•33

HARVARD POLITICAL CLASSICS

•

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
THE DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT

VOLUME I

n

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF

JAMES I

REPRINTED FROM THE EDITION OF 1616

WITH AN INTRODUCTION

BY

CHARLES HOWARD McILWAIN

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT
IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY

CAMBRIDGE
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

COPYRIGHT, 1918
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

TC

TO
KATHLEEN McILWAIN

PREFACE

THE needs of a thorough student of the history of political thought can
never be adequately met by mere fragments torn out of the classical
writings of the past, useful though such fragments may be. For the stu-
dent needs to know not alone what the masters thought, but also how they
thought; and this he can never learn solely from modern histories, or even
from detached bits of contemporary writings without the nexus of con-
tinuous argument by which the writers originally wove these disjecta
membra into one whole. For such a student the thing most necessary -
particularly if the ideas are of an age far removed from his own — is not
the bare outline, the mere anatomy of the political thought of that age.
He needs above all somehow to gain an appreciation of the whole political
mind of the period, the very breath and movement that once galvanized
these elements into a thing of life capable of inspiring the thoughts and
guiding the actions of generations of men. Unless by long and patient
contact he has become accustomed to the " intellectual climate " - to use
a happy phrase of Mr. Balfour's — the net result of his studies is likely to
be comparatively useless to himself and to others. There is no royal road
to a real and sympathetic appreciation of the thought of past epochs.

It can never be gained by the mere piecing together of political aph-
orisms, however skillful the modern editor may be in their selection. To
a reader or investigator of intelligent aspiration and proper conscientious-
ness no other path is open save the old-fashioned study of the important
contemporary writers in extenso.

This it was, together with the unfortunate difficulty of obtaining texts
of many of these important political works in their entirety, that led to the
belief that a republication of some of these classics as nearly as possible in
their original form and extent might be a valuable service to present-day
students of the history of political thought and institutions.

This volume, it is hoped, will be the first of such a series, and the re-
printing of others will depend somewhat upon the reception obtained by
this.

Naturally, the editing of subsequent volumes must be determined in
large part by the nature of the volumes themselves and by the judgment of
their editors, but a word or two may be said of the method employed in the
present one.

As the main purpose has been to make the political works of James I
again generally accessible in the form and extent in which they originally

viii PREFACE

played their part in the development of political ideas, it seemed best to
reprint without abridgment or alteration the text of these writings as it ap-
peared in the edition prepared for the King's printer by James Montagu,
bishop of Winchester, in the King's lifetime and, no doubt, under his
direction. For the general purpose intended, it was deemed inadvisable
and unnecessary to cumber this text with variant readings or even with
explanatory notes. It was felt that this general purpose would be better
served, if such statements and explanations as the editor considered neces-
sary to an understanding of the circumstances of the original publication
and of the trend of political thought to which these writings contributed,
were set forth in more consecutive form in a separate introduction which
the reader might read or not as he pleased. This method has therefore
been followed.

But in applying it, the exigencies of modern printing have made neces-
sary a few modifications that should be noted here. For example, the
1616 edition of the Basilikon Doron from which this is reprinted has a
number of topical notes in the margin. These add nothing to the text, and
are not found in the original edition printed at Edinburgh in 1599- They
appear first in the editions of 1603 and are copied exactly from these in
that of 1616. It has not been considered necessary to retain these in the
form of footnotes in the present edition. Likewise, in the margins of the
pages of the editions of 1603 and of the edition of 1616 numerous references
are given to authors chiefly classical. These are wholly wanting in the
edition of 1599 though the Biblical references are present in all editions.
All these citations it was decided to retain in the present edition, as having
a possible value to the reader in indicating the sources of the King's political
ideas — a "possible" value only, because it cannot be entirely certain
whether they are the work of James himself or of some editor. It has,
however, been necessary to place them at the foot of the page, instead of
at the side as in the edition of 1616, and to indicate by a number in the
text as nearly as possible the passage to which the reference probably
belongs. As the citation is usually very general, and as there is no indica-
tion in any of the early editions save its position in the margin to what
sentence it refers, the position of the number in the text to which the
number of the citation corresponds must be considered as approximate
only. These citations sometimes indicate the book or part of the work
referred to, but oftener they give nothing but the work itself, as "Cic. in
Of.," " Plato in Polit.," " Isoc. in panegyr.," " Sal. in Jug.," " Sal. in
Cat.," " Plu. in Thes.," etc. As these references are so loosely made that
in many cases identification is impossible, as they are seldom appended to
direct quotations, and particularly as they are not certainly the work of
the author himself; it was thought that the usefulness to a modern student

PREFACE ix

of indicating them more exactly by book and section where possible would
be incommensurate with the amount of labor required. Though often ob-
scure and even inaccurate, these notes have, therefore, been left exactly as
they were in the edition of 1616, except for their transfer from the margin to
the foot of the page and their numbering made necessary by it. If they were
the work of the King they indicate a very considerable knowledge of the
classical writers on politics, but from the loose form of the citations it is
often impossible to say whether this knowledge was gained in particular
cases from the originals themselves or from Latin or French translations of
them, many of which are found in the list of James's books drawn up in
his youth. See The Library of James VI, 1573-1583, from a manuscript in
the hand of Peter Young, his Tutor, edited by George F. Warner, Publica-
tions of the Scottish Historical Society, vol. XV, Edinburgh, 1893.

The differences between the text of the first edition of the Basilikon
Doron and that of 1603, the basis of all later editions, are very considerable,
but it has been found impossible to give space here to an indication of
these differences. They are all given at the end of the reprint of the edition
of 1599 published by the Roxburghe Club, London, 1887.

In the case of the Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance, the plan followed
is in general the same as for the Basilikon Doron. The topical sidenotes are
omitted, and all the marginal references retained in the form of footnotes.
In this case, however, the numbers indicating the passages referred to by
these are found in the original text, and it was therefore not necessary to
supply them conjecturally when the notes were transferred to the bottom
of the page, as in the case of the Basilikon Doron.

The 1609 edition of the Premonition and the Apologie is practically the
same as that of 1616, save for some of the references confuting the " Lyes
of Tortus," an additional title-page acknowledging the King's authorship
of the Apologie, and a note concerning the " Copiers faults " in the first
edition which is " to be held utterly disclaimed by his Majestic " because
"erroneous and surreptitiously sold by the under Officers in the Printing
House." The edition of 1616 is here followed without changes or additions.

The title to the Premonition — A Premonition to all Most Mightie Mon-
arches, etc., on page 287 of the Workes (page no of this edition) does not
occur in the edition of 1609.

All the other works of the King printed here are given exactly as they
appear in the edition of 1616, with the uniform exception of the transfer
of the notes, where such notes occur, from the side to the bottom of the
page, and the attaching of numbers to them.

The general theme of the political thought within the limits of time and
space covered by the introduction to this volume might be expressed in the
words of the title of Tyndale's book — The Obedience of a Christian Man;

x PREFACE

of which Obedience and Christian are equally important. In the discussion
of it it would have been fascinating to try to show how the rise of parliamen-
tary government in England has changed the position of the ecclesiastico-
political party, sometimes termed Anglican, from a royalist party to one
which is now largely anti-parliamentary. Many today prefer to speak of
" the Church in England " rather than "the Church of England," and
an indirect cause of this is the political change since the sixteenth century
which has made the state church a parliamentary one instead of a church
under royal control, a cause indirect, but neither unimportant nor remote.

But the temptation to deal with this interesting phase of the subject has
been resisted, because it belongs more to the province of the constitutional
than of the political, if such a distinction can ever be very closely drawn;
and also because it falls more properly within a chapter of the great con-
troversy in England which comes somewhat later than the period of
James I. It is hoped that a subsequent volume of this series may cover
this part of the history of English political thought.

But the study of the important phase of the history of divine right and
of the opposition to it which falls within the limits of this volume alone
cannot be dismissed by any intelligent observer of the political world today
as insignificant or antiquarian; nor is the importance of the political ques-
tions argued with so much heat in James's day rendered any less for us by
the signs today multiplying in Ireland and elsewhere that the Great War
may be followed by a renewed discussion of the ever-present problem of
clericalism in a form possibly even more violent and acrimonious than that
already familiar to students of modern European history, and by the
further extension of voluntaryism which may be expected to accompany
a growing democratization.

The introduction has suffered very much on account of the editor's
enforced absence, in all the later stages of its preparation, from the one
place where an adequate introduction could be prepared, the British
Museum Library.

For valued help in the publication of this volume thanks are due to
the Harvard University Press; and more particularly to Mr. G. A. Parker,
not merely for the index, which is his work alone, but also for suggestions
and assistance while the book was going through the press.

HARVARD UNIVERSITY.
September, 1918.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION PACK

Chapter I xv

Chapter II xxxv

Appendix A, The Tudor Literature on Church and State Ixxxi

Appendix B, CowelTs Interpreter Ixxxvii

Appendix C, James and the Puritans xc

Appendix D, A Conference about the Next Succession to the Crown of

England, and other books by Robert Parsons xcii

Appendix E, Bibliography xcv

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Basilikon Doron 3

The Trew Law of Free Monarchies 53 -

An Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance 71

A Premonition to all Christian Monarches, Free Princes and States ... no

A Defence of the Right of Kings, against Cardinall Perron 169

Speech of 1603-1604 269

Speech of 1605 281

Speech of 1607 290

Speech of 1609-1610 306

Speech in the Star Chamber, 1616 .s'. 326

INDEX 347

INTRODUCTION

N.

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I

IN the history of political thought the opening years of the seventeenth century
in which the reign of James I fell are a period of rapid transition. "Before
the conditions of modern politics arose," says Dr. Figgis,1 " Christendom, the
union of the various flocks under one shepherd with divine claims, divine origin,
and divine sovereignty, had to be transformed into Europe, the habit of compet-
ing sects and compact nations." In this transformation we may look upon the
closing sessions of the Council of Trent as the turning point. Before 1564 Prot-
estantism might be considered as a revolt; afterward Rome at least could regard
it only as a schism. The results were not slow in coming, a stiffening of the oppos-
ing forces in preparation for the inevitable struggle for mastery, which exhibited
itself first in the world of thought and later in the wars of religion. The reign of
James mainly falls within the first of these phases. It has often been remarked
how closely religion and politics are bound together in this period. " In England,
as well as on the Continent, religion was the chief motive power of the age."2
Of the early years of the seventeenth century, as of the whole preceding one, " it
is right to treat the growth of political ideas as a branch of ecclesiastical history." 3

To understand the political thought of James I and his time it is necessary,
therefore, first to pass in brief review "The Rise and Growth of the Anglican
Schism " and the development of political ideas that accompanied it.

In spite of the lingering shadow of the Roman Empire, in England, as in parts
of the Continent, the feudal particularism of the Middle Ages had by the sixteenth
century completely merged into the national " commonwealth." And with the
idea of the commonwealth had come the need of restating the relations of its
parts one with another, in particular, those of the king and his subjects; while at
the same time the changed aspect of the external relation of the State, due to
much the same causes, was making apparent the necessity for a new formulation
of the rules concerning the relations of sovereign commonwealths to each other.
It is not strange, then, that the modern theory of sovereignty should date from
the sixteenth century, or that a new conception of international law should follow
so closely in its wake. But the most difficult and most pressing political problem
of the age of Bodin and Grotius was the reconciling of these new conceptions of
the State, both on the constitutional and on the international side, with an idea
of the Church derived in large part from imperial Rome, and an idea as yet less
affected by the growing spirit of nationality than that of the State.

1 Prom Gerson to Grotius, pp. 23-24. ' Prothero, Select Statutes, p. xxx. » Figgis, op. tit., p. 31.

xvi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

In an age in which majestas could be denned as sumnta in cives ac subditos
legibusque soluta potestas,1 the question could not remain long in abeyance whether
the magistrate wielding such unbridled power derived it from God directly, or
from the other members of the commonwealth, or from God through the people;
and if from the people, whether the Lex Regia by which it was conferred could or
could not be revoked by those who had made that law.

Thus in the sixteenth century, on the Continent, and in England to a degree
surprising in view of the trite phrase " Tudor absolutism," questions were mooted
touching the source, the nature, and the extent of royal power; questions of
election, of contract, of restrictions imposed by the coronation oath; assertions
of the right of the people collectively to judge, to depose, and even to kill the
king, a right attributed in rare instances even to individual subjects. Thus the
author of the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos: Principes eliguntur a Deo, constituun-
tur a populo. Ut singuli principe inferiores sunt, ita universi & qui universes
repraesentant regni officiarii, principe superiores sunt.2 Populum universum, he
says, Rege potiorem esse 3 — etsi singuli Rege inferiores sint.* Therefore, while
lawful assemblies of the people may depose tyrannical rulers and set up others in
their place6 . . . singuli sive privati . . . gladium non stringent: quia non a
singulis, sed ab universis, constituti sunt.*

This remarkable book is the clearest, as it was probably the most influential
statement of the anti-monarchical view then prevailing, a view that is obviously
constitutional, aristocratic even, rather than democratic. Buchanan's opinions
are much more radical but their influence is attested by the widespread opposition
they provoked.7

1 Bodin, De Republics, lib. i, cap. viii, p. 78.
» P. 355- • P. 276.

P. 273- • P. 282.

'P-35S- For similar statements, see pp. 287, 341-342. His views are summarized on p. 355. The
book was first published in 1576.

7 B. Mutua igitur Regi cum civibus est pactio.
M. Ita videtur.
B. Qui prior a conventis recedit, contraque quam pactus est facit, nonne is pacta & conventa

solvit ?
M. Solvit.
B. Soluto igitur vinculo, quod Regem cum populo continebat, quicquid juris ex pactione ad cum

qui pacta solvit pertinebat, id, reor, amittitur.
M. Amittitur.

B. Is etiam cum quo erat conventum, aeque fit atque ante stipulationem erat, liber.
M. Eodem plane jure, atque eadem libertate.
B. Rex autem si facit, quae sunt solvendae societal! humanae, cujus continendae causa fuit

creatus, quid cum vocamus ?
M. Tyrannum, opinor.
B. Tyrannus autem non modo non justum habet imperium in populum, sed etiam populi hostis

est.

M. Hostis profecto.

B. Cum hoste, ob graves & intolerabiles injurias est justum bellum.
M. Justum sane.

B. Quid in eo, quod cum totius humani generis hoste, hoc est tyranno, geritur T
M. Justissimum.

INTRODUCTION xvii

Two general causes might be assigned for this outburst of political thought
and radical opinion in the sixteenth century: the after effects of the Renaissance,
and the diversity of religious views made possible by the Reformation.'' The||
second was peculiarly potent, and nowhere did it affect politics in greater degree
than in England where the break with Rome was from the outset so largely
political. To this cause is due the fact that the politics of two centuries turns so
largely on questions religious and ecclesiastical. In the discussion of tyrannicide,
for example, which furnishes so much of the current political controversy, the
tyrant is usually an apostate or one who differs from his people in religion, whose
oppressive acts consist of religious persecution. Thus with this new diversity of
religious views men often found themselves torn between their sovereign and^
their church. It was a competition between the loyalty due the State and that
demanded by the Respublica Christiana, a dilemma between human and divine
law. Politics took on a cast almost entirely theological or at least ecclesiastical.
Under monarchical government it was natural that the first assertions of anti-
monarchical opinions should proceed from those upon whom the weight of per-
secution fell heaviest, or from such as saw the least hope of converting their
rulers to their own religious views.

The key to the political thought of the time is the fact that all men still held
the mediaeval conception of the necessity of uniformity though diversity had in
fact come into existence. There was no one who did not look with horror upon
the toleration of doctrines different from his own. ToleratiorLwasjipt an_accepted
principle. One's own views were to be respected not because religious opinion is
beyond the sphere of state action, but because they alone were true and the
others false. Diversity in an age of uniformity inevitably brings persecution,
and the acceptance of uniformity as a principle means that each party demands
the supremacy of its own doctrines. Such a party when overmastered, or when it

B. Bello autem cum hoste justa de causa semel suscepto jus est non modo universe populo, sed

singulis etiam hostem interimere.
M. Fateor.
B. Quid tyrannum hostem publicum, quocum omnibus bonis perpetuum est bellum? nonne

singuli e tota generis humani multitudine jure omnes bellorum poenas ab eo expetere

possunt ?
M. Video nationes fere omnes in ea fuisse sententia. DeJure Regni apud Scotes, Dialogus, p. 62.

This supposed dialogue between Buchanan and Thomas Maitland (Maetellanus) was first pub-
lished in 1579. Its popularity was great and immediate. Three editions appeared in three years. A
number of books were published in reply and the references to it, hostile or favorable, in subsequent
political writings are innumerable.

Mr. Gooch gives an admirable account not only of the dialogue itself (English Democratic Ideas,
pp. 45-48), but also of the antecedent Scottish political philosophy (Ibid., p. 42 et seq.) and the sub-
sequent influence of Buchanan's book. Lessen (Die Lehre vom Tyrannenmord, note 35, pp. 48-49),
enumerates the principal authors of answers to it, probably the most important being Adam Black-
wood, and William Barclay in his De Regno. Sir George MacKenzie, no favorable critic, declared, " It 's
undeniable that Buchannan wrote this Book, De Jure Regni, to perswade Scotland to raise his Patron,
(Murray] though a Bastard to the Crown." Jus Regium, p. 6, see also Ibid., pp. 137-138.

For opinions somewhat similar to Buchanan's, expressed later by the Spanish Jesuit and historian.
Mariana, see post, p. xxvii.

xviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

sees its hopes of supremacy frustrated by a king of different belief, is likely to see
in that king only a heretic, an apostate, or a tvrant. and from such a position it
is only a step to the doctrine that he may be deposed. A party strong enough to
hope that its views are or in future may be held by the majority is likely to be
satisfied with an assertion of the superior power of the populus universus, but a
hopeless minority which nevertheless believes it has a monopoly of truth is likely
to accept the more desperate doctrine that even a private assassin may be the
instrument of God. To Mariana the murder of Henry III of France is " f acinus
memorabile." J

Because they were the men least affected by the influence of authority and
because the changes introduced by Henry VIII, going as they did so little beyond
matters purely political, were peculiarly unsatisfactory to them, it is the extreme
upholders of the reformed religion who become the first English monarchomachs.2
The views of these men could not be better expressed than in the words of the
great Jesuit champion of the Papacy: potestas ecclesiastica, quae spiritualis est,
praeest potestati politicae temporal!, & earn dirigere debet ad finem supremum
aeternae vitae.3 In Scotland this theory was put hi practice, but in England it
could only exhibit itself in opposition to the measures and claims of the king.

Calvin had declared that earthly princes who fought against God abdicated
their power, ergo conspuere oportet in ipsorum capita; and the extreme English
Calvinists were inclined to look upon the retention of Romish forms and the
assumption of the king's headship of the Church, alike, as little short of fighting
against God. (The second of these objections is sometimes overlooked by modern
historians, but it was important, particularly in view of James I's later posi-
tion, " no bishop, no king.")

It was no Romanist, but Anthony Gilby, a "dear disciple" of Calvin, who
wrote of Henry VIII and his reign, " Thus there was no reformation, but a de-
formation, in the tyme of that tyrant and lecherous monster. The bore I grant
was busie wrooting and digging in the earth, and all his pigges that followed hym.
But they soght only for the pleasant frutes that they winded with their longe
snowtes; and for their owne bellies sake, they wrooted up many weeds; but they
turned the grounde so, mingling good and badd togither, swete and sowre, mede-
cine and poyson, they made, I say, such confusion of religion and lawes, that no
good thing could grow, but by great miracle, under such Gardners." The burning
of " faithful preachers of the trueth," coupled with the hanging of Papists, proved
to him that Henry cared for no Religion. " This monstrous bore for al this,"
he exclaims, " must nedes be called the Head of the Churche in paine of treason,
displacing Christ, our onlie Head, who oght alone to have this title. Wherefore

1 Joannis Marianae Hispani, e socielale Jesu, De Rege el Regis Institutwne Libri HI. Moguntiae,
1605, lib. i, cap. vi, 53. The first edition appeared in 1599.

1 This name was applied to them by William Barclay in his book, De Regno et Regali Potestate,
adversus Bvchananum, Brutum, Boucherium, et reliquos Monarchomachos, published at Paris, in 1600.
See Treumann, Die Monarchomachen, Leipsic, 1895.

' Bellarmine, Tractatus de Potestate Summi Pontificis, cap. iii, 40.

INTRODUCTION xix

in this point, O England, ye were no better then the Romish Antichrist, who by
the same title maketh hymselfe a God, sitteth in mennes consciences, banny-
sheth the Worde of God, as did your King Henrie, whome ye so magnifie. . . .
So made you your King a god, beleving nothing but that he alowed." 1

The similar views of Knox are well known,2 and his advocacy of the depriving
and punishing of a ruler who " fought against God." Whittingham, a fellow exile,
shared Knox's views, and they are clearly set forth also by another member of
the Frankfort and Geneva congregations, in Christopher Goodman's, How Supe-
rior Powers ought to be obeyed of their subjects, and wherein they may lawfully be by
God's Word Disobeyed and Resisted.3

Two years earlier, still another of the Marian exiles, John Poynet, successively
bishop of Rochester and Winchester under Edward VI, had published his Short
Treatise of Politique Power, and of the true obedience which subjectes owe to kynges
and other civile governours,* in which he argues at length that tyrants may be
called to account and punished " by the body of the whole congregation or
commonwealth. ' '

These are enough to indicate the real springs of the anti-monarchical doctrine
which filled so large a place before the century was over. The appearance on the
Continent in the reign of Philip and Mary of so many attacks on royal power
written by Englishmen exiled for their religion is an illustration of how much in
the history of political theory flows from the actual conditions of the time. Much
of that theory has been opportunism. Political doctrines have usually been put
forward not in their own interest, but to bolster up some cause. In the sixteenth
century it was the cause of religion. But while the Calvinists thus became per-
force rather than by inclination the original English republicans, they remained
scattered and without a head, and the danger to the existing order of things to be
apprehended from their words and writings was soon overshadowed, at least for
a tune, by a far more imminent peril, when these same doctrines were taken up
and employed in the interests of the Papacy by the rapidly-growing Jesuit order,
probably the most indefatigable and astute as well as the most centralized and
efficient organization of modern times.

If the ecclesiastical settlement of Henry VIII was to the radical Edwardian
reformer " no reformation but a deformation," to the adherents of the old faith

1 An Admonition to England and Scotland to call them to Repentence, first published at Geneva in
1558 along with Knox's Appellation and Letter Addressed to the Commonalty of Scotland. It is reprinted
by Laing in volume iv of the works of John Knox, pp. 553-571. The quotation given above is from
pp. 563-564 of Laing's edition. This passage was quoted among others, by Thomas Stapleton,
Counterblast, p. 23, to prove that Protestants were more dangerous subjects than Catholics.

* Probably the strongest expressions of these views occur in his First Blast of the Trumpet against
the Monstrous Regiment of Women, published in 1558, Works, iv, 363 sqq., especially 415, 416; and in
his Appellation from the sentence given against him by the bishops and clergy of Scotland, Works, iv,
465-520. See particularly, 487, 400, 496, 498, 499, 506, and 507.

1 Geneva, 1558. Mr. Gooch gives a summary, English Democratic Ideas, p. 36.

4 This book was reprinted twice in the reign of Charles I. A summary of it is given by Hallam,
Literature of Europe, ii, 39-41. For another excellent one, see Gooch, op. cit., pp.34~35. Mr. Gooch's
account of the whole democratic movement is admirable, pp. 39-58.

/ n THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

it was anathema. While they held the very opposite view to the Calvinists' in
matters of ceremonial, on the question of the king's headship they were heartily
at one with Gilby and his party.

Out of this strife between the adherents and the opponents of Henry VUTs
ecclesiastical policy English political theory arose. It was in the beginning much
the same theory on either side that we find earlier in the literary champions of the
Pope and the Empire, and it undoubtedly borrowed a large part of its arguments
from the antagonists in that struggle. But the Emperor's power had ended at
the Channel, even though the Pope's did not; and strictly English modern politi-
cal theory practically begins with Henry's Act of Supremacy.

In disproof of this statement the most important writers cited would probably
be Wycliffe, Sir John Fortescue, and Sir Thomas More. But the sequence of
modern thought cannot be traced to Wycliffe, important as he was in his day, and
even for a later day; and Fortescue's Governance of England was more constitu-
tional than political, more on the order of Sir Thomas Smith's Commonwealth than
of Locke's Two Treatises. The case of Sir Thomas More is different, but the
works of his most important in the beginning of modern English political thought,
are his seldom read controversial works in answer to Tyndale and Saint German,
not the Utopia; for the true test is not merely the subsequent fame of a book, nor
even its currency among the literati of the time, but rather its effect upon the
minds and actions of the men then most active in political life and thought. It
must start or stem or divert the current of political thought and action. It can-
not do this if it is unrelated to the questions at issue in its day. Judged by such
a test the Utopia, may have had a more lasting effect in itself, but it did less to
turn the minds of contemporaries into the channel which they kept for one
hundred and fifty years or more than the Apologie or the Debellacyon of Salem
and Bizance. The history of political theory is not the history of a few isolated
political classics, it is the study of a stream of influence which has flowed down
from age to age, now deflected by some great event, now determining the course
of events themselves; a stream whose own path may often be determined more
by a boulder in its way than by a mountain on the horizon. After all, the history
of political thought is history, and the tests ought to be historical rather than
metaphysical.

One of these events which determine the currents of men's thoughts occurred

in England with the enactment qf the Act of Supremacy. In 1534 or a half

dozen years earlier a controversy began in England which touched the very

foundations of government, which raged with unabated fury for a century and a

half employing hundreds of pens; and for the larger part of that long struggle

the ultimate question at issue was ever the same. From 1528, when Tyndale's

i, book was issued, until the appearance of Hobbes's De Give in 1642, political

" thought exhausted itself almost wholly on The Obedience of a Christian Man.1

1 See Appendix A, p. Ixxxi,

INTRODUCTION xri V

At the outset the two chief opposing earthly claimants to this obedience were the
Pope and the King. All admitted that the law of God was above any earthly
law, but the King was ordained of God and men were directed by the Scriptures
to be subject to him. According to Knox the limits of this obedience were reached
when the ruler fought against God as Mary did in restoring the authority of the
Pope. The Catholics, on the other hand, denied that obedience was due a ruler
who refused to accept the papal authority. Neither on the part of the extreme
i Protestants nor of the Catholics did the objection to royal power in ecclesiastical
matters rest on the clear-cut principle that a secular ruler should not meddle in
spiritual things. Their objection was based not so much on the King's want of
authority in things spiritual, as on his wrongful exercise of that authority, or on
the existence of an authority higher than his to which he was subject. The up^]
holders of the King, of course, were not likely to recognize such a distinction be-
tween the secular and the spiritual, and Gardiner could exclaim, qua quidem in
re certe non video, cur quemquam offendat, principem Anglicanae ecclesiae caput/jx
dici, magis quam regni Angliae caput.1

The doctrine of Pope Gelasius, was, however, not unknown — that the prince
is the vicar of Christ as king, while the bishop's authority is a delegation of His
power as priest.2 Though this theory of the duality of divine authority and of
the separateness of earthly powers derived from it had been obscured by the long
struggle for supremacy between Pope and Emperor, in the sixteenth century the
growing strength of secular monarchies not coterminous with Christendom was
.1 tending rapidly to revive it. For England, for example, Pole, in his Ecclesiasticae
Unitatis Defensio, published in 1536, argues against the view of Sampson that
because appeals in civil causes are referred to the king, tanquam ad supremum
caput corporis politici, idcirco in Ecclesia, quae nihil commune cum corpore politico
habet, idem fieri debere, ipsum etiam in Ecclesia supremum caput esse.3

Though the ultra Calvinists\ad not originally held this theory of the duality
of authority, they were rapidly driven to it by the exigencies of politics. So
Andrew Melville declared in the presence of James VI of Scotland " there are two
kings and two kingdoms in Scotland, that is King James the head of the Com-
monwealth, and there is Christ Jesus the King of the Church, whose subject King
James VI is, and of whose kingdom he is not a king, nor a lord, nor a head, but a
member." 4 The importance of the growth of this theory, upon the idea of sep-
aratism, upon the ecclesiastical views and policy of James as King of Great
Britain, and upon the attitude today of many English Churchmen and others
toward a " parliamentary Church," can hardly be overestimated. It is in many

1 De Vera Obedientia, Goldast, i, 722.

1 Gelasius I, Ep., xii, 2; Epistolae Romanorum Pontificum, ed. Thiel, quoted by Carlyle, A ffis-
tory of Mediaeval Political Theory in the West, i, 190-192, esp. p. 191, note I.

' P. 54, ed. of 1587. The italics are not in the original.

4 Quoted by Figgis, A aron's Rod Blossoming or Jus Divinum in 1646, The Divine Right of Kings,
ad edition, 286. This essay is the most valuable account of the influence of the Presbyterians upon the
growth of this theory.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

respects the key to the ecclesiastical history of England, particularly in the reign
of James I. The Presbyterians were claiming as a divine right an ecclesiastical
independence of the secular power, and as Dr. Figgis says, "it is in this very
claim that lies the service to true politics performed by the Presbyterian zeal-
ots." * It " is the special contribution of Presbyterianism to the theory of politi-
cal freedom." 2 Though the Calvinists were probably the first party to make this
theory of Gelasius their own, its influence was soon felt elsewhere. And before
the end of the century, under the Act of Uniformity, every ecclesiastical party of
opposition in England had adopted it in smaller or greater measure, and even the
English bishops and king, though they could not adopt it, were forced to make
important concessions to a theory that was too strong to be suppressed. In this
lies trie explanation of the treatment of Catholics for a hundred years after 1570,
and of practically the whole of the ecclesiastical policy of James I.

Among the parties accepting this theory, the Jesuits, in England and else-
where, became in tune the foremost. Brought into conflict with the power of
secular governments that recognized no exemption from their oversight, the
Jesuits, who had become the chief champions of the Catholic Church and the
Papacy, were now forced as the Calvinists had already been to develop doc-
trines of a limitation of royal power in the interests of the people on the one
hand, and on the other of a separation of the fields of ecclesiastical and secular;] \J
jurisdiction.3

James I himself declared, "Jesuits are nothing but Puritan-papists." 4 On
one important point, however, they differed from the followers of Calvin toto
cado. The remark has been credited to Cardinal Manning that " the Pope was
the only plank between the Jesuits and Presbyterianism." 6 Unlike the Calvin-
ists, the Jesuits, while asserting the separation of secular and ecclesiastical juris-
diction had to reconcile this separation with the claims of an absolutist Papacy
whose authority was superior to that of all the governments of Christendom,
whose decrees in case of conflict must be obeyed even in defiance of the laws and
edicts of any state. This necessity led to the formulation of the famous doctrine
of the indirect power of the Pope, set forth in its clearest form probably by Car-
! dinal Bellarmine, the foremost Jesuit champion of the Papacy in the later six-
teenth century. The most effective statement of this doctrine is probably that
of Bellarmine himself: 6 " We understand," says he, " potestatem Pontificiam
per se, et proprie spiritualem esse, et ideo directe respicere, ut objectem suum

1 Aaron's Rod Blossoming or Jus Divinum in 1646, The Divine Right of Kings, 2d edition, 287.

* Laski, Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty, p. 49.

' Dr. Figgis has made this subject his own. He treats of it in many places in his various books
and papers. See especially " On Some Political Theories of the Early Jesuits," Transactions of the
Royal Historical Society, N. s., xi, 89 et seq.

* A Premonition, Works, p. 305, post, p. 1 26. • Taunton, The History of the Jesuits in England, p. 8.
6 Bellarmine, De Romano Pontifice, lib. v, cap. i-viii, Opera, i, 433-444; Tractatus de Potestate-

Summi Pontificis, first edition, Rome, 1610, cap. v, 62-70, also reprinted in Opera, v, 23 et seq. (pp. 40-
42). My references are to the first edition. The existing literature on this subject is cited and
discussed at length in the chapters of De Romano Pontifice referred to above.

INTRODUCTION xxiii

primarium, spiritualia negocia; sed indirecte, id est, per ordinem ad spiritualia,
reductive, et per necessariam consequential!!, ut sic loquamur, respicere tempo-
ralia, utcbjectum secundarium, ad quod non convertitur haec spiritualis potestas,
nisi in casu." * The practical results of this indirect power he states thus: "At si
in summo Pontifice ponatur potestas spiritualis tantum directe, et temporalis
indirecte, id est, in ordine solum ad spiritualia; non sequitur, posse Pontificem
tollere, vel confundere politicum regimen; sed solum sequitur, posse Pontificem
per spiritualem, atque Apostolicam eminentissimam suam potestatem dirigere, et
corrigere potestatem politicam, eamque, si opus sit, ad finem spiritualem, uni
Principi adimere, et alteri conferre. . . .

" Deus non dedit immediate Regnum huic aut illi; sed dicitur potestas Regum
esse a Deo, quia Deus voluit esse inter homines potestatem politicam, eamque
distinctam ab Ecclesiastica ; proinde cum Summus Pontif ex transf ert Regnum ab
uno ad alium, non tollit quod Deus dedit, sed ordinat, et dirigit : et quemadmo-
dum Deus dat Regna hominibus mediante consensu, et consilio hominum; et
potest, ac solet ea mutare et transferee de gente in gentem, mediante consilio et
consensu eorundem hominum : ita potest majore ratione ea mutare, et transferre
propter finem spiritualem per Vicarfum suum generalem, quern constituit super
totam familiam suam."11 Thus the Pope, "Pastor gregis totius, et Praepositus toti
familiae, et caput vice Christi totius corporis Ecclesiae, intellegitur habere man-
datum regendi, et dirigendi, et corrigendi omnes oves totius gregis; omnes con-
servos, qui sunt in familia; et omnia membra, quae sunt in corpore; neque exci-
piuntur Imperatores, et Reges, nisi velint excipi a numero ovium Christi, et ser-
vorum Christi, et membrorum corporis Christi. . . .

' ' Habet Summus Pontif ex jure divino potestatem disponendi de rebus temporali-
bus Christianorum in ordine ad finem spiritualem," and this is proved by Christ's
giving the keys to Peter, but these are not to be considered " claves Regni ter-
rarum, . . . quia non erat necessarium, ut Summus Princeps Ecclesiae simul esset
Monarcha temporalis hujus Mundi: sed intellegitur potestas disponendi de
temporalibus, quatenus ea juvant ad aperiendum fidelibus Regnum caelorum, vel
impediunt atque obstant, ne fidelibus aperiatur Regnum caelorum." 3

These statements contain the whole sum of the Jesuit theory of Church and
State, and they explain as no paraphrase could adequately do the fact that the
staunchest upholders of an absolute Pope are numbered among the founders of
modern republicanism. They make clear the ground of the opposition of James I
to the Jesuit theories and his identification of Jesuit and Puritan. In short, they
explain much of the history and most of the political thought from the close of
the Council of Trent to the outbreak of the Civil Wars; for English policy both
internal and external in this period is largely directed against the outward mani-
' festations of this theory, and nearly all the political writing will be found to be
aimed at its support or its confutation.

1 Tractatus, p. 63. * Ibid., p. 65. « Ibid., pp. 66-67.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

The importance of this theory for the history of political thought, as Dr. Figgis
acutely remarks, lies in the fact that it, " marks the change from the idea of one
commonwealth with different officers to the modern conception of Church and
State as two distinct social entities." l This is true, but its final fulfillment only
came when the principle of toleration was added to the beginnings made by the
Calvinists and the Jesuits. It is worthy of remark also, that Catholic anti-
Jesuits like Roger Widdrington and the Barclays, father and son, believed in a
more complete separation than that advocated by any Jesuit. To the Protest-
ants, of course, this theory of indirect power was in its day nothing but a pretext
to cover Spanish designs upon the English monarchy, a mere subterfuge not put
forward in good faith. ' ' Certe male fide res geritur," Andrewes declared,2 and Wil-
liam Ames, the Puritan casuist, remarked of it, truly enough, " Quod una manu
abstulit Papae Bellarminus id altera dat." 3

But though it must be frankly admitted that opportunism alone dictated the
doctrine of the two kingdoms to the Calvinists, and that of the indirect power to
the Jesuits, these men, who would have shuddered at the idea of religious liberty,
were really laying the only foundation upon which the toleration of a later day
could safely rest. Opportunism too has become an odious word, and in justice
to these leaders of thought a further word of caution is hardly misplaced. We
now look askance at political opportunism as a sign of moral laxity: it is only
another name for a want of principle; and this may be justifiable now that our
political ends are wholly secular. To do so for the sixteenth century would not
be equally just. Because a Bellarmine or a Cartwright advocated a republican-
ism for which in his heart he cared nothing we should hardly attribute to him a
carelessness of principle as to a Disraeli we conceivably might. For to these men
republicanism — and in fact all secular politics — was only a means to an end :
they thought of it merely as an aid adfinem spiritualem. For a like opportunism
no modern politician has in any great measure such a justification. It would be
unfair, then, to condemn men whose whole political motive was jus divinum by
the application to them of a standard proper only in an age become secular and
utilitarian in all its political thought and action.

Whether or not we approve of his methods and specific purposes, the central
motive of a leader whose aim is ad majorem Dei gloriam is hardly with justice to
be compared to that of a modern politician who is striving only to " dish the
Whigs." A sixteenth century Jesuit might be a traitor, but his is not the char-
acter of a trimmer. The work of Machiavelli was not yet done.

In the later years of Elizabeth's reign Europe began to see these doctrines of
the Jesuits put into actual practice. The history of the Counter-Reformation

1 From Gerson to Grotius, p. 183. > Tortura Torti, p. 28 (37 of reprint).

1 Bellarminus Enervatus, i, p. 270. The judgment of Janet is much the same. " Bellarmin ne
parait-il pas ici, en combattant le pouvoir direct des papes, s'attaquer a une chimere imagined a
plaisir pour introduire sous le nom de pouvoir indirect la souverainete' la plus parfaite a laquelle il fut
possible d'aspirer ? " Histoire de la Science Politique, ii, 205.

INTRODUCTION xxv

and of the increased severity of the laws against recusants and proselytizers has
often been told and need not be repeated here, but a brief outline of the develop-
ment of English political thought at this time seems necessary to a right under-
standing of James I and the theory of his day.

To one looking at this important period over an interval of three hundred and
fifty years, two great effects upon English political thought seem to appear as the
result of the division between ecclesiastical and secular jurisdiction and of the
Jesuit interpretation of it. In the first place, a division among Catholics. A
part of the clergy, and many of the laity, at first chiefly the older men who re-
membered the days of Mary and had never ceased to cling to their old Church
and its faith, were willing to accept the existing settlement if they were allowed
their own faith and worship, even with some restrictions. Their aim was, in
short, toleration for their own religion.

