not go unpunished. Gathering into groups they expressed various views, some sug- gesting one course, others another.

However, those who advocated a republica,n form of government v/ere gratified at the whole change, and only blamed Caesar's murderers because they had not done away with more of the people who were at that time viewed with suspicion, and thus brought about a real liberty; for those who were still left would be likely to ti"ve considerable trouble. There v/ere also men v/ho had a reputation for greater fore-

-oO-

eifciht, and who had gained knowledge from experience v/ith what had happened before in Sulla's tir;ie; the^ cautioned one another to keep to a middle course, for at the time of Sulla those v/ho were thought to have been cestroyed, suddenly took fresh courage and drove out their late conquerors. They declared that Caesar v/ould give his murderers and their companions much trouble, even though he was dead, since here was a large force threatening them, v.'ith energetic men in charge of it.

AntoniuB and his associates before preparing for action sent a legation to parley v;ith the forces on the Capitoline, but later, emboldened by the amount of their arms and the number of their men, they felt justified in taking full charge of the government, and ending the disturbance in the city. Pirst of all they took council (having asked their friends to be present) how they ou^'ht to act toward the assassins. Lepidus proposed that they shoulci. fight them and avenge Caesar. ' Hirtius thought that they should

discuss the matter with them and come to friendly

7) terms. Someone else, supjjorting Lepidus, expressed

the opposite opinion, saying that it would be sac- rilegious to pass by the murder of Caeear unavenged,

-ol-

anc furthermore, it woulc not be safe for all those who had been his friends; 'for even if the murcerere are inactive nov/, yet ae soon as they get more power, they will go still further.' Antonius favored the proposal of Hirtius, and voted to save theru. There

were others who urged that they be dismissed from

S ) the city under truce. '

28. After the great Caesar's death and burial, hie

friends counselled Octavian to cultivate Antonius'

friendship, and put him in charge of his interests.

... ' And though there were many other contributory

2 ) causes toward disagreement between them, he ' seemed

the more ^o incite enmity between them, for he was

at odds with Octavian, and a pa-rtisan of Antonius.

Octa.vian, however, in no wise frightened, because

of his high spirit, gave some exhibitions on the

occasion of the festival of Venus Genetrix which his

5) father had established. He again approached

iOitonius v/ith a niimber of his friends, requesting

that permission be given for the throne and wreath

to be set up in his father's honor. Antonius made

the same threat as before, if he did not drop that

proposal and keep quiet. Octavian withdrew and

made no opposition to the veto of the consul. ViTien

- J<i-

he entered the theatre, however, the people applauded him loudly, and his father's soldiers, an£;ered because he had been prevented from paying tribute to the honored memory of his father, gave him, as a mark of their approval, one round of applause after another all through the performance. Then he counted out for

the people their allotted money, and that secured

4)

him their especial good will. '

From that day Antonius vsm manifestly still more ill disposed toward Octavian who stood in the way of the people's zeal for him. Octavian sav/ (v/hat had become very plain to him from the present situation)

that he v/as in need of political authority. He also

5) saw that the consuls, secure in much power, were

openly resisting him. and appropriating still more

power for themselves, iiven the city treasury, which

his father had filled with funds, they had emptied

6) v;ithin two months after Caesar's death, wasting

money in large lots on any excuse that offered in

the general confusion; and furthermore they were on

7) good terms with the assassins. So Octavian was

the only one left to avenge his father, for Antonius

let the whole matter pass, and v/as even in favor of

an amnesty for the assassins. A nuczber of men.

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indeed, joined Octavian, but many joined Antonius and Dolabella also. There were others v/ho, from a

middle ground, tried to foment ennity between them,

a ) end in doing so ... The chief of these were the

following men: Publius, Yibius, Lucius, eJia especially

9 ) Cicero. Octavian was not ignorant of the reason

why they associated themselves with him, trying to provoke him against Antonius, but he did not repel them, for he wished to have their assistance and a more powerful guard throv/n around him, though he 7/as aware that each of these men was very little concerned over public interests but that they were looking about for an opportunity to acquire public office and supreme pov/er. To their mind, the man who had previously enjoyed that power was out of the way, and Octavian was altogether too young and not likely to hold out against so great a tuiuult, with one man looking out for one thing, another for another, and all of them seizing what they could for their own gain, i'or with all attention to pub- lic welfare put away, and with the foremost citizens separated into many factions, and everyone trying to encompass all the pov;er for himself, or at least as much of it as could be detached, the rule showed

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many strange aspects.

Lepidus, who had broken off a part of Caesar's array and who was trying to seize the comniand hiraself, was in nearer Spain; he also held the part of Gaul which "borders on the upper sea. Gallia Comata Lucius Munatius Plancus, the consul elect, held with

another amy. Jurther Spain was in cha.rge of

12) Gaius Asinius, with ajiother array. Lecinus Brutus

held Cisalpine Gaul"^*^' with two legions, against whom

14) Antonius v/as Just preparing to march. Gaius Brutus '

15) laid claim to kacedonia, and was just about to

cross over to that place from Italy; oassius Longinus

laid claim to Syria, though he had been appointed

16) praetor for Illyria. So many v/ere the armies

that had been assembled at that time, so many the commanders in charge, each of whom was trying to get complete power into his own hands without considera- tion of law and justice, every matter being decided according to the amount of force that was available

for application in each case. Octavian alone, to

17 ) whom all the power had justly been bequeathed, '

in accordance with the authority of him who had ob- tained it in the first instance, and because of his relationship to him, was without any share of authori-

-55-

ty whatever, and he was "buffeted between the politi- cal en\'y and t^-reed of men v/ho were lyint^ in wait to attack him and seize the supreme coninand. Livine providence finally ordered these things aright. But for the present fearing for his life, knowing Antonius' attitude toward him and yet quite unable to chamge it, Octavisin remained at home and awaited his opportunity. 29. The first move in the city came from his father's soldiers, who resented Antonius' contempt for them. At first they discussed their own f orgetfulness of Caesar in allowing his son to be thus insulted, that Bon for whom they all ought to act as guardians if t>iey were to take any account of what was just and righteous. Then gathering in a great company and reproaching themselves still more bitterly they set out for Antonius' house (for he also was relying on them) and made some plain statements to him: that he ought to treat Octavian more fairly and keep in mind his father's instructions; that it was their sacred duty not to overlook these, but to carry out even the details of his memoranda, not to mention supporting the man he had named as his son and suc- cessor; that they saw that to Antonius and Octavian

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a reconciliation would be most advantageous at the present time because of the multitude of foes press- infe on from every side. After this speech Antonius in order not to seen to be opposing their endeavor,

for he happened to be really in need of their ser-

2) vices, said that he approved of and desired that

very course, if only Octavian would also act with moderation and render him the honor which was his due; that he was ready to have a conference with him in their presence and within their hearing. They were satisfied with this and agreed to conduct hir„ into the Capitol and act as mediators in the reconciliation if he sliould so desire. He then assented and immediately went up into the temple of Juppiter, and sent theni aft,er Octavian.

They were pleased ana v/ent to his house in a great body, so that he felt some anxiety when it was announced that there was a large crowd of sol- diers outside aJid tha,t some were in the house look- ing for him. In his agitation, he first went up- stairs with his friends who happened to be present, and looking down, asked the men what they wanted and why they had come, sind then he discovered that they were liis own soldiers. They answered that

-j7-

they had come for his own good and that of his whole party, if he also was willing to forget what Antonius had done, for his actions had not been pleasing to them either; that he and Antonius ought to put aside all resentment and be reconciled simply and sincerely. Then one of them called out in a somewhat louder voice and bade him be of good cheer and be assured that he had inherited all their support, for they thought of his late father as of a god, and would do and suffer anything for his successors. Another one shouted out still more loudly and said that he would malce av;ay with Antonius with his ov/n hands if he did not observe the provisions of Caesar's will and keep faith with the senate. Octavian, encouraged at this, went dovrastairs to them, and embracing them shov/ed much pleasure at their eager good will toward him. They seized him and led him in triumph through the forum to the Capitol, vieing with each other in their zeal, some because of their dislike of Antonius' rule and others out of reverence for Caesar and his heir; others led on (and rightly enough) by the hope of obtaining great advantages at his hands, and still others v/ho were eager for revenge on the assassins, believing that this would be accomplished

-58-

moot readily through the boy if they had the assia- tance of the consul also. In fact, all those who approached hiru advisea him out of good will not to "be contentious but to think of their own safety, and hov/ he could gain more supporters, remembering how unexpected Caesar's death had been. Octavian heard all this and saw that the people's zeal for him was natural; he then entered the Capitol and saw there many more of his fa.th3r's soldiers, on v/hom Antonius was relying, but who were really far better disposed toward himself, if Antonius should try to injure him in any wa^. The majority of the

throng withdrew and the two leaders with their

3) friends were left to discuss the situation.

30. V^nen Octavian went home after his reconcilia- tion with Antonius, the latter, left to himself, hecaaae provoked again at seeing the good will of all the soldiers inclining very much tov/ard Octavian. For they held that he was Caesar's son and that he had been proclaimed his heir in his will, that he was called by the same name and that he exhibited excellent promise from the very energy of his nature, of which Caesar had taken cognizance in bringing about his adoption no less than of his degree of

1)

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kinship, in the "belisf that he alone might be entrusted with preserving all of caesar's authority and the dignity of his house. When Antonius reflect- ed on all this he chamised his mind again, especially when he saw the Caesarian soldiers desert him right before his eyes and escort Octavian in a body from the temple, bome thought that he would not have refrained from apprehending Octavian, had he not been in fear of the soldiers, lest they should set on him and mete out punishment, easily diverting all his faction from him; for each of them had an army which was waiting to see how things would turn out. Reflecting on all this, he still delated and hesitated, although he had changed his mind. Oc- tavian, however, actually believing that the recon- ciliation between them v/as in good faith, went every day to Antonius' house, as was quite proper, since Antonius was consul and an older man and a friend of his father's; and he paid him every other respect according to his promise until Antonius did him a second wrong in the following manner: Having ac-

quired the province of liaul in exchange for iwace-

2) Qonia, he transferred the troops which were in

the latter pl=ce to Italy, and when they arrived

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he left Rone and went down as far as Brundisium to

3) meet them. Then, thinking that he had a suitable

opportunity for what he had in mind, he spread a report that he was being plotted against, and seiz- ing some soldiers, he threw them into chains, on the pretext that they had been sent for this very purpose of killing him. He hinted at Octavian but did not definitely name him. The report quickly ran through the city that the consul had been plotted against, but had seized the men who had come to attack him. Then his friends gathered at his house, and soldiers under arras were sximmoned. In the late afternoon the report reached Octavian also that Antonius had been in danger of being assassinated, and that he was sending for troops to guard him that night. Im- mediately Octavian sent word to him that he was ready to stand beside his bed with his own retinue to keep him safe, for he thought that the plot had been laid by some of the party of Brutus and Cassius. He was thus in readiness to do aji act of kindness entirely unsuspicious of the rumor Antonius had started or of the plot. Antonius, however, did not even permit the messenger to be received indoors, but dismissed him discourteously. The messenger

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returned after hearing fuller reports and announced to Octavian that his name was being mentioned among the men about Antonius' door as being himself the man who had despatched the assassins against Antonius, who now were in prison. Octavian when he heard this at first did not believe it because of its improbable sound, but soon he preceived that the whole plan had been directed against himself, so he considered with

his friends as to what he should do. Philippus and

4)

Atia his mother came also, at loss over the strange

turn of affairs, and desiring to know what the report meant and what were Antonius' intentions. They ad- vised Octavian to withdraw from the city at once for a few days until the matter could be investigated and cleared up. He, unconscious of any guilt, thought that it would be a serious matter for him to conceal himself and in a way incriminate himself, for he would gain nothing toward his safety by withdrawing, while he might the more easily be destroyed in secret if he were away from home. Such was the discussion in which he v/as then engaged.

