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VOL. XXIX (No. 9) SEPTEMBER, 1915 NO. 712

CONTENTS:

PACK

Frontispiece. Jikokuten, Guardian of the East.

Fudo-Myowo (Illustrated). Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki 513

Carlyle and the War. Marshall Kelly 527

Hyphenation Justified. Paul Carus 557

A Chronicle of Unparalleled Infamies. An Open Letter to Dr. Paul Carus

(With Editorial Reply) 562

Mm Farmer and Greenacre 572

Jikokuten, Guardian of the East (With Illustration) 572

The Lotus Gospel 574

Book Reviews and Notes 575

The Fragments of Empedocles

By WILLIAM ELLERY LEONARD

A reconstruction of Empedocles's system of creation. Greek-English text. "There is no real creation or annihilation in the universal round of things. There is only the Everlasting Law." Cloth, $1.00

Aesop and Hyssop

By WILLIAM ELLERY LEONARD Fables adapted and original, in a variety of verse forms, picturesque, lively, and humorous in phrasing, with a moral, fresh in wisdom and succinct in expression, pleasingly appended to each. Profitable for amuse- ment and doctrine in nursery and study. Cloth, $1.50

The Open Court Publishing: Company

Chicago, Illinois

JIKOKUTEN, GUARDIAN OF THE EAST. From a terra cotta in the Todaji temple at Nara (8th century).

Frontispiece to The Open Court.

The Open Court

A MONTHLY MAGAZINE

Devoted to the Science of Religion, the Religion of Science, and the Extension of the Religious Parliament Idea.

VOL. XXIX. (No. 9) SEPTEMBER, 1915 NO. 712

Copyright by The Open Court Publishing Company, 191 5

FUDO-MYOWO.

BY DAISETZ TEITARO SUZUKI.

FROM the earliest days of Buddhism in Japan, one of the most popular gods is found to be Fudo, whose Sanskrit name is Achala, the Immovable. His name and his general features and attitude suggest the fierceness of his original character. One might think that such a terrible-looking god could represent only evil, destroying every vestige of goodness in the world. But in fact he is worshiped as one who will grant his devotees all the worldly advantages that they may ask of him. Hence his extreme popu- larity.

According to the Shingon sect, he is the central figure of the five Vidyarajas (lords of magic^) or Krodharajas (gods of wrath), and is considered a manifestation of Vairochana Buddha himself (Dainichi-). His original vow, that is, his samaya, (every super- natural being is supposed to have made some kind of vow in the beginning of his existence,) was to remove all possible obstacles which lie in the way of Buddhism.

' Ordinarily, five or eight Vidyarajas are mentioned, though there are some more belonging to this class of gods. The five most commonly grouped are Yamantaka (Dai-itok), Trailokyavijaya (Gosanze), Achala (Fud5), Vajra- yaksha (Kongo-yasha), and Kundali (Gundari). They all seem to represent Shiva in his destructive form. Theoretically speaking, every Buddha or Bodhisattva has his Krodhakaya, his angry expression, as well as his female counterpart ; but the number of the known gods of wrath is less than that of the Buddhas.

^ Dainichi, the great illuminator of the universe, is, according to the Shin- gon, the central figure of the world-system. It is through him that all exist- ence is made possible, and that life can be enjoyed in its purity though filled with various defilements. That Fud5 came to play such an important role in the pantheon of Buddhism is probably due to the fact of his being an incar- nation of this all-powerful godhead, Vairochana. But some sutras consider him a manifestation of another Buddha.

514

THE OPEN COURT.

AN IMAGE OF DAINICHI (VAIROCHANA).

The Buddha is here attended by Fud5 (Achala) and Kwannon (Avalokitesh-

vara). From the Shimpuku-ji, Kyoto.

FUDO-MYOWO. 515

In one of the kalpas^ concerning the worship of this god, we are told how to represent him in a picture: "Paint Achala the Mes- senger* on good silk,'^ put on him a red garment worn across the body, and his skirt too should be red. One braid of his hair hangs down over his left ear. He looks somewhat squintingly with his left eye. A rope is in his left hand, and a sword is held upright in his right. The top of the sword resembles a lotus-flower, and on its handle there is a jeweled decoration.^ He sits on a rock made of precious stones. His eyebrows are lifted, and his eyes expressing anger are such as to frighten all sentient beings. The color of his body is red and yellow. When you have thus painted the god, take the picture to the bank of a river or to the seashore,^ where he should be enshrined according to the established formula."^

^ Rules of ritual, forming a special class in the body of Buddhist literature. They are known in Japan as Himitsu-Giki, mystic rules of worship.

* His title is sometimes "messenger," sometimes "lord of magic," but some- times simply "the honorable." In these may be traced various stages of the historical development of the god.

° This is not always required. To make the prayer especially efficacious for the suppression of evil doers, the devotee may paint the god with his own blood on cloth taken from a grave. It is sometimes recommended to paint him on any good cloth.

° In none of his pictures so far I have come across is this observed.

^ Hence his association with waterfalls and springs.

^ This is taken from the book containing the "Mystic Rites of the Dharani of Achala the Messenger." A little further down, however, we have a some- what different description of the god. He is now to be reddish-yellow, wear- ing a blue garment across the body, but still with a red skirt. His left-side braid is the color of a black cloud. The features are boyish. A vajra (thun- derbolt) is in his right hand and a rope in his left. From both ends of his mouth his tusks are slightly visible. His angry eyes are red. Enveloped in flames he sits on a hill of stone.

In the Trisamaya-achala-kalpa (there are two versions of this book, one in three volumes and the other in one), the god is supposed to wear a skirt of the color of red earth and sits on a lotus-flower. In another place he holds a vajra, not a sword, in his right hand and a sacred staff in his left. The eyes are somewhat reddish, and his whole person is enveloped in flames.

These representations, though differing more or less in detail, are essen- tially alike. Quite another form of the god is described in the "Book of Rites concerning the Ten Gods of Wrath" as follows : "He has a squinting eye boyish features, six arms and three faces each of which has three eyes, and he wears boyish personal ornaments. The front face is smiling ; the right is yellowish, with the tongue sticking out, the color of which is bloody; the left face is white, has an angry expression, uttering the sound "hum." The color of the body is blue; the feet rest on a lotus-flower and on the hill of precious stones. He stands with a dancer's attitude, and has power to keep away all evil ones. The entire person wrapped in flames has a circle of rays about it like the sun. The first right hand has a sword, the second a vajra, the third an arrow. Of the left hands the first holds a rope with the thumb standing, the second the Prajiiaparamita Sutra, and the third a bow. The god wears a Buddha crown which is the symbol of Akshobhya Buddha.

There are some other forms of the god, more or less unlike the foregoing ones, but I will not go into details here. Suffice it to state in a general way that he assumes different features according to the different purposes for

516 THE OPEN COURT.

This is the way Fudo is generally painted, and in most modern pictures or images of him we see flames enveloping his whole body, which is blue ;" and the seat on which he sits or stands is not always decorated with gems ; it may be merely a huge block of stone, or a sort of tiled pedestal. His forehead has in most cases some wrinkles in the form of waves, which is in accord with the description in the "Vairochana Sutra."

The meaning of all these various symbols is explained as fol- lows in the introductory part of the Trisatnaya-achala-kalpa (the three-volume version) : "There is a deep significance in his being one-eyed," for this is the symbol of the utmost ugliness, and com- pels Achala to think of his own shortcomings and defects which stand in such contrast to the noble, perfect and superior features of the Buddha. Furthermore, this ugliness tends to frighten away evil beings. The seven knots on the top of his head signify the seven branches of bodhi, wisdom. One braid of hair hanging down his left shoulder typifies his merciful heart, which is sensitive to the sufferings of all lowly and much-neglected beings. . . .The sword in his right hand is meant to wage war against evils in the same way as a worldly warrior fights against his enemy. The rope in his left is to bind those devils whose unruly spirits have to be kept under control by the Buddha's restraining hands. The rock on which he sits is the symbol of his character, that is, immovability. Like the mountain pacifying the tumultuous waves of the great ocean, the rock represents the eternal calmness of the mind. It also represents spiritual treasure as the mine conceals in its bosom precious metals and stones. The fire enveloping the deity signifies the burning up of all the impurities that are attached to the human heart."

Another interpretation of Fudo appears in I-Hsing's "Com- mentary on the Vairochana Sutra" (Vol. V, pp. 46f.) : "This god has in a long past attained his Buddhahood upon the lotus ped- estal of Vairochana ; but owing to his original vow he now mani- fests himself in his early imperfect form, which he had at the time of the first awakening of* his great heart. Becoming the

which his help is invoked. For instance, when he is requested to suppress the enemy, his body is to be painted yellow, with four faces and four arms. Sharp tusks are protruding from the mouth. His expression of anger is most intense, and encircled in burning flames his attitude is such as to make one think that he is going at once to devour an entire army of the enemy.

*This tallies with the "Rites of the Ten Gods" as well as with Vajrapani's description of the god in his "Sutra on the Baptism of Light."

"In the foregoing descriptions, squinting; but in some images both eyes look in the same direction.

FUDO-MYOWO. 517

Tathagata's servant and messenger, he is engaged in various menial works. He holds a sharp sword and a rope in his hands in obedience to the Tathagata's wrathful commands to destroy all sentient be- ings.^ ^ The rope represents the four practical methods of preaching, woven out of the heart of knowledge [bodhichitta]. The rope will ensnare unruly ones and keep them in check. The sharp sword of wisdom is to cut off the interminable life of karma possessed

FUDO IMAGE AT KOYASAN. Koyasan is the sacred place of the Shingon sect.

by unruly spirits, in order to let them obtain a great transcendental existence. When karma's seed of life is removed, all idle windy talk will come to a final end. Therefore the god tightly closes his mouth. The reason why he sees with one eye only, is to show that when the Tathagata looks about with his eye of sameness^-

" Meaning "every evil tendency to be found in us."

" In another place this is understood as meaning the uniqueness of the Buddha's spiritual eye-sight which is one, and not two nor three.

518 THE OPEN COURT.

there is not a sentient being who is to be forgiven. Therefore, in whatever work this god is concerned, his whole object is to accom- plish this. His firm position on the pile of huge stones signifies the immovable spirit with which he works for the confirmation of the pure heart of knowledge."

Fudo in fact is the incarnation of obedience, faithfulness, and loyalty. He becomes the messenger of Vairochana, for he wishes to perform for him the servile duties of transmitting the august orders and messages of his lordship. As he is commanded, he goes among the poor as well as the noble ; he makes no discrimination, and his only anxiety is to execute all the offices, whether good or bad, entrusted to him by Vairochana. He therefore symbolizes all the good virtues of a slave. The knots of hair hanging on the left side of his head denote the number of generations of the master whom he has served. The lotus-flower on his head^' is the vehicle on which he will convey his master to the other shore of life eternal, that is, to the Pure Land. In his menial capacity he will most faith- fully serve his worshipers who are at the same time his masters. I am told that the reason his left eye looks in a difi^erent direction from the right, is because this is a noticeable peculiarity among the servile class.

In the Trisamaya-achala-kalpa (one- volume version), we are adviced to "make an ofii'ering to this holy one with a part of our own food and drink. As his original vow is to give himself up to lovingkindness, he is willing to serve all those who hold and recite his mantrams \^* his desire is to enslave himself, as we may see from his one-eyed form. He accepts our left-off food and if we thus remember him at each meal will be sure to protect us against the evil demons including Vinayaka (Ganesha) and will remove for us whatever obstacles or difficulties we may be encountering."

The following story is told of Fudo in I-Hsing's "Commentary on the Vairochana Sutra" (Vol. IX; Chap. 3, "On the Removal of Obstacles") : When the Tathagata received enlightenment all the sentient beings in the universe came to greet him, except the great lord of the heavens, Maheshvara. who was too proud to come and salute the Buddha. Thereupon, Achala was despatched to summon him to earth. But the lord of the heavens surrounded himself, though quite unbecoming to his dignity, with all sorts of filthy things so that nobody would dare approach him ; for, how-

" This lotus-flower is not mentioned anywhere in the kalpas in connection with the worship of this god. " Mystical verse.

FUDO-MYOWO.

519

ever proficient one may be in magic arts, filth is supposed to be the most efficient means of disenchantment. Achala was not to be

SYMBOLICAL REPRESENTATION OF FUDO. From a figure in the Musee Guimet.

disheartened. All the filth was immediately devoured and dis- posed of. Seven times the lord refused to listen to the protest of

520 .THE OPEN COURT.

Achala, saying that he was the supreme master of the heavens and had no cause to yield to any one's request. But the divine mes- senger proved to be more than a match for the haughty lord ; for he firmly set his left foot upon the half-moon on the forehead of the lord himself, w^hile his right foot was placed on that of the noble consort. Both expired under the pressure, but in the mean- time they realized the significance of the holy doctrine as disclosed by the Buddha, and were promised their future attainment of Buddhahood. This explains the meaning of certain pictures of Fudo in which he is depicted as stamping on two figures, male and female.

Fudo is commonly found attended by two figures and less fre- quently by eight ; but his attendants are said sometimes to be as many as thirty-six or forty-eight. When there are two attendants, the one standing on his left, a young boy, is called Kinkara, and the other to the right who looks like a malicious demon is Chetaka. According to the "Mystic Rites concerning the Eight Boy-Atten- dants to the Holy Lord of the Immovable," Kinkara is a boy of about fifteen years and wears a lotus crown. His body is white. His hands are folded together and between the forefingers and the thumbs he holds a vajra}'^' crosswise. He wears a celestial garment as well as a Buddhist robe. The other boy, Chetaka, is of a red lotus color, and his hair is tied in five knots. In his left hand there is a vajra and in his right a vajra staft". As he cherishes anger and evil thoughts, he does not wear a Buddhist robe but a celestial garment only which hangs about his neck and shoulders. But in most of the popular pictures Kinkara holds a lotus-flower. He embodies wisdom whereas Chetaka means bliss.

Fudo sometimes is represented in the form of a sword around which is entwined a dragon or serpent holding the triangular point of the sword in its mouth. This is known as Kurikara Fudo and is supposed to be the symbolical representation of the god. But there is apparently a confusion here, for Kurikara, who is a king of the Nagas or dragons and who seems to be identical with the Sanskrit Kalika, is one of the eight attendants and is probably to be identified with Anavadapta.

There are many variations of Fudo partly because various legends are connected with his life, and partly because the artist or worshiper is free to have a figure of the god as he has con- ceived him in vision or otherwise. Still another cause of variation, and a strong one, is his extreme popularity.

" This thunderbolt becomes the magic wand of Tibetan Buddhism.

FUDO-MYOWO.

521

TRADITIONAL TYPES OF FUDO.

522 THE OPEN COURT.

This god is associated with the waterfall, and his image is generally carved in a rock near one. The devotee bathes himself in the flowing water as a token of purification, while devoutly offer- ing his prayers to the flame-enveloped deity. In Tokyo there are many Buddhist temples dedicated to Fudo, and one of the most famous is that at Fukagawa on the south side of the river Sumida. In the midst of the cold season, many earnest followers of the god, men and women, can be seen bathing in the waterfalls which have been artificially constructed there for the purpose. Prayers thus offered during the cold season are considered to be especially efficacious. In former days, all these bathers were naked, but the authorities do not permit this now.

Almost all the temples in Japan issue what is known as an ofuda, "an honorable tablet" or slip, or omamori, "an honorable guard," of various kinds. This is generally a piece of paper (or sometimes a wooden board), oblong and varying in size, ordinarily from about 1x3 to about 7x15 inches, on which is printed the image of a Buddha, a Bodhisattva or one of the gods, but frequently merely a Sanskrit character or phrase, or some words of prayer which have been ofl^ered on behalf of the devotee. This omamori is supposed to have the power to ward off evil spirits if a man carries it about him or pastes it up on the entrance door of his residence or on the wall. Some omamoris or of udas will even keep burglars away from one's house ; some will protect the silkworm from an epidemic, while others may insure the safe delivery of a child. These are only a few of the things promised by the Bud- dhist gods or rather by the priest. Some sample Of udas are re- produced here, they have come from the Fudo temples.

The general masses of people nowadays do not understand the full significance of Fudo worship. They go to his temple merely because he is a Buddhist god and as such is naively supposed to grant them anything they may be in need of. For instance, they may pray to him for success in races and games, or good fortune in their commercial enterprises (especially when much risk is in- volved, or to be free from accidents in travel. But, judging from the general tendency of his character, he seems to be especially efficient in removing all kinds of obstacles which lie in the way of one's undertaking, religious or otherwise. His qualification is more negative than positive. This is natural, for the very fact that a supreme, perfect being had to incarnate himself in this fierce, abnormal, disquieting form proves the extraordinary charac- ter of the god. His other title is "the great destroyer of hindrances."