Opposed to these was a growing party, composed of younger and more aggres-
sive men, many of them converts from Protestantism through the teaching of the
Jesuits, and filled with the zeal of converts for the reclaiming of Christendom to
the Church and the Papacy. Naturally the latter could not be satisfied with a
toleration which would only mean the slow death of Catholicism in England.
For the sake of England itself anything was preferable to that, even the domina-
tion of a foreign prince if he were only a true son of the Church. Between these
two parties, the difference was irreconcilable, and it not merely explains the whole
policy of the English government toward Catholics in Elizabeth's later years and
throughout the whole succeeding reign, but it also furnishes the immediate stimu-
lus to the political thought and its expression in this phase of the great controversy.

The other greajt/result of the theory of the separation of the temporal and the
spiritual power and of the papal authority over states ad finem spiritualem, was
the theory j0f the divine right of kings to a power which touched the spiritual
as well as the temporal. This theory was not new, but some Catholics were now
led to accept, or at least to tolerate it, in opposition to a doctrine which they be-
lieved to be only a cloak for investing the Papacy with all the old temporal
authority which they considered its greatest curse. The effect upon Protestants
was far greater. It is hardly too much to say, that it was opposition to the Pope's
indirect power which made the theory of the divine right of kings the gospel of
practically all English Protestants in this age, save such as could secure protec-
tion for their nonconformity only under a theory of independence or separation.
The effects of these differences in the development of political thought are hard
to overestimate.

One example of the first of these effects was the consolidation of the secular
priests in opposition to the Jesuit order, the history of which has been admirably
traced by the late Thomas Graves Law,1 and the publication of a series of books

1 A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth,
London, 1889; The Archpriest Controversy. Documents relating to the Dissentions of the Roman Catholic
Clergy, 1597-1602 (Camden Soc., 1806).

xrvi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

and pamphlets that in no way yield to the Protestant attacks in bitterness or
scurrility.1 The Elizabethan and Jacobean bishops were not slow to see the op-
portunity offered by this controversy among the enemy, and left nothing undone
— particularly Bancroft, as Bishop of London and later Archbishop of Canter-
bury — to aggravate the quarrel.2 This division of Catholics is the key to almost
the whole of James's policy towards those of that faith and, as some think, it was
j ii to make this breach still wider that his famous oath of allegiance was framed, the
most important act of his reign in its effect upon the trend of contemporary po-
litical thought.

Among Catholic laymen, also, opposition to this activity of the Jesuits created
a small party whose attitude a little resembles that of the French Politiquxs,
though their chief aim as appears from the writings of William Barclay, probably
their ablest representative, is far less secular than that of the French group,
whose attitude is indicated by the well-known reply of Cujas to anyone who
tried to entangle him in the religious controversy of the tune : nihil hoc ad edictum
praetoris.

In order rightly to understand the growth of the idea of divine right, which
may be regarded as the second great result of the Jesuit doctrine, it is necessary
first to look briefly at the later developments of the Jesuit theory and practice to
which divine right was opposed before the opening of the seventeenth century.
As Bellarmine so clearly indicated, it was a necessary inference from the Pope's
divine power politicum regimen dirigere et corrigere ad finem spiritualem that he
might potestatem, si opus sit, uni Principi adimere, et alteri conferre. He was
Pastor gregis totius; and though potestas politica was divine, and even monarchy
itself, particular sovereigns had no divine right to the office which could stand
/ against a papal decree that the needs of Christendom demanded his removal.
The deposing power was a necessary part of the Jesuit theory. And since the
particular sovereign's authority came not directly from God, but only through
the medium of the people's choice and consent, and since also the Pope's power
was not itself a regimen politicum, the ordinary means of securing the deposition
of a prince, was to absolve his subjects from their allegiance to him.

But the Jesuits well knew that a law without a sanction is an imperfect law,
and they were not content to leave the papal decree a mere brutum fulmen, as
Hotman had called the bull of Sixtus V against Henry of Navarre.3 Three modes
' of enforcement were open; regnum transferre ab uno ad alium and to summon
the new ruler to take possession, in the name of the Church — invasion; second,
armed rebellion of the prince's own subjects to carry out the decree — resistance
or revolution; and third, the assassination of the monarch by one or more private

1 Especially A Decacordon of Ten Quodlibeticall Questions concerning Religion and Slate, 1602, by
William Watson; and Important Considerations, 1601.

* The best account of this is contained in Professor R. G. Usher's The Reconstruction of the English
Church, book i, ch. viii, Fostering Catholic Disunion (i, 160-190).

* Francisci Hotomanni J. C. Brutum Fulmen, originally published in 1586, printed in Goldast, iii,
68 et seq.

INTRODUCTION xxvii

persons — tyrannicide. All three of these modes were actually put into effect
in this period, and it may be truly said that all three are the result of Jesuit in-
fluence, though it does not follow that all Jesuit theorists accepted them all.
Bellarmine, for example, while advocating other means, denies that the Pope
ever sanctioned assassination,1 and in France Pere Coton was assigned the task
of proving this to be the doctrine and policy of Jesuits generally. Mariana, on
the other hand, openly advocated assassination by any means except slow poison,
and the French Ligueurs apparently had few scruples on this score.

Since this deposing power exists in the supreme pontiff ad bonum spiritualem
si opus sit, it becomes an important question to decide when such necessity
arises. In one case at least all Jesuits agreed that it did arise. An heretical or
infidel king who attempts to infect his subjects with his heresy — jind hi that aged
of uniformity what heretic kinged not do this and much more — must not be
permitted to reign. It is not merely the right but the duty of the Pope to depose
him, and of his subjects to enforce the decree.2

These seem to be the parts of the Jesuit theory of Church and State at the end
of the sixteenth century which had the greatest influence in moulding the thought
and action of the years following. At a single glance it becomes obvious how
much English theorists, for two centuries and more owed to a party whom they
dared not acknowledge.

A consecutive history of the effect of these theories upon the events of the end
of the sixteenth century in England hardly belongs here, but a few observations
on their relation to the further development of political thought may be pertinent.
The first point here to be observed is the close connection of Jesuit theory and
Spanish practice. Loyola himself was a Spaniard before he become a Jesuit.
Just as the Christianity of Augustine and Cyprian has been termed Latin Chris-
tianity, and as that of the Lutherans might be termed Teutonic; so " the new
development we have now before us resembles these in being the result of a
blending of Christianity with the spirit of a particular nation. It is Spanish
Christianity." Before the death of Elizabeth, Thomas Campanella, the famous
and erratic Italian Dominican was urging that the religious differences in Eng-
land should be employed by Spain to secure a Spanish succession.4

1 Responsio, Works, v, 175. See also Serviere, p. 58.

1 This is plainly put by Bellarmine: Non licet Christianis tolerare Regem infidelem, aut haereti-
cum, si ille conetur -«ertrahere subditos ad suam haeresim, vel infidelitatem, at judicare, an Rex per-
trahat ad haeresiir , necne, pertinet ad Pontificem, cui est commissa cura religionis, ergo Pontificis est
judicare, Regem esse deponendum, vel non deponendum. De Romano Pontifice lib. v. cap. vii, Opera,
i, 441.

1 Seeley, The Growth of British Policy, i, 83.

4 Animi etiam Catholicorum e somno quasi excitandi ac stimulandi sunt: sic Hispanus, quam
primum thronus vacabit, praetextu juvandi illos intrabit in Angliam. . . . Norunt quippe omnes
quanta bella intestina, quae alterationes et mutationes in Anglia diversis temporibus fuerint. Ita ut
quod proposui, minime novum aut impossibile futurum sit. De Monarchia Hispanica, cap. xxv,
208-210. He also urges the building of strong forts at all ports and mouths of rivers in America, ne
Angli perrumpentes haeresin importent, qua omnis intentio Hispanica aboleretur, ibid., 285. I
know of no other open avowal so cynically proposing that English Catholics should be exploited in

xxviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

The flight of Mary of Scots to England, the northern rising and subsequent
execution of Northumberland, the bill of deposition of Pius V in 1570, the exten-
sion of the law of treason by acts of the Parliaments of 1571 and subsequent
years, the troubles in Ireland, the establishment of seminaries on the Continent
for the training of English missionary priests, the Jesuit missions of 1580, and
afterward, the numerous plots to assassinate the Queen — these had all been con-
nected in greater or less degree with the Spanish question as was the case in most
of the religious and civil disorders in France at this tune. All, however, had been
brought to a head by the execution of Mary Stuart in 1 587. Her death had given
an added incentive and removed an important impediment to a Spanish attack.
The Armada and its failure had followed the next year. That failure, however,
by no means ended the Spanish influence, and some of its manifestations after
1588 are important for us, among others the quarrel between the Jesuits and
Seculars and the publications that resulted. The question underlying this quarrel
had begun to be acute immediately after the bull of 1570 and Elizabeth's new
legislation against Catholics. It is interesting to note how far Elizabeth's minis-
ters at this time go toward a tacit admission of the doctrine of the two kingdoms,
in their defense of the persecution of Catholics. It was their claim that no Catho-
lic suffered at their hands for his religious belief but only for seditious or treason-
able words or acts affecting the State, and that the severity of the punishment
even of these had been provoked only by the bull of 1570. This is the tenor of
the anonymous tract published in 1584 under the title The Execution of Justice
in England.1

This important paper was evidently written by someone high in authority,
and it is generally attributed to Lord Burleigh himself. It was answered by
William Allen, afterward Cardinal, in his True, Sincere and Modest Defence of
English Catholics that suffer for their Faith both at Home and Abroad, published in
1584. It is the thesis of this able book in answer to Cecil, that the persecution of
Catholics is really religious and not secular, that its true cause is the Anglican
schism, not the traitorous actions of Catholics. To prove this he cites the anti-
monarchical utterances of Protestants like Gilby or Knox and asks pertinently
enough if these are not as dangerous to the State as those of any martyred Catho-
lic. Involved jii this whole controversy is the fundamental question, raised by
Henry VITi^Xact of supremacy, of the division of the secular and the ecclesiasti-
cal. Allen accepts this division, as Cecil had impliedly done in his defense of the
government, but he also adopts the Jesuit doctrine of the " subalternation " of
the secular to the spiritual in a Christian state.2 His attack is keen and hard

the interests of the Spanish monarchy. This remarkable little book has not received the attention it
deserves. As usual the historians of thought have neglected it for the author's purely speculative
Civitas Solis. It was translated into English during the Interregnum to show to Englishmen the
danger of Spanish aggression.

1 Harleiait Miscellany, ii, 122 et seq. For Hallam's strictures on its author, see Constitutional
History of England, ch. iii (American ed., i, 155 et seq.).

* Vol. ii, ii-i2 (reprint).

INTRODUCTION xxix

indeed to answer by a government that claimed the right to punish as a traitor
anyone who dared call the sovereign a heretic. Allen sees with grief the trend
toward our modern political conditions where utility has taken the place of di-
vine law; he bemoans the fact that there is " more ado about Caesar's tribute
than about God's due." : " But now," he says, " and ever when the superiority
temporal hath the preeminence, and the spiritual is but accessory, dependent,
and wholly upholden of the other, error in faith is little accounted of, whatsoever
their pulpit men (to make themselves and their patrons sport) bawl of such
matters; and all our doings, endeavours, and exercises of religion are drawn to
treasons and trespasses against the Queen; themselves protesting, in all their
doings, that they meddle not with us for our doctrine whatsoever; thereby either
insinuating that our religion is true, and indeed by the judgment of their own con-
science not punishable, or else that they care not for it, nor what we believe, no
further than toucheth their prince and temporal weal; wherein yet they wipe so
hard as they draw blood." 2 This penetrating statement discloses the weakness
of Cecil's argument, and also explains perfectly the theoretical basis of the actions
of the aggressive Catholic party. The policy of the state was peculiar, and hard
to defend and Allen had probed its weakest point. It is perfectly true that Cecil
had in practice been loth to employ the law to restrain men's consciences except
when plot and violence had forced his hand — the execution of the law had recog-
nized so far as possible the separation of religion and politics. But his hand had
been forced, by the necessity of protecting the existing government from over-
throw, and he could not have done less with plots and rebellions on every hand.
But while he might thus defend his execution of the law, he could only do so by
confessing that the law was unenforced. The law itself could not by any sophistry
be said not to touch religion. Ever since 1 534 the English penal statutes had pro-
ceeded on the opposite theory. It was impossible to deny that " the supreme
head in earth," or " the supreme governor " of the Church in England was
trenching on the authority which most Catholics believed to be jure divino the
sole right of Christ's vicar on earth, the bishop of Rome. This great controversy
seems to us now as a conflict of two great principles. Behind the temporary
phases of the quarrel lay an irreconcilable difference. Did the king inherit
Christ's powers as priest, or were these the sole right of the bishop ?

Sovereigns might in words disclaim any such power, as Elizabeth and James I
occasionally did, but so long as they actually exercised it — and who that knows
the reign of Elizabeth can doubt that she did ? — it is not strange that many
Catholics should be disaffected. The position of the English government was
in fact indefensible to anyone who held the current Jesuit view of Church and
State, and though unenforcement of law might be a concession, the English laws
themselves could not be successfully defended either on Calvinistic or on Jesuit
principles. It was the Protestant Gilby who declared that the English had made

> Op. cit., i, 77. » ibid., i, 77-78.

xxx THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

their king a God. Whether due to papal action as Cecil claimed, or to the schism
of Henry and his successors as Allen asserted, one fact becomes clear. " It was
henceforward [after 1571] impossible for any one to be at once a good Roman
Catholic and a good subject." 1 The historian may if he be a Catholic put the
blame for this terrible dilemma of English Catholics upon the Reformation, as
Lingard does; or, if a Protestant, like Froude he may charge it all to the Counter-
Reformation and completely exonerate the ministers of Elizabeth. But behind
it all a historian ought to see a clash of irreconcilable principles; a contest for
absolute power over an undefined field by two jure dimno authorities, the King
and the Supreme Pontiff. Not until schism is recognized as possible even if not
legitimate, not till sects are given a status in fact at least, could this question ever
be settled. So long as uniformity is a principle of political and ecclesiastical
policy, so long as toleration is unknown, that settlement must be delayed. It is
only when utility takes the place of divine law as the motive power of political
policy that a permanent division of the two jurisdictions can arise, and then it
may still be unsatisfactory to those who complain that there is " more ado about
Caesar's tribute than God's due." Before that consummation became possible in
England, however, the principles of both parties had to be discarded, divine right
as well as papal authority in temporal matters ad finem spiritualem. While these
still confronted each other a lasting settlement was impossible: they were mutu-
ally incompatible. It seems idle to question the motives of the leaders of Catholic
thought. Men like Allen were sincere. They held, as Bellarmine did, the spiritual
principate to be temporali Principatu longe nobilior.2 " Certainly he would be a
bold man," says Dr. Figgis, " who should assert that national independence is a
greater good than the knowledge of the truth. The Jesuits and Presbyterians
chose the one, the politiques the other. Were the former quite wrong ? " 3 From
another angle the same author approaches the same question when he says,
" Perhaps it would be most accurate to say, that in the Middle Ages human wel-
fare and even religion was conceived under the form of legality, and in the modern
world this has given place to utility" "and it is not at all clear that we have
gained." *

Some recent events in the world may well lead us to ask that question again.
It is open to question whether our politics are actuated by an ideal higher than
that of the Middle Ages. But growing diversity of view as to what truth was
made this noble mediaeval ideal no longer possible for the world. We may hope
that the greater richness of this diversity may in time produce again a unity that
will more than compensate us for what we have lost; but this diversity, we can-
not deny, has thus far involved loss as well as great gain. In this development
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are the unfortunate period of transition
when uniformity was still sought and enforced but in the face of actual diversity

1 Prothero, Statutes, etc., p. xlviii. ' Royal Hist. Soc. Trans., N. S., xi, 97.

* Tractatus, cap. iii, 42. « From Gerson to Grolius, p. 14.

INTRODUCTION xxxi

of belief. It could therefore not be other than a period of persecution. " The
greatest mass of mental suffering and physical pain that Europe has undergone
since the barbaric ages was brought about by the partially successful struggle
of the Catholic reaction to recover revolted Christendom." So wrote Mr. G. M.
Trevelyan, no doubt with the Thirty Years' War chiefly in mind.1 He wrote
before the year 1914.

But while we do justice to the Jesuits and their coreligionists of this period,
the difficulty of Elizabeth and her ministers must not be forgotten.

Jesuit theory justified and Jesuit practice fomented internal rebellion and ex-
ternal attack in Elizabeth's reign, nor are they entirely unconnected with the
many plots against the Queen's life.

Secondary as these might be in a convinced Jesuit to the grand purpose of
bringing England back to the true fold, to a Protestant and one charged with the
safety of the State, they could be nothing but treason. Undoubtedly it was the
connection of these principles and overt acts with Spain that ultimately made
them unpalatable to most Englishmen. A man like Allen might honestly prefer
to see his native country a Hispanized but Catholic England rather than inde-
pendent and heretical, but such could not be the view of any sincere Protestant,
and time showed that it was equally impossible for the majority of Catholics as
well; and when we see Sir Thomas More advocating the use of the Oath ex Officio
by ecclesiastics of the old faith in order to discover hidden heresy,2 and Richard
Cosin 3 and Bishop Andrewes 4 defending a like forcing of conscience in support
of the Queen's establishment, we can appreciate the fact that this was no mere
question of men or methods, but a fundamental difference of principle. Each
side defended the truth as each saw it. At a time when legality is the test, when
one side must be true and the other false, the controversy must eventually come
to an examination of the relative truth of the two contentions. But what should
be the test ? The Protestants adopted the doctrine and practice of the early
Christian Church as evidenced by Scripture and the early Fathers. The Catho-
lics claimed an equal authority for later theologians and for the decrees of
the Popes, as an authoritative interpretation of these, which the Protestants
denied.

When we have a proper understanding of the importance of this test of truth
— in the eyes of all at that day an absolute test — it will be easy to understand
why James I was at such pains in his Monitory Preface to prove that he was
really orthodox. To do so he had to distinguish between his own position and
that of heretics "worthy of the faggot" like Vorstius; and he had to prove the
Pope Antichrist, which he attempted to do at great length. Outside England,

1 England under the Stuarts, p. 34.

1 Apology, cap. 40, English Works, pp. 907-909; The Debettacyon of Salem and Bizance, cap. xv,
English Works, pp. 986-990, 1028, 1033.

1 An Apologiefor Sundrie Proceedings by Jurisdiction Ecclesiaslicall, London, 1593.

4 Quaestionis: nunquid per jus Divinum, Magistrui liceat, a Reo Jusjurandum exigere, printed at
the end of Cosin's Apologie.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

at least, divine right was not enough; he had to prove also that the religion he
enforced was true, and in its essentials a living branch of the only true religion.

With these things in mind it is easy to see how inevitable the struggle was,
and how far reaching the issue of the Counter-Reformation. It also becomes
easier to be fair in judging the antagonists on both sides. These considerations
also serve to explain the position of those Catholics who in this dilemma were in-
clined to accept a bare toleration of Catholicism coupled with national independ-
ence, rather than the supremacy of their church obtained at the price of Spanish
domination. It was the activity of a party holding the latter view that brought
about the quarrel of Jesuits and Seculars in the last years of Elizabeth.

If Robert Parsons may be considered the leader of the Jesuit party of English-
men, William Watson was at least the most extreme and the most vocal of this
party of«opposition, though probably not the weightiest.

To understand James's policy toward Catholicsm it will be necessary to look
briefly at the position of this party among Catholics. It is made clear enough by
the title of the pamphlet which contains the most complete contemporary state-
ment of their views — Important Considerations, which ought to move all true and
sound Catholikes, who are not wholly Jesuited, to acknowledge without all equivoca-
tions, ambiguities, or shiftings, that the proceedings of her Majesty, and of the Stale
with them, since the beginning of her Highnesse raigne haue been both mild and merci-
full, etc., published in 1601. This party attributed all the sufferings of Catholic to
the wrong-headed and treasonable actions of the Jesuit missioners. As Catholics
they thought this detrimental to the faith in England and the real cause of con-
tinued and increasing persecution; as Englishmen they hated it as an aid to
Spain.

In the Epistle which precedes this manifesto Watson declares, " We all the
Secular clergy . . . una voce, do utterly disclaim and renounce from our hearts,
both Archpriest and Jesuits, as arrant Traitors unto their Prince and Country;
whom to death, we will never obey: No, if the Pope's Holiness should charge us
to obey in this sense, to advance an Enemy to the English Crown, we would
never yield to it; as by no law of nature, of nations, or of man, to be compelled
thereunto." * Watson asserts that the King of Spain is not interested in English
Catholics, but in securing England for Spain, aided by " the Jesuitical Hispanized
Faction of Falsehood, Hypocrisy, Sedition and Treason," in England.2 Parsons
he refers to as a " pestilent Traitor," 3 and elsewhere he openly charges him with
opposing a toleration of Catholics hi England because it would interfere with the
scheme of a Spanish conquest.4 The Jesuits, he says, are " wholly Puritanes," 5
and proceeds to enumerate no less than twenty-five points of similarity, among
others a seeking " to pull downe Kings and Princes " and to bring " all Kings
and common-wealthes to a popularitie and Oligarchicall gouernement." 6 " Surely

1 P- 25. * Decacordon, pp. 151-154.

1 Ibid., 11-12. ' Ibid., 27.

' Ibid., 14. e Ibidi 28

INTRODUCTION xxxiii

they [the Jesuits] were, and haue beene tray tors both before God and man; " 1
and "All Priests and others, that are not of that seditious lesuiticall, and Spanish
faction, are bound in charitie (as now the case stands) to detect them to the
vttermost." 2

These were not empty words, for the seculars gave much information to Ban-
croft and Cecil which was of great use in the prosecution of Jesuits and in thwart-
ing their schemes. No doubt, also, the strength and activity of this party it was
that later induced James to attempt to distinguish between loyal and disloyal
Catholics by means of the oath of allegiance.

There is no question, either, of the substantial correctness of many of the
charges made by Watson against Parsons and others, as will appear later, though
the motives he ascribes may not always be the true ones.

Before coming to a more detailed account of the political theory of James I
and his reign, it is necessary to understand just one more, but that a most im-
portant, political conception which that period inherited from the controversies
of the preceding century — the theoryofthediyineright of kings.

The story of the gradual development of this idea in opposition to the repub-
licanism of Calvinists and Jesuits, has been set forth so completely and so ade-
quately in Dr. Figgis's Divine Right of Kings 3 that it is unnecessary and would
be almost impertinent to attempt to summarize it here. That book is indispensi-
bleto anyone who hopes to understand the theory of James I.

This theory in 1603 presupposed a sovereign who had a personal and an in-
dividual right, derived directly from God, to his throne. Some of its adherents in
James's time attached this right to the royal office and therefore extended it to
the King de facto on his institution regardless of the merits of his claims to the
crown. The more thorough-going, however, rejected this view and held to a
theory of hereditary right analogous to the private right of succession to land
under the feudal law. James himself, as was necessary to the security of his
tenure, resolutely set his face against any other theory, and it became the core of
Jacobitism a century later. The right was hereditary as well as divine. As this
right was divine, the King was God's representative upon earth, with heavy re-
sponsibilities, for which, however, he was responsible^tojGod _aJoQe-. . His powers
were commensurate. They included nothing less than the complete disposal of

1 Decacordon, 252.

1 Ibid., 9.

3 Second edition, Cambridge, 1914. See Particularly pp. 93-106 for a summary of the literature
which has made it unnecessary to set it forth here. Probably the most important of these books,
hitherto not referred to, is The True Difference Betweene Christian Subiection and Vnchristian Rebellion:
•wherein the Princes Lawfull power to commaundfor trueth, and indepriuable right to beare the sword are
defended against the Popes censures and the Jesuits sophismes vltered in their Apologie and Defence of
English Catholikes, by Thomas Bilson, Warden of Winchester, Oxford, 1585. In this long dialogue of
some 820 quarto pages, between Theophilus the Christian and Philander the Jesuite, Bilson gives
probably the most complete account on all its sides of the position of the adherents of Elizabeth's
policy. It was a storehouse of facts and arguments for later disputants, probably including James I
himself, though not quite all of the Bishop's inferences could have been palatable to him.

rxriv THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

his subjects' persons and property, and the obstacles put in the way of their
exercise by the common law were disposed of by the theorists by the doctrine
that the prerogative was above the ordinary course of that law, which might
therefore be dispensed with when need arose, of which the sovereign alone was
to be the judge. This power was not limited by the boundaries of the ecclesiasti-
cal and temporal. Contrary to Bellarmine's doctrine, it includes the clergy as
well as the laity.1 Under such a theory the sacred duty of subjects was clear -
absolute and unquestioning obedience; and even a bad king, whose possible
existence is admitted, is none the less divine because bad; he is sent by God as
a punishment of the people for their sins and his tyranny must be met by nothing
more than prayers, sighs, and tears. Such was the theory of the Stuart Mon-
archy, forged in part in the heat of the religious controversy of the preceding
I dynasty; and with this brief statement of it, we are ready to take up the fuller
account of the developments of political doctrine under the first James.

1 Bishop Overall's Convocation Book, pp. 30, 64-65.

CHAPTER II

IN considering the political philosophy of James I and his reign, probably no
subject is better to begin with than the one about which we have just been
speaking, the divine right of kings. This doctrine is set forth by James himself
in all his political writings from the earliest to the latest, and set forth in its ex-
tremest form, no doubt because in practice " he had been kept short of it in his
Native Country," as Welwood acutely remarks.1 In the Basilikon Doron, he
urges Prince Henry to love God, first because He has made him a man, " and
next, for that he made you a little God, to sit on his Throne, and rule ouer other
men." 2 " I am the Husband, and the whole Isle is my lawfull Wife; I am the
Head, and it is my Body," as he put it in startling phrase to his first English Parlia-
ment in i6o3.3 " Kings," he declared in his Defence of the Right of Kings, are
" the breathing Images of God vpon earth." 4 They " are not only Gods Lieu-
tenants vpon earth, and sit vpon Gods throne, but euen by God himselfe they
are called Gods." 5

The implications of such a theory in the sphere of the reciprocal relations of
the King and his subjects must be treated later, but first it is important to con-
sider by what title the reigning sovereign was believed to hold such awful power.

Among the supporters of divine right, some, as we have seen, considered the
absolute power of the king as arising ex-officio, regardless of his title. " The pos-
session of the crowne," wrote Sir John Hayward at the opening of James' reign
in 1603, "purgeth all defects, and maketh good the actes of him that is in autho-
ritie, although he wanteth both capacitie and right." 6 Convocation itself in the
early years of the reign definitely accepted the same theory. " If any man shall
affirm that . . . when any such new forms of Government, begun by Rebellion,
are after thoroughly settled, the Authority in them, is not of God: or that any,
who live within the Territories of such new Governments, are not bound to be
subject to God's Authority, which is there executed, but may rebel against the
same ... he doth greatly Erre." 7

It is not surprising that the English historian of the English Henry the Fourth,
or that Tudor bishops should hold such a theory; but if they did, not so the Scots,
trained in a different political school. Their views are faithfully reflected by Sir

1 Memoirs, p. 19. « Ibid., p. 488, post. p. 272.

1 Works, p. 148, post. p. 12. « Ibid., p. 464, post, p. 248.

6 Speech to the Parliament of 1600-10, Works, p. 529, post, p. 307. The whole passage (Works,
pp. 520-531, post, pp. 307-310), deserves careful attention as probably the most complete exposi-
tion of the King's views of the divine nature of kingship.

* An Answer to Dolman, ch. iii.

7 Bishop Overall's Convocation Book, book i, Canon xxviii (p. 59).

xxxvi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Thomas Craig the great feudist, in the ablest book written in answer to the re-
publican views of Robert Parsons, a book that deserves to be better known than
it is. " Our enquiry here," says Craig, " is not at all of what is Profitable and
Advantageous, but of what is Right and Just, and who it is that by the Laws of
God and Men has the best Title and Right to the Succession of so considerable
an Empire." x Not till after the death of Charles I and the republican extremes
of the years ensuing did the English royalists unanimously accept this Scottish
conception of hereditary right, but then, in the reaction from republicanism it
rapidly became the necessary doctrine of Jacobitism. For the essence of Jacobi-
tism is Scottish not English; it is based on the Roman law of Scotland rather
than the national custom of England. One of its ablest early defenders was the
feudal lawyer Craig, and one of its latest, Sir George MacKenzie, " bloody Mac-
Kenzie," the civilian, author of the Institutions of the Law of Scotland.2 The
theory, like the blood of the Stuarts, was Scottish, and the older English doctrine
revived only when the House of Stuart disappeared. The contest over the Ex-
clusion Bill and the long debate over James IPs " abdication " are indications
of the strength of this doctrine, but also the prophecy of its end.

James I himself was a true Scot, and to the end of a fairly long life and an
English reign of over twenty years could never appreciate or even understand
the English constitution. His pedestrian mind, his earlier political experience,
and his shrewdness in all things touching his own interests, all contributed to an
unwavering insistence on the hereditary character of his title, which appears no
less clearly in his earliest than in his latest political utterances. His answer to
Convocation's assertion of the right of a de facto king was a sharp letter to George
Abbot, afterwards Archbishop. " Good Doctor Abbot " was warned that he had
"dipp'd too deep in what all King's reserve among the Arcana Imperil" and
advised in future to " meddle no more " with such " Edge-Tools." The King's
disapproval kept the canons from becoming operative, and delayed their publi-
\ cation till after the Revolution of i689-3 The importance of this part of
James's theory can hardly be overestimated, for the whole of his doctrine

1 Concerning the Right of Succession to the kingdom of England, p. 386.

1 Second edition, Edinburgh, 1688. MacKenzie's political ideas are set forth in his Jus Regium,
London, 1684. The second part of this book has the title: That the Lawful Successor cannot be De-
barr'd from Succeeding to the Crown. Its motto is taken from James I's advice to Prince Henry,
" Defraud never the nearest by Right."

' Bishop Overall's Convocation Book was first published under the imprimatur of Archbishop San-
croft in 1690. James's letter to Abbot is printed in Welwood's Memoirs, p. 257. In it the King says
his reason for calling Convocation was to obtain their judgment as to how far "a Christian and a Pro-
testant King " might go in assisting the Dutch to oppose the tyranny of their sovereign the king of
Spain. It was a hard task to reconcile any such assistance with James's ideas of hereditary right, and
Convocation failed most signally. James's sensitiveness on this point of his title seems to have been
heightened by the recent publication of a pamphlet against hereditary right, as appears from his
reference in his letter to " Hales his Pamphlet." This pamphlet was probably a publication of A
Declaration of the Succession of the Crowne Imperiatt of Ingland, made by J. [John] Hales, 1563. This
interesting paper is printed in George Harbin's The Hereditary Right of the Crown of England Asserted,
London, 1713, Appendix, no. vii.

,

INTRODUCTION xxxvii

concerning the powers and duties of kings is directly deducible from it. For
him the King's right to his crown is heritable precisely as was the right of
the eldest son of a tenant of a feodum militare under feudal law. And it
was more. It was a right inalienable and indefeasible. James's whole polit-
ical theory appears full-blown in his The Trew Law of Free Monarchies, writ-
ten in 1598, five years before he succeeded to the throne of England, not
only the first but the most comprehensive of all his political writings. The
stubbornness, with which, throughout all the vicissitudes of his later strug-
gles with the English Parliament, James held to all points of the doctrine there
laid down indeed explains much. James's inability to learn or unlearn anything
is displayed in a startling way by a comparison of this book with the history of
his rule in England. This and other early expressions of his political views have
not been sufficiently emphasized in accounting for the events of his reign and
after it. From the opinions there stated no new situations or conditions could
ever shake him, and this must be considered one of the fundamental causes of
the constitutional revolution of the next three quarters of a century. Of these
opinions the doctrine of legitimism was among the most important. Allegiance,
he says, is due not only to the reigning king, but also to his " lawfull heires and
posterity, the lineall succession of crowns being begun among the people of God,
,and happily continued in diuers Christian common-wealths . . . For, as hee is
their heritable ouer-lord, and so by birth, not by any right in the coronation,
commeth to his crowne, it is a like vnlawful (the crowne euer standing full) to
displace him that succeedeth thereto, as to elect the former: For at the very
moment of the expiring of the king reigning, the nearest and lawful heire entreth
in his place: And so to refuse him, or intrude another, is not to holde out vncom-
ming in, but to expell and put out their righteous King." l " But if God giue
you not succession," he warns his son, " defraud neuer the nearest by right, what-
soeuer conceit yee haue of the person: For Kingdomes are euer at Gods disposi-
tion, and in that case we are but liue-rentars, lying no more in the Kings, nor
peoples hands to dispossesse the righteous heire."

In the speech from the throne opening his first English Parliament, James
insisted upon the same point,3 and could have found little to quarrel with in Par-
liament's answer, " That immediately upon the Dissolution and Decease of
Elizabeth late Queen of England, the Imperial Crown of the Realm of England,
and of all the Kingdoms, Dominions and Rights belonging to the same, did by
inherent Birthright, and lawful and undoubted Succession, descend and come
to your most excellent Majesty, as being lineally, justly and lawfully, next and
sole Heir of the Blood Royal of this Realm." 4

1 The Trew Law of Free Monarchies, Works, p. 209, post, p. 69. See also Ibid., Works, p. 203,
post, p. 64.

1 Basilikon Dor on (1598), Works, p. 173, post, p. 37.
» Works, p. 485, post, p. 269.
« I Jac. I, c. i.

xxxviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

James, of course, was not unaware that his right though divine and heritable,
could be traced to a historical beginning. How was he then to distinguish be-
tween his ancestors' acquisition of the Crown from which all his own rights
flowed, and the mere de facto sovereignty of any usurper ? Here the analogy
of private property again proved useful. jConquest :js .to be ^distinguished from
usurpation ; the conqueror is in much the same position as one who acquires
title by occupatio; and quod . . . nullius est, id ratione natural! occupanti con-
ceditur.1 But Scotland, and England as well, was conquered by James's ances-
tors. Thus their right to the realm is nothing less than an absolute ownership,
and neither the people nor anyone else can have any rights in what is solely
theirs; neither can the people by laws of their own making interfere with the
owners' enjoyment of what is theirs alone.

" The Kings therefore in Scotland were before any estates or rankes of men
within the same, before any Parliaments were holden, or lawes made: and by
them was the land distributed (which at the first was whole theirs) states erected
and decerned, and formes of gouernement deuised and established. And so it
followes of necessitie, that the kings were the authors and makers of the Lawes,
and not the Lawes of the kings." :

" Lawes," of course there were, and even lawes " fundamental." But these
James is at pains to explain are " onely those Lawes whereby confusion is auoyded,
and their Kong's descent mainteined, and the heritage of the succession and
Monarchic/^ The fundamental law is jus Regis and nothing more.4 Even this
is " but craued " by the King's subjects, " and onely made by him at their roga-
tion and with their aduice." 5

This identification of fundamental law with the Jus Coronae was not new in
England. In the fourteenth century Edward III and Richard II had attempted
to evade troublesome acts of Parliament on the ground that they violated the
fundamental law, the Jus Coronae to which they had sworn at their coronation
and, therefore, could not part with even if they would. Such a complete identifica-
tion of the Jus Coronae with the law fundamental never prevailed, however; and
the Jus Regni, as well as the law of the Crown, was always regarded as law fun-
damental in England, as James himself was at tunes forced to admit, though he
never consented to be brought within it.

With the unfettered ownership of the realm solely in the King, James's next
logical step was one made easy and even inevitable by the assumption of the
feudal confusion of dominium and imperium. " And as ye see it is manifest that
the King is ouer-Lord of the whole land: so is he Master ouer euery person that
inhabiteth the same, hauing power ouer the life and death of euery one of them." *

D. 41, i. 3. pr.

Trew Law, Works, p. 201, post, p. 62.

Speech in Parliament in 1607, Works, p. 520, post, p. 300.

Ibid.

Trew Law, Works, p. 202, post, p. 62.

Ibid., p. 203, post, p. 63.

INTRODUCTION xxxix

Thus Kings exercising " a manner or resemblance of Diuine power vpon
earth," may, like God, " make and vnmake their subiects: they haue power of
raising, and casting downe: of life, and of death. . . . They haue power to,
exalt low things, and abase high things, and make of their subiects like men at
the Chesse: a pawne to take a Bishop or a Knight, and to cry vp, or downe any
of their subiects, as they do their money. . . . For to Emperors, or Kings that
are Monarches, their Subiects bodies & goods are due for their defence and main-
tenance. . . . Now a Father may dispose of his Inheritance to his children, at
his pleasure: yea, euen disinherite the eldest vpon iust occasions, and preferre
the youngest, according to his liking; make them beggars, or rich at his pleasure;
restraine, or banish out of his presence, as hee findes them giue cause of offence,
or restore them in fauour againe with the penitent sinner: So may the King deale
with his Subiects." l

Such a theory as this leaves no place for the law of the land or the authority
of the estates of the Realm when they conflict with the king's will. Prerogative
had been high enough before, but it was acknowledged to have limits. Welwood
says of Elizabeth: " As she was far from invading the Liberties of her Subjects,
so she was careful to maintain and preserve her own just Prerogative. . . . The
whole Conduct of her Life plac'd her beyond the Suspicion of ever having sought
Greatness for any other end, than to make her People share with her in it."
James, on the other hand, " grasp'd at an Immoderate Power, but with an ill
Grace; and if we believe the Historians of that time, with a design to make his
People little." 2 This is a serious indictment, but a true one. In James's view the
liberty of the subject was only such as he saw fit to allow since it was derived
solely from him or his ancestors, while the will of the subject must always bend
to his own even though expressed in the most authoritative form of immemorial
custom or solemn act of Parliament. It was a necessary deduction from his
theory of the kingship and its tenure, and to James dialectic was ever more per-
suasive than history. Though the King should not take his subjects' lives " with-
out a cleare law; yet the same lawes whereby he taketh them, are made by him-
self e, or his predecessours; and so the power flowes alwaies from him selfe."
The King himself "is aboue the law, as both the author and giuer of strength
thereto." He is in no way bound to obey it "but of his good will, and for good
example-giuing to his subiects." It may therefore " vpon knowen respects to the
King by his authoritie bee mitigated, and suspended vpon causes onely knowen
to him." 3

Nor has the king, in James's opinion, divested himself of any of this power
by consenting to take the coronation oath, a point much relied on by the oppo-
nents both lay and ecclesiastkal of royal prerogative. Such an oath is taken to
God alone; a king by taking it " makes not his Crowne to stoupe by this meanes

1 Speech in Parliament, 1609-10, Works, pp. 529-530, post, pp. 307-308.

1 Memoirs, pp. 18-19. ' Treat Law, Works, p. 203, post, p. 63.

xl THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

to any power in the Pope, or in the Church, or in the people." l The prerogative
is Arcanum Imperii. It is an act of impiety for any subject, though he be judge
or Parliament man, to touch the sacred thing. ~' Incroach not vpon the Preroga-
tiue of the Crowne," James warns the Judges ia 1616. " If there fall out a ques-
tion that concerns my Prerogatiue or mystery of State, deale not with it: . . .
for they are transcendent matters." 2 " It is Atheisme and blasphemie to dispute
what God can doe: good Christians content themselves with his will reuealed in
his word, so, it is presumption and high contempt hi a Subiect, to dispute what
a King can doe, or say that a King cannot doe this, or that; but rest in that which
is the Kings reuealed will in his Law. . . . That which concerns the mysterie
of the Kings power, is not lawfull to be disputed; for that is to wade into the
weakenesse of Princes, and to take away the mysticall reuerence, that belongs
vnto them that sit in the Throne of God." 3

James draws a distinction between his "private Prerogatiue" - " my priuate
right, betweene me and a subiect,"4 under which he professes to ask of the judges
no more than would be granted to any of his people; and "the absolute Prerog-
atiue," the " mystery of State," which " is no Subiect for the tongue of a
Lawyer, nor is lawfull to be disputed." 5

To anyone, with even the slightest knowledge of the constitutional history of
this time and the period preceding, it must be obvious how utterly inconsistent
such theories as these are with the views of practically all the common lawyers
and most of the Parliamentarians of the day. By the attempt to make actual
these absolutist doctrines the train was laid for the explosion which came later in
the century: in fact, it made that catastrophe almost inevitable.