On the following morning he sat as usual with his friends and gave orders that the doors be opened to those of his townsmen, guests, and soldiers who

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were accustomed to visit him and greet him, and he conversed with thera all in his usual way, in no wise changing his daily routine. But Antonius called aji assembly of his friends and said in their presence that he was aware that Octavism had even earlier been plotting against him, and that when he was to leave the city to go to the army that had come for him, he had provided Octaviam with this opportunity against him. That one of the men sent to accomplish the crime had, "by means of substantial bribes, turned informer in the matter; ajid hence he had seized the others; and he hs,d now called his friends together to hear their opinions as to what should be done in the light of the recent events. ViOien Antonius had spoken the members of his council asked to be shown where the men were who had been seized, so that they might find out something from them. Then Antonius pretended that this had nothing to do with the present business, since, forsooth, it had already been confessed to; and he turned the discourse into other channels, v/atching eagerly for someone to propose that they ought to take vengeance on Octavian and not quietly submit. However, they all sat in silent thought, since no apparent proof

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lay "before them, until someone said that Antonius would GO well to dismiss the assem"bly, saying that he ought to act moderately and not stir up any dis- turbance, for he was consul. After this discussion, Antonius dismissed the assembly. Two or three days afterward, he set out for Brundisium to take over the army which had now arrived there. There was no further discussion about the plot, and when he left, his friends who remained behind dismissed the whole

natter, and no one ever saw any of the conspirators

5) who were alleged to have been taken.

31. Octavian, although now exonerated from the

charge, was none the less chagrined at the talk

about him, interpreting it as evidence of a great

conspiracy against him. He thought that if Antonius

had happened to get the army on his side by means

of bribes he woula not h?.ve delayed in attacking

hiia, not because he had been wronged in any respect,

but simply led on to that course as an outcome of

his former hopes. It v;as manifest that a man who

had concocted this charge would go further to others

and that he v/ould have been eager to do this from

the first if he ha.d not had to fear the army.

Accordingly Octavian v/as filled with righteous indig-

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nation against Antonius and wit}a some concern for his own person, now that the other's intention had become plain. Reviewing all contingencies, he saw that he must not remain quiet, for this was not safe, "but that he must seek out some aid wherewith to oppose the other's power and strate^ems. So then, reflecting upon this question, he decided that he had better take refuge in his father's colonies, where his father had grajated allotments and founded cities, to remind the people of Caesar's beneficence and to bewail his fate and his own sufferings, and thus to secure their support, attracting them also by gifts of money. He thought that this would be his only safe course, that it would redound greatly ta his fame, and that it would alec redeem the prestige of his family. It was a far better and juster course than to be pushed aside out of his inherited honor by men who ha.d no claim to it, and finally to be foully and nefariously slain just as his father had been. i\fter consulting over this with his friends and after sacrificing, with good fortune, to the ,^,ods, chat they might be his assis- tants in his just and glorious endeavor, he set out, taking with him a considerable sum of money, first

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of all into tampania where were the beventh and Eighth Legions (for that is what the Romans call their regiments). He thought that he ought first to sound the feelings of the Seventh, for its fame v/as greater, and v/ith this colony alignea in his favor, and many others with it ... and in this plan end in the events that followed, he had the approval of his friends. These were: Llarcus

Agrippa, Lucius Maecenas, Quintus Juventius, Marcus

2) liodialius, and Lucius. Other officers, centurions,

•and soldiers followed, as well as a multitude of

slaves and a pack train carrying the pay-money and

3)

the supplies. As for his mother, he decidea not

to acquaint her with his plan, lest, out of affec- tion sjid v/eakness, like a woman and a mother, she might be a hindrance to his great purpose. He gave out openly that he was going to Campania to sell some of his father's property there, to take the money and put it to the uses that his father had enjoined. But even so, he went off entirely without her consent.

At that time icarcus Brutus s,nc Gaius Oassius

4) were at Uicaearchia, a.nd v/hen they learned of the

throng tha,t was accompanying Octavian from Rome

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(the messengers having exagL,erated the report, as usually happens) they were struck v/ith much fear and consternation, thinking that the expedition was directed against themselves. They took to flight across the Adriatic. Brutus went to Achara, Cassius

to Syria-, vi/hen Octavian arrived in Calatia in Cam-

5)

pania, ' the inhabitants received him as the son of

their tenefactor and treated him with the highest honor. On the following day he disclosed the whole situation to them and he appealed to the soldiers, telling them how unjustly his father had "been killed and how he was himself being plotted again&t. As he spoke, some of the decurions did not v/ish to listen at all, but the people did so eagerly and with good- will, and they sympathized with him, frequently bid- ding him to be of good cheer, for they v;ould not neglect him but v/ould assist him in every way until he should be established in his inherited rights. Then he invited them to his house and gave each of them five hundred drachi.iae; a,nd the next day he called together the mem^bers of the curia and appealed to them not to be outdone in good v/ill by the people, but to remember Caesar v/ho had given them the colony and their position of honor. He promised that they would experience no less benefits at his own hands.

-e?.

He showed that it was more fitting for him to enjoy their aid and to niake use of their influence and arms than for Antonius to ao so. They v/ere aroused to a greater zeal to help him and to undertake trouble and danger v/ith him if need be. Octa,vian conur.ended their zeal and asked them to accompa,ny him as fa,r as the neighboring colonies, and furnish him safe-con- duct. The people were pleased at this and gladly

6)

complied, exerting him under a^rme to the next colony.

And gathering these also into an assembly, he addressed them. He succeeded in persuading both legions to escort him to Rome through the other colonies to Rome and strenuously to repel any axt of violence on the part of Antonius. He attracted other soldiers also v/ith high pay, and on the march he trained ajid instructed the new recruits, sometimes individua.lly and sometimes in squads, telling them tha,t they v/ere going against Antonius. He sent some of his follov/ers

v;ho v/ere preeminent for intelligence and daring to

7)

BrundisiuB., to see if they could also v/m the

forces just arrived from kacedonia over to his side, bidding then remember his father Caesar and not to betray his son. He instructed his propagandists that if they could not achieve their purpose in the

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open, they were to write this out and scatter it

all about so that the men could pick up the notices

8) sjid read them; and in order that they might join

hie party he made promiees that filled the rest v/ith hope of v;hat they v;ould receive from him when he caxr.e into hie power. So they depexted.

(End of the Life of Augustus and of the narra- tive of Hicolaus of Lariascue. )

C0M1.IENTARY

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1. l)26Ba(TT6c . Augustus, i-ust Tse understood. The word

was doubtless given in the context immediately preced- ing the present opening sentence. The title v/as pro- posed "by Plancus and v/as ratified "by the senate on Janu- ary 16, 27 B.C. (CIL l2 p. 507, Suet., Aug. 7,2; Dio 6S, 16,6-8; 20,1; Liv.,.apit. 154; Veil. 2, 91,1; Plor.2, 54; Mon. Anc.6,16). Hicolaus attaches no significance of divinity to the title, though Suetonius and Dio do so. Verg.,Ec. 1,6; G. 1,24-59, speaks of Octavian as divine, but no attribute of divinity is mentioned in the Aeneid with reference to Augustus.

2) NicolaUB does not necessarily infer that an imperial cult existed at this period in Italy, and hence is not at variance with Suet., Aug. 52; Dio 51,20, where it is stated that Augustus did not permit an imperial cult in Italy, although he allowed temples to be erected to 'Rome and Augustus' in the provinces. See also H. Heinen, Klio 11, pp. 159 ff.; W.S. Ferguson, An. Hist. Rev. , 13, pp. 245 ff. J.Asbach, Rh.iius. , 57, p. 297, is mistaken in reasoning that Augustus must have died before any v/orship could have taken place. L.R.Taylor, Trans. Am. Philol.Ass. , ol,p.l24 suggests that whatever savored of an imperial cult in Italy from 50 B.C. on, was in fact simply a cult of the ^^epius of the emperor (Dio j1,19,

-70-

7; Ov.,Past. 2,627; Hor.,Od. 4,o,ol-35).

3) IruBUs ' expedition of 11 B.C. is probably alluded to (Veil. ,2,97,2-3; Suet. , Aug. , 21; Dio oo,2,4; Tac.,Ann., 2,26,12,39). There is a noteworthy' consonance between the phrase of Nicolaus, 'nor had they been subject v^ithin the neinory of any one' and kon. Anc.,D,44, 'Pannoniorura gentes quas ante me principem populi Romani exercitus nunquaiii a,diit.' This jaay be due to the use by Nicolaus of Augustus' msLioirs.

4) Adriatic.

5) Tiberius succeeded Agrippa as leader of expeditions against the Pannonians (Mon. Anc.,30; Dio 64,36,2-3)»

6) A remark of the excerptor is enclosed within the parentheses.

2. l) Nicolaus employs the method of a Peripatetic in pre- senting the order of events in the life of an individual. (Leo, die Griech. Rom. Biogr. ,p.l90) .

2) His family v/as from Velitrae (Suet. , Aug. ,1,94; Dio 45,1,1). C. Octavius the father was praetor (Cic.,^. frat. 1,1,7) and proconsul for Lacedonia (Suet. , Aug. , 3; GIL 6,1311) and was only prevented by death from attain- ing the consulship (Cic, Phil. ,3,6,15).

3) C. Octavius is characterized as rich by Velleius (2,59)

4) C. Octavius died in 58 B.C. when his son was 4 years old ( Suet ., Aug. ,S ) .

5) One of those involved was C. Torstnius, who had been

-71-

an aeaile with the elder C. Octavius [CIL 6,1311). He was in due time proscribed by Augustus, (App.,4,12; Suet., Aug., 27) so that Octavius' remission of his claims and apparent satisfaction with his reraainder as expressed by Nicolaus did not prevent a subsequent day of reckoning. S. l) Nicola,us' statement of Octavius' age is not corrobo- rated by Cuetonius (Aug. 8) nor by Q,uintilian (l2,6,l) who give Octavius' age as 12 years when the oration was given. Perhaps separate occasions are referred to by Nicolaus and the other writers. If a closer agreement is to be desired, sweo: could be altered to evfeexa (Muller). Suetonius identifies this occasion with the death of Octavius' grandmother Julia, while Nicolaus does not expressly do so. His mention of Julia's death in the following sentence, however, admits of the infer- ence that the one occurrence suggested the other to his mind, and that there was therefore some connection be- tween them.

2) With a single exception the name Atia is written Antia throughout the excerpt. She was C. Octavius' second wife (Plut.,^nt. 51 ) and was from Aricia (Cic, Phil., 3,6,16; Suet .,Aug. , 4).

3) Incorrect as the text stands. Valesius indicated that L. Marcius Philippus' ancestor, f^. Msjrcius Philip- pus, was engaged not with Philip V of Macedonia but

with his son Perseus (CIL l,p.359). Either Nicolaus was misinformed, or'i'iXiTTnov has been inserted in the text "by attraction in pla,ce of Depaea . Cicero (Att. 12,9) calls L. Philippus 'son of Amyntas' jokingly. Amyntas was the father of the great Philip of kacedon. Q,. Philippus was actually in Macedonia during Philip's lifetime according to Livy (59,48; 40,2-5). The passage in Nicolaus shows that the LI.arcii of Cicero's day were descended from the noble Marcii active during the 2nd century B.C.