A FUDO OMAMORI.

The original was issued by a Fudo temple in Tokyo. The stamp on the top of

the picture shows that it has been properly consecrated by the priest.

524

THE OPEN COURT.

When the worshiper has thoroughly succeeded in identifying him- self with the god, we are told, his fire will consume all the worlds and make them one mass of flame shining like seven suns ; his mouth will devour like that of the great horse the multiplicity of things ; and not the least chance will be left for any evil spirit to work mischief. Thus, he is to be invoked particularly when there are difficulties or obstructions to overcome ; for instance, when an epidemic is to be checked, or a drought to be broken, or a personal enemy to be destroyed, or an opposing army to be annihilated, or

#p

<*

AN OMAMORI ISSUED BY THE SHINSHO-JI, NARITA. The original is a small piece of wood. The character reads ham, one of the symbolical letters for Fudo. The separate Chinese characters were on the paper cover and signify omamori.

a building to be insured against fire, storm, earthquake, etc. For the latter case, however, there is a specific ritual to be performed in which Fudo appears in a somewhat different form from the popular one.

In conclusion I will give here three mantrams used in the in- vocation of Fudo, the Immovable: the short, medium, and un- abridged. The short one is : "Namah samantavajrandm" ; the me- dium one: "Namah samantavajrdiidm chanda-mahdroshana-svdtaya

A

^

f

4

^

^

4 ^ M

J5

Xj

OFUDA FROM THE KYOSHIN- IN, A FUDO TEMPLE IN TOKYO.

INSCRIPTION ON COVER. (Reduced.)

526 THE OPEN COURT.

hum trat ham mam" ; and the longest one : "Namah sarva-tathd- gatebhyo vishvamuphehhyah sarvatd trat chanda-mahdroshana kam khadi khadi sarvavighnani hum trat ham mam." They have no special meaning.

The one we reproduce is the "medium" fonn written in the siddham style (Japanese, sittan). The Japanese way of reading it is : Nomakii samanda hazara dan senda makaroshada sabataya un tarata kan mam. The cover reads, "The daily-burning-ceremony tablet, Kyoshin-in, Migawari-san." Fudo is sometimes represented by the characters hdm-mdm or ham alone. His oftida is often found to be nothing but this character written in the style known as sid- dham.

CARLYLE AND THE WAR.

BY MARSHALL KELLY.

PROEM.

IT is loudly asseverated that the British Empire is of one mind in regard to this war against Germany; and by the arithmetical count of heads, it probably is so to an overwhelming extent, as it has long been in other matters. But one wonders how many, or how few, there may be who reflect, with a depth of stable con- viction altogether diverse from the popular unanimities, that the British are in this war, as in so very much else, acting in an express defiance of the teaching of the validest Sage and Hero-soul that has lately lived among them. Yea, in a witting defiance of the clearest revelation of indubitable facts, made by the Best of them- selves in their midst, vitally connected with this very matter ; which it preeminently behoved the British to have learned and laid to heart, as basis and guide for their whole relation to Germany. Few indeed, I fear, are those who know thus, if compared to the millions neglectful ; yet possibly more numerous than those denying millions dream of, and certainly, were it unit against the rest of the race, of more weight in the final count. These in their musings on the war, its Causes and its Issues, will have their rock-based Cer- tainties ; also their profound Dubieties ; their confidence in Eternal's justice, and joy in iniquity's overthrow ; their submission to His decree, however terrible the desolation, however complete and hideous-seeming the triumph of 111. Silent for the most part, and waiting the Event unforeseeable. For the nation does not ask their counsel; spurns it if ofifered; and follows, as most chosen of the Lord, the Demagogues which at each moment best mouth its own impious will. Moreover, so long as anything like a flaming success shall crown its effort, no contrary word will be listened to. Should adversity befall, it might prove otherwise ; and in either, or in any,

528 THE OPEN COURT.

case we have and shall have our thoughts and our duties both dur- ing and after : Thoughts and duties which might perhaps gain a little in clearness if earnestly imparted, deliberated of.

To start with a small Certainty, surely sharable by many com- plexions : This attempt, of the Newspapers and Parliamentary Leaders, which has been and is all too successful, to work the whole nation up into a state of foam-lipped furor against the Germans, can- not conduce to wisdom in the council or valor in the field. This is not just indignation, and no profit can lie in it for Man. Neither strength to us, nor danger to the German, — save as the human may be sore bested by numberless pack.

Brutal barbarian and modern Hun, ruthless in savage atrocity ; Military Autocracy, domineering of temper, bent on self-aggrandise- ment, destructive of freedom and seeking the tyrannous ; most to be dreaded embodiment of Satanic power, whose threatened en- croachments all the nations of earth should gather together to stem, fairest of the justice-loving unite with darkest minister to cut down and destroy : — Surely there are men in number, true British indeed, who have an assurance, not to be shaken by any amount of rabid clamor, that such current imagination of the German bears no manner of resemblance to German of fact ; men who could fight to some purpose in a cause that was just, unmoved by campaigns of persuasion far removed from all spirit of justice; who, demanded to draw in this quarrel, thrust the blade further home in its sheath with some uttered or mute Videat Altissimus, shamed of their country's deed, appealing to their captain's Captain. Yea, mind- ful of and worthily obeying their earthly captain also, he, the great- est, noblest, justest of all modern men, Carlyle: Who bore witness of mightily different tenor to the German, his history, military and other organization, and whose witness they know to have been true. Wide and stable testimony by constant brother man, lucent with true heaven's inspiration ; somewhat more sufficing than the Devil's Head in phosphorus — drawn, alas, upon no dungeon's walls, but gleaming hideous in souls mendacious walking freely in the daylight, profane in insolent denial of the Seer whom the Almighty sent to them. To us at least, not to them unless penitent ; and may we be worthy to say to us.

CONCERT OF EUROPE.

It is very lamentable and terribly significant how widespread and genuine a persuasion has got abroad, even among the good people, that this Concert of the Powers was a sort of a sacred thing.

CARLYLE AND THE WAR. 529

Colors of the vulpine do often succeed in deceiving as they wittingly propose; and a righteous indignation at the vulpine, when their true motives are disclosed, may be justified. But the concurrent belauding as holy a base policy whereof the motives have been correctly announced augurs a pravity which, if it come to know truth, can have no title to be indignant, must rather confess its own guilt. Yet even here, however stern a man's recognition of the sin, he knows the too commonly irresistible influence of a general concensus in perverting those of a bias truly virtuous. Some six- teen years, or so, ago, one time when reports of Turkish atrocities in Armenia were causing such emotion in England that many were crying for armed intervention, I remember being urged to read a speech of Lord Roseberry's. A judicious wet cloth, of course, but equally of course, since by British Liberal Statesman of this epoch, not a speech astutely contrived to simply dissuade from enterprise inconvenient for Ministry occupied in concerns privately more profitable for its members ; on the contrary, the sincere utterance of a man self-sympathizing with the emotion, wishful for the Turks' correction, yet arguing: Husht! Dread sequel if we stir alone ; in the Concert solely is there safety and salvation. And, with such unction did he perorate, the Public, in awakened sense, holily restrained its rage for its salvation's sake, — and possibly the Turk's, not quite the Armenian's. I refused at the moment to look at the thing, pained with emotions of another kind ; so far as the urger knew, never looked at it ; yet did, as you see, after- wards read, in resolute suppression, and for more exact knowl- edge of its guessed tenor, "You should read that, my son ; that is a speech everybody ought to read." About the same time the same woman said to me, upon laying down a book entitled Fire and Szuord in the Soudan, "I suppose he could not help himself, but I cannot feel any respect or sympathy for that man," the author, one Slaten, to wit. Very gently said, but she couldn't ; yet thought the Roseberry address delivered in right spirit for the pulpit. How many have met the like! How many have thought the like! Too many that have innocently drunk in a belief this Concert was a sacred thing.

Yet the case of that Turkish instance was, if possible, even grosser than the subsequent Balkan ones. A dark, brutal, wretch, whatever ill he do, let no man hinder, lest his coveted den breed contention. The devil to be kept afoot in some measure ; prudently maintained in possession of Eden, because the godly might fall out with one another were so lovely a spot left free to their entry.

530 THE OPEN COURT.

If a murderous thief have money in his pocket, or in the bank, let every constable be wary ; never dare to run him in, unless secure the Judges are agreed on how to share the spoil. In Decorum's name, what is a little outrage in the streets compared to quarrel on the Bench? The results of that are too frightful to contemplate. Hasty zeal would defeat its own end, destroy the very means of bringing offender to judgment ; for without a judicious unanimity no lawful verdict were obtainable. Lawful verdicts are frequently unobtainable, sometimes too obtainable ; and justice never reached so, yet capable of being done and left for verdict. Methinks, if man might seriously question, Have I real errand to correct this particular and so distant abuse? the question. Shall I wait on Concert with the covetous to do it? would be out of his debate. And yet I honor policy, and know the multiple involute of practical fact. There, however, it is clear, had the dubitating (and dubious) Knight Errant stood wholly out, the covetous neighbors, with or without some brush of comparatively trifling battle, would long since have contrived to share in some tolerable manner ; the Balkans in whole have settled themselves the better without the meddling of such a disinterested umpire.

Truly, Prince von Kaunitz Reitberg's text, that Great Courts should understand one another, then the Small would be less troublesome, has found fat mother to breed in, and grown enor- mously since his day ; ever the more pronounced virtuously assured of morality, up to the very moment of catastrophe from the start inevitable for it. For it? Perhaps not. The text may be meet enough for unscrupulous voracious fellow ; have a real truthfulness to nature there, be well allowed by heaven, and run on to happy ful- fillment so far. Voracity may be perfectly veracious ; and I never blame a shark for swallowing small fry with his utmost gusto. The sight of half a dozen sharks gracefully maneuvering in Concert, for the more dexterous satisfaction of several appetites, may also have its own seemliness, the gastric desires of highest mortal con- fess a certain sympathy. But for creatures that have once guessed themselves made in their Maker's image, to whom a sense of the infinite of right and wrong has announced that the gaining of the whole world could not profit if achieved in treason to that image ; — for them to take such text as maxim for International Policy ! Why I do not know that they ever did it ; only the sharks having heard tell of them, then find it expedient to deliberately cloak greed in show of holiness, and imagine they can work injustice the more

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securely by professing care of equity ; whilst a huge medley of others add their votes, variously persuaded that this is the solution: For whom catastrophe is inevitable; because they build on no truth, neither on appetite or intelligence, but on a lying compound, beast man and god alike disown, which nothing in nature will support.

May not a Small nation have just or unjust cause of quarrel, reasonable or unreasonable claim or pretension, as much as a Great ? And what valid title can the Great ever have to step in and say : We will decide your disputes and your claims and in all things you shall do as we bid? O damned canaille, jealous of classes superior, yelping distracted at each hint or suspicion of one law for Rich and another for Poor, sworn all as one man that that shall be the rule in law International! Your skins are precious to you and your corpora stink. In the ideal possibilities, where the Great loved the truth and sought to do justice alone, court of their convening might be a godly tribunal, very blessed to see upon earth; and, whatever security their power gave to its meetings, lent to enforce its judgments, most sure it is that the consideration Great or Little? would weigh pure zero in determining right to a seat on the bench. Is this the thing we have seen ? No ; nor so much as endeavored toward. But, in clear sight of utterly diverse fact, the beneficence that would attach to this has been pretended for that diverse, — which, also, as shall shortly be referred to, could have had an honest place. Conclave of the Powerful assembled to find how their own mutual jealousies set on edge by debates 'mong the less, — glowering one at another, Take that side, if you dare; by God I'll take this if you do — may reach compromise without wager of battle, the Small be compesced into accepting the awards so arrived at ; and is one of the most unblessed things very certainly seen upon earth. Yes, this is the thing we have seen these last thirty years and longer, growing ever the more confident to its inevitable result. Parties there have been in England and elsewhere, very vehement for the justice, or what they thought it, yet even these have all subscribed to the prime need of Concert ; admitted it were better that wrong should be done than peace 'tween the Mighty put in danger of rup- ture. Here, at any rate, no shadow of a plea can be found that these things were done by closeted few, the nations not witting. What the articles agreed upon each time were, what dexterous manage- ment was exercised to reach them, may be an esoteric mystery ; but what spirit wrought has been broadly visible and universally sanc- tioned. In England most eminently. Speeches upon speeches in Parliament and out, without respect of party ; all the newspapers in

532 THE OPEN COURT.

leading articles ; and table talk in each private household ; — the argu- ment has been everywhere the same. I know no instance of National Policy so overwhelmingly endorsed, in full sight of its true essence ; up to that last speech at the outbreak, when Sir Edward Grey, — he would not have had the Peace of Europe jeopardized for Servia. Aye, Sir Edward has been very consistent in this, and outspoken ; long since and constantly made it evident as could be 'twas funda- mentally accepted in his Policy the weak must go to the wall rather than important persons suffer ; merely Quixotic to hope otherwise. Of course ! And God forbid he'd mammer scrupulous on such a point. Then, if the case of Belgium touch you nearer, step forth pure champion of the Small, in righteous zeal. The soul of man is sick at the sodden hypocrisy ; could find the deeds smell sweeter if done in conscious perfidy of the cunning. And the newspapers hope that, when the war is over, the Concert rnay be reestablished in such firmness any little nation attempting to draw free breath shall instantly be throttled impotent : They must never be allowed to provoke such disasters again. It does not strike you that they have just as good a right to bustle in the world as any of the Big? That, if the Big fall a-quarrelling in sequel, the crime is their own wholly ; the true peril in their disposition so to do, and unremovable while that remains?

None worth the name of man but must know beyond all question that the sole thing which can give a nation right to set up for Judge in another's quarrel is the resolution to do justice in it. Court convened to arbitrate on matters in dispute and primarily de- voted to the maintenance of peace among the Arbiters ! Could there be a thing more impious than this? What amazed execration would greet it, if proposed for settlement of the least sixpenny matter between private litigants ! Yet seen International applauded with unction by every man, woman and youth ; anathema only for any not zealous for such first aim, the very need for which invali- dates for umpire's seat and of necessity turns the Court into one for iniquity's sanction.

Such has too terribly been the fact, and damnable. Yet we said that a fact very diverse from the professed Beneficent Arbitra- tion could have honestly been. It is obvious that parties extraneous to an original dispute may have interests of every degree of gravity affected by that dispute ; may confer together for peaceable solution of those interests ; if unable to reach it, may each choose mediators ; and, if still at a deadlock, an umpire. Likewise that parties ex-

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traneous to the original dispute and to the cross interests of the secondaries directly affected may have interests of every degree of gravity affected by division among the secondaries, and so ad in- finitum, till there be in reality no party without interest ; and con- ference for peaceable solution the more desirable than ever: In which reckoning, it may be worth remarking that the jumping of a flea is, in logical sequence, at all times competent to set the whole world by the ears ; and wisdom, accordingly, somewhat chary how it claims interest- affected. Clearly enough, the sole valid basis for those conferences among the Great Powers upon Balkan affairs was adjustment of their own dift'erences arising through interests affected. Every man knows that nothing else ever called them into existence; that they were always in reality convened to, if possible, prevent quarrel among the Great, not for unbiassed decision in equity by them of disputes among the Small ; that the pretence of a God's vice-regency by Major in Concert over Minor inclined to division was a pretence palpable, which fear alone ever led any to accredit holy. If those Conferences had been informed wholly by a spirit of greedy cunning, each party diligent for private end, they might have had their dog's day ; and noble statesman kept rigorously out. For that is the law : you are not bound to have a finger in every pie; and, if you cannot interfere for good, shall not interfere at all, but leave the coil to its strugglings and such issue as the high o'er-ruling Providence may have for it.

