=a SEI te ery. SRR eaea eras Pea a a Pat Pa belts abana pein en ce PL. te ee ae AL el FORTHE: PEOPLE| FOR EDVCATION | FOR SCIENCE LIBRARY OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY Bust of an Inea AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND By CHARLES W. MEAD LATE CURATOR OF PERUVIAN ARCHAEOLOGY HANDBOOK SERIES No. 11 (Second Edition, Third Printing) NEW YORK 1942 LIBRARY OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY B+ IRSQOR- bee vsfer i é ; : ; Printed and Lithoprinted in U. S. A. University Lithoprinters, Ypsilanti, Michigan 1942 PREFACE The author of this book died in February, 1928, after a long and honorable service as curator of South American collections. It is fitting, therefore, that we issue a new edition of this useful handbook as a guide to the collections and the literature relat- ing to the prehistoric civilization of the Peruvian Highlands. To quote from the original preface of the author :— ‘¢When viewing the exhibits in any museum hall the visitor is apt to derive much more information and pleasure, than he otherwise would, if he has some knowledge of the subject illustrated by the ob- jects in the cases. This little book is written to fur- nish such information, rather than to be a complete guide to the Hall of Prehistoric Peru. Herein the Peruvians will tell quite a part of their own story through drawings and photographs of the works they have left behind. ‘ SA 114 3y KR. L. Olson EE 5 ae 5 SIRE ath ir SAR ln Sp 132 a ag cay Stain Sain pn stechenin in 135 ILLUSTRATIONS TEXT FIGURES PAGE I ig Saad cctgsngnay rcncriongctitonatccrerenis Frontispiece 1. Archaeological Map, West Coast of South America Facing 6 2. Topographical Map of South America ....c.cccccccsssecssssscssnnsseenssersnee 8 3. Extent of the Ancient [mca Empire .....s..ccccccescssesscsnnsssnecsnesesieessnn 10 4. A Portion of the Great Fortress of Sacsahuaman, Cuzco ........ il 5. Painting on a Pottery Vessel depicting Rushes and their Roots, Fish swimming among the Rushes, and Birds SU NEN NNN 8 a pedo Sunstein esecitoenme eine 12 6. A Portrait Vase in Terra Cotta from a Grave in Chepen, NN ami eee Ie a Neth ce ot cet latte Sanopdhocbsinhirne 13 7. A Brilliantly Colored Pottery Vessel from Nazca, Peru .......... 14 8. The Central Figure on the Great Stone Gateway at Akapana, Tiahuanaco; Examples of Puma Heads on Textiles OL 5, se ed eRe es Sere Seti st Rare ener 15 weeyen) See, OF Carco: Forms 11 Pottery ce ccccecteesmesntnnestesgesenes 17 20> An Inca Poncho from the Island of Titicaca 0 nen 19 11. A Water Vessel in the Form of a Guinea Pig (Cwy) .................... 26 ee eericnitural Implements Of Copper .c.cc:n..nceiciecieinnnetuie iat 27 13. Reproductions of Squashes in Clay. Trujillo Culture .............. 32 14. A Woman’s Work Basket, containing Yarns, Spindles, ag = SERN Bete Nes Ee PRUE REL 0 2 Ste Stole ae Ma care 34 15. A Water Vessel in the Form of a Human Foot, showing Type of Sandal worn and the Method of fastening to Se ee aap eae eer a Rat cca ert See ee 36 16. Peruvian Costume depicted on a Pottery Water Vessel .............. 36 17. A> Pre-Inca Tapestry Poncho. Pachacamac -.0...c:. nce 39 18. Weaving Methods painted on a Pottery Vessel from Tru- le et 8 Eee CS Ee hee AC RASC eT 40 Mee re Pd OATH GE POMC a2. oe ise csccidien enter egscanesnaatentcnemnecce 42 oe aM Wo) 0 en re ee ae ce ec 43 eeeeplcments Of Copper BG Brome. aoc... icccnntikeiedctioencdere ene 44 22. Silverwork: Hollow Figures in Thin Silver 2.0.0.0... 45 23. The Method of Working Gold and Silver (After Benzoni, Es TS GORRE INET: Sg Pak ie ren on seh pete eae Pe aa Cae 47 aa mocel of a House ona Pottery Vessel. ..:......:.cccccincsinca 49 25. The Type of Shelter used by Herders—a Clay Model ............ 49 LE UG OO (G51) er ee ans ee 50 GY 6 ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE 27. Doorway in a Ruined House, Cuzco (After E. G. Squier) ........ 52 28. An Inca Bridge (After*E..G. Squiet)) i... eee 54 29. The Church and Convent of Santo Domingo, Cuzco (After B, Gs Saher) 5 scan icannebee cen ee ea RA ae . * > aoe . SNS Qs > cN ANS . Fi ~ TESS \ SS NS Os . “ Ay hig ee) +} 44 Vip manne i i WP Yip if wis Vfl pe | WO? ~ RR WO RR DA? ee a ae A OA Sel — < Eanes Se s Ls Fic. 14. A Woman’s Work Basket, containing Yarns, Spindles, Needles, etc., exactly as buried with the Owner. Plaited mats are very common, ranging from very coarse to very fine weaving. They were used as sleeping mats, as partitions in the houses, as outside wrappings for mummy bundles, and, in the desert coast region, to cover the sticks placed across the 5 HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 35 tops of graves to protect the body from falling sand. The weaving technique of these mats is_ twilled plaiting. Dress. Among the old historians Father Bernabé Cobo and Cieza de Leon have left us the most com- plete descriptions of the clothing worn by Peruvian Indians at the time of the Conquest. From their accounts it appears that the dress of a man consisted of a breech-cloth, over which was worn a poncho, a sort of shirt, with or without sleeves, called wncu. The outer garment, shaped lke a blanket, was thrown over the shoulders. This was called yacolla. When dancing or at work two of the corners were tied together at the left shoulder. The men carried cloth bags hung by a strap about the neck. These took the place of pockets and were usually filled with coca leaves. In some localities the women wrapped themselves in a large piece of cloth which hung under the arms. The edges were pulled up over the shoulders and fastened with a pin (topu). A broad belt (chumpr) encircled the waist. The outer mantle was thrown over the shoulders and fastened over the breast with a pin. This shawl-like garment was called lliclla. The bronze pins that fastened their clothing had very large heads; some were in the form of spoons with which they ate their roasted and ground corn; others had flat heads, sharpened on the edge, and were used as knives. On going to sleep at night they never undressed; the men merely threw off the yacolla and the women the lliclla. When any foot covering was used it was a sandal made of llama hide or of braided vegetable fiber. (See Fig. 15.) Fic. 15. A Water Vessel in the Form of a Human Foot, showing the Type of Sanda] worn, and the Method of fast- ening to the Foot. Fic. 16. Peruvian Costume depicted on a Pottery Vessel. The man wears a poncho with sleeves and a shawl-like garment (yacolla) over it. 36 : : HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 37 Personal Ornaments. The Spaniards called the Inea and his relatives orejones (big ears) from their custom of piercing their ears and enlarging the hole until the lobe hung down nearly to the shoulders. The material of which the ear ornament was made and its size varied according to the rank of the wearer and was regulated by law. These ear orna- ments are common objects in collections from the old graves. They are of all sizes and variously made of gold, silver, clay, wood, and canes. (For ear ornaments in use, see the Frontispiece. ) They used an endless variety of beads made of various kinds of stone, bone, shell, seeds, and ber- ries. Gold and silver beads were common; we also find them made of precious and semiprecious stones, emerald, lapis lazuli, amethyst, turquoise, smith- sonite, agate, and quartz. Broad bands of very thin gold, often with em- bossed decoration, were sometimes worn as wrist ornaments, and circular or square pieces of silver pierced near the edges with holes, were sewed to garments and belts. Finger rings were not uncom- mon. A mummy hand and forearm, with a ring on the second finger and a bracelet on the arm will be found in the Museum collection. Combs were worn as hair ornaments and many will be found on exhibition. The teeth in these combs, which are either of thorns or cane, are held in position by interwoven yarns, forming a tightly woven fabric, ornamented usually with bird or fish figures. In collections of gold and silver objects are many human figurines. Some of these represent women with their hair in one braid and others in two. Ulloa 38 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND (Vol. 2, p. 13) in describing the Indian women of Sechura, says :— The condition of everyone may be known by their manner of dress- ing their hair, maids and widows dividing it into two plaited locks, one hanging on each shoulder, whilst married women braid all their hair in one. These prehistoric figurines indicate that these dis- tinctive methods of dressing the hair survived from pre-Spanish times. Textiles. Thousands of pre-Inca graves in the dry, nitrous sand of the Peruvian coast have per- fectly preserved for us textiles woven more than a thousand years ago. Many of these webs are as strong and their colors as bright as they were when taken from the primitive looms. These textiles ap- peal to the artist not only hecause of the great beauty of their color schemes but for their strange conventionalized animal figures. Designers and de- sign students, have long sought inspiration from them for decorative designs for silks, carpets, wall papers, book covers, ete. Furthermore, textile man- ufacturers and experts are astonished at the perfect spinning of the yarns, the great variety of tech- niques, and the unusual skill of the weavers. William 8. Murphy in his standard work, Textile Industries, says of Peruvian threads :— It may be that the makers of Cashmere shawls, Dacca muslins, Aztec veils, and Peruvian robes inherited the long labors of a thou- sand generations; but so far as the spinners of what we call modern civilization are concerned the ideal has been realized, and belongs rather to the past than to the present or to the immediate future. The perfect thread is not to seek; it has been made. (Vol. 3, 83.) Considering that the Peruvians reached this high standard without direct contact with any outside HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 39 people we may well endorse the statement that ‘‘It is the most extraordinary textile development of a prehistoric people.’’ The Peruvians had two kinds of native cotton; one pure white, the other a golden brown. The white ‘5 sate Bats sins . “ t 1g wigs yy SAU aqui’ ‘Blane wt Fig. 17. A Pre-Inca Tapestry Poncho. Pachacamac. The warps are cotton, the wefts, vicufia wool. The three human figures in the center are surrounded by cat, bird, and fish designs. fiber is very even in diameter, has a greater number of convolutions per inch than the brown, and aver- ages from 1 to 1} inches in length; the brown 5 inch less. Carding was probably accomplished oh the fingers; the spinning with a spindle weighted by a whorl. In addition to cotton, wool was used. For the most part, the wool came from three members of the camel family: the alpaca, the vicuna, and the llama. 40 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND Most of us are familiar with alpaca wool. That of the vicuna is much finer, very silky in appearance, but that of the llama is coarse, and only used in gar- ments of the poorer class of people. Finally, the old Peruvian weavers used a bast fiber made from the maguey plant. ——S SS SSE Fic. 18. Methods of Weaving from a Painting on a Pottery Vessel, Trujillo (After Tello). A tapestry is being woven. On the ground beside the weavers may be seen, the weaving patterns, spindles with yarns of various colors, and water jars. The Peruvian loom consisted of two sticks, one at the top, the other at the bottom, over which the warps were stretched. In the common type of loom eS Soe Owe PO | ae HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 41 a heald rod lifted every other thread, forming the shed or opening for the passage of the spindle car- rying the weft or filling thread. The only other implement used was the weave sword for beating up the weft threads. When tapestry was to be made the warps were stretched in the same way. No heald rod was used, a weave dagger opening the small sheds and pressing down the wefts. As many bob- bins had to be used as there were to be colors in the finished web. Mr. M. D. C. Crawford, the well known textile expert, is our authority for many of the statements made here. After a long and careful study of the Peruvian textiles in the Museum’s col- lection he says :— In tapestry Peru reached its highest textile development. The harmony of color, the beauty and fastness of the dyes, and the per- fection of the spinning and weaving, place these fabrics in a class by themselves, not only as compared to other textiles of this land, but as regards those of any other people. A painting on a pottery vessel (Fig. 18) from the Valley of Chicama (Trujillo culture) shows women weaving. The cords of the upper loom bar are fast- ened to one of the house posts, the lower to the belt around the weaver’s waist. The technique employed here has been called bobbin weave, which differs from ordinary tapestry in that the weft goes over and under unequal instead of equal groups of warp. In this weave the only implement required is the bobbin and there must be as many bobbins as there are colors in the finished web. Thus on the ground beside the weaver (the painter knew nothing of perspective) are the bobbins required for the work in hand, a board or other object bearing the pattern oP ‘OZ “Sly Ul UMOYS ST JUOUTTPORIYw JOYPBaZ JO enbruyoo} oy, “OYyouod soy Coy V JO WAV “GL ‘OL SAG HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 43 she is weaving, and also cups and jars for water or chicha, a kind of beer, which was the common drink of the country. Feather-Work. Many of the headdresses and ponchos of feather-work found on mummies and in graves are works of art. The feather poncho is a shirt of cotton cloth, decorated with designs made by attaching differently colored feathers to it. These feathers are strung on strings that are as long as the poncho is wide. A string so prepared is placed horizontally across the garment and sewed to it. The second string of feathers is added to overlap in shingle fashion, and so on. The design had to be carefully planned out from the be- ginning, and the variously colored feathers so strung on the strings as to form the design very crudely. In the feather poncho shown in Fig. 19 the groundwork is yellow. The chief decoration is the row of “°7* Technique. j Method of attach- scrolls in black; the others are nar- ing feathers to the row lines of red and blue. When poncho in Fig. 19. the garment was completely covered with feathers many of the black scrolls were covered in places by the yellow feathers. These overlapping ends were trimmed away, with some cutting instru- ment, leaving the lines sharp and clear. Again, beautiful mosaic work was produced by gluing small bits of feathers to cloth and wool. Metallurgy. The knowledge of metallurgy is often taken as an index of the degree of civilization attained by a people. However this may be, a glance at a good museum collection from Peru reveals work Fig. 20. Feather- IZU0Id raddoo \ bP ‘urd puvys 10 ‘ndo} aoddoo v pure 2 ‘9TIUY aZU0IG Vv > ; ‘soatuy 19ddod OM} {poutTqMod xv a{}JVq puB PBayY qnld szuUo1q azuoIq UV :4YSt 0} 4ZoLT Wo1g ‘ezuo1g pue saddog jo sjuawedwy OM} + OJTUY ‘ - [OSTYO Sd[ pool IZ ‘Od HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 45 in gold, silver, copper, and lead. Further, the ob- jects fashioned of these metals show that casting in moulds, beating up tall cups from a single piece, sol- dering, and even plating or gilding one metal with another were understood. All this indicates a high Fig. 22. Silverwork: Hollow Figures in Thin Silver. The upper figure represents an alpaca; the lower, a llama. Island of Titicaca. level of achievement in the metal arts. Gold was mined, but it is probable that the greater part was 46 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND washed from the gravels of rivers that flowed from the Cordillera. In the dry season, when the water was low, stone dams were laid across a section of the stream, thus retaining much of the gold brought down when the rains and melting snow turned it into a raging torrent. The washing was done during the next dry season. Silver was mined in great quantity. The chef supply seems to have come from the Potosi region. Hundreds of partly filled excavations in various sec- tions of the country, particularly in Bolivia, attest to the extent of these mining operations. These ex- cavations are merely pits in the earth, as the prehis- toric Peruvians had no means of sinking deep shafts. In addition to the metals noted above some use was made of quicksilver and vermilion. However, it does not appear that they employed quicksilver to form amalgams in their mining operations until after the coming of the Spaniards but they did use vermilion as a red paint. Acosta (238) says :— I