OPEN COURT Devoted to the Science of Religion, the Religion of Science, and the Exten- sion of the Religious Parliament Idea FOUNDED BY EDWARD C. HEGELER DECEMBER, 1930 .< {,. VOLUME XLIV NUMBER 895 Vr'tce 20 Cents Woi Open Court *Tublishing Coffipany Wieboldt Hall, 339 East Chicago Avenue Chicago, Illinois [ THE PHILOSOPHICAL REVIEW EDITED BY WILLIAM A. HAMMOND FRANK THILLY and G. WATTS CUNNINGHAM OF THE SAGE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHY, CORNELL UNIVERSITY WITH THE CO-OPERATION OF fiTIENNE GILSON (Paris) GEORGE SANTAYANA (Rome) ARTHUR LIEBERT (Berlin) A. E. TAYLOR (Edinburgh) ASSOCIATE EDITOR HAROLD R. SMART OF THE SAGE SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHY. CORNELL UNIVERSITY Contents for September, 1930 I. Clerselier and Rohault Albert G. A. Bah II. Notes on the Logic of Grammar V. J. McGill III. Beauty and the Good Marjorie S. Harris IV. The Knowledge that is in Instinct W. D. Lighthall V. Reviews of Books. A. S. Eddington, The Nature of the Physical World: hy Arthur E. Murphy — Hugo Dingier, Metaphysik als Wissenschaft vom Letzten: by Charles W. Morris — Kiicolai Hartmann, Die Phil' osophie des deutschen Idealismus, Bd. II, Hegel: by Henry Lan^ — Edward Scrihner Ames, Religion: by Alban G. Widgery — Mary Mills Patric\, The Greek Sceptics: by Richard Robinson— Sebd Eldridge, The New Citizenship: by T. V. Smith — Klorman Kemp Smith (translator), Immanuel Kant's Critique of Pure Reason: by G. Watts Cunningham — Andre Lalande, Les theories de TinduC' tion et de Texperimentation : by H. R. Smart — E. S. Brightman, A Philosophy of Ideals: by B. C. Holt2;claw, Jr. — Mary Evelyn Clar\e, A Study in the Logic of Value: by Norman Wilde — Fred B. R. Hellems, The Kings Market; B. F. Wright, Jr., A Source Book of American Political Theory; and W. E. Hoc\ing, Human Nature and its Remaking: by H. G. Townsend. VI. Notes. PUBLISHED BI-MONTHLY LONGMANS, GREEN, AND COMPANY LANCASTER, PA. 55 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK SINGLE NUMBERS $1.00 (58.). PER ANNUM $7.00 (258). ♦— - The Open Court Volume XLIV (No. 12) DECEMBER. 1930 Number 895 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE Frontispiece. Flyleaf in a J'ir(/il Manuscript Formerly in the Library of Petrarch. Jlrgil. ELIZABETH CARUS ^^^ Ethics and Reality, t. swaxx hardixg 712 The Patterns of Philosophic Thought, clarence ericksox . . .726 The Englishman U'ho Became a Pope. j. v. xash 736 The Use of the JVord Jen in the Confucian Analects. HUAXG k'uei and j. k. shryock 74d The Devil the JJ'orld and the Flesh (Concluded). MAXIMILL\X RUinVlX ^ -"^ 1 The Self (Poem), charles eugexe baxks 767 Published monthly by THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY 327 East Chicago Avenue Chicago, Illinois Subscription rates: $2.00 a year; 20c a copy. Remittances may be made by personal checks, drafts, post-otSce or express money orders, payable to the Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago. While the publishers do not hold themselves responsible for manu- scripts sent to them, they endeavor to use the greatest care in returning those not found available, if postage is sent. As a precaution against loss, mistakes, or delay, they request that the name and address of the author be placed at the head of every manuscript (and not on a separate slip) and that all manuscripts and correspondence concerning them be addressed to the Open Court Publishing Company and not to individuals. Address all correspondence to the Open Court Publishing Company, 337 East Chicago Ave., Chicago. Entered as Second-Class matter March 26, 1897, at the Post Office at Chicago, Illinois, under Act of March 3, 1879. Copyright by The Open Court Publishing Company, 1930. Printed in the United States of Arnerica. ♦ THE NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS Announces LOGIC AND NATURE By Marie C. Swabey, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of Philosophy in New York University TO vindicate logic as the method of metaphysics and to show its apphcabihty to current problems of science and nature, is the purpose of this volume. This involves a demonstration of the priority of logic to experience and a discussion of the nature of reason. Hypothetical judgments, non^syllogistic arguments, the paradoxes of Russell, the relation of the form j and matter of inference, the nature of postulational systems, } the problem of truth, and the theory of universals are among j the logical topics considered. Nature is held to be inter- ■ preted by science in the light of a set of logical assumptions. j In this connection, probability is shown to be the basis of in- f duction, and atomism an indispensable methodological presup- { position of science. It is urged that measurement is an opera- | tion of rational comparison; while a logical interpretation is also I offered of the appearance of seemingly irreversible statistical j tendencies and laws in nature. 1 1 1 "A strong case for the primordiality of logic." — Professor Cassius J. Keyser, Columbia University "Marked by a fine. capacity for logical analysis and reasoning. . . . It holds the attention continually." — Professor Robert MacDougall. 8vo, xiv -\- 384 ^ages. Bound in blue cloth, gold4ettered. Price $4.00. "The book is founded on a detailed, lucid, and convincing criti- | cism of naturalism. Its positive thesis ... is closely and vigorously J argued. The book is written in a style unusual for its clarity and | brevity, and reveals the wide reading of its author in classical and in s contemporary modern philosophy." — Professor Mary Whiton Calkins. 1 For Sale By I THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING CO. j 337 East Chicago Ave., Chicago, III. 1 515 WEST 116TH STREET, NEW YORK [ a Year, 26 Numbers 20 Cents a Copy NOW READY The Paul Carus Foundation Lectures 2nd Series The Revolt Against Dualism By ARTHUR O. LOVEJOY Professor of Philosophy in the Johns Hopkins University Is dualism — the concept of subjective appearance and objective reality — a ''passed mode, an outworn theme'7 Or is it the corner stone of the new physics? Is Descartes dethroned or is his sovereignty vin- dicated in the light of modern philosophy? Do the results of scientific research justify or overthrow the old ideas of dualism of mind and matter? ^ This last quarter century will have distinctive interest to future historians of philosophy as the age of the great revolt against dualism, a phase of the wider revolt of the 20th against the 17th century. Dr. Lovejoy traces this revolt, brilliantly analy:;ing modern scientific philosophy, in a lucid, penetrating volume necessary to an adequate understanding of philosophy's most important problem. Price ^4.00 The Open Court Publishing Company 337 East Chicago Avenue Chicago, III. <.. .._.._.._.._.._.._.. — ._.._„_.._.._.._.._.. — ._.._.._.._.._.._„_„_.._.._.._„_.4, j JOURNAL of PHILOSOPHY This periodical is the organ of active philosophical dis- cussion in the United States. There is no similar journal in the field of scientific philosophy. It is issued fortnightly and permits the quick publication of short contributions, prompt reviews and timely discussions. Edited by Professors F. J. E. Woodhridge, W. T. Bush, and H. W. Schneider, of Columbia University lf> 1^— ti^n^— n^— 1«^— 11 — 11^— H^— H^— tl^— It— ■■— H^— H^— 11^— ■■— H— H^— H^— 11— H^— 11^— ■■— 11^— ll^— 11^— «1^— «1 o • 1 i AMERICAN MATHEMATICAL SOCIETY COLLOQUIUM SERIES ruMished in May. 1930: Dunham Jackson, The Theory of Apitroxiniation. About 200 pp. $2.50. (X'dlume XI of the C()lloc|uiuni Series.) EARLIER VOLUMES Vohnne I. Linear Systems of Cur\es on Algebraic Surfaces, by H. S. White; Forms of Non-Euclidean Space, by F. S. Woods; Selected Topics in the Theory of Divergent Series and of Con- tinued Fractions, bv E. B. Van Vleck. (Boston Colloquium.) New York. 1905. $2.75. A'olume II. New ]:Ta\en Colloquium, by E. H. Moore, E. J. Wil- czynski, and Max Mason. Out of print. X'olumc III. Fundamental Existence Theorems, by G. A. Bliss; Dif- ferential-Geometric Aspects of Dynamics, by Edward Kasner. (Princeton Collocjuium.) New York, 1913. $2.50. XOlume IV. (Jn Inxariants and the Theory of Numbers, b_\' L. E. Dickson; Topics in tlie Theory of h^unctions of Several Complex A'ariables, 1)\' W. F. Osgood. (Abidison Colbxpiium.) New York, 1914. $2.50.' X'olume Y. l^art I. Functionals and their Applications. Selected Top- ics, including Integral Equations, bv G. C. Evans. New York, 1918. $2.00. X'olume \\ Part II. .Analysis Situs. b_\- Oswald Veblen. Out of print. \'(ilume \ I. The Logarithmic Potential. Discontinuous Dirichlet and Neumann Problems, l)y G. C. Evans, New York, 1927. $2.00. X'olume \TI. Algebraic Arithmetic, l)v E. T. Bell. New York, 1927. $2.50. X'olume \'I1I. Non-Riemannian (leometr\-, 1)\- L. P. Eisenhart. New York. 1927. $2.50. \'olume IN. l)\namical S\stems, 1)\ G. D. Birkhoff. New York, 1927. $3.00.' X'olume N. .•\lgc])raic Geometr\- and Theta b^mctions, bv A. B. Coble. j New York, 1929. $3.00. I (Jrders may be sent to the American Mathematical Society, 1501 West 116th Street, New York City, or t(j THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY I 337 East Chicago Avenue Chicago, Illinois Fourth Carus Mathematical Monograph PROJECTIVE GEOMETRY By JOHN WESLEY YOUNG Professor of Mathematics, Dartmouth College Price, ^2.00 Projective Geometry may he approached hy various routes: postuhitional or intuitive, synthetic or analytic, metric or purely projective. In a mono- graph v^hich is to give a lirst approach to the subject it has seemed to me that the treatment should be based on intuition, should develop the sub' ject by synthetic methods, and should keep projective properties sharply distinguished from the metric specializations. The reader will accordingly lind in the first five chapters a systematic and thoroughly elementary treat- ment of the most fundamental propositions of projective geometry, cul- minating in the theorems of Pascal and Brianchon and the polar system of a conic. My purpose in these chapters has been to develop on an intui- tive basis the concepts and the properties of projective space, u^ithout any admixture of metric ideas. Only in this v/ay, I believe, can the reader gain a clear impression of what the word projective means. [Extract from Preface.} THE RHIND MATHEMATICAL PAPYRUS Ch.ancellor Arnold Buffum Chace, of Brown University, is render- ing signal honor to the Mathem.atical Association of America by pub- lishing under its auspices his Rhind Mathematical Papyrus. Volume I, over 200 pages (iV/^'xS"), contains the free Translation, Commentary, and Bibliography of Egyptian Mathematics. Volume II, 140 plates (llJ4'"xl4") in two colors with Text and Introduc- tions, contains the Photographic Facsimile, Hieroglyphic Transcription, Trans- literation, and Literal Translation. This exposition of the oldest mathematical document in the world will be of great value to any one interested in the w'ork of a civilization of nearly 4,000 years ago. LIMITED EDITION ^20.00 Plus Postage THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY Chicago j THE HISTORY OF MATHEMATICAL NOTATIONS By FLORIAN CAJORI Vol. I — l\[otations in Elementary Mathematics Vol. 11 — J^lotations Mainly in Higher Mathematics Price, Cloth, ^6.00 each 'The first volume deals with the history of notations from the days of the ancients and by nations as far apart as the Babylonians and the A2,tecs, Egyp- tians and Chinese, Arabs, Germans, Italians and English. The second volume gives a history of the symbols that have accompanied the great advance of mathematics from the days of Newton to the present times. "Professor Cajori's book will be indispensable to the historian of mathe- matics."— The Times Literary Supplement, Londoyi. "The amount of research that this work represents is extraordinary and the history will be of great usefulness to mathematicians." — Journal of the American Institute of Electrical Engiy^eers. THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING CO. Chicago London ANNALEN DER PHILOSOPHIE UND PHILOSOPHISCHEN KRITIK HERAUSGEGEBEN YON HANS VAIHINGER, JOSEPH PETZOLDT UXD RAYMUND SCHMIDT Abonnemenlsprcis fiir clcu ini Erscheinen begriffenen Band fill : Jahrlich ein Band von 10 Heften. KM 20.— Die Zeitschrift dient keiner philosophischen Schule. Sie beriicksichtigt in ersler Linie die Beitrage zur ])hilosophischen Problematik, zvelche von den Jii)iccl7^'is.scnscliaften uusgclwii. Sie ist die einzige philosophisclie Zeitschrift, die nicht lediglich von b^achphilosophen redigiert wird, son- dern ll'isseiischafllcr allcr Gchictc rj.ii MitlicraiiS(jcbcni iind Mitarbcitcrn hat. — Am Schluss jedes Hefts ein Literaturbericht der in s\stematisch geordneten Einzelreferaten, unter Zuriickstellung von W'erturteilen, iiber den Inhalt der Neuerscheinungen berichtet und hih- Ii()(/rapliische I'ldlstdnduikcU anslrebt. Ein Probeheft versendet uinsonst und ]if)stfrei FELIX MEINER VERLAG IN LEIPZIG C 1, Kurzestr. 8. — .+ I.NI.IM' IN \ X'iKCIL M \.\ i'S( Kl r-|' I '"dK M l-.R l.^ IN ■rill-: Li i;KAin' oi" I 'i tkakc ii. Frontispiece in The Open Court. The Open Court A MONTHLY MAGAZINE VOLUME XLIV CHICAGO THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY 1930 COPYRIGHT THE OPEX COURT PUBLISHING CO. 1930 INDEX TO \'OL01E XLIV ARTICLES AND AUTHORS American Alan, The Origins of. Lewis Spence 342 Asceticism, The Pleasant Pains of. Leo Alarkun 564 Asmodeus, Dandy Among Demons. Alaximilian Rndwin 459 Astronomy, Modern, and the New Cosmos. J. V. Nash 257 Bailey, WilHam S. Socrates Tries City Management 411 Banks. Charles Eugene. The Self 767 Berman, Harold. Inertia and Eaith, 118; Opposition Versus Indifference. .699 Brown, Law-rence Parmly. The Cosmic Teeth 1, 7Z. 162. 2i2 Cajori, F. Newton's Idea of God as Found in the DiiYerent Editions of His Principia 65 Cajori, Florian. In Mcmorian 640 Cams, Elizabeth. Virgil 705 Character Training. In Promotion of. Edward L. Schaub 449 Clarke. William F. Spirit. Eternal Life, Immortality 129 Confucian Analects, The Use of the Word Jen in the. Huang K'uei and J. K. Shryock 745 Cosmos, Modern Astronomy and the New. J. V. Nash 2i7 Demons, The Loves of the. Maximilian Rudwin 599 Devil, The Belief in the. Maxmilian Rudwin 153 Devil, The World and the Flesh. Maxmilian Rudwin 678 Devil's Death, The. Maximilian J. Rudwin 208 Devil-Compact in Tradition and Belief, The. Alaximilian Rudwin. 2')3. 321. 419 Devil, The World and the Flesh. Maxmilian Rudwin 678, 751 293, 321, 419: The Devil. The World and the Flesh, 678, 751; The Devil's Death, 208: The Legend of Lilith, 513: The Loves of the Demons, 599 ; The War for the World 84 Einstein, Poe and. George Nordstedt 173 El Dorado. Lloyd Morris 669 IV THE OPEN COURT Emil, Oskar, The Strategy of Life and Humanism, 571; The World 187 Englishman Who Became a Pope. J. V. Nash 736 Epicureanism. Will Skepticism Tend Toward. John Heintz 181 Erickson, Clarence. The Patterns of Philosophic Thought 657 Erickson of the Sagas, Leif. Cornelia Steketce Hulst 272 Ethics and Reality. T. Swann Harding 712 Fletcher, Frances. Henry D. Thoreau, Oriental 510 Freedom, Science and. Jacob Kunz 399 Goodspeed, Thomas W., "A Yankee Saint." J. V. Nash 385 Harding, T. Swann. Limitations of Science as a System of Belief, ^11 ; How Can You Help Believing ? 279 Harding, T. Swann. Ethics and Reality 712 Heintz, John. Tschaikovsky's Black Beast, 614; Will Skepticism Tend Toward Epicureanism ? 181 Hindu Spirituality In Religion and Drama. Gregory Vlastos 137 How Can You Help Believing ? T. Swann Harding 279 Huang Kuei Yuen and J. K. Shryock. The Use of the Word Tao in the Confucian Analects 489 Huang K'uei. The L^se of the Word Jen in the Confucian Analects 745 Hulst, Cornelia Steketce. Leif Erickson of the Sagas 193, 272 Humanism, Positivism and. Edwin H. Wilson 21 Humanist Trends in Modern Religious Developments. Curtis W. Reese... 647 Indian Philosophy in its Divergence from the Spirit of the Contemporary West. Edward L. Schaub 522, 586 India's Contribution to Religion and its Effect on International Relations. S. C. Pandit 123 Inertia and Faith. Harold Berman 118 Insanity Unsocial, Is ? George Yeisley Rusk 244 Jen in the Confucian Analects, The Use of the Word. Huang K'uei and J. K. Shryock 745 Jesus and Jewish Tradition. Robert P. Richardson 546 Jones, W. Tudor. Natural Objects and Ideal Objects 100 Kunz, Jacob. Science and Freedom 399 Lean Cattle ( Poem) . Charles Sloan Reid 704 Leif Erickson of the Sagas. Cornelia Steketee Hulst 193 Life on Other Worlds, The. William Alphonso Murrill 446 Lilith, The Legend of. Maximilian Rudwin 513 Limitations of Science as a System of Belief. T. Swann Harding 577 Marknn, Leo. The Pleasant Pains of Asceticism, 564; The Pleasant Pains of Martyrdom 359 Martyrdom, The Pleasant Pains of. Leo Marknn 359 McTaggart, Dr.. The Philosophy of. Gilbert T. Sadler 58 Morality, Problems of the New. Victor S. Yarros 382 ^ THE OPEN COURT V Morris, Lloyd. El Dorado, 669; The Livery of Proteus, 316; Occidental Martha 620 Mukerjie, Radhakanial. The Lisights and Raptures of the Mystic. .. .438, 502 Murrill, William Alphonso. The Life on Other Worlds 446 Mystic, The Insights and Raptures of the. Radhakanial Mukerjie. . .438, 502 Nash, J. V. Carl Sandburg : An American Homer, 633 ; Modern Astronomy and the New Cosmos, 257 ; Thomas W. Goodspeed : "A Yankee Saint" 385 The Englishman Who Became a Pope 736 Natural Objects and Ideal Objects. W. Tudor Jones 100 Newton's Idea of God as Found in the Different lulitions of his Principia. F. Cajori 65 Nordstedt, George. Poe and Einstein 173 Occidental Martha. Lloyd Morris 620 Opposition Versus Indifference. Harold Berman 699 Pandit, S. G. India's Contribution to Religion and Its Effect on Interna- tional Relations 123 Patterns of Philosophic Thought. Clarence Erickson 726 Paul, Alias Simon the Magician. Robert P. Richardson 467 Philosophic Thought, The Patterns of. Clarence Erickson 657 Philosophic Works. Two Notable. Victor S. Yarros 496 Pluralism. Life and "Value." Victor S. Yarros 252 Poe and Einstein. George Nordstedt 173 Pope, The Englishman Who Became a Pope. J. V. Nash 736 Positivism and Humanism. Edwin H. Wilson 21 Prayer ( Poem) . Charles Sloan Reid 192 Proteus, The Livery of. Lloyd Morris 316 Reese, Curtis W. Humanist Trends in Modern Religious Developments. . .647 Reg-ression, The Law of, in Religion and Morals. Victor S. Yarros 690 Reid, Charles Sloan. Lean Cattle (Poem), 704; Prayer (Poem) 192 Religion Always Comes Back. William H. Roberts 48 Religion and Morals, The Law of Regression in. Victor S. Yarros 690 Religion and the Future of India. Daljit Singh Sadharia 214 Religion, The Art of. S.I. Rosenberg 532 Religion, From Modern Physics to. Victor S. Yarros ^1 Religious Development, Suggestions for a Theory of. A. K. Sharma..304, 369 Richardson, Robert P. Jesus and Jewish Tradition, 546; Paul, Alias Simon the Magician 467 Roberts, William H. Religion Always Comes Back 48 Rosenberg, S. I. The Art of Religion 532 Rudwin, Maximilian. Asmodeus, Dandy Among Demons, 459 ; The Belief in the Devil, 153; The Devil-Compact in Tradition and Belief, 293, 321, 419; The Devil, The World and the Flesh, 678, 751 ; The Devil's Death, 208; The Legend of LiHth, 513; The Loves of the Demons, 599; The War for the World 84 Rusk, George Yeisley. Is Insanity Unsocial ? 