If honest (and thereby alone truly valid), the Conference must have Justice for its first aim every whit as much as Court of arbitra- tion ; and steady refusal to force that on the less which nothing save the jealousies of the Great demands. Noble Briton, entering such Conference, might indeed have prayed heaven to grant him a tactful sagacity, fine delicacy of manipulation and a solid understanding of the doable, much more and primarily to grant him insight into the veritable right and wrong of the matters, well knowing that nothing built on miss of this could have a chance to stand, that completest Concert attained in defiance of this would infallibly prove exceedingly disconcerting. He would have utterly abhorred the accursed doctrine of the Great's right to interfere because Great, and rejected all plans based on such a supposition. Would have known, too, that, if the strong hand can sometimes parcel States, it is forever impotent to create one : That can never be done at external dictation ; what nation is to be a nation must spring by nature's generation, spontaneous in a self-vitality, self-fending, self-coherent, being and expanding by its own innate powers. Ah

534 THE OPEN COURT.

me! This manufacturing of States, autonomous Albanias, what not, Belgium itself for that matter, with their frontiers marked, constitutions supplied, and kings (God save the mark!) all ready chosen for them, according to model pleasing to the grandiose dis- posers : — it awakens thoughts we must not go into ; and, any time, I would rather leave the blindest rages free to their havoc than be one in framing such a mock settlement, fraught with far deadlier havoc.

Yea, noble Briton, unable to do or to obtain justice for the Small, had sooner left them to try their own strengths than been a party to unjust compulsions. If he could not defend them from wrongful aggressions, restrictions, had sorrowfully stood aside, sooner than lent these his sanction. And if he could not have found acceptance as mediator between the Big concerning their interests affected, had similarly left them to fight it out, rather than won the crown as Peacemaker by Concert in sacrifice of the Lesser's rights. In all ways, he had stood for Justice, wrought for it, and, in such resolution, had seen the justice in some measure, as without it never; whether active or passive, had found a manful course. But, with Peace the first aim, all was naturally very different, and honorable action never possible. Man authentically actuated by that aim only is in practical deed a powerless entity. Peace! Peace! For God's sake. Peace ! Lest / get involved, might seem con- temptible too ; — but not to most, when cried by a man very able to fight and adding — at any cost to those little nuisances. Had Sir Edward Grey wished peace for peace's sake he had been a nullity and thing helpless to further the least agreement; had he cared particularly for justice he might have found himself an alien spirit, still more futile to preserve peace this day ; but, being heartily desirous to prevent war for reasons highly intelligible to the rest, he often did patch up matters by expedients of the moment, each time worsening the fact and rendering ultimate rupture the more certain. My fleets and armies are in readiness and I can be trucu- lent enow, but, Gentlemen, War for such a casus\ Come, hit on some reasonable apportionment of shares, or all forego. And then to some the casus was not so distant, insignificant, as to him. And when did a heaven-blessed Amity result from the like of this?

Concert of Europe, how these latter decades has this been im- pressed on us! The just of every nation eyeing in silence, with reflections too awful for utterance. Platform and pulpit, every shade of opinion, zealous in sacred insistence, breath bated in fear:

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O ye nations called Small ! God damn you, be quiet, lest the Peace of the Great be disturbed. Was there ever a doubt that the Lord of Eternity, so besought to preserve them from quarrel, v^ould answer the Great by letting loose all their furies to ravin the worse for every stave till the morrow?

OSTENSIBLE CAUSES.

It is naturally the custom of a nation's Leaders, when they announce war on its behalf, to make some sort of public statement of the Causes which have determined them to take so grave a step ; and the rarer case that the true causes are so much as touched upon in such Ostensible account of them. Very often the reasons given are so totally inadequate (to say naught else) you might marvel how any one could put them forth as explanation to be credited; why the Peoples so addressed do not instantly reply: We will not hazard life or limb for these hiccups. Yet it is not the People's custom to answer so: They usually accept the reasons given as afifording convincing grounds for deeds and sacrifices so glaringly disproportioned it looks an inconceivable credulity; by many of the more philosophic, regarded perennially as a sort of bedlam pos- session. And no doubt it considerably is so ; yet far from wholly. Blind stampede and wild unreason of mob, with brute love of war, fascination and glamor of exploit, ever is in it ; yet also greatly more. Even the enthusiastic chorus, reiterating the helpless reasons offered as beyond gainsaying, springs not altogether from simple- ness, nor readiness to seize excuse, but from an instinct of a vast unspoken behind, at least belief there must be this. Yea, without conviction, persuasion, or imagination of a true infinite at stake, which in the name of manhood commands no cost be weighed, the nations never fall a-battling. Idea of a supreme Duty, whether radiant in clear intelligence, turbid, confused, or diabolically oppo- site, is always there ; and even the cunning who seek to provoke wars for their own ends, cannot do so unless this be in some way excited : Its presence is a necessity ; but, if not intelligent, it can be traded on. The very day before war was declared between Great Britain and Germany, newspapers were declaiming it an unthink- able absurdity, monstrous to suggest ; and next day were for it in whole heart and so much of soul as they may be supposed to possess. Nor is that phenomenon purely one of the weathercock, the essence of whose utility is well known to be instant amenability to wind however changeful ; a better ingredient in the recognition that division, the least word of debate, is perilous in such circum-

536 THE OPEN COURT.

stances, and a loyal trust in the Leaders requisite for nations' being. Would that men knew it equally in peace, for it is equally true then; and reflect on the really awful responsibility they owe for their choice of Leaders. Exceedingly foolish, superficial is the notion too, that wars are ever caused by trifles ; the wiser know that the causes are always fully adequate, perfectly proportioned in fact, could mortal trace them. No mortal can trace them, and the procla- mation of Ostensible is never blameworthy because that zvay "in- adequate" !

Granting that the Ostensible rarely touch upon the Real, they remain noteworthy, were it only as indications of the degree of intelligence. They may be subterfuges wittingly concocted by wile, or stolidities of inarticulate honesty that cannot speak its meaning. Neither is it to be forgotten that the highest true could as little really name his cause. Cause fully declarable were by the hypoth- esis, shallow and trivial. For, never is it the thing predicated, but the enormous sequels which hang by it ; and comprehension of these intuitive tacit in faith. Nevertheless the Leaders ought to know to some extent, and who has the intuitive perception does ; never will the reasons rendered by these be contrary to the fact, however limited in account of it. Well, the British Ostensible Causes are set forth in a certain White Paper familiar to all men, and to which the leaders refer as authorized statement of their "Case." While Sir E. T. Cook has volunteered an elucidated abbreviation fear- lessly entitled Why Britain is at War. No man's breath appears to have been taken away ; but, for my part, my audacity would not reach to this. How we picked quarrel ; or how we closed with the offer of it; or how we were forced into it; these are Madams (if you know your Kingsley) you may hope to scrape some acquaintance with in those pages of My Lords Ambassadors' despatches ; but, as to bosoming with My Lady Why, 'tis to be doubted she is not quite so free a wench. Happily there is no question that the paper, so far as it does go, is authentic ; and as we say, interesting chiefly as showing degree of veracity. For absence of wile will not make a thing honest ; deliberate wile can be truer than a systemic men- daciousness, which, never expressly uttering falsehood, yet speaks and acts habitually from assumptions that are baseless. It is not true, for instance, that you sought peace with your neighbor, if deter- mined on war unless he behaved himself according to a prescription drawn up as suitable to your needs and conveniences merely ; no in- dustrial zeal, most passionate pleading to persuade to keep within the bounds set, will prevent your being, in that case, most essentially the

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Aggressor. And the knave who made the prescriptions purposely to provoke war might readily stand in closer contact with truth than the wight who expected to preserve order by publicly announcing a law of conduct for those wholly without his jurisdiction. If he have only privately registered the rule, too, and, half conscious of its presumptuous absurdity, shrink from declaring it till the last moment compel, his pleading may easily be the more passionate, so that he sit down in tears to cry Pity ! God witness I did all I could ; but his workings are pitiful, can only prove the more disastrous through "good" intentions less subtle perfide then simply disjoined from fact's realm.

Of the Austro-Servian matter with which this White Paper, so confidently referred to as exhibiting Britain's "Case," commences, we have not much to say ; The Justice of the dispute was confessedly no cause of Britain's action ; and I, personally, could not hold myself competent to speak a word on it: do not know that at all. This, however, I do know ; namely, that, whether the launching of her Ultimatum by Austria was wise or unwise, its wording prudent or imprudent, if the charges made in it were true, then, certainly Austria had valid ground for most drastic action ; and nothing save the complete submission of Servia could have given her security against a continuance of the alleged offences. Alleged oft'ences which if true were wholly intolerable, inexcusable, and very great forbearance^ — godly insufferance or fractious compelled — shown in enduring them so long. And, if one own to something more than scepticism of Austrian political integrity generally, that would only make one the more insist on no hindrance if she had right in a particular instance. Every fair-minded man must have felt that if these charges were true, not necessarily in each detail specified but generically in whole spirit imputed, then Austria had full title to chastise with the armed hand ; and would rather have guarded her from interference than been a party to it. Therefore, whoso- ever in any way challenged her action could only in probity do so if justified in calling the truth of the charges in question. Peculiarly futile was it to run up crying Delay! for God's sake, delay, and moderate your tone, when it was obvious that if the charges were true the time for delay or moderation was long past. If Britain, idle knight-errant with no business of her own to look after, wished to act on that score she should have acted years before. Alas ! we all know she had; and added vexation enough, not so Quixotically neither, for the wound, as expediently for far other subjects.

538 THE OPEN COURT.

Sancho's stomach made one sufficing trial of his master's Balsam, wambled at the mere snuff ever after: Can you wonder then, if Austria at length grew squeamish of Grey Powder for every ill she had a mind to mend?

When Servia. after shuffle and enquiry round, replied to the Ultimatum, our Sir Edward swore he'd never seen a nation make a more prostrate salaam to truculent Bashaw. To which I fear the answer is : It had much of that character, and was a thing of paper ; very fit to rank among Ostensibles : And, showing more suppleness in performing a required kowtow than sincerity in penitence, gave properly no assurance of a better loyalty in future deed. Nothing in that nominal submission offered hope of stable working; and, of course it is one way evident that, once things had reached this pass, nothing short of the almost miraculous could. Since, if the charges were untrue the party who made them was bent on mischief and would take no answer; whilst, if true, the party of whom they were true would have needed to do a considerable conversion before be- coming able to make reply of such radically different tenor as could have seemed to Man a ground to try anew upon. I think these are facts, and in Sir Edward Grey's despatches there is not the slightest recognition of them: Which, whether he believed the first alternative or the second or the more probable compound of both, there assuredly should have been. Intense pleading these is in those despatches. But it is all prompted by absolutely self-interested motives ; fiows not from care of Austria's welfare or of Servia's, but of our own skin's solely ; owes its fervency to the heart text : Mercy on us ! Hold your hand you, bow down t'other, both accept shadow for substance, lest your dift'erences breed a brawl of wider compass wherein ive should not 'scape. It was Sir E. Grey's duty to look after our interests ; and, if he meddled in this foreign matter, the first law for that was to see the facts of it and conform to them ; there could be no hope in resource which flew in the teeth of them. But the dread of cataclysm misled, as fear, even makes men traitors to themselves and all mankind. Moreover, it was no case of a normal integrity erring in one instance, but of a quite habitual attempt to build on the untenable, to safeguard by methods essentially mendacious, howsoever, persuaded of needful expediency or claiming regard of common welfare.

For, for Great Britain, on her own initiative, uninvited, to write any despatch to Austria on her Servian affair was in reality an indefensible proceeding ; and every man knows that Britain herself would be the last to suffer the like from another. Had any nation

CARLYLE AND THE WAR. 539

presumed to offer us advice in any of our numerous disputes with little states or big what sort of answer should we have made? You all know it; A peremptory injunction never to repeat the like in- solence under penalty. It is, indeed, a flatly impossible position this, that self-fending independent states shall be perpetually pre- vented from managing their own disputes without consult of neigh- bors. A thing justly intolerable to the states so checked. (And, on the other side, however prone the big may be to bully, to en- chant the arm of power from its natural exercise is sure to prove a cherishing of license.) When done, as here on the plea of You mustn't, lest we others get to loggerheads, reduced to the extremity of impious absurdity. Doubtless the far-seeing, equitable, sagacious Ruler would recognize the existence of such mad notions in his neighbors' heads, and weigh them ; but he above all others would know the notions to be baseless delusions, vicious in origin, per- nicious in act ; would proceed on his own business none the less, whether in wary evasion or open contempt. The more ordinary, so beshouted to stop, would, if he deigned to look over his shoulder at all, merely rejoin: "you will fight with each other, say you ? That is surely your affair. I wish you good luck, and may God salve your wits, for they need it more than your wounds will."- — Most clearly, to continually prevent the settlement of disputes is to create a danger immeasurably greater than any their fiercest let could have brought about ; and if others get to quarrel in sequel the responsibility there- of rests on their own heads. Austria has to answer to God for the justice of her war upon Servia ; but not therefore for the European War.

According to the White Paper, Germany's Ostensible attitude toward this Austro-Servian matter was that Austria had the right (o manage in it as she herself thought fit, and no other a title to interfere: This was, in fact, the only right attitude, unless you were constituted Judge of the dispute, or had good grounds and duty to challenge the justice of Austria's action ; and if, as one hopes and believes, the Ostensible was so far the Real, there is not a word can be said against it. The one straight forward manful cause there was for third parties not directly concerned. Britain, what- ever her thought or resolution for subsequent developments, pos- sible, probable, or certain, ought thus far to have taken the same ; and had she done so, there would have been a diff'erent tale to tell in the subsequent developments. Simple refusal to be a Busy- body. Nor need such passive role, in case liable to grow com-

540 THE OPEN COURT.

plicated, be a whit the less simply this because he who takes it is, as he should be, alive to the complexities also, ready for action in them, if they do result. Sir E. T. Cook, seeking the sinister, full of a preconceived belief of it, repeats with exclamation mark, her minister's statement that Germany very well knew what she was about in so "Backing up Austria," said "backing" consisting in what the English call a traitorous refusal to unite with them in for- bidding Austria to manage her own concerns. Has it really, then, become a sin to a Briton that a man should know what he is doing? It often almost seems so. The most dangerous crime, at least, and surest mark of nefarious proclivity to say one thing and not mean another; safety and virtue alone in those transparent men- dacities— Which, since all men see through them, cannot surely be hypocrisies? — whereby our Faith and Policy are kept secure from ravin and inspiration alike. For my part, I devoutly hope that Germany did know what she was doing, though the sequel have proved beyond mortal forecast. Let her have courage ; for, if so, the ultimate issue may likewise prove beyond mortal's hope. But Germany was the only one that took this course ; and took it, we will hope, in a courageous simplicity. Quarrel not with the word; or do so to your heart's content. Took it, we will hope, in faithfulness to the fact ; and the more awake to and prepared for the probable consequences the greater credit to her. Boundless clamor there at once was and continues to be that she took it in duplicity ; clamor originating in presupposition to that effect, and up to the present not, that I know of, supported by a shred of evidence. For the notable thing to me in these despatches is that those of the German bear the impress of veracity ; they alone are not condemnable on .y£'//-evidence, but cohere together consistently throughout as the words of men that, in spite of limitations, did essentially mean one thing before God and the same thing before men ; which is not true of those of any of the others. Of these others so far as we may meetly speak :

The Russian ground was different ; had nothing to do with the damned plea of Peace! Lest we quarrel; based itself on claim of weighty interests directly affected, in short, of being a party to the dispute and not an outsider at all. Even without this, and in a total disregard of the justice of the dispute, it could have a certain validity: Two fall ajar; a third says Let them fight it out; a fourth, No, FU join in: All these might have solid foothold in the wide realms of nature's truth, intelligent or lustful ; but he who cries,

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and in the name of an intelligent humanity cries,- Stop ! Stop ! yon over there, lest I and others, leagues distant from you and uncon- cerned in your debate, should fall out with one another. What ground has he to stand on? Vacuity. A very meddlesome fellow, you would say, and one seeking a currying with a diligence not easily matched. But for the Russian: If his intervention was primarily directed against Austria only, which of us is there can say he had no right to appear on the field and try what he could do there? One does not know. Moreover one allows to the half- barbarous, inarticulate, a sort of brute right to try propensities — no curtailment of another's right to drub him well for trying them and so teach the animal becoming manners — such as, to those who have ever known higher law, one could by no means allow.

But, as far as this Austro-Servian matter went, there it should have stopped. Nothing in it was cause of the spread of the war beyond. That Balkan troubles would issue in war between Austria and Russia was probable, or as good as certain; but, if other nations made alliances which would bring them into conflict in that event, they have themselves alone to thank for it.