Opposition to these theories was, of course, aroused at once, among lawyers
and others, in Parliament and out, but there is no space here to recount it.6
This is the real beginning of the constitutional revolution in England, and as that
struggle was in all its stages a contest between law and absolute power, its first
phase was a quarrel between the common lawyers and royal commissions acting
under the prerogative.

Behind the temporary questions debated by these antagonists, however, we
may also detect a clash of principles which may be of even greater importance for
the history of political thought. For there is some evidence, not often noticed,
that in James's first years a conscious and determined effort was being made, not
altogether without the sympathy of the King, to weaken the immemorial custom

1 Remonstrance to Cardinal du Perron, Works, p. 441, post, p. 226. There is an elaborate discus-
sion of this subject in the Treui Law, Works, pp. 207-209, post, pp. 68-69. James argues along the
customary lines against the view that the King's violation of his oath can absolve the people from
theirs, which would make them judges in their own cause, whereas God alone can judge.

1 Speech in the Star Chamber, 1616, Works, p. 556, post, p. 332.

1 Ibid; Works, p. 557, post, p. 333.
Ibid., Works, p. 561, post, p. 337. ' Ibid., Works, p. 557, Post, p. 333.

« Elsewhere I have tried to set it forth in some detail. The High Court of Parliament (1910),
particularly chs. ii and v.

INTRODUCTION xli

of the courts of common law by a "reception" more or less complete — more
rather than less the lawyers feared — of the principles and procedure of Roman
law, already employed in the courts of Scotland and in various jurisdictions in
-England^ particularly the ecclesiastical. The struggle for the prerogative was
not a simple one; it can only be understood in combination with the royalist /
zeal for the absolutist principles of the Roman law.1

To the opposition roused by this propaganda James was forced to yield to the
extent of suppressing the most hated expression of these Roman and royalist \
views, Dr. Cowell's law dictionary; and James even plumed himself — hypocrit- ;
ically I must believe — on account of " my censure of that booke." ! But what- '
ever concessions the King might make against his real convictions for the sake of
obtaining a larger grant by Parliament for his desperate needs, an examination
discloses no definitions of Dr. Cowell's which went so far as the King's own windy
and extravagant preachments to his Parliaments and judges; and nothing indi-
cates that James ever truly departed from these in thought, or — save under
extreme pressure — in word or deed.

In James's theory there is no more place for the supremacy or even the inde-
pendence of the national assembly than for its decrees. The king, for example,
is able to do as he pleases with the lands of his subjects " without aduice or
authoritie of either Parliament, or any other subalterin iudiciall seate." ' Parlia- ^/
ment, in fact, is " nothing else but the head Court of the king and his vassals,"
and the king may "make daily statutes and ordinances, enioyning such paines
thereto as hee thinkes meet, without any aduice of Parliament or estates." This
was spoken particularly of Scotland, but James adds that the like is true of
England, and cites the example of William the Conqueror.3

In one place he seems to recede somewhat from this extreme, if Salisbury re-
ports him correctly, and to acknowledge "that he had noe power to make lawes
of himselfe, or to exact any subsidies de jure without the consent of his 3 Es-
tates." 4 „ But this was while he had hopes of a large supply from Parliament,
and his later words are hardly consistent with these. His real views are better
expressed in the Trew Law and there is little to indicate any sincere or permanent
departure from them.

And as of Parliament and its " ordinances," so also of Parliament's ancient
privilege. Probably nowhere is the effect of James's theory upon his outward
acts more manifest than in his repeated violations of the Lex Parliament, particu-
larly of the right of freedom of speech. But this is history too well known to need
repeating.6

1 As an example of the absolutist views of the Civilians, see Sir George MacKenzie's Institutions
of the Law of Scotland, lib. i, tit. iii.

1 Speech in Parliament, 1609 (1610), Works, p. 528, post, p. 307. See Appendix B, p. Ixxrvii.

' Trew Law, Works, p. 202, post, p. 62.

4 Parliamentary Debates in 1610 (Camden Soc.), p. 24.

' See particularly Parliamentary History, 1, 1301, el seq., 1326-1371, passim; James's speech in Par-
liament in 1605, Works, pp. 506, 507, post, pp. 288-289. Speech of 1607, Works, p. 521, post, p. 301, etc.

xlii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

That these outward acts are a true reflection of James's settled convictions,
many of his utterances show. ParKamcntr he declares, is not a place " for euery
rash and harebrained fellow to propone new Lawes of his owne inuention: nay
rather, I could wish these busie heads to remember that Law of the Lacedemo-
\ nians, That whosoeuer came to propone a new Law to the people, behooued
publikely to present himselfe with a rope about his necke, that in case the Law
were not allowed, he should be hanged therewith." 1 " It is no place then for
particular men to vtter there their priuate conceipts, nor for satisfaction of their
curiosities, and least of all to make shew of their eloquence by tyning the time
with long studied and eloquent Orations." 2 The King contrasts the freedom of
debate in the English Parliament with the preferable conditions in Scotland,
where " they must not speake without the Chauncellors leaue, and if any man
doe propound or vtter any seditious or vncomely speeches, he is straight inter-
rupted and silenced by the Chauncellors authoritie: where as here, the libertie for
any man to speake what hee list, and as long as he list, was the onely cause he
was not interrupted." 3 " And therefore/' he advises his son. "Aold no Parlia-
ments, but for necessitie of new Lawes, which would be but seldome : for few Lawes
and well put in execution, are best in a well ruled common- weale."4 Though we
may agree with the latter part of this advice, any student of English history
knows what calamities were brought upon the house of Stuart by the too faithful
observance of the first.

Not alone the High Court of Parliament, but the lower courts as well, James
means to keep under his constant supervision and control. " Delite to haunt
your Session, and spie carefully then" proceedings," he urges Prince Henry.
" Let it be your owne craft, to take a sharpe account of euery man in his office." s
And he warns his judges in 1616, in words that Bacon has made famous, that
their office is jus dicere not jus dare.6 James had thus as early as 1599 outlined
a policy which when put in practice later in England by himself and Charles
contributed so much to the revolt of the nation against his family.

In all these theories of the King with respect to the relations of the governor
and the governed there are many traces of feudalism, particularly in his doctrine
of hereditary right; but there is one feature of the feudal relation that is con-
spicuous by its absence in James's politics. Of the reciprocal duties of dominus
and homo so prominent in the mediaeval conception of English kingship there re-
mains not a trace: it has been replaced entirely by the Roman conception of a king
legibus solutus, placed at a distance so immeasurably above his subditi that he
can in no way be bound by earthly law to the performance of any duties to them.
The relation of his subjects to him, on the other hand, must consist entirely of

Speech of 1605, Works, p. 506, post, p. 288.

Ibid., Works, p. 507, post, p. 288.

Speech of 1607, Works, p. 521, post, p. 301.

Basilikon Dor on, Works, p. 156, post, p. 20.

Ibid., Works, p. 176, post, p. 39. « Works, p. 555, post, p. 332.

INTRODUCTION xliii \

duties, and duties to which no limits can be put; of the " rights of subjects " it
is idle, even impious to speak. There are none. It is for the subject " not to ask
the reason why." For him the single aspect of his relation to his lawful sovereign
is absolute, unquestioning, passive obedience no matter how tyrannous or op-
pressive the acts of that sovereign may actually become. An evil king is indeed
a scourge, but none the less a scourge sent by God. He is no less God's instru-
ment because of his tyranny, and the only remedy for such oppression is in
prayers to God that the scourge may be taken away. Against even such a king
if his title is lawful no direct remedy can be applied. To James's mind the en-
trusting of the royal power to the hands of his ancestors was proved by Scripture
to be an irrevocable act,1 and the corresponding duty of non-resistance in his sub-
jects was equally supported by the same high authority.2 Their obedience, there-
fore, ought to be rendered to him " as to Gods Lieutenant in earth, obeying his
commands in all things, except directly against God, as the commands of Gods
Minister, acknowledging him a ludge set by GOD, ouer them, hauing power to
iudge them, but to be iudged onely by GOD, whom to onely hee must giue count
of his iudgement: fearing him as their Iudge, louing him as their father; pray-
ing for him as their protectour; for his continuance, if he be good; for his
amendement, if he be wicked; following and obeying his lawful! commaunds,
eschewing and flying his fury in his unlawfull, without resistance, but by sobbes
and teares to God, according to that sentence vsed in the primitiue church in the
time of the persecution. Preces, &° Lachrymae sunt arma Ecclesiae." 3

The King then turns from Scripture to analogy. If it is absurd that burghers
should turn out their provost before his term is over, or pupils their master,
" although but subaltern," " how much lesse is it lawfull vpon any pretext to
controll or displace the great Prouost, and great Schoole-master of the whole
land." 4 From the city and the school he passes to the family, and asks, " Yea,
suppose the father were furiously following his sonnes with a drawen sword, is it
lawfull for them to turne and strike againe, or make any resistance but by
flight ? " 6 The answer is furnished even by the lower animals, where the parents
" with violence and many bloody strokes will beat and banish their yong ones
from them," yet the young will never offer any violence in return, except among
the vipers. So subjects who answer with violence the " bloody strokes " of their
king do but prove themselves " to be endued with their viperous nature." 8
" I grant indeed," he says, " that a wicked king is sent by God for a curse to his
people, and a plague for their sinnes; but that it is lawfull to them to shake off
that curse at their owne hand, which God hath laid on them, that I deny." 7
" Patience, earnest prayers to God, and amendment of their liues, are the onely
lawful meanes to moue God to relieue them of that heauie curse."

1 Treui Law, Works, p. 198, post, p. 58. l Ibid., Works, p. 205, post, p. 65.

1 Ibid., Works, pp. 199, 200, post, pp. 59, 60. • Ibid.

1 Trew Law, Works, pp. 200-201, post, p. 61. 7 Ibid., Works, p. 206, post, p. 67.

4 Ibid., Works, p. 204, post, p. 64. 8 Ibid., Works, p. 207, post, p. 67.

xliv THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Any doubt as to whether these doctrines of the King were shared by the up-
holders of prerogative among his subjects will be set at rest by a reading of the
canons adopted by Convocation or the books of Craig, Blackwood, or Barclay.1
Sir Robert Filmer's later theories, though more influential and possibly more
systematically set forth, had nothing really original in them.

In holding such high claims for his royal office, James, of course, was not
ignorant that he differed from his former tutor, from many of his subjects, and
A from others of the most famous thinkers and writers on the relation of princes
and their subjects. It is evident that his reading of such authors was extensive.
That reading, however, had never inspired him with any other feeling than one
of mingled contempt and fear, but rather had increased his determination to sup-
press such " seditious " utterances whenever they were found, and to punish with
all the authority at his command any who dared to question his own view of these
" mysteries of princes." He admonishes his son to " represse the insolence of
such, as vnder pretence to taxe a vice in the person, seeke craftily to staine the
race, and to steale the affection of the people from their posteritie." Even the
possession of " infamous libels " such as those of Knox and Buchanan is to be
severely punished.L_He \gains his Justices of Assize to be on their guard against
" Gentlemen of great worth in their owne conceit," who " cannot be content with
the present forme of gouernement, but must haue a kind of libertie in the people,
and must be gracious Lords, and Redeemers of their libertie; and in euery cause
that concernes Prerogative^ giue a snatch against a Monarchic through their
Puritanicall itching after Popularitie." " Some of them," he significantly adds,
" haue shewed themselves too bold of late in the lower house of Parliament." 4
James is among the first, if not the first, to apply to such men the name of
Levellers.*

From such extensive claims as these, and so extravagantly expressed, it would
be wrong to infer that the royalist theory imposed no duties upon its king though
legibus solutus. Obligations he had, and all the heavier on account of his emi-
nence, but they were obligations to God alone. In fairness to James himself, it
must be said that in theory if not always in practice, he emphasized these duties
only less than his powers. He never denied them. A good king will act as
"knowing himself e to be ordained for them [his people], and they not for him; " 6
and though a wicked king may be judged by God alone, his judgment will be the
heavier, for "the highest bench is sliddriest to sit vpon." 7 "A Tyrannes
miserable and infamous life," he warns his eldest son, " armeth in end his owne

1 For example, Overall's Convocation Book, book i. Canons 2, 8, 13, 17, 29, 35, etc. Craig, op, tit.,
pp. 185, 193, and ch. rv.

: BasUikon Doron, Works, p. 158, post, p. 21.
* Ibid., Works, p. 176, post, p. 40.
4 Speech of 1616, Works, p. 564, post, p. 340.
' Ibid., Works, p. 568, post, p. 344.

Trew Law, Works, p. 195, post, p. 55.
7 Ibid., Works, p. 209, post, p. 70.

INTRODUCTION xlv

Subiects to become his burreaux1 and although that rebellion be euer vnlawfull on
their part, yet is the world so wearied of him, that his fall is little meaned by the
rest of his Subiects, and but smiled at by his neighbours."2 The reed placed in
Christ's hand by the Jews when they derisively crowned him as their King, James
tells his son Charles, should " put him in minde to manage his authoritie boldly,
and yet temperately, not stretching his royall Prerogatiue but where necessitie
shall require it " ; 3 and he adds an aphorism to which among the kings of his
day he himself was on the whole unusually faithful; " A King should neuer pun-
ish but with a weeping eye." 4 A precept not so well observed was his advice to
Prince Henry not to enrich himself at his subjects' expense and to exact sub-
sidies " as rarely as ye can." 6

Among the duties which God required of a Christian king the protection and
advancement of the interests of the true faith was one of the chief. As James
said, " That it is one of the principall parts of that duetie which appertaines vnto
a Christian King, to protect the trew Church within his owne Dominions, and
extirpate heresies is a Maxime without all controuersie." 6 James as successor
of Elizabeth was " the only supreme governor " of the realm " in all spiritual or
ecclesiastical things or causes," and all ecclesiastics and state officials had to
acknowledge this by oath; but ecclesiastics, for a single refusal of the oath, pro-
vided they went no further, could be punished only by the loss of ecclesiastical
office and emoluments. But Catholics, and many nonconformists also, had, of
course, lost all these long before James's accession. This fact and the limitations
put upon the royal power in ecclesiastical matters during Elizabeth's later years
made the King's relation to Catholics and nonconformists somewhat different
from that of Elizabeth in the first year of her reign, when Catholics still filled
so many of the benefices and bishoprics.

In Elizabeth's reign also, as we have seen, the doctrine of the two kingdoms
had come to be accepted more or less fully by all opponents of the king as su-
preme governor, and had been tacitly recognized even by royal ministers in the
administration of the laws.

These were changes which account for a large part of James's ecclesiastical
policy. But there was one title to which James succeeded which had undergone
less modification, the title first conferred by the Pope upon Henry VIII for his
book against Luther, Defender of the Faith. Though the papal gift had been
withdrawn, and notwithstanding the fact that it was not entirely certain just

1 Probably in the same sense as the Anglo-Saxon bork, i.e., he will be put under pledge for good
conduct. For the law-burrow in Scots law, from which James got this expression, see, e.g., Lord
Stair's Institutions of the Law of Scotland (second ed., Edinburgh, 1693), lib. 4, tit. 48; or Sir John
Skene's De Verborum Significatione, s.v. law-burrow. James can hardly have meant the French
bourreau, executioner.

I BasUikon Doron, Works, p. 156, post, p. 19.

3 A Paterne for a King's Inauguration, Works, p. 621. See also Ibid., pp. 620-621.

4 Ibid.

II BasUikon Doron, Works, p. 178, post, p. 42.

• A Declaration against Vorstius, Works, p. 349.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

what faith would be defended, as Maitland aptly remarks; l Elizabeth had as-
sumed the title and it passed to Tames hi 1603. But Elizabeth's long reign had
at least done one thing. It had practically determined what that faith was of
which James now declared himself the defender. The Canons, the Thirty-nine
Articles, the Prayer Book, The Act of Uniformity, and the Council of Trent had
produced their effect. In Elizabeth's first years, the Ecdesia Anglicana in so far
as it differed from that of Rome was Protestant; that is about all that can be
said of it. And Protestant was a term implying primarily only protest and nega-
tion, a meaning entirely accurate just after the Reformation and nowhere more
properly applicable than in England. By James's time however, this is all
changed. Though the diversity of sects may have deprived the general term
Protestantism of much positive content, Parliament and Convocation had now
supplied the defect for England at least, and the definiteness of the break with
Rome made evident by the decrees of the Council of Trent had done the rest.
In 1603 England had what she certainly had not in 1558 or 1559 — a national,
or at least a state faith as well as a state church, to which it is entirely proper to
apply the term Anglo-Catholicism. It is true many things might not have been
determined with entire definiteness. Its creed might be susceptible of inter-
pretations differing as widely as those of Bishop Burnet and Tract Ninety, and
its episcopal polity might be of divine ordination, or only " for order sake; " 2
but there is certainly at last in existence a faith to defend; a faith defined by
Parliament, even though negatively, as based on Scripture and the first four
general councils, and explained, though with some vagueness, by the same
authority and by Convocation in the Articles of Religion.

It is, of course, not impossible that James might have disregarded this. His
theory certainly was that his faith was the one to be defended, and all his prede-
cessors since Henry VII had acted on the German principle of cujus regio ejus
religio, a principle that was by no means dead yet in England. The Revolution
of 1688 still had to be fought partly to disprove the reassertion of it by James's
grandson, and its death warrant was not signed till 1701 in the Act of Settlement.
In 1603 it might indeed be fairly said that the question was not entirely closed:
it was simply not raised; because of the fact that James's own private convic-
tions were in all essential points — at least in all points likely at that time to lead
to controversy — at one with those of the supporters of Anglo-Catholicism, and
hence James's reign is marked by a closer alliance of King and higher clergy than
can be found at almost any other time. In fact the fruits of the theory of the
" supreme governor " did not fully ripen until England had a governor whose
own faith was different from that of his people and his clergy. When this oc-
curred we see the familiar linking of religious and political questions. For the
Revolution of 1688 was as much religious as secular, nay it was more. Religion,

1 Elizabethan Gleanings, Collected Papers, iii, 158.

1 James, in his Monitory Preface, Works, p. 306, post, pp. 126-127.

INTRODUCTION xlvii

though to a less extent than in the sixteenth century, was still " the motive power
of the age." It is not surprising that the opponents of prerogative should then
republish as their own the republican doctrines of Parsons, the Jesuit, first
uttered under Elizabeth,1 at the same time that they were holding up to popular
detestation another book of the same author, his Jesuits' Memorial. " Jesuit,"
in fact, then became one of the favorite taunts hurled by the followers of a Catho-
lic prince at the very party which existed only to exclude that prince, and to ex-
clude him merely on account of his Catholicism. " Puritanism and Popularitie "
were charged in the same breath against these opponents of prerogative, precisely
as had been done a century earlier, and for the same reason — a reason only to
be understood in the light of the long history of the doctrine of the two Kingdoms
and of the temporal power ad finem spiritualem. Truly Tunstall's warning was
hardly misplaced: the supreme headship was indeed a propositio midtiplex.
But such quarrels as came later and earlier were spared in James's time because
he and his bishops agreed. It was the Anglo-Catholicism of Whitgift and An-
drewes that he was called upon to defend and he was nothing loth. In an age
not of pragmatism but of jus divinum this meant that this faith could be defended
only because it was true while all material departures from it must therefore be
false, and that being true it could not but be a living branch of the one true
Catholic and Apostolic faith. But the age was one of uniformity as well as legal-
isrrL, a.nd this assertinn of the faith true and ApOStQlJC-fanipid with it inevitably
.ajso the condemnation and the suppression of every other faith as necessarily
false and heretical.2 It is this general theory that explains James's laborious
attempts to prove that he himself is no heretic.3 In an age of uniformity instead
of toleration an admission of the contrary must be fatal. He has to disavow any

1 A Conference about the Next Succession to the Crown of England, published in 1594, second ed.,
1681.

* The personal views of James on the question of heresy were exactly those of his time, and are
to be found in many places in his works. As early as 1599 he cautions his son Henry against marrying
anyone who is not of his own religion, advice which the prince seems to have taken to heart, but
rather hard to reconcile with the father's own desperate efforts to secure the Spanish match for his
other son. The most explicit statements of James's hatred of heresy are contained in his Declaration
against Vorstius, for which there was not space in this volume. Vorstius, whose offence was nothing
worse than the Arminianism which was accepted later by so many of James's own clergy, is referred
to in this bitter attack as " a wretched Heretique or rather Atheist " (Works, p. 349), " monster "
(330, 357) " viper," (351) " wretched and wicked atheist," (363) and the like, while Arminius him-
self he calls " that enemie of God " (355). These and their kind the King attacks as " pestilent
Heretiques . . . who dare to take upon them that licentious libertie, to fetch againe from Hell the
ancient Heresies long since condemned, or else to inuent new of their owne braine, contrary to the
beliefe of the trew Catholike Church." (356) His views of the danger of heresy are in no respect dif-
ferent from those of the Holy Office. " It is furthermore to bee noted, that the spirituall infection of
Heresie, is so much more dangerous, then the bodily infection of the plague; by how much the soule
is more noble then the body." (366) Such doctrines are less dangerous in a commonwealth among a
thousand laymen than in " one Doctour that may poison the youth." (Ibid.) " For Christian libertifi
is neuer meant in the holy Scripture, but onely in matters indifferent." (371) The King's practical
attitude toward heresy is indicated in his reference to the book of Vorstius, De Filiatione Christi (" for
which Title onely, an Authour, so suspected as he, is worthy of the fagot.") (378).

1 See for example A Remonstrance for the Right of Kings, Works, pp. 470-473, post, pp. 253-257.

xlviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

sympathy with admitted heretics such as Anabaptists or members of the Family
of Love. Though he may have done it " with a weeping eye," and though he
certainly did do it with evident hesitation, James has the unenviable distinction
of being the last English king to order the issue of the writ De Haeretico Combur-
endo.1 The King was also forced by the theory of his day to go at wearisome
length into the practice and doctrine of the early Church to prove that the Ec-
clesia Anglicana had never essentially departed from these; and it was sometimes
a nice task to draw the lines just wide enough to include the faith of the bishops
— and the Presbyterians, while shutting out Brownists, and other varieties of
sectaries. There are also many other long and tiresome pages of James's political
writings to be explained only by the opinions summarized above. James to de-
fend his faith had not only to prove it true: he had also to show the falsity of
doctrines not in agreement with it. Thus in his arguments against the Roman
Church and its doctrines he follows the lead of the Elizabethan divines in at-
tempting to prove the Pope to be Antichrist.2 Our utter aversion to this kind of
argumentation should not blind us to its great importance in moulding the
thought of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It is important because
they thought it important. In the application of these theories the great diffi-
culty lay in dealing with the two opposite parties of Catholics and Puritans. Of
the Puritans we need say little more because most of the political phases of their
activity have appeared already. Strict uniformity, of course, meant their per-
secution along with all others who disobeyed the laws.3 With the Catholics, the
case was far different. Though the Puritans were in a few years to be a power as
menacing to royal authority as ever Pope was, and though James personally
hated them more than he did any Catholic, yet in his reign it was the Catholic
danger that was in the foreground. The Counter Reformation was gaining
volume year by year, and Catholics had what Puritans never had, a centralized
organization and a human head, one whose authority was international and
temporal and whose claims no " supreme governor " could ever allow. This
danger was at once foreign and domestic. At the very beginning of his reign,

I therefore, and even before it began, James was confronted with the most difficult
of all his problems, and apparently the most dangerous. Was a reconciliation

/" with Rome still possible, and on what terms ? If not, how were Roman Catho-
I lies to be treated in England ? Was Catholicism to be granted a real toleration ?
If so a change in the laws was necessary. Or, was the policy to be continued
under which Catholics could only enjoy the exercise of their religion as " tole-
rated vice," through the tacit unenforcement of existing laws ? Or, finally,

1 The victims were Bartholomew Legate and Edward Wightman. The former's offence was the
denial of the divinity of Christ. James made earnest efforts in person to induce him to recant, but
when they failed, the King, as Fuller tells us "spurn'd at him with His foot; Away base Fellow (saith
He) it shall never be said, that one stayeth in My presence, that hath never prayed to our Saviour for seven
years together." Fuller gives us our most extended account of the whole matter. Church History
(1655), book x, pp. 62-64. See also State Trials, ii, 727, et seq.; D. N. B.

1 See the elaborate argument on this subject which he sets forth in his Monitory Preface, Works,
pp. 308-328, post, pp. 129-150.

' See Appendix C, p. xc.

INTRODUCTION xlix

should Catholicism be totally extirpated as heresy always deserved ? These
were the question that James had to answer in 1603. Their difficulty must have
appalled any man less cocksure than James Stuart.

Probably three-fourths of the systematic political writing of James I consist
of a defense of the one administrative measure of his which really went beyond
the methods and purposes of Elizabeth's ministers in dealing with this Catholic
problem, the_Oath_of Allegiance^ And this is a not inaccurate index of the im-
portance of the principle of the measure in the eyes of contemporaries not only
in England but in the whole of western Europe. It was in reality England's
answer to the Jesuit challenge contained in Bellarmine's theory of the Pope's
indirect power, but an answer which tacitly accepted one-half of Bellarmine's
theory, the separation of the spiritual from the secular. It looked to a partial
translation into law of what Elizabeth's ministers had practiced by holding the
law in abeyance. It must therefore be considered a considerable advance in
principle, and one of the really important landmarks in the history of the idea
of religious toleration. To understand its real importance as an attempted solu-
tion of this chronic problem we must keep in mind the particular phases of that
problem which were uppermost in the first years of the seventeenth century.
Most important among these is the new aspect of the papal claims, the result of
Bellarmine's theory of the indirect power. True, this doctrine was not accepted
by the Catholic left, which was opposed entirely to the temporal power; 1 nor by
the extreme right, which still held to all the high claims of Boniface VIII.2 But
the new doctrine had been adopted by practically all the Jesuits and by many
others, and the Jesuits were the undoubted leaders of Catholic thought and
action during the Counter-Reformation.3 In England the whole programme of
the aggressive party was based upon this theory, and the Archpriest Blackwell
under examination by the High Commission admitted that the majority of Cath-
olics probably accepted it.4 Of this doctrine it was a cardinal point that no
heretical king must be permitted to reign, that it was the right and even the duty
of the Supreme Pontiff to depose him, and that this right could and should be
made effectual by the absolving of the king's subjects from their oath of allegiance
and by the summoning of the Catholic princes of Europe to help in carrying out
the sentence by means of foreign invasion. 6 We must remember that this " right "

1 E.g., William and John Barclay, and the French Politiques.

* Among others Baronius, the brothers Bozii, and Carerius. Jacobus Gretserus, one of the most
learned and influential of Bellarmine's defenders, admits that some ex caslris nostris refuse to accept
Bellarmine's doctrine. Defensio Operum Bellarmini, Opera Omnia, ix, 604. Carerius even includes
Bellarmine among heretics on account of this doctrine. Alex. Carerius, De Polestate Romani Ponti-
ficis, adversvs impios politicos, & nostri temporis hereticos. There is a list of some of these writers and
their books in the reprint of Andrewes's Tortura Torti in the Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology, p. 36
(note by the editor).

1 E.g., Cardinal Bellarmine himself, Gretser at Ingolstadt, Martin Becan at Maintz, Suarez in
Spain, and many others.

4 A Large Examination.

4 See the summary of the theory; ante, pp. xxii-xxiii, xxvi-xxvii.

1 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

of the Pope had not been allowed to remain a mere theory, but had been asserted
in 1570 in the bull deposing Elizabeth and followed up by the Armada, the re-
volt in Ireland, and armed insurrection in England itself, to say nothing of the
many smaller plots against the life of the Queen. We must remember the alarm-
ing advance that the Counter-Reformation had made and was making in the
beginning of the seventeenth century, with all south Germany recovered, with
the hopes of the French Huguenots dashed by the wars of religion, and with no
indication that the tide would stop anywhere, even at the Channel. In addition
to the attempts on the hie of Elizabeth, we must not forget the similar attempt
of Jean Chatel in France, or the Bye-Plot in England itself, ineffective though it
was, or further back, Saint Batholomew's day, or the murder of Henry III of
France and of William the Silent. In France Henry IV had " received instruc-
tion," an ominous thing in itself but not enough to save him, and for England
the sharpest awakening came with the powder plot in 1605. Among the influ-
ences upon opinion, particularly Catholic opinion, we must also include the harsh
legislation to which the fear of aggression and assassination spurred the English
Parliament. These laws against recusants, seminarists and convertisseurs and
the victims of them cannot be ignored by anyone who tries to understand the
political theory of the reign of James I.

In Elizabeth's reign Spain had been the chief foreign instrument in the at-
tempt to carry out the Pope's sentence. And Spain's intrigues did not stop with
the defeat of the Armada in 1588. They continued throughout Elizabeth's life,
but as she grew older her enemies became more content to let nature take her
course, and turned their attention to the next succession. Among these enemies,
if we confine ourselves to Englishmen, there is no doubt that the most active, the
ablest, and the most influential, was Robert Parsons. " Jesuite, Anglois de
nation, & Espagnol de devotion." 1 This remarkable man had written, or was
to write, on practically every phase of the great controversy. And whatever
he wrote, whether in English or Latin, was written remarkably well. He was
master of a clear, direct and forcible English style which stands comparison with
the best of his time, the time of the Authorized version of the Bible. Among his
many books, the most important for the history of political theory is his Con-
fercncc about the Next Succession to the Crown of England published in 1594.
Though written nine years before Elizabeth's death this book really belongs to
the reign of James, for its purpose was: in the first place, Jay discrediting_the
principle of legitimism. to emphasize the popular basis of the tenure of the Crown;
in the second, to show that on all precedents the " rights " put forward in the
interests of all the existing claimants, with one exception, were without founda-
tion in law or fact; and lastly — the real purpose of the book — to prove that
the one exception, the one rightful claim to the throne of England at Elizabeth's
death was that of the Spanish Infanta, daughter of Philip II, a princess whose
faith was unimpeachable.

1 Cardinal d' Ossat (Lcttres, v, 61).

INTRODUCTION li

The book was a double blow at James, against whom it was mainly aimed; it
denied his favorite principle of legitimism, and it attempted to disprove his own

particular claim. James was right in regarding it as the most dangerous book of
the time. The first part of the book, which deals with the abstract question of
hereditary right and the basis of royal tenure has an even greater importance for
political thought. It is hardly too much to say that this book was the chief
storehouse of facts and arguments drawn upon by nearly all opponents of the
royal claims for a century, Protestant as well as Catholic; and its importance is
attested not only by the many attacks made upon it down to the Revolution of
1688 and after, but by the frequent surreptitious use of it in this period by men
and parties who did not dare to disclose the source of their arguments and illus-
trations.1 The Spanish party of which Parsons was the most able and active
member did not confine itself entirely to writings. It strove in every way,
among others by the founding of new seminaries in Spain for English Catholics
and by secret negotiations with the Spanish King, to prepare the way for an
attempt that should promise greater success than the Armada. In general the
results were disappointing, and one result in particular even threatened the total
overthrow of their schemes. This was the division among Catholics themselves
which grew, partly out of the old quarrel between the regular and the secular
clergy and partly from the aversion of the seculars to the designs of the " His-
panized faction," who, they believed, were the real cause of the harsh laws
against Catholics in general.

We have seen how Bancroft labored to widen this gap under Elizabeth. As
Primate under a king who conceded far more power to his clergy than his prede-
cessor had ever done, Bancroft was free to pursue still further this policy.

It was the conditions set forth briefly above, combined with the favorite
policy of Bancroft, the ready acquiescence of the King, and the even more ready
zeal of the Parliament, that led to the enactment of the most important legisla-
tion of James's reign dealing with the religious question, the statute which framed
and imposed the new oath of allegiance. This act 2 empowered any bishop or any
two justices of the peace to tender to anyone under sentence or indictment of
recusancy, or to any stranger confessing the same under oath — if over eighteen
and not noble — an oath acknowledging James as " lawful and rightful " King,
denying the authority of the Pope to depose him, promising to defend him in
case of attack and to disclose all treasons or conspiracies against him; also dis-
avowing the doctrine that a prince excommunicated or deprived by the Pope,
might be deposed or murdered and in the following terms: " and I do further
swear that I do from my heart abhor, detest and abjure, as impious and heretical,
this damnable doctrine and position, that princes which be excommunicated or
deprived by the Pope may be deposed or murdered by their subjects or any
other whatsoever." Four years later the oath was extended to all non-noble

1 See Appendix D, p. xcii. » 3 &• 4 Jac. I, cap. iv.

lii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

persons whatsoever, if of eighteen and above, while the procedure was simplified
and the penalty increased.1 A refusal to take the oath under the act of 1606 in-
volved the penalty of a praemunire. These important acts included laymen as
well as ecclesiastics, private persons as well as office holders. In this respect they
go much further than Elizabeth's Act of Supremacy which included only eccle-
siastics or holders of office.

But while in respect of the persons affected James's legislation is more inclu-
sive than Elizabeth's, in the extent of the engagement of these persons it is far
less. The older oath of supremacy — which, it must not be forgotten, was still
in existence — exacted an acceptance of the Queen as supreme governor and a
denial of all authority of any outside person or state in matters " ecclesiastical
or spiritual within this realm." The oath of 1606 required the acknowledgment
of James only as " lawful and rightful King " and the abjuration merely of the
doctrine of the deposing and absolving power, but the theory that this deposition
could be made effectual by the people must be condemned by the swearer as
impious, heretical, and damnable, and the penalty is a heavy one.

These are differences not merely of detail. _ The Act of 1 559 made it impossible
for any Catholic to hold high secular office, or any ecclesiastical one, for no Cath-
olic, however radical, could deny the Pope's authority in England in matters
ecclesiastical or spiritual. The act of 1606 does not ostensibly touch the Pope's
spiritual authority at all. To that extent it seems to have recognized the division
between the secular and the spiritual jurisdiction, the doctrine of the two king-
_doms. What it really does do is to deny emphatically that the Pope can ever
override this division by exercising the secular power of deposition under pretext
of a spiritual end. Had the act done this and nothing more than this, in straight-
forward and unequivocal terms it seems probable that it would have been enough
to drive a wedge between those Catholics who held and those who rejected

1 7 &• 8 Jac. I, cap. vi. It must be kept in mind that the taking of the oath freed no one from the
penalty imposed by any other law. It was, as its Jesuit opponents complained, an additional burden,
not an alternative one, so far as the law was concerned, and it, together with the other statutes of the
same year added considerably to the already heavy weight of the penal laws against Catholics. But
the statute book alone cannot be relied upon at that time. It would probably have been impossible
to prevent Parliament from enacting some very harsh legislation after the powder plot. Since they
had control of the administration of this law, James and Bancroft were glad rather than sorry to see
it so severe. The more drastic it was the more persuasive to weak or wavering Catholics. But there
is no doubt that the King and the Archbishop held out the prospect that anyone who took the oath
would not be too closely questioned about his violation of other statutes. The enactment of the oath
was a continuation, not a departure from the later policy of Elizabeth in treating the Catholic pro-
fession as " tolerated vice." The Catholics make this clear in many places (see Tierney's appendix
to Dodd's Church History, vol. iv) , and James makes much of it in his Apology for the oath. References
to this policy also occur in the King's speech to his judges in 1616. In the Apology the King says
explicitly that he had freely excused recusants "of their ordinarie paiments" and had ordered his
judges to spare the execution of all priests. Works, p. 253, post, p. 76. Speaking of the harsh laws
passed after the powder plot, he says in his Monitory Preface, " And yet so farre hath both my heart
and gouernment bene from any bitternes, as almost neuer one of those sharpe additions to the former
Lawes haue euer yet bene put in execution." Works, p. 292, post, p. 113. See also Ibid., Works,
P; 336, post, pp. 157-158. Response to Cardinal du Perron, Works, p. 474, post, pp. 257-258, also in
his various speeches, Works, pp. 491-493, 544-545, 565-566, post, pp. 274-277, 322-323, 34i~342.

INTRODUCTION Uii

Bellarmine's doctrine of a Papal power indirecte to interfere in secular matters
adfinem spiritualem, and it would have been extremely difficult to dispute James's
frequent assertions that his oath was " meerely Civill." But the act might be
considered to do somewhat more than this. It might plausibly be said to require
not merely the rejection of the doctrine of the deposing power: to demand that
that doctrine be branded as impious, damnable, and even heretical. What is
this but to declare all holders of such a doctrine to be heretics ? And it was
notorious that the majority of Catholics did hold it. Could it be said that this
requirement had nothing to do with things spiritual ? The King here demands
that English Catholics shall deny the Pope's authority in secular matters, but
what is he himself doing when he sets himself up to adjudge as heretical a doctrine
believed by the majority of Catholics ? Could James expect the Pope to regard
the line of division between the secular and the spiritual when he so ignores it
himself ?

Such offensive terms as these applied to a doctrine firmly held by many
Catholics, no doubt gave an opening for the attacks of James's enemies, particu-
larly Cardinal du Perron, who dwelt at length upon this point; but the real ob-
jection of the Papacy went far deeper and was exactly expressed in Cardinal
Bellarmine's letter to the English Archpriest, "For most certain it is, that in
whatsoever words the Oath is conceived by the adversaries of the faith in that
Kingdom, it tends to this end, that the Authority of the head of the Church in
England may be transferred from the successor of S. Peter, to the successor of
King Henry the Eighth."1 Such an objection could not have been obviated by
any softening of terms which retained the denial of the Pope's temporal power.
The less fundamental criticisms of du Perron and others we may regard largely
as an attempt to discredit the argument of an opponent, but the question re-
mains, why did James unnecessarily give them the opportunity ?

