iru

\ STUDIA IN /

THE LIBRARY

of
VICTORIA UNIVERSITY

Toronto

4 Ito Jufe

4

ENGLISH!' BY

JOHN LYDGATE, A.D. 1426,

FROM THE FRENCH OF

GUILLAUME DE DEGUILEVILLE, A.D. 1330, 1355.

PAKT III.

WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, GLOSSARY AND INDEXES

BY

KATHAKINE B. LOCOCK,

ASSOCIATE OF KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.

LONDON :
PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY

BY KEGAN PAUL, TEENCH, TRUBNEE & CO., LIMITED,

DKYDEN HOUSE, 43, GEKRARD STREET, SOHO, W
1904

PR

no. -7

, xcii.

RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BUNGAY.

tlgriraagc of tjjt fife of pan.

Sltms, xcn.
1904.

BERLIN : ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN.

NEW YORK: C. SCRIBNER & CO.; LEYPOLDT & HOLT.

PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPP1NCOTT & CO.

Hgrimage of % fife of

^trics, LXXVII, LXXXIII, xcn.
1899, 1901, 1904.

BERLIN: ASHER & CO., 13, UNTER DEN LINDEN.

NEW YORK : C. SCRIBNER & CO. ; LEYPOLDT & HOLT.

PHILADELPHIA : J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO.

mi,

ENGLISHT BY

JOHN LYDGATE, A.D. 1426,

FROM THE FRENCH OF

GUILLAUME DE DEGUILEVILLE, A.D. 1330, 1355.

THE TEXT EDITED BY

F. J. FURNIVALL, M.A. CAMBRIDGE,

HON. DR. PHIL. BERLIN ; HON. D. LITT. OXFORD ;
FOUNDER AND DIRECTOR OF THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY.

WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, GLOSSARY AND INDEXES

BY

KATHAEINE B. LOCOCK,

ASSOCIATE OF KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.

LONDON :
PUBLISHED FOR THE EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY

BY KEGAN PAUL, TEENCH, TEUBNEE & CO., LIMITED,

DRYDEN HOUSE, 43, GERRARD STREET, SOHO, W.
1899, 1901, 1904.

<g*tra ems, LXXVII, LXXXIII, xcn.

RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BUNGAY.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

PREFACE ... ... vii*

INTRODUCTION :-

I. THE RELATION OF DE GUILEVILLE'S POEM TO THE

ROMANCE OF THE ROSE ... ... ... ... ix*

II. THE DIFFERENT VERSIONS OF THE POEM ... ... xii*

III. THE RELATION OF DE GUILEVILLE'S TWO VERSIONS

TO ONE ANOTHER ... ... ... ... ... Xvil*

iv. LYDGATE'S METRE ... ... ... ... ... xxxi*

v. LYDGATE'S LANGUAGE AND STYLE ... ... ... xli*

VI. LYDGATE AND BUNYAN ... ... ... ... liii*

BIBLIOGRAPHY ,. Ixiii*

THE MSS. OP LYDGATE'S POEM Ixvii*

GUILLAUME DE GUILEVILLE 1XX*

TABLE OF CONTENTS IxXlii*

FOREWORDS (OF 1899 BY DR. FURNIVALL) V

AFTERWORDS (OF 1905 BY DR. FURNIVALL) ... ... ... xiil

TEXT 1-666

NOTES 667

GLOSSARY ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 695

INDEX... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 725

INDEX OF NAMES 735

vir

PREFACE.

THE text of Lydgate's Pilgrimage of the Life of Man, published
in 1899, was edited by Dr. Furnivall, having been copied by the late
Mr. William Wood, partly side-noted by Mr. J. Meadows Cowper,
and more or less revised by the late Mr: G. JS". Currie, M. A. Lond.
In 1903 I undertook to write Introduction, Notes and Glossary to
the poem, and now submit my work, with some diffidence, to the
Members of the E. E. T. S.

I have thought it unnecessary to add anything to what has been
already written upon the life and character of Lydgate, or to treat of
the subject of his grammar. My principal aim in the Introduction
has rather been to discuss the relation of the poem to its original, to
indicate the character of that original, and to consider the question
of Bunyan's suggested debt to Lydgate. It has seemed desirable to
offer a few notes concerning Lydgate's Metre, Language and Style,
although on these subjects I can hardly hope to supplement materially
the researches of previous editors.

The Bibliography is not intended to be exhaustive, my main
object in drawing it up having merely been to give the completes t
possible list of MSS. and old printed books existing in France and
England. I have, however, mentioned all the known MSS. of De
Guileville's second recension, from which Lydgate's poem was trans-
lated. For the information in the Bibliography I am indebted to
Professor Stiirzinger's edition of De Guileville's first recension, to
Dr. Aldis Wright's edition of the Camb. MS. Ff. 5.30, and to the
list in The Ancient Poem of Guillaume de Guileville, supplemented
by my own investigations at the British Museum and the Bodleian
Library.

The Table of Contents has been adapted and enlarged from that
given in Yerard's edition.

Owing to the extreme length of the poem, I have felt it necessary
to exercise a strict moderation in writing the notes, and have there-
fore aimed at little more than the clearing up of the more obscure

viii* Preface.

allusions, a task in which, I regret to say, I have not always been
successful

It only remains for me to express my sincere thanks to those
who have assisted me in the work : to Dr. Skeat, Dr. Murray,
the Kev. H. Parkinson, Dom John Chapman, O.S.B., Dr. Furnivall
and Lord Aldenham for help in the Notes, to the last two for
various criticisms and suggestions ; to Mr. Madan and Mr. Stanley
Jones for aid in identifying MSS. ; to Miss Batty, of Oxford, for
clerical assistance, and to my friend and former tutor, Miss Margaret
L. Lee, whose candid criticism and ready help have at once impelled
and encouraged me in the execution of my task.

KATHARINE B. LOCOCK.

77, Banbury Road, Oxford,
Dec. 1904.

INTRODUCTION.

I. THE RELATION OF DE GUILEVILLE'S POEM TO THE ROMANCE

OF THE ROSE.

IN the colophon to the first version of the Pelerinage de la
Vie Humaine De Guileville tells us that his poem was founded upon
the Romance of the Rose.

" Chi fine li romans du moisne
Du pelerinage de vie humaine,
Qui est pour le bon pelerin
Qui en che monde tel chemin
Veult tenir qui voise a bon aport
Et quil ait clu ciel le deport,
Prins sur le roman de la rose
Ou lart damours est toute enclose.
Pries pour celui qui le fist,
Qui la fait faire, et qui lescripst."

If we only consider the fact that the Romance of the Rose is an
allegory on the art of love, and that the Pelerinage is an allegory of
man's spiritual journey from birth to death, the relation between
the two does not appear to be very close ; but although the subjects
and general aims of the two poems are very different, there are
some striking correspondences, both of plan, manner and detail.

The Romance of the Rose is too well known for more than a
very brief sketch of its general plan to be necessary.

The first part, by Guillaume de Lorris, is a straightforward and
simple allegory, in which are described the efforts of a lover to gain
his beloved, symbolized by a rosebud. The other characters, who
help or hinder the lover, are all allegorical and bear such names as
Love, Idleness, Mirth, Largesse, Danger, Jealousy, Malebouche and
the like. Besides these, certain evil qualities are described, which
are supposed to be painted upon the outside of the wall of the
garden in which the Eose is to be found. Among these we may
notice Hate, Covetousness, Avarice, Envy.

The spirit of this part of the poem is the spirit of the mediaeval

x* Introduction, i. De Guileville and the Romance of the Rose.

Courts of Love. It is, indeed, just what the author calls it in his
introduction :

" li Eommanz de la Rose
Ou 1'art d' Amors est tote enclose." (11. 37-8.)

It is of love and the art of love that Guillaume de Lorris writes ;
and the connection between this part of the poem and De Guileville's
Pelerinage can only be traced in so far as both are in allegorical
form, both describe personified abstractions, and both make use of
similar details of description and allegorical conventions. A few
specimens of these latter may be given.

In the description of Idleness, G. de Lorris tells us that

" por garder que ses mains blanches
Ne halaissent, ot uns blans gans." (11. 565-6.)

and in De Guileville's first version we read that Idleness

"un gant

Tenoit dont se aloit jouant,
Entour son doi le demenoit,
Et le tournoit et retournoit."

(Sturzinger, 6525-28.)

Reason, in the R. de la R. is spoken of in the following terms :

" La dame de la haulte garde
Qui de sa tour aval regarde,
C'est raison ainsi appellee,
Or est de sa tour devallee
Et tout droit vers moi est venue,"

while by De Guileville we are told

" Tantost vers eus une pucelle
Descendit d'une tournelle,
Raison apeler se faisoit." (Sturzinger, 573-5.)

In the account of Envy in the R. de la R. we read :

" que s'ele cognoissoit
Tot le plus prodome qui soit
Ne dea mer, ne dela mer,
Si le vorroit ele blasmer." (11. 269-72.)

With this may be compared the confession of Envy's daughter
Detraction in the Pelerinage :

11 Je nuis qui sont de sainte vie,
Comme a ceuz qui ne le sont mie.
Se Saint Jehan en terre estoit,
Encor de mon glaive il aroit."

(Stiirzinger, 8669-72.)

Introduction, i. De Guileville and the Romance of the Ecse. xi*

There are other correspondences of a similar character, one or
two of which have been indicated in the notes ; but when we have
made the most of the allegorical form, and of such similarities of
detail, we must feel that, if this were all that De Guileville owed to
the authors of the Romance of the Rose, a comparison of the two
poems need not detain us long.

But this was far from all.

In his second recension De Guileville, in the person of the
Pilgrim, says to Venus :

" Pour quoy, dis ie, reputes tien
Le rommant qu'as dit, que scay bien
Qui le fist, et comment ot nom." (Ver. f. 51.)

These lines are interpreted by Lydgate as meaning that De
Guileville knew the author personally, in which case the man he
knew must, of course, have been Jean de Meun, not Guillaume de
Lorris, who is supposed to have died in 1240, long before De
Guileville was born.

Jean de Meun himself died about 1320 when De Guileville was
some twenty-five years of age. Thus the acquaintance of the two
must needs have covered a period of De Guileville's life when he
would be most open to influences, and most likely to be affected by
the character and conversation of such a man of the world as the
witty, daring and satirical Jean de Meun.

No doubt he had read and studied Jean de Meun's continuation
of Guillaume de Lorris's romance. Perhaps the author himself had
read it to him, and they had discussed together the many questions
in religion, sociology and science with which the poem deals.

Jean de Meun was a reformer and a democrat, an outspoken
opponent of the abuses to be found in Church and Society, a man
of philosophical mind and practical energy. He was as far as
possible removed from the romantic, chivalrous, courtly character
of Guillaume de Lorris; and though he adopted the framework
of his predecessor's poem he filled it up with all the varied
detail of an encyclopaedic erudition, piling up, one upon another,
discussions on alchemy, astrology, and the operations of Nature, on
economical and social problems, on religion and hypocrisy, on the
duty of mankind, on communistic ideas, on prodigality, the Age
of Gold, jealous husbands, Youth and Age, friendship, and many
another topic, interspersing all with examples and illustrations
drawn from classical tales and recent history. It is in this connec-

xii* Introduction. I. De Guileville and the Romance of the Rose.

tion, above all, that we trace his influence upon De Guileville. We
caii hardly fail to conclude that the latter adopted from the R. de
la R. not merely the allegorical framework, the figures of Idleness,
Youth, Fortune, Eeason, Avarice and the rest, and certain details
of description, but also the pose and manner of the man of mis-
cellaneous information and liberal opinions, and that it was in
imitation of Jean de Meun that he included in his poem discussions
and attacks on matters covering the widest range astrology and
incantations, Nature, abases in religious orders, social science, usury,
fashions in dress illustrating them as occasion and his education
served, with examples from the Scriptures, from the Jives of saints,
or from current fables and romances.

Of course we must not press the parallel too far. "We do not
find in the Pelerinage the same force and talent that we recognize
in the R. de la R. even though De Guileville is not lacking in
energy or effectiveness when he attacks those religious abuses which
personal experience had brought to his knowledge, or treats of the
occupations and social questions with which he must have been
familiar in his youth. Nor can we be blind to a very marked
difference in the points of view of the two men. De Guileville,
after all, was a monk, a man under authority, with all the reverence
of such a man for the teaching of his superiors. His views on some
theological points such as progressive revelation and the spiritual
character of future retribution and reward were liberal and
advanced in tone, but, for all that, he was capable of flights, such as
that on the putting of men's eyes into their ears, which would have
excited the independent-minded Jean Clopinol to an unholy mirth.
On the other hand, the passage in which De Guileville blames the
evil-speaking of his predecessor proves that Jean de Meun's tone
was often far from congenial to him. Yet in their common love
of miscellaneous information and in their opposition, according to
their lights, to some of the abuses of the day, their minds clearly
held some kinship, a kinship which, in spite of many differences,
is not obscurely indicated in the literary form and occasional tone
of the poem we are now considering.

II. THE DIFFERENT VERSIONS OF THE POEM.

THE Pelerinage de la Vie Humaine has appeared under many
forms, as reference to the list of MSS. will show.

The three French versions are The first and second recensions

Introduction. II. Different versions of the Poem, xiii*

of De Guileville, and the prose transcription made at the request of
Jehanne de Laval, Queen of Naples, by Jean Gallopes, dean of the
church of St. Louis de la Saulsoye.

There were also several English versions, the first recension of
De Guileville's poem having apparently been translated into English
prose more than once. Of these versions the MS. in St. John's
College, Cambridge, is northern in dialect, and differs considerably
from the MS. in the University Library, edited for the Eoxburghe
Club by Dr. Aldis Wright. The other prose MSS. have not yet
been collated, but in a note written in the catalogue of the Laud
collection, the opinion is expressed that Laud 740 also differs from
the Koxburghe edition, an opinion in which a collation of a few
passages enables me to concur.

A condensed English prose version, a copy of which exists in
the University Library, Cambridge (Ff. 6. 30), was circulated in
the seventeenth century, and Dr. Wright thinks it possible that this
version may have been seen by Bunyan.

The most important of the English versions is, of course, the
verse translation by Lydgate, which represents De Guileville's second
recension. It is in 24,832 lines as compared with the 18,123 lines
of the Erench (Petit' s edition). With the exception of Lydgate's
Prologue, 184 lines in length, the note on the fanciful derivation
of Glaive, the illustration from Aristotle's Elenchus, two or three
other passages indicated in the margin as Verba Translatoris and
the tribute to Chaucer (p. 527) which are due to Lydgate alone, this
excess of between 7000 and 8000 lines is not produced by important
additions to the matter, but by amplification in the wording, by the
introduction of details and explanations, and by the use of certain
literary devices which will be indicated more fully in the chapter
on Language and Style.

Several passages of the original French have been given for
purposes of comparison in. Vols. I. and II. It will be as well how-
ever to quote other passages here, alongside the English, in order to
render comparison more convenient.

A typical passage is that in which the heavenly Jerusalem is
described, in 36 lines in the French, in 45 by Lydgate.

En Ian que iay dit par deuant, The seyde yer (ho lyst take kepe

Auis me fut en mon dormant, I was avysed in my slepe

Que daler iestoye excite Excyted eke, and that a-noon,

En iherusalem la cite, To lerusalem for to goon.