244 Sadharia. Daljit Singh. Religion and the Future of India 214 Sadler, Gilbert T. The Philosophy of Dr. McTaggart 58 VI THE OPEN COURT Sandburg, Carl : An American Homer. J. V. Nash 633 Schaub, Edward L. In Promotion of Character Training, 449 ; Indian Philosophy in its Divergence from the Spirit of the Contemporary West 522, 586 Science and Freedom. Jacob Kunz 399 Science, Limitations of, as a System of Belief. T. Swann Harding 577 Scl f , The. ( Poem ) Charles Eugene Banks 767 Sharma, A. K. Suggestions for a Theory of Religious Development . .304, 369 Shryock, J. K. and Huang Kuei Yuen. The Use of the Word Tao in the Confucian Analects 489 Shryock, J. K. The Use of the Word Jen in the Confucian Analects 745 Skepticism Tend Toward Epicureanism, Will. John Heintz 181 Socrates Tries City Management. William S. Bailey 411 Spence, Lewis. The Origins of American Man 342 Spirit, Eternal Life, Immortality. William F. Clarke 129 Steffen, August. Universal Unity 109 Strategy of Life and Humanism, The. Oskar Emil 571 Tao in the Confucian Analects, The Use of the Word. Huang Kuei Yuen and J. K. Shryock 489 Teeth, The Cosmic. Lawrence Parmly Brown . . . • 1, 7i, 162, 232 Thoreau, Henry D. Oriental. Oriental. Frances Fletcher 510 Tschaikovsky's Black Beast. John Heintz 641 Universal Unity. August Steffen 109 Virgil. Elizabeth Cams 705 Vlastos, Gregory. Hindu Spirituality in Religion and Drama 137 War for the World, The. Maxmilian J. Rudwin 84 Wilson, Edwin H. Positivism and Humanism 21 World, The. Oskar Emil 187 Yarros. Victor S. From Modern Physics to Religion, 37 ; The Law of Regression in Religion and Morals, 690; Pluralism, Life and "Value," 252; Problems of the New Morality, 382; Two Notable Philosophic Works 496 The Open Court A MONTHLY MAGAZINE Devoted to the Science of lielijiioii, the Religion of Science, and the Extension of the Heliyious Parliament Idea. COPYRIGHT BY OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY 1930 A'olume XLI\' ( Xo. 12) DFXEMr.RR, 1930 Xumber 895 MRCIL Publius \ergilius Maro. 70-19 B. C. BY ELIZABKTII CARUS THIS }-ear marks the two thousandth anniversan- of the birth of \'irgil and it is being noted by exhibitions and commentaries on his accomphshments and his influence through these twenty- centuries. He gave to Ital}', then devastated b\- civil war, bankrupt and depopulated, the spiritual force and the creative impulse which made it possible for her to establish herself as a unified whole, and it is his interpretation of it which has become a part of our world thought. Augustus was the founder of the political ideal of the Holv Roman Empire; \ irgil. the ])oet of Italy, was the inspired authorit}' thereof who kept ali\e the nobler conception of sover- ei'gnty. \ irgil is famous for three main xolumes of poetr_\-, the Eclogues, a group of pastoral poems, the (ieorgics, which praise the simple life and labor, and the Aeneid, an epic of the Roman nation. \'irgil was born in 70 B. C. near !\[antua. At the time of his birth Itah- was absorbed b\' the struggle for supremacy between Rome and the provinces. Ele received a ver}- thorough education first at Cremona and the University of ]\Iilan. later at Rome. We know little of the following years except that his travels must have brought him over all Italy for in his poems he shows an intimate knowledge of the countr_\- from the Alps to the straits. ( \'irgil was living in the countr_\-). In 42 B. C when the general confiscation of land took place, X'irgil was living in the country, and in the Eclogues he gives a \i\id account of the confiscation of 706 THE OPEN COURT his father's farm. Later through influential friends the farm was restored. The Eclogues, begun in the country, were finished at Rome. For some time before their publication Virgil was one of a group of close friends who had in common a vision of new possibilities and a new meaning for poetry. The poetry then in vogue was of the stilted, scholastic Alexandrian school which could not develop any further. This group, which included the poets, Gallus, Varius, and ]\Iacer, produced a large amount of poetry. With the appear- ance of the Eclogues, Virgil became the leader of the movement, now known as Virgilism. His fame and influence were immediate. The new poetry in Greek literary forms, with simple musical rhythms, was not perfect in workmanship, but it was free and it was alive. In the Eclogues, as in all the writings of Virgil, there is a mystic and a prophetic note foretelling a Golden Age about to be realized. He is under the spell of the greatness of Rome, yet he is Italian in spirit and has that great quality of expressing the yearning of the soul in its deeper moods. The promises of the Eclogues are treated as actual facts in the Georgics, which were inspired by his friend Maecenas. In those days the influence of a poet in moulding public opinion w^as very great. Italy was economically exhausted and needed men to develop her unused wealth which lay idle in virgin soil, forest and swamp. Virgil sought to awaken a new interest in the land with the little touches of genius which make poetry of everyday tasks, he trans- figured the simple hard life of the farmer and idealized agriculture and industry, making the Georgics the most perfect poems of native Italian life. Shortly before the Georgics w'ere finished Octavius was made supreme and the unification of Italy was complete. To celebrate this event Virgil started the Aeneid which became the complete expression of his profound thought and his philosophy of life, his dreams and his ideals. After eleven years, in 19 B. C. the epic was finished, and in order to perfect it V'irgil visited Greece. He had planned to stay three years, but he met Augustus in Athens, and returned with him the same year. At Megara, where they stopped on the voyage, Virgil was taken sick. They hurried home. Virgil died a few days after reaching Brundisium and was buried at Naples, where his tomb was, for a long time, held in religious veneration. 707 GIOVANN. FABRTNT DA F I G H I N E. • •Sopra il Qiilnto T.ihro dc lEneide di Virgilio. 1 Ntire \ mcdid Aencis X K T F. r. E A mcanrm . ; Ji 1 &c. j Mentre chc D.Jo- I ^-, „.,^ ,r,,. . y/,, . •,,,^ . ,,, del iiiatcpct aiidare in Ita- lic . Etvolundofnnaictro, >iHJe ch- tuita Cat!at>inc ii fplcndcuadi fiamroc di fuo- co,c non fapcua la cagionc. CoUhant fi.immK. {jux r.; C.v;l.i Lire!:.: dun vugno fi.'..' I- : .1 1; ■ Viti:!:! 0 , ■..(•: -i/. rt. furens tiuid juriu'a pejfi' , 7 fiiic fc(\i:'.'jtru'.ni reucroriun fdiofiaiicmt , £/pofi, t dele farsU . ii hfjmh. d: I'ljioi ITxn.meiktiU , ' r irjfannointotuo alia ft iuu.1 diPatioclo. Ebcn o chcijuim HwnKTOiii- tr, P Jacc perfonc cheittcf;- Rocoii Icf.'aircttt-.S; Vir ^'a lo c]u. fa fare vni S'\f * utica. E;c da fijt.-.che ni itpotcuacllcic.chein m rii int'.-ro tnen .itriua.'lc in in DCO i'ia , pcro biro^na cite :tio si pfimo nsriunciito rhi •••nSi'^icfcmo. chrcnli naiiig dcl!Mc.i-n...VrH-r<'.:",!.l!c, Con qucfto principio di LibtoV';rgi!io accori'i rccon.to I'm';/ fT •••?»«!-■ c'<(7ncfi ■ lu tolcodiHomeio . Pcithc mttc k cole ch'tsbiicconu ptatiio.rcccpjcoirof.rtflbin marc, tiraii.iu \ A Page from ax Italian Edition of the Aeneid 1588. 708 THE OPEN COURT By the command of Augustus, Airgil's request to have the Aeneid destroyed was overruled. Instead Virgil was given divine honors and the Aeneid was regarded as an inspired writing to be consulted for omens of the future of the empire and its rulers. The dominant idea of the .Veneid is that of an universal empire founded by divine decree, and glorif\ing not only Rome, but all of Ital\'. A'irgil tried to fuse into a homogeneous whole a Latin Iliad, an annalistic epic of the nation, and the celebration of the struggles and triumphs of his own age. This task was one of supreme difficulty and man\' times in periods of depression he thought it hopeless. 1 le wanted to make his epic a guiding force to the whole Latin world. The main part of the stor\- describes the founding and establish- ing of Rome by Aeneas, the highest point of which is reached when he sails i\]) the Tiber and lands on the s])ot which is to become Rome. To this theme \ irgil adds the se\en years of wandering from Tro\' anrl the lo\'e stor}- oi Dido and Aeneas, which became one of such enthralling interest that it almost absorbed the whole action of the poem, but \ irgil's transcendental vision draws the two themes together and unifies them. Aeneas is taken into the underworld and undergoes an experience similar to conversion. One sees in a fourth dimensional view the past and the future side b}' side where one senses the ultimate secret of the unixerse and its creative processes. The picture is ,one of haunting impression-^ and of the eternal search int(j the miknown. The greatest criticism of the poem has been concerning the pious character of Aeneas, who is not human in that he never thinks of his own desires or gains: to \ irgil, however, he was a religious ideal, guided by a higher power, the founder of the empire and the idea of divine sovereignty. X'irgil tried to include all the knowledge and riches of the world in the Aeneid. To the simple Homeric structure he added the refinements of later (Ireek poetry, the high ornamentation of Alexandrian \'erse. and the new romantic motives which made him the source of romanticism f(jr later ages. We are just now begin- ning to appreciate the poem as a treasury of Italian antiques, for it records the geographx' and ethnograi)h}' of ancient Ital}-, the religious practices, the social life and civic institutions of the time. Except for the glorification of Augustus, \'irgil kept clear of V I R( ; 1 1 . 709 t> ifi 2 K 710 THE OPEN COURT partisan passions, and he could thus idealize the monarchy sincerely. He was the voice of Rome and the interpreter of its part in the history of the world. From this time the state was bound up with the sanctions of religion, as is shown by the title Augustus, which means the venerable with both a political and a religious significance. Throughout the empire the idea of a universal religion was develop- ing, one main feature of which was that a Saviour would come who would establish peace on earth and a kingdom of righteousness. In the fourth Eclogue A'irgil prophesies the birth of a child who would fulfill these expectations. Because of these Christian sentiments, even though they were expressed entirely in pagan terms, and be- cause they expressed the \'ery foundations ui)on which Christianity was based, the church recognized Virgil, and believed him to be inspired by (jod. The Aeneid was never forgotten as were the classics of Greece. It was read and memorized and made the basis of education. It was the lay bible of the middle ages, the inspiration of poets. Virgil, himself was called The Poet. His name became a tradition to which were ascribed the qualities of a magician, and which had nothing in common with the original character of the poet. This legendary Virgil is said to have built a castle from which the emperor could see and hear all that was done and said in Rome ; he made a lamp which lighted the whole city, and many other marvelous things. The same kind of stories, often the same ones, are ascribed to Aristotle and other ancient celebrities. The fact that he became the center of these legends shows how widespread was his fame and his influence. After A^irgil's death an endless literature began to grow up about him, and it still continues to grow. The first good commentary on his work was produced in Syria and the best portrait preserved of him is in fine mosaic, found at Tunis near the site of the ancient city of Carthage where Aeneas had been seen a thousand }ears earlier. The following tabulation of the number of editions of his works and the languages in which they are printed is given b}- the Union Catalogue in the Library of Congress. VIRGIL 711 EDITIONS OF MRGIL IN THE UNITED STATES A recent survey of the \'iro-il material in tlie United States carried on by Project "B," Library of Congress, sheds much light on the prevalence of this favorite classic in American libraries. It is a surprising fact that upon a single appeal made by the Chairman of the Bimillenium Committee. 98 libraries responded to the call and supplied data for their holdings. The re- quest for material was limited to editions other than school texts, and to a certain date, so that it may be assumed that the figures quoted represent mini- mums rather than maximums. The tabulation attached hereto shows in detail the distribution of the editions of Virgil and discloses the fact that the student by means of Union Catalogs of the Library of Congress, is enabled to locate copies of Virgil proper, either complete works or individual parts, within the territory of the United States, exclusive of all works about Virgil. « Of these 2145 represent individual editions (entries in Union Catalogs) which again are supplemented by additional 1554 locations, so that about every other edition listed in Union Catalogs is represented in two or more libraries. Neither the works relating to Virgil, the travesties, nor the legends, are included in this tabulation. These, in themselves, form an additional catalog of no mean size. Nor does the scholar of a foreign country, wishing to pursue studies in his own language, have to forego this privilege, since the survey shows that almost all of the principal languages are well represented in the Union Catalog as follows : Polyglot 4 Gascon 2 Norwegian 1 Catalan 1 Greek 10 Portuguese 16 Danish 4 Hebrew 1 Scotch 3 Dutch 12 Hungarian 1 Spanish ■i7 Esperanto 2 Irish 1 Swedish 6 Gaelic 1 Italian 137 Russian ■6 EDITIONS OF VIRGIL IN THE UNITED STATES Vergilius Maro, Publius. Latin texts : ^^■orks Aeneid Bucolics & Georgics Bucolics Georgics Total (except *) *Minor works Enelish texts : Works ^M Aeneid Bucolics & Georgics Bucolics Georgics Total French texts German texts All other languages Total Total In more editions than one library. 846 692 179 103 54 40 81 34 80 56 1.240 925 44 48 164 156 219 230 17 13 ;? 20 ?)T^ 56 487 475 105 23 8^ 21 184 62 2.145 1.554 ETHICS AND REALITY BY T. SWANN HARDING ''T^HE field of ethics and morals seems very chaotic to one trained -L in science. In ^{fite of the fact that systems of ethics are many and varied it is a peculiar fact that the majority of people the wide world over are quite well agreed as to the good in certain acts and the bad in certain others. Moreover this agreement has existed for some centuries. This suggests at once that there are rules at work in the sphere of ethics and morals (juite as surely as in that of phys- ics, and that the\' are probably as true on the a\erage, or statisticall}-, as the rules governing the actions of atoms and molecules. It also suggests that there could be formulated a system of ethics as "true"' for its specific reality as systems of phwsics are for their particular reality. Quite probably several such pragmatically "true"" sxstems could be formulated, each Cjuite useful, and dozens of quite useless fictional systems could be altogether eliminated. In America we are especially interested in crime. A\ e speak proudly of our crime waves and we have a crime commission to investigate them. Their existence is very real and }et our method of dealing with them is still, in man_\' instances, very primitive. This becomes apparent in /// Prison b\' Kate O'EIare, a book no one should read who cherishes fictions more than hypotheses dealing \\ith realitw ( )d(ll\' enough, it describes as still existing in American prisons abuses which the Webbs (in their Englisli Prisons Under Local Government) considered atrocious in English prisons of the seventeenth century. I refer particular! \- to the attendants" habits of mulcting and defrauding prisoners of money and sustenance illegall}'. It is also still possible for a person to be convicted of some infraction of social custom — for social custom interprets law" and reading the Constitution or the Bible in public may or may not be illegal, depending upon momentary social customs — and ulti- matel}' sent to prison. Here this person may actually be the victim of anti-social acts much worse than those which brought about in- F.THICS A\n RKALITY 713 carceration and may also be compelled to break certain laws more fundamental than those whose infraction broug'ht about im])rison- ment. \"er_\' curious isn't it? For instance contract labor ma_\- be i)rohibited in the prisons of a certain state. That state and others ma_\- also ha\e laws saying that all prison-made goods must be clearl\- labeled as such. The prisoner may, however, be so farmed out to an o\'erall manufacturer in a distant state that he or she gets fifty cents to a dollar a month for work worth S5 a day and the profits go not to the federal go\- ernment nor to the state, but to the contractor. bTu'thermore he or she ma}' be compelled to sew labels into finished garments which insist the_\' were producetl at the factories of industrialists several hundred miles away; these prison products are then sold as ])rivately manufactured, and quite illegall}-. Finally, the i)risoner ma_\' be beaten or assulted ; he may be, and often is, exposed carelessl\- to infection b_\' the most awful diseases, and he leaves the institution. willy nilly. a complete adept at all forms of criminal technic whether he has learned anything else or not. The Xational Crime Commission has. in its preliminar_\- reports. observed that such })rison abuses still exist in the Cnited States on a very considerable scale. Hut, if we wished, we might consider a step still earlier in the process — that of "responsibilit}" which is a word that covers a fiction, h'or we condemn and punish if the person committing an anti-social act was "responsible"" for his action whereas, in realitx', responsil:)ilit_\' is itself established empirically in each case and, from a scientific standpoint, means exactly nothing. For there are onl\- three kinds of criminals: 1. The chronically and incurabh' mischievous who should be intelligently restrained for the rest of their natural lives; 2. the psxchic and glandular types, or those with other physiological lesion>, who can be cured b_\' medical therapy and released as entirel}- new characters ; 3. the normals who, under great stress, make an isolated detour into crime, who should be compelled to make civil restitution and discharged in care of their "conscience,"" ( for they ha\e a something that gives them the very de\-il the rest of their lives i after it has been determined medically and ps_\-cho^ogically that they are i)erfectly normal. That in itself is all ver}' interesting. The present fiction is that the person performed an anti-social act. He must be punished; he must make retribution to society, in order to deter others, or he must at least be reformed. The fact is that in many prisons he is mis- 714 THE opp:n court treated, nothing is done to change his social habits for the better, he is exposed to infection, compelled to break other laws more fundamental than those he broke outside prison, and sent forth bitter and psychopathic. Higher prison officials are still frequently appointed as political favors ; lower officials are underpaid and un- intelligent; all are very often entirely untrained. We are not by innate nature maliciously savage people. Just why do we do such things as have been described ? Just why do we persist in believing in fictions so manifest when facts are so easily ascertainable? I rather think Ave have something to learn from cjuite non-criminal people in their ordinary, everyday habits of conduct, and I want to adduce three examples, which may seem trivial, but which may also yield considerable information upon examination and analysis. The other morning a woman burst in upon me quite radiant be- cause her daughter had won a rifle contest in college ; she was with the winning team and she also made a high record personally. The mother's enthusiasm seemed to me at first exceedingly pernicious, later only somewhat sillv. Aly first feeling was to become indignant and sermonize — i.e. to assume the inherent inerrancy of mv views, arrived at after long and devious study, and their supreme right to triumph over hers when expressed emotionally. For the shooting of guns and marksmanship have to me many connotations of value which they do not have to the superficial and quite innocently and ignorantly frivolous woman who asked me to share her enthusiasm. The essential utility of guns is to kill. They may be used to kill birds or animals, but few of us need them for that purpose. The only widespread need we could ever have would be for the killing of human beings. This brings up the specter of war, or of police violence, and the possibility that complete familiarity with firearms will very probably develop in anyone a psychological state quite less inimical to bloodshed than that of a person like myself who never touched a firearm, if I remember correctly. In short the values evolved by long and arduous study arose in me. liut there was no time to explain all of that. It would have taken me several hours even had the woman been disposed to listen. She would then have been unable to understand because she had not been accustomed to think ; she took current fictions at* face value. For me to become emotionally disdainful and arrogantly seek to enforce m\' views would have been useless. What I actually did was make some very silly remark to the eftect that young women were apparently trained ETHICS AXD REALITY 715 in college these days to make them capable of dealing effectively with their husbands somewhat later. A second instance: Two gentlemen sat behind me on the street- car this morning talking of a third man whose name should, I sup- pose, be Chaos. They were discussing what they called "efficiency" and "svstem" and it became quite apparent that Chaos was one of these helter-skelter persons who had no place for anything and everAthing was somewhere else. The\- agreed on that. But they did not get much further. For within five minutes it developed that one of them. A, was himself far more precise than the other, Tj. When A began to tell exactly- how he did things B soon began in- terrupting to show where this or that practice was not systematic, was not efficient, but was actually a fettering bad habit. The argu- ment rapidly became passionate and it ended with A's departure from the car. Nothing at all had been accomplished except a display of bad temper. Bv third instance concerns a married couple who sat across from me recentlv in a shoe store. The woman was buying two pairs of shoes. The man quite apparentl\- had no objection to that. In fact I knew him quite well and I knew his wife. He was the kind of man who thought of things literary first and everything else there- after. She was the kind of woman who would think of shoes or a dress first and might think of things intellectual secondl}'. Quite suddenly he remembered something and withdrew from his brief- case a magazine containing an article of his which had just appeared so illustrated as great!