4) Octavius' youth was spent in Rome and the vicinity (Suet., Aug. 94).

5) One of the instructors was one iSpidius (Suet. ,Rhet.4). Por the question of his identification, see Schanz, Rom. Lit. Gesch. ,l,p.290.

4. l) Beginning of 49 B.C.

2) L. Philippus had a covmtry place near Cicero's at Astura (Cic ., Att. ,12,16; 12,18,1).

5) On October 18, 48 B.C. (CIL 10,8575; Lessau, Ins. Lat, 6el.,108) since Octavius was born on September 25, 65 B.C., he was about 15 years old. Suetonius is cor- rect in Aug. 8 where he speaks of Octavius as in hie tv^elfth year, that is 11 years of age, and places the assumption of the toga virilis 4 years later. 4) L. Lonitius Ahenobarbus was killed at Pharsalus (Cic,

-73-

Phil.,2,71; Caes. , B.C. ,5,99; Suet . .Nero, 2) . Culex 26 and 27, 'Octavi venerande' and 'sancte puer' show that this v/as addressed to Octavius after his election to the office of pontifex,' see Class. Philol.lo, p. 26.

5) The election of Octavius was, of course, at the re- quest of Julius Caesar.

6) That of pontifex tCic. , Phil. , 5,17 ; Veil. ,2, 59 ) .

7) Valesius took this to "be a reference to a custom prevalent in Rome in Cicero's time. S'oppish young men and even senators were to be seen arrayed not in the ordinary Roman, but in ilastern garb. See Gic.,pro Rab. Post., 10, 27, where, however, there is a sli^iht corrup- tion of the text.

5. 1 ) In the autumn of 47, if both consuls were present as Hicolaus says. The Periae Latinae were inaugurated in - 49 (CIL l,p.440, Pasti Cos. Capitolini). The following year, 48, Caesar was absent in the Sast, as was also the case in 46 and 4o. In 45 'a certain prefect' conducted the Periae (Uio 43,48] for Caesar was then sole consul; in 48 and 4& the other consul was probabl:,' in charge. Por 48 this was bervilus Isauricus and for 46, Lepidus. ^ 2) As praef actus urbi. Uicolaus is correct and the other authors are wrong. App.,3,9; I^io 43,51; Plin., N.H.,7,147 say that Octavius becaxae magister equitum in this year. Gardthausen, Aug. und seine Zeit, p. 48,

-74-

8hov/s that there is a possibility lor confusion "between the terms praefectus urbi and inagieter equituni in the writings of the later Greek historians. The latter office would be considerably too responsible for a youth of 16 years, while it is conceivable that the duties of prae- fectus urbi, at least during the period of the i?eriae when the city was almost entirely deserted, would not be excessively onerous. Strabo 5, C 229 and Eio 49,42 show that the practice of appointing youths for this office was continued by Augustus.

S) The proper duty of the praefectus urbi (CIL 2,5287). 6. l) He started for Spain in April, 49 B.C. (Cic. , Att.l0,3a) and in due time brought about the surrender of Afranius (Caes., B.C. ,1,27-87; App.2,42; Die 41,22; Suet. ,Caes.54;

7a).

2) Pharsalus, August 9 (-June 7 correctec calendar) 48 B.C. (Caes.,B.C.,.i,7&-99; App.2,64-82; Dio 41,51-62; CIL l2 p. 224).

S) Referring to the Bellum Alexandrinui;:. In point of fact, Caesar left Egypt nominally free to be ruled by Cleopatra. 4) The Black Sea. The reference to the battle at Zela is Y:ith Pharnaces, son of iiithradates, whom he overcame on August 2/Li^ 21, 47 B.C. (CIL 1^ p. 244). This was the occasion of the celebrated 'veni vidi vici.'

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o) Caesar embarked at Li lybaeurn on Xecemter 2d, 47 B.C. (Caes., B.Af.,2).

7. l) Caesar arrived July 29, 46 B.C. (Caes.,B.Af. 98j. The decisive battle v.-ae Thapsus, April fc, reported in Rome about April 20 (CicPam. 9,2).

2) It was Caesar's practice to put to death any v/ho fell captive to him a second time (lio 41,62; 4S,17; 44,45; 44, 46; Suet., Caes., 75). In describing the incident which follows, however, Nicolaus seeir;s to have exaggerated the iiiiportance of Octavius' exploit, for in every case of similar circvunstajices Caesar allov/ed each of his subor- dinates to secure the release of one prisoner. I'io 4S, 12-1£ says further that Caesar released Cato's son and 'most of the rest.' Nicolaus evidently drew from Augus- tus' personal memoirs of his youth for this portion of the biography, and found it advantageous to emphasize Octavius' act at this juncture. Jor a contemporary com- mentary, see Cic.,i"am. 6,15,5, where Caesar is said to be especially incensed at those involved in the African distrubance, but that with the lapse of time he seems to have become more indult,ent toward them. 5) This is the firnt indication that Agrippa v/as already a comps-nion of Octavius. i>ee Sen. ,%is. ,15, 2, 46.

8. 1) Caesar had 4 triumphs: for Gaul, figypt, Pontus, and Africa (Liv.,Epit. ,llj; App. ,2,101; Lio 4£,19).

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2) Octavius was, through hie mother, grsindson of Caesar' e Bieter Julia. Suetonius (Caes. 8;^,l) is explicit in stating that Caesp-r's will wherehy Octavius was adopted as Caesar's son, was ri;ade on September li^i, 4o B.C. Nico- laue has here either anticipated this accepted date by something more than a year, or else he had access to a statement in Augustus* memoirs to the effect that Octa-vius knew of the existence of an earlier will in which he had been made Caesar's adopted son.

3) Nicolaus is probably referring to the 'coeinoiiien impera- toris' and not to the 'praenomen impera,toris. ' According to Dio 4c, 44, the 'praenomen imperatoris' was not con- ferred upon Caesar until after the battle of Munda, some seven months later. However, if Nicolaus felt any unusual significejice in the title Imperator as here mentioned, we have sji indication that Caesar actually held the new title prior to the date given by Dio. Suetoniuj^ (Cae8.76) in- cluding; 'praenomen imperatoris' in a group of various honors conferred upon uaesar, gives no date or correlative occurrence in this connection. See McFayden, The History of the Title Imperator under the Roman Empire, Chicago 1920, pp. 7 ff.

9. l) The plays and games (Cic. ,Pam.l2,18,2; Livj'-, iilpit., 116; Lie 45, 22-24; App. 2.10;;.; Plut . ,Cae6 . , 55; Suet., Aug., 29; Veil. 2,56j were given immediately after Caesar's

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dedication of the temple to Venus Genetrix on September 26, (= July 20 corrected calendar) 46 B.C. Augustus con- tinued these games annually as the 'ludi Victoriae Cae- saris' on July 25. Vergil seems to have them in mind in writing Aeneld 5 and Oatalpeton 14, see Class. Quart. 14, p. 156. The ludi Romani and ludi Graeci were given separately' (Suet.,Aui;. 45; Tac. ,Annal.l4,lo) . See also CIL 6, S2325; Dessau, Ins. Lat. , 5050, an account of the Ludi Saeculares of 17 B.C. In addition to the Theatre of Pompey, a temporary wooden stage was erected for the ludi Latini in 46 B.C. as in 17 B.C. (line 154 of the inscription).

2) The effects of the sunstroke were, however, apparent- ly lasting throughout Octavius' life. He was unable to withstand the Italian sun even in v/inter, and never v;ent out into the open without a hat (suet.,Aug.,82). 10. l) To Spain. He started apparently in November of

46 B.C. He was still in Rome on September 24 (Cic, Fam. , 6,14,2). Nearly a month wa,s consumed in his journey thither (strabo o,4,9; App.2,103; Suet.,Caes.f 56).

2) Sextus PompeiUE had 11 legions in a.ll. oaesar had sent to Cicero in January, 45 B.C., a copy of a letter which he had received from L. Vibius Paciaecus, one of his subordinates in Spain v/ho was in a position to

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knov/, a,nd who gave this figure (Cic. .i^am. ,6,18,2). 3) Seven monthe had not elapsed between Caesar's de- parture from Rome and the tattle of Munda (March 17, 45 B.C. ),

11. l) Carteia, on the Bay of Gibraltar. Octavius r;ust have arrived after the battle of kunda had taken place, otherwise Nicolaus certainly would have mentioned his presence at that encounter, Caesar's last successful one. Caesar wrote to Cicero from Hispalis, his next stopping point (Caes.,B. Hisp.,39) on April 30 (Cic, Att. , 13,20, l) . Octavius' arrival at Carteia was there- fore some time in i^iay.

2) auveaiv. There seems to be no valid reason for p-ltering the text, with kuller, to auvxaaiv, 'exer- tions' .

12. l) Lacua of 2 pages. The information embodied in a chapters 10-12 is unique v/ith Nicolaus and hence does not permit of any basis for comparison with other writers. Suet., Aug., 8 makes the brief statement

that Octavian proceeded to Spain to join his great- uncle after recovering from his illness; Veil. 2, 59,3 briefly notes that Octavius was with Caesar, and Dio 45,41, in alluding to the prodigy of the sprouting palm, seems to infer that Octavius was present during the entire expedition, including li\inda. This portion

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of Nicolaus' biography shows every indication of hav- ing been compiled T/ith much dependence upon Augustus' meizioirs. It is possible that Uicolaus enlarged upon the importance of Octavius' actions in the£,e chapters over and above the material which he founa in Augus- tus' memoirs; however, the tone of the Monvimentum Ancyranum shov.s that false modesty, at least, v/as not over-evident in the character of the autobiographer in that case, anu it is conceivable therefore tnat i^icolaus has repeated Augustus* words much as he found them. IS. l) oojyupou is Miiller's restoration. The reference, if this restoration is correct, apparently is to a silver table-service. l>indorf attempts no restoration, but prints simply yvpou - 'of a circle'. 2. C. Claudius i-tarcellus, consul in 50 B.C., ajid at that time a vigorous opponent of Julius Caesa,r (Cic, Brut. ,64,229; Plin. .I'T.H. , 2,147; Suet . ,Caes. ,29; App. 2,26; jJio 40,44; J:'auly-"isBowa, Claudius, 216). He and the members of his immediate fasaily were warmly congratulated by Cicero at the tine of his attaimnant of the office of consul (Cic. ,Pam. ,1 j, 7; lo,8; 15,9; 15,10; Ij.ll), and Cicero later mentioned him as being in accord, apparently at least, with his ovm views (Cic. ,Att. ,10,12,3).

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VVlien the civil war broke out he remained in Italy, com- ing to terms with Caesar. After Caesar's death he gave his support to his young brother-in-law Octavian. The family csm be traced back 8 generations to u, Claudius Marcellus, consul in 331 B.C.

3) Drawn, as has been noted (chap. 8, n.2j on September 15, 4o B.C. This passage proves that Nicolaus knew the facts about the v/ill ,and that the statement in chap. 8 is at least careless.