La ou estoit tout mon couraige. Gretly meved in my corage

xiv* Introduction, n. Different versions of the Poem.

Dy faire le pelerinaige
Fichie du tout entierement
La cause estoit et mouuement
Pource que la cite veoie
En ung beau miroer quauoye,

Qui de loing la representoit
Dedens luy, et la me monstroit.

II nest nulle cite si belle,

Ne qui de rien lui soit pareille ;

Masson en fut seulement dieu,

Nul autre ne feroit tel lieu.

Car Jes chemins et les alees,
Dor fin estoient toutes paues,

En hault assis son funderaent

Estoit, et son massonnement
De vives pierres fait estoit,
Et hault mur entour la clooit,

Dessus lesquelz anges estoient

Qui tout temps le guet y faisoient

Et gardoient tres bien que lentree

Nullement fut abandonnee,

Fors au pelerins seulement

Qui y venoient deuotement.

Leans auoit moult de mansions,

De lieux et dabitacions ;

Illec estoit toute Hesse

Et toute ioye sans tristesse.

La pour men passer briefuement

Auoit chascun communement
De tons biens plus que demander
Jamais ne pourroit ne penser.

ffor to do my pilgrimage
And ther-to steryd inwardly.
And to tell the cause why
"Was, ffor me thouht I hadde a syht
With-Inne a merour large & bryht,
Off that hevenly ffayr cite
"Wych representede unto me
Ther-of holy the manere
With Inne the glas ful bryht & cler
And werrayly, as thouhte me
yt excellyde of bewte
Al other in comparyson ;
ffor God hym self was the masown,
wych mad yt iayr, at ys devys.
ffor werkman was ther noon so wys,
yt to conceyve in his entent ;
ffor al the wayes & paament
Wer ypavyd all off gold.
And in the sawter yt ys told,
How the ffyrst ffundacyon,
On hyllys off devocyon
The masounry wrought ful clene,
Of quyke stonys bryht and schene
"Wyth a closour rovnd a-bowte
Off' enmyes, ther was no dowte
ffor Aungelles the wach y-kepte
The wych, day nor nyht ne slepte,
Kepyng so strongly the entre
That no wyht kam in that cyte
But pylgrimes, day nor nyht,
That thyder wentyn evene ryht.
And ther were meny mansyovns
Placys, and habytacyovns ;
And ther was also al gladnesse,
Ioye with-outen hewynesse.
And pleynly, who that hadde grace
ffor to entren in that place,
ffond, onto hys pleasavnce
Off Ioye al maner suffysavnce
That eny herte kan devyse.

To give a few more examples. Deguileville's Prologue in Yerard's
edition consists of 103 lines. In Lydgate it is 123 lines. The
first 18 lines of Verard, corresponding to the first 25 of Lydgate,
deal with the subject of dreams. There is no diversity of matter
in the two versions, but Lydgate's rendering is rather a paraphrase
of Deguileville than a translation, as the following extract will
show

" Souuentes foys il aduient bien,
Quant on a soge quelque rien,
Quon y pense sur lesueiller ;
Et sil ne souuient au premier
De tout le songe proprement,
Bien aduient que son y entent

Introduction, n. Different versions of the Poem. xv*

Quapres a plain il en souuient.
Et tout a memoire reuient,
Au leuer on est sonimeilleux
Et sont les sens si pareceux
Que son songe point on nentent
Si non en groz sommierement ;
Mais quant on sest bien aduise
Et on ya apres pense,
Lors en souuient il plus a plain
Mais qu'on nactende au lendemain,
Car trop actendre le feroit
Oblier et nen souuiendroit."

The description of Spring in the French, which will be given
later, is 22 lines long, while in Lydgate it occupies 47 lines, but this
is rather an unusual amplification. Certain lines, such as 11. 3456-
3461, have no counterpart in .the French original, the revivifying
power of Spring is described with much greater detail, while the
reference to Solomon which in the French! only takes up two lines,
occupies 11. 3486-3492 in Lydgate. With reference to this passage
it must be remembered, however, that phrases descriptive of Spring
were the current coin of the fourteenth and early fifteenth century
poets, and that no writer of that age could control his pen when
he came to write on this subject. Youth's description of herself
occupies 52 lines in the French and 80 in Lydgate. The middle
portion of this description from 1. 11151 to 1. 11177 keeps fairly
close to the French, though it is in parts slightly amplified; and in
others slightly compressed, but the first ten French lines are repre-
sented by 17 English (11. 11133-11150), which, while they contain
the same idea, contain also various developments and alterations
of expression as well as inversions of order :

11133-34 " Jeunesse iay nom la legiere,

1 1 1 40 / ^ a gi^ eresse > ^ a coursiere,
\ La sauterelle, la saillant,

11144 Qui tout dangier ne prise ung gant.

11142 Je vois, ie viens, ie saulx, ie vole,

11146 Jesperlingue, tourne et carolle,

11147 Je trepe et cours et danse et bale
Et si vois a la Yitefale ;

11141 Je luyte et saulx fossez pieds ioincts

11150 Et iecte la pierre au plus loings." (foi. xim, back.)

As nearly as I can make out, the lines whose numbers I have
given correspond to the French, but there still remain eight lines in

PILGRIMAGE. b

xvi* Introduction, n. Different versions of the Poem.

the English which have no French equivalent, and add a touch or
two to the character of Youth, such as :

" And I kan wynse ageyn the prykke.
As wylde coltys in Arras,
Or as bayard out off the tras,
Tyl I a lassh haue off the whyppe."

The account of the games played by Youth is very much
amplified in the English. Deguileville mentions only seven sports.

" Ung esteuf me faust pour iouer
Efc une croce pour soler,
Autre croce nauray ie mye,
Si ce nest past trop grant folie,
Car tenir ie ne men pourroye
De voletcr, ne me Voulroye ;
Et encor ne suis ie pas soule
De maler iouer a la boule,
Daler quiller, daler biller
Et de iouer au mareiller."

In Lydgate's 18 corresponding lines (11181-98), however, there
are seventeen different kinds of game or amusement mentioned,
Including fishing, hunting, card games, and the reading of fables.

We must not forget, however, that sometimes Lydgate omits
details which are given by De Guileville, or only touches upon points
which De Guileville deals with at some length. A good example
of this is the description of the various fashions in dress due to
Pride. . In Lydgate this only takes up six lines (11. 14081-14086).

" I ffond up fyrst, devyses newe,
Rayes of many soridry hewe ;
Off short, off long, I ffond the guyse ;
Now streight, now large, I kan devyse,
That men sholde, for syngulerte
Beholde and lokyn upon me."

In Verard's version this runs as follows :

"Nouvelletez se font par moy;
A mon sens seullement ie croy.
Je fais chaperons pourfiletz, Pride makes

T\ j. j t i embroidered

De soye et dor entrelacez, hats and caps,

Chapeaulx, huppes, coquuz loquuz,

A marmousez platz ou crestuz,

Estroictes cottes par les flans, coats.

Manches a panonceaulx pendans ;

A blanc surcot fais rouge manche,

A col et a poictrine blanche

Introduction, ill. Relation of two Versions to one another, xvii*

Robe tres bien escoletee very long or

Pour mieulx veue estre et regardee ; garments, 11

Vestemens trop cours ou trop longs. and very

r,, , lar & e r very

Irop grans, trop petiz chaperons, small hoods,

Les houzeaulx petiz et estroiz ; girdle?*

Du si grans quon en feroit trois ;

Graile ceincture ou large trop

Dont se parent voire li clop. with which

the halt,

JLe boiteux et esparueigne, the blind,

Borgne, bossu, et meshaingne ; otherS-tpples

Telz choses fais pource que vueil sei ve" them "

Que chascun ait vers moy son oeil." (foi. iv.)

Some further details as to the development of the French
original will be given in the chapter on Lydgate's Language and
Style, but for the present these examples will be enough to show
the manner in which he carried out his translation.

III. THE RELATION OF DE GUILEVILLE'S TWO VERSIONS TO

ONE ANOTHEE.

We may now turn to the question as to how the second recension
of De Guileville's poem is related to the first.

For the purposes of this comparison I have made use of
Stiirzinger's edition of the first version (Roxb. Club), and Yerard's
edition of the second, published in Paris in 1511.

The main features distinguishing the second version from the
first may be placed in four categories.

A. The actual additions of arguments, episodes, characters, or
other elements.

B. The amplification and elaboration of passages or ideas.

C. The absence of certain details mentioned in the first version.

D. Differences in the sequence of episodes which occur in both
versions, and certain differences of detail.

A. The principal additions are as follows :

1. The discourse on dreams in the Prologue (Lydgate, 1. 185-209),
the description of the loss and re-writing of the poem (227-273), and
the envoy to the poem (274-302).

In the second French the Prologue takes up 94 lines, but in the
first version it only occupies 34 lines as follows :

" A ceuz de ceste region
Qui point n'i ont de mansion
Ains y sont tous com dit Saint Pol,
Riche, povre, sage et fol,

xviii* Introduction, m. Relation of two Versions to one another.

Solent roys, soient roynes,

Pelerins et pelerines,

Une vision veul nuncier

Qui en dormant m'avint 1'autrier.

En veillant avoie leu,

Coiisidere et bien veu

Le biau roumans de la Rose.

Bien croi quc ce fu la chose

Qui plus m'esnmt a ce songier

Que ci apres vous vueil nuncier.

Or (i) vieugnent pres et se arroutent

Toute gent et bien escoutent,

Ne soit nul et ne soit nule

Qui arriere point recule ;

Avant se doivent touz bouter,

Touz asseoir et escouter.

Grans et petits la vision

Touclie sans point de excepcion.

En francoise toute mise 1'ai

A ce que 1'entendent li lai.

La pourra chascun aprendre

La quel voie on doit prendre,

La quel guerpir et delessier.

C'est chose qui a bien mestier

A ceuz qui pelerinage

Eont en cest monde sauvage.

Or entendez la vision

Qui m'avint en religion

A 1'abbaye de Chaalit,

Si com jestoie en mon lit." (Stiirzinger r s ed.)

2. The description of the pains of the martyrs who desired to
enter Jerusalem, and of the manner in which they must enter
(Ver. fol. ii, back; Lyd. 11. 365-466).

3. The discussion on baptism and original sin (Yer. fol. iv, back,
f. ; Lyd. 967-1290), the mention of the Pilgrim's godfather
Guyllyam and of the black bird that escapes from the Pilgrim's
breast (Yer. fol. vi, back; Lyd. 1291-1344).

4. The Story on the Peril of Cursing (Yer. x, back ; Lyd.
2561-2602).

5. The passage containing the Pilgrim's assertion that some who
have no subjects yet bear the sword, and Reason's explanation
concerning the delegation of power (Yer. xii; Lyd. 3072-3230).

6. The Testament of Jesus Christ, containing the bequest of
His Soul and Body ; of His Mother to St. John, together with the>

Introduction, m. Relation of two Versions to one another, xix*

virtue of Perseverance ; of His Blood and Wounds for Salvation,
and of His Word and Laws (Ver. xvii, back ; Lyd. 4782-4869).

This is all absent from the first version which only contains the
bequest of peace.

7. The dialogue between Grace Dieu and the Pilgrim concerning
the five senses and the transfer of eyes to ears (Ver. xxii, f. ; Lyd.
6241-6581).

8. Three Latin poems on the Articles of the Creed (Ver. xxiv.
f. ; Lyd. pp. 185-190), on God in Trinity (Ver. xxvii, back, f. ;
Lyd. pp. 194-199), and on the Virgin Mary (Ver. xxix, back, f. ;
Lyd. pp. 199-201).

9. The explanation of why no armour for the legs is given to the
Pilgrim (Ver. xxxiv; Lyd. 11. 8073-8100).

10. The gift of the stones and sling of David to the Pilgrim, and
the meaning of the stones (Ver. xxxv, f. ; Lyd. 8423-8686).

11. The discourse of Moral Virtue, who shows the Pilgrim the
gate and posterns and speaks of virtues and their attendant vices
(Ver. xlv, back, f. ; Lyd. 11737-11954).

1 2. A long passage, containing the interview of the Pilgrim with
Mortification of the Body, and the vision of the Wheel of Lust,
with an account of the movements of the planets (Ver. xlvi, f. ;
Lyd. 11955-12673).

13. The Pilgrim's conversation with Venus concerning the
Romance of the Rose (Ver. li, f. ; Lyd. 13200-13292), and the
episode of the Stranger maltreated by Venus (Ver. Hi, back ; Lyd.
13545-13651).

14. The Prayer to the Virgin (Ver. Ixiii, back, f. ; Lyd. pp.
437-456). This prayer, which in Verard's edition is given in Latin,
replaces a short prayer to God which takes up 26 lines in Stiirzinger.

15. Necromancy and her Messenger and the discussion between
the Pilgrim and the Messenger concerning the invocation of spirits
(Ver. Ixxii, back, f . ; Lyd. 18471-18924).

16. In Stiirzinger, the five perils in the sea, Cyrtes, Charybdis,
Scilla, Bythalassus, and Sirena, are described in 11. 11887-11970. In
Verard and Lydgate all these are personified, and we find long
accounts, with many incidents, details and arguments, of Fortune
and her Wheel, representing Charybdis (Ver. Ixxvi, back, f . ; Lyd.
19423-19676): of Astrology and her scholars, representing Cyrtes
(Ver. Ixxx, f. ; Lyd. 19989-20810) : of Sorcery, with her face Phy-
siognomy and her hand Chiromancy, who represents Bythalassus

xx* Introduction, ill. Relation of two Versions to one another.

(Ver. Ixxxiv, back, f. ; Lyd. 21047-21312) : of Conspiracy and her
hounds, representing Scilla (Ver. Ixxxvi, f . ; Lyd. 21328-21458):
and of Worldly Gladness, with his revolving tower, who represents
Sirena (Ver. Ixxxvi, back, f . ; Lyd. 21473-21670). These are
followed by a lamentation and prayer of the Pilgrim (Ver. Ixxxvii,
back; Lyd. 21671-21716).

17. The character of Impatient Poverty (Ver. xciii, f. ; Lyd.
22715-22772).

18. The assault of Envy and her daughters on the convent, the
Pilgrim's lamentation after the attack, the attempt of Ovid to
comfort him, the Pilgrim's complaint, in the form of an acrostic on
his name, and the return and proclamation of the King (Ver. xcv,
f. ; Lyd. 23037-23359). This passage, however, includes the
incident of the horse Good Eenown (Ver. xcv; Lyd. 23067-23150),
which occurs in the first version on the occasion of the first fight of
the Pilgrim with Envy and her daughters (Stiirz. 1. 8685, f.).

19. The Pilgrim's visit to convents, where he sees many abuses
(Ver. xcviii, f. ; Lyd. 11. 23360-23996).

20. The character of Apostasy (Ver. ci, f. ; Lyd. 24002-24126).

21. The coming of Prayer and Alms to show the Pilgrim the
way to Jerusalem (Ver. civ, back, f. ; Lyd. 24558-24700), which
passage includes the story of the King who only reigned for one year.

22. Besides these passages, the dove of Grace Dieu, which at
various times brings comfort or help to the Pilgrim, is found only
in the second recension.