speak for the Inguas Kings of Peru, and for the natural Indians, which have laboured and digged long in these mines of quicksilver, not knowing what quicksilver was, seeking only for Cinabrium, or vermilion, which they call Limpi, the which they esteem much for that effect that Plinie reports of the Romans and Ethiopians, that is, to paint the face and bodies of themselves and their idols. Copper is found in almost every part of the coun- try. Bolivia is very rich in tin, ranking second only to the Malay Peninsula in its output of this metal, though Bolivian tin is mostly in the form of ¢as- siterite. Some use was made of lead, especially in making bolas, but no iron, before the coming of Europeans. HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 47 The Peruvians had discovered, in prehistoric times, the art of making bronze. They found that a eombination of copper and tin made a much harder and more serviceable tool than one of copper alone. A great number of these bronze implements are ex- hibited in the Museum collections and over two hun- dred of them have small labels attached which give the exact amount of copper and tin in the specimen. EU Dy LL CU > (After Ben- Fic. 23. The Method of Working Gold and Silver. zoni, 1541-1556.) For smelting metals cylindrical pottery furnaces called guayras were used. The furnace tenders had no bellows, but used copper pipes through which to blow the fire. When the ores were refractory, a number of these pipes were used at the same time. 48 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND In the Potosi region, where there was most of the time a high wind, the guayra was placed on some elevated spot to take advantage of this natural blast. If one is disposed to doubt the efficacy of such smelt- ing equipment he should note the statement of W. Gowland, Professor of Metallurgy at the Royal School of Mines, England :— Then as regards the metallic ores which were within the reach of prehistoric man, they were undoubtedly those which occur at the sur- face of the ground, i.e., when a mineral vein outcrops or is exposed. Now the ores which occur in this part of a vein are as a rule oxides and carbonates, which are of all ores the most easily reducible to metal, and from all these metals can be obtained without any diffi- culty whatever by treating them in the primitive ‘hole in the ground’ furnace. (Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. XLIX, p. 76.) - This seems the proper place to call attention to a widespread error since many people seek tempered copper tools in the Museum collections. They may even have read of the lost art of tempering copper in Peru. The truth is that there never was such an art. The Peruvians often smelted tin with copper, forming bronze. Since this compound is much harder than copper it undoubtedly gave rise to this old behef. Yet when one subjects these old tools to chemical analysis, they prove to be alloys. So one can safely say that the Peruvians were at least on the threshold of a bronze age when conquered by Spain. CHarpter Il BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE Houses and Shelters. Peruvian houses were of various kinds. On the coast and in the warm valleys they were mostly low huts of cane, generally sup- ported by posts of algarroba wood, and often plas- tered with a coating of mud. The boa. was a mat of reeds or thatch of ichw grass laid over sticks. Some- times the huts were built of adobe instead of cane, but these were roofed in the same way. In the cold Fig. 24 Fic. 24. Model of a House on a Pottery Vessel. Fic. 25. The Type of Shelter used by Herders—A Clay Model. districts stone was generally used as building mate- rial. Commonly these huts had but a single room, but occasionally they were divided into several com- partments by walls of cane or adobe. Fig. 24 shows a model of a house on a pottery vessel. When pos- sible the old Peruvians liked to build their houses on terraces. The step form figures on the side of the jar in the illustration denote such terraces. 49 D0 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND Simple shelters were erected in the fields by shep- herds to protect themselves from the elements while watching their flocks. Similar shelters are still used by the present Indian shepherds, and are a familiar sight in Bolivia (Fig. 25). Stone Work. While the Peruvians were skilled in stone work and did, on occasion, construct mas- sive walls, they have left behind no such elaborate structures, or such ornate sculptures as did the na- tives of Mexico and Central America. Their chief dis- tinction lay in the ability to dress and handle immense blocks of stone. Yet, none but stone tools have ever been found, if we except bronze, with which the im- mense blocks of such hard stone as granite and ande- site could have been worked Fic. 26. Inca Wall Con- into form. Some of the struction. It is interesting bronze tools in the collec- to note how the stones were tion, like small crowbars in cut and fitted into each other. shape, are bent, and the points are very dull and turned up, while the upper ends are spread out by blows of stone hammers. These may have been used in working stone. There is, however, little doubt that the chief reliance for the greater part of the work was on stone tools, as the bronze implements were not hard enough, and would have to he re- sharpened after a few hammer blows. Yet, notwith- BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE 51 standing this lack of proper tools, or any instrument in the nature of a derrick to hoist the blocks into position, the old Peruvians have left us walls and immense structures of unsurpassed masonry. In many of these the stones have been so exactly fitted together that it is impossible to insert the blade of a penknife between them. Sometimes the blocks were laid in regular courses. Often they were cut in many angles. One in the Palace of the Inca Rocca, in Cuzeo, called by the old historians ‘‘La piedra famosa de doce angulos,’’ or ‘‘the famous stone of twelve angles,’’ weighs several tons. All its angles fit micely into or are fitted into by other stones. Squier (435, 487) says :— The world has nothing to show in the way of stone cutting and fitting to surpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca struc- tures of Cuzco. All modern work of the kind there—and there are some fine examples of skill—looks rude and barbarous in comparison. . . . The Inca architects knew as well how to cut their stones for cir- cular buildings as for rectangular ones. One portion of the Temple of the Sun (Cuzco) is circular, or rather the section of a flattened circle. The stones must have been cut to conform to this shape, for their sides of contact are true radii of the double circle, and the line of general inclination of the wall is perfect in every block. The Fortress of Sacsahuaman, overlooking Cuzco, is built of irregular blocks of different sizes. It is said to be the grandest specimen of cyclopean ma- sonry in America. One of the stones is twenty-seven feet high, fourteen broad, and twelve feet in thick- ness, Architecture. Inca architecture is of a peculiar character; its most striking features are simplicity, symmetry, and solidity. The Ineas had no knowl- edge of the true arch, with its keystone, and did not use columns. Timber was not available in most Fic. Squier.) Doorway in ‘ ra 1 Ruined House, ie Cuzco. (After E. 4 G. BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE oe localities where their structures were built. When wood was used no mortise joints were made, and as they did not know the use of iron, the beams were tied together by ropes of vegetable fiber. As just stated, the ancient builders were able to transport bulky masses of porphyry and granite, and cut them with the greatest nicety, but the magnificent walls so raised were roofed with sticks and a thatch of reeds or grass. The rooms in these buildings had no communica- tion with one another, but generally opened into a court by a doorway, nor had they windows, but were lighted only through their doorways. That these buildings were suited to the character of the climate and were well fitted to resist the terrible earth con- vulsions that occur repeatedly in that land of volea- noes, is proved by the number which still survive, while many modern structures set up by the Con- querors have toppled over in ruins. When we turn to details of structure several pecu- harities are noted. Thus, Inca architecture is char- acterized by the form of the door, always much wider at the bottom than at the top (Fig. 27). Again the inner walls of rooms often abound in niches. In describing such niches found in Inea ruins on the Island of Titicaca, Bandelier offers the suggestion that they were used as closets and cupboards. How- ever, other writers look upon them as the recesses in which idols and fetishes were kept. Roads. Many of the early chroniclers speak of the Inca roads as the greatest achievement of that remarkable people; particularly the road that passes over the great plateau from Cuzco to Quito. For this, galleries had to be cut through the solid rock; 4 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND rivers crossed by swinging bridges; precipices scaled by steps cut into their sides; and ravines filled up. Pedro de Cieza (p. 64) says :— The empire of Peru is so vast, that the Incas ordered a road to be made, as I have already stated on many occasions, from Chile to Cuzco, and even from the river Maule as far as the river Angasmayu. i — ue RA: Fic. 28. An Inca Bridge. (After E. G. Squier.) The rivers mentioned by Pedro de Cieza are near the southern and northern boundaries of the Inca Empire, a distance of about 2300 miles. The road ran between the Cordillera and the coast and crossed many extensive deserts of shifting sand where no permanent road eould be built, but in such places BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE Dy) stakes were set up as guides to the travelers. When solid ground was reached, a road about fitteen feet wide was leveled and paved with stones. In the first part of Cieza’s Chronicle he describes a journey he made for the greater part over this coast road, and is continually mentioning that he is on the old Inca road. As nothing has been done to keep these roads in repair since the coming of the Spaniards, only small sections now remain, leading many modern travelers to question that such roads ever existed. Bridges. Many of the Peruvian rivers run in deep gorges. The roads were carried over these by suspension bridges constructed in the following manner. Two or more, generally four, very stout cables were made of creeping vines or braided withes which were anchored on either side to a pair of heavy stones. Across these cables, at right angles, were laid stout twigs to form a roadway. ‘Two smaller cables were stretched across, several feet above the platform, as hand rails. These supports were necessary as the bridge swung badly during the passage over it (Fig. 28). Hundreds of these bridges are still in use and notwithstanding their unstable appearance are crossed by loaded horses and mules which have largely superseded the llama as beasts of burden in many parts of the country. -Cities and Towns. Such engineering works as we have just cited, suggest a well organized govern- ment. The Inca Empire, overthrown by the Spanish invaders, was essentially a city-state, or a country held in military subjection by a single city and its environs. This was the city of Cuzco. Cuzco was then the capital of the Old Inca Empire and the D6 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND roval residence and also the Holy City. Here was the temple of the Sun to which pilgrims resorted from all parts of the Empire. Prescott says this temple ‘‘was the most magnificent structure in the New World, and unsurpassed, probably, in the cost- liness of its decoration by any building in the Old.”’ (Vol. 1, pp. 35-36.) The present city of Cuzco coy- ers the original site and stands in a valley sur- rounded by high and snowy mountains. The eleva- tion of the city is 11,380 feet above the sea, but being in the tropics enjoys, on the whole, an equable and salubrious climate. About the huacapata, or central square, now the Plaza Principal, were the twelve wards of the ancient city. These wards were inhab- ited by natives of as many principal provinces of the Empire. The people of each ward wore their dis- tinctive dress which made the city a microcosm of the Empire. The royal residence, the Convent of the Virgins of the Sun, and the homes of the great nobility are de- scribed by the old historians as large and imposing structures. This is borne out by the remains of some of them, and by the massive fragments of others that have been incorporated in many of the modern edifices of Cuzeo. Thus, the present church and con- vent of Santo Domingo occupies the site of the Tem- ple of the Sun, and the illustration in Fig. 29 shows a portion (on the left) of the old Sun Temple which has been incorporated in the modern edifice. On the north side of Cuzco, commanding the city, is the fortress of Sacsahuaman. We get some idea of the vast size and strength of this fortress when told that the wall facing the city is twelve hundred - BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE ay feet long and of great thickness. All the walls are of heavy blocks of stone, nicely fitted together with- out mortar. One of the largest of these stones is thirty-eight feet long by eighteen broad and six feet thick (Fig. 4). When we realize that these enor- mous blocks were hewn from quarries four to fifteen Fic. 29. The Church and Convent of Santo Domingo, Cuzco. At the left, may be seen some of the ancient stone work which has been incorporated into the structure. (After E. G. Squier.) leagues distant; fashioned and transported across rivers and over ravines, raised to their elevated position, and adjusted with the nicest accuracy, our respect for these ancients increases. Further, this work was accomplished by a people who had no knowledge of iron or of machinery such as would be used by Europeans. a8 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND Pachacamac, some twenty miles south, and Ancon, about the same distance north of Lima, and near the seacoast, are familiar names on account of the im- mense quantity of material in museums from their prehistoric burial grounds. Most of this material was buried many generations before the coming of the Spaniards and the thousands of graves observed testify to a numerous population. Dr. Max Uhle estimates the number of burials to have been be- tween sixty and eighty thousand. The famous tem- ple of Pachacamac, now in ruins, was visited in pre- historic days by native pilgrims from the whole coast of Peru. Here was the shrine of the god, Pachacamace, the chief divinity of the Indians before their conquest by the Inca, who later built a Temple of the Sun, a House of the Virgins near it, but do not appear to have interfered with the religion of the conquered people. Of Ancon, little can be said, as such structures as once existed there were in complete ruins or had dis- appeared before the Conquest. It is an interesting fact to archaeologists that the custom of attaching a false head to the mummy bundle was first brought to hght by finds in the Necropolis of Ancon. Some re- markably beautiful textiles and pottery, particularly those in the style of Tiahuanaco, have come from the ancient graves of Ancon and Pachacamae (Fig. 17). The city of Trujillo was founded by Pizarro in 1535, on the site of Chan Chan, the capital and cen- ter of the Chimu territory, which extended from near Tumbez on the north to beyond Huaymay on the south. Throughout this stretch of country nota- ble monuments are so numerous and extensive that BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE a9 it will only be possible to give a brief description of a few of them. Squier describes the plain of Chimu as being thickly covered with ruins of the ancient eity. They consist of a wilderness of walls, forming great enclosures, each containing a labyrinth of ruined stone dwellings and other edifices, relieved here and there by gigantic huacas. These huacas or truneated pyramids, are built of compact rubble of broken stones and tenacious clay which forms a hard indurated mass. They are surrounded by high walls of the same material. Obisco huaca is 162 feet square and 50 feet high. From another, the huaca of Toledo, one Don Garcia Gutierrez, in 1577 and 1578, recovered gold and silver objects to the value of 4,450,784 Spanish dollars. The law was that a fifth of all treasure found belonged to the Crown, and the ‘‘ Book of Fifths of the Treasury of the Tru- jullo Municipality’’ states that Gutierrez presented himself at the