4j The statement as to the proportion of Octavius' inher- itance agrees with Suet. ,Caes. ,03, but is at variance with Liv.,3pit., 116, where one half of the total is assigned to Octavius. i^. Pedius and L. Pinarius v/ere the other beneficiaries (Suet . ,Caes. ,83,2; App.3,22;23; 94; Plin., x^.H. ,36,21 ). 14. l) Pseudo-Marius, otherwise Herophilus or Amatius, was a v/ell-known character (Cic . ,Att. ,12,49,1; 14,6,1; Phil. 1,2, o; App. 3,2). After Caesar's death he erected an altar or column on the place where Caesar's body had been burned and was responsible for much rioting there. Antony finally put him to death, to the relief of Cicero (Cic. ,Att. ,14,7,1; 14,8,1; App. 3, 3); see also Val.Max. 9,lo,l; Liv. ,.Epit . , 116.

2) Caesar's aunt, Julia, who aiec in 68 B.C., was the wife of the great C. Marias (Plut . ,Caes. ,1,1 ).

•oi-

ls, l) Caesar, not the senate, declared Octavius a patri- cian. L. Cassias, tribune in 44 B.C. (Cic. ,Phil.,3,25j , introduced a special decree whereby the senate granted Caesar the power of declaring persons of his choice to be patricians (Tac ., Ann. ,11,25; Suet. ,Caes. , 41; 'l>io 43,47,S). One of those chosen thus was Octavius (Suet. , Aug. , 2; Dio 4o,2,7); see E. Meyer, Caesars Monarchic, etc. Stuttgart 1919, p. 464. 2} Sxcerptor's note.

16. l) Apollonia. According to Nicolaus, Octavius left Rome in Lecember, and was therefore in Apollonia for 2 months before the murder of Caesar. This is a,t variance with App.3,9, where Octavius is said to have been in Apollonia for 6 months. In the latter case he would have had to leave Rome immediately ai'ter his return from Spain, which is not very probable in view of the plausible details given by Nicolaus in the preceding cha,pter.

The use of the word evtaueoT (Mliller}, evxaOGcx (iJindorf) v/ith reference to Apollonia, gives the im- pression that Nicolaus wrote the 'Life of Augustus* at that place. Chapters 16 and 17 are written with con- siderable detail concerning the behavior of the inhabi- tants just prior to Octavius' departure, and the account is, among the historians, unique with Nicolaus. The

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city was one of importance (Cic . ,Phil . , 11, 11, 26) , and a favorite stopping point for travellers between Asia and Rome via itrundisiun. See O.S. iSchniidt, Jahrb-fur Class. Philol. 15,p.68j. '^^

A

2) Octavius was accompanied to Apollonia by his friends Ivi. Agrippa and Q,. Salvidienus Rufus (Suet. ,Aug. , 94; Vel. 2,59,5). His instructor in rhetoric was the famous Apollodorus of Pergaxiiura (Suet. , Aug. ,89; Strabo 13,4,3; Quint. 3,1,17). Caesar sent his nephew to Apollonia

to be trained in military tactics in anticipation of an expedition against the Parthians (Suet . ,Aug. ,3; App. 3,9; Dio 4o,3; Plut . ,Brut . ,22; Cic.,43; Ant. 16; Veil. 2,59,4; Liv.,Epit.,117).

3) Codex, At.uiXtoc. Muller has suggested that li. Aenilius Dcaurus is the individual here referred to. He was, however, banished by Pompey in 52 B.C. (App., 2,24; Cic, Off .,1,38; ^. Pr. ,3,8,4) , and little is known of his subsequent actions. His son, of the same name, was with Antony at Acti\im (Dio 51,2; 56,38).

The only other contemporaneous Aemilii were L. Aemilius Paullus and his son L. Aemilius Lepidus Paullus. The former was in Rome in April, 44 B.C. (Cic. ,Att. , 14,7,1 ; 14,8,1) thus precluding a command in Liacedonia; the latter accompanied Octavian against Sextus Pompeius in Sicily, 42-36 B.C. (Suet., Aug. ,16). E. Schwartz,

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Hermes 23, p. 182, would eraend MapKoc AlfjiiXioc to MovioC 'AxtXtoc on the basis of Cic . ,Paxi-i. ,7,30, S, 'Acilius, qui in Gra.eciam cum legionibus missus est.' The date of the letter is January, 44 B.C. It is to be noted that Cicero gives no praenomen in the letter; elsewhere, the MS readings are divided between 'Manius' and 'Marcus' (Caes. ,B.C. ,3,lo; 3,16; 3,39; Lio 42,12). Inasmuch as Nicolaus has written the praenomen 'Marcus' without abbreviation, an alteration to 'Manius' is scarcely justifiable in view of the othex MS tradition. Marcus Acilius Caninus is the proper designa.tion. See Klebs, P.W. Real-Encyl. ,l,p.251, Acilius 15. He was a 'legatus' of Caesar and was at Orictun in 48 B.C. (Caes. ,B.C. .loc.cit. ) . See also App. 3,10. 17. l) ' -4Xe5,o;v5poc is the reading of the codex, and is re- tained in the editions of Miiller and Dindorf. Ko asso- ciate of Octavius bearing this name is elsewhere men- tioned, and since the statement is here made that he returned to his home a.t Pergamum, Muller suggests that apollodorus is here intended to be represented. See note 2, chap. 16 with appended references. Picco- los ha-s altered the reading to ' Aiio\\6b(j>poc (see his note, Nicolas de Lamas, Vie de Cesar, Paris 18o0, p. So). It is possible that Nicolaus, through the use Augustus' memoirs, actually came upon some such name

-04-

as Alexander; if not, the reading 'Alexander' is attribu- table to an error of the excerptor. Apollodorus is described as being old at the time of the trip to Apollonia by buet., Aug. ,89.

2) Pour years earlier Caesar had been amicably received by the inhabitants of Apollonia. Hence the appropriate application of the tern: 'friendly city' even though their action had been possibly influenced as nuch by expediency as by conviction in 48 B.C. (Caes. ,B.C. , 3, lO-lC;; App.2, 54-5o; Dio 41,46,1; 41,47,1). Z) Strabo 7, C.516, ttoXic suvom&:t(> i ri as applied to Apollonia, is reminiscent of Nicolaus' expression, e06aifiova Tr(V noXtv kv xoTc jiaXtaxa 7TOtf|ao:c. 4) i^icolauE gives a more detailed account of Octavius' lajiding in Italy than do the other historians (App.2, 10; Dio 46, 3; Veil. 2,60). Beside Nicolaus only Appian mentions the fact that Octavius stopped first at lupiae before proceeding to Brundisium.

o) See note 4, chapter 13, and the citations there append- ed. Pedius ajid rinarius are the only co-inheritors with Octavian according to Suet., C8es.,83,2. Lio 44,35 gives 50 and 76 denarii as alternative suiis, to be paid each citizen according to the terms of the will. App. 3,22 states that the shares of Pedius a,nc Pinarius were requisitioned by Octavieji to help make good the

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aXi:ount to be distributed to the people. 'LrachjTia' e.nd 'denarius' are to be underBtood as eynonyirioue in the accounts of Ilo and Nicolaus, thoui^h not properly identi- ca.l in value.

6) benate v/as convened in the temple of Tellus on Liarch 17, two days after the assassination, on the day of the Liberalia (cic, Att., 14, 10,1; 14,14,2; App. 2,126; Lio 44,22). Plut . , Brut., 19 erroneously places the meeting of the senate on March 16.

7) Caesar named Lepidus 'kagister equiturn iteruni' for the year 44 (CIL l,p.440; 46t; Die 42,49,1; £uet.,CaeB., 82; Plin.,N.H.,7, 147).

8) CIL 1^ p. 65, 64; Lio 4b, 49; 4u,9; Cic ., Phil. , 2, 70; App. 2,107; Cic. ,i^airi.,ll,2,l; Plut ., Ant. ,11; iirut. 18; Caes. 61; Veil. 2, 56; 58; Liv.,Spit., 116,117.

9) Probably a parenthesis by Nicolaus, and not a part of the report that Octavius heard at the time. Brutus and *^as6iU6 apparently did not leave Rome at once.

18 l) See App., £,11.

2) L. Philippus, as late as the middle of the ensuing June, v;as still not at all sanguine of Octavius' pros- pects, but thought that nothing 0U£>it to be entrusted to hun, after having taken due regard for his a^e, his name, his inheritance, and his training (Cic. , Att. ,15, 12,2). Vi'ith respect to the advice of Philippus against

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the aBBUmption by Octavius of the name Caesar, see Cicero's comment, on April 22 (Att. 14,12,2): ' Cctaviue, queic quioem Bui Caese-rem salutabant, Philippus non, itacue ne nos quideK. ' See also Suet., Aug. 8; App.5, 11; Veil. 2,60,1.

5) 'The state' at this sta^e of events was, of course, by no Eieans unreservedly 'on his side', as ilicolaus saj'B. In point of fact, as v/e learn from Cicero's letters, very few men at Rome concerned thetiselves at this time about Octavian because of his youth. Nico- laUE is valuable here because he draws upon Octe,vian's meraoirr. and reveals how early Octavian matured his plans to become Caesar's successor in power as well as property. The attitude of the consul Antony is well known (see Suet ., Aug. ,10 ; Plut. , Ant.lC). Octavian felt that the influence of Cicero was worth cultivating, and hence v/hile stayinti T/ith his step-father at the villa, adjacent to that of Cicero at Puteoli, during the latter part of April, made the most of every op- portunity to ingratiate himself with Cicero: 'nobiscum hie perhonorif ice et persnice Octavius;' 'Octavius ... mihi totus deditus.' (Cic.Att., 14,11,2; 14,12,2). Before the middle of Llay, the tribune L. Antonius pre- sented Octavius to the people as Caesar's heir (Cic, Att. ,14,20,5; 14,21,4; lo,2,S).

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4) See App. 5,10;15;14; Suet ., Aug. ,8; Veil. 2, 60,1.

5) •The nanie' aBBVuned by Octavius wae not C. Juliue Caee6,r Octavianus as one would expect but C. Julius C, f. Caesar (App. 5,11; Tio 45,2 ). Only hie immedi- ate followint:,, however, called him Caesar; Cicero at this time called him Octavianus (Cic. , Att.14,12,2; 15,12,2; i'ain. 16,24,2). In the decrees of the senate reported in Cicero's Philippics during the next year he is referred to as C. Caesa,r C.f. pcntifex (Cic, Phil., 5, 17); this v/as after he had had his adoption legally ratified by a' lex curiata (App. S,94}. He had been striving toward this end for some time, but had continually been prevented in his attempts by Antony, who had, of course, alv;a^s acted under the cover of a subordinate official (Cio 45,5,3; 46,47,4),

6) Por the 'money and means' to which Octavian had access see App. 3,11; I)io 4o,3, who refer rather briefly to the matter.

7) By 'public property' is meant the provincial tribute which apparently went into the Aerarium Catur- ni. Caesar treated military funds that accrued from booty as 'his own', a.nd Octavian apparently appro- priated a part of this.

8) Octavian proceeded into Campsinia, where many of Caesar's veterans had settled between 59 and 49 B.C.

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(L. oary, Jour. Phil. 7C , p. 174 ff.), in order to dis- cover v/hat their probable diapoeition toward himself would be (App. 2,12). This was as early as April, 44 B.C., for on the 18th, Cicero, at Cumae, met one v/ho had on the same day encountered Octavian at Naples (Cic.,Att.,14,10,3). As Nicolaus remarks below, the opportunity for levying an army did not seem to be at hsjid; nevertheless Octavian felt that preliminary in- vest ife;s.t ions along these lines would not be out of place.

9) A slight lacuna in the text exists at this point; the context is not seriously si"fected, hov/ever. The rendering of Miillor has been reproduced here; Piccolos and iindorf attempt no restoration.