}- to plea>e him. Intoxicated with his interest and anxious to show the illustrations to her he burst in, at a moment the shoe salesman had turned aside, and brought the article to her attention. The result was explosive. She became very indignant and in tones quite audible to me some ten feet away told him that he was ridiculously ignorant and rude and would never learn an}- manners. She was interested in shoes and interviewing a salesman whereupon he, like a child, rudely interrupted. The salesman meantime had turned to the couple and viewed the spectacle with astonishment. The husband, however, laughed, shrugged his shoulders as one would to some irritable child, put the article away and assumed a gentlemanly interest in shoes again. A moment later, entirel}- due to his adroit handling of the situation, the woman was quite herself and they were rather merrily discussing shoes. Here we have a 716 THE OPEN COURT miniature study of an element which could completely disrupt a marriage except for the fact that the husband, and I happen in this instance to know both parties to the conversation very well, has his emotions so well disciplined that he does not allow them to go out on parade on matters of no particular intellectual consequence. Reviewing these trivial instances more abstractly what do we find? First they are important because they and millions like them, are part and parcel of the reality of everyday human behavior and conduct. From such simplicities spring later complexities like war spirit, personal and group contention, social misunderstandings, broken homes, and crimes. Secondly, three needs stand forth before we can formulate a new and scientific ethical and moral system. These are : Firsts more pure, unindoctrinated facts ; more knowl- edge. For had the woman in instance one known enough to realize all the implications of what her daughter was doing, to evaluate the phenomena of reality more properl}-, and to visualize conse- quences by a process of imaginative abstract thought based, however, on knowledge, she might have acted difl:erently. The misfortune remains that a state university thoughtlessly considers it acts upon a sound psychological and intellectual principle when it inculcates marksmanship. The second need is that for the meticulous and rigorous defini- tion of terms. The two men who argued had no fixed definition for the wTjrds "svstem" and "efticienc}." Probabl}- old Chaos himself thought he was quite systematic in Walt Whitman's notoriousl}- unsvstematic waw or in the manner of literary gentlemen who can find nothing at all after prim ])eople straighten up their studies. However, it would be possible to go fact-finding and perhaps to discover what s_\stem was best in this or that office, how much s}-stem enabled it to function more elficiently and just where su]jer- fiuous s}'stem became an impediment. Facts would be needed first ; then careful and precise definition of terms so that ever\()ne in- terested could understand jierfectly the ideas for which certain \\(jrd sxmbols stood. Hence a third thing is needed. It is a sort of personal thing and it involves emotional discipline on the one hand and, on the other, a reluctance to interpret our own sincere private opinions, or the basic postulates which we happen to respect, as indiscriminate!}' good for all and sundry. The woman who bought shoes had a dif- ferent standard of values from that of her husband: this quite KTiiics Axn RKAi.rrv 717 naturall}- involved a different standard of conduct and a different interpretation of what constitutes bad conduct — rudeness in this case. She called her husband ignorant and rude. She was ver_\- much irritated at the time. She was in such an emotional ])et that she was psxchologically incai)al)le of reasoning dispassionately or accurately, b^or she knew that her husband was not onl\' highly- educated — he had advanced universit\- degrees: but he was widelv known and recognized as a profound scholar, extraordinarih- in- formed on social questions. Now, having been irritated into a i)et the woman became rude through lack of emotional disciidine. ( irant, for sake of argument, that her husband's action was mildl\- rude ; it had a powerful intel- lectual drive behind it; he had a subject of great human imj^ortance in mind and his off'ense was a minor infraction of courtesw llers was public, sustained, and emphatic. lUit worse still she rationalized her own irritation and rudeness as the just wrath of a highly culti- vated lad}' at the boorishness of an unmannerh- clown. This argued that her standard was the best and the onl_\- possible standard of values; that she had a perfect right to impose it on other people because "all decent people" ( and was she not their accredited rep- resentative ? ) behaved in accordance therewith. Her husband's emo- tions were under such complete control that he neither ridiculed the onslaught nor rei)lied in kind. He was so tactful that it disappeared without leaving a ripple and he acted thus first because he had acquaintance with a wide field of knowledge about human behavior, and secondl}' because he knew it would be absurd for him, in turn, to set up his personal conduct and emotional reactions as the standard of right for anyone — especiall\- for his wife! But, }ou say, this is silly. This is i)ett_\'. 'Jdiese are mere casual individuals and insignificant incidents of no im])ort. .Admitting that they indicate some ethical confusion in the minds of individuals, there is an ethical s\'stem universally recognized as correct antl people should be urged to tr\- and lixe in accordance therewith. Right there I diff'er. I contend that the reason people are so pettish, so confused^ so ignoranth' superficial, or so sincerely perj)lexed is because we have not taken the trouble to formulate any scientific system of ethics based upon the facts of reality as at present ascertainable. I admit that ethical theories of conduct must in any case be based upon a postulate. I even admit that you can base them on a varied assortment of mutually antipathetic postulates and. by 718 THE OPEN COURT sufficiently disregarding your beliefs in fiction when you are in contact with an imperious bit of reality, live about the same "good" life in any case. Bvit I argue that this sort of thing is itself helter- skelter and chaotic and that we owe it to ourselves to formulate a scientific system of ethics. Consider very briefly the extant ethical systems. What postu- lates are assumed by various ethical systems — very, very respectable systems too — in order to build good lives thereupon? One is the existence of a god, of one sort or another, who makes demands of one sort or another. This postulate is secure and helpful so long as societies are primitive and homogenous and so long as the god is defined cjuite precisely by the group as a whole, and a vast majority of the group as individuals concur the rightness of the definition. In a society such as ours where god is defined so utterly dift'erently by so many individuals or groups, this postulate is valueless. It amounts to no more than asking the god to ratify our own highest notion of what ought to be, which is a phrase-garb used to protect errant and anemic fictions from the bleak winds of reality. We may revert to conscientious sentimentalism. W^e may take as our basic postulate some such sentiment as pity, sympathy, al- truism, unselfishness or the pious and fervid affirmation of a funda- mental principle from which practical morality certainly ought to be deduced. But what has this to do with the teeming reality which surrounds us? We may take Kant's imperative and seek so to act that things will become better by our acting so, but to refrain from acts which would make things worse if everyone committed them. But what do we mean by better and worse? We may s^y with him that the good will is that which acts out of respect for moral law and may therefore alone be held to be morally good, which is a charming verbal rondelet but seems somehow to lack grasp on reality. We may make all sorts of a priori rules ; we may invoke hedonism or utilitarianism ; we may actually postulate a principle in reverse to all that is usually considered good and moral and deduce therefrom some system, like that which rules a gang, which is singu- larly ethical within a restricted group. W^e need go no further than the law to discover how much at sea we really are in such matters. I perform a certain act. I hap- pen to be seen and apprehended. I happen to be relatively poor. I am therefore brought to trial for a penitentiary oft'ense. I am to be judged by a learned judge and a jury of my peers. In what does V ETHICS AND REALITY 719 this justice inhere? How is the case decided? Xonnally in one of two ways, ignoring as incidental to any case at law the emotional and fact-obfuscating antics of law}ers of sorts who seek to raise doubts, confuse and mislead. Way number one consists in citing precedents. The lawyers go back to look for cases like mine and to discover what was done about such cases, ^'et there never was in the history of the world a case just like mine though the decision is rendered in terms of that case which may have been tried a decade or two ago under entirely ditTerent circumstances. (Remember al- ways that under the same law reading the Constitution in public sometimes is and sometimes is not criminal.) Actuall\- the case cited as precedent had nothing whatever to do with me standing here and now before a judge for this particular offense. It is a mere fiction to assume that it could have an_\thing to do with my case which cannot be subsumed under it without assviming a decision in advance, a contingency the whole absurd process has been invoked to avoid. Process number two is that of deliberately making some impos- ing fundamental postulate in resounding and impressive terms and in asserting that my action is inimical to social stability. Thus, the law being cjuite the same in each case, it ma_\' at one time be stated by the judge that the reading of the Constitution by the prisoner at the bar constituted an incendiary act inimical to society and that acts inimical to societ}' must be penalized by so many years in the penitentiar}- ; at another time it may be stated that the innocent reading of the Constitution does not constiute an act inimical to society and that anyway it is a fundamental postulate in this countr}- that we have freedom of speech and expression at all times — there- fore the prisoner should be dismissed and perhaps eulogized. Neither legal process seeks to interrogate the facts of reality, to ascertain all the particulars relevant to this specific event and to arrive at a dispassionatel}' scientific judgment on the basis of those facts. True enough this process is rendered difficult in the absence of some well-formulated system of rational ethics. Just that is what is needed and leading thinkers recognize this. Thus we find White- head saying in Process and Reality' "The actual entity, in a state of process during which it is not fully definite, determines its own ultimate definiteness. This is the whole point of moral responsibility. Such responsibility is conditioned by the limits of the data, and by the categoreal conditions of concrescence." 720 THE OPEN COURT Whitehead is tn'ing to write Hke a philosopher and it is a fiction among them that the simplest truths must be stated in the most forbidding language, but he evident!}' means about what I have iust said above. John Dewey, who shares the fiction that confused verbiage is a great philosophic advantage, sa\s this in writing on ■'Individualism, Old and New" in The X cw Republic for Februarx' 5, 1930 (p. 296) : hidividuals will refind themselves only as their ideas and ideals are brought into harmony with the realities of the corporate age in which they act. The task of attaining this harmony is not an easy one. But it is more negative than it seems, more negative than positive. If we could inhibit the principles and standards that are merely traditional, if we could slough off the opinions that have no living relationship to the situations in which we live, the unavowed forces that now work upon us unconsciously but unremittingly would have a chance to build minds after their own pattern, and individuals would, in consequence, tind themselves in possession of objects to which imagination and emotion could stably attach themselves. Again this needs translation. For one impediment to clear think- ing on the part of the masses is that its thinkers have quite uni- versally invested belief in the fiction that fundamental truths cannot be expressed simply, perhaps for fear that being too easil}' under- stood the>' will not win respect. However, Dewey must mean that our ethical system should be in harmon}- with the reality of the age in which we now live. Shaw (in his I iitclli(/ciit iroiinui's Guide) naturally expressed the idea much more plainly He simply said : The reason we are in such a mess at present is that our governments are trying to carry on with a set of beliefs that belong to bygone phases of science and extinct civilizations. Imagine going to Moses or Mahomet for a code to regulate the modern money market. Where does this leave us? As omniscient beings, when we re- gard molecules, we observe that they follow certain statistical rules and we formulate a system of physics designed to explain what molecules do. I*ut all molecules do not do what we sa_\' they do ; however, enough of them follow our propositions for us to sa_\' that the\- are in statistical agreement with our scientific hypotheses. In the social sciences, however, we are not omniscient beings. A\'e are rather curious, precocious molecules of a gas seeking objectivel}- to determine the plnsical laws which statistically govern the gas of which we ourselves form an intimate part at the time. We tr_\- to be objective, but we remain human. If we find a statistical law which we do not happen to follow we say it is not "right" even though the vast majority of molecules do follow it. We must con- , ETHICS AND REALITY 721 trol our emotions and tr\- to realize that all human molecules do not necessarily do what we do. Hence we must look to scientists, who try very hard to be objective, to study these questions and, using the same scientific method they use in physics, formulate an ethical sys- tem that has realitw How far can our American scientists, who do delve into general and social problems, be expected to make scientific method under- stood to the masses and to advise its use in the solution of ethical problems? I can cite but one here. However, he is a leading scientist-sermonizer on public questions and his scientific reputation is unassailable. Of his frequent sermons I })ick the one on "Alleged Sins of Science" which appeared in February, 1930, Scrvbncrs. Herein he defends science against all charges of having done evil. He is unwilling to admit, for instance, that science helped cause the Great War and helped make it horrible. Yet he has done nothing of which I am aware to formulate a s\stem of scientific ethics which would make war anachronistic. Instead he comes out at this late date for the Golden Rule and greets with joy increased church membership. He takes a fling at loose morals and at the new art and literary forms. The gist of his attitude may be found in this sentence : "Rather does the scientist join with the psalmist of thousands of years ago in reverently proclaiming 'the Heavens declare the glory of God and the Firmament sheweth his handiwork.' The God of Science is the spirit of rational order and of orderly development, the integrating factor in the world of atoms and of ether and of ideas and of duties and of intelligence. Ma- terialism is surely not a sin of modern science." This is nothing more nor less than an eftort to make old bottles hold new wine and to preserve the pretended reality of what may once have been a humanly helpful hypothesis but what is now an antiquated fiction as a basic postulate for a system of ethics. I turn from this to a statement of Prof. Albert Einstein which appeared in the New York Tijiics during January-, 1930. It was in part as follows : "It has now become a general recognized axiom that the giant armaments of all nations are proving highly injurious to them collectively. I am even in- clined to go a step further by the assertion that, under present-day conditions, any one state would incur no appreciable risk by undertaking to disarm — - wholly regardless of the attitude of the other states. If such were not the case it would be quite evident that the situation of such states as are unarmed or only partially equipped for defense would be extremely difficult, dangerous, and disadvantageous — a condition which is refuted by the facts. I am con- 722 TlIK OPEN COURT vinced that demonstrative references to armaments are but a weapon in the hands of the factors interested in their production or in the maintenance and development of a military system for financial or political-egotistic reasons. I am firmly of the opinion that the educational effect of a first and genuine achievement in the realm of disarmament would prove highly ef^cacious, be- cause the succeeding second and third steps would then be immeasurably simpler than the initial one ; this for the obvious reason that the first results of an understanding would considerably weaken the familiar argument for national security with which parliamentarians of all countries now permit themselves to be intimidated. Armaments can never be viewed as an economic asset to a state. They must ever remain the unproductive exploitation of men and material and an encroachment on the economic reserves of a state through the temporary conscription of men in the active periods of their lives — not to men- tion tke moral impairment resulting from a preoccupation with the profession of war and the moral processes of preparing a nation for it." Here, by contrast with the American ^lilHkan, we find the words of a socially conscious scientist who speaks from an intimate knowl- edge of the facts of reahty and who makes no use whatever of archaic fictions. The contrast is striking but I know no physical scientist in America capable of such a statement, though a few isolated social scientists might be cited. I know also that no one would greet with greater covered or ouvert hostility an efi^ort to appl\- scientific method to the social problems of today's reality than the leaders and publications of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Their constant admonition is go easy, do not be controversial, do not be adversely critical, avoid acrimonious issues — a curiously timid and secjuacious attitude indeed, and one from which we have little to hope. This brings me to a brief concluding statement which may be inadequate but should serve to outline how a useful system of scien- tific ethics could be evolved. Morals or ethics should be the sub- ject of a system of causes deliberately created as the premises of reasoning ; the conclusions deduced from these premises must co- incide with the rules of practical morality the recognition of which life has forced upon us, regardless of our past systems and postu- lates, and which constitute the reality of ethics or morals. How can we go about elaborating this system ? First the rules of the moral reality of the here and now must be clearly expressed. What are people doing and why are they doing what they do ? How do psychopathic and economic factors condition their conduct ? Such questions as these must be answered statistically by the collection of more facts, more instances, more * ETHICS A\n Ri:.