royal treasury to deliver a fifth of this sum to the royal chest. There is an old legend that two immense treasures were buried somewhere in Peru. These are known as the peje grande or big fish, and the peje chica or little fish. The Indians and treasure hunters consider the Gutierrez find to be the little fish, and are still searching for the big fish. . A league from the City of Trujillo are the ruins of a great aqueduct, which tapped the Rio Moche, many miles up towards its source among the mountains, for the water supply of the ancient city. This was carried across the valley on a lofty embankment which is still more than sixty feet igh, built of stones and earth with a channel on top. 60 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND The Chimu, although nominally at least under the Inea, were flourishing when first discovered by the > Spaniards, but Markham says :— The cruelty of the Spaniards extinguished the Chimu civilization before even a few years have passed. Cieza de Leon tells us of the rapid depopulation of the valleys, and in his time vast tracts were becoming waste for want of people to cultivate the land. Cuapter III SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Kk. know far more of the material arts of the \ Peruvians than we do of their government and social life. The first Huropeans to ar- rive here were fired with a religious zeal to destroy all pagan works and to eliminate all social customs sanctioned by paganism, so it is not strange that our knowledge of native Peruvian life is but fragmen- tary. It seems, however, that under the régime of the Incas, the country was administered under four subdivisions. Each of these four provinces was under a viceroy or governor, under whom were numerous lesser officers who had jurisdiction over petty offences. There seem to have been few crimi- nal laws, and few were needed by a people who had no money, little trade, and almost nothing that could be called fixed property. Theft, adultery, murder, blasphemy against the Sun, malediction of the Inca, or burning a bridge were punished by death. A re- bellious city or province was laid waste and its in- habitants exterminated. Rebellion was an offence against the Child of the Sun and therefore sacrilege. The land was divided into three parts, one for the Sun, another for the Inca, and the third for the people. The proportion differed in each province. The lands assigned to the Sun furnished a revenue to support the temples and the multitudinous priest- hood. The Inca’s portion supported the royal estab- lishment and the remainder was divided, per capita, among the people. The tenant’s lease of this land expired at the end of the year, and he had no power to alienate or add to his possessions. All lands were cultivated by the people; those belonging to the Sun 61 62 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND were attended to first; next came the lands of the old, the sick, widows and orphans, and of soldiers in actual service. The people were then allowed to work their own grounds, and lastly, all joined to- gether, and with many ceremonies cultivated the Inca’s portion. As has already been said, everything in the Em- pire belonged to the Inca. The mines were wrought exclusively for his benefit. At the time of shearing, the wool was all put in public magazines and, by direction of the Inca, dealt out by officers appointed for that service, to the women of each family to spin and weave into clothing. In like manner cotton was divided. Accounts of these transactions were accu- rately kept by means of the quipu, a simple device by which any given number could be registered by tying knots in strings. The quipu was also useful in connection with the collection of revenue. Each province was required to furnish a certain propor- tion of the products grown or manufactured there. The assessment for each locality was regulated by the quantity produced and an inventory was taken every year and the results recorded on knotted strings, which were taken to the capital and submit- ted to the Inea. In Book V, Chapter XII, of the Royal Commen- taries, Garcilasso says :— The Policy and Arts which the Incas used in their Conquests, and the manner and methods they pursued in civilizing the People, and reducing them to a course of moral living, is very curious, and worthy to be observed. He tells us that the Inca never made war without a just cause, but that barbarity and ignorance fur- nished a sufficient motive. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION O03 The first act after a province was conquered was to seize its principal idol as a hostage, and carry it to Cuzco where it was supposed to be held as a pris- oner until the conquered people realized that their god had no power to help himself or them, and would be ready to adopt the worship of the Sun, the Inea’s god. The Inea had the cacique, his sons, and princi- pal officers brought to Cuzco where they were féted and treated according to their rank in their own country. They were instructed in the religion, laws, and customs of the Ineas, and after a time permitted to return to their people, who were ordered to obey, as formerly, their cacique, as their lord and prince. The Inca caused banquets to be prepared for his new subjects that they might be reconciled with their con- querors. All of which indicates a high order of in- telligence and an efficiently organized government. Inheritance. According to the old chroniclers, if the Inea left no male issue by his legitimate wife, the next of kin succeeded him, provided he was de- scended from a father and a mother who were both of the blood royal. A son of the Inea by one of his eoneubines could not inherit. This law was not ob- served in many of the conquered provinces, where the eldest son, or the one most beloved, or the one most esteemed by the people for qualities that fitted him for the position, must sueceed. Differences ex- isted between the laws and civil customs in the coun- tries subjugated by the Incas and their own, because but few changes were required of the conquered people, their internal government remaining un- touched, except for the payment of a certain amount of taxes to the Lord of Cuzeo. There was, however, enforeed recognition of the state religion. 64 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND On the other hand, there was no such thing as in- heritance of real estate, as all the land belonged to the Inca, who was supposed to allot to each person or each family sufficient for their support, who could not part with any of it, nor could they acquire more from their neighbors. Army. Such accounts as we have of the number of soldiers in the army of the Inca vary greatly. The most reliable state that the monarch could bring a force of two hundred thousand men into the field. The levies were drawn from all parts of the Empire; more being taken from localities where the people were hardiest than from others. The Inca or one of his nobles of royal blood was in general command, and under him were various officers in command of what we may call battalions and companies. Their arms comprised bows and arrows, long heavy darts which were sometimes thrown with an atlatl or throwing stick, a wareclub which consisted of a stone or copper star- shaped head and wooden handle, two or three feet in length, and a copper or bronze battle ax. For fighting in open country : the sling was an effective wry Novel doving « Maiel weapon, as a stone could hand he carries a warclub, in be thrown with it with his left a shield, spears, and great accuracy. For de- throwing stick. fensive armor, they ear- ried a shield, and some- Fic. 30. Painting on a Pot- SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 6.) times wore a poncho of quilted cotton much like that of the ancient Mexicans. Fig. 31. Warelubs and a Battle Ax. The uniqueness of the ailatl, or throw- | ing stick, may justify further comment. In numerous hunting and war scenes painted on pottery vessels, men are represented in the act of throwing spears or heavy darts with this instrument. This BIG sae: Forms of Throwing device practically CX-— Stieks used in Peru. Drawn from tends the leneth of the examples depicted on pottery vessels 66 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND arm and the spear is discharged with much greater force. It is, however, a very simple affair; a stick with a projection at the distal end, against which the butt end of the spear rests when being thrown. Fig. 32 shows several forms of Peruvian atlatls. In still another form represented, a cord takes the nO Fia. 33 Fig. 34 Fie. 33. Killing a Deer with a Lance and Throwing Stick. Fic. 34. A Deer Hunting Scene on a Water Vessel. The deer have been driven into a net, where they are being killed with clubs and heavy darts. Here a metal hook and cord is used instead of the usual spear thrower. place of a stick. This cord had on one end a hook, probably of copper, against which the spear rested. The other end was wound about the fingers, while the thumb and first finger held the spear. The use of the atlatl in hunting is shown in Fig. 33. Ed B's ae 14D, ahha ae Op, va SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 67 Magazines filled with grain, mostly maize, were seattered all over the country tor the use of the army. Pizarro often fed his followers for a consid- erable time by robbing these storehouses. | + i i | _— Fic. 35. Pottery Vessel showing Manner of Carrying Burdens, supported by a Forehead Strap. We are told that the standing army of the Inca was not large, but that additional troops could be mobilized in a very short time, through an admi- rable system of runners. The command having been 68 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND given, a runner started at top speed for the next post, and delivered the message, which the second man carried to the third, and so on. These posts were but a few miles apart and a runner was always stationed on duty at each of them. Transportation. No such military operations as we have described could be maintained without ade- quate transportation facilities. Yet, the prehistoric methods were simple and primitive. For example, the greater part of transportation today, as it was before the Conquest, is on the back of the Indian, the load being supported by a strap which passes over the forehead or around the chest. The only beast of burden possessed by the prehistoric Peruvians was the llama. This animal can carry a load of 100 pounds, a distance of ten or twelve miles a day. In present-day Peru it is common to see many llamas with their loads marching in single file over the mountain trails, in charge of their Indian arieros, or drivers. Presumably it was thus in prehistoric times. On the water, the balsa, a curious raft-like boat, was and still is used. In constructing this boat or raft, cigar-shaped bundles of rushes are tied to- gether. Two or three of these bundles are bound together with the front end turned up, something after the fashion of a gondola. The balsa is very buoyant at first, but after a time, becomes water- logged and must be taken from the water and dried in the sun. Some of the larger ones were fitted with a mast and a sail made of rushes. All accounts agree that when the Inca, Atahualpa, went to meet the Spaniards in the great plaza at Cajamarca he was carried in a sedan by his atten- 69 TLS Tomo, sem uorzIsod sty yey} Suryeotpur ‘yoou sty unoie edo B sey Uv paly} oy} aftyM ‘uepas ureld ¥& UL saDrZ ey sv “4siy oy} 0} YURI UL IOLIOTUT AIUD I ; { Paty 1} 9[TY [B] [ [ x f [19FUL AT}UOpP “tAo ST UBUL PUOdIS BY, “eqt1} potonbuod oulos Jo Jaryd oy} st ‘uvpas OYl[-ouoIy} siy wor durspnl ‘ona uel B AQ paMOT[OZ sodvi10} OY} JUNOW SIOUUNI OA, ‘SodVI10} UO 4[INq osnoy B UL BoUT oY} vas OM 4JoT , ond FV ‘ort(nay, worz jassea Arayjod ve uo Surjured WOlY “BOUT oY} 0} oseWMOY Surkeg ‘gg ‘DIT ] 70 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND dants. Historians say this sedan was decorated with feathers and large plates of gold and silver. The men who carried the Inca were especially trained for this work. Other carriers were always beside them to catch the pole in case one stumbled or fell. Such an accident would cost the bearer his life. These sedans were used by others beside the Inca, as is shown in Fig. 36. This drawing is from a pot- tery water vessel from Trujillo and it tells quite a story. At the left we see the Inca in a house built on terraces (indicated by the step form figures). Two runners mount the terraces followed by a man who, judging from his throne-like sedan, seems to be the chief of some conquered tribe. The second man is evidently inferior in rank to the first, as he rides in a plain sedan; the third man has a rope around his neck, indicating that his position was inferior to the other two. War Trophies. All bar- baric peoples collect gruesome trophies from the battlefield and the Peruvians were no exception. The prehistoric people of Nazca preserved the heads of their enemies as trophies of war. Fig. 37 shows a design on a shawl- like garment from an ancient Fic. 37. Figure of a grave. The decoration is in Warrior on a Prehistoric embroidery, done with a thorn Shawl-like Garment from or copper needle. Each fig- Iea, Peru. (Nazea Cul- : : tnre.). . "Tha. weekior ease ee pole on which ries two human heads, as hang two of these human trophies, and u warelub. heads. ‘LOPVNIG, ULO]SVOT JO SUBIPUT SOLBATL OY} Woiy Sspvoy uvuNng uoyunayg *q Snadg ‘VozeN Wo1jy ‘pvoy uvunzy ‘p ‘sorydory, IVM ‘Be ‘DI t2 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND Dr. Julio Tello has made a special study of such examples of these preserved heads as are found in museum collections, and the process of making them, according to him, is as follows. After the skin has been taken off the whole or part of the occiput is re- moved, the foramen magnum enlarged, and all the soft parts taken out. Then, a perforation is made in the frontal bone close to the hair of the head. Through this perforation a cord is passed, and a eross piece of wood is tied to the inner end to pre- vent its pulling out. The orbits and all cavities are filled with cotton, and the skin replaced. Generally two sticks are passed up through the lips (Fig. 38a). The shrunken heads made by the wild Jivaros Indians are familiar objects in museums. These Indians, who are now divided into a number of small groups, are located in the eastern part of Eeuador. The present Jivaros are as ardent head hunters as were their ancestors many centuries ago. The standing of a man in the tribe depended on his courage and ability as a warrior, as shown by the number of the tribal enemies he, had killed. The possession of these heads (war trophies) would be accepted as proof of his prowess (Fig. 38b). The details of preparing these ghastly trophies are as follows: After the head is severed from the body a cut is made from the base of the skull down through the skin of the neck. Through the opening thus made the bones of the head are carefully re- moved; the skin and remaining soft parts are dipped into the juice of the huito fruit, which stains them black. The skin is now ready for the shrink- ing process. In some Jivaro groups a number of hot stones are put into the skin which is constantly ~~ ¢é SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 3 turned in order to bring them in contact with all parts of it. In other localities a single stone, nearly the size of the head, is first used, then a smaller one, and so on until the skin is reduced to the desired size, usually that of a small orange. In still other localities, hot sand takes the place of stones. Long pendent cords fasten the lips together, and one is run through the top of the head by which it is sus- pended. The cut in the back of the neck is then sewed up and the trophy is finished. As soon as the Jivaros learned that these shrunken heads were in demand by white men, as curiosities, they began to prepare them for traders, who usually carried them down the Amazon to Para where they found a ready market for them. After this, the Indians were by no means particular as to whether the head was that of a friend or an enemy. So even in early times Peru and other South Amer- ican countries passed laws with severe penalties for any one who was known to have prepared these heads, but it is difficult to reach the transgressors, and nothing has been accomplished towards stop- ping the practice. We have gone into this detail regarding a modern practice, because there seems to have been some his- torical connection between the trophies of the old Peruvians and these modern savages. Peruvian Women. ‘The traditional manner of judging a people is to note the status of their women. At least, knowledge of the woman’s lot in Peru, will give some idea of the social life of the time. So, from the old chroniclers we learn that the women, when not employed in necessary household work, or in planting or gathering crops, were engaged in 74 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND spinning and weaving. On visits to neighbors, or on journeys, they carried a supply of cotton or wool x den “> Rig. 39. A Modern Peruvian Woman from Puno, spinning Yarn as She wa'ks along the Street. She carries her sleeping mat of reeds on her back. and their spindles, and spun as they walked along. Mach one had to weave enough cloth for herself and her family. Conditions have not changed much, since it is é common occurrence to see a present day Peruvian — SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION ta Indian woman spinning as she walks. She generally carries some burden, perhaps a jar of water or a reed sleeping mat on her back, held by a strap pass- ing over the forehead or around the chest, while her hands are employed in spinning. We cannot be sure as to the methods of spinning in prehistoric time, but the later Spanish accounts of contemporary methods state that the material to be spun was some- times carried on a distaff, but more usually in a cone-shaped bundle, under the left arm. ||E for the child. Drink was then brought in, and singing, danc- ing, and drinking were con- tinued for three or four days. Of mythological characters they had many. Three of these are frequently represented on the textiles and pottery of the time. A figure, part man and part puma, is called the puma god. We know also that they = py¢. 