B. The amplification and elaboration of incidents and ideas is
very marked throughout the whole poem, although we do occasionally
find passages which are almost identical in the two Erench versions.
It would, of course, be impossible to mention every passage that has
been enlarged, but I have drawn up a list of some of the principal
ones, and have also made a few extracts from the two Erench
versions in order to give a general idea of the relation of the second
recension to the first in those passages where no serious alterations
or extensions have been made. Such a passage is the one on Spring,
which I will give in parallel columns, with figures indicating the
relation of the second recension to Lydgate's paraphrase.

1st Version 2nd Version

(Stiirzinger) (Verard)

1567-1580 Lydgate

Nouvelles choses faiz venir Nouvelles choses faiz venir 3449

Et les viez choses departir Et vielles choses departir 3450

Introduction, ill. Relation of two Versions to one another, xxi*"

1st Version

(Stiirzinger)
La terre de mes robes est
Et en printemps tous jours la vest

Aux arbres donne vestemens
Centre 1'este et paremens
Puis si les refaiz despouillier
Contre 1'iver pour eus tailler
Autres robes et cotelles
A ce semblant tout(es) nouvelles
N(i) a bruyere ne geneste
N'autre arbricel que ne (re)veste.

Onques ne vesti Salemon
Tel robe com vest tin buysson.

2nd Version

(Verard) Lydgate

La terre de mes robes est 1 3451
Paree en printemps, ie la vest H3452)
Demy party d'herbe florie J 3455
De rouge, de vert, de soucye 3454
Et de toutes belles couleurs 3453
Quon peut trouver en belles fleurs
Aux arbres donne paremens
Et contre leste Vestemens
Puis si les refais despoiller
Contre liuer pour les tailler
Autres robes autres cotelles
Telles comme deuant nouuelles
II nest bruyere ne geneste ^
Nabriceau que ie ne reueste I 3475-
De mes robes bien floretees f 3485
Et tres gaiemeut desguiseesj
Onques ne vestit Salomon \3486-
Tel robe que fait ung boisson/3492

^

I 3468-
74

The description of the Heavenly Jerusalem, taken from Verard,
has already been given (p. xiii*), and it may be interesting to compare
with it the description in the first version :

" Avis m'ert si com dormoie
Que je pelerin estoie
Qui d'aler estoie excite
En Jherusalem la cite.
En Tin mirour, ce me sembloit,
Qui sanz mesure grans estoit
Celle cite aparceue
Avoie de loing et veue.
Mont me sembloit de grant atour
Celle cite ens et entour,
Les chemins et les alees
D'or en estoient pavees,
En haut assis son fondement
Estoit et son maconnement
De vives pierres fait estoit
Et haut mur entour la clooit.
Mont i avoit de mansions,
De liens et d'abitacions.
La estoit toute leece,
Toute joie sans tristece.
Illuec, pour passer m'en brief ment,
Avoit chascun generaument
De tout bien plus que demander
Jamais ne sceust ne penser." (11. 35-58.)

We may now turn to the more important amplifications, which
are fairly numerous. Among the chief of these are :

xxii* Introduction, ill. delation of two Versions to one another.

1. The extension of the incident of the marriage of two Pilgrims.
In the first French this only occupies 17 lines (802-818), but the
second French and Lydgate relate at some length the approach of the
two, their request to the official, and his advice to them, the whole
incident taking up 11. 1905-1979 in Lydgate, and 40 lines in
Yerard (fol. viii, back).

2. The complaint of the Pilgrim because Grace Dieu is given to
others. In Stiirzinger this only consists of a few words :

" Quant celle parole je ouy
Courroucie fu et esbahy.
En disant * ha las ! ' que feray
S'ainsi Grace Dieu perdue ay 1
Donnee 1'a ce cornuaus
A ces nouviaus officiaus
Asses miex amasse estre mort
Que point m'en eust fait tel tort."

(11. 1021-1028.)

In Lydgate this is expanded into 38 lines, which contain the
expression of the Pilgrim's first astonishment, his fear that no one
would now give him a scrip and staff, and his address to Grace Dieu
(11. 2296-2332). In Verard the passage contains the same elements,
but only consists of 20 lines (fol. x).

3. The passage about the blood-drops on the scrip is much
extended, especially that part in which Grace Dieu laments that
now-a-days there are none to put themselves in jeopardy for the
faith, although there are some who boast that they are ready to do
so. This passage is represented in Stiirzinger by a few lines :

" Et bien te di que, se nouvelles
Fussent les gouttes, a bien belles
Les tenisses, mais lone tens a
Que de son sane nul n'i semn.
Les saigmes si sont passees." (11. 3635-3639.)

In the second French this passage is 40 lines in length. It is
given here as a good example of the way in which De Guileville
.amplified his first recension, as well as for purposes of comparison
with Lydgate.

" Ceste escharpe est de verd couleur,
Car tout ainsi que la verdeur
Reconforte lueil et la veue AS green

-r,. , . , . , , comforts the

li,t lesioyst mOUlt et lague eye, so faith

Aussi fait f oy bon pelerin ;
Car ia ne sera en chemin

Introduction, m. Relation of two Versions to one another, xxiii^

Se bien regarde sa verdeur

Quen luy nait plus forte vigueur.

Mesmement car elle est semee

De sang tres vermeil et goutee,

Et ny a goute si petite

Qui trop mieulx dune marguerite

Ne vaille et qui plus precieuse

Ne soit et trop plus vertueuse.

Tres grant vigueur verdeur luy donne ;

Le sang esineut at achoisonne

De prendre cueur et faire ainsi

Que les glorieulx martirs, qui

Trop mieulx amerent a respendre

Leur sang pour leur foy fort deffendre,

Quaucunement leur feust ostee

Pour sa vertu quauoient goustee.

Cest pour te dormer exemplaire

Que se tu trouues qui soustraire,

La te vueille point ne oster

Auant occire et decouper

Te laisses plus tost que ten voyes

Descharpey, car trop y perdroies.

Bien scay que pieca les saignees

Sen font en alees et passees,

Car cherubin, com me tu vis,

A son glaiue ou fourreau remis.

Nul ne se veult plus opposer

Aux tirans, pour la foy garder.

Bien dient les aucuns quilz yront

Quant leur ventre remply bien ont

Et iurcnt et se font croiser,

Mais quant ce vient a lexploicter

Nest rien si froit, tout est perdu,

Plus ne deuroit tel estre creu."

(Ver. fol. xxiii, back.)

4. Sloth's two ropes, Sloth and Negligence, and her five cords
1. Hope of Long Life, 2. Eoolish Fear, 3. Shame, 4. Hypocrisy, 5.
Despair are described in Lydgate in a passage extending from
1. 13857 to 1. 13948. In Verard (fol. liii, back, 1) a similar de-
scription is given, but in Stiirzinger only three cords are mentioned
and described, viz. Negligence, Laschete or Fetardie (11. 7208-7210),
and Desperation (1. 7230.)

5. In the description of Avarice's hand, Treachery, there are
various developments. Putting aside those due merely to extra
wordiness, the most important is the short passage on the baptism of
dead children and the trickery to which the priest resorts, which

The scrip is
spotted with
drops of
blood, which
are more
precious than
pearls.

The green
gives vigour.
The blood
incites the
Pilgrim to
do as did
the glorious
martyrs who
died 'for their
faith,

and gives him
an example
that he should
suffer himself
to be killed
rather than
try to escape
by giving up
the scrip of
faith.

Cherubin
lets martyrs
enter heaven
treely.
Now none
will oppose
tyrants for
faith's sake.

People pre-
tend to be
Christians,
but will not
act as such.

xxiv* Introduction, in. Relation of two Versions to one another.

has no counterpart in Stiirzinger. The account of this practice, how-
ever, has not been translated by Lydgate. The whole description
of the hand, which takes up 70 lines in Stiirzinger (9905-9974),
extends to 92 lines in Yerard, and to just over 100 in Lydgate.

This list contains some of the most important enlargements of the
first version, but there are, of course, many other passages which
bear a similar character.

C. Passages and details which are present in Stiirzinger, but
which are absent or much shorter in the second French and in
Lydgate. The number of these is not very large. We may mention
first :

1. Nature's assertion that she is necessary to Grace Dieu
and Grace Dieu's answer. This precedes Nature's submission in
Stiirzinger, so we might expect to find it after 1. 3935 in Lydgate.
However, Nature's argument is altogether absent, both from the
second French and from Lydgate, though part of Grace Dieu's
answer is absorbed into her long speech about her power, which
extends from p. 97 to p. 104, in the English poem.

A few lines of Nature's argument may be quoted :

" Conime ne puet ouvrer,
Ne maison bonne edefier.
Le charpentier sans sa congnie,
Tout aussi ne devez vous mie
Nulle chose sans moi faire
Se vous ne voulez mefaire."

(Stiirzinger, 1877-1881.)

2. The complaint of the Pilgrim that his staff is not tipped with
iron and Grace Dieu's answer :

" Toutevoies me deplaisoit
Du bourdon, que ferre n'estoit.
Dame, dis je a Grace Dieu,
Je ne me puis tenir, par Dieu.
Que ne vous die mon pense
De ce bourdon qu'il n'est pas ferre ;
Bien m'en desplaist, se sachiez vous,
Pour autres que voi ferrez tons ;
Si me dites, se vous voulez,
Pour quoi tel baillie le m 'avez ! "

(Stiirzinger, 3753-3762.)

To this Grace Dieu answers that the pommels will hold him up,
and that a staff with an iron point is heavier and is liable to stick
fast in marshy places. The Pilgrim replies that he needs it for

Introduction, ill. Relation of two Versions to one another, xxv*

defence, and Grace Dieu tells him that the staff is to lean on, not to
fight with, and that she will give him armour for defence.

3. " Tel Continence ainsi doublee

D'aucuns Gaaignepains est nommee,
Quar par li est gaignie le pain
Par qui rempli est cuer humain ;
Et ce fu figure piec'a
Ou pain que David demanda,
Quar Achimelech ottroier
ISTe lui vout onques ne baillier
Devant quil scent que engantez
Des Gaignepains fust et armez."

(Sttirzinger, 4213-4222.)

This passage, which comes in the account of the Gloves of
Continence, has nothing corresponding to it in the second French
and in Lydgate.

There are several other differences in the two accounts of the
armour. For instance, the description of the girdle has less detail
in Verard and Lydgate, and the Pilgrim's unwillingness to have the
scabbard and girdle is not mentioned.

4. The refusal of the Pilgrim to wear armour, and Grace Dieu's
rebuke and explanation of the difference between his case and that
of David (Stiirzinger, pp. 140-147). All the latter part of this is
absent from Verard and from Lyd gate's version, in which Grace
Dieu consents to allow the Pilgrim to use the stones and sling of
David, instead of wearing armour all the time.

5. In the argument between Eeason and Rude Entendement,
Reason scorns the latter and tells him :

" Je tenoie une opinion
Que n'est pas un moi et mon non,
Quar de mon non se puet parer
Chascun larron qui va embler ;
Et pour ce' aussi de vous cuidoie
Quar pas apris en cor n'avoie
Que vous et Rude Entendement
Fussiez tout un conjointement ;
Mais or voi bien, sans soupecon,
Qu'estes un sans distinction.
Vos exemples le m'ont apris
Et vos dis qui sont si soultis ;
Par vos paroles proprement
Sai qu'estes Rude Entendement.

xx vi* Introduction, m. Relation of two Versions to one another.

Plus arguer vous ne pouez
Q.ue seulement ainsi nommez
Soiez, quar par existence
Ce estes sans point de difference."

(Sturzinger, 5365-5382.)

This jeer is not represented in Verard and in Lydgate, although,
in the course of the conversation Reason addresses Rude Entende-
ment in a sarcastic manner, but in different terms. (Lyd. 10713-
10723.)

6. In Sturzinger (6694-6735) there is a short conversation between
the Pilgrim and his body, in which the latter advises him not to
listen to Labour's counsel to take the right-hand path, but to choose
instead the path of Idleness, and answers the Pilgrim's objections by
telling him that the dividing hedge will easily be passed when he
wishes. In Verard and Lydgate it is Youth, not Body, who turns
the Pilgrim aside (Ver. xliv, back; Lyd. 11549-11574), the Pilgrim
makes no objections, and nothing is said about getting through the
hedge.

7. Body's Counsel is discussed by Idleness and the Pilgrim (Stur-
zinger, 6769-6826). This conversation is also absent from Verard and
Lydgate.

8. Grace Dieu rebukes the Pilgrim for listening to Idleness and
for going on the wrong side of the hedge (Sturzinger, 6905-6992).
In Verard and Lydgate the interview of the Pilgrim with Idleness
is followed by the long episodes of Moral Virtue and Mortification
of the Body, and the rebuke is absent.

9. The short prayer made by the Pilgrim after the attack of
Tribulation, which begins :

" Merci, dis je, douz createur !
En ma tristece, en ma douleur,
Defaillant ne me soiez rnie !
Se par Jeunece ai ma vie
Une piece use folement." (Stiirzinger, 12283, f.)

is absent from Lydgate, and is replaced by the prayer according to
St. Bernard. In Verard's edition this is given in full, in Latin, but
in Petit's it is abbreviated.

10. In Sturzinger (12623-12632) the Pilgrim is struck by the
Porter, Eear of God, on entering the monastery, in order that he
may find

" equipollence
De la haie de Penitance." (Sturzinger, 12607-8.)

Introduction, ill. Relation of two Versions to one another, xxvii*

as Grace Dieu has promised him. In Verard and Lydgate the Porter
lets him in freely, on hearing that his intent " Is to do servyse to the
Kyng." (Lyd. 22178.)

Lydgate does not translate the last lines of the poem, in which
the poet describes how he wakes from his dream, and begs his
readers to correct anything they may find amiss in his work. This
passage, however, is present in De Guileville's second version, and
is printed by Dr. Furnivall at the end of Lydgate's poem.

D. Under this head are included differences in the sequence of
episodes and differences of detail.

1. The Pilgrim's protests against wearing armour precede the
giving of the armour in the second version (Ver. xxx, back ; Lyd.
7237-7248 and 7267-7270). In Stiirzinger there are no objections
beforehand.

2. Grace Dieu's rebuke to' the Pilgrim for refusing to wear armour
occurs in Stiirzinger before the coming of the armour-bearer, Memory,
and before the actual removal of the armour (p. 142). In the second
version the rebuke is inserted in two places, just before the Pilgrim
casts off the armour (Ver. xxxiv, back, f.; Lyd. 8283-8296), and
after the coming of Memory (Ver. xxxvi, back ; Lyd. pp. 246-247).
There is, however, considerable difference of detail in the different
versions, and, in fact, that passage in Lydgate in which Grace Dieu.
accuses the Pilgrim of umnanliness and cowardice has no exact
counterpart in Stiirzinger, and is much shorter in Verard.

3. In the first version the armour-bearer, Memory, is given to the
Pilgrim immediately after Grace Dieu's rebuke to him for removing
his armour (Stiirzinger, p. 149f.), but in the second Grace Dieu first
brings him. the stones and sling of David, and only then presents
Memory to him (Ver. xxxvi; Lyd. p. 242).

4. In Verard and Lydgate these episodes are followed by a long
conversation between Grace Dieu and the Pilgrim on Body and Soul
and their mutual enmity, and by the release of the Pilgrim from his
body for a season (Ver. xxxvii f. ; Lyd. pp. 248-281). In Sturzinger
(p. 179) this conversation takes place between the Pilgrim and
Eeason, and, moreover, the whole episode is placed after the meeting
with Rude Entendement, instead of just before, as in the second
version.