\I.lTY 72?) specific particulars which, in turn, will be more knowledge. Toda\- too many social scientists follow the old technic of laying down a priori postulates and then only collecting such facts as fit into their preconceived fictions. The facts they do collect are therefore in- doctrinated. Instead of this a vast number of fact-finding agencies must collect and correlate facts in some such manner as the eco- nomic bureaus of the Department of Agriculture do in order to trace price trends or to find out how hard farm women reall\- work and what they think. This done, and it will take c|uite a while before it is scientifically worth while to do anything else, the i»roduction of axioms and defi- nitions will follow. Broad statements — laws which form h\])Otheses — must be formulated and each word in them must be clearlv de- fined. Their entire meaning must also be precise and their axioms simply expressed, h^rom these ])remises ])roi)ositions must then be derived. Had we had them in hand, for instance, in 1917 it would have been quite possible for social scientists to have predicted with fair accurac}' just what would ha]:)])en in the Tnited States after the passage of the A'olstead Act. Had it been possible to present these facts to the public in simple, non-h}Sterica] terms, an intelligent vote might have been taken upon an abstraction which, in turn, might have saved us from ma\- crimes and other (le\ious necessities we had, instead, wastefully to learn from reality. The propositions deduced from the premises must coincide with the empirical moral rules of realit}-. If the sy^tem leads us to de- duce that all parents will instincti\el\- treat their children kindh* any juvenile court official can tell us how unreal and fictional our s}'stem must be. for so many parents are deliberateh- \er\- cruel to their own children. We must make sure of such coincidences and keep them as perfect as possible. Then at last we >hall be in a position to develop an entire theory by deducing from the initial propositions, as in geometry-, all of the theorems those propositions logically entail. These theorems must again be compared with the facts of reality, as we go along. As long as facts and theorems are compatible we are on the right track ; when the contrary is true we must modify or replace our ethical system of causes, for it has then become a pure fiction and can no longer have wide practical utility. This process would still leave cjuite a number of systems of ethics in existence from which to choose, each seeming logically valid to about the same extent as the others. Dozens of svstems 724 THE OPEN COURT would, however, fortunately be eliminated at once and need occupy us no more. They could be taught historically but not as valid in present reality. Finally, that ethical system should be adopted which was based on the smallest number of theorems and those most con- sistently connected with the existing body of science as a whole. This system would, like the present system of physics, explain the phenomena of reality and would also be a time and labor saving device by predicting future realities for us in various postulated terms. Reverting now to my original three "trivial" cases — what would this mean? 1. It would necessitate getting more facts and broaden- ing knowledge, because human beings are so constructed that they automatically act differently when in possession of a large number of facts than when in possession of very few, or of errors. 2. It would necessitate the clear and concise definition of word-symbols, axioms and propositions, so that like chemists when engaged in their profession, we should all everywhere know what a person was talking about when he said system, or good, or efficiency. 3. It would necessitate sufficient discipline of the emotions to enable us to refrain from interpreting our personal opinions as true for all men, and to reason logically and dispassionately about the facts of reality which confront us. To accentuate our present ignorance I may cite an exam])]e that appeared in the paper on the day I wrote this. We all know that a great many people regard the high-priced workers in the building trades as unethical gougers who overcharge and underwork. This is a very common opinion and one often expressed without any tangible evidence being cited. Actually it is a fiction. If the twenty thousand skilled Iniilding mechanics of the District of Columbia average two hundred da}s work a year apiece they may consider themselves fortunate. It is improbable then that their average in- come will be equal to the monetar_\- expenditure expert economists declare to be necessary for the adequate support of a family of five. Their work is seasonal and they have to charge whatever they can get when they work in order to tide them over i)eriods of ill-timed idleness. At the moment six thousand of them happen to be out of work and the unions are endeavoring to write the five-day week into every agreement made with employers in order to distribute the quantity of work about more evenly among the workers and during the vear. Here we have a situation in reality and certain labor -. ETHICS AM) REALITY 725 unions have endeavored to meet it in the only way they know how in view of the hmited number of facts available to them. Actually the building industry is one of man}- industries and is closely related thereto. We need a specitic number of new buildings annually and we need a specitic number of mechanics to construct them. We also need so much coal, so many pianos, so many loaves of bread and so many fountain pens. However, nobody knows how many of any of these things the country needs — what the relative importance of various industries is, or exactly w^hat number of workmen should be engaged in each. Perhaps we have too many building mechanics as things are. \\'ho knows ? Perhaps their effort to get a five-da}' week is sociall}-, economically, and ethically expedient. Who knows? We have no code to guide us in such matters because we lack a system of economics related to present- day reality quite as surely as we lack a system of ethics. Therefore many of us regard as maliciousl}- unethical a group of workmen who are trying in the onl}- wa}- they know how to solve a pressing economic problem. The method is imperfect because they do not know all the facts, and no fact-finding agency has taken the trouble to ascertain them and construct a rational system related to reality. So we go ahead blindly and whether labor is "right" or "wrong" in its action we cannot tell. Evidences of this self-same muddle- headedness may be discerned in every branch of the social sciences, — economics, politics, group conduct or ethics, and the only w^ay we can get anywhere is by accumulating more knowledge, adopting definite terms and axioms, and dispassionately building objective logical systems statistically true to the reality of our time. THE PATTERXS OF PHILOSOPHIC THOUGHT BY CLAREXCE ERICRSUN (Concluded ) THE oldest articulate form of Dualism is the ancient Persian re- ligion, given to the Persians in the sixth centur}- P. C. by Zoro- aster, otherwise known as Zarathustra. Reality is conceived as a struggle between two irreconcilable principles, Light and Darkness, Good and Evil. This ethical Dualism is represented in the Chris- tian religion to this da\' in the conception of the conflict between God and evil, or the personification of evil in the shape of Satan. The classic example of philosophic Dualism is the philosophy of Plato. We have already discussed Plato's philosophy under Spir- itualism, as he is usually classed with the Idealist philosophers, be- cause of his emphasis upon the supernal realm of the Ideas. In .Vristotle we find somewhat of an attempt to resolve the sharply-sundered Dualism into more of a unity. Form has now taken the place of Idea, and Form can only be realized through the medium of matter. Matter is that which has the potentiality of becoming something, while Form is the directive principle which guides and determines the process of becoming. Scholasticism, the official ])hilosoph}' of the Roman Catholic Church, is a modified form of Aristotelianism. Thomas Aquinas, the thirteenth century scholastic, is the thinker who did the greatest part of the work of adaptation. The Scholastic philosoj^h}-, with a few modern revisions, still reigns in Catholic institutions of learn- ing. Descartes, the founder of modern philosophy, that is, philosophy after the Renaissance, was also an exi)onent of Dualism. Reality is composed of two substances; matter, or extended substance, and spirit, or thinking substance. The essence of matter is its space- THE PATTERNS OF PHILOSOPHIC THOUGHT 727 filling property, said Descartes, while the essence of spirit is its property of thought or consciousness. Also, spirit is unextended, does not fill space. God is the creator of both matter and spirit, but Himself is a pure spirit. Only man, in the Cartesian scheme, has a soul. All animals other than man are unconscious chemical machines, strictly mechanical in their behavior, which is a rigid mechanism of causes and ettects. Indeed, the entire material world is a mechanism, capable of being reduced to a realm of cause and efl:'ect by science, according to Descarto. The material bod\- of man, too, is a machine. lUit the conduct of this body-machine is some- how controlled b_\' the soul, which comes in contact with the nervous S}-stem through its seat in the pineal gland, in the middle of the fore- head, thought Descartes. The weak point in Descarte>" sxstem ol)\-iousl\- is his inconsis- tenc\' in sharply sundering spirit from matter, and then assuming that spirit can interact with the body-machine and influence its ac- tions. If the material world, the human bod\' included is a complete and chjsed circuit of mechanically determined causes and effects, how can a spiritual cause break its way into the already complete chain of material causation? How can matter and spirit, b\- defini- tion belonging to two dift'erent realms of l)eing, act ui)on one an- other? Cartesian Dualism, then, pro\e(l to be an unstable i^hilosophv, owing to the impossibilit}' of accounting for the mteraction of mat- ter and spirit. The philosophy of Descartes evolved into two other philosophies. Spinoza resolved the Dualism into a Zionism b\- set- ting up the hypothesis of a single >ubstance. which is Cod, making itself known to us by two attributes or aspects, Matter and Spirit. Another school of philosophers, seizing upon Descartes' idea of mechanical causation in the material realm of being, founded the mechanistic philosophw which holds that the universe is a machine, an iron-clad reign of cause and eft'ect. Spiritual substance was dis- carded b\- the mechanists as a superfluity. Thev attempted to ex- plain away the fact of consciousness by reducing it to a motion of material particles. The Behaviorist psychology is based on the mechanistic h\ j)oth- esis. Hence its denial of consciousness, since there is no place for it in a closed circuit of material causes and eft'ects. A rather dras- tic wa}- of getting rid of a troublesome fact that does not fit into a 728 THE OPEN COURT preconceived theory ! What fact can be more certain than the fun- damenal fact of consciousness? John B. Watson says that con- sciousness probably is an illusion. But an illusion itself is a state of consciousness, a mental state that is wrongly interpreted. If there were no such thing as consciousness there could be no such thing as illusion. Therefore in admitting the existence of illusion Watson is also admitting the existence of consciousness. Getting back to our subject, Dualism is represented to-day by Bergson, the Neo-Platonists, the Scholastics, and a few other phi- losophies of less importance. The Dualism of Bergson demands a word of notice. The dichotomous division, characteristic of every form of Dualism, is made between matter and a Life Force, or Elan J'ital, which pushes its way up through matter in higher and higher forms of life by means of a process of Creative Evolution. Bernard Shaw is an adherent of this doctrine. In connection with the science of biology the theory is known as Vitalism. Biologists are divided into two camps, the vitalists and the mechanists. The latter maintain that life is a purely physico-chemical affair, in op- position to the former, who believe in an Elan J'ital which ani- mates matter and raises it from the inorganic to the organic level. We are now ready for a brief discussion of Monism. The word stands for a philosophical attempt to reduce reality to one prin- ciple, or one substance. Hence, both Materialism and Spiritual- ism are forms of Monism, in that they set up either matter or spirit as the only substance. But in actual philosophical usage the term Monism is generally reserved for a doctrine which received its most characteristic expression in Spinoza, the Moorish-Jewish phi- losopher who lived in the Netherlands in the seventeenth century. We have already seen how the Dualism of Descartes evolved into the Monism of Spinoza. The great difficulty inherent in Du- alistic systems is the problem of accounting for the interaction and connection of two such sharply-sundered substances as matter and spirit. Spinoza escaped this difficulty by affirming a single substance w^hich manifests itself in two attributes, matter and spirit. This substance he called God, the One, the All. Spinoza's system there- fore is a Pantheism, since God and the world are one. Dualism is theistic ; that is, God is conceived of as being apart from and distinct from the world. Spiritualism obviously is also pantheistic, while Materalism is atheistic. THE PATTERNS OF PHILOSOPHIC THUL'OHT 729 In Spinoza's Monism the problem of the relation of matter to spirit is solved by assuming the parallelism of the material and spiritual aspects of the one true substance. Every material ])he- nomenon has accompan\ing it a parallel psychic phenomenon. \\'hen a chain of causes and effects passes through a circuit of sense organs, sensory nerves, brain, and motor nerves, issuing in a mus- cular response, the material circuit is complete in itself. Ikit ac- companying this closed material circuit is a parallel circuit of men- tal causes and effects, composed of sensations, perceptions, voli- tions, and other states of consciousness. As Huxley has put it, for every neurosis there must be a psychosis, and vice versa. That is, for every movement of the particles composing the nervous sys- tem, there must be a definite accompan}ing state of consciousness in the psychic aspect of being. In psychology this doctrine is called psycho- physiological parallelism. According to S])inoza, not only is every neurosis accompanied bv a psvchosis, but every physical phenomenon has its correspond- ing psychical correlate. Thus even atoms and electrons have, in a verv rudimentary form of course a psychic life. The interconnec- tion of physical and psychical, of material and spiritual, is very easily accounted for on this hypothesis. Underlying both matter and spirit, and fundamental to both of them, is the true reality or substance, and hence neither material nor spiritual causation is ul- timate. The true causal activity takes place in the one true sub- stance, which Spinoza calls God, and manifests itself to us in the two parallel aspects, known to us as matter and spirit. It follows that spirit cannot influence matter ; neither can matter influence spirit. Both must change in parallelism with one another, through changes in the underlying substance. Body and soul, then, are a unit, and not two separate things as Dualism contends. There is no exact prototype of Monism among the ancient phi- losophers, because the mind-body problem is a comparatively recent development. The earliest Greek thinkers, Thales, Anaximander, and Anaximenes, however, somewhat approximate ]\Ionism. The problem of philosophy for them was to find the one permanent sub- stance beneath all the diversity of the world. Thales thought that water was this primal element. Anaximenes held that it was air, while Anaximander said that the apeiron, the limitless, a sort of fiery mist, had condensed itself into things as we know them. The 730 THE OPEN COURT primal substance, whether water, air, or the hmitless, was aHve. These early philosophers took this for granted because the dis- tinction between organic and inorganic, between consciousness and unconsciousness, had never occurred to them. The Stoic philosophers held a doctrine also roughl\' similar to that of Spinoza, inasmuch as they held that the universe is a unity, animated by the World Reason, of the laws of nature. The Stoics are best known for their ethical doctrines, which were widely cur- rent among the Romans before the Empire adopted Christianity. ]\Iarcus Aurelius, the philosopher-emperor and the author of the famous Mcditaiioiis, was a Stoic. Conformity to Natural Law, or the World Reason, is the essence of the Stoic ethic. Reality has an ethical drift, and we must find this drift and live in harmony with it if we would work out our ethical salvation. At this point it will be useful to compare the ethics of the sys- tems of philosoph\ we have so far reviewed. Materialism and Xat- uralism hold that moral law is social or human law; Dualism finds moral law in Divine law, or the law of a Ciod or Creator; Monism maintains that moral law is Natural law. In systems of S[)iritual- ism, evil is considered either as a necessary step leading to an ul- timate good ; or else an illusion proceeding from our ignorance of the ways of the Absolute. Spiritualism has ever found the prob- lem of evil its great stumbling block, and its ethical theory is more or less an attempt to explain away evil, rather than to meet it squarelw Returning to the subject of Monism, we find that it is still a live philosoi)h\' to-day. Man\' scientists see in it the only theory that does full justice to both ])h\sical science and the facts of con- sciousness and mental life. It is a combination of Materialism and vSpiritualism, retaining the strong features of both while escaping their difficulties. Albert Einstein, while not definitely committing himself to an\' svstem of philosophy, has confessed that he feels stronglv drawn toward the Pantheism of Spinoza. Two eminent modern philosophers, S. Alexander and C. Lloyd Morgan, the latter a noted biologist, are followers of Si)inoza and his Monism. We are now ready for a brief examination of Sensationalism, or Phenomenalism as it is also called. P)Oth of the above words have unfortunate popular connotations. The reader must not sup- pose that Sensationalism is the philosophy of the modern newspa- THK PATTERNS Ol" I'll I LOSoPIl [C Tll()l(;HT 731 per man. Philosophic SensationaHsm has no conception \vhate\cr with journahstic sensationahsm. In our discussions of Spiritualism ;uid Dualism we were oblii^ed to anticipate a great deal of our discussion of Phenomenalism, in order to show the influence of llume, the txpical ])hilosoi)her of Phenomenalism, on Kant and all later philosophers. This is an- other instance of the profound inlluence even rival s\stems of thought exercise upon one anf)ther. It is impossible to discuss a single one of the fundamental t\i)es of philosophy without bringing every other type into the discussion. There could be no more con- \incing refutation of the notion that the diiierent philosophers are entire!