10) See the latter part of note 5, above.

11) Octavian approached Rome before April 10. His ad- vent excited the interest of Cicero, who inquired of Atticus how great a followine he was foa'therinci and what nev/ moves he was contemplating (Cic. , Att .14, 5,3) . The reply of Atticus may have been of a disparaging nature toward Octavian; at anj' rate, Cicero again wrote on April I'd, disdainfully dismissing Octavian from his thoughts 'nam de Octavio, susque deque.' Even this early, hov/ever, there v/ere rumors in Rome that the legions in Liacedonia were returning at

1 .- , *

'l:.?

Aw A \. '

'JT-

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Octavian's call: 'Odioea ilia enim fuerant, legionee venire- (Cic . ,Att. ,14, 6,1 ) . See 8,1bo App.b,ll; Lio 4o,5. On April 20, Cicero saw Octavian at Puteoli, for Octavian had, after his canvass of Campania, pro- ceeded to his step-father's villa at Puteoli, adjoin- ing the property of Cicero (Cic. , Att. ,14, 11,2) . Short- ly afterward, Octavisui again went to Rome, stopping; on the we;/ at Tarracina (App. 3,12; Gardthausen, Augustus, p.5ii) . 19. l) According to Plutarch, Brut. 10, the conspiracy was v/ell under way before laarch 1, 44 B.C.

2) Suetonius, Caes. 80, gives the number of conspirators as 60; Eutropius, Erev. 6,25, speaks of '60 or more.' Of the total number, some 20 can be definitely identified by nejue; seven additional names have been erroneously included aiiiong the number by various authors. The 20 fall into three divisions: Caesarians, 6; Ponipeians,10; and those of uncertain partisanship, 4 (see Klotz, P.W. Real-i£ncyl. 10,p.26o).

3) ITicolaus' contradiction is self-evident. Just after saying that I, Brutus was a particular friend of CaeEa,r, he includes him with Cassius and Li. Brutus as a former member of the Pompeieji faction. D. Brutus had, in fact, been associe.ted with Caesar at least since 6o B.C.:

'D. Brutum adulescentem classi Gallicisque navibus ...

» • •

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[Caesar] praeficit (Caes. ,B.G. ,3, 11, o) . Again, in 52 B.C. Caesar placed hid in charge of some of hie land forces during hit engagement v/ith Vercingetorix: 'Brutuin adulescentera his copiie praeficit;' 'mittit primuni Brutum adulescenteru cum cohortibus' CCae8.,B.G., 7,9,1; 7,87,1; B.C. ,1;36, o6. 58; 2,2-7). When CaesaJT's will was read, it was fovmd that L. Brutus had been conditionally adopted by Caesar, subject to the death of Octavian (App. 2,14o).

Cassiuc was in coDunand of Pompey*s sea-force in the Hellespont at the time of the civil war. He there surrendered to Caesar, though his capitulation seems not to have been justified by the circumstances (App. 2,88; Bio 42,6; Suet . ,Caes. ,62) . Caesar subsequently made him 'legatus' (Cic. ,Pam. , 6, 6,10; 15,15,2).

M. Brutus joined Pompey in Macedonia before Phar- salia (Plut.,Brut. 4; Aurel.Vic . ,Vir .Illus.82, 5) . After the battle he went over to Caesar. Appian,2,146, ms-kes the following; statement: 'all the murderers, except Lecimus alone, had been taken prisoners from Pompey 'b faction.' The inaccuracy is similar to that of Nicolaus.

4) The emendation of Muller, xatTtep Ko.iaapo^ has been followed here; that of Piccolos is also good. The codex reading is unintellit,ible and that of -i-^indorf

1 '/r

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is scarcely less so. He alters ekkcttou to exoatov, but leaves the remainder intact.

5) The leniency of Caesar v/as, of course, not entirely attributable to altruistic motiveo, althou^^h from the tone of Nicolaus one might infer that such v/as the case. Caesar explains his policy in Cic. ,Att. ,9,7c .

6) The claim of Brutus, that he was descended from Brutus the first consul and Ahala the regicide, v;as generally accepted as a fact both by historians ajid contemporary writers (Cic. ,Att. , 13,40,1, 'o; iXoTlxvTHJto. illud tuuEi, quod vidi in Parthenone, Ahalaci et E rut urn, ' see Tyrrell and x^urser, The Correspondence of Cicero, vol. 5, p. 177, note i; vol.6, p.cv; App.:^.,112; Lie 44,12; Plut., Brut.l; Suet., Caes.,80).

7) Cassius and Brutus are, of course, the outstanding exajuples of the type here referred to. i^'or Caesar's treatment of his former opponents, see Plut., Caes.o?, and citations in note 2, above.

8) The allusion is perhaps to the enthronement of a statue of Caesar in the teiaple of Quirinus. Cicero expressed much indifc:nation in referring to the n;stter (Cic. ,Att.,12,4o,2: 15,28,5; Phil. 2, 45, 110 ; see also I)io 45,45; Suet . , Caes. ,76 j . Caesar was hailed further as 'luppiter lulius* and s. temple was erected jointly to him and to 'Clementia' (App.2,106; Lio 44,6; Plut.,

• %

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Cae6.,57; less specific, Suet . .Caeo. ,76; i'lor.?., 15, 91 ) .

9) The conspirators were pledged among themselves v/ith- out the ueual normalities ol' either oaths or sacrifices, according to Appian, 2,114, and Plutarch, J3rut.l2. Sacrifices were the proper complement of oaths, but the attention which would have been drawn by their perform- ance v/ould have been at once fatal to the projected undertaking.

10) The same incident is reported by the following authors: Appian 2,116; Pio 44,18; Suetonius, Caes.,81; Plutarch, Caes.,6ij; Velleius 2,57; Jilorus 4,2,94. It is a noteworthy fact that v/ith the passage of time the statements with regard to this occurrence become more positive. Nicclaus employs indirect discourse, placing the responsibility on the writer used by him as a source; all the other authors mention the matter as an actual happening.

20. l) On the occasion of the 'ludi Victoriae Caesaris,' held July 20-50, 45 B.C. as a continuation of the 'ludi' of Sept. 46 (old calendar) a figure of 'Victoria' was borne in procession in close proximity to an image of "^aesar. The populace refrained from ^.pplause, the ca,UBe being, according to Cicero, that 'Victoria' was in bad company, through the presence of Caesar's image (Cic. rAtt. ,15,44,1) .

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2) This is perhaps the most gratuitously extravagant statement in the entire fragment of Hicolaus. His pur- pose is, as E. Lleyer suggests (Caesars Lonarchie.p. 517) to place the blau^e for *^aesar's monarchial aspirations «-

A. A

upon his associates, some of whom flattered him ex- cessively v;hile others deliberately urged him on v/ith the intention of making him ultimately an object of general hatred. The sejne tone is exhibited by Bio, 44, S, and Plutarch , Caes.,67. Caesar was entirely well av/are that he was disliked, even by those whom he characterized as 'easy going': 'Ego dub item, ' Caesar is reported to have said, 'quin £Uj;]fii.o, j.p odio pim. quom Li. Cicero seceat nee suo commodo me convenire possit? Atqui si quitiquam est facilis, hie est, tamen non dubito quin li^e ftiale, pd.erjt' (Cic. ,Att. ,14,1,2 j . Again, 'Ego nunc tajii sip., ^.tultu^ ut hunc ipsum facilem hominem putem mihi esse amicum, cum tarn diu sedens meum comjraodum exspectet? ' (Cic. ,Att. ,14,2,5) .

3) The 'senatus consultuin, ' enacted after the victory at Munda, is also referred to by Lio 43, 4d. It appears that Caesar permitted the elections by magistrates to proceed nominally as before, by popular vote, but

that he was the actual determining factor as to who should be elected (Dio 43,47). *..ompare Appian 4,91, Cassius' alleged speech to his soldiers.

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4) Concerning Caesarion, called 'CyruB* by Nicolaus, the son of Caesar and Cleopatra, see Cic. ,Att. , 14,20,2; Dio 47,51; Suet. .Caes . , 52; Aug. 17; Plut., Caes.,49; Ant. 54. All but Nicola.us acknowledge thst he really was Caesar's son, ana IJicolaus is unable to prove the falsity of the e.llegation. It would have been extren.e- ly difficult for Caesar to have secured the legitimiz- ing of Ca,esarion because of the universal antipathy

in Rome toward Cleopa,tra and ea.stern in^; titutions in general; furtlier, much as Caesar may have desired a natural heir, his purpose could not best be served by Caesarion, v;ho v/as an infant v/hen Caesar's will was dravm, in comparison v/ith his great-nephew, then 18 years of age.

5) Kention of Caesar's intention of establishing an empire in the Jast, v/ith a capits^l at Alexandria or 8,t Ilium is also made by Suetonius, oaes.,79. Both he and iJicolaus tend toward rejecting the idea as ab- surd; but the fact is significant that in the summer of 48 B.C. Caesar granted freedom to Ilium (Strabo 15, 1,27). E. Meyer (Kleine Schr. p. 467; Caesars Monar- chie p. 521) thinks the plan entirely logical, and accepts the report as plausible. It v/oulo have been far simpler for Caesar to retain and augment his pseudo- divine attributes in the iiast than could ever have

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■been the case in Rome; at the tame time, the rights and privileges historically peculiar to Rocie could have been served ty an independent city government. The same question arose in Augustus' time (Horace, Od.,5,2).

6) Compare Cicero's remarks to Caesar concerning the statue on the rostra (Cic.,pro Deiot .12,24) . Dio 44, 4 gives a confused account of two statues having been erected on the rostra, one intended to represent Caesar as savior of the citizens, and the other as 'rescuer of the city from siege j'r'the 8,ppropriateneBB of this latter attribute seems somewhat obscure.

7) The full names of the tribunes v.-ere L. Cae&etius Plavus and C. Epidius karullus (Suet . ,Caes. ,7S; Dio 44,9).

8) For the precedent of the temple of Concordia as a meeting place for the senate, see Cicero, Cat.,5,21; Phil. 2,8,19; Sallust, Cat. ,46; Plutarch, Cic.,19.

9) The account of ITicolaus, involving banishment of the tribunes, is at variance v;ith the versions of Appian, 2,108; 4,95; Dio 44,10; 46,9; tiuetonius, Caes., 79; Plutarch, Caes., 61; Ant. 12; Livj-, i!]pit . , llu, all

of whom concur in saying that the tribunes were merely cast out of the senate, and not sent into exile. It is shown by Cicero, Phil. ,1c, 15, cl, that the tribunes

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Vfere simply removed from office: 'quid ert;o, ut l,iarul- lum, ut Caesetiurr. a republica removeremus, eum con- secuti svunmue? ' The term 'a republica' means 'from public life' and not 'from the country;' compare Vel- leiuE 2,68.