The question, therefore, here arises Did Germany's Alliance with Austria necessarily bring her in if Russia came in? If the answer to that be affirmative, Germany smarts for having made such alliance. The answer has been universally concluded affirmative ; yet only in those mad assumptions of international compacts whereby, in infallible sequel, every flea's jump was to set the world on fire. Concluded affirmative? Yes, and with equal readi- ness negative ; according to which assumption suited the righteous British arguer's mood at the moment. If the terms of the Triple Alli- ance made the answer affirmative, how stands Italy out, and ;n!heaped with opprobrium by a Britain so virtuously indignant at treaty breakers? You know very well that the use you make of this is based on the assumption the answer is negative. Sir E. Grey's pleadings, reported in despatch forty-six (see later, page 545), also presuppose the negative, though the Briton there arguing that, by the International Compacts, Germany was not bound to support Austria if attacked by Russia was simultaneously allowing that France was bound to support Russia if attacked by Germany ! So far as this question, of Germany's alliance with Austria compelling her support against Russia, is shrouded in doubt, the uncertainty is due to the inextricable interlacements and difficulty of separating one thing from so many others simultaneous. What slender testi-

542 THE OPEN COURT.

mony the White Paper offers is against an affirmative: Germany would not mobilize if Russia only mobilized in South, i. e., against Austria alone. And, in truth, there is again no evidence that Germany would have entered if a reasonable assurance existed that the war could lie between Russia and Austria merely ; on the contrary, the evidence is that she would not, but knew this too hypothetical a case to dwell on.

Assuming the negative, namely no treaty bond, as the British did when it suited them, Germany were only condenmable for her armed intervention if: (1) She had no title by the complexion of the present case. On which Britain argued: Please don't have any ; because France, with confessedly none, must be allowed to have full (See pp. 546-547). (2) If Russia was verily not meditating hostility to her also. And the proverty of these White Paper despatches for throwing any certain light on that point is too palpable ; they are here too exclusively Ostensible ! We do not however require any despatches to tell us that many and weighty matters existed between Germany and her huge Eastern neighbor, nor that she would in any event be very closely touched by a war between that country and Austria. That her sympathies, apart from all her Alliances, would in general be with Austria rather than Russia, and that her interest would similarly cause her to lean the same way, are likewise foregone conclusions. It may be added also, that such bias was in the main accordant with justice and the true everliving interests of man, though of this we have more to say under Alliances. In the particular instance, by the evidence before us, such as it is, there is no ground to doubt that Germany sincerely wished peace between Russia and Austria, much more sincerely than we wished peace with her ; nor that her action was in essence defensive against Russian Aggressive ; some momen- tary gleam of a possibility of standing out, if properly guaranteed, swiftly swallowed in the certainty that no guarantee would be given. A passing thought of guarantee from Russia saving spread of war, standing in strong contrast with France's eager prestate- ment she would take none from Germany ! A request for self- security vastly different from the demands which Britain sub- sequently made of the Germans ! Who never said to Russia : You, offering not even the color of violence to me, seeking my friendship rather, shall only engage with your foe on terms of my dictating; whether vanquished or victor shall, in conclusion, go home again with nothing save your labor for your trouble : He has not yet reached these depths of sanctimonious effrontery. Then,

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leaving the assumption of no bond or predetermination and grant- ing that Germany had made express treaty to support Austria, or from the start of the Servian dispute, was resolved to support Austria if interfered with in that, who is there can say she was wrong? Britain, of all nations on earth, by her own conduct in the further developments here, has the least title to breathe a whisper in criticism of such determination to support a neighbor.

With Germany involved the war could still have remained in the East ; nothing save France's action brought it into the West. But, before proceeding to that, look at these despatches pleading for peace between x\ustria and Russia, for Germany not to support the former.

For the first: They are all identical in spirit with those plead- ing for peace between Austria and Servia. The one argument submits that dispute to the Powers' decision. And we have al- ready said enough of that ; need not express our pious thankful- ness that, whatever followed, this was not again done. Russia would have been willing for it, and it is made guilt in the two Teutonic nations that they were not. The four to whom the decision was to be left were Britain, France, Italy and Germany ; Three of those four had already pronounced adversely to the Austrian : Much fairness did the Slav show ! Leave it to the Powers again, who have so often happily damped it down before and ever to spring in renewed vigor to-morrow. The Chairman Power glorying in utter contempt of the justice of the quarrel ; the minority of one alone having ever expressed the least care for this. It is Germany's steady refusal to be again a party to such godless futility that is the one thing the human mind can dwell on without loathing. Help me to save the peace, said the Briton. With all my heart ; and earnestly did her endeavor to further reason among the parties, ownful of unreason in her ally too, yet aware of the iron limits. Britain wished peace by patching up the matter any- how, lest fire kindled scorch her own pretty complexion : Germany wrought for peace on solid basis, prepared to take the issues if it proved unattainably solid: Which is really the criminal?

For the second: If there be any truly British, in the grand old sense when the word was synonymous with soul of fair play, straightness in dealing, generous frankness to foe as to friend, and, however completely now shut out from smallest voice in their nation's deeds, one cannot but believe there still are such men,

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these, in their study of our White Paper, must early have been struck with a certain thing, which, as they reahzed its proportions and significance, might have filled them with amazed horror and indignation, had their knowledge otherwise gained of modern British Statesmanship left room for amazement or special indignation at any trick it played in slippery cunning or course it pursued openly in persuasion of magnanimity devoid of integrity. What I refer to is the proposals made by Russia, France, and Italy that Britain should declare her solidarity with the two former, unite with them three, or two, in menace of Germany ; and the way those proposals were listened and replied to by Britain. The proposal is first made strongly in despatch number six and repeatedly after. Pray an- nounce your determination to fight along with us if Germany per- sist in countenancing Austria ; and, in the face of such a threat, she will at once cower out : It will be in the interests of peace that you should do so. Sterling Briton, thus addressed, had, in tone of sleep- ing thunder half awakened, answered: Silence! sirrahs. And im- mediately informed the German of the Proposal : There, sir, friend or foe, know by this your neighbors' tempers, what sort of impartial hearing they are prepared to give your Ally's case. x\nd do you suppose the German did not know the proposals had been made ; what sort of answer they actually got; find himself enlightened, if further enlightenment he needed, as to British sincerity in sequent suggestions made to him? Pinchbeck Briton, all gold to the eye, did not fall in with the proposals, much less answer as above. He received them in very friendly manner; courteously explained his discreet opinion that the interests of peace would be better served if he continued to enact the role of disinterested party ; and — well, continued to enact in such fashion now fully transparent to all eyes friendly or hostile. A behavior thoroughly accordant with decadent English character and solely possible to men steeped to the bone in mendacity, swallowed in the blackest of terrestrial curses, the y\potheosis of Attorneyism ; gaining for itself also the unanimous endorsement of the masses (similarly saturate) as perfection in any role does. It is second nature to an attorney to plead with passion, 'real' for the moment by his brief, even in full knowledge of facts contrary; and the Prime Minister, later, for his objects, named some German proposals infamous ; yet have I met no Briton who knew these to be so.

And, in fact they were not. In the circumstances, it was noth- ing perfidious for France and Russia to beg: Unmistakably an- nounce your determination to fight along with us — since you are so

CARLYLE AND THE WAR. 545

determined. No, gentle Allies — Beg pardon ! -No, loving members of an Entente uncommitted, we must maintain the fiction, — Alas ! I stumble again. For of course it was no fiction. Of course not, said they. And Husht ! Messieurs. Who said I was determined to fight along with you? We see, said they. Who doubts they saw? It were a dolt indeed that did not. Yet naturally persisted, in the firmer confidence accrued, to urge their view ; it being merely a difference in opinion as to Ostensibles, the reality understood to mutual satisfaction. So Russia "deplored" the efifect upon Germany of a notion that Britain would stand aside ; and Grey soothed with a Pooh ! Is there not dumb show enough in our fleet ? Plenty of dumb show and very easy to read. While France, no wise abashed by the comforting answer, contentedly toed the line set by suscep- tibilities of British Conscience ; and passed on to discuss prepa- rations in common for war — of course only in the hypothetic pos- sibility of your deciding to join us: We will not again press you for any more definite assurance on that head. Most unnecessary that you should. Messieurs. No, the proposals were not infamous. Yet I know of few things better meriting the description than the answers they got.

Among other things that might provoke amazement, but too sorrowfully cannot, is despatch 46 where Sir E. Grey reports his having had the impudence to "Observe" to the German Ambassador "that if Germany assisted Austria against Russia it would be be- cause zvithont any reference to the merits of the dispute (italics ours) Germany could not afiford to see Austria crushed." This in face of the clear fact that Germany alone had ever expressed care for the justice of the dispute, and had at the very start plainly stated her belief that Austria had good grounds for her proceedings against Servia, and ought not to be interfered with in them. Sir Edward Grey himself, meanwhile, having ever unblushingly ex- pressed a total indifiference to the justice of the dispute ; and in another despatch of the same date. Number forty-eight, reiterates that if Austria could satisfy Russia she might do what she liked with Servia. Merit of the dispute! Sop Russia and damn the merit ; it is the want of that sop alone that affects me. — T said before, page 541. that this observation of Grey's presupposed be- lief in no treaty bond of Germany to Austria: It obviously ought, but I would not take oath it did : and if it was that Germany "could not afford to see Austria crushed" how heinous must such a casus belli seem to every Briton now fighting lest France should be!

546 THE OPEN COURT.

Britain, enacting the impartial role and rejecting the compara- tively straightforward course proposed by France and Russia, that of a united menace, had her own ideas as to how to persuade Ger- many not to support Austria ; of which the last paragraph affords one sample. And, in our inquiry of veracity shown, the results continue shameful to this land of our nativity, forbidden venera- tion. For it argues that Germany should not support Austria without ever arguing, or, as I should more strictly put it, without ever having argued, that France should not support Russia. This could only pass at all if the treaty between France and Russia was much more definite than that between Germany and Austria: I have met nothing worth regard that builds on this assumption. Allow that Germany acted more by the present case, will Britain call this less reputable than act by pledge to fight regardless of present cases ? That Britain which professed free hand and gloried in the right to decide by instant merits in each conjuncture. But the truth is that this has passed with the hasty mob through a fact of sequence which a moment's reflection shows you did not affect the matter in the slightest degree, could never by deliberate states- man have been imagined to do so. France would not enter the field unless Germany did. No, nor Germany unless Russia did. This fact, that France was to be the third stepper, Germany the second does not touch the matter here at issue, namely the integrity or wisdom of either in entering. Britain deliberately besought Germany to leave her Ally undefended if attacked and never the while so much as whispered suggestion to France that she should similarly leave her Ally in the lurch ; yet whatsoever applied to the one case applied with equal force to the other. Nay, with much greater force! For Germany was necessarily closely touched by war between Austria and Russia, France not by war between Russia and Germany, far removed from her borders. Moreover there is very strong prima facie evidence that except for her confident assurance of France's support, Russia would never have done aught provocative to Germany, that, had there been no such assurance, the war might have remained between Russia and Austria. Still Britain kept arguing with Germany Don't you, convinced of justice in your Ally's quarrel, support her, yet never said a word of similar import to France ; knew fully from the start, as all the world did, for this was public property and known to be without an if, that France was definite to strike in : nothing save that knowledge pro- duced the pleading: As I said before (p. 542) the plea was Forego your title because France must be allowed full tether for hers. A

CARLYLE AND THE WAR, 547

long tether? Ay, and a strong, could haul the whole British Empire in. One sees not what business Britain had to suggest either that Germany should not support Austria or France Russia, but to urge the first without the second was totally indefensible. If we had right to plead so with either, then overwhelmingly the greater right to plead with France; because of the mighty obligations which our statesmen well knew, though the country at large did not, she was under to us ; in reality, only daring to act as she did from confidence of British cover. Finally, of this, be it clear that I am not suggesting it was really possible for Britain, in those late hours, to demand of France, to hint to France, that she should not support Russia ; but the fact that is was impossible made it perfidy in her to ask the passivity she did from the German.

Proceeding now to the question of French intervention ; also of Britain's sincerity of wish that the war should remain in the East : With Germany involved, of which question we have already spoken, it is, of course, palpably undeniable that nothing except a declaration of neutrality by France could have prevented war in the West ; and equally undeniable that such declaration would. Here, in the case of war in the Western theatre, it is perfectly certain that the French and the English were the aggressors, that Germany acted as compelled for self-defence. By the circum- stances, absolutely no manner of call lay upon France to join in: Word pledged to Russia is the utmost she can plead. I say not that the word pledged should not be sacred, but bid you note that there was absolutely no other ground. If any mortal believe that the word was either given or kept for God's sake, why afflict his in- nocence? And therewith we will leave France's share to her own conscience.

But, on the no-question of France or Germany the aggressor, add : France, toeing the line to suit susceptibilities of British con- science and bettering instruction, kept ten kilometers from her frontiers after mobilization ; and, anticipating demand of neutrality from Germany, as known not aggressive upon her, had many times stated she would never give it. Yet, by these delicacies of manoeuver has persuaded you of her lamblike intentions, Germany's wanton inroad, in character of devouring wolf? — And of the eleventh hour treble Peace still ! Both Russia and Austria have consented, so exquisitely set off to an admiring audience by these French trippings on the light fantastic toe, what other word than simply Too late! Germany could not possibly pause then on any plea of further dis-

548 THE OPEN COURT.

cussion. Delay would have been extremely advantageous to every other, her Ally included ; to herself perilous. What sort of sincerity there was in the Austrian consent you have but to read despatch one hundred and forty-one to know ; one hundred and thirty-nine for Russia's humor to Germany in her consent, aforesaid very cheap. With such odors regaling her nostrils, Germany would have been a nose of wax indeed to pause. The plea was the old accursed futility of submit the Austro-Servian matter to the Powers for settlement, with certainly no increase of likelihood that a peaceable patch up till to-morrow would be once more arrived at. A ground for suspension which none honorable could then have made to the German ; which no German who knew what's what could at that hour do other than totally disregard. That, in a straight courteous manfulness, compliance was explained impossible is creditable, for the suggestion might justly have been altogether ignored.

For England's sincerity of wish that the war should remain in the East:

Alas ! it is a sort of mockery to speak of sincerity in her doings here. Yet I grant that, when the inevitable sequel of his acts comes upon a man, he may often wish intensely enough that they could be avoided, and exhibit a spectacle of very strenuous zeal in that direction. England, in a full knowledge that France had engaged herself to Russia, entered into what you call an Entente, with her. Not an Alliance? Oh no! Count Bruhl, a famishing dog in sight of a too dangerous leg of mutton, long comforted him- self he had never signed anything ; but this did not help him out of Pima, if considerably into. Maria Theresa, too, with troops ready massed on the border and Allies on march, when demanded Would she attack him (Friedrich) this year or next? Replied vaguely in limbo, swore the Partition Treaty aganist him non-extant, a thing of his own imagination merely. Whereon, Carlyle comments: Since she would have shuddered at the lie direct, I suppose it was not on paper; but truer in fact no treaty could be. Had England ever honestly wrought that war in the East of Europe should not cause war in the West, she would have used her endeavors to induce France to terminate her Alliance with Russia ; for this Alliance was the standing menace, and sole cause why war in the East should provoke war in the West. Had England ever wrought that she herself should not be involved in war through war in the East, she would have absolutely refused to enter into any arrangement with France so long as her alliance with Russia existed ; would have made the termination of that alliance an inexorable sine qua

CARLYLE AND THE WAR. 549

Hon before she put herself under any species of obHgation to assist France. These are certain facts, wholly indisputable. But England was possessed with a dread of German Aggression, to the blinding of her eyes and the corruption of her heart : equally by them. And she wrought persistently in favor of mighty Combination which should effectually checkmate German evil intentions. Not wishful of war, If you please so to describe it, passionately desirous to preserve peace. And hoping to do so by raising such a formidable looking barrier all round the Bad Teuton that he would never dare to try breaking it, but die in sight of victuals like goose surrounded by a circle drawn with chalk. For never yet were the counsels of men with such an aim informed by wisdom but always have their plans been shady, and their workings brought upon them the thing they chiefly sought to avoid.

Last, in these Ostensibles, is Britain's Intervention.