}' out of touch with one another, and that nothing i)ermanent is ever accomplished in philosophy. As we have seen. Phenomenalism was introduced into philos- ophy by David Hume, the eighteenth centur\- Scotch philosopher and historian. His doctrine was the next step in the evolution of the thought of Locke and Berkelew Locke had been a Dualist, maintaining the independent exis- tence of both mind and matter. Put he left an opening in his s\s- tem that was to serve as the starting ])oint of his successor, lierkelew Locke distinguished between the primary and the secondary ([ual- itie> f)f matter. The primary cpialities were hardness, durability, and extension in space, while the secondar\ (jualities were color, sound, odor, etc. Onl\- the ])riniar\- tiualities were obiecti\'e, that is, belonging to matter in its own right. I'he secondary tjualities were subjective, or contributed b}- our own minds, beliexed Locke. P)erkele_\" demonstrated that the so-called primary ([ualities of matter were just as subjective as the >econdary qualities, and that all our impressions of matter were mental. Lie dropped the notion of material substance and reduced realit\- t(j si)iritual or mental sub- stance alone. Hume logicalh' completed the evolution of this line of thought by destroying the notion of spiritual substance. We have already seen the arguments by which he brought about this result. In a word, he demonstrated that the notion of spiritual substance under- l}"ing our sensations, perceptions, volitions, and memories was an inference that would not hold water logically. Nothing was now left existing except sensations or phenomena. Hence the terms 732 THE OPEN COURT Sensationalism or Phenomenalism in connection with Hume's sys- tem. Along with Hume's Phenomenalism went a doctrine of causation that threatened to knock the foundations from under not only Re- ligion, but Science as well. If we analyze our notions of cause and effect carefully, said Hume, w^e can tind no compulsion, no necessity in any given effect following a given cause. When one billiard ball strikes another billiard ball we expect the latter to be set into motion by the former. We think that the effect must of necessit\' follow the cause. But a little analysis reveals that it is not a cer- tainty, but only a probabilit}' — a very high probability in this case — that ball B will be set into motion by Ball A. Suppose that one had never seen the collision of two billiard balls, or of two i^ieces of matter of any kind. Would one be able to deduce beforehand that ball B would have motion transmitted to it by ball A ? We can lind no logical reason why any effect should follow from a given cause. In the above example, to one who had never seen the phe- nomenon in question, it would be just as logical to suppose that the second ball would fly oft' into space, or remain stationary while checking the first ball. Almost anything could be supposed to happen and pure logic would be powerless to choose between the alternatives. In truth, we learn the sequence of any given "cause" and "ef- fect" relationship only through experience. The mind then asso- ciates the two, so that when we see A we naturally expect to see B follow. The greater the number of times our anticipation is ful- filled, the stronger our mental association of A and B becomes. But from this we cannot logically deduce that A and B are bound together by" a causal necessity. All that we can say is that it is highly probable that B will follow A. It is through the influence of Hume's above analysis of the cause and effect relationship, by which he reduced causation to little more than an association of ideas, that the terms cause and effect have fallen into disfavor among scientists, and that antece- dent and consequent have taken their place. The laws of science, any careful modern scientist will hold, are mere statements of probability, not rigid, invariable "laws" of nature. Hume's analysis of causation also had momentous implications for Religion. The two strongest arguments for the existence of THE PATTERNS OF PHILOSOPHIC THOUGHT 733 God. the cosmological and the ideological arguments, were based on the older notion of causaHtw In the cosmological proof the universe was considered the "effect" which only God as a "cause" could explain. The teleological argument held that the design and purpose apparently evident in the world pointed to a "cause" in the form of an intelligent being who did the designing. B\- demol- ishing the concept of causation and substituting for it the concept of mere sequence, Hume rendered it impossible to prove the ex- istence of a Deity. Hume's philosoph\-, then, gave a tremendous impetus to Agnosticism. Thereafter, belief in God could be only a matter of faith, faith unassisted b\- reason. It may interest the reader to know that Hume himself had faith in the existence of God. There are no ancient prototypes of Phenomenalism, because that philosophy is a ver}' modern development. The Greek Sophists, however, somewhat approximated Phenomenalism in their skepti- cism. Real knowledge is impossible, all knowledge is opinion, be- lieved most of the Sophists. The most extreme form of this skep- ticism was that of Gorgias, who said, "Nothing exists; if anvthing existed it could not be known; if an\ thing could be known it could not be communicated to others." Humian Phenomenalism is in great favor to-da\' among a bril- liant school of philosophers who have approached philosophy through the gateway of science. Karl Pearson, the English physi- cist and mathematician ; W'ilhelm Ostwald, the German chemist ; and Ernst Mach, an Austrian author of great works on physics and mechanics, have philosophical systems very closely resembling Hume's Phenomenalism. Hume was, perhaps, the most influential philosopher in the his- tory of European philosophy, although that fact is not adequately realized. Indeed, it can be said without fear of exaggeration that ever}' system of philosophv after Hume up to the present day bears unmistakable signs of Hume's influence. We have already seen how the systems of Kant and the German Idealist were attempts, in part at least, to escape the skepticism of Plume. Other schools of philosophy hold that Kant's refutation of Hume was an evasion rather than a real answer, and hence Hume's doctrines pla}' even a greater part in the systems other than German Idealism. \\q have now completed our survey of the fundamental types of philosophy. It now remains for us to demonstrate how complex 734 THE OPEN COURT modern systems of philosophy can be analyzed into their simple components. Let us take the philo^oph\• called I'ragmatism, certainly one of the dominating systems of to-day. Pragmatism also goes under the names of Humanism, and Instrumentalism. William James is usually associated with Pragmatism, F. C. S. Schiller with Human- ism, and John Dewey with Instrumentalism. This difference in terminology must not be allowed to mislead the reader. Pragma- tism, Humanism, and Instrumentalism represent what is substan- tiall\- one s\stem of thought. Pragmatists (whatever they may call themselves) frecfuentl}' speak of a doctrine called "radical empiricism." Radical empiri- cism is a species of Humism or Phenomenalism, in that it holds that the world of actual experience, the world of sensations and perceptions, is the real world. When the Pragmatist says that the world is made of a stuff called "pure experience" he is merely ad- vancing the doctrine of Phenomenalism. The most characteristic teaching of Pragmatism is its famous theory of truth. Truth, according to Pragmatists, is a mental weap- on forged by the mind for the purpose of gaining control over ex- perience. I^'or example, the atomic theor\- of chemistr\- is a con- cept or mental tool which has enabled us to enrich our experience to a marvellous extent. We all know the role modern chemistry has played in medicine, industry, and in man}' other walks of life. It is unessential whether atoms reall\' exist or not. The atomic theor_\' is true, according to the Pragmatist, because it has proved such a ])otent instrument in gaining control over our environment and enhancing the fullness of our lives. Utility and workability- are the principal tests of truth. This doctrine of truth is not new by any means. It was hinted by one of the ancient Greek Sophists, Protagoras, who said, "Man is the measure of all things." The Pragmatic view of truth is a natural development proceeding from the skepticism of Hume. If ^ve can have no knowledge other than that of probabilities and se- quences, it behooves us to accept those sec|uences as true which it is useful for us to accept as true. Let us subject the system of Bertrand Russell to our method of chemical analysis. We find that Russell's views on ethics and re- ligion are similar to those of Epicurus. Moral codes and systems THE PATTERNS OF PHILOSOPHIC THOUGHT 735 are merelv human devices for securing the maximum of happiness for man ; rehgion to RusseU is a species of fear, which it is to man's interest to leave behind him. The world, according to Rus- sell, is made of a stuff that is neither mind nor matter. "Neutral monism" is the name given this doctrine. This neutral stuff' consists of "events." The entire conception is a variety of Humian Phe- nomenalism, for the "events" are phenomena or sensations. Russell places great faith in the absolute nature of mathematical truth, which he holds is independent of experience. In this respect, then, Russell is somewhat of a Platonist, since he affirms the independent existence of abstract ideas in the form of mathematical propositions. Thus the philosophical system of Bertrand Russell is a compound of Naturalism, Phenomenalism, and Platonism. What are some of the benefits that would accrue from a more widespread interest in philosophy? Has philosophy any practical value ? The reading of the philosophers cannot help ha\ing a beneficent eft'ect on one's character and ideals. Contact with the great phi- losophers, who were invariabl\- men of the loftiest character and the highest moral idealism, is an experience full)' as worthwhile as contact with the great minds of literature, music, and art. The calm, quiet pleasures of reflection and study come to be valued more highh' than the degrading pleasures of modern life. Our hurried, but withal aimless, lives, are largely- the outcome of false valua- tions and ideals. The lust for material gain is largely responsible for the feverish tempo of modern life. A truer sense ot values, which the stud_\- of philosophy can hardl}" fail to instil, would do much toward freeing man's mind of the low ideals and petty ma- terial ambitions which are responsible for so many of the ills of modern society. THE EXGLISHMAX WHO BECA^IE A POPE BY J. V. NASH THE recent agreement entered into between Premier ]\lussolini and the Vatican, resulting in the restoration — along much re- stricted Hnes — of the temporal power of the Pope, opens up a num- ber of unusual prospects for the future of the papacy. For instance, there is the possibility of the election, for the first time since the Reformation, of a non-Italian Pope. While the relations of Italy and the Vatican were still unsettled, the choice of a foreign Pope would have been extremely hazardous. The Italian government, if brought into conflict with an alien Pontiff, might have used his nationalty as an excuse for his expulsion from Italy and possibly for abolishing the papacy or subjecting it to the secular power. But since the \^atican has secured the rights of a sovereign nation, under treaty guaranties, these difficulties disappear, and the question already is being asked, will the next Pope be an American ? Although in pre-Reformation days there were many non-Italian Popes, it is curious that Ireland, for centuries the chief bulwark of Catholicism in northern Europe and famed as "the Isle of Saints," whence missionaries went out to convert European pagans, has never given a Pope to the Church, while Anglo-Saxon England can claim at least one Roman Pontiff. Stranger still, it has been charged — rightly or wrongly — that this English Pope was the cause of Ireland's long political subjection to England, from which she has only in our own day to a large extent freed herself. The story of the English Pope is one of the most singular and romantic in the checkered history of the papacy. Being so little known to-day, it is worth recalling at this time. In order to follow its course more realistically, let us transport ourselves in spirit back to the vear 1100 A. D. THE ENGLISHMAN \\HG BECAME A TOPE /O/ In that year, the Norman kings had ah-eady held England for a generation ; a Westminster Abbey occupied the site of the present reconstructed building, the fortress-church of Mont-Saint-.Michel stood guard before the French coast, much the same in appearance as it has been described by Henr\' Adams in our time, and the glory of the cathedral of Chartres was already born. In X'enice, St. JNIark's looked out over the Adriatic, but in Rome St. Peter's was far different from the magnificent Renaissance basilica known to our modern tourists. About twent}' miles northwest of London la\- the ancient town of St. Albans, where visitors nowadays seek out in St. Michael's church the tomb of the great Francis IJacon, IJaron X'erulam, \'is- count St. Albans, one-time Lord Chancellor of England, essa\ist and philosopher. St. Albans was built near the site of the Roman cit\- of \ eru- lamium, bricks and stones from the ruins of which were used in the construction of earl\" Christian churches, in the walls of which they are still visible. The beginnings of St. Albans itself far antedated the coming of the Anglo-Saxons. Here, according to tradition, the saint from which the present town takes its name was martyred in 303 A. D., a Christian church being built on the spot. Centuries rolled b\', and in 793 Offa, the Saxon king of ]Mercia, who believed that he had discovered the relics of the saint, caused to be erected to "the blessed martyr's" memor}- a great monaster}- whicl: in time became one of the wealthiest and most renowned in all England. Refore the end of the tenth centur\-. the abbot of St. Albans began the construction of a magnificent abbe\- church. Wars de- layed its erection, which was not pushed ahead until after the Xorman conquest. It finallv was consecrated in 1115, although completed long before. The great abbe\- church of St. Albans, much changed and restored, but with some of its original architec- ture remaining, still stands above the little river \'er, overlooking the pleasant English countryside. Here, in this peaceful land, much bloody fighting took place in the Wars of the Roses. Hertfordshire, the county of which St. Albans is a municipal borough and market town, offers a topical English landscape of wooded hills and fertile valleys, with the chalk-downs of the Chilton Hills lying low^ on the northern horizon. Storied streams, such as 738 THE OPEN COURT the Lea and the Colne. tributaries of the Thames, and the Ivel and the New wander through the rolhng terrain. Except for the presence of railways, the general aspect of Hertfordshire has not changed much between 1100 A. D. and the twentieth century. Such was the setting of St. Albans in 1115 A. D., when the glorious abbey church was dedicated. One day in the summer of that year, a barefoot Saxon boy of fourteen or fifteen years might have been observed trudging along the dusty highway leading to the monastery gates. The little fel- low's home was at Abbot's Langley, a feudal fief of the monastery of St. Albans a short distance away. His name was Nicholas Breakspeare. It is rather singular that the names of the two Englishmen who have attained positions of universal sovereignty in Christendom, the one as Supreme Poet of the people and the other as Supreme Pontiff of the still undivided church, should have been so curiously alike. The name Breakspeare, like Shakespeare, has alternative spellings; e.g., Brekespear and Brakspere. Both men were of humble origin, and authentic biographical information about them is almost equally scanty. The boy Nicholas' father, Robert Breakspeare, while of lowly station, seems to have come of worthy stock. According to Wil- liam of Newburgh, a contemporary Augustinian canon and chron- icler, the elder Breakspeare was of "slender means." Nothing is known of the mother except that she survived for many years ; for after Nicholas became Pope we hear of her appealing to him for financial aid. But to return to the boy, whom we left making his way along the English highway on that summer day in 1115. At last he reached the great outer gate of the monastery, at which he knocked timidly. In due time it was opened by a friar. The latter, recogniz- ing the lad, admitted him and led him to the abbot, of whom he a.sked permission to join the brethren of the monastery. His own father, it appears, tiring perhaps of the wretched existence of an Anglo-Saxon tenant farmer, had some time before entered the monastery as a lay brother. The Norihan nobility ruled the land with an iron hand, so that there was little opportunity for a son of the Anglo-Saxon peasantry to aspire to a place in the sun. THE EX(^JJSIIMAX WHO BECAME A POPE 739 The father abbot heard tlie boy's story with kindly interest, and, according to the account that has come down from Matthew Paris, repUed, "Have patience, my son, and stay at school yet a while till you are better fitted for the position you desire." Apparently he had been learning his letters, in what little free time he had, at the monastery school. This, in an age of widespread illiteracy, indi- cates unusual ambition on the part of the boy. But it appears that Nicholas hung about the monaster\- until his father, shamed doubtless by his presence, ordered him away. And so, seeing nothing before him but a life as a poor farm laborer, a beggar, or a vagabond, the boy one night gathered his few belongings, wrapped them, we ma\- suppose, in an old hand- kerchief, and started out along the high road to London. But in London, too. all the avenues to advancement were controlled by the ruling Xormans ; so Nicholas decided to shake the dust of England from his feet and try his fortunes abroad. Thus began one of the strangest careers in the Middle Ages. Forty years later the Norman King of England, Henry H, was to meet in Italy this former humble subject of the English Crown and to greet him as his spiritual father and fellow-sovereign. For the poor Saxon boy who had trudged along the road to St. Albans and thence to London in those far-away days was now Pope Adrian IV, Sovereign Pontifif of the L^niversal Church and King of the Papal States. How had Nicholas Breakspeare come to be where he was? Li^nfortunately, the records of his rise in the Church are all too scanty and sometimes even contradictory. Our chief authorities are Cardinal Boso and John of Salisbury, two English contem- poraries and friends of Pope Adrian. Boso was appointed cham- berlain to the Pope and was in especiall\' intimate relations w'ith him. Tradition has it that he was the Pope's nephew, but this cannot be confirmed. According to Boso, Breakspeare upon leaving England made his way first to Aries, in France, where he continued his studies. Dur- ing a vacation he went on a visit to the monastery of St. Rufus, near Avignon, about fifty miles south of Lyons, where he found the surroundings so congenial that he joined the brethren of the Cistercian Order there and was made a canon. In 1137 he became abbot. 