10) In a letter to Atticus (Cic . , Att. , li^, 44,l) dated about July 20, 45 B.C., Cicero alludes to the reported proposal of Cotta that Caesar be made king in order that Parthia might be subdued according to the terms of the Sibylline prophecy v;hich stated that i^arthia would be proof against any but a king (Cic. ,Liv. ,2,110) . Compare also the passage, 'munerum regiorum' (regionum?) (Cic . ,Fam. , 6,19,2; Tyrrell and Purser o^, p.lG2 and note). On August 2,4o B.C., Cicero actually speaks of Caesar as 'the king:' 'nisi viderem scire jre^jm me animi nihil habere' (Cic . ,Att. , 12,57,2) . The episode of the diadem, involving the tribunes Caesetius and Marullus, seems to ha.ve occurred in January, 44 B.C. (Dio 44,10: 'later, when he was riding in from Albanum;' CIL 1, p. 461: 'C. lulius C .f.C .n. Caesar VI dict.IIII ovans a. ICCIX ex monte Albano VII Kal.Febr.'). 21. l) February 16 (CIL 1*^ p. 310, Commentarii diurni, 'XV K. h.art. luper'). See also ./issowa. Religion und Kul- tuy der Rojner,2 p. 209. 2) iuention of Licinius as being the first to present

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to CaeEP.r the diadem encloced within a wreath is unique with NicolaUB. Appian 2,109; Dio 44,11; Livy , iipit., 116; VelleiuB 2,o6,4; Plutarch, GaeB.,6C; Ant. 12, and Cicero, Phil., 2, 84-8o; 5,12, all concur in that they make Antony solely reeponeitle Tor having offered the crov.77 to Caesar. Luttlinger, Untersuchungen uter den historischen V/ert des3roc Koiaapoc , Heidelberg 1911, endeavoring to align the account of Hicolaus v/ith Cicero's words: 'Unde diaderna? yion eniiii atbj.pctup;^ su^- tuleras. aed attuleras domo tieditatum et cogitatum scelus' (Cic . ,Phil. ,2,8o) makes the following asser- tion: 'Diese Worte zeigen mit uniimstosslicher Sicher- heit, dass Caesar schon einmal, "bevor Antoniue kam, das Liadem von sich gev/iesen hatte.' A saner view is expressed in the tranalation of the phrase by Halm- Laubmann, Ciceros Ausgewahlte Reden, vol.G, p.llO: •du konntest es nicht von der btrasse aufgehoben, auf der Strasse gefunden haben; ' thus no sugi-,estion of a former attempt by Licinius is to be read into Cicero's words. Cicero's immediate purpose, of course, v/as to brin(3 discredit upon Antony for his actions on that day of the Lupercalia, and hence any mention of Licin- iufc, on hie part v/oula have been irrelevant to his case. Cicero's Philippics therefore afford no check upon the accuracy of Nicolaus' account, which rests here upon

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its merits of priority in compariBon with the versions of the other historians.

5) It seems that the behavior of Lepidus at this junc- ture wa.s such as to attract attention; exactly what he did can not be ascertained, but the indications are that he kept hiraself strictly aloof. Cicero (Phil. 5,38; 13,17) wished to laud hie:, contrasting him with Antony. At the place of the former citation he says of him: 'Semper ille populum Romanum liberum voluit maximunique signum illo die dedit voluntatis et iudicii sui, cvic Antonio diadema Caesari imponente ^e, ay.er.t i.'t' > gemituque et maestitia declaravit quantum haberet odium servitu- tis,' etc. Cicero thus (though for a purpose) repre- sents him as averse to autocracy, while Nicolaus sug- geete that he was in sympathy with Antony's action.

4) As tribune (Dio 44,52).

a) The report that Caesar was adaressed directly by the crov/d as king, ' Xalps BcaiXeu' - 'salve rex,' is given by xlicolaus alone. In this connection, however, see chap. 20, note 10, ana especially Cic. , Att. ,13,:'b7,2, where Cicero refers to Oaesar as 'rex'.

6) In comparison with the motive of Antony given here, note the ridiculous reasons presented in the speech of PufiUB i^alenus as published by Dio (46,17-19). There Antony is said to have offered the diadem for the very

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purpose of shocking Caesar to reason and thus to cause him to reject the proffered crown. 22. l) 0. E. Schmidt, JaJirb . fur class. Philol .^Ib.p. 682 sug- gests that this section should follow inmiediately upon the v/ords at the beginning of section 21: •toicxuto fiev of] TOTE eXeysTo,' thus naicing a more connected account of the accusation of the tribunes and their subsequent restitution. Since, however, Nicolaus is about to write of the annual elections, his order of relating these events is not unnatural.

NicolaUB declares that Cinna secured the rece.ll of the tribunes through a decree passed while Caesar was yet alive; Appian 2,122 alludes to the tribunes as still being in exile on March 16, 44 B.C., when Brutus and Cassiue descended from the (Japitoline and urged that they be recalled. 2, Meyer, Caesars L.on3,rchie, p. 527, n.2,is inclined to favor the version of Kicolaus. 2) The decree vras that of the tribune L. Antonius, mentioned by Cicero (Phil. 7, 16). Suetonius, Caes.,41 exio. Dio 43,51 refer to the legal right of Caesar to appoint one half of the total number of magistrates for 2 years in advance; at the expiration of this period hie return from his expedition against the Parthiejis was to have been expected. The decree of Antonius was enacted betv/een Lecember 10, 45 B.C.,

J na V;'

-100-

the day on which the newly elected tritunee entered into office, and March lo, 44 B.C. (see Sternkopf, Ciceroe ausgewahlte Keden, vol. 9, p. So) .

Appian, 2, 128; 2, 158, says that Caesar appointed magietrates for 5 years in advance; Suetonius, Caee., 76, speaks of 'several' years; Nicolaus is corroborated "by Cicero (Att. 14,6,2), 'Etianme consules et tribunes pi. in biennium quos ille voluit.' See also Cic.,?aDi., 10,52,2. Ar^iong the historians, Nicolaus alone names Pansa and Hirtius, Brutus and Plancus, but Cicero speaks of the forcier pair as 'consules designati' in Philippic 5,57 sjid 59, and of the latter pair as 'con- sules designati' in Philippic 5,58. 5) Antony.

4) For the behavior of Caesar v/hen the senate approach- eo him to confer its honors upon him, see Appian 2, 107; I'io 44,8; Suetonius, t^aes.,78; Plutarch, Caes., 60; Livy, Spit. ,116; lilutropus 6,25; Zonaras 10,11. Appian and Plutarch speaJc of Caesar as seated on the rostra; Dio, Suetonius, and Livy place him before the temple of Venus Genetrix. In the interest of axcuracy it is to be noted that both Appian and Plutarch incor- rectly refer to 'consuls' in the plural as being at the head of the procesEion: • tcov utiot'x'v riyoufilvoov ' and 'npoa 1 6vT(t)v oe twv unaxcov.*

-ICl-

Excuses for Caesar's failure to rise are offered by three of the historians: tio leys the hlame upon an attack of diarrhoea, Plutarch upon an attack of epilepsy, v/hile Nicolaus, less extravagantly, simply says that Caesar diet not a.t first see the throng he- cause of his deep interest in his ovm undertaking. More plausible are the suggested reasons of Suetonius: that L. Cornelius Balbus dissuaded Caesar from rising

(compare Plut. ,Caes. , 60, end ) ,or that C. Trebatius Testa urged him to rise a,nd thus displeased him. 5} Reading auvovTec with the codex. Piccolos reads

(yvYyvovT ec,t and lindorf auvlvxe c.

6) See also Appian 2,106,1S4,1S8; Dio 44,4; 5,50. After Caesar's death Antony had inscribed upon a statue of Caesar which he placed on the rostra, 'parenti optime merito' (Cic. ,i'am. ,12,3,1). Suetonius, Caee.,

Go tells of the column erected in the forum, similarly inscribed, 'parenti patriae.'

7) See Appian 2,107,109; Lio 44,7. Caesar's motive in dismissing his ^uard was found to be difficult to ex- plain by those who afterv/ard sought for causes. To many it could not but seem almost suicidal negligence (Suet . ,Caes. ,86) ; certainly his course did not meet with the favor of his riore prudent adherents: 'laudan- dum experientie. consilium est Panse,e atque Hirti, qui

-1C2-

semper praedixerant Caesari ut principatuin arji-is quae- Bitum armis teneret' (Vell.ii, iJ7,l). 23. Ij As Pontifex Maximus, uaeear lived in the Regia, in the Via i;3acra.

2) The bridge has been identified by ii.E. Deutech, Uni- versity of California Publications in Classical Philolo- gy, vol.2, pp.267 ff. 'Petronia amnis est in Tiberim

perfluens, quam rcagistratus auspicate tra.nseunt cuei in

(jFestuB 2o0). campo quid agere volunt'^ This stream, which flowed

westward from the Q,uirinal, was accordingly bridged by

a small wooden footwaj' from which one night easily

have been pushed into the shallow v/atercourse below.

Suetonius also refers to a 'pons' but seems erroneously

to have supposed it was the 'pons' of the voting place.

Z>) The 'Jeris-e Annae Perennae' were celebrated on

March lo (CIL 1^ p. 511; V/issowa, Religion und Kultus

der Roner,2 pp. 147 and 241. See also Ovid, i'ast.,5,

52ii; kacrotius, Sat . ,1,12, 6) . Perhaps the reference

is to the Quinquatrus of Larch 19 (Wissowa, op.cit.,

p. 144).

4) Suetonius, Caes.,80, alone agrees v/ith Nicolaus

in recounting the four tentative plans discussed by

the conspirators before it was decided that Caesar be

killed in the senate on karch la, but he is far less

explicit. According to Appia.n, 2,llo, Caesar was to

-lOZ-

have set out for the .^ast v/ithin four days of that date; hence the conspirators must have felt that there was no tiir.e to lose. The motions which Caesar v;ished to introduce at this session of the senate referred to final preparations and aesignments before he departed for Parthia. iJio 44, lo, says that Brutus and Cassius felt that the motion might be put that Caesar be de- clared king in order to assure victory over the Par- thians in accordance v/ith a Sibylline prophecy (see chap. 20, n"^. 10), and since they could not vote for the measure, from conviction, nor against it, from policy, they decided to kill him before suspicion should become directed against themselves. In this connection, see Appian 2,113; Plutarch, Brut., 10, where attempts have been made to reproduce the supposed dialog betv/een Brutus and Cassius on the subject. 24. l) According to the (ireek mode of orientation to the

east, which ljricola,us has in mind, the back of one sac- rificing would be kept toward the west. The Romans fol- lov/ed the ^^truscan rule of facing south, in which case the west, being on the righx., v/oula not be an unfavor- able quarter.

2) The codex reading is sKeXeuae , obviously incorrect, Muller emends to eGeXr^as ; Piccolos and I)indorf to eneveuae* ^"t has been thought advisable to render

-104-

here as if sxlXeue were written, thus adhering more closely to the actual text, i'or the use of the imper- fect to denote attempted action, compare Hdt. 1,68, 'eiuiicreouTo no.p' oOk ehS t56vTp,c xriv c.uXrjv.' (Godwin, G. Li.T. 26),

3) literally, 'he seemed to do something rather bold for one holding his hands inside.' Didot renders as though Caesar were referred to as keeping his hands beneath his toga: 'arrive pres de Cesar, qui tenait ses mains sous sa toge.' It is scarcely possible to derive such an interpretation from the Greek as it stands. The transla-tion 'for a suppliant' was sug- gested by Plautus, Amph.,2o7, 'velatis manibus orant, ignoscaxiius peccat\;u:Q suom. ' There 'veiled hands' (bearing fillets) are a mark of supplication; 'eiaco Tac x^^P*'''^ exovTog' as applied to Cimber may have a similar meaning, particularly since he is described as feigning to intercede with Caesar for his brother; and Hicolaus may not have understood the Latin expres- sion (comps,re App. 2,117; Suet . ,Gaes. ,82; Plut.,Caes., 66; Brut. 17).