40. Mythological worshiped the puma. A being Beings: Puma, Fish, and part man and part fish is Bird Gods. known as the fish god. The inhabitants on the coast worshiped the sea; the fish was the natural emblem of the sea and was much used as a decorative motive. Another being, part man and part bird, is called the condor god. Examples of these gods are shown in Fig. 40. Kach has human arms and legs, and the kind of ani- mal combined with man is easily recognizable. The raised back and tail of the puma, the fins of the fish, and the feathers in the wing and tail of the bird identify them. Of course, all parts are highly con- ventionalized. The puma god in Fig. 40 is from Nazca pottery and wears a face mask as do most fig-. ures in the art of that locality. However, it must not be understood that these gods were always rep- 86 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND resented exactly as shown here, for in different localities the conventionalization of the same form varied. . It is a curious fact that in the folklore of many primitive peoples of South America there are at the present time, or have been in the past, mythological fables that resemble the Biblical accounts of the great flood and of the virgin birth. A Peruvian ac- count of virgin birth was recorded by Francisco Avila, the cura of San Damian, in the province of Huarochiri, Peru, in 1608, which runs as follows :— The god, Uira-cocha caused the virgin goddess, Cavillaca, to conceive by dropping before her the fruit from a lucuma tree. To her own astonishment she gave birth to a son. She assembled all the gods to find out who was the father, by the test of the child recognizing them. Ulira-cocha came disguised as a wretched beggar. The child went at once to him. Cavillaca was so ashamed and enraged at the thought of such a character being considered the father of her boy that she snatched up the child and fled to the sea. Ulra-cocha resumed his godlike form and pursued her, calling to her to turn back and look at him. She was soon out of sight, and. when she reached the shore of Pachacamac she en- tered the sea with her child, and immediately both were transformed into two rocky islets, which may still be seen. The Inca variant of the story of the great flood, as given by Christoval de Molina, was written between 1570 and 1584. Molina was priest of the hospital for natives at Cuzco and was a master of the Quechua language. Ilis statement is as follows: RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 87 In the life of Manco Ceapac, who was the first Inca, and from whom they began to be called the children of the Sun, and to worship the Sun, they had a full account of the deluge. They say that all people and all created things perished in it, insomuch that the water rose above all the highest mountains in the world. No living things survived, except a man and a woman, who remained in a box, and when the waters subsided, the wind carried them to Huanaco. If we attempt to go much deeper into the mythol- ogy of the Peruvians, through the writings of the early Spanish historians, we encounter little but contradictory statements, and make no progress. This seems to have been the opinion of Paul Rycaut, who says (1568) in the introduction to his transla- tion of The Royal Commentaries of Peru by Garci- lasso de la Vega :— However, being, as our author says, delivered by tradition, and commonly believed amongst their people of the better degree, it may contain divers truths mixed with abundance of fictions and foolish inventions. As has been stated before, the religion of the Inca period centered around Lake Titicaca. Thus, ac- cording to a tradition of the Incas, the children of the Sun, Manco Ceapae, and Mama Oecllo, his wife, who was also his sister, were sent from the sacred Island of Titicaca to instruct the savage tribes who inhabited the country, in religion and the arts. Manco was given a golden wedge and told to estab- lish his capital city wherever it should leave his hand and sink into the earth. They traveled northward along the western shore of Lake Titicaca, and still northward, until they reached the site of the present city of Cuzeo, when the wedge sank into the earth. Here they settled and began teaching the savages to worship the sun. Manco also taught the men how to cultivate the earth, to hunt, and to catch fish; and 88 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND Mama Ocllo taught the women to spin and weave. And here, in time, arose the capital of the Inca empire. Another account of the founding of Cuzco is to be found in the Poececari-Tampu myth. Tampu-Tocco was supposed to be a hill with three openings or windows. The legend runs that a tribe emerged from one of the windows and from the central one, four august men with their wives. The four men were children of the Sun, and they decided to seek more fertile regions, thinking no doubt that with the help of the tribe they could conquer the savages and take possession of the country. They traveled slowly, even stopping to plant crops and harvest them; but being always dissatisfied with the locality they moved from time to time. During the migration, Manco contrived, in some way, to get rid of his three brothers, and so hecome sole leader. After many years they reached Mata- hua, at the edge of Cuzeo Valley. From here Manco hurled his golden staff as far as Huanay-pata, where it sank into the earth, and there he founded the city of Cuzco. Burial Customs. In the burials of the dead we find that much the same distinction obtained then as now. The bodies of the wealthy were wrapped in many pieces of beautiful tapestry, and if that of a man, in the grave beside him were placed his imple- ments used in war, hunting, and fishing; also a num- ber of the finest pottery vessels, and sometimes ob- jects of gold and silver. With these an abundant supply of food, coca leaves, and chicha (a heer made from maize) were left near the body. The body of _a poor man was thrust into a hole in the nitrous sand Fic. 41. Mummy Bundle with a False Head, from a grave at Santa Rosa, fourteen miles from Ancon. Attached to the bundle are dolls, cloth bags, and sticks wound with colored yarns. The false head has eyes, nose, mouth, and forehead ornaments of silver. The true head is in the bundle. 89 90 OLD CIVILIZATION OF INCA LAND of the coast, or into a crevice of the rocks in the mountains. His vestments were poor and mean, as his friends could supply none better. Beside him, we generally find an ear of corn, a gourd or pottery vessel for water, and often a few odd-shaped stones, his amulets or charms (Fig. 41). In the coast region, particularly at Pachacamac, the dessicated bodies, generally called mummies, are often found in little adobe vaults which are covered with sticks and a layer of rushes. The bodies are in a sitting position, the knees drawn up, and the head Fig. 42. Burial Towers. a, Acora; b, Sillustani. resting upon them. With the body of a woman is generally found her work basket (see Fig. 14). In some localities a false head was attached to the mummy bundle. The significance of this custom is unknown. At Sillustani and Acora, in Peru, in the Collao, a part of the Titicaca basin, and in a number of locali- ties in Bolivia, hundreds of burial towers may be RELIGION AND CEREMONIES ] seen. Some are still in perfect condition, but the greater part are more or less in ruins, having been shaken down by earthquakes or demolished by trea- sure hunters. They vary in shape, some are quad- rangular, and others are in the form of an inverted truneated cone. On the rocky peninsula of Sillus- tani, which extends out into the lake of Umayo are many of these Chullpas, and hundreds more of the ruins of these structures can be seen on the neigh- boring hills. One of the largest and best preserved towers on this peninsula (Fig. 42b) is in the form of an inverted truncated cone, thirty-nine feet high, sixteen feet in diameter at the base, increasing, un- til at the spring of the dome, the diameter is eighteen feet and ten inches. It is built of admirably cut and fitted blocks of hard basalt. The entrance, just large enough to admit the body of a man, is cut through a solid block. The vault inside is ten feet in diameter and twelve feet high with an opening leading into a small chamber above. There has been much speculation as to how the ancient Peruvians managed to raise immense stones into position in many of their structures. The an- swer is found on the peninsula of Sillustani, and I give it in the words of KE. G. Squier, who says :— Some of the unfinished Chullpas enlighten us as to the manner in which their builders, and those of other Peruvian monuments, con- trived to raise heavy stones to considerable heights without the aid of derricks and pulleys. We find, built up against the Chullpa, in- elined planes of stone and earth, up which the stones were moved, probably with levers, and possibly with the aid of rollers. As the structure rose in height the plane was raised accordingly; and when the structure was finished, the plane was dug away (pp. 380-381). It is altogether probable that the great Pyramids of Kgypt were built in this same way. a) CHAPTER V DECORATIVE AND RELIGIOUS ART K have taken note of the architecture and \\ metal work of Peru, and since sculpture in stone was not well developed, except in a very few localities, there remain only textiles and pottery to be discussed under the head of art. The decorations of cloth and pottery were carried to a level of excellence rarely reached by any people. In viewing museum collections, one observes that the types of designs are the same whether upon pottery or cloth, and that for the most part there are but four motives: the human figure, the bird, the fish, and the puma. Sometimes we find realistic repre- sentations of these forms, but in the majority of cases they are more or less conventionalized. Often these are so far degenerated as to be recognized only by one familiar with the art motives, and this may proceed until only a geometrical figure remains. What has been said about the prevalence of these four motives applies more particularly to the deco- rations of the pre-Inca people whédse works consti- tute the greater part of most Peruvian collections. About Cuzeo, before the Incas had extended their reign over other sections of the country, the pottery was generally sober in color, decorated, in the main, with geometric designs and depending for beauty on form and line. Later, the Incas adopted some of the anthropomorphic forms of the older peoples. The older Peruvians represented their gods and various mythological beings by combining parts of the hu- man figure with those of some animal. 92 PqG. +3; Conventionalization in Ancient Peruvian Art. 95 D E a a b c Cc’ d e we == f g h i j k l m n 0 p q r s t u Vv Ww x y Zz Fie. 44. Conventionalized Animal Figures in Peruvian Art. Those on the lower half of the plate and similar figures have fre- quently been mistaken for hieroglyphs. 94 DECORATIVE AND RELIGIOUS ARTS 9) We have treated Peruvian art at some length in another place, making it unnecessary to give an ex- tended account here; but a few examples of their conventionalized figures will not be out of place (see Fig. 43). These black and white drawings give us only forms, and no suggestion of the color schemes which constitute their beauty. Fig. 44 deals with the curious glyph-like figures so common on pottery vessels from the Island of Titi- caca, Copacabana, and Tiahuanaco. While many ot these figures might easily be mistaken for hiero- glyphs we shall see that most, if not all of them, are parts of conventionalized animal forms, or the mark- ings on such forms. Several of these designs are usually grouped together on a vessel without any observable relationship; sometimes they are turned one way and sometimes another. Beginning at the upper left hand corner of Fig. 44, the first is a broken kero or cup of terra cotta from Tiahuanaco. The puma figure has on its legs the same markings as will be found in Fig. 44f, and the feet as in Fig. 44p. These two figures make clear my meaning when I said above that they were some- times turned one way and sometimes another. The second is a large painted potsherd from Tia- huanaco. It will be seen that quite a number of the glyph-like figures are depicted on it. On the upper curved line of decorations are two llama heads. The one on the extreme left shows a part of the ring nose (Fig. 44s), the divided eye (Fig. 44w), and the form of mouth shown in Fig. 44x. The llama on the right has the ordinary torm of eye. Another llama head is seen on the lower line to the left. ie. i] 96 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND The third (Fig. 44c) is a puma head on a woven fabric from Pachacamac. The divided eye is like Fig. 44w and this way of representing the mouth will be found in Fig. 441. The fourth is a puma figure painted on a clay cup from the Island of Titicaca. Its ring nose is like Fig. 44s, its mouth like Fig. 44g, and the four de- signs on the tail will be found in Figs. 44a, e, 1, o. The fifth, is from a painted cup, Copacabana. The mouth is shown in Fig. 44a’, ¢’, the eye and nose in Fig. 44s. While studying the various convention- alized animal figures I have noticed that the eye is often represented as in Fig. 44d, 1, m, s, w. and z; the mouth as in Figs. 44a’, ¢’, g, h, j, 1, n, 0, 2; the ear as in Fig. 44k; and the feet as in Fig. 44p. Spots on the tips of feathers are shown as in Figs. 44e, d, e, 1, m, and z. These glyph-like figures were copied from decora- tions on pottery vessels, but they are also common to the textile fabrics, as we should expect to be the case where freehand drawings were copied in woven designs, and woven figures, with step form lines from the technique of weaving, were in turn copied in decorations on pottery vessels. Music and Dancing. Instruments of percussion included the drum, bell, rattles, and large shells used as a cymbal. The wind instruments were the pan- pipe or syrinx, end-blown flute, resonator whistles, trumpets of clay and shell, a great variety of simple whistles, and the double whistling jar (Fig. 45). These double whistling jars are a rather curious invention. They consist of two pottery vessels con- nected near the bottom in such a way that water passes freely from one to the other. Near the top of Fic. 45. Musical Instruments: Flutes, panpipe, trumpets of wood, clay, and shell; double whistling jars, and human figures in clay, playing a panpipe and a drum. Fic. 46. A Double Whistling Jar. Fic. 47. A Circular Gold Ornament, showing the Use of the Trumpet. The upper one at the left is of shell; the lower, is of terra cotta. 