740 Tllli OPEN COURT As abbot of St. Rufus, important business for the monastery took him to Rome. He must have been of a pleasing personaHt}- and easily recognized ability; for the reigning Pope, Eugenius III, kept him in Rome and in 1146 created him Cardinal and IJishop of Albano, one of the sufifragan sees of Rome. William of Xewburgh is authorit_\- for the statement that the strictness of Breakspeare's rule as abbot of St. Rufus had resulted in defamator}- charges being preferred against him to the Pope b}' the canons of the abbey, and that it was to exonerate himself that he went to Rome. This statement, however, is not supported by Poso. nor does it harmonize with Nicholas" own words to John of Salisbur}' after he had become Pope: "The office of Pope, he assured me, was a thorny one, beset on all sides with sharp pricks. He wished, indeed, that he had never left England, his native land, or at least had lived his life quietly in the cloister of St. Rufus rather than have entered on such diffi- cult paths, but he dared not refuse, since it was the Eord's bidding." Cardinal Breakspeare rose rapidly to prominence in the councils of the Church. In 1152, we find him entrusted with a mission to Scandinavia as Papal Legate. In Norway he reorganized the Church, establishing the archiepiscopal see at Trondhjem, where stood the shrine of St. Olaf, the patron saint of Norway. He is credited also with having reformed the civil institutions of the countrv. According to Snorro, Cardinal Breakspeare earned greater popular honor and deference in Norway than any other foreigner who had ever visited the country. He also did important work in Sweden, uniting that country in closer bonds with the Papacy. On Breakspeare's return to Rome from his successful mission in the North, he was acclaimed with great apjjlause. The reigning Pope, Anastasius I\ ", dying soon thereafter, Preakspeare on the very next dav was unanimously elected to the vacant throne. The date was December 3, 1154. He took the name Adrian I\'. Adrian's reign of not cjuite five years v^^as destined to be one of the most turbulent in the history of the Papacy. W'c may well believe that at times he wished that he had never set foot in Rome. The Pope at this time was a full-fledged temporal sovereign, ruling large sections of Italy. The political conditions in that country, when he assumed the tiara, were bordering on anarchy. The local barons were engaged in warfare among themselves as well as with THE ENGLISHMAN WHO BECAMi: A I'OTE 741 the Pope, and travel on the liighways was at the mercy of their depredations. Rome itself was in revolt under the leadership of the brilliant Arnold of Brescia, h'or a time, the Pope had to flee from Rome. Finally, he placed the cit\- under interdict. This had the desired effect. Arnold escaped into the country but later fell into the hands of the government, and, in accordance with the harsh customs of those days, was burned at the stake. Hardlv had these difficulties l>een surmounted when Adrian found himself at odds with the Emperor, the renowned Frederick Parbarossa, who was coming to Italy for his coronation as head of the Hol\' Roman Fmpire. Adrian went out to meet him at Sutri, some thirty miles north of Rome. (Jn June 9, 1155, the Pope and the Fmperor met. The Pope, on horseback, expected the Emperor to hold his stirrup while he dismounted, but the Emperor refused the act of homage. Adrian quietly dismounted and, in a conference with h^rederick, insisted that before he could have further dealings with him, the recjuired homage must be performed. The Emperor finally \ielding the point, another meeting was arranged two days later. h>ederick on foot came to meet the Pope on horseback, and meekl}' held his stirrup. Then the Pope agreed to crown him as Emperor, the coronation taking place shortly afterwards in St. Peter's. \\ hile the coronation services were going on, h^rederick's troops encamped in the cit\- were attacked b\' the Roman republican fac- tion. After a long day of fighting, the latter were defeated, with losses (jf 1,000 killed or drowned in the Tiber and 200 prisoners. The Romans, however, managed to hold the city ; so the Emperor decided to withdraw. I>idding farewell to the Pope at Tivoli, he turned northward, burning Spoleto on his way. Adrian's next troubles were with the Xorman king of Sicily, William I, who had ascended the throne in February of the year in which Adrian became Pope. Open warfare followed Adrian's refusal to recognize William's kingship. William, at the head of his troops, ravaged the Italian country, whereupon Adrian excommuni- cated him. The Pope himself took the field with his forces. It was during this troubled period that John of Salisbury visited him at Beneventum in the summer of 1156 and spent three months with his fellow-countryman. King William seems to have got the better of the struggle; in 742 THE OPEN COURT June. 1156, the Pope had to agree to peace. He confirmed the king in the possession of large territories, while the king on his part took the oath of allegiance to the Pope, with the promise of an annual tribute and the defense of the papal lands. Adrian then made peace with the turbulent Roman populace, and early in 1157 returned to the Imperial City. But his recogni- tion of William's pretensions greatly angered the Emperor h'rederick, wdth whom the Pope soon found himself in open hostilities. Adrian formed a league with the Lombards against the Emperor and once more entered into the midst of a campaign. He was about to issue an edict of excommunication against the Emperor — always a con- venient weapon against an enemy whom a mediaeval Pope could not thrash in a stand-up fight — when his troubles were ended by his ow^n sudden death, of quins\% at Anagni, on September 1, 1159. His reign had been filled with bitterness and anxiety, foes en- compassing him on all sides. Even his cardnals divided themselves into two factions on great questions of policy. As Adrian himself expressed it, "the Lord had kept him continuall}- between the ham- mer and the anvil," and it was said that "the solitariness of his supreme position and unit|ue office was increased and made more dreary by the isolation which he, as an Englshman, felt among Italians." The visit of his personal friend, John of Salisbury, doubtless cheered hm much. Another of the pleasant incidents of his career was a visit from Ilenrv II, king of his native England. Although a number of modern authorities have cast doubt upon the affair of the donation of Ireland by Adrian, the genuineness of it appears to be established be_\ond dispute. It is conceded b\' the official Catholic llncyclopacdla. The deal seems to have been engi- neered by John of Salisbury, apparentl}' on his own initiative, during his lengthy stay with the Pope in 1156. The transaction would have been advantageous to the Papacy by making the king of England an acknowledged vassal of the Pope; for on the church in England the royal hand lay heavy. Most of the contention has centered round the authenticit\' of the papal bull, "Laudabiliter," but explicit confirmation of the incident is found in the statement of John of Salisbury in a w(n-k entitled Mctalogicits, in which, speaking of Adrian IV, he sa}'S : "At my solicitation he gave and granted llibernia to 1 lenry II, the illustrious King of England, to hold by hereditary right as his THE EXGLISHMAX WHO BKCAMK A POPE 743 letter to this day testifies. For all islands of ancient right, accord- ing to the Donation of Constantine. are said to belong to the Roman Church, which he founded. He sent also b\- me a ring of gold, with the best of emeralds set therein, wherewith the investiture might be made for his governorshii) of Ireland, and that same ring was ordered to be and is still in the public treasury of the King." As this work was composed in 1159 or 1160, and the earliest existing manuscript of it dates from the period 1175-1200, the genuineness of this testimony supported as it is b\- other e\-idence, seems practically iron-clad. ]\Ioreo\-er, the donation was officially confirmed by Adrian's successor. Alexander III. about the vear 1159, and again by letters dated September 20. 1172. although the charge of forger_\- has been raised in connection with these letters. At any rate, the transaction was recognized by the otficial acts of many succeeding Popes. Because of the disturbed political conditions at home. Henr\- II did not undertake to extend his authority into Ireland until 1171, long after the death of Adrian. It is argued by some historians that Henr}- II ne\-er actuall}- accepted the Pope's ofirer, as he did not wish to acknowledge the overlordship of the papac\', and that when he finall}' did invade Ireland it was for the purpose of estab- lishing a claim by blunt "right of conquest." The legal justification for the donation of Ireland vras based on the theory of the Pope's sovereignt}' of all islands: that Ireland had fallen into a state of disorder, and that the king of Engkuid would, as the vassal of the Pope, restore peace, order, and securitw For the next four hundred years, the kings of England stx'led themselves Lords of Ireland : then, in the Reformation period. Ire- land was brought directl}' under the P.ritish Crown. The Irish themselves acknowledged the legality of .Vdrian's donation, as late as 1467, when the Irish Parliament in one of its acts decreed that "as our Hoi}- Father Adrian, Pope of Rome, was possessed of all sovereignt}' of Ireland in his demesne as of fee in the right of his Church of Rome, and with the intent that vice should be subdued had alienated said land to the King of England .... b}' which grant the said subjects of Ireland owe their allegiance to the King of England as their sovereign lord .... all archbishops and bishops shall excommunicate all disobedient Irish subjects, and if they neglect to do so shall forfeit 100 pounds." 744 THE OPEX COURT Strangely enough, it does not appear that the papacy ever formally rescinded Adrian's donation of Ireland, even after England severed relations with Rome. But that, perhaps, is no more strange than that the kings and queens of England have continued to bear the title, "Defender of the health," conferred by the Pope upon Henry \ III, for that royal theologian's zealous literary assaults on Protestantism. THE USE OF THE WORD JEX IX THE COXFUCIAX AXALECTS BY HUAXC. k'L'EI YUEX AND J. K. SIIR^■OCK THE problem connected with the use of Jen in the Analects is altogether different from that inx'olved in the use of Tao. Compared with most of the other important words in Chinese thought, Jen is eas\' to translate. There is nothing mistical about it, and all writers use it in approximatel}- the same sense. The Hsueh Wen says that Jen is composed of two characters, Jen, or man, and Erh, or Two. Chinese commentators agree that Erh has the significance of Lin, or neighbor. In other words, the whole character is concerned with the relations between a man, and the other men with whom he comes in contact. This relation is defined b}- the Hsueh \\'en as Ch'in. The word Ch'in as a noun means relatives or family, but here it sems to be a verb, meaning "to treat as a relative." The word, then, not only stands for a man's relations or attitude toward others, but also signifies what that attitude ought to be. One should treat all men as if the}' were members of his own family, that is, he should love them. In this sense it has become the chief Confucian virtue. Ch'en Hsuan. a scholar of the 18th Century, explains Jen as "to love others equally." In the Analects, Jen is used as an adjective and as a noun. The usual verb is Ai, to love, but the two are equated. Jen, unlike the English word love, applies onlv to the virtue of benevolence, and not to the affection between the sexes, but Ai is tised in both senses Confucius sometimes uses Jen in such a sweeping way as to include in it all the virtues, and so Legge and other translators occasionally translate it by virtue, but the fundamental meaning of the word is love, or benevolence. Chu Hsi points out that love does include all the virtues. 746 THE OPEN COURT The Tsu Yuen, a modern source book of words and phrases, gives three uses of the word. 1- — It is the principle that makes man man, the essence of humanity. To love men unselfishly is Jen. 2— A kernel. 3 — A nei^ative use. \\'hen a man is unable to use his limbs, his body is not Jen. These last two uses need not be considered. The Tsu Yuen also gives thirty common phrases in which Jen occurs. In the Analects the word is used 109 times. It is the central word of Confucian ethics, the keystone of the arch. This is in direct opposition to the Taoists, who belittle the virtues in general and Jen in particular, Chuang Tzu even going so far as to say that to love men is the way to injure them. Jen really comes into its own in the Analects, so much so that an American writer has recently said that in Jen, Confucius introduced a new concept into Chinese thought. This is hardly accurate, for the word occurs eight times in the Tao Teh Ching, as well as in earlier classics, but its use before Confucius is not so frequent, nor so important. When used as an adjective, the word is translated as good, benevolent or virtuous. "The Jen man first considers. . . ." (6, 20). "The Master said, 'Yu is not Jen. . . .' " ( 17, 21, 6). This was because Yu did not have the right attitude toward his parents. "The Jen man will not seek to live by injuring Jen." (15, 8). Here the meaning could be freely rendered b}', "The benevolent man would rather die than do anything unkind." The word is used both as a noun and as an adjective in the same sentence. The interesting point in the way that Confucius uses Jen is this. He very seldom speaks about it without being asked, and when he uses it unasked, he says very little about it except that it is a fine thing. The last quotation is a good example. To sa}- that a Jen man would rather die than injure Jen really does not tell much about what Jen is. Jen is used so often in the .Vnalects, and is so important in the history of Confucian doctrine, that western scholars have paid little attention to the evident reluctance of Confucius to define exactly what he meant by the word. This reluctance was brought out even more clearly when he was forced to speak on the subject. Evidently the definition of Jen was a matter of vital im- portance to the disciples. Again and again they questioned Con- THE WORD JEX IX THE COXFUCIAX AXALECTS 747 fucius about it. Confucius was too honest to avoid the question, but usually, instead of attempting a clear cut definition, he applied the word to the needs of the one who had inquired. The result was that each time he was asked about Jen, he gave a different answer. Fan Ch'ih asked concerning Jen. He asked three times, and received the following answers. ''The Ten man first considers the difticulty of his task, and afterwards thinks of act|uisition." (6, 20). "The Master said. Tt is to love men"." (\2, 22). The subject of this sentence is Jen. while the predicate is Ai. "To be grave at home, reverent in business, and loxal to men." (13. 19, n^ Of these replies, only the second gi\es much satisfaction to one seeking a definition. Yen Hui asked concerning Jen. "The blaster said, 'To subdue oneself, and restore propriet}*."' (12.1,1). Yen Hui was persistent and asked what the steps in this process were, i le was told not to look, listen, speak nor act except accord- ing to Li, which ma}' be inadequatel}' translated as propriety Chung Kung asked concerning Jen, and was told ; "\A'hen abroad, (to behave) as if receiving a guest; to employ the people as if you were assisting at a great sacrifice ; that which _\"0U do not wish for yourself, do not give to (other) men." This last is the Confucian version of the Golden Rule, which in the Chinese is positive as well as negative. ( 12, 2). Szu-ma Xiu asked concerning Jen. "Jen is to be slow and cautious in speech." (12, 13, I). It is explained that this is because the Jen man realizes the difiiculty of acting correctly. Tzu Chang asked concerning Jen. The form of the repl_\- is, "Confucius said," instead of the usual "the ^Master said." which may indicate a different source for this section. The answer was; "To be able to practice five things everywhere." (17, 6) These five are humility, generosity, sincerity, earnestness and kindness. Tzu Kung asked, 'Tf a man confers benefits on the people and is able to assist all, is this Jen?" (6, 28, 1). "The ]\Iaster said, '^^Ty speak of Jen onl}? Such a man would be a sage. The Jen man, wishing to establish himself, establishes 748 THE 0P1-:X COURT others; wishing to enlarge himself, enlarges others; to judge by what is near; this is the art of Jen." In this quotation. Jen appears to be only a part of perfect virtue, or holiness, but this point depends upon whether the character Hu. which ends the first sentence, is to be interpreted as a sign of inter- rogation, or of exclamation. The passage is difficult to put into English, especially the words translated "establish" and "enlarge." These passages show that Jen was a subject of intense interest to the disciples, mostly }oung men of noble families who came to Confucius for instruction in politics and ethics. They belonged to a class which considered the government of the country as their profession, and they regarded their instruction from the sage as a very practical preparation for an official career. Yen Hui was thirty-one when he died, and Tseng Tzu was twenty-six at the time of Confucius' death. Xo higher tribute could be paid to the best Chinese society of the time than that it regarded the kind of in- struction which Confucivts gave as the proper preparation for a life of government service. The passages also show how Confucius varied his answers to the man he addressed, and the theory is advanced in this paj^er that they also indicate his reluctance to speak on the subject of ]en, or to give a definition of his position. On occasions where he does not appear to have been questioned, his remarks contribute little to an understanding of the word. "I have not seen a person who loved Jen. . . . He who loved Jen, would value nothing above it." (4, 6, 1 ). lie goes on to say that one always has the strength to be Jen, and then qualifies this by saying that if there were an instance where Jen was unattainable, he had never seen it. "The Master said, 'Where Jen is involved, a man must not yield even to his teacher'." (15, 35). "The Master said, 'Firmness, endurance, simplicity and modesty, are near to Jen'." ( 13. 27). "Even if an ideal ruler arose, it would require a generation for Jen to prevail." (13. 12). While these are valuable statements, they do not help much in determining what Confucius' idea of Jen was. Neither does the remark of Tseng Tzu, (8, 7. 2), that Jen is the life-long responsi- bility of the scholar. The difficulty is, that here is what seems to be a relatively simple THE WORD ji'-x i\ tup: roxFfciAx axalects 749 word, _\"et it is necessary for the disci[)les to cjuestion Confucius about it over and over again, and except in one passage, the\' tind it impossible to get a clear answer. That Confucius was really reticent on the subject is apparent from the following passage. "The Master seldom spoke of profit, of the Decree, and of Jen." (9, 1). This raises a serious problem, especiall\- for those who have translated Jen b\- virtue. The word (jccurs in the Analects, which is a short book. 109 times. To say that Confucius seldom spoke of virtue is absurd, for he seldom spoke of an\thing else. Soothill and Legge translate the word here b\- "perfect virtue," meaning, probablx', that he would not admit anyone to have been perfect. That he did not accept anyone to ha\e completely realized Jen is true, but that is not what this passage sa}s. It maintains that Con- fucius seldom discussed the word which is used in the book of his collected sayings 109 times. Soothill ignores the problem in his notes, but Legge is frank enough to admit that there is a problem, and that he does not know how to solve it. Why should Confucius be said to have seldom discussed the very word for wdiich he is famous, the ke\ to the s_\stem which goes by his name, especially when that word appears on nearly half the l)ages of the book which records his conversation ? There is onl\- one ex])lanation which is at all adecjuate. It is that Confucius was reall}- reluctant to speak on the subject, but that he was forced to do so b\' his disciples. At the time he was teaching, the word must have been under constant discussion among the class of men from whom Confucius drew his pupils, but probabl}' the exact meaning had not been determined, or a new content was being given it in a period of change and ferment. Lao Tze and Con- fucius were the leaders, but there must have been man\' men who were discussing and analvsing the same problems with which they dealt. It was a time of intense intellectual activity and stimulus, and the content of the word Jen was of vital importance. Con- fucius realized the difficulty as well as the importance, and therefore he avoided the subject unless he was forced to consider it. The disciples rendered a great service by compelling him to discuss it, for in his answers he reached some of the highest points ever at- tained by the human mind. The analysis of the character shows that it stands for the rela- tion of a man to his neighbors. It is not unreasonable, then, for us 750 THE OPEN COURT to interpret the question which the disciples asked so often in this wa}'. "What is my duty toward my neighbor?" That cjuestion was discussed several hundred years later in Palestine. There also the Master refused to give a definition as an answer, replying by a story. "Who is my neighbor?" "A certain man went down from Jerusalem to Jericho. . . ." Confucius gave answers which show that his view was strikingly like that of Christ. He applied the