5. After leaving Eude Entendement, the meeting with Youth
follows in the second version (Ver. xliii ; Lyd. pp. 303-307), after
which comes the episode of the two paths divided by the hedge of

xxviii* Introduction, m. Relation of two Versions to one another.

Penitence. In Stiirzinger (p. 203 f.) this episode follows on the dis-
course about Body and Soul, and Youth is not introduced until much
later (p. 368 f.), just after the description of Satan the hunter, and
before the enumeration of the five perils in the sea.

There are some other slight differences in this part, for instance,
in the second version it is Youth that makes the Pilgrim turn towards
the wrong path, while in the first it is Body. Also, in the second,
Idleness tells him that Penance planted the hedge (Ver. xlv ; Lyd.
11. 11689-11723), whereas in Stiirzinger (p. 217) Grace Dieu tells
him this, after he has started on the wrong path.

6. The episode of the horse, Good Kenown, has already been
referred to. In the first version it forms a part of the passage
describing the first attack of Envy (Sturziuger, p. 270), in the second
of the passage describing the attack of Envy on the monastery (Ver.
xcvf.; Lyd. pp. 616-617).

7. In Stiirzinger the threats of Wrath (p. 273-278) are followed by
Memory's rebuke to the Pilgrim for not wearing his armour, and by
the coming of Avarice (p. 282 f.), while in the second version
Memory's rebuke is absent and Wrath's attack is followed by the
coming of Tribulation (Ver. Ixiif.; Lyd. pp. 425-436), by St.
Bernard's Prayer, and then by the meeting with Avarice (Ver.
Ixviif.; Lyd. pp. 460-493).

8. In Stiirzinger (pp. 318 f.), after the episode of Avarice, the
Pilgrim is attacked by Gluttony and Venus, and robbed of his staff.
He laments, and Grace Dieu appears to him in a cloud and restores it to
him, afterwards giving him a "scripture " which contains an ABC
poem to the Virgin. In the second version Gluttony and Venus
attack him much earlier, immediately before the coming of Sloth,
and after the vision of the Wheel of Sensuality (Ver. xlix, back f . ;
Lyd. pp. 346-367). There is no loss of the staff, and the A B C
comes between the incident of Fortune and her Wheel and the appear-
ance of Astronomy-Astrology (Ver. Ixxviii f.; Lyd. pp. 526-533).

9. Following on the ABC comes the bath of Repentance in
Stiirzinger (p. 351 f.). In the second version this comes after the
appearance of the Ship of Grace Dieu (Ver. Ixxxviii, back f. ; Lyd.
pp. 582-585).

10. Next come in Stiirzinger (p. 357 f.) the description of the sea
of the world and of the hunter Satan, the appearance of Heresy and
Grace Dieu's explanation of the meaning of the sea of the world and
the hunter. (In Verard and Lydgate Satan himself gives this explan-

Introduction, in. Relation of two Versions to one another, xxix*

ation.) In the second version, after the interview with Avarice, we
find the episode of the Messenger of Necromancy (absent from Stiir-
zinger), the appearance of Heresy, the description of the sea of the
world, of the Hunter and of Fortune's Wheel, the Pilgrim's lament
and the ABC. (Ver. Ixxii-lxxix, back ; Lyd. pp. 494-533.)

11. As before said, the episode of Youth is inserted at p. 368 f.
in Stiirzinger, and is followed by the enumeration of the five perils in
the sea (pp. 371-374). In Ver. (Ixxx-lxxxvii, back) and Lydgate
(pp. 534-578) we find the descriptions of four of the perils, that
of Fortune, or Charybdis, having already been given.

12. Next in Stiirzinger (pp. 374-380) comes Tribulation, and a
short prayer of the Pilgrim to God. In the second version Tribu-
lation, and St. Bernard's Prayer, replacing the short prayer, come
between Wrath and Avarice (Ver. Ivii-lxvi ; Lyd. pp. 425-458).

13. Tribulation's departure is followed in Stiirzinger (p. 388 f.) by
the arrival of the Ship of Grace Dieu. This conies in the second ver-
sion after the peril of the Syren or Worldly Gladness, and is combined
with the episode of the Bath of Penitence (Ver. Ixxxviii-lxxxix,
back; Lyd. pp. 579-590).

14. Here, once more, the two versions begin to run more closely
together.

The Pilgrim enters the monastery and meets various ladies, who
are described, though their number and the order in which they are
introduced differs a little. In Stiirzinger we read of Obedience,
Decepline, Voluntaire, Povrete, Chastite, Lecon, Abstenence,
Oroison and Latria, and in Lydgate and Verard of Lesson, Hagio-
graphy, Obedience, Abstinence, Willing Poverty, Impatient Poverty,
Chastity, Prayer and Latria.

After this there are in the second recension certain episodes
which are absent from the first, but such as exist in both versions
follow the same order, with the exception of the incident of the horse,
Good Eenown.

These four categories include most of the important differences
between the two versions and many of the minor ones ; and we may
judge from the list that De Guileville did not spare trouble in rewrit-
ing his poem. As will be noticed, the interpolations of new matter
are scattered with tolerable regularity throughout the poem, but
variations in the sequence of events are practically absent from the
first third, while they become more and more numerous as the
narrative progresses, until, after the middle of the book has been

xxx* Introduction, m. Relation of two Versions to one another.

passed, hardly three episodes will be found coming in the same
order in the two versions. It is a matter for doubt whether De
Guileville always improved his poem by his rearrangements and
additions. We admit that the introduction of Impatient Poverty
adds point to the picture of Wilful Poverty, and certainly it is better
that Youth should appear at an early stage of the narrative than
three-quarters of the way through, as in the first version. The addi-
tions to the Testament of Jesus Christ are appropriate, and the per-
sonification of the Perils in the sea certainly adds interest to that
part of the allegory. The coming of Prayer and Alms to act as
messengers for the Pilgrim is a good touch, and the five stones of
David, Memory of Christ's Death, of Mary, of Heaven's bliss, of
Hell-fire and Holy Writ, which are the sole defences of the Pilgrim
who neglects to wear the armour of Righteousness, supply a want.

On the whole, however, the additions and alterations tend towards
tediousness and confusion. The long Latin poems on the articles of
the Creed, on God in Trinity and on the Virgin Mary, are an inter-
ruption to the narrative, as are also the long prayer which De Guile-
ville has adapted from the writings of St. Bernard, and the verses
in alternate French and Latin lines which set forth De Guileville's
name in an acrostic. Possibly the inserted discussions on original
sin, free will, the senses, influence of the stars, etc., appealed to the
public for which De Guileville wrote ; and even to the reader of the
present-day parts of them are by no means uninteresting. But these
discussions are woefully long, and seriously interfere with the unity
of the narrative.

The additions to the later part of the allegory, viz. the attack
of Envy on the convent, the visits the Pilgrim pays to other
monasteries, and the abuses he sees there, evidently reflect some
personal experience of the author's. The latter episode is specially
interesting as showing that the monastic abuses, of which we hear so
much in England at this period, were evidently not confined to that
country. Despite its interest, however, it is a very evident insertion,
and has not much to do with the general allegory.

Not much fault can be found with the episode of Necromancy's
messenger. Necromancy was a burning question of the day, and
involved a real temptation to many people, and the introduction of
this figure has no other effect upon the course of the narrative than
to add to it so many more pages. But the appearance of Moral
Virtue with her gate and two posterns, the episode of Mortification of

in. Relation of the two Versions. . iv. Lydgatets Metre.

the Body, and the vision of the Wheel of Sensuality are different.
The Pilgrim, having definitely entered upon the road to the Heavenly
City, having been armed, having overcome Rude Entendement by
means of Eeason, and having been led by Youth to take the path of
Idleness rather than that of Labour, is at once confronted by grave
moral questions. Moral Virtue, as opposed to the recklessness and
thoughtlessness of Youth, asserts herself, and this awaking to con-
sciousness of the more serious side of the Pilgrim's character is at once-
followed by new temptations and new conflicts, Lust 'fighting on the
side of Youth and Idleness, and Mortification 'of the Body on the side
of Moral Virtue and Labour. The extra emphasis thus laid on the
choice that the Pilgrim has to make is certainly desirable, and adds
to the interest of this portion of the work. But as usual the addi-
tions are far too long and discursive. The introduction , of Moral
Virtue and her gates is most clumsily managed, and one gets into a
hopeless maze among all the different paths that are mentioned. We
are told that the main gate of Moral Virtue is set across the path of
Idleness (Lyd. 11732-11744), whereas not long after we find that the
Pilgrim is on the other side of the hedge, and that Youth takes him
on her back and flies with him over the hedge back to the path of
Idleness (12729-12734). Yet we are not told in the interval that
he has passed from Idleness to Labour, but only that he has begun
to consider which of Moral Virtue's posterns (against which she had
been warning him) he shall pass through (11951-11957). The
vision of the Wheel of Sensuality is also a somewhat clumsy
expedient.

Speaking generally, we may say that De Guileville's first
recension reads more closely, and forms a better artistic whole
than the second version, but that some of the later additions distinctly
add to the interest of the poem, though not invariably to its excel-
lence as an allegory.

IV. LYDGATE'S METRE.

Before discussing the metre of the Pilgrimage it is necessary to
consider in some detail the question of Lydgate's treatment of
final e.

Roughly speaking, we may say that he follows the same general
rules as Chaucer.

(1) Final e is sounded before a consonant when it is the remnant
of a grammatical inflection or of a stronger vowel.

PILGRIMAGE. C

xxxii* Introduction, iv. Lydgate's Metre.

835 " Lo, her ys al : avyse the."
2950 "They muste ffaylle bothe two."
19002 " An hunte stoode with his home."

(2) It is sounded in many Romance words, as in French verse.

115 "I mene the book Pilgrimage de Mounde."
808 " Humble, benigne, & debonayre."

19 "Fortune is ladye with her double face."
But

4500 " And verray iuste confess'ioun."

(3) Final e, that would, according to the foregoing rules, be
pronounced, is silent when immediately followed by a vowel.

4529 " I make hem faste, preye and wake."

(4) It is silent before h in such slightly stressed words as hem,
hyr, han, hath, etc., but is otherwise pronounced before h.

57 " To holde hys cours as ledeth hym the streem."
1519 " Softe handle the soor to seke."

(5) It is generally silent in the personal pronouns youre, hyre,
etc., from want of stress.

46 "That yowre lyff her ys but a pylgrimage."
To the foregoing rules we may add these others :

(6) Lydgate very commonly does not sound the final e when it
immediately precedes the caesura. On this point, however, he allows
himself considerable freedom.

14 "That kam with loye / departeth ay with sorwe."
72 "Wherefore I rede / lat euery whyht a-mend."
22 " And off al loye / that ys transytorye."
63 " Ytakyn inne / so as they dysserve."

(7) Final e preceded and followed by a dental is generally not
sounded.

822 " With-oute that I thy guyde be."
1840 " That kepte the entre and the paas."
11080 " Me sempte thys may den off folye."

(8) Polysyllables often, though not always, lose final e, but most
of the examples of this are doubtful, as usually some other law also
comes into operation. Ten Brink says that the sounding is optional,
and it seems to be the case that it rarely takes place when the
preceding syllable is weak.

12348 "To the heuene callyd mobyle."
I will now analyze Lydgate's usage with regard to final e in the

Introduction. IV. Lydgates Metre. xxxiii*

italicized words of the following passage, indicating in each case by
which of the preceding rules it is influenced.

806 " And by thys dowe / wych thow dost se,

807 Wych I here / with wynges fayre,

808 Humble, benigne, / & debonayre,

809 I am tookenyd, / who lyst seke,

810 With hyr goodly eyen rneke.

811 And so thow shalt me call in dede

812 Whan thow hast on-to me nede,

813 And that shall be full ofte sythe

814 That I may my power kythe

815 Telpe the in thy pilgrymage.

816 ffor fynaly in thy vyage

817 As thow gost to that cyte,

818 Thow shalt hawe offte aduersyte ....

821 Wych thow mayst nat in no degre

822 Passe nor endure vfiih-oute me,

823 Nor that cyte never atteyne

824 (Thogh thow euer do thy peyne,)

825 With-<wfe that I thy guyde be."

In dowe (1. 806) the e is not organic and is therefore not pronounced.
In various other passages we find dowli written instead of dowe.

In bere (807), though according to rule 1 the e would be
sounded, it is mute because it immediately precedes the caesura.

Humble (808) has the e sounded according to rule 2.

benigne (808). The e is mute before a following vowel.

offte (813) is the plural form of an adjective vowel, the e is
therefore sounded according to rule 1.

Telpe (815). The e representing the Infin. ending is sounded
according to rule 1.

offte (818). The e is silent before a vowel.

endure (822). The e is mute before the caesura.

With-oute (822). The e is sounded before a consonant according
to rule 1.

cyte (823). The e is accented in French.

With-oute (825). The next word is that, and the e is elided
between two dentals.

guyde (825). Sounded according to rule 2.

There remains one word passe in 1. 822, which falls under none
of these rules, and for the mute e in which no reason can be adduced.

In the first seventy lines of the poem the greater number of the
final e's follow the above rules. There are, however, a few lines in
which the reasons for sounding or non-sounding seem doubtful.

xxxiv* Introduction. IV. Lydgate s Metre.

7 " Nor the tresovre / wych that ye possede."

The sounding of the e (it is neither written nor pronounced in
1. 17) must be explained by the liberty that Lydgate allows himself
before the caesura, or by the fact that tresovre is a polysyllable with
the accent on the second syllable.

11 " Whan folk lest werie / and noon hede ne take."

This certainly seems to be the most natural way of reading the
line, and we must put down the sounding of the e in wene before a
vowel to the fact that it occurs at the caesura. The final e in hede is
only added to show length and therefore it is properly mute.
15 " An thyng ywonne / with loye and gladnesse."

Properly speaking, the e in loyc should be mute before and, and
it seems to be sounded here for metrical reasons only. The e in
ywonne is silent, according to ten Brink's rule that final e is not
sounded in strong participles of short-syllabled verbs, when the n is
lost. The observance of this rule seems to be common both to
Chaucer and Lydgate.

25 " And hyr sugre [ys] vnder-spreynt wyth galle."

We should not sound the e in sugre if we considered only rule 4.
It is best to read the line as one with missing auftakt, unless this is
a case of caesura licence.

From these examples we may draw the conclusion that though
Lydgate generally followed the same rules as Chaucer he allowed
himself more liberty. Especially was this the case with regard to
polysyllabic words, in which he was accustomed to sound or elide
the final e according to the requirements of the metre, irrespective of
other consideration. When a final e preceded the caesura he allowed
himself an equal amount of liberty, and when it occurred in this
position would frequently sound an e that, according to other rules,
should have been silent, or omit to sound one which we should have
expected him to pronounce.

The freedom he allowed himself in these respects was occasionally
extended to other words in other positions, and we thus see the be-
ginning of the N.E. pronunciation more clearly indicated in Lydgate
than in Chaucer.

We may now turn to the question of metre.

The Pilgrimage of the Life of Man is written in rimed, octo-
syllabic couplets, the measure employed being iambic. Lydgate's
Prologue, however 184 lines in length is written in decasyllabic
couplets.