4) Appie-n 2,117; Suet . ,CaeB. ,82 ; Livy, ii;pit.,116; Plorus 2,13,95; 2iOnar?-s 10,11 D; Eutropius 6,25; Valerius Liaximus 4,5,6; Plutarch, caes.,66, mention 23 wounds; I'io 44,19, speaks of 'many' wounds; Nico-

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laus alone gives the number as 5o. 0.3. Schmict, Jahrb. fur claes.Philol ., Bup.lo,p.674, BUgtj,ests that there may have been two traditions at the time of Nicolaue, one involving 22 wounds, the other 5o. This belief is scarcely justifiable, since there is but one example of the latter tradition, and Suetonius, whose account usually coincides with that of Nicolausi is here at varig-nce. Piccolos, Nicolas de Damas, Vie de Cesar, p. 89 shows how the capitals K and f (25) may have become corrupted to I and A (35). The error is possi- bly due to the excerptor. 25. l) A slight lacuna exists here.

2) Brutus, as spokesman for the assassins, is here described as atten.pting to deliver a formal address to the multitude immediately after the murder and be- fore the conspirators fled to the Capitoline, A simi- lar implication is found in i-io 44,ii0-21, though Brutus is not there mentioned by name. Appian 2,119, suggests rather that the slayers simply ran, shouting random remarks in defense of their deed. 5) So also Appian 2,114; Plutarch, Brut., 18, 2; Ant. 15,2; Velleius 2,o8. Iiio,44,19, says that the decision not to kill Antony was duly reached, but here Brutus iB not named as being the influential factor. Cicero (Att. ,15,12,2) seeme to refer with some petulpjice to

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the reputation for lenience which Brutus created for hinisell': 'L. quidem Antonius literaliter litteris sine cura me esse iubet. Habeo unuia benef icium, alterum fortasse, si in Tusculanum venerit. 0 negotia non ferenda! quae feruntur tamen. toiv 6' aWtav tuv BpouTcov TIC, exet.' Again (Att.l5, 20,2) 'foedum ducens et quasi denuntia.tuin nobis ab Antonio ex hac nassa exire constitui ... haec omnis culpa Bruti.' A year later Cicero again alludes to Brutus' policy concerning Antony at the time of the murder of *^aesar: 'tu lenius' (Cic.,ad Brut . ,2, 5,1). 26. l) It is not elsewhere mentioned that Caesar intended to make an expedition against the Indians.

2) C. Calvisius babinus, consul in 39 B.C., was in the year 48 with Caesar (Caes. , B.C. ,3,34) . In 38 he helc. a command in Octavian's fleet, at that time engaged v;ith SextUB Pompeius (App. 5,60-81), and in the year 36 he was superceded by Agrippa because of his failure to prevent the desertion of one of his subordinates (App. 5, 96). ilarcius Censorinus, probably praetor in 43 B.C., is spoken of as a uaesarian ana an Antonian in Att. 14,10,2; Phil. 11, 36; 15,2, but their attempt tc defend Caesar is mentioned only by Nicolaus.

3) So also Appian 2,118; Suetonius, oae8.,e2.

26 b.l) Compare Appian 2,115; Lio 44,16. The part played

-1C7-

by Lecimus Brutus in engaging the services of the gladiators is referred to by Appian 2,122; Plutarch, Brut. 12.

2) Ab has "been seen (chap. 22, note 7 J there were, in • fact, no guards. See also Appian 2,118: 'there 7/as no detc-chnent of soldiers about i^aesa,r, for he did not care for guards.* 5) A slight lacuna exists here.

4) The second speech of Erutue v/as delivered in the afternoon of Larch 16. So also Plutarch, Brut. , 18,3-4. Plutarch, CaeB.,67,2> seems to iiajjly that this same address took place on the following dsQ/: ^ \ieB' r\\iepav 8s t3v Kept SpouTov }£aTsX9ovTav xai txo iTjaa.uevuv Xoyouc.' Appian 2,122 states that Brutus descended from the Capitoline, the wound in his hand still fresh, and, together with Cassius, spoke in the foriijn. The rather unexpected praise of Brutus may- be an indication that Nicolaus is using Pollio's histories. 27. 1) This is the 'contio Capitolina prima' which was

held on March lo, late in the day, and at which Cicero was present. He endeavored to secure a convocation of the senate, to be summoned by Brutus and Cassius on their authority as praetors, so that they might be legally confirmed ac tyrannicides, thus forestalling any attempt on the part of the v^aesarians cijid the

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Antonians to have them proclaimed murderers (Gic.,Att. 14,10,1, 'meruinistine me clamare illo ipso primo Capito- lino die debere senatian in Capitolium a praetoritus vocari,' etc. Alec Cic. , Phil. ,2,89 j . This ir;eeting on the Capitoline should not be confused with a second •contio Gapitolina' referred to by Cicero (Att.,li>,l b, a), and which seems to have been subsequent to the meeting of the senate in the temple of Tellus on March 17, v.'hen Cicero was able to secure only a rather un- satisfactory compromise for the members of the repub- licaji faction. See the note of Tyrrell and Purser, The Correspondence of Cicero, vol.o, p. 507.

2) The temple of Juppiter Capitolinus is, of course, to be unaerstood.

3) The despatch of messengers from the conspirators to Antony and Lepidus is also told of by Appian 2,125.

4) Appian 2,126 and iJio 44,22 both make special note of the fact that Lepidus had an armed force in the city before daybreak on karch 17. Appian, however, in the same passage asserts that Antony did not bring in any troops, so as not to disturb the city,

5) Reading ex veo.)Tep la.uou with JiJ. Schv/artz, Hermes 55, p. 184, instead of be xc'i.

6) lio 44,54, says that Lepidus was only making a pretense of advocatin^i vengeaJice: ' 6 uev yap AeTtifioc

"TU

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np6<yxr\]io. Tr)v xou Kaiaapoc xi.ucootav 710 loujievo? , etc., v.'hile Appian 2,1S1-132, states that lepidue v/ae em- ployed atj a tool both by those who desired revenge enc those who favored amnesty with the aesassins.

7) aXXoo codex. K. Schwartz, Hermes 22, p. 184 sug- gests the emendation riaXBoc, which is very plausible.

8) Between the sections 27 and 28 the excerptor has perhaps omitted a portion of his original material. Much of what is told by Nicolaus in section 27 is given in far greater detail than is the case v/ith the other historians'. The events related in this chapter, especially the interchange of raessengers between Antony and Lepidus and Brutus and cassius, have been thought to have had a very close connection with the circum- stances which occasioned the writing of Cic.,Fain., 11,1, a letter from I). Brutus to k. Brutus exid Cassius. O.E. Schmidt, Neue Jahrb. fur Philol. und Paed.,129, wishes therefore to date the letter in the morning of March 17; P. Grobe, i/rumann-urobe Geschichte Roms,l2, p. 411 ff., woulc place the letter still earlier, on March 16. 5. T. Merrill, Class. Philol. 10, p. 241 ff., has nov; shown that L. Brutus' allusions to the disposi- tion of Antony and Hirtius toward him may well have been relevant to a later period, and hence he would

set the date of the letter as late as April 10, thus approximating Schmidt's original viev/, which gave

: ... ,•.;•!

,» n.

-J

■" .1 - ,

-no-

April 5 as the protable time of writing (Die Corres- pondenz uiceroe in den Jahren 44 und 45, I^^arburg 183oK It follows therefore that chapter 27 of Nicolaus should not te employed as a criterion on the date of cic, J;ain. ,11, 1. 28. l) Lacuna, which is apparently quite lon^,, for the af- fairs mentioned in the follov?ing belong to June and July, whereas the story of Octavian told before chapter 19 was only of his return to Rome in April.

2) The aedile Oritonius is probably referred to (com- pare App. 5,28). The proper name may have been lost in the lacuna immediately above.

3) Compare Appian 5,28; Dio 45,6; Suetonius, Cae8.,33; Plutarch, Ant., 16; Pliny, N,H.,2,25. Since both Appian and Nicolaus refer to two controversies between Octavian and Antony, of which the second was at the time of the festival of Venus Genetrix in July, the question has arisen as to what the earlier occasion could have been. The 'ludi Cereales' are precluded, for Octavian v/as in Campania during the period in which they were held, April 12-19 (Cic.,Att., 14,lii,2j. The 'ludi Plorales' were given April 28 - May 3, and since Cicero on kay

22 referred to the episode of the throne (Att.lo,5,2) these must have been the i^aones at which Octavism ex- perienced his difficulty for the first time, unless it

i \.

■Ill-

can be ahovm that the 'ludi Cereales' were postponed for a month, in which event they would have also been completed just prior to Cicero's letter of l^ay 22. 4) See Appian 3,21; LS23; Lio 46,7. According to Appian's account, Octavian liquidated not only the residuary estate which he received from Caesar, hut also some of his own property in orcer to pay the specific legacies to the people. This would naturally make them feel indebted to him as well as to his late uncle, and was a particularly shrewd bit of strategy on his part in winning; popular opinion away from Antony.

5) Antony and J^olabella.

6) Antony is accused of having made away with 700,000,000 sesterces (approximately §20,000,000) (Cic. , Phil. .1,17; 2,55; 2,93; 4,14; 6,11; Att. 14,14, o; Pam. 12,2,2; Veil. 2,60,4). Antony's obvious defense was that the Caesarian treasury, the teraple of Ops, had been left exhausted by Caesar (App. 3,20).

7) liuring April and May Antony was corresponding with Brutus and Cassius, both verbally and by letter. The general impression given by Cicero is that a friendly compromise was not improbable: 'Antoni colloquium cum heroibus nostris pro re nata non incommodum,' (Cic, Att. ,14, 6,1, written April 12) 'fipistula brevis quae postea a te scripta eat sane mihi fuit incunda, de

iC/" .';-l .

.. v.T V

0,^- '■ '

• \ - 1 -1- - t

or.

Vn ■ , I _.

v ■ , c i i c _

-112-

Bruti ad Antoniiim ... litteris' (Cic . ,Att . ,14, 14, post- script). The appeal of Brutus and Cassius to Antony. (Cic . ,?cLm. ,11,2 ) , as to what their chance for safety would be in Rome, was sent from Lanuviiom tov/ard the end of l<lay.

8) Lacuna.

9) These men seem to belong to the 'middle group' just mentioned before the Lacuna. Nicolaus assumes that they are not genuine friends of Octavian but egi^ him on against Antony for purposes of their own. That they did so as oicero certainly did for the sake of preserv- ing the constitution he neglects to say. 'Vibius' is of course C. Vibius Pansa, one of the consuls desig- nated for 43, who though formerly a friend of Antony was induced by Uicero to support the senate in view of his coming consulship. He was friendly to Octavian but would hardly have supported Octavian s ambitions

to the full. Lucius ma^/' well oe L. Julius Caesar, con- sul of 64 B.C., and Antony's uncle; see Pauly-V/iss. Julius 14o. He opposed his nephew Antony in 44 and supported the senate, though he also tried to restrain the senate from declaring open war on Antony in 43. We are not tola what his attitude towara Octavian was, but his opposition to Antonys his frequent support of Cicero, his desire for peace, and his friendship for

• ■ J- »

Ov.

J.'. . -v .'

-iic;-

conaervatives like L. Pieo, -P. ServiliUB Vatia, Servius SulpiciU3, and Philippus make it probable that he favored Octavian's opposition of Antony without support- ing Octavian's extreme arabitions. A, Schwartz (Hermes biJ,p. 184) 8Ufet;est8 that L. Piso is here referred to. This is possible, but in view of the fact that L. Julius Caesar v;as proscribed by the triiunvirs in 43, it is more likely that he is the one attacked by Nico- laus.