word to the man. For one, it meant devotion to his parents, for another, to be slow in speech, for a third, to gain self-control, for a fourth, to behave according to the recognized rules of society. Love, then, is a principle which each man must apply for himself. It is an attitude rather than a rule of conduct, and that is probably why Confucius was so reluctant to discuss it. His disciples, like the Jews, wanted hard and fast rules, such as to give a tenth of one's income to charity. Confucius, like Christ, tried to avoid saying anything that could be crystallized into such a rule. His answers show that he considered love to in- clude all the virtues, even self-respect and self-control ; that it was not sentimental, for it must be firm and just; that it did not ob- literate the distinctions of society, for it included the proper treat- ment of parents and the recognition of moral obligations and customs. And above all, Jen was universal^ since it meant to love all men. A man should love his neighbor as himself, or as Confucius put it, what he did not wish for himself, he should not give to others. It is not surprising that the ethical teaching of the Chinese should center about the word Jen, or that Confucius should be eulogized as "The teacher of 10,000 generations." THE DEML, THE WORLD AXD THE ELESfl BY MAXIMILIAN RUDWIX (Concluded ) MUSIC, DAXCE AXD DRAMA OF IXFERXAL ORIGIN ''TT^HE Devil has been popular]}- credited with the in\ention of mu- J- sic. Mctor Hugo repeatedly refers in his works to the popular belief in the diabolical origin of music. Asmodeus himself, in LeSage's novel, le Diahic hoitcnx (1707), asserts that he is the inventor of music. This popular belief is based on Church tradi- tion, which ascribed the origin of music, not without good reason, to the Devil. Catholic asceticism denounced all instrumental music as the Devil's work. Even some Protestant sects not many decades ago condemned music during religious services as a Satanic arti- fice to lure men's thoughts away from God. The popular English preacher, Rowland Hill, long ago admitted the fact that the Devil had all the good melodies, and a popular hymn-writer of this country likewise thought it unfortunate that Diabolus should have all the good tunes. This view is shared by man}- modern writers who can hardly be said to believe in Beelzebub. James Huneker, in his alread\' quoted Bedouins, speaking of the Devil, affirms. "Without him . . . there would be . . . no music . . . He created the chromatic scale — that is why Richard Wagner admired the Devil in music — what is Parsifal,'' the great American art critic concludes his pcean of praise of the Prince of Pleasure, "but a version of the Black Mass?" Dr. Henry van Dyke, in a statement dated Eebruary 27, 1921, credits the Demon with the invention at least of jazz-music. The songs of a musical comedy are considered by our high-brow critics "the Devil's own ditties." The Devil always has given sufficient proof of his musical talent. Again James Huneker, in his Bedouins just quoted again, goes so far as to call Satan "the greatest of all musicians." The vocal ability of the demons of hell was early discovered by the medieval 752 THI-: OPEX COURT monks. Thomas de Cantimpre, writing in the thirteenth centur\ , tells how a demon composed a famous song about St. Martin and circulated it abroad all over France and Germanw In the second, more sketchy, part of Xovalis' Hcinrich von Oftcrdhuien (1802), the Principle of Good and the Principle of Evil appear in open competition, singing antiphonies. The French composer, Boiel- dieu, believed that he had composed the "X'alse infernale" for his comic opera Faust { 1828 ) with the help of the Devil in person. But Satan's greatest musical work is perhaps the Sonata del Diai'olo ( 1713) nominall}' composed by Giuseppe Tartini, an Italian musician. According to Tartini's own testimony, the Devil ap- peared to him in his dream and played on his violin an air of such great beauty that the composer, upon awakening, seized his own instrument and played "The Devil's Trill." Diabolus is also credited with a sonata by Gerard de Nerval in la Soiiafc dit Diahle (1830). This storx* tells how a musician, chagrined that his daughter understood nothing of music, offered her hand to the man who could write and execute the best sonata, "be it the Devil in person." The Evil Spirit, who is never slow to appear when called, arrived with two accompanists at the musi- cal tournament, which the master had arranged. The Devil, it transpired, had written the best sonata of all the aspirants to the hand of the maiden. Ikit an angel, wishing to checkmate the Devil, on the evening preceding the day fixed for the tournament, handed a sonata to the }'oung man who was in love with the musician's daughter. lUit even the angelic sonata was inferior to that of the infernal composer. However, when the Devil's players approached the end of their superb composition, convinced of their tinal vic- tory, the young man surreptitiously substituted his own parchment for theirs and thus won out in the end.^^ W hile the Devil plays all instruments ecjually well_, he seems to prefer the violin. lie was said in the Middle Ages to own a violin with which he cf)uld set whole cities, grandparents and grandchil- dren, men and women, girls and boys, to dancing, dancing, until they fell dead from sheer exhaustion. The Devil appears in this role in the medieval legend of the Pied Piper, which is well known to English readers through Robert Browning's poem, "The Pied Piper of Hamelin" (1843). Robert I'uchanan's opera. The Piper of 11 Mr. W. H. Snyder has written, in 1911, a drama in three acts entitled The Dcz'il's Soiiala. THE DEVIL, THE WORLD AND THE FLESH 753 Hamelin n893), and Miss Josephine Peabody's play. The Piper (1909). The miraculous musician in this legend carried off one hundred and fift}' children when the inhabitants of Hammel in Saxony refused to pay him for ridding them of the rats, which had infested their town. This Pied Piper was, according to Johannes W'ierus and Robert Burton, none other than the Devil in person. The rats were the human souls, which the Devil charmed by his music into following him. In the Middle Ages, the soul was often represented leaving the bod\- in the form of a mouse. The soul of a good person, it was believed, comes out of the mouth as a white mouse, while, at the death of a sinner, the soul escapes as a black mouse, which the Devil catches and carries off in his sack to hell. ^^lephistopheles, it will be remembered, calls himself, in Goethe's Faust, "the Lord of rats and mice" ( i. 1516). Death, the Devil's first cousin, if not his alter ego, similarly is rep- resented, in the Dance of Death, marching off the souls to hell to the accompaniment of a merr}' tune on his violin. Satan appears as a fiddler in the poem "Der Teufel mit dcr Geige," which has been attributed to the Swiss anti-Papist, Pam- philius Gengenbach, of the sixteenth century. Klemens Brentano, in the fragmentary Roman::en voui Rosenkrana (written in 1909 and published posthumousl}- in 1852), represents the Devil playing the violin, sending forth from this instrument shockingly shrill tunes. In Lenau's Faust (1836), Mephistopheles takes the violin out of the hands of one of the musicians at a peasant-wedding and plays on it a diabolical e::ardas, which fills with voluptuousness the hearts of all who hear it. An opera Un J'iolon du Diahle was played in Paris in 1849, and Benjamin Webster's extravaganza in verse, "'The Dei'il's J^ioliii, was performed the same year in Lon- don. The Devil also appears as a limping fiddler in a California legend, which appeared, in 1855, in the Pioneer, a Californian mag- azine, under the title "The Devil's Fiddle." In his story "les Ten- tations ou firos, Plutus et la (jloire" (1863), Charles Baudelaire presents the Demon of Love holding in his left hand a violin, "which, without doubt, served to sing his pleasures and pains." \\'e also meet the diabolical musician in "The Devil in a Xunnesy," a medieval legend modernized by Francis Oskar Mann (1914). In this story, the Devil, disguised as a pilgrim, enters a convent, and plays on his "cithern" for the entertainment of the nuns. Slyly he 754 THE OPEN COURT drifts into the most voluptuous music, until the nuns are overcome with old memories that should be dead. The effect is so disastrous to their serenit\- that in expiation a fast is ordered for the next dav.^- Xaturally the Devil is also the originator of the dance, particu- larly the rapid and fantastic variety. Asmodeus, in Le Sage's previouslv mentioned novel, assumes credit for the invention of the dance. ^^ The demons inherited their dancing abilit}- from the srial spir- its, who were too etheral in nature to walk prosaically on earth. For this reason, dancing is their distinguishing characteristic. In manv legends, the Devil becomes the dancing partner of the girls who show too great a fondness for dancing, and who, therefore, must dance with their diabolical partner without rest or repose till thev fall dead. I<"riedrich Hebbel has used this legend in his poem "Der Tanz" (1S32). In this romance, based on an Eiderstedt legend, a young girl is seized by such transports of joy in dancing at a ball that she keeps whirling about after all the others have left the hall. When her mother warns her that she is fatiguing herself and asks her to stop dancing and go home, the girl boast- fullv replies that even if the Devil himself were present, he could not tire her out. Hut no sooner has she uttered these words when a young man in dark clothes approaches her and invites her to dance with him. The girl accepts the invitation, and the pair swing around in the empty hall. lUit now the girl finds no joy in her dancing; she feels rather as if she stood on the edge of her grave. The mother enters the hall and again asks her daughter to stop dancing. I'.ut the }oung girl cannot break away from the grasp of the weird looking youth, who holds her so firmly in his 1- In this connection it may be interesting to refer to the following Irish tale mentioned by Leland in a footnote to his translation of Heine's Elcmcntar- f/cistcr: Pat O'Flanagan, the tailor, was dancing in mad joy with the Devil, who was fiddling, while bfith took alternate sups from Satan's whisky-bottle. "Whin, och what a pity! all at wanst this foine parrety was broken up by the appairence of Judy, Pat's wife." In the end, the Devil goes off with Mrs. O'Flanagan. 13 It is believed that our waltz originated in a dance called la Volta per- formed at the medieval Witches' Sabbath. See Margaret Alice Murray's The Witch-Cult in Western Europe (Oxford, 1921), pp. 134-5. Till'. ni'.viL, Tin: woKi,]) AM) Tin-: i-t.i:sii 755 arms. Suddenh- blood spurts out of her mouth; and as she sinks dead to the ground, the (habohcal young man (Hsajjpears in the fog and the night. Tn addition to his sponsorship of the dance, the Devil is like- wise regarded as the inventor of the drama. Asmodeus, who fig- ures in the no\el b\' LeSage, contends that he is the creator of comedv. CertainK- the Church condemned all secular dramatic performances as "pom/^cc diaboJl." The Church fathers declared that all dramatic arts emanated from the De\il ( I'seudo-Cx prian : De Specfaciilis, i\- ; fatian : 0 ratio ad Grcccos, xxii). St. John Chrysostom also denounced the "Satanic corruj)tions of the stage." Indeed, the actors were regarded by the Catholic Church in the ^Middle Ages, and even for man\- centuries afterwa.rds, as servants of Satan and denied the holy sacraments and burial in consecrated ground. It is a matter of common knowledge that Moliere, the creator of the French comedy, who died in 1673. was considered unfit for Christian burial. In revenge, the condemned comedians starred Satan in their plays. Protestants were likewise opposed to play-production. During the sixteenth century, the faithful were forbidden b\- the Church of England to attend plays of any kind, and any person connected with the stage was denied the of- fices of the church. The Puritans considered the i)la\-house the Devil's own place. Stephen Ciosson, in his School of .ibusc (1579), affirmed seriously of theatrical productions: "There is more in them than we per- ceive ; the Devil stands at our elbow when we see not, si)eaks when we hear not, strikes when we feel not, and wounds sore when he raises no skein, nor rents the flesh." Archbishop John Sharp of London (1645-1714) said that going to the theater was equivalent to looking at the Devil. Our own George Jean Xathan, who cer- tainly cannot be suspected of orthodox}-, fancifully terms the theater "the house of Satan" in his book by that title (1926). A story is told of the demon who entered a woman in the theater and, when exorcised, excused himself by saying that he had found her in his own "demesne. "^^ ^•* See Thornton S. Graves, "The Devil in the Playhouse," South Atlantic Qitratcrly, XIX (1920), 131-40. 756 THE OPEN COURT LUCIFER AS LITTERATEUR The Devil was also regarded by our ancestors as the patron of pubHcations. The assertion that his Satanic Majesty hates nothing so much as writing or printer's ink is surely a calumnw In Samuel Crothers' essa\', "The Merry Devil of Education" (1910), Diabo- lus declares, 'Tnk is my native element." The German mystic, Jacob Boehme, relates that when Satan was asked the cause of (jod's enmity toward the Adversary and of the latter's subsequent down- fall, he replied, 'T wished to be an author."^'' The punishment meted out to Satan for his diabolical genius has evidently not cured him of his literary aspirations. The Devil is recognized as a great writer, although he may never have received any royalties on work published over his own signature.^*' Having been denied copyright privileges on earth, and probably also lacking asbestos paper, Diabolus must perforce pub- lish over human signatures. He linds it, moreover, to his advantage to dictate his ideas through the pens of mortals in order to carry on his work better on earth. It may be said without exaggeration that all writers, consciously or unconsciously, owe their inspiration to the Devil. (^Kcthe re- marked jokingly on the tenth of January, 1789, that he would have to sell his soul to Satan in order to write his Faust. Ikit it is not necessary to enter formally a bond with lleelzebub in order to obtain his aid in writing a book. The Devil is always near to them who are engaged in the profession of letters. It is not without good reason, therefore, that the priests maintain that "the writers are all more or less demons" ( X'ictor Hugo: Ics Oiiatrc I'ciits dc r esprit, 1882, and Toute la lyre, 1888-93). It is a well-known fact that books have in all times been consid- ered tools of hell. For the things that men write have their in- fluence in formulating the ideas and ideals of the reader, and to this extent authors stand in the service of Satan. Thomas Carlyle also believed that he served Satan, but his onl\' regret was that he received no reward for his services. "Sad fate!" he exclaimed, "to serve the Devil and yet get no wages even from him." !■"' The word "author" is used in this connection in its current meaning. 1'^ In this connection it is interesting to note that Diabolus has been cred- ited with the authorship of the biggest Bible in the world — the f/igas librorum — which is found in the Royal Library at Stockholm and which is therefore called the Devil's Bible. TIIK DF.VIL, THE WORI.D AXD THE FLESH 757 It is especiall}' the imaginaive works of literature which are generally considered to be of infernal inspiration. When Asmo- deus, in LeSage's noteworthy novel, maintains that he is the in- ventor of all things that make for beauty in this world, he might just as well have said that he was also the creator of literature. If, from modesty, he did not personally make this assertion, others affirmed it for him. It stands to reason that whatever we read for our enjoyment is in the eyes of Catholic asceticism of infernal origin. l')Ut a])art from its joy-giving quality, what we call bcUcs lettrcs is decidedly diabolical in its essence. The writers themselves atl- mit the infernal origin of their work. "I have heard all the men of lettres say that their profession was diabolical." asserts Eugene Delacroix. The demonic element is most essential for the success of great creative literary works other than treatises of a scientific or historic nature. The fire and originality in many a masterpiece is due to that power which Timolean calls Aiitouiatia and Goethe. in his conversation with Eckermann in 1828. das DlunoniscJic — the daemonic — "that which cannot be explained by reason or under- standing, which is not in our nature, but to which we are subject. "^''^ \'oltaire believed that, to be a successful author, it was necessary to have le diahlc ait corps. In full agreement with the dictum of the patriarch of Ferney, Gottfried Keller, the Swiss novelist, has this to say in regard to literary success : "He who has had no bitter experience knows no mal- ice ; and he who has known no malice has not the Devil in him ; and he who has not the Devil in him cannot write anything that will have force and vigor." Fiction figures in the eyes of many men as a fabrication of the Fiend. Many indictments may indeed be drawn up against all forms of fiction. On account of its frequently immoral matter, the novel has received the condemnation of many a moralist. "The personages of fiction/' the great Toystoy declares, "have souls ; and it is but truth to say that their malignant authors send them forth among us like demons to tempt us and to ruin us." .\ccording to the famous Russian author, lialzac, the Titan of the French novel, is the Lucifer of literature. i>ut the creator of the Comcdie hii- 1^ Goethe undoubtedly used the word "demonic" as a synonym for "super- natural" with a complimentary connotation. But a writer may be inspired by a good or an evil spirit according as to whether the gravitation of his imagina- tion is toward heaven or hell. 758 THE OPEX COURT luaiiie is not the only French novehst who has been under ana- thema. It has been said that all French novelists are of the Devil's I)art\'. Xor, for that matter, will the romancers of other countries take their places among the elect of heaven. ^lan}' a well-known noveltist, in other countries as well as in France, has produced his work coopcraiifc Diabolo. The h^iend has alwax's shown partialitx' in aiding hctionists. The ( ierman fantas- tic writer, E. T. A. Hotrmann, held the opinion that the Devil was "an ever helpful aid-de-cam]:» of story-tellers in need of help." Tra- dition has it that the demons of hell guided the i)en of many a fic- tion writer. Asmodeus, for example, wishing to take vengeance on the monks, his sworn enemies, whispered the Dccauicroii (c. 1350) into the ears of Boccaccio, while Beelzebub avenged himself on the devil-fighting knights of the Middle Ages by inspring Cer- vantes with Do)i Quixote (1605-16). As for poetrv, no argument is needed to show that this emo- tional art is an exjiression of the [jowers of darkness. The poetr\ of passion in particular is poison. All lyricists are the Levites of Lucifer. Moreover, jwetry is often used to sing the praises of the Prince of this world. lUron, the poet of doubt and despair, is not the onl\- "chanter of hell," as Lamartine called him. Even Milton, the great Puritan poet, showed himself as a partisan of the powers (^f darkness. "The reason," said William Blake, "Milton wrote in fetters when he wrote of angels and (iod^ and at liberty when of devils and hell, is because he was a true |H)et, and of the Devil's partv without knowing it." It cannot be denied that the personality of the Devil was the chief preoccu])ation of the poet. Addison and Dr\den. among man\' other English and foreign authorities, re- garded Milton's fallen archangel as the focal ])oint of attention or the real hero of the poem. "The finest thing in connection with this I Milton's I Faradise," says Taine, in his Histoirc dc la littcra- tiirc francaisc (1863). "is Hell; and in this history of (lod the chief ])art is taken by the Devil." What fascinated also Chateau- briand in Milton's i)oem was the character of Satan, whom he con- sidered the finest conception of all i)oetic personifications of hAil.''