Introduction. IV. Lydgatds Metre. xxxv*

The various types of Lydgate's 5 : beat iambic line have been given
by Schick, and 1 have nothing to add to his conclusions. Of the
general features of his verse a few examples may be given.
Lydgate employed alliteration freely.

2551 " JSTouther salue, That soor to sownde."
3350 " Sturdyly she sette a syde."
3352 " Brennyng bryht as any glede."
40 " Peplys to putte in subieccyon."
3596 " Off boundys & off botaylle."

3711 " Unto the wylde swyn savage,

3712 Wych that renneth in hys rage."

But though these alliterative lines are fairly numerous they are
employed with considerable self-restraint. For instance, in the
' Testament of Jesus Christ' (11. 47735029) there are but 33 alliter-
ative lines. In the description of Youth (11. 1106811212) there
are but 22. Therefore the alliteration in Lydgate's verse never
becomes burdensome, but rather tends to give it a little of the variety
that it so much needs.

Elision is common and is responsible for what constitutes a very
marked feature of this text, viz. the habit of combining the pre-
position to with the next word when it begins with a vowel or
unstressed h.

Examples are :

1019 " Talyved euere, thys no lesyng."
1766 " Lyk tamyglity champyoun."
1967 " So tenduren al your lyff."
2385 "In ta pulpet that ther stood."
6302 " Taparceyve, in thys matere."
6996 "Andta/?0ywfeytffetysly."
6999 "In travers wyse, yt teribrasse"

The, this, that and there are often combined with the following
word in the same way.

127 "In thenpryses wych he hath undertake."
75 S3 " Tliassaut off brygauntys nyht & day."
7758 " Tharmure of thyn handys tweyne."
10869 " Thenchesoun & mutaciouns."
2701 " TJiys to seyne, in your werkyng."
3053 " Thys he that haueth pleyn power."
2496-7 " And thus departyd ys your land
In double party (thys no doute)."

xxxvi* Introduction, iv. Lydgates Metre.

Sometimes this combination injures the metre, and restoring the
to would mend jit. This is the case in 11. 1766 and 2385 given
above, and also in 1. 7778 :

" Tarme a man in chastyte."

It may be noticed that in the 1403 lines of the Temple of Glas
there are but five examples of this characteristic.

449 " I shal, baspectes of my benygne face,

450 Make him teschewe euere synne & vice."
517 " Ki^st so bensaumple, for wele or for wo."
660 "For whan J>at hope were likli me tauaunce."
827 " But f is theffecte of my mater fiiialle."

We may imagine that this was a habit likely to increase with use,
and in fixing the relative chronology of Lydgate's works it might be
worth while to pay some attention to this point.

Cases of elision, not indicated by the spelling, and of syncope are
also fairly common :

189 "Tyl effte agayn yt com(y)th to mynde."
344 " That thyder wentyn ev(e)ne ryht."
359 "As any ffyr, evene at the gate."
483 " By vertu of crystys gret suffraunce."
2724 " Yiif ye list to have knowelichyng."
3114 "Tliorgh nat(u)rel Inclynaciouns."
3813 "Or fostre your sedys blosme or greyn."
10851 "The word(y)s that thow dost specefye."
The caesura in the octosyllabic verse is occasionally very varied.
Its regular place is after the fourth syllable and second accent, but
in the first few lines of the Prologue we find it falling with quite a
pleasing irregularity.

" Full offte hyt happeth / in certeyn
Of dremys-/ the wych that men ha seyn
I nightys-/ after, whan they wake,
fful lytel heed / there-of they take
Tyl effte agayn / yt comyth to mynde
That they / the veray trouthe fynde,
euery thyng / they saw to-forn
ffor / of remembraunce the thorn
Pryketh here myndes / with hys poynt."

This passage perhaps contains greater irregularities than most,
though some of them are only apparent and are due to the fact that
the line is acephalous. But throughout the poem it may be noticed

Introduction. IV. Lydgate's Metre. xxxvii*"

that Lydgatd often places the caesura in the middle of a foot, so that
the number of syllables on each side of the pause is odd although
the number of accents may be correct.

In his Introduction to the Temple of Glas Schick points out
that the rime " is, in general, pure and skilfully handled/' and that
" the principles followed by Lydgate are much the same as those of
Chaucer." He then proceeds to point out some peculiarities, to which
I may add a few from the present text.

I have found no example of -ye riming with -y in the first 4000
lines of the poem.

As both Schick and Sieper point out, Lydgate shares with
Chaucer an indifference as to whether sounds are close or open.
Thus in 1. 233 we find brode (O.E. brad) riming with stood (O.E.
stod).

Words are occasionally rimed irrespective of length. In 11. 231-2
wrote rimes with not ( = ne wot), and in 1. 2615 dele rimes with ivel.
This last example however is rather an uncertain one, as in the
expression never-a-dele, dele often lost its length through want of
stress and was written del. So it is possible that Lydgate may have
pronounced it short.

The riming of a word with itself or with another word of similar
spelling occasionally takes place.

^L.poynt . . . poynt 1581-2; beheld . . . held 1395-6 ; ivyse
. . . wyse 2523-4 ; yseyn . . . seyn 3291-2.

The infrequency of double rimes may be noticed. In the portion
of the text that I have examined for this purpose I have found that
(putting aside those formed by final e) they are of the most ordinary
character and confined to a small range of words. Thus we find
such rimes as morwe . . . sorwe, (jlorye . . . tmnsytorye, double
. . . trouble, vydorye . . . transytorye, neuere ... dysseuere re-
peated fairly often, and occasionally come across less obvious ones,
such as boundys . . . founde ys 3337-8, but much more frequently
the rime is confined to the last syllable, and sometimes even when
that syllable is a weak one.

Ex. dever . . . power 3558-9 ; ffelonye . . . malencolye 1561-2.

In such rimes as -Typing . . . gadryng 1269-70 the accent was
probably on the last syllable.

At intervals we come on rimes like borne . . . to-forn 1207-8 ;
pray . . . seye 1214-5; kepe . . . shep 2159-60; bed . . . drede
1697-8; crowne . . . doun 1997-8; sprynge . . . werkyng 2924-5 ;

xxxviii* Introduction, iv. Lydgate s Metre.

.skyle . . wyl 2689-00. Some of these may perhaps be put down
to the copyist, but when all allowances are made we cannot help
looking upon the frequency with which they occur as sonie proof of
the extent to which Lydgate allowed himself to drop sonant e when
convenient. Skyle . . . wyl is a specially good example, since the
word skyle occurs also at 11. 2694- and 2741, and in both these lines
it is essential' that the e- should be sounded. In 1. 2681 it is found
again, before the caesura, with- the e mute.

Lydgate is not strict in his use of the octosyllabic line, and
.several distinct types can be found.

According to Sieper these are : -

(a) The normal line of 8 syllables and 4 accents (usually
iambic).

(b) The headless line of 7 syllables (which is often partially or
wholly trochaic in metre). I

(c) The 7-syllabled line in which the first thesis after the caesura
is wanting.

The passage descriptive of the heavenly Jerusalem displays much
variety in the line, so it may be well to analyze it as regards its metre.
LI, 309-11 are regular.

312 "To Jerusalem / for to goon "

can be read as regular if lerusale'ni be accented on the first and
penultimate syllables. As Lydgate allowed himself some licence in
the accentuation of names this is perhaps possible.

Otherwise the line must be, read as acephalous with elision in

/-^
Jerusalem.

313 *< Gfre.tlJ;. meved,/ in my corage "

must be regarded ag an acephalous line, with extra weak syllable
before the caesura, unless we can suppose .that the e in the -ed of
meved was syncopated.

314 " ffor to do / my pylgrymage,"
.and

316 " And to tell / the cause why ".

are both acephalous and belong to type B. , . . .

317 " Was, ffor me thouht I hadde a syht " <'
"belongs to type A, but may perhaps be read with an inverted first
foot.

, 319 " Off that hevenly 7 ffayr cjte "i 1
i an acephalous line- with resolution '-of the two syllables of Tieven.

Introduction. IV. Lydgatc's Metre. xxxix*

321 Also belongs to B.

324 " Yt excellyde / off bewte "

may be read as ^above accented or with syncopation of tlie y and
sounding of the final e of excell(y)de. In either case it belongs to
type B.

326 " ffor God hym selff / was the 1 mfisGwn " -

belongs to type A, but with exceptional inversion of the first foot in
the caesura. Inversion of the first foot of the line is more common
and occurs in

329 " yt t5 cSnceyve / in hys entent"
as well as in 346 and 348.

330 to 334 belong alternately to types A and B.
335 " Thg masSunry / wrought fill clene"

is an example of type C, what Schick calls "the peculiarly
Lydgatian type, in which the thesis is wanting in the caesura, so that
two accented syllables clash together."

340 " The* wych / day nor nyht ne slcpte "

is another example of the same, but is rather exceptional because of
the position of the caesura.

341 " Kepyng so strongly / the entre "

belongs to type A, and contains an example of the accentuation of
the ending of the present participle, unless we read it with a trochaic
first foot. Sieper however considers that the accentuation of the
-ing may almost be regarded, as a rule, with present participles.
This line also contains an example of unnatural accentuation on the.

344 belongs to .type A with syncopation in ev(e)ne.

351 " ffond, / onto hys pleasaunce "

does not at once conform to any of the types. We may perhaps say
that it is acephalous, with a light syllable missing before the caesura.

354 " And yet tlie entre on swych wyse."

Accented in this way this is a regular line of type A. We may
notice however that in 1. 341, cited above, the 'accent is on the
second syllable of entre, and this is also the case in 1. 430.

" To whom thentre was not ffSrbdre."

Therefore it is possible that 354 should be read as an example of
type C.

"And yet the entre / on swych wyse."

In 1. 1840 however the accent seems to be entre.

xl* Introduction, iv. Lydgate's Metre.

358 " Havyng a swerd, fflawmyng as cler,"

depends for its accentuation on the question of the accentuation of
present participles. To my ears it reads best when accentuated as
alternate trochees and iambs, but this may not have been so with
Lydgate.

359 " As any ffyr,/ gvene at the 1 gate "
belongs to type A with elision.

360 " Aiid who that wold / erly of late "

must surely have, like 1. 326, inversion of the first foot of the
caesura.

363 NQ bet helpe, / ne bet refut "

must probably be explained in the same way as 1. 313.

The remaining lines of the passage are regular examples of types
A and B.

Other examples of type C are :

3979 Aiid MoysSs ek / dynSd hadde."
3981 " Hg made A-noon / thys, the cheff."

Lines with redundant syllables are rare, but 1. 2159 may be taken as
such, unless we prefer to read it as a decasyllabic line.

" Your shepperde, / that taketh of yow kepe."

There are also, of course, a few lines which cannot be assigned to
either of the types, such as :

1504 " With-outen eny flatrye."
2034 " Al the whyl that I dvvelle,"

and perhaps 1. 351, cited above, but they are wonderfully few in
number. Altogether, Lydgate's own words in the Troy Boole:

1 ' And trouthe of metre I sette also a-syde ;
For of that art I hadde as tho no guyde
Me to reduce, whan I went a-wronge :
I toke none hede nouther of short nor longe "

are rather more severe than the case demands, and many lines,
apparent] y irregular, may be normalized by syncopation, elision or
by the uncertainty of word-accent common to both Chaucer and
Lydgate. For a discussion on this last point I will refer the reader
to the Introduction of Reason and Sensuality, in which the whole
question of Lydgate's metre is treated with much detail.

Introduction, v. Lydgate' s Language and Style. xli*

V. LYDGATE'S LANGUAGE AND STYLE.

In his tribute to Chaucer on p. 527 of the Pilgrimage Lydgate
speaks of him as

" my mayster Chaucer ....
That was the ffyrste in any age
That amendede our langage "

affording thus an interesting proof that even as soon after his death
as 1426 the writers of the period had a clear recognition of the debt
that the English literary language owed to Chaucer.

Lydgate was one of those who were most influenced in this
respect, and indeed, as Schick points out, he was even more modern
in language than Chaucer himself. In phonology and inflexion, it
is true, there is little difference between them, but Lydgate dropped
many old English words which were retained by Chaucer and are
now obsolete, and used instead words of Romance or classical origin
which may be easily understood by us even if we do not actually
use them. Both Chaucer and Lydgate belonged to the East Mid-
land district, and, as we know, the dialect of this district was much
more cosmopolitan than that of the others, both on account of its
intermediate position and because of the fact that it was the dialect
of London, and therefore more open to foreign influences than the
dialects of more provincial districts.

An intimate acquaintance with French was, of course, at this
time common among all men with any pretensions to education, but
both Chaucer and Lydgate travelled in France, and there is even a
tradition, which Schick however discredits, that Lydgate was
educated in Paris. However this may be, it is practically certain,
as Schick points out in his chapter on the chronology of Lydgate's
writings, that Lydgate was in Paris about 1426, that is to say, about
the time when the Pilgrimage was begun.

These things being so, we are not surprised that the Pilgrimage
should contain a very large proportion of French words, especially
when we consider two other points, firstly, that it was a translation
from the French, and therefore its author would naturally tend to
use words of French rather than of Teutonic origin ; and secondly,
that it was largely concerned with questions of ecclesiastical interest*
which, owing to the general use of Latin in matters of Church and
Religion, would tend to increase the number of words of classical
origin used by the author. That these last two considerations are

xlii* Introduction, v. Lydgates Language and Style.

of considerable weight \vill be more evident if we study Chaucer's
own translations from the French.

The deduction from the accompanying table, in which is shown
the proportion of foreign words in passages chosen from the
Pilgrimage and from various portions of Chaucer's writings, seems
to be that in Lydgate the number of Romance or classical words is
nearly 1 in 5, while in Chaucer it is about 1 in 8. The passages
chosen from Chaucer are various in character and drawn from his
original works ; those from the Pilgrimage have been selected so as
to cover a considerable variety of subjects in order that the influence
of subject on vocabulary might be minimized.

Lines
1-50
309-359
3436-3485
7301-7350 .
7351-7400
18799-18849
20031-20080

Pilgrimage.

Words.

Decasyll. 354
Octosyll. 279
294
259
256
291
267

2000

1-50

1881-1930

4405-4454

1-49
1091-1140

1-50

CHAUCER.

Cant. Tales. Prol
Decasyll. 361

Knight's Tale.

Decasyll. 349
Nonne Priestess Tale.

Decasyll. 370
Nous of Fame.
Octosyll. 280
324

Book of the, Duchess.
Octosyll. 316

Fr. or class, words.
67
52
50
56
59
49
48

2000

381

43

66
38

37

39

20
243

But if we take a poem translated by Chaucer from the ' French,
the result is different. Thus in the first five verses of the ABC
Prayer to the Virgin there are 306 words, 62 of which are of
Romance origin, a proportion of about 1-in 5, as in the Pilgrimage,

Introduction, v. Lydgate s Language and Style, xliii*

while in the first 300 words of the translation from Boethius the
proportion is 1 in 6.

On the other hand, in Lydgate's Temple of Glas, which is not a
translation from the French, the proportion of French words in the
first 50 lines is only about 1 in 8, and in the first 6 verses of the
Complaint to Venus in the same poem the proportion is about
1 in 7.