To the English Parliament, however, the provisions of this act were displeas-
ing only because they did not go far enough. Apparently they were entirely
satisfactory to both Bancroft and James, both in their general tenor and in their
wording.

James's real attitude toward Catholicism springs from the same root as his
views on Puritanism. In both cases his hostility is more political than religious.
What made him love the bishops was the conge d'elire and little more, what made
him hate equally a Scottish synod and a Roman pontiff was their common denial
of his royal power as supreme governor in matters and causes ecclesiastical, and
nothing else. With the doctrines of the Pope, as well as those of the less extreme
Puritans, he had little quarrel. He acknowledged that the Roman church was
catholic, and that its faith was " the ancient mother religion of all the rest," and
he acknowledged this not on account of any theory of toleration, a theory most

1 English translation in James's Apology, Works, p. 260, post, pp. 82-83. The original is in
Bellarmine's Responsio ad Apologiam, Bellarmine's Works, v, 168.

liv THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

hateful to him, but because he believed the Roman faith to be in its essentials
true. It was only the pretensions of the later popes to a temporal power in con-
flict with the rights of princes that he denied. He had even admitted the Pope's
spiritual primacy, but this was before he became " supreme governor."

Of James's two grandsons, Charles II and James II, in matters of religious
conviction he more resembled the former than the latter. Though priding him-
self more on his acuteness in theological disputation than on anything else, there
is little real indication that he cared much for religion. Both in Scotland and in
England policy demanded that he should remain true in the main to the religion of
his tutors rather than that of his mother, but the Stuart tendency toward Cathol-
icism which finally cost them the throne can be seen in his whole reign. It is
one of the chief causes of his continual quarrel with his Commons who were
strongly Protestant, and it would probably have disturbed even the harmony of
his relations with his bishops, had not their political interests and his been identi-

cal. In reality he was less Protestant than most of his bishops, notably Abbot.

Their common bond was the political necessity of combating the Puritans and
the " Papists." " No bishop no king," but also no king no bishop.

Theirs was a defensive alliance against popery and parity, little more; an
alliance essentially political, in which matters of religion had but a small part.
The Stuart kings, James even included, were really foreigners in thought as they
all were in their marriage alliances. None of them ever showed a clear under-
standing of the English constitution, of England's true international position, or
— most important of all — of the religious instincts of the nation. These things
have a bearing on the nature and the purpose of the oath and upon the manner of
its administration. That they are true, James's whole public life and nearly all
his writings attest.1

1 It is unnecessary to add much to the proofs of these points given by Canon Tierney in his elaborate
note to Dodd's Church History, iv, p. 36. James's attempt to secure a Scottish cardinal in 1599 is
significant, and his later hypocritical prosecution of Lord Balmerino is a proof of his own insincerity
rather than of Elphinstone's guilt. See his letter to the Pope printed in Rushworth, I, 162-164. A
brief report of the trial is given in HowelTs State Trials, ii, 722. The King was really forced to go
through this farce on account of the anger of the English Protestants when Bellarmine made known
James's letter of 1599 in his Responsio (Works, v, 166). The terrible sentence against Balmerino was
not enforced and was not intended to be. Balmerino himself after his conviction declared, no doubt
truly, that James knew all about the letter before it was sent, and it required all the pressure and
promises that Cecil could apply to induce him to recall it. See D. N. B., Elphinstone, James; Taun-
ton, History of the Jesuits, 274 et seq. The accounts of these transactions and of other acts of James,
which gave rise to hopes among English and foreign Catholics are so exhaustively treated by Tierney,
Gardiner, and Usher (Reconstruction, i, 302-309; ii, 91-94), that no further account is necessary..
James's opinions as to the different classes of Catholics within his realm and of the way each should
be treated are found in many places in his writings. His views are summed up in the statement of the
purpose of the oath in his Apologie, " wisely to make distinction betweene the sheepe and goats in
my owne pasture ... to set a marke of distinction betweene good subiects and bad. Yea, betweene
Papists, though peraduenture zealous in their religion, yet otherwise ciuilly honest and good Subiects,
and such terrible firebrands of hell, as would maintaine the like maximes, which these Powder-men
did." Works, p. 274, post, p. 97. For some other expressions of his opinions, see the Apologie,
Works, p. 253, post, p. 76; Monitory Preface, Works, pp. 292-293, post, pp. 113-114, 336, post, pp. 157-
158; Response to Cardinal du Perron, Works, p. 474, post, pp. 257-258; Speech of 1603, Works, pp..

INTRODUCTION Iv

From the time of the Reformation to the present a division has existed among
Catholics which corresponds to the difference between Ultramontanes and their
opponents. The policy of employing this division fell in exactly with James's
theories of Church and State, and this must be considered one of the reasons for
the enactment of the oath. But James had no doubt been influenced in favor
of this policy by his correspondence with Cecil while he was still in Scotland,
and it was in fact nothing new in England. Cecil and Bancroft had been em-
ploying it for years in fomenting the quarrel between seculars and Jesuits in
England before James's arrival. We cannot, therefore, consider the oath as due
merely to James's influence or its history as beginning only at his accession.1 A
clear understanding of the purposes which led to its enactment requires some
consideration of the eagerness of a Puritan House of Commons inflamed by the
memory of the recent gunpowder plot, the long-standing quarrel among Catholics
themselves, the views of James, and the previous policy of Bancroft, all taken
together.

We must now turn to the history of the results of this legislation. If a further
division of the Catholic opposition in England was aimed at it may be said that
this aim was achieved. From 1606 until the Revolution, when the oath was
altered, and even to the present time, Catholics have disagreed as to the wisdom
and justice of this measure. To Charles Butler " Nothing . . . could be more

491-493, post, pp. 274-277; Speech of 1605, Works, pp. 503-504, post, pp~. 284-286; Speech of 1609-10,
Works, pp. 544-545, post, pp. 322-323; Speech of 1616, Works, pp. 565-566, post, pp. 341-342; Corre-
spondence of King James VI of Scotland-Ttnth Sir Robert Cicil (Camden Soc.), pp. 31-33, 36 et seq.

1 The earlier history of the oath in England has been admirably treated by Usher in his Recon-
struction of the English Church, i, book i, ch. viii ; ii, book iii, ch. iii , to which the reader is referred. Pro-
fessor Usher attributes it almost entirely to Bancroft. In vol. ii, Appendix i, pp. 310-324, the various
forms .offered by the Catholics or suggested by the Bishops from 1581 to 1606 are brought together
from manuscript sources. A careful comparison of these is necessary to an understanding of the
history of this important enactment. Such a comparison shows that the one important thing
omitted in these drafts but occurring in the oath itself is the characterization of the doctrine of the
right of the people to depose or assassinate a ruler when deprived by the Pope as "impious," "heret-
ical," and " damnable." How and why were these words inserted ? Professor Usher rejects the
story that they were put in after conference with Christopher Perkins, " a conforming Jesuit," as
asserted by Taunton without citing authorities. The story, however, seems not improbable. Sir
Christopher Perkins was a man who received many favors, including knighthood from James (see
D. N. B.), and his part in this matter is mentioned by Dodd (iv, 70-71 and Tierney's notes) and by
Charles Butler in his Historical Memoirs, ii, 188-189, where a number of authorities are given. See
the temperate and excellent account of Lingard, History of England, vii, 47 et seq.; also that of Mr.
Law, Jesuits and Seculars, Introduction, pp. cxxiii-cxxiv.

But though the part of Perkins in adding those offensive words be rendered probable, it brings
us no nearer the real reason for their inclusion. The only object could be the further accentuation of
the gap between the " sheep " and the " goats " and this it must have been. It was no doubt the de-
sire of James and Bancroft by these harsh adjectives to draw the line between the two classes of Eng-
lish Catholics with such startling sharpness that it could never be obscured by the casuistry of which
the Jesuits were noted masters. " Some form of oath was sought which . . . the Pope and the Jesuits
would be certain to disapprove; for . . . until the Catholics would act independently of Rome, no
lasting settlement could be secured." (Usher, Reconstruction, ii, 179.) But James must have known
that this result was only to be obtained at the cost of losing a certain number of adherents and also
of laying himself open to the attacks of his antagonists, even though it is not the Pope's but the
people's deposing of a king to which the oath applies the word heretical, as the King himself pointed
out clearly enough. Lingard's remarks on this are judicious. Op. cit., vii, 48.

Ivi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

wise, or humane, than the motives of James, in framing the oath; " J while Dodd
asserts that it "was never designed to be a test of allegience, but a state trick, to
squeeze money from the party, and nourish an opinion in the common people,
that they were enemies to the civil government." And this disagreement,
furthermore, had also the ultimate result intended. The oath as the Catholic
historian confesses, " effectually broke the power of the Catholic body in England,
by dividing them into two parties marshalled against each other." 3 To a his-
torian of the Stuart period results such as these certainly give to the enactment of
the oath an importance hardly secondary to anything that occurred in that
crowded epoch, but to the student of the history of political thought the oath
should if possible have a still greater significance. For in reality it marks a turn-
ing point in the history of modern politics, and its effects were felt at once in
every corner of the western intellectual world.

" The anti-papal controversy of James's reign," says Mark Pattison in his life
of Casaubon, " is as obsolete for our generation as any other theological squabble,
and the books, in which it is consigned, are equally forgotten; Casaubon's
among the rest. But those who are acquainted with the situation of affairs at
that period, are aware that this was no brawl of rival divines. . . . But in 1611
he [James] was heartily contending against the still advancing tide of the catholic
reaction. The form in which this was threatening Europe was indeed that of
military force, but it was also an invasion of opinion. The Jesuits did not draw
the sword in Germany until they had gained a footing in the minds of men. The
books and pamphlets they were now disseminating were what made the thirty
years' war possible. When the enemy was successfully availing himself of the
power of the press, it was wise and necessary that he should be met on the same
ground." 4

This was no merely English struggle. It was equally important for Venice,
for France, for every prince in Europe, and above all for the Papacy itself; and
it was important for all because the revived Catholic world was now making
ready for its mightiest renewal of the old quarrel between Church and State
under the changed conditions imposed by the rise of national states and the
schisms which the Reformation had produced. In the history of western political
thought no more critical time can be found than the opening years of the seven-
teenth century and at no time in her whole history was England so prominent
in that world of thought as in the earlier part of the reign of James I. England
was universally recognized then as the one corner of Christendom in which there
was still hope of checking the onward moving tide of the Catholic reaction; the
hopes of Catholics and Protestants alike had been concentrated upon her as upon

1 Historical Memoirs, ii, 185. See also a somewhat similar judgment of Lingard. History of
England, vii, p. 47.

2 Church History, iv, 79-80.

» Lingard, loc. cit. For concrete evidence of this, see Dodd's Church History, iv, pt. v, art. iv,
with notes, and Tierney's appendix to the same volume, p. cxxxv, et seq., passim.
4 Second ed., pp. 310-311.

INTRODUCTION Ivii

no other part of Europe, and therefore, the dramatic effect produced in every
corner of the intellectual world, Catholic or Protestant, by the challenge to the
theory of that reaction which James's oath contained is hard for us to estimate
highly enough.

Referring to Bellarmine and to the Gunpowder plot in England, Hallam says,
" The temporal supremacy would . . . have been left for obscure and unauthor-
ised writers to vindicate, if an unforeseen circumstance had not called out again
its most celebrated champion." * The truth of this we may doubt, but the fact
we can never doubt, that the English oath of allegiance actually did give rise to
a paper warfare in Europe the like of which has never been seen since and is
hardly likely ever to be seen again now that the common language of that war-
fare has fallen into disuse. As Krebs says, " Gelehrte von fast ganz Europa
waren in den Streit verwickelt, dessen Hohepunkt in die Jahre 1609 bis 1611
fallt," 2 or a French writer: " Non mente hodie fingere possumus quam variis
quamque acribus studiis haec controversia, inter potentissimum principem, unum-
que ex doctissimis Europae viris exorta, initio saeculi XVII animos accenderit.
Dum praecipui catholici theologi, Galli, Germani, Belgae, Hispani, Itali, Angli
in auxilium Bellarmini concurrebant, fidelem doctamque operam rex Jacobus
cum apud protestantes theologos omnium gentium invenit, turn etiam apud
aliquos gallicanos doctores, in ceteris quidem rei catholicae studiosissimos, regiis
antem placitis de potestate pontificia faventes." s " To all who are interested,
either in the history of the times," says Charles Butler, ". . . or in the history
of the pretensions of the popes to temporal power, this controversy is of singular
importance." 4

The great stir caused by the new oath can only be understood in the light of
the special interest in the old controversy between the Pope and the princes
which had been roused by the recent and repeated assertions of the right of
tyrannicide, by the application of this theory to the Jesuit doctrine that no
heretic might bear rule, and by the startling effects of these theories, such as the
murder of Henry III, or the attempts on the life of Elizabeth.5 To understand
the results of the oath one further characteristic of the intellectual activity of the
time must also be kept constantly in mind. It is this; that Europe was divided
into two camps, armed as yet with only intellectual weapons, but none the less

1 Literature of Europe, ii, 298. * Die Politische Publizislik der Jesuiten, p. 36.

* Serviere, De Jacobo 7 ... cum . . . Bellarmino . . . Disputants, p. 132.

4 Historical Memoirs, ii, 200. Serviere and Krebs give excellent bibliographies. Brief ones are
also to be found in Gooch, History of English Democratic Ideas, p. 27, and Lossen, Die Lehre vom
Tyrannenmord, note 58, p. 56. Good accounts of the oath are to be found in Usher and Lingard,
in Gardiner's History of England, i, ch. vii, and in Ingram's England and Rome, ch. v.

6 The history of the theory of tyrannicide is given by Douarche, De Tyrannicidio apud Scriptores
Decimi Sexti Seculi, with a considerable bibliography, p. 104 et seq.; Lossen, Die Lehre vom Tyran-
nenmord; Krebs, Die Politische Publizislik der Jesuiten; Treumann, Die Monarchomachen; Foulis,
The History of Romish Treasons and Usurpations, book ii, Gooch, English Democratic Ideas, pp. 20-29;
Reusch, Beitrtige, pp. 1-58. To these the reader must be referred. The subject is also dealt with in
the general histories of political theory, such as Janet's or Dunning's.

Iviii THE POLITICAL WORKS -OF JAMES I

under the direction of leaders who employed these means as part of a great
campaign. It would be wrong to think of the innumerable books which poured
from the presses between 1606 and 1620 merely as the work of detached individu-
als who wrote on account of their private enthusiasm for their cause. The
Jesuits, and to a lesser degree the Galileans and the Anglicans carefully planned
every move. As men showed special fitness for dealing with a certain phase of
the controversy they would be detached for that special service, and care was
taken that all phases should be touched upon. Nothing was left to chance.
When a man's reputation as a scholar was too solid to be taken by direct assault,
as in the case of Joseph Scaliger, the services of a sapper like Scioppius would be
called in to attack him on the personal side. Whenever a specially able attack
was made by any of the enemy, the men best fitted would be detailed to prepare
an answer. It was a carefully planned campaign for the conquest of intellectual
Europe in which every move of the enemy was met by a counter move carried
out by the method and the men best adapted to make it effective. Care was
taken, for example, that a telling book should appear both in Latin and in the
vernacular in the country where its effect was most desired. Sometimes such
books were translated into several languages, and occasionally different books
were written along the same lines by different men, each proficient in the lan-
guage in which he wrote. In France where the contest was critical the ability of
Cardinal du Perron, who had converted a king and vanquished the " Pope of
the Protestants " in public debate, was too great to be allowed to lie idle. He
was accordingly employed to counteract by his powers of persuasive eloquence
the efforts of the Gallican party in the States General of 1614-15 and to write
an answer to the English King himself; while Pere Co ton was set on work to
dispel the distrust which had been created in France by the Catholic defenders
of tyrannicide such as Mariana or Boucher. So men of the type of the scholarly
and temperate Jesuit, Fronton du Due were given the more congenial task of
answering the learned arguments of Casaubon, while the attacks on his character,
when the time came for them, were entrusted to a Scioppius or a Eudaemon-
Johannes. In Italy and Spain, at Louvain and Ingolstadt and Maintz it was the
same. When Martin Becan had written one of his most effective books against
the oath, provision was made that it should soon appear in English dress for
English readers, while Parsons and others nearer home, were rapidly turning out
others in both Latin and English. On the Anglican side, too, though the forces
were less effectively handled than among the Jesuits, and the available champions
fewer, this is equally noticeable. Nothing else explains the anxiety of James to
bring to England Casaubon, then the chief scholar of the age, whose book, De
Libertate Ecdesiastica, James had known for several years.1 Only thus can we
account for the activity of Bishop Andrewes in the controversy, the man prob-
ably best fitted in the whole of England for his particular service but at the same

1 Pattison's Casaubon, p. 272.

INTRODUCTION lix

time totally disinclined to it by temperament. The same could probably be said
of Doctor Donne. In fact, it was notorious in England that the surest road to
ecclesiastical or academic preferment was by the writing of a book defending the
oath and its royal apologist; and many there were who sought it. There is little
doubt, on the other hand, that magistrates were instructed to wink at the recu-
sancy of a Catholic who was willing to employ his voice or pen on the side of the
King.

The contest was opened by one of the principals himself. It began with the
Breve of Pope Paul V of Sept. 22, 1606, commanding English Catholics under no
circumstances to take the oath, cum multa contineat, quae fidei, & saluti aperte
adversantur.1 The English Catholics were in consternation. Like Henry II's
bishops after the Constitutions of Clarendon, they were " between the hammer and
the anvil." Many finally consented to take the oath, among them the Arch-
priest George Blackwell, head of the Catholics in England.2 Not content with
this Blackwell withheld the papal breve from publication, and under pressure of
Bancroft and the Council wrote a letter advising Catholics to take the oath,
copies of which Bancroft made sure to be widely scattered.3 This led to the issu-

1 It is conveniently found in Tierney's appendix to Dodd's Church History, iv, p. cxl, or in Bellar-
mine's Works, v, 158. An English translation is given in James's Apology, Works, p. 250, post, p. 73.

1 For much information on this, see the letters given by Tierney, op. tit., pp. cxliv, et seq., passim.

* This letter is given in full by Tierney, op. cit., p. cxlvii. Good accounts of these transactions are
given by Tierney and Usher. Blackwell was only induced to write his letter after several searching
examinations some of them before the High Commission. Bancroft lost no time in printing and dis-
seminating the reports of these examinations in both the original English and in a Latin translation,
together with Blackwell's letters to his clergy and Bellarmine. The Latin version is given in Goldast,
iii, 578-612. The English edition was printed by Robert Barker in 1607 with the title: A Large
Examination taken at Lambeth . . . of M. George Blackwell. A summary of it is to be found in C.
Butler's Memoirs, ii, 204, et seq. It is a remarkable document, in which it is brought out probably
more clearly than anywhere else how direct the connection was between the oath and the theory of
the indirect power. I know of no document that brings to light so clearly as this all the essential
points of the great controversy which the oath had brought to a direct issue. Blackwell is driven by
the searching questions of the commissioners from one point to another, he is not allowed to rely on
quotations, and in the end is forced to a direct denial of the temporal power in tola. The examiners
attacked him at the outset for his admission in his letter to Bellarmine that the Pope " as supreme
spiritual prince " could depose kings. It is impossible here to trace the whole examination. Black-
well denied the direct power, but the examiners were more interested in the indirect (pp. 35-36). He
attempted to answer by long quotations from Catholic writers (36-37) but this would not suffice.
His own opinion was demanded and finally obtained " though he was hardly drawen unto it." When
the examination reached the indirect power, he said, " that now indeed the matter was followed to the
quicke," but he still tried to evade an answer (p. 48), though he admitted that this doctrine was un-
known for three hundred years after Christ (p. 51). " After sundry tergiversations " he admitted
that Bellannine's views were " political " but " not theological " and that he did " wholly disallow
the said assertions " (p. 53). Then he had recourse again to long quotations " out of his pocket-
notes " (pp. 63-65). Pressed still further for his own opinion he said the indirect power of deposing
was " left as yet undetermined by the Church " and begged to be excused from an answer " in matters
of so great moment and difficultie " (p. 66). But the examiners reminded him of his admissions to
Bellarmine and demanded an explanation. " Being eftsoones urged " he admitted that he disagreed
with Bellarmine on both the direct and the indirect power, and said the Pope had no imperial or civil
authority to depose directly or indirectly (pp. 76-77). This, of course, left untouched the indirect
power in ordine ad spiritualia, but he was finally driven to deny categorically that the Pope jure
divino or by any other means has any power or authority directly or indirectly in ordine ad spiritualia
to depose the king or absolve his subjects (p. 84). He went further and accepted the words " im-

be THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

ing of a second breve on August 23, 1607 reiterating in unmistakable terms the
command of the first.1

On September a8th of the same year, Bellarmine wrote to Blackwell condemn-
ing in severe terms the Archpriests' course and declaring the oath to be contrary
to the Catholic faith.2 To this Blackwell returned an answer on November i3th,
setting forth the grounds of his acceptance of the oath.3

It was these two papal breves and Bellarmine's letter to Blackwell which
James set himself to answer in the book which was the occasion of the extension
of this quarrel from England to Christendom. This book, with the title Triplici
nodo, triplex cuneus or an Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance, was published
anonymously in 1607. It is given in full here and commentary is unnecessary.
James's editor says the King only drew it up as rough notes for a treatise to be
written by the Bishop of Winchester and that it took only six days.4 It was
written in English and at once translated into Latin.6 The edition given here is
the one printed later with James's Monitory Preface included, but the king says no
changes were made save corrections of the errors of copyists and printers,6 though
his enemies assert that the first edition was suppressed on account of the serious
mistakes pointed out in Bellarmine's answer, which were corrected by the bishops
for the second edition.7 The substance of the Apology is the attempt to prove
S that the oath " is meerely ciuill."

Though the Apology was anonymous, it was printed by the King's printer
and the edition contained the royal arms. James's authorship was an open secret
in England and not doubted at Rome. This was a challenge that could not be

pious " and " heretical " (85-86), though he had admitted (p. 38) that this was the part of the oath
" most misliked by many Catholickes in England." Even with this the examiners were not fully
satisfied. They desired to know what Blackwell's attitude would be if the Pope now declared the de-
posing power to be a matter of faith. This disconcerted him, but he finally answered that anything
declared to be a point of faith formaliter must be received, but not a particular deposing of " our
king," which might be based on misinformation (88-89). They then questioned him on his view of a
tyrant and whether a heretic is not in the same position, to which he replied that a hereditary king
is no tyrant and cannot be deposed, agreeing with Blackwood whom he cited at length (p. 103).
The examination did not stop there, but space will not permit its being traced farther. Blackwell's
letter to his clergy which resulted is a complete and unequivocal renunciation of the doctrine of
the papal power in temporalities, direct and indirect (p. 158).

1 Tierney, op. cit., p. cxlvi; or Bellarmine's Works, v, 167, where the date is incorrectly given.
James gives an English translation, Apology, Works, p. 258, post, p. 80.

1 Tierney, op. cit., p. cxlviii, Bellarmine's Works, v, 168, Goldast, iii, 574. English translation in
James's Apology, Works, p. 260, post, p. 82.

' Tierney, op. cit., p. clii, Goldast, iii, p. 576.

4 Preface to the Reader, Works of James I.

6 Monitory Preface, Works, p. 293, post, p. 114.

6 Ibid., Works, p. 330, post, p. 152.

7 On this point see Serviere, op. cit., pp. 34-35, 61, 67, 133; Lingard, History of England, vii, 50-
51 with the references cited by both writers. There is little reason to doubt these statements, which
are based largely on Les Ambassades de M. de la Boderie en Angleterre de 1606 a 1611. Greater prob-
ability is given to la Boderie's reports by a note added to the 1609 edition of the Alplogie but omitted
in James's collected works, which warned the reader against imperfect copies which had been surrep-
titiously collected and sold by under officers in the printing house. A copy of the proclamation call-
ing in the first edition is preserved in the British Museum Library.

INTRODUCTION bd

ignored. The fittest person to answer a king's book was the greatest of Catholic
controversalists. This he did at once in a book entitled Responsio ad Librum
Inscriptum Triplici nodo, Triplex Cuneus, sive Apologia, etc., under the name of
Matthaeus Tortus, one of his almoners; * and with its publication the contro-
versy over the oath became a European instead of an English question. The
Cardinal's chief point of attack was James's assertion that the oath was merely
civil. Primum ostendemus, he says, Juramentum Catholicis propositum, non
solum civilem obedientiam, sed etiam Catholicae fidei abnegationem requirere:
haec enim est principalis Quaestio quae inter nos hoc tempore disputatur.2 Any-
thing, he asserts, is a matter of faith which concerns the primacy of the Apostolic
See, which all Catholics believe as a dogma orthodoxae fidei to be founded upon
the holy Scriptures.3 Non igitur hoc Juramento sola civilis obedientia quaeritur,
sed quaeritur abnegatio fidei Catholicae, & ut obediatur homini contra obedi-
entiam Dei.4 To take this oath non tarn jurari fidelitatem ad Regem, quam
abjurari fidelitatem ad Christi Vicarium.6 This is the chief argument, though he
does not end it without denying James's claim that he is no heretic.6

The name of Tortus no more concealed the authorship of Bellarmine's answer
than had the omission of James's name from his Apologie. The Responsio had
carried the Apologie and the answer to it into every part of western Europe. It
was now the King's move, and he made a double one. A new edition of the Apolo-
gie, was issued with the King's name on its title-page accompanied by a long
preface addressed to the princes of Europe, with an appendix consisting of " A
Catalogue of the Lyes of Tortus, together with a briefe Confutation of them." 7
At the same time Bishop Andrewes was given the task of making a more detailed
answer to Tortus. The King's book appeared in 1609, the preface entitled A
Premonition to all Most Mightie Monarches, Kings, Free Princes, and States of
Christendome. The chief purpose of the Premonition is to show to the princes of
Europe that the pretensions of the Papacy are a menace to the rights which they
all claimed as sovereign rulers. It also deals at length with the question of James's
alleged heresy. It is included in this volume, pp. 110-160. The Bishop's book
appeared in the same year, printed at London by Robert Barker with the title
Tortura Torti sive Ad Matthaei Torti Librum Responsio, etc.8

1 Coloniae Agrippinae, 1608, reprinted in Bellarmine's Works, v, 155-188.

1 Works, v, 157. * Ibid., p. 158.

» Ibid. » Ibid.,-p. 164.

• Ibid., p. 188. There is a good summary of the Responsio in Serviere, op. cit., pp. 47-67.

7 This is the Premonition or Monitory Preface, printed in this volume, p. no.

The King had copies sent at once to the different European princes. On their reception see Lin-
gard, vii, 50-51; Serviere, op. cit., pp. 113-115, 118, 122; Winwood, iii, 51, 55, 56; Lucy Aikin's
Court of James I, i, 266-269; Prat, Recherches, iii, liv. xvii, ch. iii. See also Fortescue Papers (Cam-
den Soc.), No. II, 3-6, with Henry IV's characteristic comment on the advisability of a King's enter-
ing this controversy (p. 6, note i) " Une trop curieuse justification aussy engendre souvent des effects
contraires a nostre expectation."

8 I have used the reprint in the Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology, Oxford, 1851, edited by James
Bliss.

Ixii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

It is a detailed answer between three and four hundred octavo pages in length
to all the points in Tortus, with some personalities added.1

Bellarmine now returned to the attack with his Apologia pro Responsione sua,
in which the Responsio was acknowledged and defended and James's Premonition
answered.2 A new edition of the Responsio accompanied it.

To this Andrewes, in turn, replied in probably the weightiest book written on
the King's side, his Responsio ad Apologiam Cardinalis Bellarmini, London, i6io,3
an elaborate examination of the whole question at issue in some four hundred
pages, in which he had some assistance from Casaubon.4

But the controversy was not confined to these champions. In England and
on the Continent many men were busy attacking this question from every pos-
sible angle, or engaged in less creditable literary assaults on the persons of their
antagonists.

Among English supporters of the Papacy one of the most important in the
earlier part of the controversy was the indefatigable Robert Parsons. He had
now ostensibly accepted the succession of James and when the oath appeared
was bending his great energies to secure a mitigation of the laws against Catho-
lics.6 Clearly seeing by 1608, however, that mitigation would never come, he
turned on James with his accustomed force and ability in The Judgment of a
>•- Catholicke Englishman living in banishment for his religion . . . concerninge a
late booke set forth and entituled Triplici Nodo triplex cuneus, etc.6 This book
was too able and too important to leave unanswered in England, so William Bar-
low recently translated from Rochester to Lincoln was set to answer it, which he
did in 1609 in his Answer to a Catholicke Englishman (so by himself entituled).
Parsons returned with a long and abusive answer which was not published till
1612, after the author's death: A Discussion of the Answer e of M. William Bar-

1 There is a summary of the contents in Ottley's Launcdot Andrewes, pp. 59-71. Apparently this
task was not of Andrewes's own seeking. On October 21, 1608, John Chamberlain in a letter to Dudley
Carleton mentions the report " that the Bishop of Chichester is appointed to answer Bellarmine about
the oath of allegiance, which task I doubt how he will undertake and perform, being so contrary to his
disposition and course to meddle with controversies." Birch, The Court and Times of James I, i, 77.

1 Works, v, 97-154. Summary in Serviere, op. cit., pp. 90-110. Among other things it contains
a long answer to James's assertion that the Pope is Antichrist, chs. ix-xii, p. 131 et seq. A French
translation appeared in 1610, De Backer, Bibliolheque de la Compagnie de Jesus.

* Reprint, Oxford, 1851.

4 Ottley, op. cit., p. 97; Pattisoji, Isaac Casaubon, 308, note i. Ottley gives a convenient summary
of this book, pp. 154-176.

' See his Answer to Thomas Bels Late Challenge, Douai, 1605. It is evidently intended to placate
James by showing that the theory of the indirect power was far less dangerous to monarchy than the
teachings of the Puritans. The book is dedicated to the King himself and is important. The facts
cited in it were apparently freely drawn upon later by Catholic controversialists on the Continent,
notably Gretser. A more important book of his along the same line was his Treatise Tending to Miti-
gation towardes Catholicke-Subiectes in England, 1607, a still more remarkable attempt to reconcile the
Jesuit doctrine with royal authority in answer to the attacks of Thomas Morton, later bishop of
Chester, of Litchfield, and of Durham.

• Saint Omer, 1608. The book is anonymous, and is in answer to the first edition of the King's
book which also appeared without a name. Parsons pretended that he did not know it was written
by James.

INTRODUCTION Ixiii

low, D. of Divinity. Bellarmine's theory is defended at great length,1 but the
personalities make the book very tiresome. But though English Catholics con-
tributed, the chief burden of defense of the Papacy fell on the Catholics, more
especially the Jesuits, on the Continent, and among them were some of the most
learned and eminent polemical writers of that day. Of these probably none had
more authority or more ability than Martin Becan, Becanus, Verbeeck, or Van
der Beeck, of Maintz. Becan entered the controversy as early as 1609 by the
publication of his Refutatio to James's Premonition, three editions of which ap-
peared in as many years. He followed it the next year by a Refutatio Torturae
Torti, to which three English answers appeared in 1611, one of which by William
Tooker is referred to below. Another was Richard Thomson's Elenchus Refuta-
tionis Torturae Torti, Pro . . . Episcopo Eliensi adversus Martinum Becanum
Jesuitam. The third was Robert Burhill's Responsio pro Tortura Torti. In 1610
Conrad Graser, professor at Thorn, had written a book entitled Plaga Regia in
support of James's opinion that the Pope was Antichrist. This Becan answered
by his Examen Plagae Regiae in the same year and was himself answered the
next in Becano-Baculus-Salconbrigiensis; vel Rufutatio Beccanici Examinis Plagae
Regiae, quoad orthodoxam Protestantium doctrinam, et Serenissimi Regis Angliae
Primatum Ecclesiae Regium vincat Veritas? No better illustration than- this
could be had of the way the controversy had spread. In 1612 Becan turned to
answer the English critics of his Refutatio Torturae Torti. His answer was entitled
Dissidium Anglicanum with a brief preface to English Catholics. This book was
translated by William Wright as The English lane, Or Disagreement among the
Ministers of Great Britaine, concerning the Kinge's Supremacy. St. Omer, 1612.
William Tooker, Dean of Litchfield, in 1611 defended the King against Becan in
his Duettum sive singulare certamen cum M. B. . . . futiliter refutante Apologiam
. . . Jacobi Regis Magnae Britanniae. This Becan answered by the Duettum
Martini Becani Societatis Jesu Theologi, cum Guilielmo Tooker . . . De Primatu
Regis Angliae, Maintz, 1612. The same year he published De Pontifice Veteris
Testamenti, Et de Comparatione illius cum Rege; also Controversia Anglicana, De
potestate Regis et Pontificis, against Andrewes and in defense of Bellarmine. This
was one of his best known books and often reprinted. It was condemned by the
faculty of the University of Paris and in 1613 this condemnation was printed in

1 P. 70 el seq. The book was edited by Thomas Fitzherbert who contributed a long preface, more
abusive than the book itself. Fitzherbert also wrote several books of his own on this controversy, A
Supplement to the Discussion, 1613, an attack on Andrewes's Responsio to Bellarmine in the same year,
and in 1614 a reply to Roger Widdrington. A partial list follows of the books written by Englishmen
on the side of the papacy: Humphry Leech, Dutifull Considerations addressed to King James concern-
ing his premonitory Epistle to Christian Princes. St. Omer, 1609. Parsons is said to have assisted in
the preparation of this book. See D. N. B., and Gillow, iv, 185-186. Edward Weston, Juris Pontificii
Sanctuariwm Defensum ac propugnatum contra Rogerii Widdringtoni in Apologia 6* Responso Apologe-
tico Impietatem, 1613. Matthew Kellison, The Right and Jurisdiction of the Prelate and the Prince,
Douay, 1617. Thomas Dempster, De Juramento Libri III pro Bellarmino. Bononjae, 1623 (De
Backer I, 1215). Gillow (iv, 187-188) mentions also Edward Leedes, alias Courtney, A Discourse
against the Oath of Allegiance, 1634, in answer to Sir W. Howard's Pattern of Christian Loyaltie.

1 See De Backer under Becanus, also Rrebs, op. tit., 210-211.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

England. In 1612 Richard Harris wrote in answer to Becan's Dissidium Angli-
canum his Concordia Anglicana de Primatu Ecclesiae. This Becan in turn replied
to in 1613 by his Examen Concordiae Anglicanae. In 1614, Harris returned after
the publication of the Dissidium in English by writing his English Concord in
Answer to Becane's English Jarre, and his Examen of the English Concord. Among
these books of Becan might also be reckoned his De Republica Ecclesiastica, 1619,
in answer to the book of the renegade De Dominis whom James had encouraged
in his attacks on Rome.

The voluminous Becan is possibly more remarkable than typical, but his books
and those which called them forth or answered them furnish a concrete, not to
say horrible, example of the nature and extent of this controversy which the
English oath had stirred up; and they indicate it better than any amount of
generalization. Among other books elicited by the King's Apologie a few are
so important that they must not be entirely passed over. One such was the book
written at the request of the Pope himself by the celebrated Spanish Jesuit
Suarez,1 which had the distinction of being burnt both by the Parliament of
Paris and the English government. Another was the Examen Praefationis Moni-
toriae Jacobi I, etc. of Coquaeus, published at Freiburg in Breisgau in 1610. The
Apologia Adolphi Schulkenii Geldriensis, Coloniae Aggrippinae, 1613, is a defence
of Bellarimine against Widdrington usually attributed to Bellarmine himself.2
An Italian attack on James was F. M. Antonii Capelli Franciscani Conventualis
adversus praetensum Primatum Ecclesiasticum Regis Angliae Liber, etc., Bononiae,
1610.

Of the Jesuits who rushed to Bellarmine's defense none was more respected
or influential than James Gretser, professor at Ingolstadt.

In 1610, he published an important attack on James's two books concerning
the oath under the significant title Basilikon Doron? It was dedicated to James'

1 Defensio fidei catholicae et apostolicae adversus anglicanae sectae errores, cum responsione ad Apo-
logiam pro juramenlo fidelilalis, et Praefationem Monitoriam serenissimi Jacobi Magnae Britannia?
regis, 1613. Serviere, gives a good summary of this book, one of the weightiest ever written against
James, op. cit., pp. 152-156. See also Prat, Recherches, iii, liv, xx, ch. i.

1 Barbier, Dictionnaire des Outrages Anonymes, iii, 1259; Weller, Lexicon Pseudonymorum, 507.
De Backer also ascribes this book to Bellarmine, " bien qu' en doutant."

3 Reprinted in Jacobi Gretseri Opera Omnia, Ratisbon, 1736, vii, 1-116. Its main attempt is to
prove hoc Baaliticum juramentum really a juramentum infidelitatis. He begins by proving that the
faith which James professes is neither truly Christian (cap. i), nor Catholic (cap. ii), nor apostolic
(cap. iii), and that the oath is really an abjuration of these (cap. vi). He proceeds to show this by
asserting that a denial of the Pope's jurisdiction over the churches of England Scotland and Ireland
is a denial of the Catholic faith (p. 49) ; likewise a denial that the Pope is Christ's vicar and Peter's
successor and an assertion of James's headship in Britain. It is a similar abjuration of the Catholic
faith to deny the Pope's power of coercing those who harm the Lord's flock, or to promise obedience
to the King in all things, such powers of coercion including the authority to absolve subjects from their
allegiance. Anyone who does these things, denies the Catholic faith, hence an oath demanding them
cannot truly be said to be merely civil. He then goes at length into the origin of the oath, compares
the loyalty of Catholics with the views of Knox, Buchanan, Goodman, Zwingli and others, discusses
the authority of the King in spiritual matters, and asserts the paramount authority of the Pope. He
also deals at great length (pp. 68-98) with James's doctrine of Antichrist as given in the Premonition.
The summary of this answer is here given as of one fairly typical of the abler and more moderate

INTRODUCTION kv

mother, " now in heaven." To these might be added the two books of Leonardus
Lessius, Defensio Potestatis Summi Pontificis adversus librum regis Magnae Britan-
niae, Caesaraugustae, 1611 ; and De Antichristo et ejus Praecursionibus Disputatio
qua refutatur Praefatio Monitoria Jacobi Regis of the same year; also the several
works of the scurrilous Scioppius; Scorpiacum, 1612, Collyrium, and Ecclesiasti-
cus, 1611, all aimed at James; and many others. While books were thus pour-
ing forth against the King from Germany to Spain, in France the struggle was
equally intense though possibly not so violent. Before the English oath appeared,
the activity of French Jesuits, the defence of the Gallican liberties, and the quar-
rel of the Venetians with the Pope, had called out a considerable number of im-
portant books for and against the papal claims, which it is impossible to notice
here.1 But in France as everywhere else these controversies in great part con-
verged after 1606 on the English oath, the principles contained in it, or the royal
writings in its defence. Of these, the writings of five of the chief antagonists of
James may be selected for brief notice : those of Pelletier (Peleterius) Coeffeteau,
Pere Coton, Eudaemon- Johannes, and Cardinal du Perron.