Let us look first, though it does not come first in time, at that peculiar offer made by Sir Edward Grey which has been applauded, by Sir. E. T. Cook among others, as a sort of acme in magnanimous generosity, and sealing proof of intents charitable. It is in despatch number one hundred and one where Grey oft'ers thus : "If the peace of Europe can be preserved and the present crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will be to promote some arrange- ment to which Germany could be a party, by which she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her allies, by France, Russia, and ourselves, jointly or separately. I have desired this and worked for it, as far as I could, through the last Balkan Crisis, and Germany having a cor- responding object, our relations sensibly improved. The idea has hitherto been too LTtopian, Etc." Of the value of such an offer, in International Politics, from the point of view of its being that of a single individual in the insecure tenure of a British State Secretaryship, it is superfluous to speak. Granting the promise binding on the nation, on the three nations, it would remain suffi- ciently peculiar. In the first place it admits— Shall we say frankly admits? Helplessly and in spite of itself admits were nearer the mark — that the attitude of the three so promising nations had been and was of a nature to somewhat strongly call for assurance from them that their intents were not hostile or aggressive ; and may surely at once pass muster as so far veridical. Whether the German would find it an item of much- weight in assuring him of the fact so acknowledged? Hardly, I should think. Alight better find it

550 THE OPEN COURT.

a sealing proof of the quality of our magnanimity and charitable purpose. But the message did not intend to convey recriminations on the past, nor shed light on it ; it was for security in the future. Dear friend, not foe I hope this instant, submit to-day, at our ardent intercession let Austria go to pot, and / for reward, will promise to do my private utmost in the to-morrow to obtain for you an Agreement whereby each of these three now in threatened league against you shall enter into bond that they will never more, either singly or collectively pursue a policy aggressive or hostile to you. Such fact, to drunk sense too Utopian, was all you ever sought, bond for it you never asked. But never again! never again! T swear it on my knees beseeching grace : this shall be a lesson to me all my days remaining. If we can read it quite so without stretch, some breath of personal sympathy for Grey may well be in us.

0 Sir Edward ! this turn dropped from my pen as I wrote, without premeditation, and has banished all harsh feeling toward you. For

1 can believe it may have been thus with you. Yet the leopard does not change his spots. And as for any species of security to Germany in the future having been hereby offered, there is not the shadow of such a thing. Did the remorseful one, really or hypo- thetically remorseful, himself even contemplate a removal of the fences, not a strengthening of them, if given further time to do it in? Checkmate to be abandoned? Perhaps I should not have gone so far in these ambiguous realms. Perpetual check, check, without a mate, — or for your mate's sake — and your own — is also a known thing ; if often pleasing to the checker somewhat liable to grow irri- tating to the checkee. Then stalemate is surely the fairest draw of all, long reckoned even, and leaving honor to the staled. Chalk line itself can be charitably circumscribed, the confined one grow fat enough ; all circumscribers consent they'll not disturb the circle, and the Goose clearly a party to the compact. Happy stay within instead of discontented, and our Policy triumph at last. See ! child, we will teach you to build your own ring wall, at least you shall have a hand in building it, then shall you sit blessed in freedom from check, whilst we sweep wide o'er the earth in unburdened cheer. — The offer was peculiar ; if you can read a gleam of private grace in it, 'tis happy so far ; but to speak of it as magnanimous, to refer to it in any way as of the smallest weight in the issues, betokens strange latitudes.

These things are a little pregnant, reader ! Choice of sequence not unadvised would you grapple with the Whole. Turn back, then, to what is called The Infamous German Bid for British Neutrality.

CARLYLE ANi) THE WAR. 55 1

i will say foremost that this British description of Germany's conduct is "amazing," even to me. I have nowhere met the hke of it ; in sheer sodden mendacity of soul, it surpasses everything of its kind I have heard of, and deserves to be held in permanent record as a non plus ultra in that line. Here is no knave's shuffle, no hypocrite's deliberate suppression of the truth, but an open publicly declared and printed statement of the facts as they were ; and then an interpretation instantly concluded of them, for campaign of unctuous eloquence and selfrighteous indignation, excuse and cover of most fateful deed, utterly and glaringly in total incompati- bility with those facts, for which those facts offered no momentary possibility of a conceivable color to any honest-minded mortal. Such emphatic stricture may not apply to many members of the general public who only heard of the facts through the interpreta- tion, or along with it ; but I could not reduce a syllable of this stricture for the men who gave out the interpretation at the same time that they made the facts known. Germany, looking into now almost certain war with Russia and knowing, as you and all the world did, that France would not remain neutral but side with Russia, aware also of certain vain pretensions tenanted in British lodgings too sadly furnished with them, had the candor and fore- bearance, suppressing all comment on those pretensions, to say thus, through her Chancellor:

"That it was clear, so far as he was able to judge the main principle which governed British policy, that Great Britain would never stand by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict there might be.^ That, however, was not the object at which Ger- many aimed. Provided that neutrality of Great Britain were cer- tain, every assurance would be given to the British Government that the Imperial Government aimed at no territorial acquisition at the expense of France should they prove victorious in any war that might ensue.

"I (Sir E. Goschen) questioned his Excellency about the French Colonies, and he (the German Chancellor) said that he was unable to give a similar undertaking in that respect. As re- gards Holland, however, his Excellency said that, so long as Ger- many's adversaries respected the integrity and neutrality of the Netherlands, Germany was ready to give His Majesty's Government an assurance that she would do likewise. It depended on the action of France what operations Germany might be forced to enter

^That same Britain that a little before had called it unwarranted for Germany to refuse to stand by and see Austria crushed.

552 THE OPEN COURT.

upon in Belgium, but when the war was over, Belgian integrity would be respected if she had not sided against Germany." (Des- patch number eighty-five.)

What is there either of "bid" or "infamy" in this? What did you expect of Germany? That when engaged in war eastward, she should just shoulder arms along her western border; stand patiently waiting there till the French were ready to attack her ; and then, in height of fantastic heroism merely defend the border, resolutely brush back, if she could, (you will allow her that right I suppose?) any French attempt to cross. Yet never under any provocation herself set foot beyond ; and, when the war was over, retire with sage bow and lifted hat, remarking Our deepest thanks to you, Messieurs, for this spiritual exercise, and all good hopes the amusement has proved beneficial to you? It verily seems that little short of this would have contented you. And I know that your rage arose through finding your baseless prescriptions not obeyed and diplomacy turned to water. What shadow of a title had Britain to settle the terms on which Germany should fight France, that Britain which had never done aught to keep France from seizing opportunity to satisfy grudge? Is Britain the God of this lower world? and what just God would lend cover to one side against another, then forbid that other to exact the least penalty if victorious? You call it an infamous bid by Germany, and the fact was an infamous dictation of terms by Britain. Infamous dictation wisely recognized extant, and dealt with in an admirable restraint.

The German, wisely perceiving the existence of certain preten- sions in some heads, where, however baseless in fact, their existence can in verity become momentous enough, saw that it could profit nothing to give the least expression to his thought of those preten- sions, though we need not doubt he had his thoughts, but in a manful prudence mildly enquired How far do these Olympian ideas extend? Beyond this? And Britain in immovable majesty, disdaining afifront, replied from aloft : Of course, far beyond. Not outgone in for- bearance at the first blush, merely with the eye suggested Darest propose a limit to our sovereign jurisdiction? Who could treat with you. Gentlemen? Germany may defend her countries, quite large enough for her in our supreme decision, our Almightiness gracious- ly concedes so much ; but, by our omnipotence, and world-shaking nod, let her expend what blood and treasure she may, she shall go home again with nothing save her labor for her trouble ; no hair of France's head shall be harmed, and she, meanwhile, under our

CARLYLE AND THE WAR. 553

sheltering wing, have free allowance if victorious to keep whate'er she can wrench. O soul of Equity! must not the whole just of the earth rise in sternest wrath to crush the thievish miscreant would not before entering conflict take oath on demand at once and humbly to observe these righteous terms? Truly, I have never met their match, and grow in respect for the German could still restrain and try yet further: Will you, if we promise not to infringe Belgian neutrality — and even, it would seem by speech in Par- liament, though it is not in White Paper, forego our right to attack the northern coasts of France — Shall you even on these extreme compliances with your Lordship's arbitrium — and, bravely, with- out a hint they were compliances and the arbitrium most exsuf- flicate, — refuse to promise neutrality? Imperious Yes, we will and do refuse. We may perhaps, on those conditions, permit you to enter the war without us for terrible opposite, but will give you no manner of assurance that, once in, we will not fall upon you in time and circumstance convenient for us. 'Tis easy now to see that the second offer was useless ; for he who named the first a "bid" and "infamous" could only be confirmed in exalted spurn by an amendment conceding more to folly's vain impious challengings. O British Jove offended ! ominously grasping the lightening, I can tell you one way in which Germany's "bid," if tJioi ever made, might have been infamous. The way of own course honorable, when the bare suggestion of your dreaming to lay down a rule whereby she should fight, might well have shocked you with its atrocity.

Along with this claim to dictate the conditions of Germany's combat with France, simultaneous throughout runs the figment of British Free Hand, no binding obligation to bestir on France's behalf but liberty to take any side according to judgment of merits of each particular case that might arise. You pledge yourself to maintain Belgian neutrality (whereon a word further shortly), you stand resolved that you will permit to Germany no territorial acquisitions at the expense of France or her Colonies, in other words, that, if she have war with France, she shall on its con- clusion go home again with nothing but her labor for her trouble ; what more one knows not ; but finally and above all you under- take to protect the northern coasts of France and prevent by force any attack upon them by Germany : And then you say you were not under treaty obligations to fight on France's behalf! Never was more hideous mockery of faith ; vilest conspiracy plotting for attack and partition were clean in comparison. Those despatches

554 THE OPEN COURT.

of Sir Edward Grey's wherein he expounded to France and Russia the delicate and fine distinctions which left Britain no treaty ally but a member of Entente with hand free, were not purposely cun- ning at all yet did simply point the way. The Russ was thick of comprehension at first but the nimble Celt perceived in a twinkling, and with eyes privately twinkling, though listening to Sir Edwards dissection with all sobriety of countenance. Just so, your Excel- lency. The British lion owns no harness and the Island Ape which rides him cannot intervene except under certain contingencies. Adieu ; till tomorrow ; we will not importune you till wanted, and when wanted you have told us. We proceed then alone yet secure of your aid the moment we act thus and thus. Incredible as it may seem to a German, only credible as it is to Man when sadly conversant with the phosphorescences which once noble moralities gone putrid sometimes exhibit, Sir E. Grey did not mean. Act you in such and such a fashion in order that our hands may appear clean to the world ; he wrote in sincerity, what is called sincerity, yet no whit the less simply pointed the way.

Instead of open declaration of common cause with France, conclusion of definite alliance oft'ensive and defensive, you gave France secretly the utmost cover it was in your power to give short of such definite bond, and properly it was not for France's sake but for your own. And then, if the German would have conformed to the outrageous conditions imposed on him by that cover, you might perhaps have been content to stand neutral. Great was your magnanimity! noble your rage that the Teuton rejected your con- ditions. The Prime Minister made a great point in his speech, and inflamed the country with "infamous" German, by exclaiming: Were we to stand by with folded arms and see the northern coast of France bombarded ! that coast left undefended through our agreements with France! Most true, hy your agreementsl How came those coasts to be defenceless? Why was the French fleet concentrated in the Mediterranean? You secretly made compact to defend those coasts so that the French fleet could leave them ; and then exclaim as if their defenceless state were one of helpless inno- cence, calling to humanity for protection, came by no subtilty of yours ; and say you had free hand to decide every case on its merits! It is the fearfuUest exhibition of shameless sodden mendacity I have come across ; no "perfidy" could be worse if this be not perfidious. You wished peace, you say? And, to preserve it, privately made arrangement with one neighbor which gave him the fullest cover you could contrive ; for the other had thereby laid down conditions

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of combat utterly outrageous, devoid of any sort of basis outside your own convenience : Then proclaim yourself Champion of Right unwillingly forced into war by considerations of highest duty be- cause the one made that use of the cover afforded him he was sure to make and the other refused your delirious prescriptions of con- duct for him !

On the question of Belgian Neutrality it is not necessary to say more than a word further. One could have well wished it re- spected by all, but knows not how it could have been so by Germany. One thing is quite certain, it was not Britain that should have been foremost in demanding it, but Belgium herself, in direct friendly interchange with Germany, not through appeal to Britain in pre- conclusion of hostility and palpable leaning to one side ; or, next, by France, equally in the way of direct mutual agreement with Germany; and Britain only if at all, as honestly impartial third. But it is folly to speak of the probities which might have been. Alas! no, which never had a chance of being. For Britain to demand as she did, especially in conjunction with other items in the same despatch, was at once a threat of Beware ! or I come in unless you conform to my rules as self-constituted Marshal of these Lists. And thus, to the German, the thing was from the first sus- picious and to be rejected as obviously not demanded for equity but in the interests of his adversaries. For Germany to grant it, too, was a much heavier demand than for France. The German said that he had unimpeachable evidence that France meant to attack him in that quarter ; and personally, I have little doubt the French assurance was given in the certainty it would never be re- quired of -them to fulfil it ; that the swifter moving German would be the first to cross the border, and so they could throw the oppro- brium upon him without risk to themselves. For the Belgians, it is sure that, however they may have desired to escape damage, they were not neutral of spirit but exceedingly adverse to Germany. It has been said since the war began that, if France had violated Belgian Neutrality, Britain would equally have gone to war: It is sufficiently probable she would — on just the same side she now has. Britain would not have sided with Germany against France for Belgium's sake : All men know that completely, and the saying she would is a deliberate Lie, straightforward enough for once. A thing just safely said after, known without any foundation. A most godless farce is all this pretence of British championship of Bel- gium. On every ground, care of Belgium's welfare would have

556 THE OPEN COURT.

counselled : Yield. On that compulsion, yield ; grant the Germans the free passage they demand. This alone had been the magnan- imous course, and most earnest persuasion of any champion for Belgium. I am not quite saying you were called to do this ; but you are emphatically called to admit that, in urging Belgium to resist to the utmost on promises of help you knew could never reach her in time, you were deliberately throwing her under the harrow of war, with possible loss of. national independence, for no other object than to gain time for yourselves. Had Belgium then been Ally the urgement to resist had been fair ; to a neutral, it had nothing in it "magnanimous," can only pass as natural to selfseekers diligent to use all means within reach to gain their own ends. Neither is there any manner of doubt that Britain solely ever under- took to support Belgian Neutrality by force for her own interests in fear of Germany's power.

In summary of these Ostensible Causes : Except, it is a big exception, Britain's possession by dread of German Aggression, involuntarily made all too apparent, no Real Cause comes to light. And, when you speak of Real Causes, you have to ask, even of that Dread, whence came it? What ground, if any, had it to stand on? Hence no answer whatever is given here to the question — Why are we at war ? but only is how we have come to be at war a little told. And the true value of these White Paper Despatches is as documents testifying of the integrity of the several writers, as representing their nations, or at least Governments. In this view, the Servian is cunning, shifty, and wittingly never shows true face. The Aus- trian and Russian keep their motives hidden, reveal to impertinent curiosity no more than their proud heights to deem suitable. The French are clear, incisive, declare a singleness of purpose, whatever wiliness of method ; namely to make the most of the opportunity if it came now, with readiness to wait for a better if need be. In the German a grand resolvedness, weight of meaning, sagacious instead of alert ; very determined indeed, yet restrained, forbearant, rising to fateful enterprise unescapable in meditations cloudy pro- found: their words have everywhere a right sterling ring. In the British, an utter hollowness, most zealous pleading far removed from all contact with the facts. No secrecy of the conscious hypo- crite, but that bottomless mendacity which, self-contemplating its own false face truly rendered back in the mirror, cries on the world to witness Saw ye ever a fairer or more blameless !

HYPHENATION JUSTIFIED.

BY THE EDITOR.

''T^HERE is much talk to-day about "hyphenated Americans" and A the objection to hyphenation is common if not almost univer- sal. The objection is justified, but is there not a side to the c^uestion in which hyphenation is quite legitimate?

We all agree that our nation should be one in love of country and unanimous in its ideal of building up a new nation on the western continent, cherishing the ideals of humanity in independence and with strength ; but we do not, nor can we, deny that the new nation is the result of many factors and a coalescence of all the nations of the world. The union of all becomes possible only through the faithfulness of all to the common ideal, but the ele- ments of which the whole is wrought hail from different countries of Europe. First there are the Yankees, the Puritans, who came here from England for conscience's sake because they sought liberty for the free exercise of their religion which they could not find in the old country. A different type are the Virginians and further still the Mary landers under Lord Baltimore, many of whom were adherents of the Roman Catholic faith. Quite different again were the Friends, called Quakers, who acquired Pennsylvania, and it was in their territory that the first Germans settled, coming from the Palatinate on the Rhine.