From these examples we may draw the conclusion that the great
preponderance of words of Romance origin in the Pilgrimage is
largely due to the fact that it is a translation from the French.
But while we make allowances for this fact in comparing Lydgate
and Chaucer, we must, admit that even in those cases where the
proportion of French words is not very different, the number of
concrete words of Teutonic origin used by Lydgate is much smaller
than is the case with Chaucer, while those used are, with com-
paratively few exceptions, such as may be easily understood even by
the reader who has not studied the early forms of his native tongue.

Lydgate is, in fact, very easy to read, though there are a certain
number of words employed by him which we seek for in vain in the
works of Chaucer or his other English contemporaries. Some of these
are Latinisms lifted bodily from any text he might be engaged in
translating or paraphrasing. Such are porrect (448/16709) and
procelle (456/16995), both occurring in his adaptation of St.
Bernard's Homily. Certain other forms, such as swyd 350/12882,
'trrdk 569/21339, anc ^ towelled 597/22356, are possibly scribal errors,
but there remain a few, such as lessellys 306/11191, botevaunt
492/18427, devaunt 492/18428, stoupaille (for stoppel) 646/24110,.
treygobet 317/11623, and turneys 146/5569, which, as far as I can
discover, seem to be peculiar to him. Skouren also (106/4011) i&
used in an unusual sense.

The question of Lydgate's grammar and inflexions has been so-
thoroughly treated already that I do not propose to enter upon it,
but will pass on to the question of his literary style.

With regard to this he was himself as modest as other writers
were laudatory.

" On makyng I ha no suffysaunce "
he says in the prologue to the Pilgrimage, and again :

" I am bareyn of all eloquence.
Therfor I pray, what so that be seyde,
Off geutyllesse not to be evel apayde

xliv* Introduction. V. Lydgates Language and Style.

And my rudnesse helpyn to excuse,

ffor in metre I ha with me no muse :

Noon of the nyne that on Parnase duelle,

Nor she that ys the lady of the welle,

Calliope, be syde cytheron,

Gaff to my penne, plente nor f uson

Of hyr licovr, whan thys work was begonne.

Nor I drank no-wer of the sugeryd tonne

Off lubiter, couchyd in his celer,

So strange I fonde to me hys boteler

Off poetys icallyd Ganymede.

But to my labour now I woll me spede,
Prayng ech reder me to reconforte,
Benignely my rudenesse to supporte."

Other examples are given by Schick in his chapter on the style of
the Temple of Glas, and on reading his works one cannot escape
from the conviction that Lydgate was justified in his modesty.

Some of the principal points to be noted in considering Lydgate's
style are his immense prolixity and love of circumlocutions, and of
conventional phrases. He is entirely deficient in that essential
mark of the stylist the knowledge when to stop. In fact, he sees
no reason for stopping at all. His words, his lines flow forth in a
steady stream at a steady pace. They come apparently with little
difficulty, and when difficulties do arise they may always be met by
the reduplication of a sentence in slightly different form or by the
interpolation of some conventional phrase.

These conventional phrases, very frequent in all of Lydgate's
works, abound in the Pilgrimage to a ridiculous extent. Here are
a few examples of them :

3541 Nor grucche (in myn oppynyoun)
3765 As a chamberere (in sothnese)
4303 And on thys werm (yiff ye lyst se)
4553 And sothly (yiff I shal nat feyne)
4564 And told the cause (yiff ye be wys)
4567 And sette me ek (yt ys no fable)
6115 Consydred how (in sothfastnesse)
6123 As she that ys (shortly to fyne)
6947 Yet, by ther chymyng (in substaunce)
19413 f. Many a perel (I 3011 ensure)

And many a straunge aventure.
19417 And many a tempeste (in certeyn)
15439 f. Thys secounde cours (yt ys no dred)
Doth gret good unto hyr bed.

Introduction. V. Lydgates Language and Style. xlv*

These expletive phrases put in to fill up a line or for the
sake of rime, make up no inconsiderable proportion of some
passages. Opening the book almost at random I find that in the
hundred lines between 13200 and 13300 there are no fewer than
22 lines finished in this manner.

13207 (yiff thou lyst se) 13217 (in conclusioun)

13219 (when al ys do) 13223 (yiff thow kanst se)

13225 (yt ys no doute) 13229 (yt ys no dred)

13237 (who kan ffele) 13239 (yt ys no nay)

13241 (who haue a syht) 13257 (as to myn entent)

13260 (as ye shal here) 13265 (by couenaunt)

13268 (and lyst nat spare) 13268 (yt ys no lye)
13276 (as ye may se) 13279 (who kan se)

13283 (est and south) 13285 (who that touche)

13289 (voyde of al flavour) 13293 (who taketh hed ther-to)
13399 (yt ys no drede) 13300 (in verray dede)

In the hundred lines between 15650 and 15750 there are 19 of
these phrases; between 17700 and 17800 there are 16; between
20370-20470 there are 14; indeed it is hardly possible to open
a page without finding two or three and often many more. It is
not necessary to expatiate on the poverty of the verse which has
to be eked out by such devices, for, as a study of any of the above-
mentioned passages will show, not one in ten of these phrases has
any real connection with the subject-matter of the lines, or throws
any further light upon what the writer is saying. No, they are
padding pure and simple, usually inserted for the sake of rime, or
to piece out an idea which will not naturally extend to the length
of a couplet.

In most cases these phrases occupy the second half of a line.
More rarely, but yet very often, one is found covering a whole line,
as in the following examples :

13232 f. But to declare the trouthe pleyn,

He dyde nat so, no thyng at al,

In straunge felclys, for he yt stal,

(Al be yt by fful gret lak)

He put al in hys owne sak.
2005 (Lyk as I shal yow de'vyse,
2901 (As clerkys wel reherse kan).
3073 (Yiff ye lyst to here me).
3171 (Who that kan tlie trouthe seke).

xlvi* Jntroduction. v. Lydgate's Language and Style.

3203 (To seyn shortly, and nat tarye) '

3235 (As I be-held tho douteles)

3539 (To speken in especyal).

Very occasionally the expletive phrase occurs in the first half of
the line. I have only been able to discover three examples of this
in Part I. of the Pilgrimage, viz. :

6474 f. Lokyng, with wych men do se,

Unto the Eye ys porter

(As thow well wost) and massager.
7199 f. The tyme ys good and couenable,

(As I ha sayd), and acceptable.
8344 f. But Grace Dieu was nat wel plesyed

(Shortly) of my gouernaunce.

Examples of these inanities might be multiplied indefinitely, and
it will be enough to note that the greater proportion of them may
be arranged in five classes.

(1) Those which make some appeal to or assertion of the good
judgment and intelligence of either the reader or of the poet himself.

As thow well wost, 6476; who so understonde kan, 4158;
who kan se, 13279; who can discerne, 20711 ; who lyst to se,
20618; to thyn entent, 9759; yiff ye lyst to wyte, 219; who can
conceyue, 18683 ; by cler inspeccioun, 15013; as to myn entent,
13257; off entencioun, 15745; by good avys, 20097; yiff they be
wys, 12095 ; who consydreth al, 11331; who lyst taken kep, 8697 ;
who lyst 'token her-wyth-al, 20119; who loketh al, 20133; who
loke wel, 21922; yiff thow konn? espye, 13302; yiff yt be souht,
12436; to myn oppynyoun, 17301; me semeth so, 17303.

(2) Phrases that are strongly affirmative or confirmative of some
preceding point. Such are: yt ys no nay, 10809 ; yt ys no drede,
12117; yt ys no doute, 12209; I the ensure, 12217; wythoute
doute, 12238; wythoute gesse, 11443; off verray soth, And off no
lape, 21135; in certyn, 12223; douteles, 21883; I dar undertake,
21903; of verray ryght, 2556;, yiff I shal not lye, 3333; in soth-
nesse, 3925; yt ys no fayl, 4015; be wel certeyn, 5395; yt ys no
fable, 2158; yt ys no jape, 12119; and many other similar expres-
sions. To these also may be added phrases like the following :

9286 I wolde abyde (& not remewe).
21583 In thylke dyrke ffyr (nat bryht).
21723 I sawh a croos stonde (and nat flytte).

(3) Those that contain reference to authority, such as :

Introduction. V. Lydgate's Language and Style. xlvii*"

444 f. ffor, by record off Seyn Matthew,
The hevene (as by hys sentence,)
Wonnen is by vyolence.
621 As the phylisofre seyth.
2901 As clerkys wel reherse kan.
14447 As the byble kan wel tel.
14453 In hooly wryt, as yt ys ryff.
21885 the byble seyth apert.
13635 as I ha told.
12043 thus seyth he.
11457 As clerkys wryte that be sad.

9968 As I kan reporte.
18355 As clerkys teche.

(4) Such expressions as ' in substaunce,' 21871; 'for to dyftyne/
17537; 'at a word/ 21591 ; ' to rehersyn euery del,' 21913; ' fynally/
21595; 'shortely to specefye,' 21621; 'for short conclusioun,' 20931;
1 shortly to telle,' 17403; 'in conclusioun/ 15703; 'thus I begynne/
11441; 'in wordysfewe/9119; ' wythoute more,' 20941 which have
reference to the form in which the poet puts his assertions, and to
the progress of his work.

(5) Certain adverbial expressions of place or time which are
meant to give additional weight and detail to the circumstance
mentioned by the poet.

6507 f. The Messagerys (erly and late)

Conveye yt by the same gate,
9899 f. Eetrussen hym, and ek recharge

(Bothe in streyth & ek in large.)
12027 f. To kepe me bothe ft'er and ner)

ffrom al pereyl and all daunger.
12079 f. myn enmyes many tyme,

(Bothe at eue and ek at prime.)
21988 f. Nauffragus iful long I-be,

And suffred (bothe este and weste)

Many perel and greet tempeste.

Besides these there are a certain number of phrases which can
hardly be classed, and which appear to be inserted quite irrelevantly,
such as 'lych myn entent/ 17749; 'wythoute grace,' 17754; 'in
especyal/ 17177; < off entente/ 17405; 'in sentence/ 14431.

The question of the reduplication of expressions has been treated
at some length by Sieper, but as this is a very marked characteristic
of the Pilgrimage I may give a few more examples here.

PILGRIMAGE. d

xlviii* Introduction, v. Lydgates Language and Style.

Examples of the reduplication of an idea by the employment of
synonymous or almost synonymous adjectives, adverbs or nouns will
be found on nearly every page. For instance :

1324 After the custom and usaunce
1421 f. And Receyvede ther by Ryht

Yertu, force & gostly myght.
1551 f. Debonayre and mercyable,

Soffte, goodly, and tretable.
1584 For punyshynge and Correccioun.

1646 Thogh thyn hornys be sharp & kene,

1647 Was humble, meke, & debonayre,
1687 Portreye or peynte

1752 f. And longe held her pocessyon

Lordshepe ek & gouernaunce.
1780 Maugre hys myght & his powste.
1823 Whan thow fyndest or dost espye.
1844 Kepte the fredam and fraunchyse
2012 Ben yclyped and yshaue
2058 Proud of your port, & ek ellat.
1540 f. For they mynystre ther oynement

To boystously, & no thing soffte.

But Lydgate is not content with merely reduplicating epithets
or single words in this manner, for very frequently we find whole
sentences repeated, with some difference in wording but practically
none in idea.

5 f. ffor shortly here yovre poscessyon

ys yove to yow but for a schort sesoun

Nor the tresovre wych that ye possede

Ys but thyng lent ho so kan take hede.
14 f. That kam wyth loye departeth aye wyth sorwe;

And thyng .y wonne wyth loye and gladnesse,

Ay dysseuereth wyth wo and bevynesse.
2135 f. Thys worldys veyn pleysaunce

Wych ys so f ul off varyaunce,

So ful of chang and dovbylnesse.
2529 f. Yiff he be proud or obstynat,

Dysobeyynge or ellaat,

Hys trespace to amende

And ne lyst nat to entende

To be redressed by nieeknesse,

And, thorgh pryde or Frowardnesse,

Wyl take no correccion.

Introduction, v. Lydgate's Language, and Style, xlix*

2579 f. Of wych thyng he wex al sad

And in hys herte no thyng glad.
3771 f. The boundys constreyue your party;

But, for al that, I go frely

Wher that me lyst, at lyberte :

They bounde yow, & no thyng me ;

Close yow out, that ye nat passe ;

But I go fre in euery place.

We may also notice a few examples of the reduplication of an
idea produced by a negative statement following an affirmative one.
Such are 11. 9286, 21583 and 21723 quoted on p. xlvi* as well as
1. 14917:

" Yt maketh me glad, and nothyng dul."

Without multiplying examples, which would only be tedious, I
may point out that in some cases the parallelism persists throughout
quite long passages. For instance, in the passage on page 68 on the
punishment of the proud, from which a few lines have been quoted,
nearly every sentence is reduplicated, and much the same is the
.case with the description of Fortune in the Prologue.

Sieper has pointed out that " wide indeed though the gulf is
which separates his vapid verse, betraying in every line the traces
of decadence, from the inimitable creations of Israel's golden youth,
Lydgate is, in point of fact, not so far removed from a mere
parallelism such as meets us in the poetry of the Hebrews," and if
-we compare witli some of the examples given above the following
verses from the 18th Psalm, it will be evident that as far as technical
construction goes there is a strong resemblance between Lydgate's
parallelisms and those of the Psalmist.

" He rode upon the cherubims, and did fly :
He came flying upon the wings of the wind.
He made darkness his secret place :
His pavilion round about him with dark water,
And thick clouds to cover him."
. . . He sent out his arrows, and scattered them :
He cast forth lightnings, and destroyed them."
"... With the holy thou shalt be holy :

And with a perfect man thou shalt be perfect."
Remnants of parallelism are also found in some of the Old
English poems, arising, it is supposed, from the same cause that
produced it among the Hebrews, viz. the construction of poems in

1* Introduction, v. Lydgate 8 Language and Style,

strophe and antistrophe for the voices of alternating choirs. YTe
have not much reason however for thinking that Lydgate was
influenced by Old English poetry in his choice of this style. It is
more likely that he observed its use in the Psalms, with which, as
a monk, he must have been very familiar. In any case, it is a
construction which would appeal greatly to any one with such an
extensive vocabulary and such a love of prolixity and diffuseness
as Lydgate, and, as Sieper points out, it was with him "a principle
of art consciously employed and systematically carried through."

In fact, all through the poem Lydgate gives one the impression
that he is striving with all his might to express himself with the
utmost effectiveness combined with the utmost truth, but that as
he has no infallible command of the " mot juste " and lacks the
art to 'represent the whole by depicting only the essential lines, he
seeks to attain his end by the employment of conscientious and
laborious detail and by a free use of epithet and paraphrase. Other
characteristics of his verse are the great length of his sentences and
the freedom with which he employs the parenthesis. The result of
this is that he often loses sight of the main current of his idea and
produces a passage which is a mere conglomeration of sentences and
phrases, without a shape or centre, and sometimes united by a faulty
syntactical construction. He often gives the impression that he is
afraid of forgetting some point that has struck him, and so writes it
down directly it comes into his mind, careless whether or no it
interferes with the course of his sentence. His verse is still further
complicated by the use of the various devices of which examples
have already been given, and the general impression we gather as
we read is that it is not so much composed as strung together. We
must remember, however, that in this poem at least De Guileville as
well as Lydgate must bear the responsibility for some of the defects.
The general construction, the monotonous manner of introducing
the characters, the insertion of long arguments and descriptions are
primarily due to him, as are even some of the expletive phrases and
repetitions. Take for instance these lines :

" Quant dieu, dist elle, adam, ton pere,
Eut cree et eue, ta mere,
II leur fist si grant courtoisie,
Et leur donna tele franchise
Quilz pouoient viure san languir,
Sans necessite de niourir :

Introduction, v. Lydgates Language and Style. li*

Et tel grace leur octroya,

Que rectitude leur donna,

Et clroiz les fist en liberte

Et franchise de volente

Pour bien garder en eulx droicture

Selon justice par mesure,

En tel mauiere qne le corps

Obeissoit a son ame lors ;

Et si rendoient subiection

Les forces basses a raison.