98 DECORATIVE AND RELIGIOUS ARTS QQ the front or first jar (usually surmounted by a hu- man or animal figure) is the opening of the whistle. When the jars have been partly filled and are swung backward and forward, a series of whistling sounds is produced. As the vessel swings forward and up- ward, the water is lowered in the first jar and raised in the other; in the backward motion it rushes back into the first, forcing the air eut through the whistle. It has often been said that the sound emitted by these jars resembles the cry of the animal repre- Ge iS IS 49@ CW \ - RENIN Jy A 40 ”\ KS \ 2? LOAN Gy Fic. 48. Dancing Figures modeled in Relief on Two Pottery Ves- sels. The musical instruments played by the dancers are the flute, panpipe, and small drums. In the lower figure may be seen jars of chicha, a fermented drink made of maize. sented on the vessel. A careful examination of more than eighty of them leads to the conclusion that this is the result of a lively imagination, and that they are whistles pure and simple. We have many representations on pottery of the manner of dancing which does not seem to have changed up to 1649, when Alonso de Ovalle wrote this quaint account :-— Their way of dancing is with little jumps, and a step or two, not rising much from the ground, and without any capers such as the Spanish use; they dance all together in a ring. (p. 122 100 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND The first and simplest element of music is rhythm. In singing or dancing a desire for some sound that shall clearly mark rhythm is universal; hence, the drum was undoubtedly the most important instru- ment used in dances. In the representations left us (see Fig. 48) some of the dancers are shown playing the panpipe and the end-blown flute. From what we know of these wind instruments it 1s very improb- able that any attempt was made to play any tune in unison, but each player made all the noise he could. In 1895 Bandelier thus described an Indian dance on the Island of Titicaca (p. 117) :— Within a very short time the courtyard was filled with dancers, with or without official costume, and with the same din and uproar, though proportionally less than at other places and larger gatherings. The wonted disregard for symmetry and harmony prevailed, showing that discordant noise and irregular motions are inherent to most aboriginal dances of Bolivia. CHapter VI ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE T is always difficult to form a satisfactory esti- | mate of a civilization, even when it is contempo- rary with our own, but when as in the case of the Peruvians, all we have are archaeological collections supplemented by fragmentary documentary data, the difficulty is greatly increased. Nevertheless, it is possible to show that Peruvian culture was on a high level, by noting the knowledge of astronomy, mathematics, ete. Astronomy. While we know that the Incas un- derstood something of astronomy, their knowledge fell short of that of the Mexicans and Central Amer- icans who devised a remarkably correct calendar. Yet, many of the early chroniclers state that the In- cas determined the length of the solar year and the periods of the solstices by noting shadows cast by specially constructed towers and taking observations between them. They called the sun, Yntz; the moon, Quilla; Venus, Chasca; and the year, Huata. Time was generally reckoned by moons. Garcilasso says there were sixteen of these towers at Cuzco, eight to the éast, and eight to the west of the city. Acosta gives the number as twelve, and Betanzos as four. The latter call them pyramids. Such structures they called Inti-huatana, which was equivalent to the place where the Sun was tied up. Squier describes the Jnti-huatana at Pisae at some length, and says that such structures seem to have always been formed out of a rock by making its top level, leaving only a projecting cone in its center. He says (p. 529) :— 101 102 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND Making due allowance for the probable exaggerations and misin- formation of Garcilasso, we may readily believe that the towers of which he speaks—the pillars mentioned by Acosta, and the torricelli of Cieza—were simply Inti-huatana. This conclusion is supported by the negative fact that no remains of such structures as he describes now exist on the hill of Carmenca or any of the others around Cuzco. Turning again to Garcilasso (Book II) we find this :— They had likewise observed the equinoctials; for in the month of March, when they reaped their maize or Indian wheat, they celebrated their harvest with joy and feasting, which at Cuzco they kept in the Colean, otherwise called the Garden of the Sun. At the equinoctial of September, they observed one of their four principal feasts, which were dedicated to the Sun, which they called Citua Raymir; and then to denote the precise day of the equinoctial, they had erected pillars of the finest marble, in the open area, or place before the Temple of the Sun; which when the sun came near the line, the priests daily watched and attended to observe what shadow the pillars cast: and to make it the more exact they fixed on them a gnomon, like the pin of a dial, so that so soon as the Sun at its rising came to dart a direct shadow by it, and that at its height or midday the pillar made no shade, but was enlightened on all sides; they then concluded that the sun was entered the equinoctial line. The Quipu or Peruvian Knot Record. Professor L. Leland Locke says :— The use of knots in cords for the purpose of reckoning and record- ing numbers seems to have been as universal as the figures of the cat’s cradle in the practices of primitive peoples. Both may be said to be indigenous to all lands in which the arts of spinning, weaving, and dyeing have been cultivated. In China, knot records are said to have preceded the knowledge of writing. In more recent times the most remarkable development of knot records took place among the Incas of Peru. Here is found the anomaly of a people with a highly complex civilization, particularly in governmental machinery, with a wealth of tradition, with a pecu- liarly rich and expressive language, but with no system of writing, either hieroglyphic or phonetic. During his researches Professor Locke located forty-nine ancient quipus, of which the American ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE 103 Museum possesses forty-two. The simplest form of the quipu may be briefly described as a main cord to which a number of pendent cords are attached. These cords, hanging from the main cord, are usu-: ally of several different colors. The knots are tied in these pendent cords. The system of tying these knots varied, and if the quipu changed hands it had to be explained. The contrivance is simplicity itself as a supposed case will show. Let us imagine that the owner of a large number of llamas goes from home, for a lengthy stay, leaving a shepherd in charge. In keeping account of the changes in the flock the shepherd may have the blue cord represent the old male llamas, and the red, the old females. The increase and loss in the flock may be shown by other colors, and so on. All the knots denoting the same number are tied in a horizontal line (parallel to the main cord) across the depending strings. We will say that the line de- noting hundreds is two inches below the main cord; the one for tens, two inches below that; and the line for ones, two inches lower. Now, if it is desired to register the loss of eleven old male llamas on our supposed equipu, it would be done by tying a simple knot on the ten line, and another on the one line of the blue cord. Diagrams and labels with the quipus on exhibition in the museum explain the more com- plicated forms. ‘Some of the old Spanish historians tell us that his- tory, traditions, poems, ete., were recorded by the keepers of these knotted strings. These statements, which have been widely quoted, are responsible for the common exaggerated notions of the possibilities of the quipu. The truth of the matter is that the Fic. 49. A Quipu from Chanecay, Peru. See diagram on opposite page. The pendent strands are grouped in fours, each group being tied with a top strand. The top strand sums the numbers on the four pendent strands. In the diagram, Fig. 50, each dot indicates one unit; each x, a ten, each 0 a hundred, and © indicates a thousand. 104 ta LL o 857 eo e or e eo ee/¢@ 201% n excercise sy) 88 1q oe pay Aanjuoubes o er or or or or ‘ndog ‘AvouvyO woaz ndm& jo weiserq ” er or eor® c/9 29 SOT or eo eo oe o $08 508 or oe or “DOI Lisl 9 4 £340 or or oy or eo suai oor oor eor®g Con ove | oor ooo sasvanny 20/9 gordo SONWSNON, sozwoNny S Label | $3NO Lib/ 106 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND quipu was simply used to record the numbers of per- sons, animals, the quantity of grain, cloth, ete. The quipu, as a means of keeping accounts, has not entirely disappeared in Peru, as Uhle, Bandelier, and the Countess von Bayern report finding it still in use by the shepherds. These modern quipus are very simple affairs consisting of a short cord with only a very few pendent strands (Figs. 49, 50). It will be seen that in this particular quipu the pendent cords are grouped in fours, each group having a top cord that sums the numbers on the four pendent strands. In the first group the second cord has one knot on the ten line, the third has six on the one line, and the fourth one on the one line; making seventeen in all. The top cord shows seventeen also, viz., one on the ten line, and seven above the one line. It is a sort of double entry bookkeeping. In the second group, as will be seen, there is a discrepancy of one hun- dred, which may be due to a mistake of the keeper or to the age and condition of the specimen. One of the cords in the fifth group is missing. The others give the same sums on their top and bottom cords. This specimen may be taken as the highest develop- ment of the quipu, as only a few of them have the top cords. There is a great variety in the grouping of the pendent cords, six occurring frequently, while many have these strands attached to the main cord singly. Medicines and Surgery. Garcilasso, the old Inea historian, quaintly says :-— They had gained so much knowledge in physic as to know that bleeding and purging were necessary evacuation; the blood they drew from the legs and arms or forehead; and because they were not acquainted with the anatomy of the veins they opened that which was nearest to the pain. ... Their lancet was made of a sharp-pointed £ wi ids —r al - = / seamen ® a ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE LOT flint set at the end of a small cane, which being laid on the vein, with a gentle fillip cuts it with less pain than our ordinary lancets do. (Book 2, Chapter XII.) . He further states that they used for a purge a small white root resembling a turnip, which they beat to a powder, and took with water. The sap of the molle tree was used to heal fresh wounds; the herb ealled Chillca when heated, for pains in the joints; tobacco in the form of snuff for-colds; the herb called matecclu for the eyes. He says :— The Indians who were my relatives used divers other herbs, but the names and qualities of them I cannot remember. The bark and flowers of the Chinchona plant were used as a febrifuge. The large number of trephined skulls found in the graves and the pottery fig- ures showing men whose feet have been amputated attest to the advance they had made in surgery. Trephining was done with a piece of obsidian or sharp stone. After the advent of the Spaniards the Indian medicinemen used a piece of broken bottle, a knife, chisel, or any sharp implement. Fig. 52 shows the famous Squier skull from an Inea cemetery in the Valley of Yueay, in the E. G. Squier collection, now belonging to the American Museum. Pre- vious to this find, it was not known to the scientific world that trephining was prac- tised in Peru in ancient —— times. M. Broeca, after a | — fa evitical examination of this Fic. 51. Peruvian Laneet. 108 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND skull, presented a paper to the Anthropological So- ciety of Paris. This paper is too long to quote in full, but the following are the first three paragraphs :— Fig. 52. A Case of Trephining, the famous Squier Skull. The operation was doubtless performed with a piece of obsidian or a sharp stone. The walls of the skull are very thick, and it presents characteris- tics which could only belong to an Indian of Peru. And I shall pro- ceed to show that the trepanning was practised during life. Upon the left side of the external plate of the frontal bone there is a large white spot, quite regular, almost round, or rather slightly elliptical, forty-two millimeters long and forty-seven broad. The outlines of this spot are not irregular or sinuous. The surface is smooth, and presents the appearance of an entirely normal bone. Around this, to the edges, the general color of the skull is notably browner, and is perforated by a great number of small holes, caused by the dilation of the canaliculi. The line of demarkation between the smooth and cribriform surfaces is abrupt, and it is perfectly certain that the smooth surface had been denuded of its periosteum several days before death. It is thus, in truth, that denudations of ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE 109 the cranium behave. In the denuded points, the superficial layer of the external table, deprived of vessels, and thus deprived of life, undergoes no change, and preserves its normal structure; while the surrounding parts, in undergoing the effects of traumatic inflamma- tion, become the seat of the ostitis. After considering the development of these perforations (porosites) of the external table of the denuded surface, it seems to me impos- sible to admit that the subject could have survived the denudation less than seven or eight days. M. Nélaton, who examined the speci- men, thinks he may have survived fifteen days. (Squier, Appendix A.) Fic. 53. Prehistoric Surgery: Pottery vessels showing amputation of the foot (at the left) and the placing of a cap over the stump. In Fig. 48 one of the dancing figures wears such a stump. In Peru, where clubs with star-shaped heads of stone and copper, and slings for throwing stones were in common use, fracture of the skull must have been of frequent occurrence, and trephining was often resorted to in such cases. It is altogether probable that the operation was also performed on account of some religious belief. Amputation of the foot seems to have been a com- mon surgical operation in the coast region, as a 110 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND number of pottery human figures in the Museum’s collection represent men who have lost one or both feet. These figures show the skin drawn over the stump, as it would be by a surgeon today (Fig. 53). It seems highly probable that this operation was made necessary by a small sand flea (Evremita Fic. 54. Pottery Figure of a Man examining the Sole of his Foot from which the Eggs of a Small Sand Flea have been extracted. analoga), which is very common in the desert parts of the Peruvian coast, and which burrows into the sole of the foot to deposit its egg sack. This must be extracted whole, for if it is ruptured serious trouble will follow, even to the loss of the foot. The pottery figure in Fig. 54 shows a man looking at the sole of his foot, in which we see the depressions from which egg sacks have been removed. ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE itt Fig. 53 also shows a man fitting a cup-shaped ex- tension to the stump to replace his lost foot. If we look at Fig. 48 we find one of the dancers wearing this same device. Narcotics. The dried leaves of the coca plant (Erythroxylum coca, Lamarck), with the addition of a little lime, were chewed exactly as is the betel nut in the East. Indian earriers always have a coca bag slung at their side, and if given a good supply of these leaves will carry a heavy burden over the mountains for days with little or no food. Around the necks of mummies we generally find well-filled coca bags placed there by thoughtful relatives, that the journey to the next world may be pleasant. The very useful local anesthetic, cocaine, is derived from coca leaves. Tobacco was well known to the Pernu- vians, yet, it seems to have only been used as a medi- eine, in the form of snuff. Chicha, a kind of beer, made from maize, was the national drink when the Spaniards entered the coun- try, and has lost none of its popularity since that time. In all the festive gatherings of the Indians the drinking of chicha is still the chief feature of the occasion, and the ceremonies, whether religious or otherwise, seldom end until aH are completely in- toxicated. Sayings of the Wise. Inca traditions attribute many wise sayings to the Inca Viracocha who is gen- erally believed to have reigned about one hundred years before the time of Huayna Capac. The fol- lowing is related by Garcilasso (Book V, Chap. XXIX) on the authority of Blas Valera :— Parents are oftentimes the cause of ruin to their children, when either they educate them with such fondness, that they never cross 112 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND them in their wills, or desires, but suffer them to act and do whatso- ever they please, whereby they become so corrupt in the manners of their infancy that vice grows ripe with them at the years of man- hood. Others, on the contrary, are so severe and cruel to their chil- dren that they break the tenderness of their spirits and affright them from learning, discouraging them in that manner by menaces and lectures of a supercilious pedant, that their wits are abased, and despair of attaining to knowledge and virtue. The way is to keep an indifferent mean between both, by which youth becomes valiant and hardy in war, and wise and political in time of peace. If this saying is rightly attributed to Viracocha it shows that the great problem now agitating parents, as to the best way of bringing up their children, also troubled the Incas many years ago. Language. Many languages and dialects were spoken in Peru, but on account of our very imperfect knowledge of the subject, it will be possible to dis- cuss them only in a very general way. At the time of the Conquest the languages used over the largest areas were the Quechua and the Aymara. Quechua, the language of the Incas, was spoken in most localities, from Quito almost to the southern confines of the empire, in the region about Cuzco, and to the east of Lake Titicaca. It had also been introduced among some tribes to the south into what is now the Argentine Republic. Aymara was the language of the Collao, the region northwest, west, and south of Lake Titicaca. A large and powerful nation on the northern coast, having its capital and center at Chan Chan, near Trujillo, spoke a language which is generally called Chimu. Thirty years ago it was said that many of the inhabitants of the little village of Santa Rosa, near Eten, still spoke the original Chimu language. ACHIEVEMENTS OF CULTURE bb: Notwithstanding the remarkable cultural advance made by the Peruvians they had no hieroglyphic or other form of written language. Garcilasso (Royal Commentaries, Book VII, Chap. 1) says that a policy of the Incas which conduced to the regular government of their empire was a com- mand laid upon all their vassals to learn the lan- guage of the court (Quechua). Certain masters were appointed to instruct the people. The reasons for commanding the use of a common language were, first, to avoid the multitude of interpreters which would be necessary for understanding the various languages spoken within the jurisdiction of that great empire; second, the Inca took particular satis- faction in addressing his subjects directly instead of through an interpreter. This is interesting in many ways; for one thing, it suggests how uniformity in language may be brought about. CuHapter VII SEQUENCE OF CULTURES INCE the preceding pages were written in 1924 S some significant investigations have been under- taken, the results of which suggest certain time- relations between the important cultures character- ized in the Introduction. These pre-Inca cultures may be comprehended under locality names such as Nazea, Chimu, Chavin, Trujillo, Tiahuanaco, and Iea. The outstanding problem is to determine the time-relations between these several cultures, and while no final statement ean be made at this time, the main outline of Andean prehistory is suggested in the researches of Uhle, Bandelier, Kroeber, Tello, Jijon y Caamano, Means, and others, all of which are summarized in a recent article in Natural His- tory by Professor R. L. Olson, from which the fol- lowing has been extracted :— When Pizarro and his band of 190 warriors landed at Tumbez in 1532, the greater part of the modern republics of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile was a powerful empire—the dominion of the Quechua people. Over it ruled Inca, supreme emperor, demi- god, offspring of the sun. About the year 1000 the (Juechuas were a small tribe living in the region of Cuzco, just starting on the career of conquest which in five centuries culminated in an empire stretching the 2,300 miles from northern Keuador to middle Chile. Not alone in size was this empire impressive. The splendor of its templed pyramids, the grandly conceived works of irrigation, the well-knit fabrie of its society and government—all these filled the more thoughtful among the conquering Spaniards with an 114 SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 1k admiration which almost amounted to awe. As a consequence the word ‘‘Inca’’ is surrounded by a glamor that has resulted in giving the Quechuas (Ineas) credit for more than their share of the achievements which mark Andean civilization. A thousand years before the Incas began their conquests, Peru’s Coast and Highland had already seen the beginnings of civilizations take root in their soil. The next few centuries saw these cultures flourish for a time, their arts reach a high plane of excellence, then fade. On the cold bleak shores of Lake Titicaca arose the mighty structures of Tia- huanaco—center and probable fount of the Mega- lithic Empire whose territory was perhaps as far- flung as that of the Inca Empire. But Tiahuanaco was already in ruins when the early Incas first came that way. Its heroic sculpture and art had a subse- quent flowering far to the north at Chavin and at other centers. Centuries before the period of this Megalithic Empire, the coastal plain in Peru was the seat of other civilizations. In the region of Nazca lived a people already versed in the arts of agriculture, ceramics, and weaving, and on the northern coast lived the Chimu, a people equally conversant with these pursuits. The pottery and textiles of these early periods excel those of subse- quent epochs in beauty, technique, and decorative excellence. Aside from a few vague hints of rude fisher-folk living along the ocean and of primitive hunters in the Sierra, we are in almost complete ignorance of the long history which must he back of these com- plex civilizations of the Nazca and Chimu peoples. It is against all precedent and logie that highly de- 116 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND veloped civilizations such as these should be without cultural predecessors. Only in recent years have systematic scientific studies been made by archaeologists, notably by Uhle and Bandelier, more recently by Kroeber, Tello, Jijon y Caamano, and others. Their findings have been used in the study of older collections by Means, Lehmann, Joyce, d’Harcourt, and Schmidt, to mention only a few. Each of these has, in one way or another, tried to sketch in broad outlines the historical pictures of the past. It seems worth while to present a composite of these reconstructions—to pick out the more salient and the more certain fig- ures in each and unite them in a running sketch of the various epochs and peoples which have passed across the stage, the background of which is the Andean highland and the Pacific coast of South America. What kind of people first moved into the Andean country we do not know. Probably they were primi- tive hunters and perhaps during this same period the Coast was inhabited by rude folk who lived mainly on fish and shell fish. At any rate, we may assume that several thousands of years ago the first settlers were drifting southward from Central America along the Coast and Highland in a series of waves. But the remains of these pioneers are either difficult to find or we have not yet learned how to locate them. A long period of time now passes before we get the next glimpse of human history in this area. But the next picture is clear and surprising. Along the southern coast of Peru, in the region of Nazea, and a little later in the Trujillo region of the northern Be SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 117 coast, appear civilizations of a high order. Here, as elsewhere in the area, our reconstructions of eul- ture are based in the main on ceramic and textile remains, the figures and scenes depicted, less on the residuum of stray objects, of refuse deposits, and so on. The definite characteristics of the artistic ele- ments enable us to identify the materials of these civilizations from others with considerable certainty. Though the early Nazca culture is probably earlier than that of the Trujillo section (seat of the Early Chimu civilization), our knowledge of the latter is more complete. We can picture the early Chimu as a people living largely by means of agriculture, with maize, beans, potatoes, and cotton as the principal domesticated plants. To bring water to irrigate the dry alluvial fans, many miles of great canals and ditches were constructed. The social structure was a complex one, with chiefs, priests, warriors, commoners, and slaves forming the strata of society. A pantheon of deities was worshiped, with the puma-god the most important. Great truncated pyramids were erected to serve as the bases for temples and the residence of high dignitaries of state. The art of weaving was highly developed, decorative fabrics and poncho-like shirts being fairly numerous in the remains which have been preserved. Pottery is characterized by pleasing forms decorated chiefly in reds on a cream slip, and by ‘‘portrait jars.’’ The painted decora- tions, done in graceful lines, often depict scenes from the life of the period. It is from these for- mally realistic decorations that we are able to recon- struct the culture of the people. 118 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND In the valley of Nazca during a slightly earlier period there flourished a culture basically like that of the Chimu. Searcely an item in the decorative art of Nazca seems related to that of the Chimu, but we can reasonably infer a genetic connection be- tween the civilizations, for in features other than art there are many similarities. Nazca pottery is char- acterized by elaborate polychrome decorations, the chief motifs being flowers, birds, fishes, trophy heads, and a monster-deity with the characteristics of a composite feline-serpent. Textiles are often embroidered with elaborate representations of this same being. Nazca art is so much given to conven- tionalization and to the depiction of mythological fantasy that we are unable to reconstruct the every- day life of the people with the same sureness as in the case of the early Chimu. The culture of Nazca is the earliest of which we have knowledge, but that of the Trujillo area is only a little later in point of time. Both seem to be re- stricted to the forbidding deserts of the coastal plain —a region so unpromising that only somewhat civi- lized peoples could cope with natural conditions. The next epoch opens in the Highland, in the great plateaus which lie between the ranges of the Andes at elevations of 8,000 to 14,000 feet. We do not know what events took place in the Highland during the time of these early Chimu and Nazea periods. But somewhere near their end a unique civilization was arising at Tiahuanaco on the cold barren shores of Lake Titicaca. Somewhat erude at first, this culture soon flourished in the classic style of Tiahuanaco. The rainy climate of the Sierra soon destroys such remains as textiles re cl ) >t aS — Geers eo as EEN ae SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 119 and other objects which decay under moist condi- tions, and we must content ourselves with the study of architectural styles, stone sculptures, and ceram- ies. These show the Tiahuanaco culture to be quite distinct from that of Karly Nazea and Early Chimu. The feline deity of the Coast was reverenced as well as the condor-god and the sun. The ‘‘ weeping god’’ of the gateway and other stone sculpture of the ruins of Tiahuanaco are type examples of the lithic art of the era. The architecture is massive in de- sign, truly Megalithic in scope. The Tiahuanaco ruins show a city with its temples and other struc- tures laid out according to a grand plan, impressive in a way quite different from the great adobe brick pyramids of the coast. The latter exhibit only a prodigious amount of labor expended to little ulti- mate avail: the Megalithic builders would have reared a splendid city with less effort. Pottery forms are sometimes reminiscent of those of Nazca, but the decorative elements are often human and animal faces and figures which are very unlike the Nazea type. The feline and condor gods are often shown having human bodies. The colors employed are reds, blacks, and less often, whites. Kiven where these are the same basic hues used in Chimu and Nazca ware, their values and intensities are of a different order. While Tiahuanaco art is restrained and severe, that of Nazea is elaborate, almost flamboyant. A fairly constant detail of Tia- huanaco art are the ‘‘tear drops’’ or ‘‘tear streaks”’ that decorate the cheeks of faces. Stone seulpture or pottery remains, reminiscent of the Tiahuanaco style, are found from the Dia- guita area in the Argentine to San Augustin in 120 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND southern Colombia. At Chavin in central Peru a secondary center sprang up, probably toward the end of the classical Tiahuanaco period. Here sever- ity of line and simplicity of execution gave way to complex figures with single elements of the parent motifs often used to decorate a field. Conventional- ized puma and condor heads executed in the Chavin manner are found in pottery of the early Chimu period, giving proof of reciprocal influences and of commerce between Coast and Sierra. We have cer- tain proof that Early Nazca precedes Tiahuanaco. Chavin art, difficult to analyze as a predecessor of Tiahuanaco, is more explicable as a derivative. Since the Chavin style is associated in graves and ruins with that of Chimu, we are justified in placing Early Chimu as later than Early Nazca. Toward or at the end of the Nazca period, pottery and textiles in the style of Tiahuanaco are to be found in coastal sites from northern Chile to north- ern Peru. Certain of these exhibit the style in all its vigor, but other finds show a degeneration in both technique and execution. To this period on the coast the name ‘‘Epigonal’’ or ‘‘Tiahuanacoid’’ (derived from Tiahuanaco) has been given. Per- haps this degeneration is to be explained by lack of further stimulation from the parent culture. A puzzling feature of. the Tiahuanaco-Chimu-Chavin relationship is that both Tiahuanaco and Chavin ware are found with Karly Chimu. This might seem to indicate that Chavin and Tiahuanaco forms prob- ably came as an influence from along the coast to the south, while those of Chavin had only to traverse the short distance across the western range of the Andes. The Tiahuanaco influence started to spread — SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 121 earlier but the time-distance element resulted in its reaching the Chimu area at roughly the same time as the Chavin influence. The Tiahuanaco culture (or its hypothetical predecessors) had enriched its world by the cultural gifts of bronze, the potato, the domesticated llama, a distinctive architecture and art, and then passed into oblivion until resurrected by the archaeological studies of a stranger race. At the present time we are able to reconstruct but little of the series of events which had been taking place in the northern Highland of Peru during the Tiahuanaco period. In that area there has been little archaeological work done, and the probable relationship of the Megalithic cultures of Tiahua- naco and Chavin to those of Colombia and beyond is indicated largely by inference. We are without data which might give clues to the possible spread of the Megalithic cultures over this northern region of the Peruvian Highland. In the northern Sierra almost all of the ruins are found at high altitudes, in a belt of dense vegetation which makes exploration and excavation difficult. Pottery remains are hard to find, undisturbed graves are harder. A preliminary reconnaissance in this region in 1930 by the writer yielded the fol- lowing results :— Fortresses, temples, houses, and other structures are in a type of stone architecture basically like that of Tiahuanaco and Chavin. Certain villages are composed entirely of circular stone structures some ten to thirty feet in diameter with stone roofs of a corbelled dome type. Other villages show both round and square houses with similarly domed 122 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND roofs. Since a domed stone roof is more in keeping with a circular than a square house, we may assume the former to be the earlier type. The dead were buried in niches in the walls, in caves, or in house- like tombs built against the faces of cliffs. Burials were flexed, the bodies wrapped in cloth. Contacts with the tropica! forest or with the coastal belt are indicated by the presence of cotton fabrics and of coca. The pottery is a heavy somewhat crude ware, usually