On the basis of these first colonizations the development of the country began, and after a successful war with England the colonies changed into a federation of states inviting immigrants from all quarters of the world. A period of immigration set in and the thirteen states became the refuge of innumerable men and families who for some reason or other sought a new home in the great land of the west because they were dissatisfied with the con- ditions of their former homes, or because they strongly sympathized with the ideals of liberty and hoped to help in building up a nation

558 THE OPEN COURT.

of the future where mankind would find happier and nobler and better prospects than in the past.

It is not expected, and has never been deemed necessary, that these immigrants should blot out their past, that they should forget their old homes or acquire a contempt for their forefathers or be- come hostile to their brothers whom they left behind in Europe. On the contrary, they were welcome here on account of their intel- lectual inheritance. They were invited to bring along all the treas- ures of their civilization so as to enrich their new home with the best they had to offer. Only one thing was expected of them, to cut off and forswear all former political allegiance to their princes or governments, for that is indispensable if they would be free citizens of this country and serve its interests faithfully.

It is in this sense that the objection to hyphenated Americans is justified. All those who settle in this country and become nat- uralized do so by their own free will in becoming Americans. The United States of America owns their allegiance fully and wholly. The governments of their original homes lose every claim, for these new citizens promise solemnly no longer to recognize any other obligations than toward the country of their adoption.

In this sense the objection to the use of hyphenated designa- tions is rigidly justified and there is no question about it. But there is another sense in which the use of a hyphen is perfectly legitimate, and it is entirely suitable to speak of German-Americans, Irish- Americans, French-Americans, Anglo-Americans, Afro-Americans, Greco-Americans, Italo-Americans, Polish-Americans, and of the very small contingent of Indians as the original true Americans. We are different in blood and in tradition. Our mental constitu- tion is not the same although we are all Americans, and I know more about a man if I hear him spoken of as an Afro-American or an Anglo-American or a German-American. In this latter sense the hyphenated designation is perfectly justified and it would be posi- tively foolish to forbid distinctions of this kind.

In the narrow sense of the word there are very few Anglo- Americans in this country. Englishmen who settle in this country as a rule remain British. They would consider that they were sur- rendering a privilege if they were to give up their connection with Great Britain. The first Englishman I met in this country, when asked whether he was an American, answered with indignation, "I never foreswore my allegiance to Her Majesty the Queen!" And the same spirit of allegiance to their old country is noticeable in most Englishmen living in this country. The patriotism of the English

HYPHENATION JUSTIFIED. 559

is a commendable trait, but at the same time I must confess that it prevents the subjects of the British empire from making desirable citizens for the United States.

The old Anglo-Americans were very different ; they possessed, and many of their descendents still possess, a spirit of inde- pendence. They are also broad enough to recognize the good in other nations. They are proud of being able to trace their ances- try back to colonial days and few of them have forgotten that we owe our liberty to a struggle with Old England. They are friendly to England but not submissive. They know very well that the English people look down upon the Americans at best as third- class English. The colonials, the British subjects in the colonies, are second-class English, and when a native Englishman is kindly disposed he ranges Americans directly after these second-class English subjects, as third-class Englishmen.

There is another kind of Anglo-Americans who object to being third-class Englishmen. They are Anglomaniacs. Convinced of many shortcomings — especially in manners — traceable in their countrymen, they become what Professor Patten calls Britonets.^ They ape the English and succumb to a typical disease, Anglo- mania. These people are a dangerous element in this country be- cause they exhibit an ill-concealed tendency of submission to Great Britain and are somewhat ashamed that the thirteen colonies ever broke away from England and asserted their independence again and again. They would not have joined Washington's army and regret that there should have been the war of 1812.

I do not hesitate to regard the German-Americans, by the side of the old Americans of colonial descent and with revolutionary traditions, as the most valuable portion of American citizenship. Their merits in building up the United States have been fully rec- ognized by historians and if they now show a discontent with our administration on account of its Britonet tendencies, exhibiting an unworthy submissiveness to the dictates of Great Britain and a positively unfair treatment of Germany, we are inclined to say that their complaints ought to be heeded. From the start the Ger- mans have made the best and most faithful and enthusiastic citi- zens, but we cannot expect that they have become Americans for the purpose of assisting the American nation to serve as a catspaw for England. They came here to become citizens of an independ- ent nation and wanted to help in building up the great humanita-

^ See "Becoming American" by S. N. Patten in The Open Court of July, 1915.

560 THE OPEN COURT.

rian republic of untold future possibilities, but decidedly they did not mean to become either third-class English or Britonets.

We Americans are at present subject to the latter danger and are likely to lose our chances of becoming the great republic of the future, in which the ideals of mankind shall be actualized in a higher degree than ever before.

With very rare exceptions German-Americans are good Ameri- cans, inspired by the proper spirit of American ideals, but con- sidering their intellectual inheritance of high-minded ideals, their love of solid education, their respect for law, their insistence on liberty and regard for the rights of others, we deem it wrong to do away with the proper designation of their origin.

The objection to the hyphenated expression is justified only when the double name does not so much refer to the descent of American citizens as to a state of mind in which a man is sup- posed to serve two masters. Since this is the case only in the rarest possible exceptions, we see in the opposition to hyphenation a sly attempt to weaken the just criticism that at present comes from our German-American fellow citizens.

The German-Americans are right when they denounce the "neutrality" of the United States in furnishing ammunition to the Allies so as to help them kill the German soldiers in their defense of the fatherland. We have no business to support either British supremacy on the seas or the plans of the Czar in extending the muscovite dominion over Europe.

There is no need of leveling all Americans, those of colonial descent, the German-Americans, the Irish-Americans, the Latin- Americans, the Slav-Americans, and the Afro- Americans, to the in- discriminate mass of "Americans," and the suggestion to do so indicates a bad conscience. It is mainly directed against the Ger- man-Americans because they have a complaint against our adminis- tration which is Britonet (as Professor Patten would say). But the Britonets do not dare to discuss the situation openly with proper arguments, and so, with a sly trick worthy of a British diplomat like Sir Edward Grey, they transfer the issue to a field where they claim the right to silence the warning which comes from German- American quarters. They would mark it as treason if the German- American did not approve of this country's policy of helping the English in reducing Germany to defeat for a proper remuneration in dollars and cents.

Therefore we feel it advisable to declare in all honesty that we are all hyphenated Americans and shall remain so, and we hope

HYPHENATION JUSTIFIED. 561

that in later centuries America will be proud of being the product of several different elements of European blood mixture. We do not mean to become Anglomaniacs but will build up a new nation in which, though the foundations have been laid by the Anglo-Ameri- cans, the German-American element has given to this nation the most important and most valuable addition.

The Germans of the old world have proved to mankind in the present world war that in spite of being more than six times out- numbered by their enemies they hold their own, and there is no chance that they will be crushed or defeated by the allied powers. Their admirable efficiency in their peaceful pursuits is fully equalled by an efficiency in battle, and the time will come when we Ameri- cans will deem it advisable, yea indispensable, to imitate their institutions, their methods of civil service, their methods of educa- tion, their inventions in industrial spheres, their progress in science, in music and other arts. The proof of German efficiency, of their superiority in almost every respect, is manifest and our fellow citizens of German descent will take pride in calling themselves German-Americans.

In concluding these comments, I will sum up the result of my consideration thus : The existence of hyphenated Americans is an undeniable fact, and the condemnation of the use of hyphenated names takes its origin from a desire to make an important part of our population connive in violating our duties, in submitting to the policy of our country in shirking the duties of neutrality, in legal- izing the enslavement of the United States under British rule and in serving British interests — in a word, in changing our republic into a British dependency.

A CHRONICLE OF UNPARALLELED INFAMIES.

AN OPEN LETTER TO DR. PAUL CARUS.

Sir, — Various articles from your pen have appeared in The Open Court defending the action of Germany and the German armies in regard to the inception and conduct of the present war. You have alleged that this terrible conflict was brought about by Great Britain, upon whom lies the guilt ; and that the excesses im- puted to German troops either were not committed by them, or were grossly exaggerated, or were only such as usually accompany the armed struggles of nations. You have asserted that it was the Belgians who first committed atrocities upon the Germans, and that the severities exercised by the latter were justifiable retaliations for wanton outrages against the gentle and humane invaders of a little country whose integrity they were pledged to maintain.

You have, I presume, by this time received and read the Report of the commission formed by the British Government, and presided over by Lord Bryce, for the purpose of investigating the excesses alleged to have been committed by the troops of your Fatherland. I would particularly call your attention to the Appendix to this Report, in which the carefully sifted evidence of over five hundred witnesses appears in detail.

It is almost inconceivable that any one after reading this Report should continue to believe that on the outbreak of the war an orgy of purposeless crime was begun by the Belgian people. Consider the improbability of such a thing. Before the entry of the Germans into Belgium orders had been given in every town, village and dis- trict of that country that all arms were to be delivered up to the authorities. The evidence shows that these orders were faithfully complied with. Even had the civilian population been armed, what could they have done to stem the advance of the great and highly dis- ciplined German forces? Do you suppose the Belgian civilians were not aware of their helplessness, and of the folly of committing outrages

A CHRONICLE OF UNPARALLELED INFAMIES. 563

which were certain to be promptly avenged? Or do you believe that in the frenzy of despair they actually did commit shocking cruelties? Had they done so, a generous foe would have dealt leniently with them ; certainly he would not have avenged himself upon innocent children. In any case the fact of the official order to deliver up arms and the compliance therewith show that no forcible resistance by non-combatants was sanctioned or contemplated. The evidence proves that none took place.

The Report contains many statements that the reckless — or, shall we say, accidental? — firing of shots by drunken German sol- diers was sometimes believed to mean that they were being attacked. H^d this been the case, the attacks must have been made by Belgian troops, not by civilians, whose assertions that they were unarmed bear every mark of veracity. You consider that these civilian attacks — which do not appear to have taken place — justify the ferocious cruelties committed by the German soldiery upon the non-combatant population. I do not think any one who can weigh evidence will agree with you.

More than this : it is stated in several of the depositions that German soldiers themselves on some occasions fired shots with the obvious and deliberate intention of having an excuse for the mas- sacre of civilians. They are alleged to have gone into empty houses, fired shots, and raised the cry that non-combatants had begun an attack. The accusation of shooting became a stock phrase, repeated on numberless occasions, without a moment's inquiry into its truth, and resulting in the violent death of many persons who were ab- solutely innocent of the charge.

German soldiers were very frequently seen to throw small discs or other substances into houses which at once burst into flames. Into these burning houses soldiers and civilians, some dead, some still living, were cast ; in one instance a man was held in the flames till his head and arms were roasted. I beg you to notice that, as these acts were committed during the first few weeks of the war, such inflammable materials must have been prepared beforehand. The German troops left their ozvn country provided with the means for the deliberate commission of cruel outrages.

Have you formed an opinion of the incident of the child of two years who, while standing in the street at Malines, was trans- fixed by a brave German soldier with his bayonet and carried oflf on the weapon, a song on the lips of its murderer? What can you say of the public violation of fifteen women in the square of Liege in the presence of and begun by officers? You will, I trust, dis-

564 THE OPEN COURT.

approve of the appalling savagery deposed to by witnesses a33, dll8, rfl33, and, above all, d86. These incidents are so horrible that it must have needed some resolution to print the accounts ; but there are hundreds of others nearly as bad.

As your culture is not exclusively German, you may find it difficult to believe that these horrors actually took place. The evi- dence goes to show that they give but a faint and blurred impression of the reality.

You will, perhaps, agree with me that cruelty — deliberate, cold- blooded cruelty, unprovoked by the individuals against whom it is manifested — is one of the foulest of all human vices. The alleged cruelty of the Belgians revolts you. Does not the infinitely greater cruelty of your countrymen revolt you ? Are you not ashamed of the base and cowardly lies by which they have sought to excuse it ? You cannot, I think, approve the implication that massacre by Germans is quite legitimate, but that every retaliation is a monstrous outrage upon them. Throughout the war it has been evident that Germany wants to have things entirely her own way. According to the in- vestigations which have been made the charges brought against the Belgians are false, the charges against the Germans are true. Al- though a German you will probably be able to appreciate the distinc- tion. You cannot be so little-minded as to think that crimes com- mitted by your friends are for that reason less reprehensible than crimes committed against them.

Apart from the ethical standpoint from which I have tried to consider these outrages, one is deeply impressed by their astounding folly. For the moment they, no doubt, succeeded in terrorizing the civil population of Belgium — that is, they broke the spirit of helpless people who never even tried to resist — but they inspired the Belgian army to fight on with the courage of despair. That army has lost everything but honor. Germany has not lost her honor, because it is doubtful whether she ever had any honor to lose.

The German atrocities have produced the same stiffening effect on France, Great Britain, and the other nations which are painfully rolling back the tide of barbarism. They feel that, if civilization is to go on, this arrogant, bloodthirsty race — a race essentially savage, though with a thick smear of mechanical culture — must be effec- tually subdued. Should the Germans be victorious, they will have earned the undying scorn of the civilized world. In the event of their being defeated, they will have reason to regret the outrages in which they have so fatuously indulged. They will have rendered themselves liable to the most terrible punishment, the most ghastly

A CHRONICLE OF UNPARALLELED INFAMIES. 565

reprisals. Their foes may be little inclined to be merciful, and it will be simply a question for the Allies to say how far their mag- nanimity shall extend.

The German army is a very brave army — when it knows that it is the stronger. Allow me to recall to you one or two instances of German heroism. One section of the Appendix to the Bryce Report is devoted to evidence which proves that the Germans made a practice of using civilians, frequently women and children, as screens to intercept or avert the fire of the enemy. Thirty-six eye- witnesses, nearly half of them British, testify to the facts, and in several cases it is stated that the British or Belgian force retreated for fear of killing the unhappy civilians, thus leaving the Germans with a military advantage which was probably not unnoticed in their official reports. On one occasion the British rapidly swung their guns round and attacked the German flank. "The Germans then bolted, leaving the civilians behind." If you consider that your compatriots have kept within the usages of war, you will, no doubt, be able to produce some authority in military law or practice in justification of this characteristic maneuver: as a former German officer, you must be in a position to appreciate its prudence and ingenuity.

The Appendix contains a score of testimonies (fifteen of them British) to the abuse by German troops of the white flag. This abuse usually took the form of a pretended surrender, followed by a mur- derous fire, in which many British and Belgians were slain. So frequently was the trick repeated that the touching faith of the British in German "honor" impresses me rather as culpable credul- ity. That faith has doubtless become weaker by this time. But I would again call your attention to the unmanly cowardice and the unaccountable stupidity of the German proceeding. Having been a Saxon officer yourself (and we deem the Saxons to be honorable foes), you will admit that nothing revolts a soldier more than base and contemptible trickery, nor is anything more calculated to arouse an unholy thirst for vengeance.

I trust you will carefully read the sections of the Appendix relating to massacres by the Germans of wounded enemies, firing on hospitals and stretcher-bearers, and abuses of the Red Cross. Of these eighty-five examples are given, and after reading them it seems impossible to avoid the conclusion that the charges are fairly proved. That conclusion is greatly strengthened by the evidence of the Germans themselves. Copies or extracts of half-a-dozen military proclamations, and extracts from thirty-five diaries found

566 THE OPEN COURT.

on dead or captured German soldiers, show clearly that the treat- ment of the Belgians by the invaders was excessively and unreason- ably severe. In this connection I may add, on the authority of an article by Professor J. H. Morgan in the Nineteenth Century for June, that in the diary of a German non-commissioned officer the writer states his belief that the German officers invented the stories of Belgian and French atrocities in order to prevent their men from surrendering.

You will now\ I venture to hope, follow the example of Dr. F. C. Conybeare, on whose mistaken admissions you have relied. For your own sake you should publicly withdraw your charges against the innocent, and transfer them to the guilty. You owe an apology to the Belgian people whom you have slandered. You did not originate the slanders ; you have merely shown a strange gullibil- ity in giving them currency. Examine the evidence with care ; do not ferret out minor defects in the testimony and ignore its real weight ; be man enough to rise above national bias and petty eva- sions ; speak the truth without fear or favor. Yet a sentence in your magazine for May last is not calculated to make one hopeful. One despairs of the mentality of a man who can write so choice an ab- surdity as this : "God is neutral ; but I am convinced that, being impartial, he will stand by Germany in spite of the odds that count against her." Charles T. Gorham.

IN REPLY TO MR. CHARLES T. GORHAM.