The book of Peleterius, La Religion Catholique soustenue en tons les poincts
de sa doctrine, contre le livre addresse aux Rois . . . par . . . Jacques I, &°c.
appeared at Paris in 1610, but a more important answer was the Responce a
I'advertissement addresse par le Serenissime Roy de la Grande Bretagne, Jacques
ler, a tous les princes et potentats de la chrestiente2 of the celebrated Nicolas
Coeffeteau, a book which probably had the greater effect because of its modera-
tion, the result of the advice of Henry IV, and of the fact of its author's being a
Dominican and not a Jesuit. Its importance was recognized and it was answered
by the equally celebrated French Protestant, Peter du Moulin (Molinaeus), in
his Defense de la joy catholique contenue au livre du tres puissant et serenissime
Jacques I" contre la response de F. N. Coeffeteau, which James lost no time in
having translated into English.3 The larger part of it consists of a defense of the
definition of his faith which James had made in his Premonition. This book was
answered by Coeffeteau in his Apologie pour la response a V advertissement du
serenissime roy de la Grande Bretagne. Pere Coton, confessor to the King, was
in many respects the most influential Jesuit in France just before the murder of
Henry IV. So influential with the King himself that it was a common saying in
France that "les oreilles du roi sont bouchees de coton," and important for Ameri-
can history as the chief originator of the scheme of sending Jesuit missionaries to
North America;4 a man, as Foulis quaintly says, "of a subtil Head-peice." 5

Catholic replies to James's books. Gretser makes a strong defence of Bellarmine's doctrine of the
indirect power against those who deny it both Catholic and Protestant, in his Defensio Operum Bellar-
mini, Opera Omnia, ix, 604 et seq.

Goldast has reprinted a number of the most important of these in his third volume.

Rouen, 1610; De Backer, i, 1214-1215.

London, 1610. See David Irving, The Lives of the Scottish Poets,ii, 235; Serviere, op. oil., 140-141.

See Parkman, The Pioneers of France in the New World, ch. v, 276-277.

The History of Romish Treasons, p. 474.

Ixvi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

His celebrated letter to the Queen Regent acquitting his order of any complicity
in the murder of the King 1 is not immediately connected with the question of
the oath, but the book and the famous anonymous answer to it,2 coming just when
they did, played an important if an indirect part in the controversy.

If Coton's part in this particular controversy was indirect, the same could not
be said of the activity of the next writer to be noticed, " a Jesuite," according to
the author of Anti-Colon, "named John I'Heureux, but disguising his name in an
Hyrogliphicall forme, cals himselfe Andreas Eudaemon- Johannes Cydonius."3
The history of this man, who claimed to be a native of Crete, is rather obscure,
but his part in the controversy was prominent. In addition to an elaborate de-
fence of Garnet, he wrote two books directly connected with it: an attack on
Casaubon, and answer to his letter to Fronto Ducaeus (Fronton du Due) ; and
the more important Parallelus Torti ac Tortoris ejus L. Cicestrensis: sine Respon-
sio ad Torturam Torti pro illustr™ Card. Bellarmino, Coloniae Agrippinae, 1611.
His books, as will appear later, were considered important enough to require a
good deal of answering in England.

Of all French antagonists of King James, however, far the most considerable
was Jacques Davy, Cardinal du Perron, one of the greatest if not the greatest
orator and controversialist of France, a man of enormous memory, high mental
power, and great tact; who had the further advantage of knowing both sides of the
controversy as he was a convert from Protestantism. The occasion of his ap-
pearing in the lists against the King of England was the assembling of the Estates
General of 1614-15, their last meeting till the fateful one of 1789. In their
cahier the Third Estate had adopted as the first article the corresponding article
of the Cahier de Paris, which contained the form of an oath to be sworn by officers,
ecclesiastics, and others, condemning the doctrine of the right to depose, rebel
against, or kill the King, as " impie, detestable, centre verite, & centre 1'establisse-
ment de 1'Estat de la France, que ne depend immediatement que de Dieu." 4
When the clergy got wind of it they at once put forth all efforts to have it sup-
pressed, by petition to the Queen Regent,6 and by appeal to the other estates not
to " bring in question the authority of the Pope and the Holy See along with that
of the King." Negotiations followed which led, among other things, to the

1 Leltre dedaratoire de la doctrine des Peres Jesuites . . . addressee a la Royne Mere du Roy, Regente
en France, Paris, 1610. It was translated into English in the same year.

* Anti-Coton, ou Refutation de la Leltre dedaratoire du Pere Colon. Lime oil est prouve que les
Jesuites sont coulpables el autheurs du parricide execrable commis en la personne du Roy tres-Chrestien
Henri IV, d' heureuse memoire, 1610; "Translated out of the French by G. H.," London, 1611. It
contains an elaborate account of the Jesuit writings in favor of tyrannicide. There were many edi-
tions and translations. See De Backer, under Colon; Krebs, op. cit., 157-158; Foulis, op. cit., pp. 473-
476; Prat, Recherches, iii, liv. xviii, ch. ii. Of the other books which appeared in France about this
tune to defend the Gallican liberties, the most important was probably that of Richer, De Ecclesiastics
el Politica Potestale, 1611, reprinted in Goldast, iii, 797 el seq. In the same volume are several others.

* English translation, 1611, p. 17. For Eudaemon- Johannes, see Biographie Universelle, xiii, 462.
4 Mercure Francois, Troisieme Continuation (1614-1615), second ed., pp. 235-337. The influence

of the English oath of 1606 is obvious.

* Ibid., p. 237. « Ibid., p. 238.

INTRODUCTION Ixvii

selection by the clergy of Cardinal du Perron to set forth their views to the other
two estates.1 The Cardinal's oration for this purpose before the Third Estate
was published and is a remarkable document, covering many phases of the great
controversy, and filled with passages of fiery eloquence.2 It is significant here as
the occasion of one of the most important of James's political writings, for whose
interpretation some consideration of this oration is necessary.

Of the three main points in the article of the Third Estate, du Perron was
able to agree with the first two — that the assassination of kings is not permis-
sible,3 and, qu'en la nue administration des choses temporelles, ils dependent im-
mediatement de Dieu.4 But with the third, he was in total disagreement — Qu'
il n'y a mil cas auquel les Subjets puissent estre absous du serment de fidelite'
qu'ils ont faict a leurs Princes; 6 and it is against it that he inveighs throughout
the larger part of his oration, citing at length the opinions of many councils and
theologians to prove that this weapon had been and could be used against any
prince who was a heretic, an infidel, or a persecutor of the Catholic faith. His chief
objections to this article were four in number: first, that itwould compel the people
to believe and assert under anathema as a doctrine of faith and conformable to
the word of God the contrary of what was held by all parties of the Catholic
Church; second, that it would make it the province of laymen to judge of the faith
and to pronounce one doctrine conformable to God's word and the opposite one
" impie et detestable" ; third, that this condemnation of the belief of all the rest of
the Church as contrary to God's word, " impie, et detestable," would inevitably
create a schism ; and lastly, that this means proposed, instead of securing its object,
the safety of the person of the King, must result rather in a return to the horrors of
the civil wars.6 These objections he took up in turn. For the first, he asks, if no
doctor, or theologian, or jurist, council, or decree in France ever dared assert
that subjects might not be absolved from allegiance to a heretic or infidel prince,
how can they now without forcing and violating the consciences of men declare
such to be the perpetual and universal doctrine of the Gallican Church, or require
ecclesiastics to swear to it as a doctrine of faith and against its opposite as impie,
perverse, et detestable; and how can they declare to be a fundamental law of the
State a theory which only arose in France more than eleven centuries after that
state had been established?7 Under the second of these four "manifestes incon-

1 Ibid., p. 263.

1 It was published at Paris by Antoine Estienne, the Kings printer, in 1615, a book of in small
octavo pages with the title, Harangue faicte de la Part de la Chambre Ecclesiastique, En celle du tiers
Estat, sur I 'Article du Serment, Par Monseigneur le Cardinal du Perron, Archevesque de Sens, Primal
des Gaules &• de Germanie, 6* Grand Aumosnier de France. It is probably the third edition that I have
used. Four appeared before the end of 1615. The Harangue was also included among the Diverse*
Oeuvres of du Perron, several editions of which appeared early in the seventeenth century. The
Harangue is given in large part in the Mercure Francois, Troisieme Continuation, p. 266 et seq., from
which most of the quotations are taken.

1 Mercure Francois, $&*&' cont., p. 270.

4 Ibid., p. 271. ' Ibid., pp. 274-275.

' Ibid., pp. 272-273. ' Ibid., pp. 289-290.

Ixviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

venients," the Cardinal demanded after long citations of authorities, Et voulez,
non vous, mais ceux par 1'inspiration desquels ces clauses se sont glissees en vostre
article, que les laiques la facent jurer aux Ecclesiastiques, que les lalques exigent
en matiere de Foy le serment des Ecclesiastiques, que les layques imposent les
loix de Religion aux Ecclesiastiques ? O opprobre! 6 scandale! 6 porte ouverte a
toutes sortes d'heresies! Et done nostre Foy sera subjette aux varietez & incon-
stances des affections des peuples qui changent de vingt-cinq ans en vingt-cinq
ans ? Et done les troupeaux guideront les bergers ? Et done les brebis condui-
ront les Pasteurs ? Et done les enfans instruiront les peres ? *

Adopt this oath, he warns the bourgeosie, under his third objection, this oath
which is modelled on that of England, and the schism which must inevitably
result will not be of the Pope's making but our own. And it will be a schism not
merely against the person of the Pope but against the Apostolic See and against
all the rest of the body of the Church. For if the Church's communion consists
in unity of faith, how can we believe and swear that the Pope and all the rest of
the Church are errant to the faith and to the things that make for salvation and
holders of a doctrine contrary to the word of God, impious, detestable, and hereti-
cal, without withdrawing ourselves from that communion, and what is that but to
dismember the Church or to cut ourselves off from it ? The article would not
only drive us into schism: it would of necessity make us heretics as well. For in
condemning this doctrine as impious and detestable we must admit that the
Pope is not head of the Church and Vicar of Christ but a heretic and Anti-
christ; and all other parts of the Church, not true parts but members of Anti-
christ. But if so what is to become of the Church Catholic ? 2 Under the Fourth
objection, the Cardinal, among other things, declared that "ces deux horribles
assassinats" which had occurred in France were not the result of the teachings of
the Church, and asserted that the Church never condemns a prince to any
punishment but a spiritual one; and that against the condemned, qu'elle abhorre
toutes sortes de meurtres. He made a distinction entre les tirans d'usurpation,
lesquels les loix permettent d'exterminer par toutes sortes de voyes: &, les tyrans
d'administration qui sont legitimement appellez a la principaut6, mais 1'adminis-
trent mal. Heretical princes, persecutors of the faith and of their Catholic sub-
jects, belong to the second class; not to the first contre lesquels seuls il est permis
de conspirer par embusches occultes & clandestines; and the laws allowing such
things even in their case are les loix politiques prophanes & payennes ... &
non les loix politiques Chrestiennes.3

Thus disposing of the actual effects of such an oath he turns to its origin and
purpose. Its real authors are not the Third Estate, and its avowed purpose is the
protection of the King, mais sous ceste couverture est cache1 le Schisme & le
dessein de deviser 1'Eglise.4 This oath he likens to the monster of Horace that

1 Mercure Francois, jitae cont., p. 291. * Ibid., pp. 296-300.

1 Ibid., pp. 292-294. « Ibid., pp. 301-302.

INTRODUCTION box

had the head of a beautiful woman — the pretext of the service and protection
of the King; but the tail of a fish — i.e., schism and a division of religion. Et a
la verit6 il peut bien estre dit avoir une queue de poisson puis qu'il est venu par
mer & a nage d'Angleterre. Car c'est le serment d'Angleterre tout pur, except^
que celuy d'Angleterre est encore plus doux & plus modeste.1 He hastens to
add that he means no offence to King James to whom he applies many flattering
terms. He even acquits him of evil intent by laying the blame upon his religion —
Je scay que tenant la Religion qu'il tient, il pense faire ce qu'il doit quand il essaye
de mettre le Schisme & la division parmy la nostre — a method not apt to be
particularly soothing. But because James has done this thing in England, be-
cause Catholics there must take the oath pour avoir permission de respirer,
ou plustost souspirer, must it also be done en un Royaume Catholique? And if
Catholics are found even in England willing to suffer all sorts of punishment
rather than consent, shall none be found in France who do the same rather than
sign and swear to an article which met les resnes de la foy entre les mains des
laiques, and brings division and schism into the Church ? 2 In the person of
Queen Elizabeth of England, the interests of the State came into conflict with
the claims of conscience and obliged her to remain separated from the communion
of the Pope, but in France the common interest of Church and State require a
preservation of the union with him.3

In answer to this oration, Miron, president of the Chamber of the Third
Estate, gave in defense of the condemned article much the same reasons which
James had urged in justification of the English oath. His defense, in brief, was
that the object of the article was merely civil.4 The outcome was that the Coun-
cil forbade further discussion of the objectionable article,6 and that it was left
out of the cahier in obedience to royal command, not however, without " un grand
bruict & murmure " among the Third Estate.6

The open challenge to James's favorite doctrine thus dramatically made by the
Cardinal in the Estates and spread broadcast by publication of the Harangue,
under the conditions then existing in the intellectual world, laid upon the Angli-
cans the burden, not to be escaped, of making an answer. And as the challenge
had come in the name of the whole estate of the French clergy it was one not
beneath a King to answer. James therefore again entered the controversy in his
Declaration du serenissime roi Jacques 7, roi de la Grande-Bretagne, France et
Irlande, defenseur de lafoi pour le droit des rois, et independance de leurs couronnes

1 Mercure Francois, ji&ne cent., p. 302. 4 Ibid., p. 320.

' Ibid., p. 303. • Ibid., pp. 339-340.

1 Ibid., pp. 308-309.

• Ibid., pp. 355-356. The echo of this struggle came in the famous Declaratio Cleri Gatticani de
Ecdesiastica Potestate of 1682, the first article of which is an unequivocal acceptance of James's denial
of papal power directe vel indirecte to depose kings or princes or release their subjects from the obedi-
ence due them. Printed in CEuvres de Bossuet, xxxi, 28. See Bossuet's remarkable defense of these
articles, Defensio Declarationis Conventus Cleri Gatticani, CEuvres, xxxi-xxxiii, esp. xxxii, book iv,
chs. 13-15, 17, 18, and 23. See also Charles Butler, Memoirs, ii, 220-223.

Ixx THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

centre la Harangue de Villustrissime Cardinal du Perron, prononcee a la chambre du
tiers-etat, 1615. It was written in French and revised as to style by du Moulin.1
An English translation was made as usual and included in James's collected
works,2 from which it is reprinted here at page 169, the Remonstrance for the
Right of Kings. A Latin translation was published in 1616. At his death Cardi-
nal du Perron left the manuscript of a reply to James's Declaration, which was
printed in 1620 with the title Replique a la Response du Serenissime Roy de la
Grande-Bretagne par Villustrissime et reverendissime Cardinal du Perron, arche-
vesque de Sens, Primal des Gaules et de Germanic, et grand Aumosnier de France.
The manuscript of another and much longer answer, unfinished at the Cardinal's
death, is included in his (Euvres posthumes preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale?

From the foregoing summary it must be clear what a furore James's works
created in Europe. It now remains to consider briefly the efforts made in England
to reply to the many Catholics antagonsists whom James had thus aroused.

Among the most important of the books which appeared on this side of the
controversy must be reckoned one which was not written in England, and was
not aimed merely at the support of the oath. William Barclay, its author, was
an orthodox Catholic, who utterly rejected the claims of the Pope to a temporal
power directe or indirecte. He was a jurisconsult and a layman, a Scot who had
taught law at Pont-a-Mousson in Lorraine, and at Angers. His book, the De
Potestate Papae; An & Quatenus in Reges &° Principes secular es jus & imperium
habeat: Gutt. Barclaii I. C. Liber posthumus? though it was written after the
enactment of the English oath, was not directly a defence of it. It took a far
wider range. Its underlying principle, nevertheless, was the same as that of the
oath, and its very moderation, the work of a sincere Catholic and one who had

1 Feret, Le Cardinal du Perron, p. 320, citing du Moulin's Advertissement which followed the
Declaration.

1 P. 381 et seq. It is referred to briefly as the Defense.

' Feret, Le Cardinal du Perron, p. 321, note i. Of this Feret gives a summary with numerous
quotations, p. 322 et seq. In the main it is apparently an amplification of the Harangue, In 1630
Lady Falkland translated part of Du Perron's Replique into English. She is said also to have trans-
lated the other works of Du Perron, but they were not printed. See T. F. Henderson in D. N. B.,
under Henry Gary, first Viscount Falkland. A Latin translation of the Riplique appeared in 1621.

4 William Barclay died in 1608 at Angers before the book was completed. It was published in
1609 without indication of place or publisher, a fact commented upon unfavorably by Bellarmine in
the preface to his answer, who says it was alleged in quibusdam codicibus to be published at Pont-a-
Mousson, but this he finds to be false. Mr. T. F. Henderson (D. N. B., Barclay, William) says it was
published " probably at London." There is no doubt of it. John Barclay, William's son, says hi the
preface to Bellarmine of his Pietas, that he himself is responsible for its publication, and that it was
published at London by Norton — " Ast ego, qui librum Guilielmi Barclaii de Potestate Papae nuper
emisi in lucem, nomen meum, & Typographi, sed & loci ubi liber excusus est, prodere audeo, & jam turn
audebam. Joannes Barclaius sum, officina Northoniana, urbs Londinum (Goldast, Monarchia, iii,
850). He also cites Bellarmine's own book written under the name of Tortus.

An English translation was published at London in i6n,0fthe Authoritie of the Pope whether and
how farre forth he hath power and authoritie over Temporal! Kings. Liber Posthumus. Gillow makes
the interesting statement that William Barclay died in 1606 and that his son published his posthumous
work in 1600! i, 126-127. The book was published in French in 1611 (De Backer i, 1216-1217). The
original version in Latin is reprinted in Goldast, iii, 621-687. On the book, see Krebs, op. cit., pp. 149-
152-

INTRODUCTION bed

suffered nothing by the oath, made its influence on the controversy the greater.
Throughout Europe this book was considered one of the most effective presenta-
tions of the argument against the temporal claims of the Pope, and its influence
was considerable upon English Catholics who were already wavering. In 1611
Birkhead, the Archpriest, wrote that Sheldon's book " and Barclay's translated
into English cause many to stagger about the oath." l The heresy which Barclay
deplored as much as any man he believed to be due to the temporal power. Ita
quicquid haereticorum in Gallia Britanniaque hodie est, id est illorum unicum
robur, hoc temporalis potestatis miserabili calore, tanquam pestilenti ovo concep-
tum est & educatum.2 He is not now writing in the interest of the State, though
it is important, as in his De Regno. The safety of the Church itself demands the
rejection of this pernicious doctrine. As might be expected he expressly denies
the doctrine of the indirect power and singles out Bellarmine for contradiction as
its main defender.3 He detects the fact that the immunity of the priesthood lies
at the bottom of this question, and denies it with vigor.4 To hold it as Bellar-
mine does really creates two republics, one of kings and laymen, the other of the
Pope and ecclesiastics — quo nihil adsurdius . . . dicipotest.5 For there is but
one republic in which are two powers or magistrates one spiritual, one temporal,
with never any necessity for either to infringe upon the other.6 If this is true of
the clergy, it is also of the Pope. And if the Pope has any power in temporals
he must have received it by divine grant, for which there ought to be authority
in Scripture. Christus commendando suas oves Petro, dedit ei omnem potesta-
tem necessariam ad tuendum gregem. Atqui non dedit ei potestatem tempora-
lem: ergo potestas temporalis non est necessaria ad tuendum gregem. Deinde
progrediemur hoc modo; Absurdum est summum Pontificem, quatenus successor
est B. Petri, habere plus potestatis, quam habuit ipse Petrus: at Petrus non
habuit ullam potestatem temporalem in Christianos: ergo nee summus nunc
Pontifex, quatenus successor ejus est.7 All temporal power is left .to princes,
therefore all temporal punishments. Hence no Pope can depose kings or dis-
pense with the allegiance of their subjects.8 Popes may only strive by prayers
and tears to bring back even an evil king to the right path.9

Barclay's theory, as James's, contains no important element not employed
long before in the struggle between the Pope and the Emperor, but this book
was a brief and powerful restatement of the royal and imperial position, hi
answer to the doctrine of the indirect power, a doctrine by which, Barclay de-
clared, quicquid Pontifici per abnegationem directae potestatis subtractum est,
id ei per obliquam & indirectam hanc imperandi viam cumulate restituitur.10

Dodd's Church History, iv. Appendix, p. clxviii.

De Polestate Papae (first ed.). Epislola Dedicatoria, addressed to the Pope himself. The Italics
are mine.

Ibid., pp. 44-48. 7 De Potentate Papae, pp. 197-198.

Ibid., pp. 136-142. 8 Ibid., pp. 244-245.

Ibid., p. 136. ' Ibid., pp. 251-252.

Ibid., p. 142. M Ibid., p. 43.

Ixxii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Coming as it did in the very heat of the controversy over the oath there is little
doubt that this book did cause many English Catholics " to stagger," and it
brought out a reply from Bellarmine himself, now nearly seventy years old, his
Tractatus de Poteslate summi Pontificis in rebus Temporalibus adversus Gulielmum
Bardaium, Rome, I6IO.1 This is a masterly and concise restatement of Bellar-
mine's theory of pontifical authority, hinging, of course, on the doctrine of the
indirect power.2 It really adds nothing of importance to his earlier statement in
the De Romano Pontifice, but its brevity and the clearness of its argument, to-
gether with the pure and direct ecclesiastical Latin, make it the most satisfactory
source of Bellarmine's theory.3

In 1611 John Barclay in answer published Joannis Bardaii Pietas, sive Pub-
licae pro Regibus, ac Principibus, et Privatae pro Guilielmo Bardaio Parente
Vindiciae,4 a long detailed reply point by point reasserting his father's views and
denying those of the Cardinal.6

Although a thorough-going acceptance of any theory which sharply separated
the temporal and the spiritual was really as inimical to a supreme governor as
to a supreme pontiff, James was quick to see that a defense of his oath by a
Catholic who denied the Papal authority in temporals would be all the more
persuasive just because it was combined with a complete acceptance of the Pope's
spiritual claims. Hence he particularly sought the aid of moderate Catholics
who were willing to enter the contest on his side, and a few of these he found, of
whom one at least is of sufficient importance to merit some attention. These
Catholics must have hated the pretensions to ecclesiastical authority of a supreme
governor even more than the papal claims to a temporal one, but they saw
clearly that the oath itself was a departure, even though a very slight one, from
the principle of the oath of supremacy, and they hoped that it might be the be-
ginning, as it really was, of a development which in time would secure a toleration
of their faith in England. The real difference between the Jesuits and the moder-
ates among the Catholics, was that the former hated and opposed a toleration
which might later be an embarrassing precedent in the way of complete Catholic
uniformity under the prince for whom they hoped and plotted; while the moder-
ates wished above all for a toleration of their own faith and were willing to
support any measure which seemed to tend however slightly in that direction.
The oath was a challenge to the indirect power, but it was a challenge which, so
far as it went, also gave up the spiritual power of the King. If, as James con-

1 Reprinted in Bellarmine's Works, v, 23-95. I nave used the original edition of 1610.

* I am unable to understand the statement of Professor Dunning (A History of Political Theories
from Luther to Montesquieu, p. 130), that in this book " Bellarmin's distinction between direct and
indirect authority in seculars is left aside." See Tractatus (1610), cap. v, esp. pp. 64-66; 197; and the
extract given above, pages xxii-xxiii.

1 For a discussion of it, see Krebs, op. cit., pp. 152-156.
' In Goldast, iii, 847-1134 [1034].

* He challenges Bellarmine to show any passage of Scripture conferring the temporal power.
Goldast, iii, 846 [should be 946]. His treatment of the indirect power is in ch. v, 841 [941] et seq.;
of the deposing power, ch. vi, 849 [949] et seq.

INTRODUCTION bmii

tended, the oath was merely civil, it derogated from his own claims as supreme
governor as much as from those of the Pope. Hence many Catholics who really
believed it to be merely civil, and cared nothing for the temporal power, were
willing to accept it. In this connection there is a significant difference even be-
tween the objections of du Perron, who mainly tried to prove the oath to be a
matter of faith and therefore a breeder of schism; and the method of Bellarmine,
who took his stand squarely upon the indirect power. Among the English Cath-
olic defenders of James's policy the most important was Thomas Preston, an
English Benedictine who wrote under the name of Roger Widdrington. He
wrote many works, almost all in defence of the oath, and in one or other of them
answered most of the important foreign opponents of it, Bellarmine, Gretser,
Lessius, Becan, Suarez, Schulkenius, du Perron, and others; in many cases
eliciting replies.

On account of his activity on the side of the King, Widdrington seems to have
been in some danger from the Jesuit party, and measures were taken for his
protection by the government. He also received other favors and concessions
not ordinarily accorded to Catholic ecclesiastics, in return for his services.1
The works of Widdrington are now very rare, and probably the most acces-
sible is his first book, which is reprinted in Goldast's Monarchia? his Apologia
Cardinalis Bellarmini pro Jure Principum.

This, however, contains the substance of his views and may be briefly sum-
marized as a typical statement of the position of moderate Catholics who were
willing to submit to the oath as merely civil. It is a clear and comprehensive
statement of the views of Catholics who opposed the temporal power, one of the
most powerful arguments that appeared, answering Bellarmine's arguments for
the indirect power step by step in excellent Latin and with the citation of many
authorities, fully up to the level of the better known work of Barclay, and possi-
bly more important for us because the author always has the oath in mind and
applies his theory more concretely to the situation in England.

The question of the Pope's temporal power, Widdrington says, has been re-
opened in England on account of the oath and there are many Catholics there,
who, though they hold that the Pope as Pope has no power merely temporal, jure
divino, believe nevertheless that he does have in ordine ad bonum spirituale,
supremum dominium temporale, seu potestatem disponendi de rebus temporali-
bus, omnium praesertim Christianorum, et consequenter Regna, atque Imperia
transferendi; et Reges, ac Principes supremos Principatu privandi. Et hanc
sententiam tarn mordicus tenent, ut contrariam non tarn sententiam quam haere-
sim esse arbitrentur. There are, however, many (permulti) other English Catho-

1 D. N. B., Widdrington, Roger; Foulis, op. cil., pp. 531-532.

1 Vol. iii, 688-763. The book was published in 1611, but Widdrington says it was written three
years before, but hitherto not published on account of the appearance of Barclay's De Potestate Papae
which covered much the same ground. He also mentions Bellarmine's Tractatus, which appeared in
1610, but says he has not yet seen it. Admonilio ad Lectorem, Goldast, iii, 688.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

lies who declare the oath to be permissible; and still others, not few in number,
who, though they deny that it can be taken with a safe conscience by any Catho-
lics, on account of certain of its terms (quasdam clausulas in eo insertas), yet
hold that no satisfactory proof can be shown either from Scripture, apostolic
tradition, the writings of the Fathers, or theological deduction, that the Supreme
Pontiff has by Christ's institution any dominion truly temporal or any power
sive directe, sive indirecte, sive absolute, sive respective ad bonum spirituale,
to despoil sovereign princes of their temporal dominions for any crime what-
soever.1

He then cites many authorities against the temporal power;2 and proceeds
to prove affirmatively that the temporal sword is not in the hands of the Church,
but of the Commonwealth,3 and that if it should be necessary for ecclesiastics
ever to use that sword, they could do it non . . . qua Ecclesiastici sunt, sed qua
homines.4 If this doctrine of indirect power is to be believed, Scripture or apos-
tolic tradition should be produced in its support. But of tradition there is none,
and of Scripture, two passages alone: Matthew 16 — Tu es Petrus, etc., and the
last chapter of St. John — Pasce oves meas; neither of which, however, has any-
thing to do with temporal things, as he explains at length. Next, he takes up
for his main attack Bellarmine's exposition of this indirect power, and finds re-
sulting from it four inconvenientes: that it leads to tyrannicide; that it may be
abused by employing it for offences not worthy of such punishment; that it is
open, not merely to the Pope, but to any bishop ; and that its effect will inevitably
be to create disorder and suspicion.6 Besides, it is not easy to say just what is
meant by bonum spirituale, whether the good of all, or of the majority, or of
particular individuals.6 .

He then sets out to prove by numerous citations that the Church has taught
not this doctrine but passive obedience to temporal princes.7

The real core of this question, he says, lies in the determination of what
punishment is properly ecclesiastical, and to what offences it can rightly be ap-
plied. No one among Catholics denies the power of the Church to punish evil
doers, even Christian kings and emperors; but the whole difficulty lies in de-
termining whether the taking away of temporal goods and the depriving a king
of this temporal principality ought to be included among the punishments which
can be inflicted by ecclesiastical power as such.8 To prove one is by no means
to prove the other. Such punishments, in fact, are secular, and may not be
employed by the Church. Just as the Pope, qua Pope, has no right jure divino
to punish a thief for theft or one who kills another pro homicidio, neither can he
in ejusmodi causis pure temporalibus Principibus Secularibus, aliisque laicis in
foro exteriori quoad vim coercentem imperare, quia ejusmodi causae, et peccata
non sunt fori Ecclesiastici, sed secularis.9 Bellarmine's reasoning, Widdrington

1 Goldast, iii, 691. » Ibid., 695^697. « Ibid., 699. ' Ibid., 701. • Ibid., 709.

J Ibid., 691-694. « Ibid., 695. • Ibid., 700. • Ibid., 707.

INTRODUCTION Ixxv

thinks is debilissima, because the indirect power is really inconsistent with the
separateness and immunity of the clergy upon which he himself insists. This
point had been noted by many critics; Barclay, for instance, asserting that
Bellarmine was not able to regain under the indirect power what he himself had
surrendered by admitting the separation of spiritual and temporal jurisdiction.1

To Bellarmine's argument that the Pope may exercise a temporal power per
accidens when the spiritual republic is endangered, Widdrington aptly replies, as
Andrewes had done, but with more effect since he was a Catholic, that this was
a dangerous argument, as it could be used both ways. If the Pope under his
spiritual power could thus interfere in a Commonwealth, why, he asks with
England evidently in mind, could an infidel king who sincerely believed that
preachers of the Gospel were a danger to his realm not exclude them from it
under the severest penalties ? 2 Thus disposing of Bellarmine's general theory
of the Church as a societas perfecta which must therefore have potestas sufficiens
in ordine ad suum finem, Widdrington turns to the most important form of the
exercise of such power, the deposing of a temporal prince, and the argument on
this head is summed up in his statement: The present argument is not over the
the reasons for which kings may be deposed. The only question at issue is
simply whether the Supreme Pontiff has authority jure divino to do it. To prove
that in some cases princes may be deposed is not to the point. Nam dato, sed
non concesso, illicitum esse Christianis tolerare Regem haereticum, aut infidelem,
si ille conetur pertrahere subditos ad suam haeresim aut infidelitatem, quae est
prima propositio Cardinal! Bellarmini, et ab ipso quamvis pluribus, nullo tamen
valido argumento (ut mox videbimus) confirmata, quomodo tamen hinc recte
deduci potest, Summum Pontificem habere auctoritatem Principes deponendi ? 3

Passing from the punishment of a king to the judgment which precedes it,
Widdrington would justify a denial of papal authority on much the same grounds
as those asserted by Blackwell at his examination before the High Commission.4
The Pope may declare generaliter what is heresy and in this his decision is bind-
ing upon all Catholics, but it is a different thing when he undertakes to determine
" in particular whether this or that act, alleged to be heresy, has been committed
by a King." In the first case the Pope is laying down a general rule of right
reason between true and false, good and bad, applicable in all circumstances
actual or speculative, and his decision must be accepted; but in the second, he
is acting as a man, on evidence that is not certain, and his judgment is fallible
and not binding.5

In this way Widdrington goes through Bellarmine's Apology point by point,
but it is impossible to follow him further here. Enough has been given, however,
to show the attitude of the party which he represented on the larger questions
at issue, and also to demonstrate the remarkable keenness of his criticism and

1 Goldast, iii, 715; ante, p. xlix. « Ibid., 724. • Goldast, iii, 725.

» Ibid., 716. * Ante, p. lix.

Ixxvi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

force of his language.1 So important was he, that Foulis says the Catholic op-
position to the oath was commonly referred to as " Widdrington's Doctrine." 2

Among other Catholics supporters of the oath are Richard Sheldon, the im-
portance of whose book, Certain General Reasons Proving the Lawfulness of the
Oath of Allegiance, London, 1611, was admitted by the Archpriest, Birkhead;3
and William Warmington, who in 1612 published A Moderate Defence of the Oath
of Allegiance, wherein the Author proveth the said Oath to be most Lawful, notwith-
standing the Pope's Breves.*

To these might be added, Jus Regis, sive De Absolute et independent Secula-
rium Principum dominio et obsequio eis debito . . . Libri tres in quibus summi
Pontificis Jus non esse Principes deponere aut civiliter plectere autoritate sacra
Eistorica et Forensi Probat Guil. Barret Catholicus Anglus J. C., etc., Basiliae,
1613.

Some idea of James's eagerness to enlist the aid of foreigners in the contro-
versy, and of his methods of so doing may be gained from the inclusion in this
list of one of the most remarkable characters of the time, the able but unscrupu-
lous adventurer, Marco Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalatro, upon
whom James showered English benefices in return for his attacks upon Rome.6

Much invaluable help was undoubtedly given to the cause of the King by the
writings of these Catholics who supported the oath. Their arguments no doubt
had greater weight with Catholics in England and elsewhere than similar views

1 For a brief characterization of some of Widdrington's other books, see Serviere, op. cit., pp. 139-
140, 146, 155, 156-157.

2 Op. cit., p. 532. Other books of Widdrington's on the oath are: R. W. . . . Responsio apologetica
at Libellum cujusdam Doctoris Theologi, qui ejus Pro Jure Principum Apologiam, tanquam Fidei Catho-
licae . . . repugnantem . . . criminatur, 1612; Disputatio theologica de Juramento FidelUatis . . . In
qua potissima omnia Argumenta, quae a . . . Bellarmino, J. Gretzero, L. Lessio, M. Becano, aliisque
nonnullis contra recens FidelUatis Juramentum . . . facta sunt . . . examinantur, 1613. This is
probably his most important book on the oath itself. A brief summary of it is given by Serviere, op.
cit., pp. 139-140, an unfriendly critic. In addition, he published in 1616, A Cleare . . . confutation
of the . . . Reply of T. F., who is knowne to be Mr. Thomas Fitzherbert, an English jesuite. Wherein also
are confuted the chiefest objections which Dr. Schulkenius, who is commonly said to be Card. Belarmine,
hath made against Widdrington's Apologiefor the Right, or Sweraigntie of temporall princes. By R. W.,
an English Catholike; also, Appendix ad Disputationem theologicam de Juramento FidelUatis, in quo
omnia Argumenta, quae a F. Suarez . . . pro Potestate Papali Principes deponendi, et contra recens
FidelUatis Juramentum allata sunt . . . examinantur, 1616; Discussio Discussionis Decreti Magni
Concilii Lateranensis, adversus L. Lessium nomine Guilhelmi Singletoni personatum, in qua omnia
Argumenta, quae idemmet Lessius pro Papali Potestate Principes deponendi adducit . . . examinantur
6* refutantur et quaedam egregia . . . Cardinalis Peronii Artificia . . . deteguntur &• refutantur, 1618;
R. Widdrington's last reioynder to Mr. T. Fitz-Herberts Reply concerning the Oath of Allegiance and the
Popes power to depose princes . . . Also many replies . . . of . . . Bellarmine in his Schulkenius, and
of L. Lessius in his Singleton are confuted, and divers cunning shifts of . . . Peron are discovered, 1619;
A New Yeares Gift for English Catholikes, or a brief and clear e Explication of the New Oath of Allegiance.
By E. I., Student in Divinitie, 1620, in English and Latin; and in the same year, An Adjoinder to the
late Catholick New Year's Gift.

8 Dodd's Church History, iv, Appendix, p. clxviii. Sheldon soon afterwards turned Protestant.
He received many favors from the King.

4 Warmington's is a notable example of the remission of the penal laws in return for the service
done to the King's cause. See Foulis, op. cU., p. 532.

8 For the curious history of this interesting man — see D. N. B., Dominis L. Marco Antonio de.

INTRODUCTION Ixxvii

expressed by Protestants could have had. But the number of Catholic apologists
for the oath was very limited, and James had to rely in the main upon the sup-
port of his own party, who in a measure made up for their lack of influence by
the greater zeal, not to say violence, of their partisanship.

Long before the enactment of the oath itself this party had been laying the
foundation for James's attacks on the pretensions of the later Popes by their
attempts to prove that the Popes had in the later ages fulfilled the prophecy of
St. John in regard to Antichrist. This had begun in the time of the Tudors1 and
was continued after the accession of James in such books as George Downame's
A Treatise affirming the Pope to be Antechrist, 1603 ,2 or Robert Abbot's Anti-
Christi Demonstratio of the same year. James owed much to these books, and
they did not come to an end with the enactment of the oath.3 But the oath
tended to focus the controversy even more directly upon the new phase of the
old question of obedience which had been created by the papal claims as inter-
preted by Bellarmine and the Jesuits. Convocation made an explicit denial of
all the grounds on which those claims were based, and of all the theories to which
they gave rise.4

When the oath itself appeared, and the defense of it by the King in person, a
considerable number of Anglican writers also enlisted not without royal encour-
agement in support of its principle or in defense of its author. Some of these have
been mentioned already. A few others are important enough to throw some
further light on the nature of the controversy and of the way it was conducted.
Of those not referred to already probably none was of more consequence than Dr.
John Donne. In 1610 appeared his Pseudo-Martyr wherein out of certaine Propo-
sitions and Gradations. This conclusion is euicted. That those which are of the
Romane Religion in this Kingdome, may and ought to take the Oath of Attegeance.
Isaac Walton in his life of Doctor Donne gives an account of how his book came
to be written. The King, much impressed with his arguments against refusing
the oath, ..." commanded him to bestow some tune in drawing the arguments
into a method, and then to write his answers to them." The result was the
Pseudo-Martyr, and so satisfactory, Walton says, that the King " persuaded Mr.
Donne to enter into the ministry." 6

1 For example the writings of William Whitaker, one of which was published just after the oath.
Whitaker died in 1695. The similar views of Wycliffe are well known.

* It was answered in 1613 in a book written by Michael Christopherson, priest.