^'' Criticism, as all creative writers will agree, is without any doubt whatsoever the work of the Devil. "Literar_\- criticism," says Sainte-lieuve, "the kind that 1 am writing, is alas! hardly com- I'^'i On this question, see Emily Rickey's article, "Is Satan the Hero of Paradise Lost?" Catliolic World, XCVI (1912), 5871. THE DEVIL, THE WORLD AND THE FLESH 759 patible with Christian i)ractice . . ." The hterarx critic may wish to be fair, but not infrequently the animus of professional ri\alry or scorn seizes him, antl he pla\s the role of the Spirit of negation and destruction. The critic of books and their authors, considered in this light, is nothing if not a Devil's ad\()cate. ( )n the other hand, the writers with whom the critic dilTers are identified bv him, in one way or another, with the person of the De\il. But not only literary works enjoyed the distinction of l>eing con- sidered of diabolical inspiration. In Catholic e\es, the majority of books produced b\' men owed their origin to the unholy devices and corruptions of Satan. It is a well-known fact that, in the good old days, every book ])rinted without the approxal of the Church was associated with the demons of liell.^'^ THE DEVIL AS RADICAL AND REFORMER The Devil was popularl\- regarded as a i)ioneer of progress. He was hailed as the standard-bearer of the great reformers and innovators of all ages. Satan was credited with all asi)irations for improvement in every held of human activity. The Church con- tended that it was Satan who inspired the opposition against priest- craft and kingcraft, and that it was the Devil who hlled man with the love of liberty, ecpiality and fraternit_\-. Diabolus rei)resented discontent with existing conditions in matters social, i)olitical, and ecclesiastical. He was identified with the spirit of progress so dis- turbing to those who are satisfied with the existing order of things. Ever\' democratic institution, every social reform, was attributed by the reactionaries to the machinations of the sj^rits of hell.''' The French Revolution was regarded b\- the Catholic Church as a creation of the Evil Spirit.-" It was asserted b}' Catholicism that France was possessed of the Devil during the revolutionary period. According to X'ictor Mugo, the L'atholics believed that the members of the Convention were carried off at their death by the Devil {Ics Miscrablcs I. i. 10). This great French jxjet himself, 1^ In this connection it may be well to refer the reader to the story, "The Printer's Devil," published anonymously in 1836 and reprinted in the present writer's anthology of Dct'il Stories (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1931). 1^ Soviet Russia, on account of her experimentation in social and political reforms, is envisaged at the present day by two writers as the "Devil's work- shop." -0 The Catholic view of the French Revolution down to the present day may be seen in le Viable ct la Revolution (1895). a work written by the im- postor Leo Taxil and dedicated to Pope Leo XI I L 760 THE OPEN COURT in his royalist days, described the Convention as a Pandemonium ( Odes et poesies diverses, 1822 ) . Marmontel had already previ- ously said that the members of the Convention were "living bronze figures of demons.'' The priests taught the French peasants that the civil Consti- tution promulgated by the Convention, which transferred the prop- erty of the Church from the Catholic hierarchy to the French gov- ernment, was the diabolical masterpiece of this infernal Revolution. Count Joseph de Maistre, the theoretical proponent of absolutism in church and government, also considered the French Revolution the work of Satan (Considerations sur la France, 1796). His yoke- fellow, the \ iscount Joseph de Bonald, saw in Jacobinism "the reign of demons." Chateaubriand, the partisan of pontiffs and potentates, shared this Catholic view with regard to the French Revolution. In les Martyrs (1809), he went so far as to put the revolutionary hymn of his country into the mouth of the Devil. The revolutionaries, no less than the reactionaries, regarded the French Revolution as the work of Satan. The difference in the conception of this great historical event by the two parties is that the monarchists considered the revolt agains the God-ordained powers as a sin, whereas the republicans saw it in a different light. Either party was absolutely correct in regarding Satan as the moving spirit of the French Revolution. For the emperean rebel is the incarnation of the spirit of revolt in men and the instigator of all social and political upheavals on earth. The Devil, waging on earth the war he started in heaven, will always be found as a partisan of those who seek to throw off the yoke of their heavenly ordained oppressors. Satan is the grandest symbol of protest against tyranny, celestial or terrestrial, that the world can conceive. "The Devil," says Anatole France, "is the father of all anarchy." Was not Satan the first of all rebels against constituted authority? Did he not first utter the words, "Non scrviam," which burn on the lips of all revolutionaries? Satan was the symbol of the move- ment for the liberation of the human spirit from the bonds of abso- lutism,— a movement which started with the French Revolution. He was the embodiment of the revolutionary movement, which was sweeping Europe a century ago. He was the leader of the great army of Human Freedom, as Heine called the lovers of liberty of his day. It was under the standard of Satan that the oppressed THE DEVIL, THE WORLD AXD THE FLESH 761 masses in all European countries fought in 1830 against the princes and potentates, who assumed to rule them by divine right. Satan stood at the head of all the agitators and conspirators against po- litical oppression of the past century, and as predicted by the Ital- ian poet, Rapisardi, Lucifer will also accomplish the social revo- lution which is now preparing in all European countries and bring a new era for mankind, in which social equity as well as pohtical equahty will be effected. The Devil was represented by the theologians as the Arch- Fiend, the bitter enem\- of the good and hol\' men. The champions of the common folk, on the other hand, saw in Satan the defender of the downtrodden, and the protector of the poor and helpless against the high and mighty of the land. • The Devil, who has al- ways been a democrat, is said to have interfered in favor of the peasants or serfs against the feudal lords. The Fiend appears in the folk-lore of all European countries as the defender of accused innocence, and as an exemplar of honesty and fidelity. Diabolus exerted his powers of retribution on misers, on men who brought no good to themselves or to others despite all their hoarded wealth. He was also represented as a chastiser of the Pecksniffs, the moral pretenders. Satan was universally regarded as the Nemesis of the publicans and ale-wives who adulterated the beer they poured out, or who gave short measure to their customers. Gratitude is the crowning qualit}' with which man has invested the Devil of his dreams. Many medieval legands report the Devil's gratiturle whenever he is treated with justice. With regard to this trait. Satan can certainly be cited in marked contrast to the sons of Adam. THE DEVIL AS HEDONIST Satan has always been portrayed as the Prince of Pleasure. The joys and delights of life were considered by Catholic ascetics as emanations from hell. "Laughter and gaiety/' said St. John Chrysostom, "come not from God, but from the Devil (Opera vii. 97; x. 590). The modern diabolist, Charles Baudelaire, simi- larly detected the Devil in human laughter. The excitable poisons, such as tobacco, alcohol, opium, hashish, were for this French 762 - THE OPEN COURT poet "Satanic suggestions," the most terrible means employed by the Evil One to enslave humanity. They all represented for him "artificial paradises.""-^ Licjuor is to our own teetotalers the Devil's invention. "King Alcohol is the Devil's worst emissary on earth," recenth- said a certain Methodist preacher. -- The Church looked upon Lucifer as the lord of earthly love. The affection of one sex for another was believed, from the earliest period of the Christian era, to be under the special control of the powers of hell. Carnal love was regarded by the Christian monks and missionaries as nothing short of demoniac possession, and its enjovment was believed to lead man to certain and eternal perdi- tion. The Church considered celibacy to be the only perfect state, and hesitated for a long time to give its sanction to marriage, which it regarded as unworth\- of the "spiritual man." St. Paul de- nounced marriage in strong terms. "Celibacy must be chosen," said St. Tertullian. "even though the human race should perish." Origen denounced marriage in the following terms: "Matrimony is impure and unholy; a means of sensual passion." When, at the Council of Trent, marriage w^as finally included among the sacra- ments of the Church, it was regarded as a rcniediiun amoris con- ceded by the kindness of God to the turpitude of the "natural man."-'' WOM.XX AS INSTRUMENTUM DIABOLI The Church fathers believed that Satan brought about the downfall of men through the allurements of women. All women were regarded as the daughters of the Devil, and all men as be- witched by these sorceresses of Satan.-* St. Paul expressed his horror of women's charms. Pie confessed that it was only by the strongest practice of faith that he could stay in their societ\' and remain sinless. As vSatan is the eternal temi)ter, so is woman in -1 See Wilhelm Micliel's essay. "Baudelaire und die Gifte," Maskrii. Bd. XXIII. Heft 21 (1930). "The reader will recall in this connectimi Captain John Silver's song — "Drink and the Devil had done for the rest." -■^ On the final inclusion of marriage among the sacraments, see G. Serrier : le Mariagc conirat-sacrcmcnt. Paris, 1928. -^ Mr. H. M. Tichenor, former editor of the Mclhiu/ Pot. in his clever booklet, Satan and the Saints (1918), has described the manner in which the saints escaped the sorceries of Satan incorporated in the daughters of the earth. TIIK DEVIL, THE WORLD AND THE FLESH 763 the e\es of the Church the eternal instrument of temptation — instninicjttiiiii Diaboli. the most efficient of stalking-horses, behind \\hich the Devil goes hunting for the immortal -ouls of men. St. Cyprian said, "\\ oman is the instrument which the K\\\ ( )ne em- plo}S to possess our souls," and St. Tertullian addressed the beau- tiful sex with the following' words: "Woman, thou ought to go about clad in mourning and ashes, thine eyes hlled with tears of remorse, to make us forget that thou hast been man's destruction. Woman, thou art the gate to hell."" This feminine-diabolical kin- shi]) is expressed b_\' the rabbis in their belief that both the De\il and woman entered the world simultaneously. ^lany thinkers and writers seem to concur with the fathers of the Church with regard to women. The l)elief in woman as Sa- tan"s instrument in his work of temptation is almost uni\ersal among moderns. The ( jerman poet and pla\\vright, Lessing, back in the eighteenth centur\-, asserts. "The hand of a woman is often the glove in which Satan conceals hi> claw." Prosper Merimee speaks fully in the spirit of the Church fathers when he sa\"s, "Woman is the surest instrument of damnation which the E\-il One can employ." \\ oman is especially used b\' the Devil as a tool to lead man to ruin. This belief explains the French proverb which says, "Man is tow, woman is fire, and the Devil blows on it." Anatole France also affirms, "It is through woman that the De\il takes great advantage of man.'" Barbe_\- d'Aurevill}- believes that women possess greater powers of temptation even than the Devil himself. "\\ omen,"" this writer says, "are all temptresses, readx' to tempt God or the Devil."" Woman's natural inclination to e\il is expressed b\- Ccethe in the following lines : "W hen towards the Devil's house we tread. Woman's a thousand steps ahead." (Faust i. v^980-81.) Other writers think that woman is a match for the Devil in wickedness. Schopenhauer's contempt for woman is too well known to need further comment. "Where the De\il gets through, a woman will get through, too." sa>s Merimee. "The De\il,"' this writer also expresses through the mouth of one of his characters, "has nothing left to teach women who overdress themselves and coil their hair fantasticall}." (We post-\'ictorians might sa_\-, "who underdress themselves and bob their hair fantasticallw" ) 764 THE OPEN COURT Kornel Alakuszynski believes that woman is even more wicked than the Devil. In his .-Another Paradise Lost and Regained (1926). this Polish writer affirms that "Satan himself would not do the things a woman will do and lay to his charge." Thus woman is believed by modern writers to be possessed of the Evil One. "Every woman." Barbey assures us, "has a devil somewhere who would always be her master, were it not for the fact that she has two others also in her — Cowardice and Shame • — to interfere with the first one." This saying is fully in keeping with the proverb which affirms that "The heart of a beautiful woman is the most beloved hiding-place of at least seven devils." Alany writers go so far as to express their belief that woman is partlv or wholly the Devil in person. Woman is for Diderot a combination of angel and Devil. Heine does not consider woman wholly diabolical, but he does not know at what point in her the angel ends and the Devil begins. Moliere considers woman as the very Devil, and for Balzac woman is a perfected Devil. Baudelaire regarded woman as wholly diabolical in body and spirit. As a dandy he despised woman, as a Catholic he consid- ered her "one of the most seductive forms of the Devil" and wondered why she was admitted into churches. "Woman," again says this French poet, "is the feminine form of the Other, the most dangerous incarnation of the Evil One." Commenting on the ro- mance le Diable amourcnx (\772), he remarks, "The camel of Cazotte, camel. Devil, and woman." It should be remembered that Baudelaire was less attached to the form of woman as to her spirit, which he regarded as diabolical. Verlaine. following the lead of the poet Baudelaire, his master in Satanism, likewise be- lieved in woman's identity with the Devil ("Femme et chatte." 1866). Strindberg saw in woman a living Gehenna adorned with all the allures of Satan. ^■'' For the etcher Rops, who was also a disciple of the diabolist Baudelaire, woman is the demonic incarnation of lust, the daughter of darkness, the servant of Satan, the partner of hell, the vampire who sucks the blood of the cosmos. In Barbey's tales as in Rops" etchings, we behold woman engaged in her worship of the De\il. She is described by these diabolist and decadent artists as an ade})t 25 On the woman as an impersonation of the Devil, see also the end of the chapter "The Form of the Fiend" in the present work. THE DEVIL, THE WORLD AND THE FLESH 765 in all black arts and an expert in all forms of sexual perversion. She is portrayed wallowing in the wildest orgies of lewdness and licentiousness, continually invoking, extolling and worshipping Luci- fer, the lord of lust. Concerning love, too, the Church fathers find support among many poets and philosophers of modern times. \'oltaire regarded the De\il and love as synonymous. Love, for Alfred de \ ign\-. was the art of the Devil and not of the Deit\ . This pessimistic poet, considering love as idle and mendacious, did not deny to it, however, a narcotizing value in the hands of Satan. Baudelaire alwa\s saw the Satanic side in love, and proved his thesis by the animal names we give to the woman we love. "Have not the devils the forms of beasts?" he asks. "The one and supreme bliss of love," this poet again says, "rests in the certainty of doing evil ; and man and woman know from birth that in evil is found all pleasure." "Lo\e." this diabolist again affirms, "is the most ter- rible of all incarnations at the service of Satan." Schopenhauer, in his essay, "Metaphysik der Geschlechtsliebe" (1859). arrived at the same conclusion, arguing that love does not exist to make us happy, but to deceive us under the cover of happiness, and to compel us to perform actions profitable to the human race, but suicidal to the individual. The conception of love as a demonic factor prevails throughout all modern literature : Ibsen, Tovstov, Ola Hanson, Przybyszewski, Prus, Hard}', and Shaw, all perceiv- ing in eroticism not an ideal which should be pursued, but a cosmic power which makes the human being a puppet moving to some in- comprehensible goal. COXCLUSIOX Thus the Devil is the representative of terrestrial interests and enjoyments, in contrast to those of the spiritual realm. As a skill- ful reasoner and logician, he plays havoc with those who dispute his clever materialistic philosophy, for he excels in dialectic. He stands for the glorification of the flesh in painting and sculpture, in the dance and drama, in fiction and romantic adveture, depict- ing forbidden pleasures in vivid colors, luring on the amorous and the yearning to supposed happiness only to dash this expectation into an empt_\- sense of unreality and frustration. It is his restless 766 THE OPEN COURT impulse in men which provokes them to unsettle the old order of things and become reformers in the hope of promoting greater hap- piness. His efforts are inspired by a lusty, democratic hedonism. The protean character of this supermalevolent Personalit\' is at- tested by a mixture of beneficent traits, such as his ambition, his spirit of good fellowship and democracy, and a progressive desire to unsettle things too long established. P>esi(les which, what would life be without the gratification of the senses? Drabness itself is a mockery of life. But to submit this important Personage to close cross-questioning by Kantian or Huxleyan dialectic is taking an unfair advantage over this mysterious mythological entity, this superhuman presence in our midst. THE SELF BY CHARLES EUGENE BANKS Out of the cosmic cell I came, Out of the voiceless deep; Kept alive by a mystic flame, Fighting endless sleep ; Groping upward, dumb and blind ; Trackless the way before; ]\Iystery shrouding all behind Whispering "Xevermore" I Fish and serpent, soaring bird Sweeping the azure dome ; Lion, leopard, caveman. Kurd, Each gave me a home. Field or forest, man or beast. Weapon of claw or stone. Always slaughter on flesh to feast, Alwa\s the sun-bleached bone. Stark barbarian, pirate bold Sailing the wine-dark sea ; Miner braving the Arctic cold. These I came to be. Always the eager endless quest, Always the inward fire. Always the better out of the best, Alwavs the heart's desire. 768 THE OPEN COURT Urged by greed I rose to power, I soared on eagle wings, I fought for glory, had my hour In company of kings ; Then down again to dreamless dark, Close sealed in royal tomb, With never a stroke of time to mark The years of my golden gloom. I woke to Beauty ; my senses thrilled With odors of evening cool ; A night bird sang, the pale moon spilled Silver in dusky pool. Winds roared, trees moaned; on shoreward seas Plumed horsemen madly strove ; Flowers blushed in the amorous breeze And I stood at the door of Love. Calm-eyed Justice, crimson gowned, Aliser counting his gains ; Martyr deep in dungeon bound Straining against his chains ; Yoeman, Noble, Hero, Seer, Japheth or Shem or Ham, — All I know of the past is here, All I have been I am. For Leaders — :i>^JOURML OF REUGION To read The Journal of Religion is to keep in the vanguard of those who are thinking about the problems of present day rehgious life. This non'sectarian periodical provides for its readers an unprejudiced, critical account of modern religious thought. It attempts to reveal the inner reality of religion, rather than to defend a doctrinal system. It con' sistently avoids cant, dogma, technical abstruseness; and constantly emphasi^jes the interrelationship of religious life and social environment. This scholarly journal is indispensable to the serious reader interested in religion as a living, spiritual reality in society, in history, and in individual experience. The Journal of Religion is edited by Shirley Jackson Case with the cooperation of the Divinity Faculty and Conference of the University of Chicago. It is published quar- terly at the subscription price of $3.00 a year. If you wish to examine The Journal of Religion a sample copy will be mailed you free upon request. THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS 5750 ELLIS AVE. . . . 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