The present war, so terrible, so sanguinary, so useless and un- necessary, has caused much discussion and disrupted many inter- national friendships. I fully appreciate, therefore, the regret which you express at the difference in our opinions, and I wish sincerely that we might come to an agreement on the war, its causes and the facts of its history. I have honestly and impartially tried to under- stand its origin and to obtain the most reliable information, and although I have my doubts in many important details, I have ar- rived at definite convictions in all main points ; and considering the tremendous importance of the issues I have deemed it my duty to express my views openly and submit them to public criticism, irrespective of approval or condemnation. And I promise to retract publicly any statement of mine the erroneousness of which can now or in the future be proved.

You are so firmly convinced of the truth of your position re- garding the war that you do not understand how I can support such a "chronicle of unparalleled infamies"; but I assure you it is after

A CHRONICLE OF UNPARALLELED INFAMIES. 567

a careful investigation made in an impartial spirit that I say that this terrible conflict was brought about by Great Britain.

Germany in the past has repeatedly kept peace when bitterly provoked, and once again did she endeavor to do so. She could have no motive for going to war with the formidable combination that is ranged against her. The German government and also the German Emperor personally did their utmost to avoid the war. both with Russia and with England ; and it was above all England that cut off every chance of peace and forced Germany to break Belgian neutrality.

You must be very unfair not to concede that the mere possi- bility of a hostile invasion through Belgium imposed upon Germany the imperative duty of anticipating the attack. The equivocal atti- tude of Sir Edward Grey would have made the preservation of Belgian neutrality a criminal neglect of self-defense at the most dangerous point and in a most dangerous moment. Germany knew that Belgium was prepared as an ally of France and England, not otherwise ; and later events have proved that Germany's suspicion was but too well justified.

Further, I still assert that "the Belgians first committed atroci- ties upon the Germans and that the severities exercised by the latter were justifiable measures against wanton outrages."

I never spoke of the invaders as "gentle" or "humane" ; war is always terrible, and I feel sorry for the people in whose country it has to be waged. War always brings suffering and sorrow in its train. That is the reason why Germany tried fo avert a conflict. But once war was inevitable I do not blame the German government for having endeavored to keep invaders out of Germany and not waiting patiently until an Anglo-French army broke into the Rhenish provinces in the rear of the German troops as the latter marched into France through Lorraine.

I felt very sorry for the Belgians, but I cannot help thinking that they had only themselves to blame, provoking, as they did, a German attack. Their government had adopted a mistaken policy, and they reaped what they sowed. If there is any other nation they can reasonably blame, it is Great Britain alone. Sir Edward Grey could have saved Belgium from the fate she met if he had honestly tried to keep peace with Germany. But he did not mean to. All his acts are inexplicable and stupid except on the principle, which seems to be his one actuating motive, Germania est delcnda.

I have read the report of the commission formed by the British government for the purpose of investigating the excesses alleged

568 THE OPEN COURT.

to have been committed by the Germans, but I deem it a partisan statement cleverly composed to give the impression that the Ger- mans are barbarians who delight in the most atrocious cruelties. The evidence of the witnesses in Lord Bryce's report does not seem to me to have been carefully sifted, and if the alleged atroci- ties are true how is it possible that a group of American reporters traveled all across Belgium in vain in search of witnesses and failed to discover one iota of proof? — Nothing but the just punish- ment meted out, after due trial by court martial, for criminal acts committed by the populace ! Xo, I cannot discover a trace of these unparalleled infamies in spite of Lord Bryce's and other reports.

I am impressed with the fact that you rely on fictitious state- ments. You do not seem to know that, for instance, in Louvaine the armed resistance of the populace had been carefully prepared and instigated, of which fact the German authorities are in possession of unequivocal proof in the form of written orders as to the distribution of arms, and lists of names. The story that the struggle in the streets began through "reckless or accidental firing of shots by drunken German soldiers" is a fairy tale which flatly contradicts even the Belgian descriptions of the fight and has been invented for the benefit of those friends of the Allies in France and England who have no clear conception of the situation, for the purpose of prejudicing them against Germany. Any one who can weigh evi- dence will not agree with you.

I hope you will excuse me for not having "formed an opinion on the incident of the child of two years who, while standing in the street at Malines, was transfixed by a brave German soldier with his bayonet and carried ofif on the weapon, a song on the lips of its murderer." I have formed no opinion on the story except that I regard it as fiction.

Your logic is simple. You come to the conclusion that "the charges brought against the Belgians are false, the charges against the Germans are true." But what do you say of the murder and persecution of Germans in the streets of Paris, Antwerp, Milan, also in London and other British cities, and in Canada? What do you say about the price set upon the heads of Germans in South Africa, to be paid to natives? What do you say about the atrocities of English soldiers? There is a rough element everywhere, but I know that the German army is made up of more humane elements than any other body of soldiers.

I hope that Great Britain will adopt the German military sys- tem, for I would expect from it a great improvement in the British

A CHRONICLE OF UNPARALLELED INFAMIES. 569

military forces and also the spread of a peaceful spirit in English policy. Germany is the best prepared for war, and at the same time the most peaceful in spirit, for the Germans must fight their wars themselves. Every mother must send her own sons into the field.

I would have done anything in my power to prevent the war, and I read with hearty approval the Kaiser's letters to his cousins on the Russian and English thrones. The Kaiser was especially loath to begin a war with the English people to whom he felt so closely bound not only by ties of friendship but also of blood ; and I can understand his feeling in the matter. I love the English lan- guage, the English literature, the English people ; and I hate the thought that the English people have done a grievous wrong. My only comfort consists in the sad consolation that the English people have been betrayed into this stupid attitude toward Germany by a small clique whose leader is Sir Edward Grey.

My sympathy goes out for the English commoners, for the Saxon element of the people, not for the aristocracy nor the men of Norman blood, for I blame the latter for all the misunder- standings and misrepresentations. In the interest of the latter Great Britain is governed, and the latter continue to contrive falsehoods to perpetuate their power and influence. I have always taken ofifense at Tennyson's wrongly admired estimate of "Norman blood" in the lines

"Kind hearts are more than coronets. And simple faith than Norman blood."

I am convinced that Saxon blood is better than Norman blood, and that the Saxon element of the English people is their better portion and nobler inheritance. I have an antipathy against the crimes, in English history, of those ruling classes who have always, as a matter of course, followed the policy of keeping the great masses of the people in subjection and poverty while they themselves kept the land and appropriated all the power and the sources of wealth.

I fear this war will have to be fought out to the bitter end. and it becomes more and more evident that the English aristocracy will be the losers in the long run. Germany, in her progress in the arts of peace, became a danger to the English ruling classes, and a war seemed to be the only means of getting rid of the incon- venient rival. But I venture to predict that this war will bring about precisely what the English aristocracy, headed by Sir Edward Grey, expected to prevent.

Sir Edward Grey is smart, very smart, and in this war Great Britain has all the odds in her favor. The Triple Entente was a

570 THE OPEN COURT.

cunning contrivance, and it furnished her with most powerful alHes. Yet I predict a final defeat for the allied arms. For too much smart- ness defeats itself. The British world power is a colossus on clay feet, and these clay feet will crumble when the testing time comes. But out of the misfortunes and chaos of war I look for a regenera- tion of England, through the noble old Saxondom of her people, the commoners, the true Englishmen. The time will come when this truth will be understood, but at present the outlook is gloomy. Sir Edward Grey has led the people in a course of action which will prove their undoing.

There are a few men in England who take the same view as I, but they are few, very few, and they have no opportunity to make themselves heard. To force them into submission or compel them to retract their statements may prevent reform under present circumstances, but the truth will finally prevail.

We stand before a great crisis in history. England has forced the issue, for she wants to prevent Germany from sharing in the blessings of world power. England would not give up her monopoly of the seas. She wants to preserve the balance of power on the continent so that she may continue her dominion. That is why she misrepresents Germans and calls them Huns and barbarians. She wants to break Germany's power, but it becomes more and more apparent that not Germany's but England's fate lies in the balance, and indications are many that history is pronouncing on England her mene tekel. You do not believe me, but the future will judge between us ; the future will reveal the truth.

I love the Germanic peoples. I admire Germany, England and the United States. My ideal has been and still is the establishment of a friendship between these three great nations, and in their alli- ance I see the hope of mankind, the realization of universal peace among men. But this hope has been well-nigh shattered because of the machinations of a few English diplomats whose policy it is to perpetuate the aristocratic spirit of the British government to the detriment of both Germany and the United States. We want leadership of the most powerful, but freedom for all, and the sine qua noil of freedom for all is the freedom of the seas. Misrepresen- tation plays a considerable role in diplomacy, and the British dip- lomats have succeeded in making a powerful use of it, above all in misguiding the English people and leading them into this most disastrous war. But misrepresentations will be cleared away like fog in the morning sun, and in the end truth will prevail.

The time will come when the English people will long for

A CHRONICLE OF UNPARALLELED INFAMIES. 571

truth ; I hope they will have enough moral strength left to search for it with honest endeavor, and that they will find it.

Is William the Second to be the liberator of England from the Norman yoke, the one whose task it is to undo the sorry work of William the Conqueror?

War is terrible, and it is the English diplomats that are respon- sible for the present one. They felt so certain of the outcome but they have made most careless and inexcusable miscalculations. They thought it would be easy to crush Germany, and they still build great hopes upon their misstatements and misrepresentations.

Misrepresentations, if believed in, are often very efficient and do great hami to the misrepresented party, but only for a time. In the long run they are found out and recoil on their inventors. The English people are patient and long-suffering and believe mis- statements easily, but they will at last discover that their diplomats have relied on falsehood and have done a grievous wrong in mis- representing the German cause. The members of the British cab- inet, a clique of noblemen, are an incapable and narrowminded lot, and had not the slightest idea of the terrible task with which they were confronting the English people.

The war is being carried on in a most bungling way by the Allies, especially by the Russians and the English. The best and most worthy among the Allies are, it appears, the French ; but even they would be incapable of withstanding the German attack alone.

One thing becomes plainer and plainer: that England will lose her leadership in commerce and world politics, and it is character- istic that in the present war England has once again forced the issue. But it is England herself that is going to be the sufferer; she will lose her place among the nations, and world-leadership will fall to Germany and the United States.

It will take some time before the English people realize this, for they still believe all the reports of German viciousness, of which the alleged atrocities in Belgium are only a minor portion. It will take some time for the English people to wake up, and it seems as if only a serious and terrible defeat in war would open their eyes.

Let us hope that the worst evils carry in them the seeds of some good, of some great good, and that the evils are fraught with blessings beyond what even the most sanguine dreamer expects. The misfortune that brings about the much needed reform and a thor- ough regeneration of England would be a blessing: it would accom- plish more good than evil.

MISCELLANEOUS.

MISS FARMER AND GREENACRE. To the Editor of The Open Court:

May I be pardoned if I seek to supplement the article of Mr. Richardson on Bahaism with a few words on Miss Farmer and her life-work, her beloved Greenacre ?

No more thrilling chapter in the lives of leaders of thought has ever been written than the facts concerning Miss Farmer and her Greenacre. Her ideal was "a universal platform" upon which with malice toward none, with charity toward all, each might be permitted to voice his own particular creed, to the end that the various religions might learn to compare sympathetically their points of agreement and forget somewhat their points of difference. She believed that if this could be done, religious hatreds and wars would cease.

With a marvelous magnetism, a winning personality and supreme love for all humanity, which drew men and women alike to her side, all eager to assist in the great work for the uplift of the world. Miss Farmer, while health and money lasted, worked with the unfailing ardor of the idealist, giving unstintingly of herself and her means to promote the cause of universality.

Now, her health broken, her little remaining fortune in Maine tied up by distant relatives so that she has to depend absolutely upon the generosity of devoted friends; not daring for fear of p£rsonal violence to cross the boundary lines of New Hampshire whose courts having pronounced her sane, she knows that there her last remaining possession, personal liberty, is secure, — she has been compelled to submit to being swept contemptuously aside while her universal platform at Greenacre was seized by a sect known as "Bahaism" and converted into a "Bahai Center."

When the true history of Miss Farmer's work at Greenacre is wfitten, as it must be some day, the history of the untold good to the untold numbers that it has accomplished and still might be accomplishing if that fatal, men- tally unbalancing disease, Bahaism, had not crept in, the world will wonder with regret at the magnitude and beauty of that which it permitted to be destroyed.

Yours truly, A friend of Miss Farmer and Greenacre.

JIKOKUTEN, GUARDIAN OF THE EAST. The fierce type of features expressing will power which appears in the god Fudo is not limited to this special deity but can be traced in other Japanese gods, especially in the guardians of the four quarters of the world. One of

\ ^«l-

o

.'^.^v

"V.?'^

574 THE OPEN COURT.

these is illustrated in our frontispiece which is a reproduction of a Japanese painting of Jikokuten, the guardian of the east. The god of the north is called Tamonten, of the south Zochoten and of the west Komokuten.

Some time ago we published the reproduction of a Japanese painting of Fudo (Sanskrit, Achala) which we repeat in this connection. The artist, Seiso Hashimoto, has endowed this deity with all the traditional features of his character. With a sword in one hand, a chain in the other, and his figure enveloped in fiery flames, he is the artistic embodiment of that indomitable will which in spite of all hindrances and obstacles, in the face of danger and death, leads finally to victory.

THE LOTUS GOSPEL.

[In an article bearing the above title in The Open Court of September, 1914, the Editor reviewed at some length a book by Mrs. A. E. Gordon, of Tokyo, entitled World Healers, or The Lotus Gospel and its Bodhisattvas Compared with Early Christianity, and published by Eugene L. Morice of London. We here publish a letter received from Mrs. Gordon in comment on this review. — Ed.]

May I criticize your review of my World Healers? You don't seem to have got at the kernel of it! In the first place, you will, on reference to the Royal Asiatic Societys' (Seoul Branch) Transactions for 1914, see my lecture on discoveries in Korea which are wonderfully confirmatory of my theories in the book. In the same number of The Open Court there is a most inter- esting article on a subject new to me, viz., "Martyrs' Milk," and I would ask you to refer to page 68 of my World Healers for a similar instance in the case of the negro monk Kokuhoshi in Korea.

In your review you say: "The gospel it preaches is a kind of combination of Christianity with Buddhism." Now my book does not "preach a gospel." It simply brings into more light what Dr. Timothy Richard already set forth in his translation of Saddharma Pundarika (known in Japan as the Lotus Gospel) ; and which several scholars have long since concludedmay be an a/^oc- ryphal Christian Gospel, such as the Gospel of Nicodemus, the Gospel of the Hebrews, etc. To my mind, this is far more worthy of God than the selfish orthodox Christian idea that he only illuminated Europe, and later America, with the light of his glorious gospel. You doubtless know Dr. T. Richard's Nezu Testament of Higher Buddhism in which the above translation appears. Dr. Tyan Takakusu, the highest Sanskrit authority out here and a pupil of Max Miiller, pronounced that translation "not only to be most accurate literally, but also to give the very essence of the original." Higher praise could hardly be given.

In the third paragraph of your review you very justly criticize my im- perfect methods; so please allow me to explain that Prof. A. H. Sayce, when he was in Japan, kindly went through all my manuscripts most carefully, and on my telling him exactly the points you have criticized, he said : "Never mind that, just put down everything you have found up to date, and then let others from that mass of material weed out and arrange all in proper order." You see that being very delicate, and with eyes troubling me, I must do either one thing or the other. If I stop to sift and criticize accurately, I cannot write down the facts that keep crowding in and which, alas ! other people out here (now that Dr. A. Lloyd is dead) take no interest in.

MISCELLANEOUS. 575

I believe the historical data are as nearly accurate as possible, for, having studied with my dear friend. Max Miiller, I am possessed with the idea of historical data being essential, I have been at infinite pains to take out all I have put down. In many cases such contradictory dates are given that it has been an immense labor to verify them. This is an explanation, not an excuse !

As for the Chinese "ship of salvation" I have found far more wonderful frescoes of it in Korea, at Isudoji and on Diamond Mount.

You have omitted the point about Asukahime (p. 553) which is that the dear children recognized their beloved empress and showed it by offering her two chrysanthemums — the imperial crest ! This seems to me a peculiarly touching and delicate offering in proof of the recognition after death which so distracts worthy bereaved Christians in the West, and about which so much is written there! "Shall we know one another again?" Yes! these "heathen" Buddhist-Japanese tell us, without a doubt.