3 For example, Thomas Brightman's Antichrisium Pontificiorum monstrum fictitium esse which
appeared in 1610.

* See Bishop Overall's Convocation Book, book i, Canons 16, 18, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 33 and 34. They
were an extension to meet the new circumstances of the principle of the Homily Against Disobedience
and Wilful Rebellion of 1562. See also book ii, ch. x, and Canon 9, with Overall's comments. The
canons in book ii, however, were probably never adopted.

1 Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biography, fourth ed., iii, 652-653. Mr. Edmund Gosse, in his life
of Dr. Donne, i, 246-247, seems to question the accuracy of Walton's statement, but without any very
convincing reason. See his whole account of the Pseudo-Martyr, i, 245-254; also Augustus Jessopp,
John Donne, p. 69 et seq.

kxviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

The attacks of Eudaemon- Johannes upon Bishop Andrewes, referred to above,1
the reply of Bellarmine himself to Andrewes's arguments, and the contributions
of other writers on the Papal side, also brought out a number of English books, —
chiefly in defense of Andrewes, some of which have been noticed.2 Others were
the Increpatio Andreae Eudemono-Johannis Jesuitae, de in/ami Parallelo, el
renovata assertio Torturae Torti pro darissimo domino atque antistite Elieno, 1612,
of Samuel Collins; and the same author's Epphata to F. T. or, the defence of . . .
the lord Bishop of Elie . . . concerning his answer to Cardinall Bettar mines Apolo-
gie, 1617. The latter was an answer to Thomas Fitzherbert's Confutation of
certain Absurdities, Falsities, and Follies, uttered by M. D. Andrews in his Answer
to Cardinall Bellarmines Apology, 1613, to which Fitzherbert in turn replied in
The Obmutesce of F. T. to the Epphata of D. Collins. Collins's Epphata was dedi-
cated to the King and undertaken at his command. Its appearance in 1617, the
same year that its author obtained his regius professorship at Cambridge, is
hardly a mere coincidence.

To these might be added the De Potestate Papae in rebus temporalibus sive in
regibus deponendis usurpata adv. Robertum Cardinalem Bellarminum libri duo,
1614, of John Buckeridge, then bishop of Rochester, and a man high in James's
favor; and the contributions of Robert Burhill to the controversy. In addition
to his first defense of Andrewes's Tortura Torti, noticed above,3 Burhill published
in 1613 De Potestate regia et Usurpatione papali pro Tortura Torti contra Paralle-
lum Andr. Eudaemon, and Assertio pro Jure regio contra Martini Becani Jesuitae
Controversiam Anglicanam.

As early as 1610, John Gordon, dean of Salisbury, entered the struggle, a man
who enjoyed the King's favor and repaid it by literary support of some of James's
favorite projects, notably the union of England and Scotland. His first contribu-
tion to the controversy bore the title Anti-tor to-Bellarminus, sive refutatio Calumni-
arum mendaciorum, et Imposturarum Laico-Cardinalis Bellarmini contra jura
omnium regum et sinceram illibitamque famam Serenis. Principis Jacobi, etc.
He returned to it again in 1612 with his Anti-bellarmino-tortor, sive Tortus Re-
tortus.

But of all the Protestant supporters of the King's contention against the Pope,
the one whose reputation for learning was highest, whose arguments had probably
the greatest weight on the Continent, was Isaac Casaubon. Since the death of
J. J. Scaliger he was recognized as the first scholar of Europe, and like Scaliger
he was a Protestant. The death of Henry IV made Paris a place none too com-
fortable for a such a man, and James in his search for apologists was able to in-
duce him to come to England to his support. The patent for Casaubon's pension
shows that he was asked to come not merely on account of his reputation: he
was expected to render valuable service in return for his £300, the nature of
which appears in his writings. He had been invited " here to make his aboad;

1 P. kvi. « P. Ixiii. « Ibid.

INTRODUCTION Ixxix

and to be used by us as we shall see cause for the service of the church." l The
story of how he was " used " in this controversy, of the concerted efforts of the
opposite party to answer his arguments or discredit him personally, and of the
measures taken in England for his defense, has been told in the model biography
of Casaubon by Mark Pattison so much more fully and so much better than I can
tell it here that the best service I can render students of the political thought of
that time is to refer them to that book as the best account of these things, and
in fact, the best statement in English of the general conditions in intellectual
Europe which made this whole controversy what it was.2

The intellectual war which I have been endeavoring to trace was at its height
from 1606 to 1620. It did not end with the latter date, but all the important
lines in which political thought was to flow were indicated by that time. It is
true that the controversy broke out again with something of its old violence after
the Restoration; and continued until the Revolution, when many of the political
principles of the Stuarts and their time disappeared with the dynasty itself.3
Religious uniformity with the slight concessions granted under the oath was a
policy not originated by the Stuarts, but one which lasted with one interruption
till their downfall, when it was superseded by the qualified toleration of the
Toleration Act. The Oath of 1606 was a very slight advance beyond Elizabeth's
policy of a very limited " tolerance for a consideration," 4 but slight as it was it
does mark an important stage in that development in which the year 1689 stands
out with such prominence. As Dr. Figgis says, " Only because neither party
could subdue, exterminate, or banish the other was toleration the result of the
Revolution of 1688." 5

In the period between 1603 and 1625 these things were still uncertain. It was
by no means clear yet that some such fate as this might not be in store for the
Catholic party in England, and at the same time one branch of that party itself
had not yet given up hope that the tables might be completely turned after all)
and that the sufferers under such a subjugation, extermination, or banishment
would be their enemies and not themselves.

1 Isaac Casaubon, by Mark Pattison, pp. 282-283, quoted from Rymer's Foedera, xvi, 710
(London ed.).

* See particularly chs. v-ix, but ch. iv is almost equally important, and the whole book is useful.
Casaubon's contributions to the controversy were mainly in the form of letters, but they were

sometimes letters only in form. His long communications to Fronto Ducaeus (Fronton du Due) and
du Perron are really elaborate defenses of the English position as long as many of the books. In fact
it was intended that they should be separately published in book form, and they were so published.
The most important is the letter to Fronto Ducaeus. It covers almost all parts of the controversy in
an able and moderate defense of James and of the oath, and Casaubon said afterward that there was
nothing in it which the King had not seen. (Epist., p. 841). The letter to the Cardinal is almost
wholly an attempt to prove James's orthodoxy, the material for which was supplied by the King him-
self — "la piece est de sa majeste." (Pattison, Isaac Casaubon, p. 308, note 2). The Epistolae of
Casaubon have been thrice published. I have used the second edition, 1656. The letter of 1611 to
Fronto Ducaeus is number 624 in that collection, pp. 705-798; for the letter to Cardinal du Perron,
see pp. 800-936 (no. 710).

• I am here using the term Revolution as including the Act of Settlement of 1701.
4 Figgis, From Gerson to Grotius, p. 115. * From Gerson to Grotius, p. 142.

Ixxx THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

The few years of James's reign remaining after 1620 are important for political
history but for political theory they offer little that is new. The battle of the
White Hill marked the transfer of the struggle from the sphere of the intellectual
so that of the physical; and it is not laws alone that inter arma silent. But in
the years that preceded 1620 the intellectual struggle between the Protestant
Union and the Catholic League had been intense, and in it England had taken a
larger place than she had ever had in matters of general Europran concern since
the beginning of modern tunes. That important place, she owed to her peculiar
position as the great protector of Protestantism. When, after 1620, the bitter
contest between religions in Europe passed from words to arms, James played a
sorry part as protector or leader. His forte was words not acts. But in the earlier
part of the struggle there was no more conspicuous champion than he, no more
important opponent of the principles upon which the Counter-Reformation
rested and the wars of religion were to be fought. He owed this eminence, of
course, more to his office than to his ability. Not that his writings were in them-
selves negligible : they were by no means so. We have no way of knowing how
much of them is due to the King's own undoubted controversial ability, and how
much was contributed by others without hope of recognition, but these writings
as they stand would probably not have passed without notice even had they been
anonymous. We may be equally sure, however, that without the authorship of a
king, they would hardly have elicted replies from such opponents as du Perron
and Bellarmine.

APPENDIX A*'

THE TUDOR LITERATURE ON CHURCH AND STATE

The literature of the early part of this controversy is of far greater importance
for the history of political thought than is generally recognized if we may judge
from the attention it has received from the historians. The personalities, and the
prevailing practice of replying to an opponent's arguments, section by section
and almost line by line, oftentimes for some hundreds of pages, are not en-
couraging to the impatient modern reader. The Obedience of a Christen Man by -
William Tyndale must be considered one of the earliest books dealing with this
fundamental problem. It is, of course, anti-papal and urges an obedience to
kingly authority that would have satisfied a non-juror a century and a half later.
(The Whole Workes of W. Tyndall, John Frith, and Doct. Barnes, p. 97 seq.) His]
view of the relations of Church and State with which we are now immediately ,
concerned is summed up in the statement, " There is no power but of God (by
power understand the aucthoritie of kynges and princes). The powers that be,
are ordayned of God. whoseouer therefore resisteth power, resisteth god: yeaj
though he be Pope, Byshoppe, Monke or Fryer" (p. in). In 1529 Rastell
published Sir Thomas More's Dyalogue in which the author makes a violent
attack on the Protestants, defending the Church's practice in regard to images,
prayers to saints, etc. Among the men attacked was Tyndale, and he replied in
1530 in his Anns-were unto Sir Thomas Mores Dialogue (Works, p. 247 et seq.}.
For our purpose this answer is mainly significant on account of his attack on the
Pope as Antichrist (p. 289 et seq.), a subject which became so important in the
later controversy between the King and the Pope. Another important anti-
papal work of Tyndale's was his Practice of Papisticall Prelates, published also in
1530. In 1531 Berthelet printed The Newe Addicions, treating most specially of
the Power of the Parlyament, concernynge the Spiritualitie, and the Spiritual Juris-
diction. This is attributed to Saint German and is reprinted in the modern edi-
tions of the Doctor and Student, as Additions to the Second Dialogue. It is legal
rather than political. There are several other legal works of this kind dating
from this period not noticed here. They were often printed several times by
different printers. More important than these was the anonymous and undated
book published by Robert Redman, probably between 1530 and 1533 entitled A
Treatise Concernynge the division betwene the spirytualtie and temporaltie, of which
a copy exists in the British Museum Library. It also is usually attributed to
Christopher Saint German, the author of the famous legal dialogue of the Doctor
and Student. It is one of the most important early English books on the division

bood

Ixxxii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

of secular and ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The seventh chapter, for example, is a
detailed refutation based on the precedents of English law, of the claim of eccle-
siastical courts to apply the oath Ex Officio in the detection of heresy, interesting
in view of the later use of this means under royal authority by the High Com-
mission. The book is important also, because it is in answer to it that Sir Thomas
More wrote his Apology of Syr Thomas More Knight, published in 1533, in which
he defends the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and insists that the heretical doctrines
of Tyndale, Saint German, and others are urged in the interests of heresy and
not of regal power, and that they are more dangerous to the state than the claims
of the Church. He also answers in detail the objections to the Oath Ex Officio.
(The workes of Sir Thomas More Knyght . . . wrytten by him in the Englysh
tonge, London, 1557, p. 845 el seq.) This brought out another anonymous reply
from Saint German in the same year entitled Salem and Bizance (A Dialogue be-
twixte two Englyshe men, whereof one was called Salem and the other Bizance) printed
by Berthelet, Salem (Jerusalem), asserting the claims of the Church, and Bizance
(Byzantium) those of the State. Chapter XV takes up again the subject of the
Oath Ex Officio. More answered at once in his Debellacyon of Salem and Bizance,
printed by W. Rastell in 1533 (English Works, p. 929 et seq.) It is a long answer,
point by point, of Saint German's book and abounds in personalities and abuse.
These are among the most important of the early books on this great contro-
versy, but others had been busy also in the meantime. In 1533 appeared the
Oratio quae docet hortatur admonet omnes potissimum Anglos regiae dignitati cum
primis ut obediant, etc., written by Richard Sampson, successively bishop of
Chichester, and of Coventry and Litchfield. The purpose of this book is clear
enough from its title, but its chief importance probably lies in the fact that the
De Unitate Ecclesiae of Cardinal Pole was in large part an answer to it. Another
attack on papal jurisdiction was published by Berthelet in 1534, Thomas Star-
key's Exhortation to Christian Unity whose sub-title indicates its tenor — A
Treatise against the Papal Supremacy. Berthelet also brought out in the same
year another remarkable little book on the limits of ecclesiastical authority, Opus
Eximium de Vera Differentia Regiae Potestatis et Ecclesiasticae, et quae sit ipsa
Veritas ac Virtus utriusque. This book is attributed to Edward Fox, Bishop
of Hereford. A second edition appeared hi 1538, and an English translation by
Henry, Baron Stafford in 1548. It is a very concise and able exposition of the
royal position and may be worthy of a brief examination here. It is reprinted in
Goldast (vol. iii, 22-45). The plan of the author is set forth at the end of the
preface (p. 24), " Itaque primum investigare conabimur atque expendere, quo-
modo potestas ecclesiastica, ut hodie vendicatur, jure divino non innitatur.
Secundo, quemadmodum obtineat de jure divino. Tertio, qua modestia usi suit
ea potestate Pontifices boni. Quarto, quatenus propria sit Regum potestas ilia
ecclesiastica, quae sic hodie appellatur. On this basis the author divides his book
into four parts. Part one is taken up with a refutation, from Scripture and the

INTRODUCTION Ixxxiii

Fathers, of the papal claim derived from Matthew XVI, Tu es Petrus, etc., to
a power of deposing kings and absolving their subjects from the allegiance due
them (pp. 24-27). In part II he proceeds to prove that the same authorities had
conferred upon the Apostles and their successors potestatem ecclesiasticam, but,
he says, dominium negant; tribuunt authoritatem, non jurisdictionem, to ad-
monish, exhort, console, entreat, teach, preach, administer the sacraments, etc.
Leges autem, poenae, judicia, cohertiones, sententia et caetera hujusmodi pertain
to Emperors, Kings, and other powers (p. 30). Hence, he concludes, constat
Canones necessitate neminem obligare ut jam vim suam non obtineant ex autho-
ritate statuentis Pontificis canonica jura (quae vocantur,) sed recipientis populi
voluntate. The people are therefore not bound sub poena peccati mortalis to
receive these canons, nor has the Pope authoritatem statuendi canones with any
such sanction. The author proceeds to show that the Gallic and Anglican churches
have in fact rejected some of these papal laws. Qua certe ratione apparet non
aliud quam regulas esse Canones, qui vocantur, quae populus prout admiserit, et
approbarit, aut rejecerit, its demum locum solent obtinere: Nam qua ratione
aliquae reiiciuntur, etiam omnes possunt contemni (p. 31): He then shows at
length how by a long process of gradual aggression, aided by the simplicity of
princes themselves, this usurped power had been built up by the Popes, and
brings his Part II to an end with a rejection of this illegal authority. The author's
third part is short and of less importance; but Part IV, which deals with regal
power in England is of greater significance. Kingship is the form of government
dictated by nature and approved by divine law revealed in the Scriptures (p. 34).
This is proved by citations (pp. 35-37). In addition to the Bible, quotations are
given from the laws of Canute, Edgar, Athelstan and others, from the letters of
William the Conqueror, from the Constitutions of Clarendon and from other
sources, to prove the English king's lack of dependence upon the Pope (pp. 39-
44). The author sees dearly enough that the crux of the whole controversy lies
in the question of the immunity of the clergy. He adduces the statement of St.
Paul — Omnis anima potestatibus supereminentibus [Vulg. sublitnioribus] subdita
sit — qui mirum in modum confirmat Regiam et civilem potestatem, cui omnes
subesse jubet; neque Petrum excipit, neque Paulum, nullum Sacerdotem, nullum
Episcopum, non Cardinalem, non Patriarcham, non Papam, denique neminem
prorsus, nisi si quis sibi damnationem acquirere velit (p. 37).

This is, after all, the real question on which a great part of the subsequent con-
troversy turned. For the doctrine of the immunity of the clergy was the starting
point of Bellarmine's theory of the indirect power. It was to defend this immun-
ity that he accepted a division of the temporal and the spiritual by excluding
temporal rulers from all interference with spiritual affairs. He could not do this
without admitting that bishops were likewise excluded from all secular jurisdic-
tion directe, but he saved the ecclesiastical and papal authority by his reservation
of a right to interfere indirecte, and ad finem spiritualem. Of this whole theory t

Ixxxiv THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the immunity of the clergy is the core. There are many references to it in Bellar-
mine's works (See, e.g., De Clericis, cap. xxviii, Opera, ii, 160; Responsio, Opera, v,
187; Apologia, Ibid., pp. 113, 141-142, 154). The De Vera Differentia is note-
worthy for its clear recognition of the importance of this point in the controversy,
and for its insistence on the principle that there is no jurisdiction, be it temporal
or spiritual, into which the King's power does not rightfully extend. This is the
very centre and heart of the Anglican position. It was admitted even by Knox.
" Neither Christ, neither his Apostles, hath given any assurance of this immunitie
and priviledge, which men of Church (as they wilbe termed) do this day claime.
Yea, it was a thing unknowen to the primitive Churche many years after the daies
of the Apostles." (Apdlation, Workes, iv, 511). For Knox this implied no sepa-
ration of powers. It is clear from many passages in his various writings that the
King can and ought to have authority in spiritual matters. But he must exercise
it on behalf only of the truth. If he do otherwise his subjects should remove him.
The later Presbyterians differed from the papal party in their view of the priest-
hood, hence for them the clergy were never as a class personally exempt entirely
, from secular law, but they did come to hold the view that a sharp line existed
between spiritual and temporal affairs and that the power of the prince could not
jure divino extend beyond the second of these. The Anglican view (if it may be
thus referred to by anticipation) is not so clear. Convocation several times
showed a tendency to acknowledge the existence of this division. See for example
the Articles of Religion of 1562, Article 37 (Sparrow's Collections, p. 105). For
the earlier opposition to the first use of the title " Supreme Head," see Wilkins,
Concilia, iii, 724 et seq. See also the speech of Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of
York, on Elizabeth's Act of Supremacy, Parliamentary History, i, column 643 et
seq. Heath was a Catholic. But the activity of the High Commission can be
defended and explained only on the theory that no such division exists between
the spiritual and the temporal, and its absence is the basis of the practice and
much of the theory of the bishops of Elizabeth and James I. (See, e.g., Bishop
Overall's Convocation Book, Book I, canons 18, 20, 21.) Andrewes shrewdly re-
marked, " Si indirecte habet potestatem temporalem Papa, quidni et Principes
per eundem ductum habeant et ipsi indirecte quoque spiritualem, ut et illis inci-
denter agere cum Papa liceat ? " Tortura Torti, p. 27 (p. 36 of reprint). The
views of anti- Jesuit Catholics like Widdrington or William Barclay could be thus
summed up in the words of the latter: Clericos . . . per totum orbem, quocun-
que ordine vel gradu sint, non esse adhuc ullo modo exemptos et liberates a potes-
tate temporali Principum secularium in quorum regnis et regionibus vitam
degunt, sed perinde ac caeteri cives iis subjectos esse in omnibus, quae ad politi-
cam et temporalem administrationem et jurisdictionem pertinent. (De Potestate
Papae, pp. 265-266.) In short, they accept the Presbyterian theory of the two
kingdoms, though their position was the harder to defend because they held the
Catholic doctrine of the nature of priestly authority.

INTRODUCTION kxxv

As Tunstall put it in 1531, the supreme headship of the Church was propositio
multiplex to which no simple answer could be given (Wilkins, Concilia, iii, 745),
a propositio upon which — to judge from recent ecclesiastical cases before the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council — the judges and ecclesiastics would
probably not be in agreement to this day. But without attempting to define it,
one may safely say that in the sixteenth century the power exercised under it was
by no means confined to the field we designate as merely temporal. Much light
is thrown on this general question by the masterly paper by Dr. Figgis, entitled
Respublica Christiana, reprinted as Appendix I in his Churches in the Modern
State.

This digression was provoked by the questions brought up in the De Vera
Differentia, and that little book was itself summarized because it is brief and yet
a good example of the method employed at that tune in this controversy. I may
now return to a brief consideration of the development of these ideas in the years
following. Soon after the Act of Supremacy Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Win-
chester, entered the controversy on the royal side in his De Vera Obedientia Oratio}
(printed in Goldast's Monarchia, i, pp. 716-733), in which he sets out to prove
among other things that the Roman pontiff has no imperium over other churches,
and that a Christian king, prince, or magistrate ought to be suae Ecclesiae Su^) v
premum in terris caput. It is a very able and important book. A short summary
of its contents is given in Figgis's Divine Right of King's, ed. 2, pp. 94-96. An-
other book on this side, published by Berthelet in 1538, is A Treatise, proving by
the Kinges Lawes, that the Byshops of Rome had never ryght to any Supremacie
•within this Realme.

In 1546, appeared the De Supremo et Absolute Regis Imperio Liber Unus oC1
John Bekinsau (reprinted in Goldast, i, 733-755), which upholds the prince's,'
ecclesiastical jurisdiction mainly on the authority of Scripture and the Fathers. J

Meanwhile, in addition to Sir Thomas More, Cardinal Pole had come to the
defense of the Papacy against these attacks. (Reginaldi Poli, Cardinalis Britanni,
Ad Henricum Octavum Britanniae Regem? Pro Ecclesiasticae Unitatis Defensione,
Libri Quatuor, Ingoldstadt, 1587, first published probably in 1536). His book
combats the claims of the upholders of secular authority, particularly Sampson,
but as its name indicates, it is addressed directly to Henry himself and has a
distinctly personal tone. With sorrow but also with a good deal of bitterness
Pole attacks Henry and his ecclesiastical policy as against Scripture and the law
of the Church — Dico igitur, dico hanc abs te injuriam Ecclesiae inferri, qua
haud scio an major potuerit, quod suum illi caput in terris aufers, cum Ponti-
ficem Romanum unicum in terris Ecclesiae caput, et Christi Vicarium negas
(P- 12).

This question of jurisdiction which had thus been raised by Henry was revived
by Elizabeth's Act of Supremacy, and particularly by the oath required in it of
ecclesiastics. While the whole controversy between England and Rome was

Ixxxvi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

touched upon, for example, in the bitter exchanges between Bishop Jewel and
Thomas Harding, the political side of the struggle is mainly concentrated on the
oath of supremacy. Among the most important of the writings brought out by
this quarrel was the book of John Feckenham, last abbot of Westminster, The
Declaration of Such Scruples and Stays of Conscience touching the Oath of Suprem-
acie as Mr. J. F. by writing did deliver unto the Lord Bishop of Winchester, with his
Resolution made thereupon, etc., London, 1565. This was answered by Robert
Home, Bishop of Winchester, an extreme Protestant, in his Answer to Feckenham' s
Scruples and Staies of Conscience touching the Oath of Supremacie, 1566. This, in
turn, was replied to by Thomas Stapleton, in a long and elaborate statement of
the whole controversy and of the arguments against the oath, probably the most
valuable book on this part of the controversy — A Counterblast to M. Homes
Vayne Blaste Against M. Fekenham, Wherein is set forthe A ful Reply to M.
Hornes Answer, and to euery part thereof made, against the Declaration of my L.
Abbat of Westminster, M. Fekenham, touching, The Othe of the Supremacy. Lou-
vain, 1567. It is somewhat a matter of dispute whether the substance of this
book is the work of Feckenham, of Nicholas Harpsfield, or of Stapleton himself,
but in any case it is the most elaborate and important of the works against the
oath. This partial list might close with Francis Bunny's A Survey of the Pope's
Supremacie, an answer to Bellarmine which first appeared in 1590.

The decrees of the Council of Trent and the Papal bull deposing Elizabeth in
1570, as we have seen, seemed to close the door to a reconciliation between the
Papacy and England which had always been a possibility before, and henceforth
the Anglicans are to the Pope not merely heretics but schismatics, while the
English Catholics are to Elizabeth sectaries of a particularly dangerous kind.

By the activity of the Jesuits and of the Spanish monarchy this question of
jurisdiction is now rapidly shifted to the field of action as well as of thought, and
the matter can therefore be better treated in the text than here.

APPENDIX B

COWELL'S INTERPRETER

Cowell's Interpreter was published at Cambridge in 1607. In 1610, during
the struggle with the King over the matter of supply, the Commons took notice
of the book and objected to the author's views of royal power as expressed in his
definitions of Subsidy, King, Parliament, and Prerogative; "on all of which
words the said Dr. Cowell had so unadvisedly enlarged himself." Conferences
had been held by Lords and Commons on this subject when proceedings were
stopped by the Lord Treasurer's announcement to the Lords that the King had
condemned the book and would take action himself. James's proclamation
against the book is printed in the preface to the edition of the Interpreter pub-
lished at London in 1708. It is significant that the second edition (London,
1637) contains all the " offensive " definitions unchanged, and this was made
one of the charges against Laud at his trial (History of the Troubles and TryaT),
pp. 229, 235-236. They were altered in subsequent editions and new material
was added. The number of editions proves the usefulness of the book: it was
one of the best law dictionaries of its day and is still valuable. The objection-
able definitions from the earlier editions are conveniently given in Prothero's
Statutes and Constitutional Documents, 2d ed., pp. 409-411 with unavoidable,
but unfortunate omissions.

Though the brunt of Parliament's objection to this book ostensibly fell upon
the definition of subsidy and of King, Parliament, and Prerogative, there is reason
to think there was more in the background. Arthur Wilson, in his History of
James I, says that the common lawyers were irritated by some expressions of
James "that fell from him publickly at his dinner, in derogation of the Common
Law, extolling highly the Civil Law before it; and approving a Book lately
written by Doctor Cowell, a Civilian, against it: Which netled our great Lawyers,
that had not some of them been raised so high, that they could not with that
Court-gag look downwards, it had bred a contest." pp. 45-46. Some probability
is given to this by James's words in his speech to Parliament a few days after the
debates in Parliament (March 21, 1609-10), in which he cites his censure of the
book in disproof of the impression which he says is abroad " that I would haue
wished the Ciuill Law to haue bene put in place of the Common Law for gouern-
ment of this people," a complaint which, he says " was a part of the occasion of
this incident." His elaborate explanation and defense of the Civil Law in the
same speech (Works, p. 532 et seq., post, p. 310), hardly seem called for except

Izzrvii

Ixxxviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

on some such supposition as this. Fuller's account of Cowell (Worthies, i, 420)
is more than consistent with this view. At this time, he says, " the contest was
heightened betwixt the civilians and common lawyers, Cowel being the champion of
the former, whom king James countenanced as far as he could with conveniency."
He tells us also that Coke " was pleased in derision to call him Doctor Cow-heel."
If we remember how really serious the assault was upon the common law, and if
we duly consider that the King was in more than secret sympathy with it, these
statements seem not improbable. The Articuli Cleri, to which Cowell no doubt
contributed, were a real menace to the jurisdiction of the courts of common law,
and they and the Canons of 1606 must be considered together. The common
law was on its defence, and it is quite possible, as has been hinted, that CowelTs
article on Littleton had as much to do with this quarrel as his definition of
subsidy. The debates in the Commons in 1610 leave little doubt that Parlia-
ment's attack on the royalist doctrines was made as much in the interests of the
common law as of the liberty of the subject. It may not be, it cannot be, with-
out considerable significance for the history of law and of political thought that
the theories of a civilian should stir up so much strife in England just at this time.
Dr. Cowell published another book in 1605 entitled Institutiones Juris Anglicani,
Ad Methodum el Seriem Institutionum Imperialium compositae &* digestae, the
only attempt to do this, so far as I know — and a very able one — between the
Middle Ages and 1883. The edition I have used was published at Oxford in 1664.
Cf . Sir George Mackenzie's Institutions of the Law of Scotland, which also follow
the general order of Justinian's Institutes. This earlier book of Dr. Cowell's was
no doubt in the minds of the Parliament men when they made their outcry
against the Interpreter. In book i, title 2, section 5, Dr. Cowell, in discussing
Parliamentary legislation, says, in hoc tamen Rex Anglorum legibus est superior,
quod privilegia pro arbitrio suo, dummodo tertio non injuriosa personis singulis,
vel etiam mun[i]cipiis aut collegiis concedere possit. In quibus etiam si dubita-
tiones aliquae oriantur, aliquorum opinione ipse solus earum interpretandarum
potestatem habet, licet alii instituariis quoque regiis hanc potestatem adscribant,
ut chartas regias juxta juris regulas explicare possint. This important book and its
views have not been sufficiently considered by historians. James approved of
them and the Commons as strongly disapproved, but the statements of the In-
terpreter offered a better point of attack. On the general topic of this note see in
addition to the references above, Parliamentary History i, 1122 et seq.; Parlia-
mentary Debates in 1610 (Camden Society), pp. 19, 22-25; The Journals of the
Lords, and of the Commons; The Interpreter, editions of 1607 or 1637, and the
preface by the editor of the edition of 1708; Roger Coke's Detection (1697),
pp. 59-60; Maitland, English Law and the Renaissance; Gardiner, History of
England, ii, 66-68; Lucy Aikin's, Memoirs of the Court of James I, i, 290-291;
Usher, The Reconstruction of the English Church, i, book ii, chs. iii-v, ii, book iii,

INTRODUCTION Ixxxix

chs. ii, ix-xi. This valuable account though possibly slightly over hostile to the
extravagance of the demands of the common lawyers, indicates better than any
other I know the fundamental nature and the seriousness of this struggle for
jurisdiction. The Articuli Cleri are reprinted in Coke's Institutes, 2d part, p. 601
et seq. See also in 12 and 13 Coke's Reports the many cases involving the pre-
rogative, especially Part xii, pp. 58, 63, 65, 72, 76, 109, 112; Part xiii, pp. 12, 30,
37, 58-

APPENDIX C

JAMES AND THE PURITANS

It is evident from James's writings that the root of his inveterate hatred of
Puritans was really political not religious. His own training and convictions in
matters purely doctrinal were not essentially different frohi those of Doctor John
Reynolds, and even in questions of ceremonial he would probably, in the begin-
ning, have preferred a less formal order of worship than any " evil-said mass in
English." Neither had he any of the later high Anglican views of the divine origin
of episcopacy. But he did hate Puritans above any other religious party in either
of his kingdoms and his hatred was of long standing. .He had learned longj>e-
fore he came to England that their political doctrines were incompatible with his
own high views of the spiritual powers of " God's Lieutenant." It was as King,
not as Christian that he feared and disliked the opinions of Puritan and Jesuit
alike. " Popularity " and " parity " as held by the one were the same to him as
popularity and popery advocated by the other, and they were hateful in each
because they were equally fatal to his most cherished authority as " supreme
governor." In this respect at least presbyter was but " priest writ large." His
real opinion was never better stated than in his own aphorism at the Hampton
Court Conference, " No Bishop no King." " I have learned," he says, " of
what cut they have been, who, preaching before me, since my coming into England
passed over, with silence, my being Supreme Governour in causes Ecdesiasticall."
" If you aime at a Scottish Presbytery, it agreeth as well with Monarchy, asGpd
and the Devill." " If this be all your Party hath to say, I will make them con-
forme themselves, or else I will harrie them out of the Land, or else doe worse."
(Fuller, Church History, 1655, book x, pp. 18-19). This opinion, though con-
firmed since his coming into England had been formed in his earlier struggles
with the Scottish Lords of the Congregation. As early as 1599 he had warned
his son against the Puritans — " uerie pestes in the Church and Common-weale "
(Basilikon Doron, Works, pp. 160-161, post p. 24) and against the "preposterous
humilitie of one of the proud Puritanes, claiming to their Paritie, and crying, Wee
are all but vile wormes, and yet, will iudge and giue law to their King, but
will be iudged nor controlled by none." (Ibid., Works, p. 175, post, p. 38.)
" Surely," he exclaims, " there is more pride vnder such a ones blacke bonnet,
then under Alexander the great his Diademe " (ibid.}. He urges Henry to keep
a watchful eye on these preachers " that they vague not fipm their text in the
Pulpit." " And if euer ye would haue peace hi your land, suffer them not to
meddle in that place with the estate or policie; but punish seuerely the first that

zc

INTRODUCTION xci

presumeth to it." Reasoning with them will not be effectual — "I haue ouer-
much surfeited them with that " [It may well be believed.] " and it is not their
fashion to yeeld." Therefore, he says, " suffer no conuentions nor meetings
among Church-men, but by your knowledge and permission." (Ibid., Works,
p. 175, post, p. 39). In the preface to the published work, James, in fear for his
succession, lamely tries to allay the hostility aroused among the powerful Pres-
byterian party in England, by the disingenuous statement that these remarks
were originally meant to apply only to "that vile sect amongst the Anabaptists,
called the Family of loue" and to a few other "brain-sicke and headie Preach-
ers " such as Brown and Penry (ibid., Works, pp. 142 et seq., post, p. 6), but
it is evident enough that they included all believers in parity. ^—^^&.

In his speech to his first English Parliament, James divides the people of
England into three classes on the basis of their faith, those of the true religion,
Papists, and " a sect rather than a Religion . . . the Puritanes and Nouelists."
(Speech of 1603, Works, p. 490, post, p. 274.) It may be suspected that even the
" Heresy " nf Vnrstinc; wag hatpfnl largely because of its.a,uthor's belief in " par-
ity " (Declaration against Vorstius, Works, p. 370^; and James leaves us in no
doubt that the common offence of Jesuits and Puritans was a political one.
" Jesuits are nothing but Puritan-papists." (Monitory Preface, Works, pp. 305-
306, post, p. 126.) The King's common objection to " a Scottish Presbytery"
and to "a visible monarch" in the Church (ibid., Works, p. 306, post, pp. 126-127)
arose from his clear conviction that neither would brook a " supreme governor."
And so in 1616 he urges his justice of assize not to let " the Church nor Church-
men bee disgraced in your Charges, nor Papists nor Puritanes countenanced."
(Works, p. 569, post, p. 344-)

A tendency toward the end of James's life to incline in the direction of the
doctrine as well as the policy of the English Church may possibly be seen in one
of the last of James's writings, in which he warns against " letting slippe the
hold of the true Church," and trusting to the " priuate spirit of Reformation,
according to our Puritans doctrine." By which, he says, "it is easie to fall and
slide by degrees into the Chaos, filthy sinke and farrago of all horrible heresies,
whereof hell is the just reward." (A Meditation upon the Lords Prayer, Works,
P- 577-) This and the Paternefor a Kings Inauguration were printed in 1620 and
included at the end of James's earlier works published together first in 1616.

APPENDIX D

A CONFERENCE ABOUT THE NEXT SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN
OF ENGLAND, AND OTHER BOOKS BY ROBERT PARSONS

Robert Parsons, according to his enemies, the secular priests, was a man
" whose turnings and doublings are such as would trouble a right good hound to
trace him." (Important Considerations, p. 65). There can be no doubt that the
opinions expressed in the Next Conference were exactly those held by Parsons,
but the book was published under a fictitious name, a practice common and neces-
sary at the time and one frequently followed by Parsons. There has, therefore,
been some doubt as to the part Parsons took in its composition. On the authority
of Camden it has been said that Wingfield and Cardinal Allen were equally re-
sponsible with him, and Watson indignantly charged that it was "fathered . . .
upon the dead Cardinal Allane by Name" (Important Considerations, Epistle, pp.
14, 17). It is entirely possible that the book was suggested by a memorial on the
English succession addressed to the King of Spain about 1587 by Parsons and
Allen jointly, as Taunton suggests (History of the Jesuits in England, pp. 123-
124), but it is hard to escape the conclusion of Canon Tierney that the composi-
tion of the book was the work of Parsons alone. See his elaborate note to Dodd's
Church History, iii, p. 31 et seq., also Taunton, op. cit., pp. 150-151, 181, 282-284,
426-427, 461, and especially Appendix, pp. 476-477. Taunton is in agreement with
Tierney. It is impossible here to give a summary of this remarkable book. Its
general theory is much the same as that of the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos from
which, it is easy to guess, many of its arguments are drawn; particularly the
superiority of the populus universus to the prince, though he is superior to any
individual subject (A Conference, pt. i, p. 58, ed. of 1681). But there is a greater
insistence on the orthodoxy of the King, as might be expected (ibid., pp. 163, 168-
170, etc.). There is in it also an interesting tendency toward a pragmatic inter-
pretation of history; as shown in the author's assertion " That lawful Princes
have of tentimes by their Commonwealths been lawfully deposed for misgovern-
ment; and that God hath allowed of, and assisted the same with good success
unto the Weal-publick" (pt. i, p. 50). Sir Thomas Craig correctly saw that this
was the real difference between his own view and that of Parsons, and insisted
that the question was " not at all of what is Profitable and Advantageous, but of
what is Right and Just." (Concerning the Right of Succession, pt. ii, p. 386.) The
best proof of the importance of the Next Conference consists in the evident use
made of it by later writers of a republican tendency, and by the numerous answers
of opponents. In 1648 — the tune is significant — Part I was republished under

INTRODUCTION xciii

the title Sever all Speeches delivered at a Conference concerning the Power of Parlia-
ment, to proceed against their King for Mis government, with only such alteration ^
of phraseology as seemed necessary to conceal its origin. Such an artifice was of
no avail against an antagonist like William Prynne, who exposed the deception
in his famous speech in the House of Commons on December 4, 1648 (Parl. Hist.,
iii, 1235). Clement Walker also detected it in his History of Independency, pub-
lished in the same year (pt. i, p. 115). I have carefully compared this book with i
the Conference and verified the statements of Prynne and Walker.

In 1655 another disguised republication of parts of Parson's book appeared
under the title A Treatise concerning the broken Succession of the Crown of England.
And finally, in 1681 a second edition of the whole book appeared, reprinted ex-
actly from the first by the supporters of the Exclusion Bill. The books referred
to above are more or less exact copies of Doleman, but the influence of the Next
Succession is also to be seen in almost all the books written on this side of the
great controversy well into the eighteenth century. The importance of this book
appears also from the replies it elicited. In the opinion of George Hickes, the non-
juring bishop, it was " the most pestilent and dangerous Piece that ever was
written against this Government." As early as 1600 appeared a Catholic Answer
to Dolman on the Succession to the English Crown, published in Paris, and usually
attributed to Charles Paget, a layman, but one of the most bitter of the Catholic
enemies of Parsons. (See D. N. B., Paget, Charles). In 1603, Sir John Hayward
published An Answer to the First Part of a Certaine Conference, Concerning Suc-
cession, Published not long since under the name of R. Dolman.