undecorated. Decoration is by appliquéd strips of clay, by crudely modeled animal figures, or by curious spiral designs in a dark red on a creamy- red background. These bits of data permit no more than the bare statement that this northern highland culture represents that of Chavin-Tiahuanaco in an attenuated form. The round house forms are remi- niscent of the ‘‘chullpas’’ of the Titicaca region which seem to relate to a period following Tiahua- naco. Following the decline of the Tiahuanaco period in the southern Highland and later on the Coast, the picture is once more obscured. The coastal cultures seem to have gone through a period of stagnation. The refinements of the Chimu and Nazca arts and the strength of the Tiahuanaco-Epigonal style are lacking in the new forms which appear. On the northern and central coast from Chicama to Lurin there appears a red-white-black pottery which seems related to that of Recuay in the Callejon de Huay- las. This is perhaps best interpreted as a later counterpart of the early Chavin-Chimu influence. The classical (Early) Chimu style shows little af- finity to these later coastal styles. It seems that the Recuoid ware, a peculiar cursive style, and the later ee SS SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 123 polished black ware may be influences radiating from the Chiclayo-Leche region. Unfortunately there has not been sufficient work in this section to establish relationships with the Chimu-Chavin style. About this time the Chimu culture had a revival. Perhaps a new political organization under the kings known as ‘‘Great Chimu’’ was related to the conquests which carried the Late Chimu culture over the entire coast from Huacho to Piura. This is the period of the building of Chan Chan, ‘‘capi- tal’’ of the Chimu kingdom and largest city in pre- historic Peru. This late Chimu period persisted until the irresistible conquests of, the Incas carried them to the northern coast about a century before the coming of the Spaniards. On the southern coast the fading of the Tiahua- naco influence was followed after a time by the growth of a new culture which was centered in the valley of Iea, just north of Nazca. Here careful work and analysis by Uhle, Kroeber, and Strong have enabled us to establish the sequence: Nazca- Epigonal-Middle Ica-Late Ica-Inea, with consider- able certainty. In some respects the characteristics of each style show blended or attenuated forms in the succeeding style or styles. Accordingly we may suppose a continuous history, with the arts of previ- ous periods serving to shape the new cultures. The Iea styles include a number of new vessel forms. Like their predecessors, the Ica vessels are deco- rated in three or four colors, with red, black, white, and slate predominating but often blended with still others. Ica decorations, like those of the Epi- gonal, lack the firmness and precision which charac- terize the Nazea style. The designs are mainly 124 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND geometric, probably textile patterns applied to pot- tery. Traces ot the Ica influence may be found as far north as Chincha. Like Late Chimu, the Late lea civilization persists down to the Inca period. About the same time as Middle Ica new develop- ments were taking place in the region of Chincha- Canete to the north of Pisco. The pottery forms vary, exhibiting Late Chimu and lea traits with other forms in a local ‘‘Chincha’’ style. Back of this period undoubtedly he others as yet undiscov- ered or at best unplaced as to time. The Chincha period at its end merges with the Inea. It is now necessary to return again to events in the Highland. Tiahuanaco had been lying in ruins for probably several centuries. The Megalithie Km- pire had, however, enjoved a brief renaissance at Chavin and other centers. Now these centers of in- fluence as well had gone the way of their cultural mother. A period about which we know almost nothing had endured for a long span of time in the Highland. But there -was living in the upper valley of the Urubamba a small tribe, the Quechua, which was destined to play a brilliant, though ultimately un- fortunate, part in the history of the native races. Perhaps the Quechuas (Incas) had been a subject people under the Megalithic Empire. Tradition eoncerning them begins about the year 1000, when the more or less mythical Maneo Ceapac was ‘‘Inea.’’?’ (The word ‘‘Inea’’ was the title of the ruler, but through an erroneous popular usage has come to apply to the entire Quechua people and to the empire which they conquered.) This was only some five hundred years before the Spanish con- SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 125 quest—sufficiently close to the horizon of history to permit us to place some faith in Inca history as set forth in their oral traditions. Manco Ceapae and his successor made their people supreme in the vicinity of Cuzco. The third Inca, Lloque Yupanqui, extended his territory to the south as far as Lake Titicaca. There followed a series of notable rulers each of whom extended the boundaries of empire during his reign. At the end of the reign of Pachacutec, who died about 1478, the empire had been extended well into what is now the Argentine, into northern Peru to Cajamarca, and on the coast over the territory of the Chimu. Under the next Incas, Tupoe Inea Yupanqui and his suc- cessor, Huayna Cceapac, successful campaigns brought the boundaries of the empire nearly to Colombia in the north and to the Rio Maule, per- haps to the Rio Bio Bio, on the central coast of Chile—a distance of some 2300 miles, an empire larger than that of Rome at the time of Caesar’s birth. Huayna Ceapae died at Quito in 1525. His heir, Ninan Cuyuchi, died soon after, and Huascar, second in line, now became Inca. But his right to the throne was disputed by the ill-fated Atahualpa, an illegitimate son. The civil war which followed weakened the empire and divided the loyalty of the people. Atahualpa was finally successful, but at the moment of victory news came to him at Cajamarca that a body of strange and mighty men had landed on the coast. This was November, 1532. Pizarro marched to Cajamarca, took Atahualpa prisoner by a ruse, and within a year had captured Cuzco and was in complete control of the Inca realm. Except for a series of increasingly futile rebellions, resis- 126 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND tance was over, the Inca part in the drama was ended. The New World had lost its last chance to remain for a time free from the devastating effects of Kuropean civilization. The Inca genius was one for conquest and politi- eal organization rather than of excellence in arts and crafts. Their pottery has a certain grace of form but is not so pleasing as the best of Chimu or Tiahuanaco ware. Textiles are colorful in a gaudy sort of way. Inca architecture may be said to fol- low the Megalithic tradition without showing the restrained grandeur of Tiahuanaco. In the coastal belt the structures of the period are far inferior to the impressive masses of the Chimu pyramids. In some respects the Inca scheme of political organization was like that of the Romans. A vast system of roads was built in both the rugged high- land and desert coast land. At regular intervals along these highways ‘‘tambos’’ or storehouses were built where supplies for travelers and for the army were kept. Messengers were constantly on duty at these points ready to relay messages from one part of the country to another. When a new area was conquered, a part of the inhabitants were transplanted to older parts of the empire and loyal subjects were moved in to take their place. This was to guard against rebellion and to disseminate the Quechua tongue over the conquered territory. The religious and social institutions of subject tribes were allowed to persist. A temple to the sun was usually erected near the foreign places of worship but there was never an attempt to stamp out the prevalent beliefs. This is in keeping with the toler- 2 Peay Sa SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 127 ant attitude of most peoples other than those of the white race toward other behefs. A hierarchy of religious and civil officials served as mentors of social, political, and religious activi- ties. At the head of these stood the Inea, the ruler- god, descendant of the sun god, and supreme au- thority in all matters. The empire and its people were his by divine right. Aside from houses and personal effects, there was little private ownership. Since long before the days of the Incas, the people of the empire had been organized in allyus or clans which owned the lands. The leaders of these allyus assigned certain fields to individuals to till for one year only. The following year there was a reassign- ment. The Incas wove this ancient social organiza- tion into .their political system. A portion of the produce of each community was taken over by the state to satisfy the needs of religion and gov- ernment. The Ineaic system was a form of communism curi- ously blended with a thorough but benign despotism. One governmental department looked after the con- servation of wild animals, another safeguarded the forests from needless exploitation. A corps of engi- neers planned and built cities, temples, and bridges. Census takers annually noted the amount of a man’s crops, the number of his children, his ability for work. Certain likely children were trained to be sol- diers, others to be priests, still others to fill posts in the administrative service of the government. The system seems to be one instance where the theory of state communism was applied with a measure of success. It was, of course, built upon concepts of 128 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND property and personal rights quite different from our own. Many, perhaps most of ‘‘the great things which were found in this kingdom’’ (to use Cieza’s words), were not the works of the Incas, but, as we have seen, are to be ascribed to civilizations which existed long before. Indeed, the entire course of Peruvian history almost seems to have run contrary to progressive evolution. The earliest civilization, that of Nazca, excels all subsequent cultures in the numbers of colors used in ceramics and textiles, in control of technical processes in those arts, and in complexity of design. The somewhat later Early Chimu pottery excels in grace of decorative lines and delicacy of color. The art of the next major period, that of Tiahuanaco, has the merit of strength in architecture and in pottery design, but more often the strength of design in ceramic becomes crudity of downright sloppiness. In both highland and coast its later examples run to flamboyancy or to original motifs broken up so that conventionalized parts of earlier figures serve to decorate an entire field. The objects surviving from the Inca period can lay small claim to artistic excellence. In its broader outlines there is hardly any doubt of the correctness of the sequence: Nazca- Early Chimu > Tiahuanaco-Epigonal-Chavin > Late Chimu-Ica > Inca. The sequences and relationships within these periods may be, and are, still open to some question. But regardless of how we place these minor epochs the larger development still re- mains one of retrogression from the superior to the inferior. On the material side of life this is true only in part. The early (but not the earliest) pyra- SEQUENCE OF CULTURES 129 mids of the Chimu period excel those of the later, and the Tiahuanaco style has claims to superiority. But on the other hand, grander irrigation works, cities of larger size, and a more varied food supply characterize the later periods. We cannot, of course, subject the social, political, and religious in- stitutions of the several periods to a similar analy- sis because of the difficulty of reconstructing intan- gibles from archaeological data. At the time of the Spanish conquest, Peru seemed ready to enter upon a new era of development. We have already mentioned how the Inca Empire had welded together a large number of smaller states, related yet distinct in their civilizations. Perhaps the best of the arts of these would have been con- served and unified. Trade by sea with Central America and Mexico seems already to have been established. Peruvian civilizations excelled in the manual arts, those of the Maya area in the intellec- tual, and a closer contact would have stimulated developments in both areas. The northerners have already benefited by borrowing knowledge of the bronze technique, perhaps the Incas would have learned the art of writing and erecting dated monu- ments. A slight expansion to the north would have brought the Inca and Chibcha civilizations into con- tact and this might have resulted in still greater acceleration. The civilizations of Middle America— | ANLLNZ9NY NAaSHLYON VIAMog / “M ae i Sem y » TS a ae e Sai 8 eee Se alee 4 Eee mee Six = x : RO : $ cap, Bee '* = ~sN N 7 ~ [fa] et ~ 8 (s Z SSS Te oos “4 mor ia | eTs 3 > a? VS = iS el ie at ae | Ae ----+ 38 > | 3 : => 3 > o€ pal § S S = » 9 = ae > 5 > m a0ledqd Lo di = ads te ola xO LS3dAL Lva49 ~ ie) és =x > 2 > BS | 709904 was) Gionoaa S a a $ 2 C= | NIWYL bon — ~ ra . 9 2 S 1°] J * 5 3 a ame a | =. b || 7 [eae 000! 9 S ZONINTANIN(TYNODIAF) YH IBI\H O v7 ; SYAOF | Aid is “WHOUHO | ayv7 N Faldiw7 | ™ y >, of / / var? | VON/ MIN ea ate a [ARE HTS Sia $$ $+ von --—__-__- Goldad NvaIdodna-Lsod BIBLIOGRAPHY The following works are but a small part of the extensive bibliography of Peru, but will be found sufficient for any one wishing to acquire a general acquaintance with the subject. Acosta, JOSE DE. The Naturall and Morall Historie of the East and West Indies. Edited by Clements R. Markham. Lon- don, 1880. BAESSLER, ARTHUR. Altperuanische Metallgerate. Berlin, 1906. Ancient Peruvian Art. 4 vols. Berlin and New York, 1902— 1903. BANDELIER, ADOLPH FRANCIS. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati. New York, 1910. VON BAYERN, PRINZESSIN THERESE. Reisestudien aus dem West- lichen Stidamerika. 2 vols. Berlin, 1908. BINGHAM, HirAM. Inca Land. Boston, 1922. Machu Picchu, A Citadel of the Incas. New Haven, 1930. The Story of Machu Picchu. (National Geographic Magazine, February, 1915.) BoMAN, Eric. Antiquités de la Région Andine, de la République Argentine, et du Désert d’Atacama. 2 vols. Paris, 1908. CIEZA DE LEON, PEDRO DE. The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon A.D. 1532-1550, contained in the First Part of his Chron- icle of Peru. Translated and edited,by Clements R. Mark- ham. London, 1864. The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru. Translated and edited by Clements R. Markham. London, 1883. CoNWAY, SiR MarTIN. The Bolivian Andes; a Record of Climbing and Exploration in the Cordillera Real in the Years 1898 and 1900. New York and London, 1901. CRAWFORD, M. D. C. Peruvian Textiles. (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 12, part 3, 1915.) Peruvian Fabrics. (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 12, part 4, 1915.) 132 BIBLIOGRAPHY 133 Dorsey, GEORGE A. Archaeological Investigations on the Island of La Plata, Ecuador (Publication No. 56, Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, 1901). ENockK, C. REGINALD. Peru. London, 1912. GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. The Royal Commentaries of Peru. Edited by Sir Paul Ryeaut. London, 1688. HARCOURT, RAOUL AND MARIE D’. La Céramique Ancienne du Pérou. Paris, 1924. Les Tissus Indiens du Vieux Pérou. Paris, 1924. La Musique des Incas et ses Survivances. 2 vols. Paris, 1925. HouMEs, W. H. Textile Fabrics of Ancient Peru (Bulletin 7, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1899). HUTCHINSON, THOMAS J. Two Years in Peru, with Explorations of Its Antiquities. 