Lastly your (p. 556) paragraph on the Nestorian Stone again misses the point.

a. The picture shows the monks pointing out Buddhist terms on the Nes- torian Stone and in particular the title used of Kwannon in heaven "The Ship of Great Mercy," Ts'i-hang. May I refer you to Edkins's Chinese Bud- dhism, pp. 266, 353, as to this? The scene took place at the dedication of the stone on Koya san.

b. What you say in your last paragraph seems to infer that the photograph was taken of the original stone (of which your pamphlet^ speaks) at Sianfu.

That pamphlet describes the copy of the stone which was taken to the United States from Sienfu. The only other replica is the one I had the privi- lege of erecting on Koyasan which for 1100 years was the great shrine of Kobo Daishi and Shingon— the "True Word" Buddhism.

The stone is erected in the holiest place on Koyasan, the Okunoin, where myriads of Japanese have laid their ashes beside the sleeping Kobo who there awaits the coming of Miroku, the Buddhist Messiah. {SQ^'ExitYs Handbook on Maitreya). So there are only three in the whole world of this priceless monu- ment of the similarity between Mahayana Buddhism and early Christianity, viz., that at Sianfu, and these two replicas in the United States and Japan.

As I write, the 1100th anniversary of Kobo Daishi is being celebrated and one half a million of pilgrims are to be at Koya gathered from all parts of Japan this month and in May. Two hundred and fifty thousand Japanese tracts containing pictures of the Nestorian stone and descriptive matter are being distributed among these pilgrims.

BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTES.

To- Morrow's Road. A Booklet of Verses by G. M. H. London : Old Bourne Press, 15 Holborn, E. C. Pp. 40. G. M, Hort, who may be remembered by our readers as the author of a poem which appeared some time ago in The Open Court under the title "The Tenant," has collected some of his poems into this little paper-bound volume. Most of them have appeared in various well-known publications, such as The Academy, The Outlook, The Nation, etc.

^The Nestorian Monument, an Ancient Record of Christianity in China. Chicago: The Open Court Publishing Company, 1909.

576 THE OPEN COURT.

As an interesting sample we quote the following lines from "The Song of a Fool" :

"I had a comrade in the days of morning, High through his youth a fatal wisdom shone. Still to each task he'd turn with easy scorning, Know all too soon, and weary to be gone ! But I, who dream from truth could scarcely sever, Slow at a fact and lagged at a rule Drank new delight from some old book for ever — • Thanks be to God, who made me such a fool !

"And now, while life is on itself returning. While from each window slowly shifts the light, Loud from the dais, speak the men of learning Who know the nature of the coming night. But I who watch the door where daylight narrows. And irk to find myself so late in school. Seek truant Hope among the Churchyard barrows! Thanks be to God, who never cured the fool!"

On another page of this issue we are printing in article form as prepared by the author for us the opening chapters of a book entitled Caiiylc and flic War, which we understand is shortly to be published in New York, and all inquiries concerning which should be addressed to Jean Wick, Aeolian Hall, 42d Street, in that city.

This book has been written by an Englishman of Scotch descent, who believes his country to be in the wrong in this war and whose motives for writing as he has done must be sought in the book itself. He has written primarily to and for his own countrymen in strong appeal to them to realize the terrible mistake their and his country has made, but though we hope this book may reach England we believe there is much in it to interest Americans also.

The author has made his appeal largely in the name of Thomas Carlyle whom he regards a a truly inspired writer and whose History of Frederick tlie Great especially he considers that every Briton and American ought to study in this crisis. He feels that the significance of the title he has given to his work ought to be instantly felt by those more earnest and thoughtful men of his own country whom he eminently wishes to reach. To us Americans it may perhaps not be so immediately apparent, but it should soon become evident to readers of Mr. Kelly who writes in no academic spirit or for the mere scholar, but for the present hour and for all who are awake to the momentous issues of the present crisis.

Our readers will notice that Mr. Kelly's article is imbued with the style of his master, Carlyle, after whom (as he has said of himself) he takes "as a son takes after his father," among other ways in his use of vigorous ex- pressions where vigorous thoughts are to be expressed.

Readers not acquainted with certain idiosyncrasies will probably find some difficulty in interpreting the sense. In accordance with our author's request we have refrained from making alterations and have rigorously followed his manuscript in all details, including capitalization and punctuation.

Germany's Isolation

An Exposition of the Economic Causes of the War

By

Paul Rohrbach

Translated by PAUL H. PHILLIPSON, Ph. D.

It is undeniable that so far, Germany, which has been so bitterly blamed for the great war, has not had equal opportunity with her enemies to state her side of the case.

Paul Rohrbach's book here presented, while not written primarily as a plea for, or in justification of, Germany's part in the war, has such a bearing upon the whys and wherefores of the great struggle, that it must be considered one of the most notable books yet issued. With the exception of the last chapter which was penned recently, the book was written before the war began.

With keen, incisive logic the author shows war to be inevitable, a natural de- velopment of the conditions that then obtained. With startling earnestness he pic- tures Germany surrounded by mighty foes, jealous of her swift rise to the ranks of the world powers, humiliated and affronted by these same foes as occasion offered, and deprived of her legitimate opportunities for colonial expansion; that she would have to fight for her very life and freedom on both frontiers was certain.

In his concluding chapter. Dr. Rohrbach gives the attitude of Germany to her foes as follows :

In spite of the hatred toward Germany, a hatred which the French have been nursing for over forty years, there is no need of reducing the rank of France as a world power. Territorially this would mean that her continental boundaries be left undisturbed and the greater part of her North-African possessions untouched. Financially, however, the indemnity imposed upon her can scarcely be too large.

Russia, with her population of one hundred and seventy millions, must at all hazards be reduced, and her ability to attack Central Europe diminislied. It will not be difficult to carry out such a plan as large stretches of western and southern Russia are inhabited by non-Russian peoples who would hail their release from the control of the czar with every show of satisfaction.

But the real enemy of Germany, and not only of Germany but of the culture and civilization of all Europe, the enemy who for the sake of his own commercial profits delivered Germany into the hands of the Muscovite and conspired to rob Germany of her rightfully earned place among the nations of the world, that enemy is — England. Peace with England is impossible until her power to do harm has been broken for ever. It would be premature to discuss the ways and means which lead to that end. Let it suffice to say that those ways and means exist, and that Germany is resolved to use them in due time. Then, and then only, Germany's future will be assured. To display leniency toward England is now but to commit an act of treason against the future of the German Empire.

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The Questions and Discussions, which are timely and interesting, cover a wide variety of topics.

The Book Reviews embrace the entire field of collegiate and sec- ondary mathematics.

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Our Knowledge of the External World

as a Field for Scientific Method

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Pages X, 245. Cloth, $2.00 (7s. 6d. net).

This book is a compilation of Mr. Bertrand Russell's "Lowell Lectures" of 1914, in which the author attempts to show, by means of examples, the nature, capacity, and limitations of the logico-analytical method in philosophy. They are on "Current Tendencies," "Logic as the Essence of Philosophy," "Our Knowledge of the External World," "The Problem of Infinity Considered Historically," "The Positive Theory of Infinity," and "The Notion of Cause, with Applications to the Free-Will Problem." These lectures are written, as the Mathematical Gazette says, with that clearness, force, and subtle humor that readers of Mr. Russell's other works have learnt to expect; and are the first publication on Mr. Russell's new line of the study of the foundations of physics.

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A BOOK OF COMMANDING IMPORTANCE

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"This book consists of lectures delivered as "Lowell Lectures" in Boston, in

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without a preliminary abstract."

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A Rare Treat for Booklovers

De Morgan's Budget of Paradoxes

By AUGUSTUS DE MORGAN

Edited with full bibliographical notes and index

By DAVID EUGENE SMITH Teachers' College, Columbia University, New York

Two volumes, pp. 500 each. Cloth, $3.50 per vol.

THE BUDGET OF PARADOXES. As booklovers and those who delight to browse in fields that are quaint and curious know, there appeared in the nineteenth century no work that appealed to the tastes of their guild more powerfully than the delightful BUDGET OF PARADOXES of AUGUSTUS DE MORGAN. Orig- inally written as a series of articles in THE ATHENAEUM, they were collected by Professor DE MORGAN just before his death and were pubHshed posthumously by his talented wife. As a piece of delicious satire upon the efforts of circlers of squares, and their kind, there is nothing else in English literature that is quite so good. Nor should it be thought that the work is technical because it speaks of the arrested mental development of the circle-squarers. On the contrary, while it is absolutely scientific in its conclusions, it is written in a popular style which anyone can appreciate and which has charmed many thousands of readers during the past half century.

THE PRESENT EDITION. The BUDGET OF PARADOXES was first written some fifty years ago. Many names which were common property in England at that time were little known abroad, and others have passed into oblivion even in their native land. Incidents which were subjects of general conversation then have long since been forgotten, so that some of the charm of the original edition would be lost on the reader of the present day had the publishers under- taken merely a reprint. The first edition having long since been exhausted but still being in great demand, it was decided to prepare a new one, and to issue it in a form becoming a work of this high rank. Accordingly, it was arranged to leave the original text intact, to introduce such captions and rubrics as should assist the reader in separating the general topics, and to furnish a set of footnotes which should supply him with as complete information as he might need with respect to the names and incidents mentioned in the text. The Publishers feel that the two

A RARE TREAT FOR BOOKLOVERS- Continued

large, well-printed volumes which they take pleasure in submitting to readers will prove a source of delight to all who peruse the pages of this unique work.

THE EDITOR. In preparing this edition, the Publishers sought for the man whose tastes, experience, and learning would best harmonize with those of Professor DE MORGAN himself. Accordingly they invited Professor DAVID EUGENE SMITH, Ph.D., LL.D., to undertake the work. Dr. SMITH is known for his KARA ARITHMETICA, which completed the early part of the work undertaken by DE MORGAN in his arithmetical books ; for his PORTFOLIO OF EMINENT MATHEMATICIANS and for his part in the HISTORY OF JAPANESE MATHEMATICS and the translation of Fink's HISTORY OF MATHEMATICS, issued by the Open Court Publishing Company; and for his extensive writings on the history and teaching of mathematics and his contributions to text-book literature. Dr. Smith has worked in DE MORGAN'S library, is thoroughly familiar with all of DE MORGAN'S writings, and has a type of mind which is sympathetic with that of the author of the BUDGET. The Publishers therefore feel that they have been very fortunate in securing the one man who was best qualified to undertake con amove the preparation of this new edition.

VALUE TO PUBLIC LIBRARIES. Although the original edition of the BUDGET appealed rather to the searcher after the unique and bizarre than to one who wished for information as to men and things, the new edition may properly take its place among the valuable works of reference in our public libraries. The circle-squarers and the angle-trisectors are present everywhere and always, and a popular work that will show them their folly is a thing that every library should welcome. But aside from this, the great care taken by Dr. Smith in his biographical, bibliographical and historical notes renders the work invaluable on a shelf of general reference. His additions have so increased the size of the work that it has been found necessary to issue it in two volumes.

THE SELLING OF THE WORK. When we consider the fact that the work is even better known to general readers than to mathematicians, that it has long been out of print and has had a ready sale among dealers in rare books at prices ranging from $10.00 to $15.00, it will be seen that an edition like .the present one cannot fail to have a large sale, not merely in GREAT BRITAIN and her posses- sions, and in the UNITED STATES, but also among scholars in other countries as well.

THE READERS. As intimated above, the work appeals to an unusually wide range of readers. Of course every mathematician will wish for a copy, not because the work is on mathematics but because it was written by a curious-minded mathe- matician who delighted to satirize the pretended science of the circle-squarers. It will be read by the lover of delicious satire, because in this field it has few equals, and it will appeal to the general reader because of its style and the wide range of interests which Professor DE MORGAN showed in this, his best-known work. Such a book is written for all times and for all classes of readers, and it may well be ranked among the classics of our language.

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The European War

of 1914 Its Causes, Purposes, and Probable Results

By JOHN WILLIAM BURGESS, Ph.D., J. U. D., LL. D.

Formerly Professor of Constitutional and International Law and Dean of the Faculty of Politica Science, Philosophy, and Pure Science in Columbia University, Xew York City.

Professor Burgess considers the present Anti-German craze altogether unrea- sonable. He has studied the British White Paper, which gives, as he says, the British point of view, and he finds it a most unconvincing document. Discussing the imme- diate cause of the war he asserts that Austria had a just cause, and the demands she made upon Servia were not only reasonable, but she could not, as a self-respecting nation, have asked less.

He claims that the only reasonable construction to be placed upon the moves made by Sir Edward Grey preliminary to the outbreak of the war, is that they tended to fan the flame and that that astute minister unquestionably knew this. In support of this he shows by documentary proof that Sir Edward Grey encouraged Servia to resist Austria, and accepted Russia's claim of a protectorate over that Balkan nation.

German success in home development and in foreign markets, he says, brought to her the jealousy and spite of England, and this, he asserts, is really the primary cause of the war.

Compared with what we understand by Constitutional Government he finds the British Government a despotism, and contrasts it with the organization of the Ger- man Empire, which he states is not only more efficient but more genuinely demo- cratic, asserting further that the German system is best calculated to give mankind prosperity and peace. The German Emperor, he declares, is a truly great man, ex- ceedingly intelligent and highly cultured.

In relation to American interests in the war, he points out that the much derided German militarism was very useful to us in the Revolutionary and Civil Wars, and that without it the results might have been different. Against this he sets the fact that Great Britain's attitude toward us has always, during a crisis, been that of an enemy and against us. He claims that every true American interest requires the maintenance of the German Empire in its present organization and power in Middle Europe.

He favors the idea that our next formulation of the Monroe Doctrine will be that there shall be no colonial dependencies in North America of any European power. Canada, as at present constituted, is a danger to us.

Belgian neutrality also receives his attention, and he asserts that Belgium has Great Britain to thank for every drop of blood shed by her people and for all her devastation.

CH.^PTER CONTENTS

I. The Occasions of the War. II. The Proximate Causes of the War.

III. The Underlying Causes of the War.

IV. American Interests in the Outcome of the War.

V. The Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Crime at Sarajevo. VI. Belgian Neutrality. VII. The Export of Arms and Munitions to Belligerents. VIII. The German Emperor.

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ORIGINAL ARTICLES

Psychoanalysis. C. G. JuxG.

Role of Sexual Complex in Dementia Praecox. Jas. C. Hassall. Psycho-Genetics of Androcratic Evolution. Theo. Scuroeder. Technique of Psychoanalysis. Saiith Ely Jelliffe.

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Significance of Psychoanalysis for the Mental Sciences.

Otto Rank and Hanns Sachs. Wishfulfillment and Symbolism in Fairy Tales. Fraxz Riklin.

ABSTRACTS. P.ook Reviews. A^aria.

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Timely Editorial in the Chicago Tribune and a Timely Book for American Citizens

HE constitution of the United States provides specifically that, the power to declare war rests with congress. By evasion the president can create a condition whereby war must follow, or by blundering he may bring war upon us through the initiative of another country. The first course is immoral, the second is inane. We do not believe that President Wilson is either.

If President Wilson contemplates making war or contemplates steps which might lead to war, the only thing for him to do is to call a special session of congress and lay before congress the situation as only he and his confidential advisers know it to be. Certainly it would lead to a nation-wide campaign. Certainly this would show a national division. But if war is contemplated public opinion should be consulted before taking any unredeemable step. Certainly men will be found who will assail the president for political and personal reasons, and even worse. Just as certainly men will be found who will sacrifice politics and personal interest for patriotism.

Finally, this nation has never faced the present international situation as a nation. The larger part of the public expression has been on the part of and spoken in the interests of or at least in sympathy with one or another of the foreign nations.

We have not as a nation considered our interests as a nation. We have never considered what a German victory would bring to us. We have never considered what an allied victory would mean to us. We have never considered the price of war. We have never considered the price of peace. The violent and objectionable agitation which must follow the consideration of these sub- jects in congress will compel us for once to see our national interest.

Read the following book and reflect on its conclusions

PAN-AMERICANISM

By the Author of "PAN-GERMANISM"

ROLAND G. USHER'S forecast of the inevitable clash between the United States and Europe's victor

DO YOU REALIZE THAT to maintain the IV!onroe Doctrine will compel us to declare war on Europe's victor?

DO YOU KNOW THAT the Monroe Doctrine was aimed at England and not at Spain?

DO YOU BELIEVE THAT it has defended South America in the past?

DO YOU REALIZE THAT the United States may lie at the mercy of Europe's victor?

DO YOU KNOW THAT she may be defended without the firing of a shot by either army or navy?

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