Ce quest bas a ce que dessus,

Les moines dignes aux dignes plus." (Petit, fol. iv.)

This passage, represented in Lydgate by 11. 1011-1037, contains,
as we may see, fully as many parallelisms as Lydgate was accustomed
to employ, although we cannot deny that in some cases Lydgate
would take one single idea of De Guileville's and express it under
two or three forms.

" Car, a leur dieu ilz desobeircnt,
Et perdirent lauctorite

De quoy dessus ie tay parle ; " (fol. iv. back.)
In Lydgate we find (11. 1055-1061) :

" But whan they gan to God trespace,
They lost flier fredam and ther grace,
Lyff also, and liberte
And hooly ther auctoryte,
Off wych tliou hast herd me seye."
Again \ve read in the French :

" Mais a quelle fin ien vendroie

Encor pas bien pense nauoye." (fol. x.)
Lydgate represents this by :

" This fantasy e fyl in my tlioulit ;
But, Got wot, I wyste nouht,
Nor Jmewe ful lytel (at the leste)
What was the ffyn of my requeste,
Nor took but lytel heed ther-to." (2813-17.)

In these extracts I have italicized those portions that have no
exact counterpart in the French.

There is not much to be said for the style of the Pilgrimage, but
the little that there is it would be ungracious to omit. We must
therefore observe that iu a few passages Lydgate really seems to take
considerable pleasure in what he is describing and expresses his .
feelings with some vigour, freshness and poetic feeling. The best
examples of this are the description of the heavenly Jerusalem

Hi* Introduction, v. Lydgate's Language and Style.

(11. 323-53), the account of Youth (11. 11133-11212), and especially
the passage on the revivifying power of Nature (11. 3434-3523).

The whole question of Lydgate's style has been treated with so
much detail and so many examples in the Introduction to Reason
and Sensuality that it seems unnecessary to expatiate further upon
its peculiarities. I will therefore conclude this study by giving one
more parallel passage which illustrates in a marked degree many of
the characteristics referred to above, especially Lydgate's love of
amplification, explanation, and parallelism.

; And fyrst thow shalt wel understond
That by falsnes of this bond
most horryble and odyous
was brought fyrst in-to christis hous
the false vyce of symonye
and by his feyned trecherye,
by his sleyte, and by his ~gyn,
at the dove he cam not in ;
but at some travas, lych a theffe,
wher he dothe full gret myschefe ;
for wher so evar he dothe aproche
with this staife he can a-croche
the herts of folks by covetyse
and ordeynythe in full cursyd wyse
sheppards to kepe christis shepe
whiche of theyr offyse toke no kepe.
An herdmau is [y]sayd, in dede,
only for he shuld[e] fede
his shepe with spyrituall doctryn ;
but they draw by an othar lyn :
they may be callyd, for ther werkynge,
pastours only of fedynge,
They fede them selff with haboundaunce,
and let ther shepe go to myschaunce ;
I trow it is full well ysene,
them selfe be fatt, ther shepe be lene
I trow, the most[e] part of all,
men shuld them rather wolv[e]s call
than trwe herd[e]s ; yong and old
they come to robb[e] christis fold ;
they shuld ther shepe from wolv[e]s

were ;

the wool, the mylke, away they bere.
I can not se wher-of they serue,
that lat ther shepe at mescheie starue,
and put them selffe in gret defame.
And they would eke make lame
grace dieu of cursydnesse,
lyke as I shall a-non exprese,
from the trone of hir mageste
by $:yfte of temporalite :
his fals office I can well tell :

C'est une main qui iutroduit
En la maison cle iesu christ

Par faulses broches et pertius
Les larrons sans entrer par 1'huis

Et quant dedans les a tirez
Et a son croc acrochetez

Du mesme croc croches leur faiz.
Et pasteurs de brebis les faiz

Pasteurs dis ie / mais ceulx ce font
Qui se paissent et qui taut font

Que mieulx les doit en loups claiuer
Que pasteurs douailles nommer

Ceulx sont qui veulent eslochier
Grace de dieu et descrochier

Du throsne de sa maieste
Par dons de temporalite

Une foiz sen font acheteurs
Et lautre foiz in sont vendeurs

(Ver. fol.-lxx. back,]

he can now by en, he can now sell,

By boundys of collusyon

and all comythe in by syr symon.

(11. 17965-99.)

Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan. liii*

VI. LYDGATE AND BUNYAN.

An edition of Bunyan's works, edited by Dr. George Offor and
published in 1853, contains, as an appendix, a defence of Bunyan's
originality, upon which doubts had been thrown by various authors,
some of them of high repute.

Dr. Dibdin in Typographical Antiquities, speaking of the
Pilgrimage of the Soul, says: "This extraordinary production,
rather than Bernard's Isle of Man, laid the foundation of John
Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress" Dr. Adam Clarke, as he states in a
postscript to a Life of Bunyan, considered that either Bernard's Isle
of Man, or Spencer's Faery Queen, "if not both, gave birth to the
Pilgrim's Progress. 1 ' Mr. Montgomery thought that the print and
verses called The Pilgrim in Witney's Emblems suggested th'e idea
of the book. Mr. Chambers, of Edinburgh, considered that Bunyan
could not have been ignorant of Gavin Douglas's Palace of Honour.
D'Israeli, in his Amenities of Literature, made the tentative sug-
gestion that there was some connection between Bunyan's masterpiece
and Piers Plowman.

These ideas are briefly and in most cases effectively disposed of
by Dr. Offor, who (after his study and analysis of these and many
other allegorical works) had come to the sincere conclusion that not
a sentence in the Pilgrim's Progress could be proved to have any
other origin than the Bible or Bunyan's own mind.

Amongst the allegories cited by him we find the Pilgrimage of
the Life of Man, of which he gives a somewhat insufficient analysis.
No one had so far asserted that Bunyan owed any debt to this
particular work ; but only a few years after Offer's edition of the
Pilgrim's Progress was published just such a suggestion appeared.

In 1858 was published by Basil Montagu Pickering The Ancient
Poem of Guillaume de Guileville, entitled le Pelerinage de I'Homme,
compared with the Pilgrim's Progress of John Bunyan.

This book was compiled from notes collected by the late Mr.
Nathaniel Hill, and contained a comparison of various passages from
Bunyan and from the second version of De Guileville's poem, as well
as an appendix consisting of long extracts from Lydgate's version
and a prose synopsis of many parts not thus quoted.

Nathaniel Hill's argument takes the following course. He first
points out the prevalence of allegorical writing for more than three
centuries before Bunyan, and then indicates the sources from which

liv* Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan.

De Guileville and Bunyan "drew and embellished their com-
positions," viz. the Bible, chivalrous literature, and the traditional
literature of the people, such as ballads, chap-books, and the popular
romances of Guy of Warwick, etc.

After a dissertation on the great extent to which writers of
genius have made use of already existing literary material, Nathaniel
Hill goes on to bring forward evidences of the popularity of De
Guileville's Dream in England, such as Chaucer's translation of the
ABC poem to the Virgin, his imitation of the final passage in the
Book of the Duchess, and the numerous translations of it which exist,
both in prose and verse.

He gives a list of these versions, among which he includes,
however, several MSS. and one printed edition of the Pilgrimage of
the Soul. To these I have not had access, but most probably they
are translations of the second portion of De Guileville's great poem,
that of the pilgrimage " de lame separee du corps."

Next, ' ' in order still further to show the concurrence at least
of ideas, if not of diction between De Guileville and Bunyan "
Hill quotes a large number of passages from the French of De
Guileville and from Banyan's Pilgrim's Progress, and concludes with
various extracts from other poets such as Langiand, Walter Mapes,
Hampole, Dunbar and Hawes by means of which he designs to
illustrate some traditional forms of expression common in the 14th
and 15th centuries, and also used by Bunyan.

The general trend of his argument is, of course, to show that
Bunyan was acquainted with De Guileville's Pilgrimage and was
influenced by it to a considerable extent in writing his Pilgrim's
Progress. As his editors point out, " The late Mr. Nathaniel Hill
intended to have made the following Papers the groundwork of a
larger publication on the Pilgrim's Progress of Bunyan, in which
he proposed showing that Bunyan had been indebted, for many
portions of his story, to some of the early mediaeval Eomances."

His death prevented the carrying out of this design ; but as it
was 011 De Guileville's poem that Mr. Hill's views were principally
founded, this is the less to be regretted.

The question now to be considered is how far Mr. Hill proved
his case, and how far Bunyan appears really to have been influenced
by mediaeval writers, and especially by De Guileville.

That there are undoubted correspondences between the two
pilgrimages may be at once admitted.

Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan. Iv*

Each is in the similitude of a dream and describes the journey of
a pilgrim to the Celestial City. In each case a heavenly guide to
point out the way, to rebuke or to encourage, is given to the pilgrim ;
in Christian's case Evangelist, in De Guileville's Grace Dieu. Each
pilgrim also receives a mark of consecration, though De Guileville is
" crossyd " at his baptism, and Christian's mark in his forehead is
not given him until he stands before the Cross of Christ. Each is
beset in his path by difficulties and adversaries. Christian meets
with Worldly Wiseman, Apollyon, Vanity Eair and its inhabitants,
Demas who tempts him to turn aside for money, Giant Despair who
catches him as he wanders in By-Path meadow, the Elatterer,
Atheist and Ignorance. In De Guileville we get figures cor-
responding to all or nearly all of these. Beside Ignorance we may
place Eude Entendenient. Eor Apollyon we have Satan the Hunter,
for Demas, Avarice with her golden idol. Giant Despair catches the
pilgrim who seeks easy going in a by-path, the cord of Desperation is
ready for him who is overcome by Sloth.

For Vanity Eair we have the Sea of the World ; and for Envy,
Superstition, Lord Casual Delight, Lord Desire-of- Vain-Glory, Mr.
Malice, Mr. Love-Lust and the others we find Envy, Astrology,
Fortune, Conspiracy and Worldly Gladness, who possess between
them nearly all the amiable characteristics Bunyan has personified in
his description of the inhabitants of Vanity Fair.

Instead of Worldly Wiseman we have Reason and Nature, who
resent the doings of Grace Dieu as Worldly Wiseman scorns the
counsel of Evangelist.

The house of Grace Dieu in which the Pilgrim sees the wonders
of the ointments, the sword and keys and the sacramental change,
and hears the explanations of these things from Reason and Grace
Dieu, is represented in Bunyan by the Interpreter's House, in which
Christian is taught many profitable things ; and the " chaumbre ful
secree " into which Grace Dieu leads the Pilgrim to receive his
armour stands, perhaps for the House Beautiful in which Christian
is similarly endowed. The meaning of the armour is the same in
each narrative, and it even seems to me that I can perceive some
concurrence of idea in the fact that Grace Dieu suffers the Pilgrim
to go unarmed, save for sling and stone, while Faithful also passes on
his pilgrimage without visiting the House Beautiful or receiving the
armour.

There are other correspondences of a more or less doubtful

Ivi* Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan.

character. The wicket-gate, placed by Bunyan at the beginning of the
path, is mentioned by De Guileville as the actual entry to the Celestial
City, while either Moral Virtue's gate or the river of baptism cor-
responds more nearly to Bunyan's wicket. (Nathaniel Hill compares
this river with the Slough of Despond.)

Christian and Faithful receive certificates on starting, which are
to be given in at the gate of the city when they arrive. De
Guile ville's Pilgrim is presented with a scrip and staff " wych al
pilgrymes ouhte to have," and which they leave outside the gate on
entering,

Christian receives a roll of promise after the sight of Christ's
Cross has freed him from his burden. De Guile ville's Pilgrim also
receives rolls at various times for his instruction or comfort, such as
the poems on the Creed and the Trinity, and the bill of Grace Dieu
containing the ABC, which is brought to him after he is cast off
by Fortune. In more close correspondence with Christian's roll,
however, is the Testament of Christ in which the gift of peace is
bequeathed to man.

But, close though some of these resemblances may seem to be,
the differences, and especially the implicit ones, are far more striking.
Thus, though both Christian and De Guileville's Pilgrim j are moved
by powerful impulses to go on pilgrimage, the manner of the incite-
ment is sharply contrasted, since in Christian's case the moving
cause is fear of judgment, while in De Guileville's it is the vision
of celestial happiness.

It must be noticed, however, that as Christian walks with
Pliable towards the wicket-gate, he discourses to him concerning the
Heavenly Kingdom in terms which bear some resemblance to those
of De Guileville's vision. (Lyd. 345-438.)

"There is an endless kingdom to be inhabited, and everlasting
life to be given us, that we may inhabit that kingdom for ever. . . .
There are crowns of glory to be given us ; and garments that will
make us shine like the sun in the firmament of heaven. . . . There
shall be no more crying nor sorrow ; for He that is owner of the
place will wipe all tears from our eyes. . . . There we shall be
with seraphims and cherubims, creatures that will dazzle your eyes
to look on them. There also you shall meet with thousands and ten
thousands that have gone before us to that place. None of them
are hurtful, but loving and holy, every one walking in the sight of
God, and standing in his presence with acceptance for ever. In a

Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan. Ivii*

word, there we shall see the elders with their golden crowns ; there
we shall see the holy virgins with their golden harps ; there we
shall see men that by the world were cut in pieces, burnt in flames,
eaten of beasts, drowned in the seas, for the love that they bore to
the Lord of the place, all well, and clothed with immortality as with
a garment."

Very marked is the difference between the ways in which the
two Pilgrims are freed from the burden of sin. To begin with,
Christian is conscious of the burden ; its presence is terrible to him
and he seeks earnestly to be rid of it. De Guile ville's Pilgrim has
apparently no sense of sin :

" What nedyth yt to wasshe me,
Or bathe, Avhen yt ys no nede ;
ffor I am clene washe in dede
ffrom al felth and unclennesse." (11. 970-973.)

and even after Grace Dieu's long explanation of the doctrine of
original sin, he does not appear to be inwardly convicted so much as.
convinced of the hopelessness of rebelling against authority :

" Tharme me sempte yt was but veyn,
More for me to speke a-geyn,
Or make replycacioun
Ageynys her oppynyoun." (11. 1291-1294.)

The Pilgrim is freed from this original sin by the washing of
baptism, but Christian bears his burden long after he has entered
upon the strait path, nor does he leave it in the Interpreter's House
(which, as above said, may be taken to correspond to the Church,
or house of Grace Dieu), but only before the Cross of Christ.

There is, however, a passage further on in the Pilgrimage, in
which the Pilgrim admits his inability to return to innocence through
his own efforts, and is directed by Grace Dieu to look for help to
the four parts of Christ's Cross (12441-12673), which may be com-
pared with the loosing of Christian's burden before the Cross.