Hayward's book is abusive but not particularly powerful. The imminence of
Elizabeth's death was also the occasion of another book on the same subject but
of a different order of merit. In 1602, Thomas Craig finished writing a defense
of legitimism and of the title of James I which is, all considered, the ablest con-
tribution on that side of the great argument. It was written in Latin and the
dedication to James VI was dated January i, 1603. Just one hundred years
later this book was first published in an English translation under the title,
Concerning the Right of Succession to the Kingdom of England. Two Books against
the Sophisms of one Parsons a Jesuite who assumed the Counterfeit Name of Doleman,
etc., London, 1703. The author relies on law, divine and human, civil and com-
mon, rather than on analogy. Like all contemporaries he also uses Scripture and
history but his superiority lies in his evident knowledge of Roman law, to which
Hayward could lay small claim. His answer is more complete than Hayward's,
covering both parts of Doleman, and is less scurrilous, though it is evident that
he knew Parsons to be the real author of the Next Conference (p. 142).

Among the many books defending legitimism published toward the end of the
seventeenth century, at least two are intended as direct answers to Parsons,
Edward Felling's The Apostate Protestant, London, 1682, and the Jus Regium of
Sir George Mackenzie, London, 1684.

xciv THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

One statement from the first of these is an interesting commentary on the
continuity of political ideas. Felling, in commenting on the passage of Watson's
Quodlibets (p. 27), which compares the disobedience of Jesuits and Puritans, says,
" However, one Faction has hither so shifted it self into another, that the old
Puritan, that was peaceable and fair-conditioned, is quite gone out of the world;
he has been long ago lost in the Presbyterian, and the Presbyterian too is upon
the matter lost in the Independent, and all of them are so lost in the Jesuit, that
if you go to unkennel the Fox, 'tis an even Lay whether you hunt a Jesuit or a
Whig " (p. 49). Among the many other books of Parsons that were important
in their influence on English political thought, space permits the mention of only
one, A Memorial of the Reformation of England, 1 596. This was republished after
the Revolution, in 1690, with the title The Jesuit's Memorial, for the Intended
Reformation of England, Under their First Popish Prince, edited by Edward Gee.

A curious commentary on the peculiar methods of Parsons is furnished by a
comparison of his De Persecutions Anglicana, 1582, or his Elizabethae Angliae
Reginae . . . Edictum, Lyons, 1592, which loudly complain of Elizabeth's reli-
gious persecution ; with a statement of the Jesuit's Memorial of 1 596. In the latter
Parsons urges his orthodox King of England to grant a temporary toleration to
such heretics, but such alone, as live quietly, are desirous of learning the truth,
and do not teach, preach, or seek to infect others. This, however, must not be a
grant of religious liberty, but only " a certain Connivence or Toleration of Magis-
trates only for a certain time to be limited, and with particular Conditions and
Exceptions, that no meetings, assemblies, preaching or perverting of others be
used," pp. 32-34 (edition of 1690). These books were all practically anonymous.
A list of the writings of Parson's is found in the excellent article in the D. N. B.,
written by the late T. G. Law, and a summary of some of his most important
books is given by Taunton, History of the Jesuits in England, Appendix, p. 475 et
seq. For the general question of the influence of the Next Succession, see in addi-
tion to the references given above, Gooch, The History of English Democratic
Ideas, p, 37, note 4; Figgis, Divine Right, 2d ed., p. 147; Foulis, The History of
Romish Treasons, 2d ed., 1681, pp. 80, 500-506; Brady, A True and Exact History
of the Succession of the Crown of England, An Introduction to the Old English His-
tory, 1684, pp. 353-357; and especially the dedication and preface of the editor
in Craig's Right of Succession to the Kingdom of England, 1703.

APPENDIX E

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Sections from the Correspondence of the First Lord Acton, edited by J. N.

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xcvi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

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Examen Concordiae Anglicanae de primatu Ecclesiae Regio, Moguntiae, 1613.

De Republica Ecclesiastica, libri quatuor, contra Mar cum Antonium de

Dominis, etc., Moguntiae, 1610.

Bekinsau, John, De Supremo et Absolute Regis Imperio Liber Unus, 1546, reprinted
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Bellarmine (Bellarminus, Bellarmino) Robert, Disputationum Roberti Bellarmini
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fei, editor), Venice, 1721, Tertia Controversia Generalis, de Summo Pontific&

INTRODUCTION xcvii

(De Romano Pontifice), pp. 241-446; Tontus secundus, Controversias Quatuor
Generales Complectens, Controversia Secunda, De Membris Ecdesiae, Lib. I,
De Clericis, pp. 116-167; lib. iii, De Laicis, pp. 254-280; Variorum Operum
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sponsio ad Librum Inscriptum Triplici Nodo Triplex Cuneus, pp. 155-188.
Tractatus de Potestate Summi Pontificis in Rebus Temporalibus adversus

Gulielmum Barclaium, Rome, 1610.
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Biographic Universdle.

(Birch, Thomas), The Court and Times of James the First, London, 1848.
Blackwood, Adam, Apologia pro Regibus, etc., 1581.

Blondel, David, Traite Historique de la Primaute de I'Eglise, etc., Geneva, 1641.
Boderie, Antoine de la, Les Ambassades de M. de la Boderie en Angleterre de

1602 a 1611, Paris, 1750.
Bodin, De Republica Libri Sex, Lyon, 1586.
Bossuet, (Euvres, Versailles, 1817 — , volumes 31-33, Defensio Declarationis Con-

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Bozius, F., De Temporali Ecdesiae Monarchia el Jurisdictione, Romae, 1601.
Brady, Robert, A True and Exact History of the Succession of the Crown of Eng-
land, ad ed., in Introduction to the Old English History, London, 1684, p. 327

et seq.
Brightman, Thomas, Antichristum Pontificiorum monstrum fictitium esse, Amber-

gae, 1610.
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Camden Society, 1849.
Correspondence of King James VI of Scotland with Sir Robert Cecil and

others. Camden Society, 1861.
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1860—.
Buchanan, George. De Jure Regni apud Scotos, 1579, published with his Rerum

Scolicarum Historia, Amsterdam, 1643.

Buckeridge, John, De Potestate Papae in rebus Temporalibus, etc., London, 1614.
Bunny, Francis, A Survey of the Pope's Supremacie, London, 1595.
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canam, 1613.
Burnet, Gilbert, Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles, 1699.

xcviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

The History of the Reformation of the Church of England, London, 1850.

Camm, Dom Bede, editor, Lives of the English Martyrs, London, 1904 — .
Campanella, Thomas, De Monarchia Hispanica, Amsterdam, 1641; English

translation (by Edmund Chilmead), London, 1654; a second edition of the

same with preface by William Prynne.
Capellus, F. M. Antonii Capelli . . . adversus praetensum Primatum Ecclesiasti-

cum Regis Angliae Liber, etc., Bononiae, 1610.

Cardwell, Edward, Documentary Annals of the Reformed Church of England, Ox-
ford, 1844.
Carerius, Alex., De Potestate Romani Pontificis adversus impios politicos, & nostri

temporis hereticos.

Carleton, George, Jurisdiction Regatt, Episcopall, Papall, etc., London, 1610.
Carlyle, R. W. and A. J., A History of Mediaeval Political Theory in the West,

1903—.
Casaubon, Isaac, Isaaci Casauboni Epistolae, curante Johanne Georgio Graevio,

Brunsvigae, 1656.

I. C. G. De Libertate Ecclesiastica, 1607, reprinted in Goldast, Monarchia, i,

pp. 674-716.

Epistola Frontoni Ducaeo, 1611.

Epistola Jacobo Davy Perronio Cardinali, 1612.

(Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh (?)), The Execution of Justice in England, 1584,

Harleian Miscellany, ii, 122 et seq., ed. of 1744 — ; a Latin edition, Justitia

Britannica, London, 1584.

(Challoner, Richard), Memoirs of Missionary Priests (London), 1741.
Cheke, Sir John, The Hurt of Sedition, how grievous it is to a Commonwealth,

London, 1549, reprinted in Holinshed's Chronicle (London, 1808, vol. Hi,

pp. 987-1011).
This book was in the library of James when he was a youth. See The

Library of James VI, 1573-1583 (Publications of the Scottish Historical

Society, vol. xv, Edinburgh, 1893).
Christopherson, Michael, A Treatise of Antichrist, 1613.
Coeffeteau, Nicolas, Responce a V advertissement addresse par . . . Jacques I" a

tous le princes et potentats de la chrestiente. Rouen, 1610.

Apologie pour la responce a V advertissement, etc.

Coke, Sir Edward, The Second Part of the Institutes of the Laws of England, 6th ed.,

London, 1681.
Reports, part v, p. i, Caudrey's Case. (Of the King's Ecclesiastical Law);

parts xi and xii.
Collins, Samuel, Increpatio Andreae Eudaemono-Johannis Jesuitae, 1612.

Epphata to F. T., or., the defence of . . . the Lord Bishop of Elie, 1617.

Coquaeus, Examen Praefationis Monitor iae Jacobi I, etc., Freiburg in Breisgau,

1610.

INTRODUCTION xcix

Cosin, Richard, An Apologie for Sundrie Proceedings by Jurisdiction Ecclesiasti-
call, London, 1593.

Coton, Pierre, Lettre Declaratoire de la doctrine des Peres Jesuites, etc., Paris, 1610.
It is also given in Mercure Francois, Tome I, p. 848. English Translation,
A Letter to the Queen Regent of France, etc., London, 1610.

Cotton, Sir Robert, Twenty-four Arguments, Whether it be more expedient to sup-
press Popish Practices Against the due Allegiance of his Majesty. By the
Strict Executions, touching Jesuites and Seminary Priests. Or, To restrain
them to Close Prisons, during life, if no Reformation follow, 1613, Cottoni
Posthuma, 1679, p. 109 el seq.

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1607, London, 1637; A Law Dictionary: or the Interpreter of Words and
Terms, etc., London, 1708 (with additions and changes). There are several
other editions.

Craig, Sir Thomas, Concerning the Right of Succession to the Kingdom of England,
Two Books, London, 1703. The original, in Latin, was dedicated to James
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Cristanovic, Stanislaus, Examen Catholicum Edicti Anglicani, quod contra Catho-
licos est latum, Auctoritate Parlamenti Angliae, A.D. 1606, Paris, 1607.

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Destombes, La Persecution Religieuse en Angleterre sous le Regne d'Elisabeth,
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Tierney, London, 1840.

Dollinger, J. J. I. von, and Reusch, F. H., Die Selbstbiographie des Kardinals
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Dominis, Marcus Antonius De, De Republica Ecclesiastica.
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Downame, George, A Treatise affirming the Pope to be Antechrist, London, 1603.

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Dunning, William Archibald, A History of Political Theories from Luther to Mon-
tesquieu, New York, 1905.

Eudaemon- Johannes, Andreas, Parallelus Torti ac Tortoris ejus L. Cicestrensis,
etc., Coloniae Agrippinae, 1611.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I
Responsio ad epistolam Isaaci Casauboni, Coloniae Aggrippinae, 1612.

A Large Examination taken at Lambeth . . . of M. George Blackwett, London,
1607; Latin version in Goldast, Monarchia, iii, 578-612.

Feckenham, John, The Declaration of Such Scruples and Stays of Conscience touch-
ing the Oath of Supremacy as Mr. J. F. by writing did deliver unto the Lord
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Feret, P., Le Cardinal du Perron, Paris, 1876.

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Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century, Cambridge Modern History, iii,

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Historical Society, N. s., xi, 89.

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- Aaron's Rod Blossoming or Jus Divinum in 1646, in The Divine Right of

Kings, 2d ed., p. 267.

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- Respublica Christiana, reprinted in Churches in the Modern State, p. 175.
Filmer, Sir Robert, Patriarcha, London, 1884.

- Observations upon Mr. Bunion's Treatise of Monarchy; or the Anarchy of a
Limited or Mixed Monarchy, London, 1680.

Observations upon H. Grotius de Jure Belli 6° Pacis, London, 1680. This and

the preceding paper were published with the Free-holders Grand Inquest, a
book often ascribed to Filmer but probably the work of Sir Robert Holborne.

Fitzherbert, Thomas, A Discussion of the Answere of M. William Barlow, 1612.
This book by Parsons contains a long preface by Fitzherbert.

- A Supplement to the Discussion of M. D. Barlow's Answer, 1613.

- A Confutation of certaine Absurdities, Falsities, and Follies, uttered by M. D
Andrews in his Answer to Cardinall Bellarmine's Apology, 1613.

Of the Oath of Fidelity or Allegiance against the Theological Disputations of

Roger Widdrington, 1614.

The Obmutesce of F. T. to the Epphata of D. Collins, 1621.

Floyd, John, God and the King; or a Dialogue wherein is treated of Allegiance due

to ... K. James within his Dominions, etc., 1620.
Foley, Henry, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, London,

1877—.
Foulis, Henry, The History of Romish Treasons and Usurpations, 2d ed., London,

1681.
(Fox, Edward), Opus Eximium de Vera Differentia Regiae Potestatis el Ecclesi-

asticae, etc., London, 1534, reprinted in Goldast, Monarchia, iii, 23 et seq.;

English translation by Henry, Baron Stafford, London (1548).
Frere, W. H., The English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I., Lon-
don, 1904.

INTRODUCTION ci

Franck, A., Reformateurs et Publicistes de I' Europe, Volume II, Dix-Septie"me

Siecle, Paris, 1881. Especially for Suarez, Mariana, and Campanella.
Froude, J. A., History of England, New York, 1872.
Fuller, Thomas, The Church History of Britain, London, 1655.

The History of the Worthies of England, London, 1840.

Gardiner, S. R., History of England from the Accession of James I to the Outbreak
of the Civil War, London, 1883.

Editor, The Fortescue Papers, Camden Society, 1871.

Editor, Parliamentary Debates in 1610, Camden Society, 1862.

Gardiner, Stephen, De Vera Obedientia, Oratio, 1535 or 1536, reprinted in
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(Garter, Bernard (?)), A New Yeares Gifte, dedicated to the Popes Holinesse and all
Catholikes addicted to the Sea of Rome . . . by B. G., Citizen of London,
London, 1579. It includes a letter of Tunstall and John Stokesley, Bishop of
London, to Cardinal Pole concerning his Pro Ecclesiasticae Unitatis Defen-
sione and the King's headship.

Gilby, Anthony, An Admonition to England and Scotland, to Call them to Repent-
ance, Geneva, 1558, reprinted in The Works of John Knox, edited by David
Laing, Edinburgh, 1864, iv, 553-571.

Gillow, Joseph, A Literary and Biographical History or Bibliographical Dictionary
of the English Catholics, London.

Goldast, Melchior, Melchioris Goldasti . . . Monarchiae S. Romani Imperii,
. . . [tomi tres], Frankfort, 1668.

Gooch, G. P., The History of English Democratic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century,
Cambridge, 1898.
- Political Thought in England from Bacon to Halifax, London.

Goodman, Christopher, How Superior Powers ought to be obeyed of their subjects
and wherein they may lawfully be by God's words disobeyed and resisted, etc.,
Geneva, 1558.

Gordon, John, Anti-torto-Bellarminus, London, 1610.

Anti-bellarmino-tortor, siue Tortus Retortus, 1612.

Gosse, Edmund, The Life and Letters of John Donne, London, 1899.

Gosselin, M., Le Pouvoir du Pape au Moyen Age, translated by the Rev. Mat-
thew Kelly, The Power of the Pope during the Middle Ages, London, 1853.

Graser, Conrad, Plaga Regia, 1610.

Gretser, J., Jacobi Gretseri Sociatatis Jesu Theologi Opera Omnia, Ratisbon, 1736.

Basilikon Dor on, Opera, Omnia, vii, i-i 16.

Defensio Operum Bellarmini, Opera Omnia, ix.

Grotius, Hugonis Grotii de Jure Belli ac Pacts Libri Tres, Amsterdam, 1680.
Guilday, Peter, The English Catholic Refugees on the Continent 1558-1795, 1914.
Gwatkin, H. M., Church and State in England to the Death of Queen Anne, Lon-
don, 1917.

cii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Haile, Martin, An Elizabethan Cardinal, William Allen, London, 1914.

Hales, John, A Declaration of the Succession of the Crowne Imperiall of Ingland,
1563, reprinted in The Hereditary Right of the Crown of England asserted (by
George Harbin), London, 1713, Appendix, no. vii, p. xx.

Hallam, Henry, Introduction to the Literature of Europe, London, 1847.

- The Constitutional History of England, New York, 1897.

(Harbin, George), The Hereditary Right of the Crown of England Asserted, Lon-
don, 1713.

The Harleian Miscellany, London, 1744 — .

Harris, Richard, Concordia Anglicana de primatu Ecclesiae regio adversus Beca-
num de dissidio Anglicano, London, 1612; in English, The English Concord,
etc., London, 1614.

Harris, William, An Historical and Critical Account of the Life and Writings of
James I King of Great Britain. After the Manner of Mr. Bayle, Drawn from
Original Writers and State-Papers, ad ed., London, 1772.

(Hayward, Sir John), An Answer to the First Part of a Certaine Conference Con-
cerning Succession, Published not long since under the name of R. Dolman,
London, 1603.

Higden, William, A View of the English Constitution, with respect to the sovereign
authority of the Prince and the allegiance of the Subject, London, 1709.

A Defence of the View of the English Constitution, etc., London, 1710.

Hobbes, Thomas, De Cive, 1642, published as Elementa Philosophica de Cive,
Amsterdam, 1657; in English, Philosophical Elements of a True Citizen, The
English Works of Thomas Hobbes, edited by Molesworth, ii, London, 1841.

• Leviathan, London, 1651, Cambridge, 1904, etc.

Certain Sermons or Homilies appointed to be Read in Churches in the Time of Queen
Elizabeth of famous Memory (1562), Dublin, 1767.

Hooker, Richard, Works, Oxford, 1820.

Home, Robert, An Answer to Feckenham's Scruples and Stales of Conscience touch-
ing the Oath of Supremacie, 1566.

Hotman, Francis, Brutum Fulmen Papae Sixti V, etc., in Goldast, Monarchia, iii,
68 et seq.

- Franco-Gallia, 1574, English translation, London, 1711.

Howard, Sir William, A Pattern of Christian Loyalty: showing how the new Oath

of Allegiance may be safely taken by Roman Catholickes, London, 1634.
Howell, State Trials, London, 1809 — .
Hume, M. A. S., Treason and Plot, London, 1901.
Hunt, Thomas, An Argument for the Bishops Right in Judging in Capital Causes

in Parliament, London, 1682, The Postscript (an attack on hereditary right

to the Kingship).
Great and Weighty Considerations relating to the Duke of York, or Successor

of the Crown, London, 1680.

INTRODUCTION ciii

Important Considerations, etc., 1601, edited by Joseph Mendham, M. A., Lon-
don, 1831.

Ingram, T. D., England and Rome, London, 1892.

Irving, David, The Lives of the Scotish Poets, Edinburgh, 1804.

James I, King of Great Britain, The Workes of the Most High and Mighty Prince,
James, By the Grace of God Kinge of Great Brittaine France 6* Ireland De-
fendor of ye Faith &°c: Published by James [Montagu] Bishop of Winton &
Deane of his Mats Chappell Royall, London, 1616. This is the edition used
for this volume.

Serenissimi . . . principis Jacobi . . . regis . . . Opera, etc., London,

1619. This Latin edition was also probably the work of Bishop Montagu.

In 1620 appeared A Meditation upon the Lords Prayer, and A Meditation

upon the 27, 28, 29 Verses of the XXVII chapter of Saint Matthew. Or A
Paterne for a Kings Inauguration, London, printed by R. Barker and J.
Bill. These are printed at the end of the later issues of the Workes and are
paged continuously with the rest (pp. 601-621). A Latin edition of the
Works appeared at Frankfort in 1689.

A Paraphrase upon the Revelation of the Apostle S. John (Workes, pp. 1-72).

A Fruitfull Meditation, Containing a Plaine and Easie Exposition, or laying

open of the vii, viii, ix, and x Verses of the 20 chapter of the Revelation, in forme
and maner of a Sermon, Edinburgh, 1588, London, 1603, 1616 (Workes,
pp. 73-80); in Latin: Basiliae, 1596; Jenae, 1603; Halle, 1603; in French;
La Rochelle, 1589. These are the basis of James's later view of the Pope as
Antichrist, as set forth in his Premonition.

- The Trew Law of Free Monarchies, 1598, published anonymously, 1603,
1616 (Workes, pp. 191-210).

A Meditation vpon the xxv, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii and xxix verses of the xv Chap, of

the first Booke of the Chronicles of the Kings, (Workes, pp. 81-89).

Basilikon Doron, Edinburgh, 1599, an edition of only seven copies (Preface

to the Reader, Workes, p. 142), one of which is in the British Museum Library
There is a reprint of this first edition, published for the Roxburghe Club,
London, 1887. Other editions: Edinburgh, 1603; London, 1603 (two);
1616 (Workes, pp. 137-189); London, 1883 (Morley's Universal Library);
in Latin: London, 1604, Hanoviae, 1604, Frankfort, 1679; in French: Paris,
1603, 1604; etc. Many extracts were printed in the controversies of later
years, one of the most interesting being A puritane set forth in his lively
colours, London, 1642.

A Discourse of the Maner of the Discoverie of the Powder-Treason, 1606,

1616 (Workes, pp. 223-246).

- Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus. Or An Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance
(anonymous), London, 1607; in Latin, London, 1607, 1608; in French,
Paris, 1608.

civ THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

- An Apologiefor the Oath of Allegiance First set foorth without a name: And
now acknowledged by the Author, the Right High and Mightie Prince, James,
etc., London, 1609, 1616 (Workes, pp. 247-286); in French, London, 1609;
in Latin, London, 1609, Amsterdam, 1609; in Dutch, Leyden, 1609. The
English edition was dated April 8, 1609. The day before, a royal proclama-
tion was issued calling in all copies of the first edition.

To the various versions of this revised edition of the Apologie was prefixed a long
introduction, A Premonition to All Most Mightie Monarches, Kings, Free
Princes, and States of Christendome (Workes, pp. 287-338) which ended with
A Catalogue of the Lyes of Tortus, together with a Brief e Confutation of them
(Workes, pp. 339-346). The Premonition is sometimes referred to as the
Monitory Preface.

A Declaration Concerning the Proceedings with the States Generall, of the

United Provinces of the Low Countreys, in the cause of D. Conradus Vorstius.
This appeared in English, Latin, and French in 1612. It is reprinted in the
Works, pp. 347-38°-

Declaration du serenessime Roy Jacques I", Roy de la Grand1 Bretagne et

Irlande, defenseur de la Foy, pour le droit des Rois et independance de leurs
couronnes, centre la harangue de Villustrissime Cardinal du Perron, prononcee
en le Chambre des Trois-Estats, le 15 Janvier 1615, 1615; in Latin, London,
1616; in English 1616, A Remonstrance for the Right of Kings, and the Inde-
pendance of Their Crownes, etc. It is referred to usually as Defence. (Workes,
pp. 381-484) ; 1619, "Translated out of his Maiesties French copie by R. B.,
Pastor to the church at Ashole in Norfolke."

The editor of the Workes has also given five of James's most important speeches
delivered before the publication of the book in 1616 (pp. 485-569), beginning
with the speech opening James's first English Parliament in 1603-04, in-
cluding the one made to both houses after the Powder plot, and others
of 1607 and 1609-10; and closing with a speech in the Star-Chamber in
1616. These were all originally published soon after they were delivered by
Robert Barker, the King's printer and copies of the first edition of all sur-
vive. All except the last were delivered to Parliament and are included in
the Parliamentary History, i. The speech in the Star Chamber is in Workes,
pp. 540-569-

To these might be added several speeches delivered to the Parliament of 1621
(Parliamentary History, i, 1175-1371, passim) and also those of James's
fourth and last Parliament, in 1624 (Parl. Hist., i, 1373-1506, passim).

The foregoing list of the King's works includes only those of importance for the
history of political thought.

Janet, Paul, Histoire de la Science Politique, 2d ed., Paris, 1872.

Jardine, David, A Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot, London, 1857.

Jessopp, Augustus, John Donne, London, 1897.

INTRODUCTION cv

Jewel, John, Apologia pro Ecdesia Anglicana, 1562.

Kellison, Matthew, The Right and Jurisdiction of the Prelate and the Prince, etc.,

Douay, 1617.

Klein, A. J., Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth, Boston, 1917.
Knox, John, The Works of John Knox, edited by David Laing, Edinburgh, 1864.

- The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women,
Geneva, 1558, Works, iv, 349.

The Apellation, Geneva, 1558, Works, iv, 461.

- A Letter addressed to the Commonalty of Scotland, 1558, Works, iv, 521.

The Summary of the Proposed Second Blast of the Trumpet, 1558, Works,

iv, 539-

Knox, T. F., Records of Anglican Catholics under the Penal Laws, London, 1878.

Krebs, Richard, Die Politische Publizistik der Jesuiten und ihrer Gegner in den
letzten Jahrzehnten vor Ausbruch des Dreissigjahrigen Krieges, Halle, 1890.

Laski, H. J., Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty, New Haven, 1917.

Laud, William, The History of the Troubles and Tryal of . . . William Laud,
Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. Wrote by Himself, during His Imprison-
ment in the Tower, London, 1695.

Law, T. G., A Historical Sketch of the Conflicts between Jesuits and Seculars in the
Reign of Queen Elizabeth, London, 1889.

- The Archpriest Controversy, Camden Society, 1896.

Lea, Henry C., Studies in Church History, Philadelphia, 1883.

Leech, Humphrey, Dutifull Considerations addressed to King James concerning

his premonitory Epistle to Christian Princes, St. Omer, 1609.
Leedes, Edward (alias Courtney), A Discourse against the Oath of Allegiance, 1634,

(an answer to Sir William Howard's A Pattern of Christian Loyalty).
Lessius, L., Defensio Potestatis Summi Pontificis adversus librum regis magnae

Britanniae, Caesaraugustae, 1611.

- De Antichristo et ejus Praecursionibus Disputatio qua refutatur Praefatio
Monitoria Jacobi Regis, 1611.

Leycester's Commonwealth, 1584, edited by Frank J. Burgoyne, London, 1904.

Lingard, John, The History of England, 6th ed., London, 1854.

Locke, John, Two Treatises of Government, 1690, London, 1884.

Longland, John, Bishop of Lincoln, A Sermonde made before the Kynge, his

maiestye at grenewich, upon good Fridaye. The yere of our Lorde God.

M.D.xxxvnj., London, (1538 ?).

Lessen, Max, Die Lehre wm Tyrannenmord in der Christlichen Zeit, Munich, 1894.
Mcllwain, C. H. The High Court of Parliament and its Supremacy, New Haven,

1910.
Mackenzie, Sir George, Jus Regium: Or, the Just and Solid Foundations of Monarchy

in General; And more especially of the Monarchy of Scotland, London, 1684.

- The Institutions of the Law of Scotland, 2d ed., Edinburgh, 1688.

cvi THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Maitland, F. W., The Anglican Settlement and the Scottish Reformation, Cambridge

Modern History, ii, ch. xvi.
English Law and the Renaissance, Cambridge, 1901.

- Elizabethan Gleanings, Collected Papers, Cambridge, 1911, iii, 157.
Mariana, Joannis Marianae Hispani, e Societate Jesu, De Rege et Regis Institu-

tione Libri III, Moguntiae, 1605.
(Marshall, William), The Defence of Peace [London], 1535, a translation of the

Defensor Pads of Marsiglio of Padua.

Mercure Francois, Troisieme Continuation (1614-1615), 2d ed., Paris, 1617.
Meyer, Arnold Oskar, England und die Katholische Kirche unter Elisabeth, Rome,

1911.
Milton, The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, 1649, The Prose Works of John

Milton, London, 1836, p. 231.

(Mocket, Richard), Tractatus de Politia Ecclesiae Anglicanae, 1616, London, 1705.
(Mocket, Richard (?)), God and the King, 1615.
Mohl, Robert von, Die Geschichte und Literatur der Staatswissenschaften, Erlangen,

1855-
More, Sir Thomas, The workes of Sir Thomas More Knyght, sometyme Lorde

Chauncellour of England, wrytten by him in the Englysh tonge, London,

1557-
A Dyalogue of Syr Thomas More Knight, etc., 1528, English Works, p. 105.

- The Confutacion of Tyndales Aunswere, 1532, English Works, p. 339.

- The Apology of Syr Thomas More Knight, 1533, English Works, p. 845.

- The Debellacyon of Salem and Bizance, 1533, English Works, p. 929.
Morris, John, editor, The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers Related by Them-
selves, London, 1872.

The Condition of the Catholics under James I, London, 1871.

Morton, Thomas, An Exact Discoverie of Romish Doctrine in the Case of Con-

spiracie and Rebellion, London, 1605.
Moulin, Pierre du, Defense de la foy Catholique contenue au livre du tres puissant

et serenissime Jacques i" . . . contre la response de F. N. Coe/eteau, 1612;

English translation, A Defence of the Catholike Faith, etc., London, 1610.
P. Molinei de Monarchia temporali Pontificis Romani liber, quo . . . liber

Regis Jacobi ab adversariorum objectionibus, praecipue vero R. Bellarmini

. . . vindicatur, 1614.
(Newman, J. H.), Remarks on Certain Passages in the Thirty-nine Articles, Tracts

for the Times, no. 90, London, 1841.

Nicholson, William, The English Historical Library, London, 1696.
Nouvelle, Biographic Generate, Paris, 1855 — .
(Nye, Philip), The Lawfulness of the Oath of Supremacy and Power of the King in

Ecclesiastical Affairs, London, 1683.
Ossat, Arnaud, Cardinal d', Lettres du Cardinal d'Ossat, Amsterdam, 1708.

INTRODUCTION cvii

Ottley, R. L., Lancelot Andrewes, Boston, 1894.

Overall, John, Bishop Overall's Convocation Book, 1606. Concerning Government
of God's Catholick Church and the Kingdoms of the Whole World, London,
1600.

Owen, David, Herod and Pilate reconciled; or the Concord of Papist and Pvritan
. . . for the Coercion, Deposition, and Killing of Kings, discovered, 1610.

Anti-Paraeus, sive Determinatio de Jure Regio, etc., 1622.

Pacenius, E£eTa<m Epistolae nomine regis Magnae Britanniae ad omnes Chris-
tianas Monarches, Principes, et Ordines, scriptae . . . Eisdem . . . dedi-
catae a Bartholo Pacenio, J. C., 1610.

Panzani, The Memoirs of Gregorio Panzani, edited by Joseph Berington, Birming-
ham, 1793.

Pareus, David, Quaestiones controversae theologicae de Jure Regum et Principum,
contra Papam Romanum . . . pro . . . Jacobo . . . Magnae Britanniae
. . . Rege . . . adversus Bellarminum, Becanum, 6° ... olios Pontificiae
Aulae Parasitastros, Ambergae, 1612.

Parliamentary History, London, 1806 — .

(Parsons, Robert), De Persecutione Anglicana Libellus, Rome, 1588.

Elizabethae, Angliae Reginae . . . Edictum, etc., Lugduni, 1592.

A Conference about the Next Succession to the Crown of England (1594)

Published by R. Doleman. Reprinted at N with Licence, 1681.
A Memorial of the Reformation in England, 1598; The Jesuits' Memorial for

the Intended Reformation of England Under their first Popish Prince, edited

by Edward Gee, London, 1690.
An Answer to Thomas Bels Late Challenge named by him the Downfal of

of Popery, by S. R., Douay, 1605.
An Answere to the Fifth Part of Reportes Lately set forth by Syr Edward

Cooke, Knight, ... by a Catholicke Deuyne, 1606.
A Treatise tending to Mitigation to wardes Catholicke-Subiectes in England,

etc., 1607.
The Judgment of a Catholicke Englishman living in banishment for his religion

. . . concernynge a late booke set for the, and entituled " Triplici Nodo triplex

cuneus," etc., St. Omer, 1608.
A Discussion of the Answere of M. William Barlow, D. of Divinity to the

Booke intituled: The Judgment of a Catholike Englishman, etc., 1612.
Pattison, Mark, Isaac Casaubon, 2d ed., Oxford, 1892.
Pelletier, M. (Peleterius), La Religion Catholique soustenue en tous les poincts de

sa doctrine, contre le lime addresse aux Rois . . . par . . . Jacques I, etc.,

Paris, 1610.
(Felling, Edward), The Apostate Protestant a Letter to a Friend occasioned by the

late Reprinting of a Jesuites Book about Succession to the Crown of England

pretended to have been written by R. Doleman, London, 1682.

cviii THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Perron, Jacques Davy, Cardinal du, Harangue f aide de la Part de la Chambre Ec-
clesiastique, En telle du tiers Estat, sur I' Article du Serment, Paris, 1615; also
printed with omissions, in Mercure Francois, 3l4me Cont., p. 266 et seq.

Replique a la Response du Serenissime Roy de la Grande Bretagne, Paris,

1620; The Reply of the . . . Cardinal of Perron to the answeare of the . .
King of Great Britaine . . . transcribed into English (by Elizabeth Gary,
Lady Falkland, 1630).
An answer to James's Declaration, in (Euvres posthumes de Messire Jacques

Davy, Cardinal du Perron, etc., MS. in Bibliotheque Nationale. See Feret,

p. 321
Pole, Reginald, Reginaldi Poll Cardinalis Britanni, Ad Henricvm Octavvm Britan-

niae Regent, Pro Ecdesiasticae Vnitatis Defensione, Libri Qvatvor (1536),

Ingolstadt, 1587.
Pollen, J. H., editor, Unpublished Documents relating to the English Martyrs,

Catholic Record Society, 1908.

- Acts of the English Martyrs, London, 1891.

Prat, P. J. M., Recherches Historiques et Critiques sur la Compagnie de Jesus en
France du Temps du P. Colon 1564-1626, Lyon, 1876.

Prideaux, John, Castigatio cujusdam Circulatoris, qui R. P. Andream Eudaemon-
Johannem Cydonium e Societate Jesu seipsum nuncupat . . . Opposita ipsius
calumniis in Epistolam J. Casauboni ad Frontonem Ducaeum, Oxford, 1614.

Prothero, G. W., Select Statutes and other Constitutional Documents, 2d ed., Ox-
ford, 1898.

Prynne, William, The Substance of a Speech made in the House of Commons by Wil.
Prynn of Lincolns-Inn. Esquire: On Monday, the Fourth of December, 1648,
London, 1649. It is reprinted in Parliamentary History, iii, 1152 et seq.

The Treachery and Disloyalty of Papists to their Soveraignes, in Doctrine and

Practise, London, 1643; a "Second Edition Enlarged" constitutes The first
part of The Soveraigne Power of Parliaments and Kingdomes, London, 1643.

- Preface to the English translation of Thomas Campanella's De Monarchia
Hispanica by Edmund Chilmead, 2d ed. (1660 (?)).

(Raleigh, Sir Walter), The Arts of Empire and Mysteries of State Discabineted . . .,
Published by John Milton Esq.; London, 1692.

The Prerogative of Parlimenls in England, Harleian Miscellany (vol. v, p.

1 80 et seq., edition of 1744 — ). These are also to be found in the edition
of Raleigh's works published in 1829.

Reusch, F. H., Beitrage zur Geschichte des Jesuitenordens, Miinchen, 1894, par-
ticularly number one, Die Lehre vom Tyrannenmorde.

Richer, E., Emundi Richerii de Ecclesiastica et Politica Potestate, 1611, in Goldast,
Monarchia, iii, 797 et seq.

Rushworth, John Historical Collections, vol. i, London, 1682.

Rymer, Thomas, Foedera, London, 1704 — .

INTRODUCTION cue

(Saint German, Christopher (?)), A Treatise concernynge the diuision betwene the

spirytualtie and temporaltie, London, (1530 (?)).
(Saint German, Christopher), Salem and Bizance (A Dialogue betwixte two Eng-

lyshe men, whereof one was called Salem and the other Bizance), London,

1533-

The Doctor and Student, first published in Latin, and soon after in English.

Many editions, beginning with the reign of Henry VIII, the latest was pub-
lished at Cincinnati, 1874.

The Newe Addicions, treating most specially of the Power of the Parlyament,

concernynge the Spiritualise, and the Spiritual Jurisdiction, London, 1531.
Printed with modern editions of the Doctor and Student, as Additions to the
Second Dialogue of the Doctor and Student containing thirteen chapters on the
Power and Jurisdiction of the Parliament, etc. (pp. 301-339 in the edition of
1874). See John Worrall's Bibliotheca Legum (London, 1782), p. 50; Reeves'
History of the English Law ( 1 869) , Hi, 434. It deals exclusively with ecclesias-
tical jurisdiction, but from the legal not the political point of view.

Sampson, Richard, Oratio quae docet hortatur admonet omnes potissimum Anglos

regiae dignitati cum primis ut obediant, etc., London, 1533.
Sanders, Nicholas, De Visibili Monarchia Ecdesiae, 1571.

- De Origine ac Progressu Schismatis Anglicani, continued by Edward Rish-

ton, 1585; English translation by David Lewis, London, 1877.
Scioppius, G. (Schoppe), Gasp. Scioppii Collyrium Regium, Serenissimo D. Jacobo

Magnae Britanniae Regi graviter ex oculis laboranti omnium Catholicorum

nomine gratae voluntatis causa muneri missum, 1611.
Ecclesiasticus Auctoritati Serenissimi D. Jacobi Magnae Britanniae Regis

oppositus, 1611.

De Antichristo Epislola, 1605,

Scorpiacum . . . quo adversus . . . Jacobum . . . Regem . . . demonstra-

tur: Ecdesiae Romanaefidem omnibus saeculisjam inde ab Apostolorum aetate

in universo mundo annunciatum [annunciatam] fuisse, ad eamque amplecten-

dam Regem Jacobum ex sponso teneri. Maintz, 1612.
Holofernis Krigsoederi Landspergensis . . . Responsio ad Epist. I. Cazo-

boni, 1516.

Schulkenius, A. (Bellarmine (?)), Apologia Adolphi Schulkenii Geldriensis, 1613.
Seaton, A. A., The Theory of Toleration under the Later Stuarts, Cambridge, 1911.
Seeley, Sir J. R., The Growth of British Policy, Cambridge, 1895.
Selden, John, Table Talk, Edinburgh, 1854.
Serviere, Joseph de la, De Jacobo I Angliae Rege cum Cardinali Roberto Bellar-

mino S. J. Super Potestate cum Regia turn Pontificia Disputante (1607-1609),

Paris, 1900.
Severall Speeches Delivered at a Conference concerning the Power of Parliament, to

proceed against their King for Misgovernment, 1648.

ex THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Sheldon, Richard, Certain General Reasons Proving the Lawfulness of the Oath of

Allegiance, London, 1611.

(Sparrow, Anthony), A Collection of Articles, etc., London, 1684.
Stapleton, Thomas, A Counterblast to M. Hornes Vayne Blaste against M. Feken-

ham, Louvain, 1567.
Starkey, Thomas, England in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, a Dialogue

between Cardinal Pole and Thomas Lupset, ed. by J. M. Cowper, Early

English Text Society, London, 1871.

- Exhortation to Christian Unity, 1534 (?).
Statutes of the Realm (London), 1810 — .