The Publius referred to is probably P. Servilius Vatia. He was a man of little force of character, who half-heartedly supported the senate against Antony in 44 and 43. The fact that Lucius Caesar, against Cicero's advice, nominated him in 43 as proconsul to oppose Dolabella, proves that he belongs to the moderate group which did not wish to offend Caesar's soldiers or Octavian by giving open support to Erutus and Cas- siUB (Cic, Phil. ,11,19). Brutus (Cic, ad Brut . ,1,16) as early as Iilay»43, took Cicero to task for com.r.ending his own safety to Octavian; in ad Brut. 1,17, 5, he alludes to ihe terms to which Octavian had come with Cicero, in that the youth addressed the elder man as 'pater'.

10) Gallia Narbonensis (compare Bio 43, ol). Lepidus became triumvir with Antony and Octavian in 43.

11) See CicPhil. , 5, o; Fam.10,1, ff. Plancus had

o^

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been noninated consul for the year 42 by Caesar. He held Gallia Comata under the provisions of the 'lex Julia,' concerning the assii^nment of provinces. Antony endeavored to displace him through the 'lex tribunicia de provinciis,' enacted in the early part of June, 44, but his position was confirmed by a 'senatus consult^am' of liecember 20, which provided that the provincial governors should retain their tenures until the senate itself should appoint successors (Cic. , Phil. ,2,38) . 12) Compare Lio 4o,10; App. 4,84. Pollio was already in his province v/hen Caesar was murdered, according to his reference to the Ides of Jiarch in Cic. ,i'am. ,10,31,4. 15) See App. 3,2; Cic . ,Att. ,14,13,2. D. Brutus had gone to his province in April 44 B.C.

14) Brutus' official name was Q,. Servilius Caepio afta: his adoption by his uncle, though he continued to be called M. Junius Brutus by his friends. 'Gaius' is probably an error of the excerptor.

15) Por the year 44, the lawful praetor for Macedonia was Q,. HortensiUB (Cic. , Phil. ,10,11; 10, lo; 10,26).

16) isyria was under L. iStaius Murcus, followed by q,. Marcius Crispus (App. 3, 77) until the advent of Cassius

(Dio 47,27-28; Cic. , Fam. , 12, 11,1; 12,12,3). There is confusion a;aong the historians as to what provinces were actually assigned to Brutus and Gassius for the

« --

1' I fili

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year 43. Appian 3,2; 3,7-8; 3,12; 3,16; 3,24; 3,36; 4,o7, states that Brutus and Cassius were appointed for Macedonia and Syria. Florus 2,17,4 says also that Caesar had given them Luacedonia and Syria, ir'lutarch, Caes.,67; Ant. 14; Cic.42; Brut. 19, as consistently state that Brutus ana Cassius received no provinces until after Caesar's death; the senate ultimately assigned Crete and 'Libya' (Plut. ,Brut . , 19). Lio 47, 21 explicitly states that Macedonia and Syria never v/ere given to Brutus and Cassius, but that Crete and Bithynia were. Appian 3,8 mentions Cyrenaica and Crete, and as an alternative report, Cyrenaica and Crete for Cassius and Bith^-nia for ♦Brutus. The sequel is, of course, well known. Brutus and Cassius seized Macedonia and Syria forcibly. \V. Sternkopf, Hermes 47, pp. 340-347, has shown that the versions of Appian and Florus, that Caesar had given Iniacedonia and Syria to Brutus and Cassius for the year 43, are incorrect. Perhaps his most cogent point is that Cicero nowhere condemns Antony and Lolabella for having diverted from Brutus and Cassius provinces originally ordained for then. In fact Cicero (Phil. 11,27-30) endorses Brutus and Cassius for having appropriated provinces which belonged, according to written law (legibus scriptis) to others (Llacedoniam alienam; Syriam, alienam provin-

-IIC-

cian). It should be noticed that the phrase of Nicolaus regardine Brutus, ' Maxeftovia be T. BpouToC 2cpe6poC Sv'is not entirely clear. It is just possible that Appian's grave error is due to a misunderstanding of Nicolaus or of Nicolaus' source if that also contained some ambiguous expression like eqpeSpoc. 17) Caesar had not bequeathed his position in the state to Octavian, though he had doubtless intended, should he live long enough, to be able eventually to name his successor. This passage is interesting in revealing the point of view of Octavian, whose memoirs Nicolaus used. 29. l) According to App. 3,28, Octavian himself, accompanied by a following of civilians, canvassed the plebeians, endeavoring to excite their anger against Antony.

2) In Appian's account (5,29-30,39) Antony is said to have been in need of Octavian' s assistance in order to procure the exchange of provinces.

3) A lacuna here intervenes, so that the account of the actual reconciliation is wanting. Appian,5,29-o0,39, agrees in the main with Nicolaus; Antony is influenced by his military tribunes, former soldiers of Caesar.

In Lio 46,8 Octavian sind Antony are said to have made mutual concessions. According to Plutarch, Ant., 16, Antony became apprehensive on finding that Octavian

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had joined forces with his more powerful foes, sunong whom was Cicero, 30. l) For a commentary on the sv/ing of public opinion

fron Antony to Octavian, see App.3; 12,21,23,24, 29; Dio 45,8; Plut. , Ant. ,16. R. Duttlinger, op.cit., pp. 77-78, directs attention to the fact that Appian presents Antony in a fairer light in this connection than do Nicolaus, Lio, or Plutarch, thus indicating a probable diversity of sources.

2) On the authority of the 'lex de permutatione pro- vinciarum' of June 1-2, 44 B.C. W. Sternkopf, Hermes 47, p. 357 ff. a.nd Ciceros ausgewahlte Reden, vol.8,

p. 9 and note, declares that this act is identical with the 'lex tribunicia de provinciis,' both having been ratified at the same meeting. The former term is em- ployed by Livy, Epit.,117; the latter by Cicero, j^hil., 0,7. The combined result was that Antony should have part or all of Gaul in pl?.ce of Macedonia, and that both consuls should enjoy an imperium extended for five years. In the historians the references to the exchange of provinces are: Dio 45; 9,20,25; 46; 23,24; Appian 3; 27,29,30,31,37,38,52,55,63.

3) Antony left Rome October 9: 'Antonius autera ... a.d. VII Id. Oct. Brundisium erat profectus' (Cic. ,1'am. ,12, 23,2). Also App. 3,40,

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4) This is the only occurrence of the spelling 'Atia' in the excerpt. ^Isev/here the name is given 'Antia'. o) Appian o,o9, ajid Plutarch, Ant.,lG, both seem to discredit the report that Octavian made an attempt against Antony's life, though they do not endeavor to deny it so vigorously as does Nicolaus. Suetonius, Aug. 10; Velleius 2,60, and Seneca, de Clein. 1,9,1, all indicate that the attempt was really made. Cicero, Paxiu , 12,23,2, both believes and approves of it, though it is possible that he was carried away by his own desire rather than that he weighed conclusive contemporaneous evidence. He remarks, however, that the populace did not believe it, and that Antony never gave a report on the prisoners he was supposed to have seized. In Phil. 5,19, he goes so far as to take upon himself the credit for having urged Octavian to the deed. The circumstantial refutation of Nicolaus comes doubtless from Augustus' memoirs. 31. l) Lacuna. Octavian' s exploit in securing enlistments in Campaniy. is referred to by the following: App.3; 40,58; Lio 4o; 12,38; buet . , Aug. ,10; Veil. 2, 61; Plut., Ant. ,16; Cic. 44; Tac ., Ann. , 1,10 ; Cic . ,Phil. ,3, 3; 4,3; 0,23,44. Nicolaus is unique in stating that Octavian first approached the Seventh and iilighth Legions. Both of these were composed of veterans (Cic ., rhil. , 14,27 ;

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CIL 10,4786). Eeside the fact that Octavian offered an inducement tov/ard enlisting to the extent of oOO denarii ( V30 ) to each laan, the veterans were glad to aid him oppose Antony because of a new colony estab- lished by the latter near Casilinxiin (Cic . ,Phil. , 2, 100-102) which served to make Antony' unpopular with the oaesarian veterans who had a prior claim to the ground. (M. Cary, Journal of Philology ,70, pp. 174-190, treats of the land legislation of Caesar in regard to Campania. He is of the opinion that Casilinun and Calatia, being settled by veterans of the Civil V.'ar, must have been founded under a later statute than the 'lex Campana' of 59 B.C.) Octavian's levy was not authorized; it was therefore a revolutionary measure. Nicolaus tsLkes pains to show that OctaviaJi reached his decision only after Antony proved that he v/as destined upon war. In this Nicolaus apparently makes a good case: Anton^' left for Brundisium on October 9, and Octavian is represented as forming his decision and departing for Campania a few days later. Confir- mation comes from Cicero, who on llovember 2 wrote sig- nificantly to Atticus (16,8), 'On the al'ternoon of the first I had a letter from Octavian. He is making a great undertaking. The veterans at Casilinum and Calatia he has won over to his side. Nor is this

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stran^je; he gives 600 denarii apiece, lilvidently he means to wage war with Antony. And so I see that in a few days we shall "be in arms. But whom are we to fol- low? Consider his name ana his ajiS.' 2) 1^, Juventius and k. Modialius are unknown. L. Maecenas is incorrectly written for C. Maecenas, of whom this seems to be the earliest mention, h, Agrippa had been a companion of Octavia,n at Apollonia. 'Lucius' may be L. Cocceius Nerva, great-grandfather of the emperor Nerva. He is mentioned as a trusted friend of Octaviaji in 41, ana thence throughout his life. S) The several references to his mother could only have come from Augustus' own menoira.

4) Appian 3,24, incorrectly states that Brutus and Cassius left Italy shortly after the 'ludi Apollina.res' in July. l>io 47,20, is more accurate in saying that uhey delayed in Campania for a time. Cic. ,i'am.ll,2,

was sent from Naples August 4 by Brutus and Cassius to Antony; and Cicero addressed Cassius at Puteoli in the early part of October (Cic, Pam. , 12, 2;12, 5) . Brutus and Cassius would scarcely have been concerned over the news of the young Octavian's preparations; their aeparture, though it coincided in time with Octavian's levy was not caused by this.

5) Calatia was apparently the home of the beventh Legion,

-liil-

Bince he had decided to approach this first. His effort was successful, for the oeventh Legion took part in the battle of i'oram Gallorurn (Cic ., Phil. ,14,10, 27 ) .

6) The next colon;/' was apparently Casilinuiii, where was the j£ighth Legion.

7) According to Cicero (Pam. ,12,23,2) Octavian went in person to Brundisiiun to win over the four legions just arrived from Macedonia.

8) Appian mentions this means of propaganda in 3;21,29, 44. His first reference to it in 5,31 antedates his account of Octavian' s alleged attempt against Antony's life; this anticipation is of coarse incorrect.

VITA

Clayton Morris Hall was tiorn at Huxton, Maryland, Sep- tember 24, 189G. From 1908 to 1914 he was prepared for col- lege at the Boys' Latin bchool, Baltimore. In the s.utuinn of 1914 he entered the College of Arte and Sciences of the Johns Hopkins University, v/hence he received the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1918. Luring 1918-1919 he was in the United States Army. In the autximn of 1919 he began graduate v;ork in Latin, Classical Archaeology, and Greek in the Johns Hopkins University, and held, from 1920 to 1922, a Johns Hopkins Scholarship.

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