Another point of difference is that De Guileville's allegory is a
pilgrimage of the life of man, and follows the Pilgrim from birth to
death (see 11. 643-651 and 1. 975) though the device by which an
infant is made to discuss the doctrine of original sin seems somewhat
lacking in even allegorical fitness, while the Pilgrim's Progress
only begins when Christian is first awakened to the sense of sin,
and deals purely with his spiritual experiences. The Pilgrimage
also is chiefly concerned with spiritual experiences, but when we

Iviii* Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan.

reacli the part at which the Pilgrim enters the monastery, the
allegory frequently fails, and we are treated to long descriptions
which, though symbolical in a way, are yet distinct deviations from
the original path of the allegory, and represent rather objective
occurrences than the personal experiences of the soul.

But the greatest difference of all consists in the fact that De
Guile ville's poem is to a great degree an exposition and enforcement
of the chief doctrines of the Eoman Church, and the experiences
through which the Pilgrim passes are such as would best throw into
relief the powers and prerogatives of that Church. Thus all the
preparation which the Pilgrim receives for his journey is Church
preparation. He is baptized, he is instructed in the Sacraments, and
in the points of priestly dominion, he is taught (by the extraordinary
episode of the placing of his eyes in his ears) to rely upon authority
only, he is warned against too great reliance on reason, he is presented
with the

" articles off our creaunce, ....
The wych wer mad (with-oute stryff)

(6911-69H) In hooly cherche prymytyff."

And then, finally , when he has passed through the various incidents
of his progress, and with stained conscience cries to God for help, it
is to penance and the discipline of the Church, as exercised in
monasteries, that Grace Dieu bids him resort in order to defend
himself

(22111) " Ageyne the ffende and alle his myght."

We see therefore that the spirit pervading the Pilgrimage of the
Life of Man is, in spite of many resemblances of detail, very
different from that which animates the Pilgrim's Progress. This,
however, would not in itself be enough to prove that Bony an was
not influenced by the older* work, for we might well suppose that
if he were acquainted with the allegory he might adopt the general
idea and such details as pleased him, and throw them into a form
accordant with his Puritan theology, while rejecting all those parts
which were an offence to him.

But there are other arguments against this theory.

First we may notice that Bunyan is not at all likely to have had
any acquaintane with the Pilgrimage. Lyd gate's poem had never
been printed, only three copies of it are known, and therefore its
circulation must have been comparatively small ; nor can we suppose
that Bunyan, an unlearned man of low rank, would be likely to

Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan. lix*

have access to such a manuscript, or that he would be able to read
it even if he had come across it. 1

We have what seems to be a fairly trustworthy record of the
meagreness of Bunyan's library. He was put to school as a boy
and taught to read and write, " the which I also attained, according
to the rate of other poor men's children, though to my shame I con-
fess I did soon lose that I had learned even almost utterly, and
that long before the Lord did work his gracious work of conver-
sion upon my soul."

We see, from this passage, that Bunyan cannot have read much
prior to his conversion. Serious books we know he avoided,
for he tells us that " when I have seen some read in those books
that concerned Christian piety, it would be, as it were, a prison
to me."

Books of a more worldly type were perhaps occasionally read by
him if we may take as embodying personal experience the passage
in Sighs from Hell where a lost sinner confesses to Abraham the
manner in which he treated the Scriptures. "The Scriptures,"'
thought I, " what are they ? . . . . Give me a ballad, a news-book,
George on Horseback, or Bevis of Southampton." But it is not
likely that such books were a great temptation to him, or we should
surely have had detailed reference to them, along with the other
temptations of his youth, in Grace Abounding.

It is expressly recorded that at his marriage his wife brought
him two books, The Plain Man's Pathway to Heaven and the
Practice of Piety, and that these he sometimes read. Foxe's Book
of Martyrs was one of his most cherished possessions, and Luther's
Commentary on Galatians, which he happened to come across in a
time of conflict and darkness, drew from him the testimony that he
preferred it before all the books that eve he had seen, excepting the
Holy Bible, as most fit for a wounded conscience.

So far, then, as we can gather from existing records these few
books, together with the Bible, formed his library. Of course it
is possible that there may have been others, but it is unprofitable to
speculate on the point since in one Book alone the Bible supple-

1 It is however true, as has been before noted, that a condensed English

Erose version of De Guileville's poem, a copy of which is found in St. John's
ibrary, Cambridge, existed in the seventeenth century ; and though it is not
very likely that Bunyan saw even this, it is possible that the story may have
been told to him by one who had done so.

Ix* Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan.

mented by Banyan's own experience, we may trace all the influences
necessary for the production of the Pilgrim's Progress.

As the numerous marginal references show, the very passage on
the Heavenly Jerusalem, which has been compared above with
Lydgate's description of the same, is drawn in almost every par-
ticular, and sometimes word for word, from the Bible. Christian's
armour is the armour of God described in Ephesians vi. 11-17. The
fight with Apollyon is an amplification of the text " Resist the devil
and he will flee from you" (James iv. 7). The description of the
Valley of the Shadow of Death is drawn from various passages in the
Psalms and in Job ; the origin of the idea of Vanity Fair is indicated by
many references, to the kingdoms of this world shown to our Lord
by the Tempter (Matt. iv. 8 ; Luke iv. 5, 6, 7); to the necessity for
passing through the temptations of the world (1 Cor. v. 10); to the
lamentations over the vanity of transitory things in Ecclesiastes.
All through the book the language of the Bible is employed ; the
figures and symbols used are those drawn from Holy Writ; the
doctrines insisted upon are supported by scriptural reference after
reference.

And what of the general course of the allegory and the per-
sonages represented in it] In almost every point it may be
brought into line with Banyan's own experiences. The course of
his early religious life his first awakening, his attempts to attain
righteousness by the deeds of the law, his despair when he dis-
covered the shallowness of this reformation, the instruction he
received from the Baptist minister, Mr. Gifford are all faithfully
reflected in the experiences of Christian as he travels towards the
wicket-gate, in his acceptance of the arguments of Worldly Wiseman,
in his struggles in the Slough of Despond, in the character and
words of Evangelist.

It was a sermon on the love of Christ which opened the wicket-
gate to Bunyan's soul, and revealed to him the mind of that One
who was "willing with all his heart" to let him in. In the
character and house of the Interpreter we may trace again the
figure of Mr. Gifford and the religious assembly over which he
presided ; in the terrible picture of the Valley of the Shadow of
Death we may follow the experience of those months of conflict
during which Bunyan was so tormented by spiritual tempta-
tions and by the influence of his early sins, that nothing but the
grace of God can have preserved the balance of his reason. It

Introduction, vi. Lydgate and Bunyan. Ixi*

was at this point that lie came upon Luther's Commentary on
Gcdatians; and, as Dr. Cheever points out, this may be " the original
of just that beautiful incident recorded in the progress of Christian
through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, where, when Christian
had travelled in this disconsolate condition some considerable time,
he thought he heard the voice of a man as going before him, saying,
' Though I walk through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, I will
fear no ill, for Thou art with me.' This, doubtless, was Luther's
voice ; and by it Bunyan perceived that some others who feared God
might be in this valley as well as himself, and that God was with
them."

]S"or can we fail to trace in the other personages of the allegory
a resemblance to many he must have met, especially in such
characters as Pliable, Talkative, Little Faith, Worldly Wiseman,
and the Judge and Jury in Vanity Fair, all of them types likely to be
produced by the political and religious conditions which prevailed at
the time when the Pilgrim's Progress was written.

It is unnecessary to pursue this line of argument further, and I
will conclude with Bunyan's own testimony to the originality of his
work.

" The Bible and the Concordance," he says in one place,, '* are
my only library in my writings, and I never fished in other men's
waters."

Again, in the poetical preface to the Holy War, writing to defend
himself against the assertion that the Pilgrim's Progress was not
his, he says :

" It came from mine own heart, so to my head,
And thence into my fingers trickled ;
Then to my pen, from whence immediately
On paper I did dribble it daintily.
Manner and matter, too, was all mine own,
Kor was it unto any mortal known
Till I had done it ; nor did any then
By books, by wits, by tongues, or hand, or pen,
Add five words to it, or wrote half a line
Thereof ; the whole, and every whit, is mine."

In The Author's Apology for his BooJc prefixed to the Pilgrim's
Progress there is further evidence to the same effect. This apology
contains Bunyan's reasons for writing in the allegorical style, a style
which he defends by reference to the symbols and parables of Holy

Ixii* Introduction. VI. Lydgate and Bunyan.

Writ, and lie gives also an account of the inception and beginning
of the Pilgrim's Progress.

" When at the first I took my pen in hand
Thus for to write, I did not understand
That I at all should make a little book
In such a mode ; nay, I had undertook
To make another, which when almost clone,
Before I was aware, I thus begun.

And thus it was : I, writing of the way

And race of saints in this our gospel-day,

Fell suddenly into an allegory

About their journey and the way to glory,

In more than twenty things, which I set down ;

This done, I twenty more had in my crown ;

And they began again to multiply,

Like sparks that from the coals of fire do fly.

Nay then, thought I, if that you breed so fast,

I'll put you by yourselves, lest you at last

Should prove ad inftnitum, and eat out

The book that I already am about."

These extracts make it evident that Bunyan (even though further
on he declares that for the practice of using figures and similitudes
he has

" Examples, too, and that from them that have
God better pleased by their words or ways
Than any man that breatheth now-a-days,")

was certainly not aware of being affected by any external influences.
Of course it is possible that there may have been literary influences
at work of which he was not conscious, and that the idea of the
dream, the journey from this world to the next, and perhaps a few
minor details may have been due to such. But it has been pointed
out that there is no necessity to resort to the theory, nor are the
correspondences between Lydgate's Pilgrimage and Bunyan's
Pilgrim's Progress sufficiently unmistakable to counterbalance the
improbability of the assumption that the younger writer should
ever have come across the work of the elder.

Ixiii 1

BIBLIOGKAPHY.

MANUSCRIPTS.

FIRST RECENSION OF DEGUILEVILLE'S " PELERINAGE DE
VIE HUMAINE."

PARIS. Bibl. Nat. MS. Fonds. franc. Nos. 376, 823, 824, 1139, 1647,
1818, and many others. A complete list is given in the Roxburghe
edition of Deguileville's first recension (Stiirzinger).
LONDON. Brit. Mus. Add. 22937. Vellum. Les trois pelerinages,

about 1450.
Add. 25594. Vellum, 14th cent. Includes Pelerinage de la Vie

Humaine and Pelerinage de Fame. Both imperfect.
Harley, 4399. Vellum, 15th cent. Pelerinage de la Vie humaine.
Lib. of Lord Aldenham. The three Pilgrimages.
Lib. of A. H. Huth, Esq. The three Pilgrimages.
ASHBURNHAM PLACE. Lib. of Earl of Ash.

Coll. Barrois, 488. The first and second Pilgrimages.
Coll. Barrois, 74. The first Pilgrimage.
CHELTENHAM. Lib. of late Sir T. Phillipps. 3655. The first Pilgrimage.

SECOND RECENSION OF DEGUILEVILLE'S " PELERINAGE."

PARIS. Bibl. Nat. . frc. 377, 825, 829, 1138, 12466.
Bibl. de V Arsenal, 3646.
Bibl. de VInstitut, 20.
CHERBURG. 42.

ST. PETERSBURG. Bibl. Imperiale. F. xiv, No. 11.
HAIGH HALL. Lib. of Earl of Crawford. Fr. 4.

LOND. Brit. Mus. The Pilgrimage of the Life of Man, by Lydgate,
englished from the second recension of Deguileville's Pelerinage.
Three MSS. exist, viz.
15 cent. Cotton Coll. Vitellius C. xm. The Pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

Vellum, imperfect at the beginning.

14 cent. Cotton Coll. Tiberius A 7. The Pilgrim. Vellum, imperfect.

Pilgrimage of the world, by commandement of the Earle of Salisbury,

1426. Alluded to by Thomas Speght, in his list of Lydgate's works

at the end of his Siege of Thebes. Fol. 394 in Chaucer's Workes,

1598, ed. Speght.

This must be the Stowe MS. 952, as Speght says it is " in the custodie
of" John Stowe.

PILGRIMAGE. 6

Ixiv* Introduction. Bibliography.

PROSE.

PABIS. Imp. Lib. Nos. 1137, 1646. Le livre du pelerinage de vie
humaine. Jean Gallopes.

Ditto, in Lord Aldenham's Library. According to the armorial bearings
therein, this copy belonged to Rene de Laval, cousin of Jeanne de
Laval, third wife of King Rene of Naples.
OXFORD. Bodl. The Pilgrimage of Man. (Laud Misc. 740.)

Univ. Coll. and Corpus Christi. (These last two MSS. have not yet

been collated, but are believed to be both of the same version.)
CAMBRIDGE. University Library. (Ff. 5. 30). Pilgrimage of the Lyf of
the Manhode. About 1430, On vellum. An almost literal transla-
tion of Deguileville's first recension.

Univ. Lib. (Ff. 6. 30.) The Pilgrime, or the Pilgrimage of Man in
this World. Wherin y e Authour doth plainly & truly sett forth y e
wretchednes of mans life in this World, without Grace, our sole
Protectour. Written in y 6 yeare of X*, 1331.

Colophon. "Written according to y* first copy. The originall being in
St John's College in Oxford (now in Bodleian), and thither given by
Will Laud, Archt>p. of Canterbury, who had it of Will. Baspoole,
who before he gave to y 6 Archfcp. the originall, did copy it out. By
which it was verbatim written by Walter Parker, 1645, and fr5
thence transcribed by G. G. 1649. And fro thence by W. A. 1655."

St. John's College. (G. 21.) Northern dialect.

Magdalene College. MS. Pepys 2258. Same title as Ff. 6. 30. Univ. Lib.
The colophon runs : " Heere ends the Romance of the Monke which
he wrote of the Pilgrimage of the life of the manhoode, which he
made for the good pilgrims of this world that they may know such
way as may bring them to ye joyes of Heaven. Pray for him yt
made it & gratis 1 writt it for the love of good Christians in the
yeare one thousand three hundred thirty & one."

Folio, illustrated with coloured drawings.
GLASGOW. Hunterian Museum. Q. 2. 25.

FEINTED EDITIONS.

OXFORD. Le romant des trois pelerinaiges. Paris. B. and J. Petit.
Printed by B. Rembolt. Douce, D. subt. 58. 4. Also in Brit. Mtis.
and in the Library of Mr. Alfred Huth.

Le pelerinage de Fhomme. Nouvellemet imprime a pan's. Le qua-
triesme iour dauril mil cinq cens et onze deuat Pasques Pour anthoine
Verard demourant en la dicte Ville. (Douce, G. 285.) (Also in
Brit. Mus.)

Le pelerin de vie hurnaine tres utile et proffitable pour cognoistre
soyrnesmes. Known to be by Jean Gallopes, though he does not
give his name. This version was made by order of " Dame Jehane
de Laual royne de Iherusalem et de Secille, duchesse daniou et de
Bar contesse de Prouence." Printed at Lyon by Claude Nourry in
1504. (Douce, P. 339.)

Delft Edition. " Die is dat boeck vanden pelgrim welck boeck nuttich
ende profitelick is alien kersten menschen te leren den wech welcken
wech men sculdich is te ghaen ofte laten, die haer pelgrimagie
doen moeten in deser warelt tot de ewighe leuen." (Douce, 46.)

1 Should this be gart caused, as in another copy ?

Introdu