2 vols. London, 1873. JOycE, THoMaAs A. South American Archaeology. New York, 1912. KroesBer, A. L. Archaeological Explorations in Peru, Part II. The Northern Coast (Field Museum of Natural History, Anthro- pology, Memoirs, vol. 2, no. 2, Chicago, 1930). LEHMANN, WALTER. The Art of Old Peru. Assisted by Heinrich Doering. Publication of the Ethnological Institute of the Ethnographical Museum, Berlin. Berlin, London, New York, 1924. Locke, L. L. The Ancient Quipu or Peruvian Knot Record (Ameri- can Museum of Natural History, 1923). MARKHAM, CLEMENTS R. The Incas of Peru. New York, 1910. MEAD, CHARLES W. Technique of Some South American Feather- work (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Nat- ural History, vol. 1, part 1, 1907). Prehistoric Bronze in South America (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 12, part 2, 1915). : Peruvian Art (Guide Leaflet No. 46, American Museum of Nat- ural History, 1919). The Musical Instruments of the Incas (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 15, part 3, 1924). MEANS, PHILIP AINSWORTH. Peruvian Textiles. Examples of the Pre-Incaic Period. With an Introduction by Joseph Breck. (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1930). Ancient Civilizations of the Andes. New York and London, 1931. °io"- > 134 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND MippENporF, E. W. Peru. 3 vols. Berlin, 1894-1895. NORDENSKIOLD, BARON ERLAND. The Copper and Bronze Ages in South America. Gothenburg, 1921. The Secret of the Peruvian Quipus. Gothenburg, 1925. Outson, RonatpD L. Old Empires of the Andes. (Natural History, vol. 31, no. 1, pp. 3-22, 1931.) Pi1zARRO, PEDRO. Relation of the Discovery and Conquest of the Kingdom of Peru. Translated and edited by P. A. Means. New York (Cortes Society), 2 vols. 1921. PRESCOTT, WILLIAM H. History of the Conquest of Peru. 2 vols. New York, 1847. RAIMONDI, ANTONIO. El Peru. 6 vols. Lima, 1874-1913. Reck, Hueco. Geographie und Statistik der Republik Bolivia (Peter- mann’s Mittheilungen, 1865). REIss, W., AND STUBEL, A. The Necropolis of Ancon in Peru. 3 vols. Berlin, 1880-1887. ScHMIDT, MAx. Kunst und Kultur von Peru. Berlin, 1929. SELER, EDUARD. Peruanische Alterthumer. Berlin, 1893. Squier, E. Georce. Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas. New York, 1877. TELLO, JuLIO C. Antiguo Pert. Lima, 1929. VON TSCHUDI, JOHANN J. Reisen durch Siidamerika. 5 vols. Leip- zig, 1868. UHLE, MAx. Pachacamac. Philadelphia, 1903. UHLE, MAx, AND STUBEL, ALPHONS. Die Ruinenstatte von Tiahua- naco im hochlande des Alten Peru. Breslau, 1892. ULLOA, ANTONIO, AND JUAN, GEORGE. A Voyage to South America. 2 vols. London, 1760. WIENER, CHARLES. Pérou et Bolivie. Paris, 1880. Agriculture, 27-30, 117 Akapana, megalithic structure at, 14-16 Alpaca, hunting and use of, 26- 27; wool, use of, 40 Altitudes, Peruvian peaks, 9-11 Amputation, practised by Peru- vians, 109-111 Ancon, 58 Animal, food, 26—27; forms, con- ventionalized in Peruvian art, 95 Anthropomorphie forms, Peru- vian art, 92, 119 Aqueduct, 22; Chimbote, 28; Tru- jillo, 59 Arch, unknown in Inea archi- tecture, 51 Architecture, 22, 51-53; Inca and Tiahuanaco compared, 126; Northern Peruvian Highland sites, 121-122; Tiahuanaco, 119 Armor, defensive, 64-65 Army, Inca, 64-68 Arrow, 26, 64 Art, characterization at Chavin, 120; characteristics, Peruvian culture centers, 12-16; decora- tive, Chimu, 117; decorative, Nazca, 118; decorative and re- ligious, 92-96; Nazca region, 13, 117; realistic, Trujillo, 12— 13; .Tiahuanaco, 14-16, 128; Tiahuanaco and Nazca com- pared, 119 Astronomy, Inca knowledge of, 23, 101-102 mountain 13 INDEX Atlatl, throwing stick, 64—66 Autumnal equinox, festival af- ter, 83 Ax, copper or bronze, 20, 64 Aymara, 24, 112 Balsa, construction of, 68 Bandelier, Adolph Francis, work of 2 Baskets, use of, 22, 33-34 Bast fiber, used in weaving, 40 Beads, materials used for, 37 Bird god, 85 Bobbin weave, technique of, 41-— 43 : Bolas, 26, 46 Bow, 26, 64 Bracelets, metal, 37 Breast ornament, Inca, 20 Bridges, suspension, construction of, 54, 55 Bronze, art of making, 47, 48, 129; implements of, 44, 50 Building materials, 49, 51-53 Burial, customs, 77, 88-91, 122; towers, Acora and Sillustani, 90-91 Burials, near Pachacamac and Ancon, 58 Carding, weaving fibers, 39 Carrying strap, 67, 68, 75 Catholicism, propagation by Spanish conquerors, 1 Ceremonial staff, Tiahuanaco art, 16 Ceremonies, Peruvian, 76, 81-82; participation of women in, 76 5 136 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND Chan Chan, Trujillo built on site of, 58, 123 Charms, general, 78; individual, 79 Chastity, requirement for Vir- gins of the Sun, 79-80 Chavin, characterization of art, 120; megalithic structures at, 11, 121 Chicha, drink made from maize, 43, 76, 82, 111 Children, care and treatment of, 111-112; ceremony at weaning, 84; training of, 127 Chimu, characterization of cul- ture, 115, 117; extent of terri- tory, 58-59; Inca domination of, 60, 123; language, 112; pot- tery, 120, 128 Chincha, characterization of pot- tery style, 124 Chronological sequence, Peru- vian cultures, 114-130 Chronology, Inca, 17—20 Chunu, potato prepared for food, 30 Cities, Inca, 55-60 City-state, Inca government, 55 Climate, Cuzco, 56; Tiahuanaco, 118-119 Coca, chewed by Peruvians, 111 Coil process, in pottery making, 31 Color, Iea pottery, 123; Nazca pottery, 13; pre-Inca pottery, 92; Tiahuanaco pottery, 119; Trujillo pottery, 12—i3 Combs, method of making, 37 Communism, Ineaic system a form of, 127 Concacha, megalithic structure at, 12 Conquered provinces, treatment by Inea, 63 Conquest, Spanish in Peru, 1-2, 22, 124-125, 129 Conventionalization, in art, 92— 95; Chimu pottery, 120; Nazca, 13, 14 Copper, use of, 46 Corn, preparation and use as food, 30 Corpus Christi, festival of, Tia- huanaco, 76 Costume, Inca, 20, 36 Cotton, Peruvian, kinds of, 39; distribution of crop, 62 Crime, punishment for, 61 Cultivation of land, laws for, 61— 62; methods of, 27-28 Culture, achievements in Peru- vian, 22-23, 101-113; centers of, 12-13; homogeneity of megalithic, 12; Mexican com- pared with Peruvian, 23, 130; Nazca and Chimu compared, 118; pre-Inca, 114; sequence at Ica, 123; sequence of, by R. L. Olson, 114-130 Cuzco, description of, 55-56; megalithic structures at, 12; traditions of founding, 87-88, 125 Dancing, method of, 76, 99-100 Darts, use of, 64 Death, Inca customs connected with, 77 Decorative art, 92-96; Chimu, 117; Nazea, 118 Deer, hunting of, 26 Deformation, of head, 24-25 Deities, Chimu, 117; Inca, 78; Tiahuanaco, 119 Designs, on cloth and pottery, 92; Ica pottery, 123-124; mosaic, on feather-work, 43; motives, Tiahuanaco, 14, 15, 16, 119, 128; motives, 92, 93- 96; Nazca, 118, 128 Digging-stick, use of, 27 Divination, 82 Domestication, of animals, 16 Donors, Peruvian collections, 2 Doors, form of Inea, 52, 53 Dress, 35, 36 Drum, importance in producing rhythm for dancing, 100 Earplugs, 36-37; Inca, 20 Endurance, tests of, Inca, 21 Enemies, heads preserved, Nazca, 70-72 Environment, Nazca and Trujillo culture, 118; Peruvian, 9, 11; Peruvian, effect on agricul- tural products, 28, 30 Epigonal period, characterization of, 120-121 Feather-work, technique of, 42, 43 Fertilizers, use in agriculture, 28 Festivals, Peruvian, 81-82 Figurines, gold and silver, 37- 38 Fish, god, 78, 85; manner of catching, 26 Food, animal, 26-27; offerings, at burial, 88; preparation of, 30 Furnace, pottery, for smelting metals, 47-48 Geometrical figures, Peruvian art, 92, 93, 94, 124 INDEX lay Glyph-like figures, Peruvian art, 94, 95 God, chief Peruvian, before Inca conquest, 80 Gods, Inea, 78 Gold, method of securing, 45-46; personal ornaments of, 37; ves- sels of, 31 Gourd vessels, decoration of, 30 Government, Inca empire, 17, 55— 56, 63, 114, 127; Peruvian, 22, 61 Hair dress, women’s, 37-38 Headdress, Inca, 20 Head form, Aymara, 24; Peru- vian Indians, 24 Heads, human, method of pre- servation, 72; shrunken, Jivaros Indians, 71-73 Heald rod, Peruvian loom, 41 Hierarchy, Inea, 78, 127 Historical Period, Peruvian, 21— 24 Hostage, principal idol as, 63 Household, arts and industries, 26-48; utensils, 30-31 Houses, construction and types of, 49-50, 121-122 Huaraz, megalithic structure at, 12 Huinaque, megalithic structure at, 12 ; Hunting methods, 26-27; used in, 65-66 atlatl Iea, characterization of culture, 123 Idols, 63, 78, 79; festival of, Cuzco, 81-82 Implements, agricultural, 27; hunting, 26; used in stone 138 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND working, 50-51; weaving, 33, 34, 40-41 Inea, characterization of culture, 126; empire, administration of, 60; empire, conquests by, 129; empire, extent of, 10, 17, 23-24, 114; period, 16-21, 125-126; position in government, 17; power as ruler, 22; rulers, 18— 19; training of the, 20-21 Independent development, Peru- vian culture, 23, 24 Inheritance, Inea laws for, 63- 64 Irrigation systems, 22, 28, 114, 117, 129 Jivaros, shrunken heads of, 71- 73 Land, division and ownership of, 61-62, 64, 127; laws, 64 Language, 112-113 Laws, Inca Empire, 61, 63 Lead, use of, 46 , Liama, beast of burden, 68, 130; domestication of, 16; use of wool, 115 Llama Mana, offerings to, 79 Loom, description of, 40—41 Maguey fiber, use of, 40 Maize, prayers to representation of spirit, 78; storage for use of army, 67 Marriage ceremonies, 80, 84 Mats, plaited, uses of, 34-35 Maya, Peruvian cultures com- pared with, 23, 129 Medicines, knowledge and use of, 106-107 Megalithic cultures, Inca empire derived from, 16; extent of, 23-24; period, 11-16; probable diffusion of, 121; renaissance at Chavin, 124; structures, dis- tribution of, 12 Metal work, 31, 35; technique of, 43-48 Metate, use of, 30 Mines, worked for benefit of Inca, 62 Mining, of silver, 46 Modeling, Trujillo center, 13 Monuments, Chimu territory, 58— 59 Mortar, stone, 30 Moulds, pottery vessels cast in, 31 Mountains, Peruvian territory, 9, 11 Mourning customs, Inca, 77 Mummy bundles, Ancon, 58; de- scription of, 88-90 Music, Peruvian, 76—77 Musical instruments, 96-99 Myths, resembling biblical ae- counts, 86—87 Mythological beings, 85-86 Mythology, 83-88 Naming ceremony, 84-85 Narcotics, 111 Narratives, of Spanish chroni- clers, 1 Nazca, characterization of art, 13; characterization of culture, 115, 116, 117, 118, 128; pottery decoration, 123 Needles, 33, 76 Niches, in Inea walls, 53 Nose form, Inea, 20 o Offerings, to idols, 78, 79 Ollantaytambo, megalithic struc- tures at, 12 Olson, Ronald L., Sequence of Cultures by, 114-130 Ornaments, personal, 36-38 Pachacamac, chief divinity of the Peruvians, 80; temple of, 58 Painting, on pottery, 13 Panpipe, eruvian, 96, 97 Pestles, stone, 30 Physical type, Inca, 20; present Peruvian Indians, 24-25 Pin, copper or bronze, use of, 31, 35 Pizarro, 11, 22, 58, 67, 81, 114, 125 Plaiting technique, in baskets and mats, 33-34 Planting sticks, use of, 27 Plants, cultivated in Peru, 28-— 30, 33, 117 Political organization, 61, 126, 127 Poncho, feather-work, 42-43; Inca, 19, 20; quilted cotton, 65 Potato, festival, Tiahuanaco, 76; preparation for use, 30 Pottery, Ancon and Pachacamac, 58; characterization of, 22, 23; Chimu, 117, 128; decoration of, 12-13; forms, Chincha, 124; forms, fruits and vegetables reproduced in, 28, 79; forms, Iea, 123-124; forms, Inca, 17, 126; forms, Tiahuanaco, 119; forms and decoration, 16, 22; methods of making, 31-32; INDEX 139 models of houses made in, 49; Nazea, 118, 128; Northern Peruvian Highlands, 121, 122; painted designs on, 12; pre- Inca, 92; red-white-black, 122; time-relations of from various culture centers, 120; uses of, 30-31 Prayers, objects receiving, 78, 79 Property, ownership and rights in, 61, 127, 128 Puma god, 85 Pyramids, Chimu, 117, 126; Chimu and Tiahuanaco, 129; construction of, 59, 101-102, 114 Pyrography, gourd vessels dec- orated by, 30 Quecap, megalithic structure at, 12 Quechua, language, 112, 114, 126; traditions concerning, 124-126 Quicksilver, use of, 46 Quinoa, raising of, 28, 30 Quipu, knot record, 22, 62, 102- 106 Race, during training of Inca, 21 Rainfall, Peruvian territory, 9 Realism, Trujillo art, 12-13 Realistic representations, Peru- vian art, 92 Rebellion, punishment for, 61 Religion, 78-81; Inca, Lake Titi- caca center of, 87 Religious, art, 92-96; attitudes, Inea, 126—127 Reservoir, Valley of Nepeiia, 28 140 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND Rings, metal, 37 Ritual, planting, 83 Ritualistic ceremonies, 77 Roads, construction of Inca, 53- 55, 126 Rooms, Inca buildings, construc- tion, 53 Sacrifice, festival of idols, Cuzco, 82; first appearance of maize, 82; summer solstice, 81 Sacsahuaman, fortress of, 51, 56— 57; megalithic structures at, 11-12 Sails, rushes, used on balsa, 68 Sandals, 20, 35 Sara mana, spirit of maize, 78 Sculpture, stone, at Tiahuanaco, 119 Sedan, use of, 68-70 Shelter, types of, 50 Shield, Inca use in war, 20, 54 Shrine, of Pachacamac, 80-81 Shrunken heads, 70-73 Silver, mining of, 46; vessels of, 31 Skin color, Inca, 20 Sling, use of, 64 Smelting metals, methods of, 47- 48 Social, organization, 61, 73, 75, 126, 127; structure, Chimu, 117 Solstice, ceremonies at, 81 Songs, planting ritual, 83 Spear, for capturing fish, 26; thrown with atlatl, 65 Spindles, 41, 75 Spinning, methods of, 39, 74-75 Spoons, 31 Staff, ceremonial, 16 Stature, present Peruvian In- dians, 25 Stone work, 50-51, 53; megalithic period, 129; Sacsahuaman, 57; Tiahuanaco, 14-16 Storage jars, 31 Sun worship, Incas, 63, 78 Taboos, summer solstice cere- mony, 81 Tapestry, weaving of, 41 Tempering metals, unknown to Peruvians, 48 Temple of the Sun, 126; Cuzco, 56; Pachacamac, 58, 80-81 Temples, Peruvian, 79; Virgins of the Sun, 79 : Terrace agriculture, 27 Terraces, houses built on, 49 Territory, extent of Peruvian, 9-11 Textiles, Inca, 126; Nazea, 118, 128; northern Peruvian High- land, 122; variety and tech- niques of, 22, 38-43, 58 Tiahuanaco, architecture and pottery designs, 128; art, 11, 14-16, 115; characterization of culture; 118-120; ruins of, 124 Tiahuanacoid period, 120-121 Time, method of reckoning, 101 Time-sequence, Andean High- land and Pacific Coast cul- tures, 131; Nazca, Tiahuanaco, and Chimu, 120; Nazca and Trujillo, 117, 118; Peruvian cultures, 2, 128-129; pre-Inca cultures, 114 Tin, use of, 46 Tobacco, used in form of snuff, 111 Topography, Peruvian territory, 8, 9-11 Sd at lll Topu, shawl pin, 31, 35 Towers, for astronomical obser- vations, 101—102 Trade, 129-130 Traditions, Inca, 111; lack of re- liability of, 17-18; Peruvian, 59 Transportation, methods of, 16, 55, 67, 68-70, 130 Trephining, method of, 107-109 Tribute, to the Inca, 59, 62 Trophies, war, 70-73 Trujillo, art of, 12-13; culture, 116; description of, 58-59; ex- tent of territory, 118 Utensils, household, 30-31 Vegetable forms, in pottery, 32, 33 Vegetables, cultivated, 28 Vermilion, use of, 46 Vessels, use of metal, 31; variety for cooking, 30 Vicuna, hunting and use of, 26— 27 Viracocha, sayings of, 111-112 Virgins of the Sun, duties and privileges, 79-80 INDEX 141 Wall construction, 50-51, 53, 56—- 57 War, Inca, causes for, 62-63; club, 21, 65; costume for, 20; training for, 20-21; trophies, 70-73 Weapons, used in war, 20, 21, 26, 64 Weave sword, 41 Weaving, Chimu, used in, 39-40; used in, 41; methods of repair- 117; fibers implements ing, 76; shown on pottery ves- sel, 40; by Peruvian women, 74-76; by Virgins of the Sun, 79 Whistling jar, description of, 96- 99 Wind instruments, 96, 100 Wise, sayings of the, 111-112 Women, status of, ancient Peru, 73-77 Wood, use in Inea architecture, 51-53 Wool, distribution of, 62; use in weaving, 39-40 Worship, objects of Inca, 78-79 Writing, Aztee and Maya, 130 Yarns, method of spinning, 38, 39 ANTHROPOLOGICAL HANDBOOKS AND GUIDE LEAFLETS The following may be secured from the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. If ordered by mail, add ten cents to list price of Handbooks for postage and three cents to list price of Guide Leaflets. HANDBOOKS North American Indians of the Plains. By Clark Wissler. Third Edition, 172 pages, maps and illustrations. Cloth, $1.00. Indians of the Southwest. By Pliny Earle Goddard. Fourth Edition, 205 pages, maps and illustrations. Cloth, $1.00. Ancient Civilizations of Mexico and Central America. By Herbert J. Spinden. Third Edition, 270 pages, map and illustrations. Cloth, $1.00. Indians of the Northwest Coast. By Pliny Earle Goddard. Sec- ond Edition. In Press. Cloth, $1.00. Peoples of the Philippines. By A. L. Kroeber. Second Edition, 244 pages, maps and illustrations. Cloth, $1.00. Old Civilizations of Inca Land. By Charles W. Mead. Second Edition, 141 pages, map and illustrations. Cloth, $1.00. Essentials of Anthropometry. By L. R. Sullivan. Revised Edi- tion, by H. L. Shapiro. 83 pages and illustrations. Cloth, $1.00. The Ancient Quipu or Peruvian Knot Record. By L. Leland Locke. 84 pages, and illustrations. Cloth, $3.00. Peoples of Asiatic Russia. By Waldemar Jochelson. 277 pages, maps and illustrations. Paper, $2.50. GUIDE LEAFLETS The Indians of Manhattan Island and Vicinity. By Alanson Skinner. Fourth Edition, 63 pages, and illustrations. Paper, 20 cents. Peruvian Art. A Help for Students of Design. By Charles W. Mead. Fifth Edition, 24 pages, and illustrations. Paper, 10 cents. Indian Beadwork. By Clark Wissler. Second Edition, 31 pages, and illustrations. Paper, 20 cents. Basketry Designs of the Mission Indians. By A. L. Kroeber. Second Edition, 20 pages, and illustrations. Paper, 15 cents. Indian Costumes in the United States. By Clark Wissler. 32 pages, and illustrations. Paper, 15 cents. The Maoris and Their Arts. By Margaret Mead. 38 pages, and illustrations. Paper, 15 cents. Pottery of the Southwestern Indians. By Pliny Earle Goddard. 30 pages, and illustrations. Paper, 15 cents. ‘ i “ ie ° ‘ 7 ; = -s! wee Lae a as te earn ie ase a) ” oo Poe a” me = A =yorng wa lige B. 7 “ of

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