Suarez, F, Defensio fide i Catholocae adversus anglicanae sectae errores, 1613.
Tanner, Thomas, Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica, edited by David Wilkins,

London, 1748.

Taunton, E. L., The History of the Jesuits in England, 1580-1773, London, 1901.
Thomson, Richard, Elenchus refutationis Torturae Torti pro rev. Episcopo Eliense

adversus Martinum Becanum, London, 1611.
Tooker, William, Duellum sive singulare certamen cum M. B. . . . futiliter refut-

ante Apologiam . . . Jacobi Regis Magnae Britanniae, 1611.
A Treatise, prouing by the Kinges Lawes, that the Byshops of Rome had neuer ryght

to any Supremacie within this Realm, London, 1538.
A Treatise Concerning the broken Succession of England, London, 1655.
Treumann, Rudolf, Die Monarchomachen, Leipzig, 1895.
Trevelyan, G. M., England under the Stuarts, 6th ed., London, 1914.
Tunstall, Cuthbert, successively Bishop of London and Durham, A Sermon of

Cuthbert Bysshop of Duresme made upon Palme sondaye laste past, etc., Lon-
don, 1539.
Twysden, Roger, An Historical Vindication of the Church of England in Point of

Schism, 1657, Cambridge, 1847.
Tyndale, William, The Whole Workes of W. Tyndall, John Frith, and Doct. Barnes,

London, 1573.

- The Obedience of a Christen Man, 1528, The Whole Workes, p. 97 et seq.

- An Exposition vppon the v, vi, vii chapters of Matthew, whole Workes, p. 184
et seq.

An Aunswere vnto Syr Thomas Mores Dialogue, 1530, Whole Workes, p. 247

et seq.
The practise of papisticall Prelates, 1530, Whole Workes, p. 340 et seq.

Usher, R. G., The Reconstruction of the English Church, New York, 1910.

Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos, 1579, Leyden, 1648.

(Walker, Clement), Anarchia Anglicana: or the History of Independency, by Theo-

dorus Verax, 1648.
Walton, Isaac, Doctor John Donne, in Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical Biography,

iii, 631.

INTRODUCTION cri

Warmington, William, A Moderate Defence of the Oath of Allegiance, London, 1612.
(Watson, William), A Decacordon of Ten Quodlibeticall Questions concerning Reli-
gion and State, 1602.

The Epistle, prefixed to Important Considerations, q. v.

Watt, Robert, Bibliotheca Britannica, Edinburgh, 1824.

Weller, Emil, Lexicon Pseudonymorum, Regensburg, 1886.

Welwood, James. Memoirs of the Most Material Transactions in England, for the

Last Hundred Years, Preceding the Revolution in 1688, London, 1700.
Weston, Edward, Juris Pontificii Sanctuarium Defensum ac propugnatum contra

Rogerii Widdringtoni in Apologia & Response Apologetico Impietatem, 1613.
Whi taker, William, Praelectiones in controversiam de Romano Pontifice, 1608.
Whittingham, William, The Epistle dedicatory to Christopher Goodman's How

Superior Powers ought to be obeyed, Geneva, 1558, q. v.
Widdrington, Roger (Preston, Thomas), Apologia Cardinalis Bellarmini pro Jure

Principum, 1611, reprinted in Goldast, Monarchia, iii, 688-763.
Responsio apologetica ad Libellum cujusdam Doctoris Theologi, qui ejus Pro

Jure Principum Apologiam, tanquam Fidel Catholocae . . . repugnantem

. . . criminatur, 1612.

- Disputatio theologica de Juramento Fidelitatis, 1613.

- A clear e . . . confutation of the . . . Reply of T. F., 1616.

- Appendix ad Disputationem theologicam de Juramento Fidelitatis, 1616.

— R. Widdrington . . . ad . . . Paulum Quintum Pontificem haec . . . Supplicatio

cui adjungitur Appendix, etc., 1616.
Discussio Discussionis Decreti Magni Concilii Lateranensis, etc., 1618.

- R. Widdrington . . . ad . . . Paulum Quintum Pontificem haec . . . Sup-

plicatio cui adjungitur Appendix, etc. 1616.
- A New Yeares Gift for English Catholikes, etc., 1620.
An Adjoinder to the late Catholick New Year's Gift, 1620.

Wilkins, David, Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, London, 1738.
Wilson, Arthur, The History of Great Britain, being the Life and Reign of King

James the First, London, 1653.

Winwood, Sir Ralph, Memorials of Ajfairs of State, London, 1725.
Wordsworth, Christopher, editor, Ecclesiastical Biography, 4th ed., London, 1853.
Wright, William, The English larre, 1612, a translation of Becan's Dissidium

Anglicanum, q. v.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

BASILIKON DORON. OR HIS MAIESTIES INSTRVCTIONS TO
HIS DEAREST SONNE, HENRY THE PRINCE.

THE ARGUMENT.
SONNET.

GOD giues not Kings the stile of Gods in vaine,
For on his Throne his Scepter doe they swey:
And as their subiects ought them to obey,
So Kings should feare and serue their God againe
If then ye would enioy a happie raigne,
Obserue the Statutes of your heauenly King,
And from his Law, make all your Lawes to spring:
Since his Lieutenant here ye should remain,
Reward the iust, be stedfast, true, and plaine,
Represse the proud, maintayning aye the right,
Walke alwayes so, as euer in his sight,
Who guardes the godly, plaguing the prophane:
And so ye shall in Princely vertues shine,
Resembling right your mightie King Diuine.

TO HENRY MY DEAREST SONNE, AND NATVRAL SVCCESSOVR.

WnoM-to can so rightly appertaine this Booke of instructions to a Prince in all
the points of his calling, as well generall, as a Christian towards God; as particular,
as a King towards his people ? Whom-to, I say, can it so iustly appertaine, as
•unto you my dearest Sonne ? Since I the authour thereof, as your naturall Father,
must be carefull for your godly and vertuous education, as my eldest Sonne, and
the first fruits of Gods blessing towards mee in my posteritie: and as a King must
timously prouide for your trayning vp in all the points of a Kings Office; since
yee are my naturall and lawfull successour therein: that being rightly informed
hereby, of the waight of your burthen, ye may in time beginne to consider, that being
borne to be a king, ye are rather borne to onus, then honos: not excelling all your
people so farre in ranke and honour, as in daily care and hazardous paines-taking,
for the dutifull administration of that great office, that God hath laide vpon your
shoulders. Laying so a just symmetric and proportion, betwixt the height of your

3

4 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

honourable place, and the heauie waight of your great charge: and consequently, in
case of failing, which God forbid, of the sadnesse of your fall, according to the pro-
portion of that height. I haue therefore for the greater ease to your memory, and that
yee may, at the first cast up any part that yee haue to doe with, deuided this Treatise
in three parts. The first teacheth you your duetie towards God as a Christian: the
next, your duetie in your Office as a King: and the third informeth you how to be-
haue your selfe in indifferent things, which of them-selues are neither right nor wrong,
but according as they are rightly or wrong vsed; and yet will serue according to your
behauiour therein, to augment or empaire your fame and authoritie at the handes
of your people. Receiue and welcome this Booke then, as afaithfull Prtzceptour and
counsellour vnto you: which, because my affaires will not permit mee euer to bee pre-
sent with you, I ordaine to bee a resident faithfull admonisher of you: And because
the houre of death is vncertaine to mee, as vnto all flesh, I leaue it as my Testament,
and latter will vnto you. Chargeing you in the presence of GOD, and by the fatherly
authoritie I haue ouer you, that yee keepe it euer with you, as carefully, as Alexander
did the Iliads of Homer. Yee willfinde it a iust and impartiall counsellour; neither
flattering you in any vice, not importuning you at vnmeete times. It will not come
vn-called, neither speake mspeered at: and yet conferring with it when yee are at
quiet, yee shall say with Scipio, that yee are nunquam minus solus, quam cum solus.
To conclude then, I charge you, as euer yee thinke to deserue my Fatherly blessing,
to follow and put in practise, as jane as lyeth in you, the prczcepts hereafter following.
And if yee follow the contrary course, I take the Great GOD to record, that this Booke
shall one day bee a witnesse betwixt mee and you; and shall procure to bee ratified in
Heauen, the curse that in that case here I giue vnto you. For I protest before that
Great GOD, I had rather not bee a Father, and childlesse, then bee a Father of wicked
children. But hoping, yea, euen promising vnto my selfe, that GOD, who in his
great blessing sent you vnto mee; shall in the same blessing, as hee hath giuen mee a
Sonne; so make him a good and a godly Sonne; not repenting him of his Mercie
shewed vnto mee, I end, with my earnest prayer to GOD, to worke effectually into you,
thefruites of that blessing, which here from my heart I bestow vpon you.

Your louing Father

I. R.

TO THE READER.

CHARITABLE Reader, it is one of the golden Sentences, which Christ our Sauiour
•ottered to his Apostles, that there is nothing so couered, that shal not be reuealed,
neither so hidde, that shall not be knowen; and whatsoeuer they haue spoken
in darkenesse, should be heard in the light: and that which they had spoken
in the eare in secret place, should be publikely preached on the tops of the
houses:1 And since he hath said it, most trew must it be, since the authour thereof
is thefountaine and very being of trewth: which should mooue all godly and honest

1 Luk. 12.

BASILIKON DORON 5

men, to be very warie in all their secretest actions, and whatsoeuer middesses they
vse for attaining to their most wished ends; lest otherwise how auowable soeuer
the marke be, whereat they aime, the middesses being discouered to be shamefull
whereby they climbe, it may turne to the disgrace both of the good worke it selfe, and
of the author thereof; since the deepest of our secrets, cannot be hidde Jrom that all-
seeing eye, and penetrant light, piercing through the bowels of wry darkenesse it selfe.

But as this is generally trew in the actions of all men, so is it more specially trew
in the affaires of Kings: for Kings being publike persons, by reason of their office
and authority, are as it were set (as it was said of old) vpon a publike stage, in the
sight of all the people; where all the beholders eyes are attentiuely bent to looke and
pry in the least circumstance of their secretest drifts: Which should make Kings the
more carefull not to harbour the secretest thought in their minde, but such as in the
owne time they shall not be ashamed openly to auouch; assuring themselues that Time
the mother of Veritie, will in the due season bring her owne daughter to perfection.

The trew practise hereof, I haue as a King oft found in my owne person, though
I thanke God, neuer to my shame, hauing laide my count, euer to walke as in the eyes
of the Almightie, examining euer so the secretest of my drifts, before I gaue them
course, as how they might some day bide the touchstone of a publike triall. And
amongst the rest of my secret actions, which haue (vnlooked for of me) come to pub-
like knowledge, it hath so fared with my BASIAIEON AQPON, directed, to my
eldest son; which I wrote for exercise of mine owne ingyne, and instruction of him,
who is appointed by God (I hope) to sit on my Throne after me: For the purpose and
matter thereof being onely fit for a King, as teaching him his office; and the person
whom-for it was ordained, as Kings heire, whose secret counsellor and faithfull ad-
monisher it must be, I thought it no wayes conuenient nor comely, that either it should
to all be proclaimed, which to one onely appertained (and specially being a messenger
betwixt two so coniunct persons) or yet that the mould whereupon he should frame his
future behauiour, when hee comes both vnto the perfection of his yeeres, and possession
of his inheritance, should before the hand be made common to the people, the subiect
of his future happy gouernment. And therefore for the more secret and close keeping
of them, I onely permitted seuen of them to be printed, the Printer being first sworne
for secrecie: and these seuen I dispersed amongst some of my trustieft seruants, to be
keeped closely by them, lest in case by the iniquitie or wearing of time, any of them
might haue beene lost, yet some of them might haue remained after me, as witnesses to
my Sonne, both of the honest integritie of my heart, and of my fatherly affection and
naturall care towards him. But since contrary go my intention and expectation, as I
haue alreadie said, this Booke is now vented, and set foorth to the publike view of
the world, and consequently subiect to euery mans censure, as the current of his af-
fection leades him; I am now forced, as well for resisting to the malice of the children
of enuie, who like waspes sucke venome out of euery wholsome herbe; as for the
satisfaction of the godly honest sort, in any thing that they may mistake therein, both
to publish and spread the true copies thereof, for defacing of the false copies that are

6 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

alreadie spread, as I am enformed; as likewise by this Preface, to cleare such parts
thereof, as in respect of the concised shortnesse of my Style, may be mis-interpreted
therein.

To come then particularly to the matter of my Booke, there are two speciall great
points, which (as I am informed) the malicious sort of men haue detracted therein;
and some of the honest sort haue seemed a little to mistake: whereof the first and
greatest is, that some sentences therein should seeme to furnish grounds to men, to
doubt of my sinceritie in that Religion, which I have euer constantly professed; the
other is, that in some parts thereof I should seeme to nourish in my minde, a vindic-
tiue resolution against England, or at the least, some principals there, for the Queene
my mothers quarrell.

The first calumnie (most grieuous indeed) is grounded vpon the sharpe and bit-
ter wordes, that therein are vsed in the description of the humors of Puritanes, and
rash-headie Preachers, that thinke it their honour to contend with Kings, and per-
turbe whole kingdomes. The other point is onely grounded vpon the strait charge
I giue my Sonne, not to heare nor suffer any vnreuerent speeches or bookes against
any of his parents or progenitors: wherein I doe alledge my owne experience anent
the Queene my mother; affirming, that I neuer found any that were of per fit aage the
time of her reigne here, so steadfastly trew to me in all my troubles, as these that con-
stantly kept their allegiance to her in her time. But if the charitable Reader -will ad-
uisedly consider, both the methode and matter of my Treatise, he will easily iudge,
what wrong I haue sustained by the carping at both: For my Booke, suppose very
small, being diuided in three seuerall parts; the first part thereof onely treats of a
Kings duety towards God in Religion, wherein I haue so clearely made profession of
my Religion, calling it the Religion wherein I was brought vp, and euer made profes-
sion of, and wishing him euer to continue in the same, as the onely trew forme of Gods
worship; that I would haue thought my sincere plainnesse in that first part vpon
that subiect, should haue ditted the mouth of the most enuious Momus, that euer hell
did hatch, from barking at any other part of my booke vpon that ground, except they
would alledge me to be contrarie to my selfe, which in so small a volume would smell
of too great weakenesse, and sliprinesse of memory. And the second part of my
booke, teaches my Sonne how to vse his Office, in the administration of lustice and
Politicke Gouernment: The third onely containing a Kings outward behauiour in
indifferent things; what agreeance and conformitie hee ought to keepe betwixt his
outward behauiour in these things, and the vertuous qualities of his minde; and how
they should seruefor trunsh-men, to inter prete the inward disposition of the minde, to
the eyes of them that cannot see farther within him, and therefore must onely iudge
of him by the outward appearance: So as if there were no more to be looked into, but
the very methode and order of the booke, it will sufficiently cleare me of that first and
grieuousest imputation, in the point of Religion: since in the first part, where Religion
is onely treated of, I speake so plainly. And what in other parts I speake of Puri-
tanes, it is onely of their mor all faults, in that part where I speake of Policie: declar-

BASILIKON DORON 7

ing when they contemne the Law and souereigne authoritie, what exemplare punish-
ment they deserue for the same. And now as to the matter it selfe whereupon this
scandall is taken, that I may sufficiently satisfie all honest men, and by a iust Apologie
raise vp a brasen wall or bulwarke against all the darts of the enuious, I will the more
narrowly rip vp the words, whereat they seeme to be somewhat stomached.

First then, as to the name of Puritanes, I am not ignorant that the style thereof
doeth properly belong onely to that vile sect amongst the Anabaptists, called the Family
of loue; because they thinke themselues onely pure, and in a maner without sinne,
the onely trwe Church, and onely worthy to be participant of the Sacraments, and all
the rest of the world to be but abomination in the sight of God. Of this speciall sect
I principally meane, when I speake of Puritans; divers of them, as Browne, Penry
and others, hauing at sundrie times come into Scotland, to sow their popple amongst
vs (and from my heart I wish, that they had left no schollers behinde them, who by
their fruits will in the owne time be manifested) and partly indeede, I guie this style
to such brain-sicke and headie Preachers their disciples and followers, as refusing to
be called of that sect, yet participate too much with their humours, in maintaining
the aboue-mentioned errours; not onely agreeing with the generall rule of all Ana-
baptists, in the contempt of the ciuill Magistrate, and in leaning to their owne dreams
and reuelations; but particularly with this sect, in accounting all men profane that
swear e not to all their fantasies, in making for euery particular question of the policie
of the Church, as great commotion, as if the article of the Trinitie were called in
controuersie, in making the scriptures to be ruled by their conscience, and not their
conscience by the Scripture; and he that denies the least iote of their grounds, sit tibi
tanquam ethnicus & publicanus; not worthy to enioy the benefite of breathing,
much lesse to participate with them of the Sacraments: and before that any of their
grounds be impugned, let King, people, Law and all be trade vnderfoote: Such holy
•wanes are to be preferred to an -ungodly peace: no, in such cases Christian Princes
are not onely to be resisted vnto, but not to be prayed for, for prayer must come of
Faith; and it is reuealed to their consciences, that GOD will heare no prayer for
such a Prince. ludge then, Christian Reader, if I wrong this sort of people, in giuing
them the stile of that sect, whose errours they imitate: and since they are contented
to weare their liuerie, let them not be ashamed to borrow also their name. It is onely
of this kinde of men that in this booke I write so sharply; and whom I wish my Sonne
to punish, in-case they refuse to obey the Law, and will not cease to sturre vp a rebel-
lion: Whom against I haue written the more bitterly, in respect of diners famous
libels, and iniurious speaches spread by some of them, not onely dishonourably inuec-
tiue against all Christian Princes, but euen reproachfull to our projession and Religion
in respect they are come out vnder coulour thereof: and yet were neuer answered but
by Papists, who generally medle aswell against them, as the religion it selfe; whereby
the skandale was rather doubled, then taken away. But on the other part, I protest
upon mine honour, I meane it not generally of all Preachers, or others, that like better
of the single forme of policie in our Church, then of the many Ceremonies in the

8 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Church of England; that are perswaded, that their Bishops smell of a Papall supre-
macie, that the Surplise, the cornerd cap, and such like, are the outward badges of
Popish err ours. No, I am sofarrefrom being contentious in these things (which for
my owne part I euer esteemed as indifferent) as I doe equally loue and honour the
learned and graue men of either of these opinions. It can no wayes become me to pro-
nounce so lightly a sentence, in so old a controuersie. Wee all (God be praised) doe
agree in the grounds; and the bitternesse of men vpon such questions, doeth but
trouble the peace of the Church; and giues aduantage and entry to the Papists by our
diuision: But towards them, I onely vse this prouision, that where the Law is other-
wayes, they may content themselues soberly and quietly with their owne opinions, not
resisting to the autJioritie, nor breaking the Law of the Countrey; neither aboue all,
slurring any rebellion or schisme: but possessing their soules in peace, let them preasse
by patience, and well grounded reasons, either to perswade all the rest to like of their
iudgements; or where they see better grounds on the other part, not to bee ashamed
peaceably to incline thereunto, laying aside all preoccupied opinions.

And that this is the onely meaning of my Booke, and not any coldnesse or cracke in
Religion, that place doeth plainly witnesse, where, after I haue spoken of the faults in
our Ecclesiasticatt estate, I exhort my sonne to be beneficiall vnto the good-men of the
Ministrie; praising God there, that there is presently a sufficient number of good
men of them in this kingdom; and yet are they all knowne to be against the forme of
the English Church. Yea, so farre I am in that place from admitting corruption in
Religion, as I wish him in promoouing them, to vse such caution, as may preserue
their estate from creeping to corruption; euer vsing that forme through the whole
Booke, where euer I speake of bad Preachers, terming them some of the Ministers,
and not Ministers or Ministrie in generall. And to conclude this point of Religion,
what indifferencie of Religion can Momus call that in mee, where, speaking of my
sonnes marriage (in case it pleased God before that time to cut the threed of my life)
I plainly forewarne him of the inconuenients that were like to ensew, incase he should
marry any that be of a different profession in Religion from him: notwithstanding
that the number of Princes professing our Religion be so small, as it is hard to foresee,
how he can be that way, meetly matched according to his ranke.

And as for the other point, that by some parts in this booke, it should appeare, that I
doe nourish in my minde, a mndictiue resolution against England, or some princi-
pals there; it is surely more then wonderfull vnto me, vpon what grounds they can
haue gathered such conclusions. For as vpon the one part, I neither by name nor de-
scription poynt out England in that part of my discourse; so vpon the other, I plainly
bewray my meaning to be of Scottish-men, where I conclude that purpose in these
termes: That the loue I beare to my Sonne, hath mooued me to be so plaine in this argu-
ment: for so that I discharge my conscience to him in -uttering the verity, I care not
what any traitour or treason-allower doe thinke of it. And English-men could not
thereby be meant, since they could be no traitours, where they ought no alleageance. I
am not ignorant of a wise and princely apophthegme, which the same Queene of Eng-

BASILIKON DORON 9

land vttered about the time of her owne Coronation. But the drift of that discourse
doth fully cleare my intention, being onely grounded vpon that precept to my Sonne,
that he should not permit any mreuerent detracting of his pradecessours; bringing
in that purpose of my mother onely for an example of my experience anent Scottish-
men, without vsing any perswasion to him of reuenge. For a Kings giuing of any
fault the dew stile, inferres no reduction of thefaulters pardon. No, I am by a degree
nearer of kinne vnto my mother then he is, neither thinke I myselfe, either that
vnworthie, or that neere my end, that I neede to make such a Dauidicall testa-
ment; since I have euer thought it the dewtie of a worthie Prince, rather with a
pike, then a penne, to write his iust reuenge: But in this matter I haue no delite
to be large, wishing all men to iudge of my future proiects, according to my by-past
actions.

Thus hauing as much insisted in the clearing of these two points, as will (I hope)
giue sufficient satisfaction to all honest men, and leaning the enuious to the foode of
their owne venome; I will heartily pray thee, louing Reader, charitably to conceiue
of my honest intention in this Booke. I know the greatest part of the people of this
whole Isle, haue beene very curious for a sight thereof: some for the loue they beare
me, either being particularly acquainted with me, or by a good report that perhappes
they haue heard of me; and therefore longed to see any thing, that proceeded from that
authour whom they so loued and honoured; since bookes are viue Idees of the authours
minde. Some onely for meere curiositie, that thinke it their honour to know all new
things, were curious to glut their eyes therewith, onely that they might vaunt them to
haue seene it: and some fraughted with causlesse enuie at the Authour, did greedily
search out the booke, thinking their stomacke fit ynough, for turning neuer so whole-
some foode into noysome and infectiue humours: So as this their great concurrence
in curiositie (though proceeding from farre different complexions} hath enforced the
vn-timous divulgating of this Booke, farre contrarie to my intention, as I haue al-
readie said. To which Hydra of diuersly-enclined spectatours, I have no targe to
oppone but plainenesse, patience, and sinceritie: plainenesse, for resoluing and sat-
isfying of the first sort; patience, for to beare with the shattownesse of the next; and
sinceritie, to defie the malice of the third with-all. Though I cannot please all men
therein, I am contented, so that I onely please the vertuous sort: and though they also
finde not euery thing therein, so fully to answere their expectation, as the argument
would seeme to require; although I would wish them modestly to remember, that God
hes not bestowed all his gifts vpon one, but parted them by a iustice distributiue; and
that many eyes see more than one; and that the varietie ofmens mindes is such, that tot
capita tot sensus; yea, and that euen the very faces, that God hath by nature brought
foorth in the world, doe euery one in some of their particular lineaments, differ from
any other: yet in trewth it was not my intention in handling of this purpose (as it is
easie to perceiue) fully to set downe heere all such grounds, as might out of the best writ-
ers haue beene alledged, and out of my owne inuention and experience added, for the
perfite institution of a King: but onely to giue some such precepts to my owne Sonne,

10 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

for the gouernement of this kingdoms, as was meetestfor him to be instructed in, and
best became me to be the informer of.

If I in this Booke haue beene too particularly plaine, impute it to the necessitie of
the subiect, not so much being ordained for the institution of a Prince in generall, as I
haue said, as containing particular precepts to my Sonne in speciall: whereof he could
haue made but a generall vse, if they had not contained the particular diseases of this
kingdome, with the best remedies for the same, which it became me best as a King, hau-
ing learned both the theoricke and practicke thereof, more plainely to expresse, then
any simple schoole-man, that onely knowes matters of kingdomes by contemplation.

But if in some places it seeme too obscure, impute it to the shortnesse thereof, being
both for the respect of my selfe, and of my Sonne, constrained there-unto: my owne re-
spect, for fault ofleasure, being so continually occupied in the affairs of my office, as
my great burthen, and restlesse fashery is more then knowen, to all that knowes or
heares of me: for my Sonnes respect, because I know by myself, that a Prince so long
as he is young, wil be so caried away with some sort of delight or other, that he cannot
patiently abide the reading of any large volume: and when he comes to aful maturity
of aage, he must be so busied in the actiue part of his charge, as he will not be permitted
to bestow many houres vpon the contemplatiue part thereof: So as it was neither fit for
him, nor possible for me, to haue made this Treatise any more ample then it is. Indeed
I am litle beholden to the curiositie of some, who thinking it too large alreadie (as ap-
pears) for lacke of leisure to copy it, drew some notes out of it, for speeds sake;
putting in the one halfe of the purpose, and leaning out the other: not vnlike the man
that alledged that part of the Psalme, non est Deus, but left out the proceeding words,
Dixit insipiens in corde suo. And of these notes making a little pamphlet (lacking,
both my methode and halfe of my matter) entituled it, forsooth, the Kings Testament,
as if I had eiked a third Testament of my owne to the two that are in the holy Scrip-
tures. It is trew that in a place thereof, for affirmation of the purpose I am speaking
of to my Sonne, I bring my slefe in there, as speaking -upon my Testament: for in that
sense, euery record in write of a mans opinion in anything (in respect that papers out-
liue their authors) is as it were a Testament of that mans will in that case: and in that
Hue their authours) is as it were a Testament of that mans will in that case: and in that
sense it is, that in that place I call this Treatise a Testament. But from any particular
sentence in a booke, to giue the booke it selfe a title, is as ridiculous, as to style the
booke of the Psalmes, the booke of Dixit insipiens, because with these wordes one of
them doeth begin.

Well, leaning these new baptizers and blockers of other mens books, to their owne
follies, I returne to my purpose, anent the shortnesse of this booke, suspecting that all
my excuses for the shortnesse thereof, shall not satisfie some, especially in our neigh-
bour countrey: who thought, that as I haue so narrowly in this Treatise touched all
the principdll sicknesses in our kingdome, with ouerturesfor the remedies thereof, as I
said before: so looked they to haue found something therein, that should haue touched
the sickenesses of their state, in the like sort. But they will easily excuse me thereof, if

BASILIKON DORON II

they will consider the forme I haue vsed in this Treatise; wherein I onely teach my
Son, out of my owne experience, what forme of government is fittest for this kingdome:
and in one part thereof speaking of the borders, I plainly there doe excuse my selfe,
that I will speake nothing of the state of England, as a matter wherein I neuer had
experience. I know indeed, no kingdome lackes her owne diseases, and likewise what
interest I haue in the prosperitie of that state: for although I would be silent, my blood
and discent doeth sufficiently proclaime it. But notwithstanding, since there is a law-
full Queene there presently reigning, who hath so long with so great wisedome and
felicitie gouerned her kingdomes, as (I must in trew sinceritie confesse) the like hath
not beene read nor heard of, either in our time, or since the dayes of the Romane Em-
perour Augustus; it could no wayes become me,farre inferiour to her in knowledge
and experience, to be a busie-body in other princes matters, and to fish in other folkes
waters, as the prouerbe is: No, I hope by the contrary (with Gods grace) euer to
keepe that Christian rule, To doe as I would be done to: and I doubt nothing, yea euen
in her name I dare promise, by the bypast experience of her happy gouernment, as I
haue already said, that no good subiect shall be more carefull to enforme her of any
corruptions stollen in in her state, then shee shall be zealous for the discharge of her
conscience and honour, to see the same purged, and restored to the ancient integritie;
and further during her time, becomes me least of any to meddle in,

And thus hauing resolued all the doubts, sofarre as I can imagine, may be moued
against this Treatise; it onely rests to pray thee (charitable Reader) to interprete
fauourably this birth of mine, according to the integritie of the author, and not looking
for perfection in the worke it selfe. As for my part, I onely glory thereof in this point,
that I trust no sort of iiertue is condemned, nor any degree of vice allowed in it: and
that (though it be not perhaps so gorgeously decked, and richly attired as it ought to
be) it is at the least rightly proportioned in all the members, without any monstrous
deformitie in any of them: and specially that since it was first written in secret, and
is now published, not of ambition, but of a kinde of necessitie; it must be taken of all
men, for the trew image of my very minde, and forme of the rule, which I haue pre-
scribed to my selfe and mine: Which as in all my actions I haue hitherto preassed to
expresse, sofarre as the nature of my charge, and the condition of time would permit
me: so beareth it a discouery of that which may be looked for at my hand, and whereto
euen in my secret thoughts, I haue engaged my selfe for the time to come. And thus
in afirme trust, that it shall please God, who with my being and Crowne, gaue me this
minde, to maintaine and augment the same in me and my posteritie, to the discharge
of our conscience, the maintenance of our Honour, and weale of our people, I bid thee
heartily farewell.

12 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

OF A KINGS CHRISTIAN DVETIE TOWARDS GOD.

THE FIRST BOOKE.

As he cannot be thought worthy to rule and command others, that cannot rule
and dantone his owne proper affections and vnreasonable appetites, so can hee
not be thought worthie to gouerne a Christian people, knowing and fearing God,
that in his owne person and heart, feareth not and loueth not the Diuine Maiestie.
Neither can anything in his gouernment succeed well with him, (deuise and
labour as he list) as comming from a filthie spring, if his person be vnsanctified :
for (as that royal Prophet saith) Except the Lord build the house, they labour in
vaine that build it: except the Lord keepe the City, the keepers watch it in vaine: l in
respect the blessing of God hath onely power to giue the successe thereunto: and
as Paul saith, he planteth, Apollos watereth; but it is God onely that giueth the in-
crease? Therefore (my Sonne) first of all things, learne to know and loue that God,
whom- to ye haue a double obligation; first, for that he made you a man; and
/next, for that he made you a little GOD to sit on his Throne, and rule ouer other
men. Remember, that as in dignitie hee hath erected you aboue others, so ought
ye in thankfulnesse towards him, goe as farre beyond all others. A moate in an-
others eye, is a beame into yours: a blemish in another', is a leprouse byle into
you: and a veniall sinne (as the Papifts call it) in another, is a great crime into
you. Thinke not therefore, that the highnesse of your dignitie, diminisheth your
faults (much lesse giueth you a licence to sinne) but by the contrary your fault
shall be aggrauated, according to the height of your dignitie; any sinne that ye
commit, not being a single sinne procuring but the fall of one; but being an ex-
emplare sinne, and therefore drawing with it the whole multitude to be guiltie of
the same. Remember then, that this glistering worldly glorie of Kings, is giuen
them by God, to teach them to preasse so to glister and shine before their people,
in all workes of sanctification and righteousnesse, that their persons as bright
lampes of godlinesse and vertue, may, going in and out before their people, giue
light to all their steps. Remember also, that by the right knowledge, and feare
of God (which is the beginning of Wisedome,3 as Salomon saith) ye shall know
all the things necessarie for the discharge of your duetie, both as a Christian,
and as a King; seeing in him, as in a mirrour, the course of all earthly things,
whereof hee is the spring and onely moouer.

Now, the onely way to bring you to this knowledge, is diligently to reade his
word, and earnestly to pray for the right vnderstanding thereof. Search the
Scriptures, sayth Christ, for they beare testimonie of me:* and, the whole Scripture,
saith Paul, is giuen by inspiration of God, and is profitable to teach, to conuince,
to correct, and to instruct in righteousnesse; that the man of God may be absolute,
being made perfite vnto all good workes.6 And most properly of any other, belong-

1 Psal. 127. i. ' Prou. 9. 10. * 2. Tim. 3. 16, 17.

2 i. Cor. 3. 6. 4 lohn 5. 39.

BASILIKON DORON 13

eth the reading thereof vnto Kings, since in that part of Scripture, where the;/
godly Kings are first made mention of, that were ordained to rule ouer the people
of God, there is an expresse and most notable exhortation and commandement
giuen them, to reade and meditate in the Law of God.1 I ioyne to this, the carefull
hearing of the doctrine with attendance and reuerence: for, faith commeth by
hearing? sayeth the same Apostle. But aboue all, beware ye wrest not the word
to your owne appetite, as ouer many doe, making it like a bell to sound as ye
please to interprete: but by the contrary, frame all your affections, to follow
precisely the rule there set downe.

The whole Scripture chiefly containeth two things: a command, and a pro-
hibition, to doe such things, and to abstaine from the contrary. Obey in both;
neither thinke it enough to abstaine from euill, and do no good; nor thinke not
that if yee doe many good things, it may serve you for a cloake to mixe euill
turnes therewith. And as in these two points, the whole Scripture principally
consisteth, so in two degrees standeth the whole seruice of God by man: interiour,
or vpward; exteriour, or downward: the first, by prayer in faith towards God;
the next, by workes flowing therefra before the world : which is nothing else, but
the exercise of Religion towards God, and of equitie towards your neighbour.

As for the particular points of Religion, I need not to dilate them; I am noj
hypocrite, follow my footsteps, and your owne present education therein. I
thanke God, I was neuer ashamed to giue account of my profession, howsoeuer
the malicious lying tongues of some haue traduced me: and if my conscience had
not resolued me, that all my Religion presently professed by me and my king-
dome, was grounded vpon the plaine words of the Scripture, without the which
all points of Religion are superfluous, as any thing contrary to the same is abomi-
nation, I had neuer outwardly auowed it, for pleasure or awe of any flesh.

And as for the points of equitie towards your neighbour (because that will fall
in properly, vpon the second part concerning a Kings office) I leaue it to the owne
roume.

For the first part then of mans seruice to his God, which is Religion, that is,
the worship of God according to his reuealed will, it is wholly grounded vpon the
Scripture, as I haue alreadie said, quickened by faith, and consented by con-
science: For the Scripture, I haue now spoken of it in generall, but that yee may
the more readily make choice of any part thereof, for your instruction or comfort,
remember shortly this methode.

The whole Scripture is dyted by Gods Spirit, thereby, as by his liuely word,
to instruct and rule the whole Church militant to the and of the world: It is
composed of two parts, the Olde and New Testament: The ground of the former
is the La we, which sheweth our sinne, and containeth Justice : the ground of the
other is Christ, who pardoning sinne containeth grace. The summe of the Law .
is the tenne Commandements, more largely delated in the bookes of Moses, in-

1 Deut. 17. * Rom. 10. 17.

14 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

terpreted and applied by the Prophets; and by the histories, are the examples
shewed of obedience or disobedience thereto, and what prcemium or pcena was
accordingly giuen by God: But because no man was able to keepe the Law, nor
any part thereof, it pleased God of his infinite wisedome and goodnesse, to incar-
nate his only Sonne in our nature, for satisfaction of his iustice in his suffering
for vs; that since we could not be saued by doing, we might at least, bee saued by
beleeuing.

The ground therefore of the word of grace, is contained in the foure histories
of the birth, life, death, resurrection and ascention of Christ: The larger interpre-
tation and vse thereof, is contained in the Epistles of the Apostles: and the
practise in the faithfull or vnfaithfull, with the historic of the infancie and first
progresse of the Church is contained in their Actes.

Would ye then know your sinne by the Lawe ? reade the bookes of Moses con-
taining it. Would ye haue a cornmentarie thereupon ? Reade the Prophets, and
likewise the bookes of the Prouerbes and Ecclesiastes, written by that great pat-
, terne of wisedome Salomon, which will not only serue you for instruction, how to
walke in the obedience of the Lawe of God, but is also so full of golden sentences,
and morall precepts, in all things that can concerne your conuersation in the
world, as among all the prophane Philosophers and Poets, ye shall not finde so
rich a storehouse of precepts of naturall wisedome, agreeing with the will and
diuine wisedome of God. Would ye see how good men are rewarded, and wicked
punished ? looke the historicall parts of these same bookes of Moses, together
with the histories of loshua, the fudges, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, and lob: but
especially the bookes of the Kings and Chronicles, wherewith ye ought to bee
familiarly acquainted: for there shall yee see your selfe, as in a myrrour, in the
catalogue either of the good or the euill Kings.

Would yee know the doctrine, life, and death of our Sauiour Christ ? reade
the Euangelists. Would ye bee more particularly trained vp in his Schoole ?
meditate vpon the Epistles of the Apostles. And would ye be acquainted with
the practises of that doctrine in the persons of the primitiue Church ? Cast vp
the Apostles Actes. And as to the Apocryphe bookes, I omit them, because I am
no Papist, as I said before; and indeed some of them are no wayes like the dyte-
ment of the Spirit of God.

But when ye reade the Scripture, reade it with a sanctified and chaste heart:
admire reuerently such obscure places as ye vnderstand not, blaming onely your
owne capacitie: read with delight the plaine places, and studie carefully to vnder-
stand those that are somewhat difficile: preasse to bee a good textuarie; for the
Scripture is euer the best interpreter of it selfe; but preasse not curiously to seeke
out farther then is contained therein; for that were ouer vnmannerly a presump-
tion, to striue to bee further vpon Gods secrets, then he hath will ye be; for what
hee thought needfull for vs to know, that hath he reuealed there: And delyte
most in reading such parts of the Scripture, as may best serue for your instruction

BASILIKON DORON 15

in your calling; reiecting foolish curiosities vpon genealogies and contentions,
which are but vaine, and profile not,1 as Paul saith.

Now, as to Faith, which is the nourisher and quickner of Religion, as I haue
alreadie said, It is a sure perswasion and apprehension of the promises of God,
applying them to your soule: and therefore may it iustly be called, the golden
chaine that linketh the faithfull soule to Christ: And because it groweth not in
our garden, but is the free gift of God,2 as the same Apostle saith, it must be
nourished by prayer, Which is nothing else, but a friendly talking with God.

As for teaching you the forme of your prayers, the Psalmes of Dauid are the
meetest schoole-master that ye can be acquainted with (next the prayer of our
Sauiour, which is the onely rule of prayer) whereout of, as of most rich and pure
fountaines, ye may learne all forme of prayer necessarie for your comfort at all
occasions : And so much the fitter are they for you, then for the common sort,
in respect the composer thereof was a King: and therefore best behoued to know
a Kings wants, and what things were meetest to be required by a King at Gods
hand for remedie thereof.

Vse often to pray when ye are quietest, especially forget it not in your bed
how oft soeuer ye doe it at other tunes: for publike prayer serueth as much for
example, as for any particular comfort to the supplicant.

In your prayer, bee neither ouer strange with God, like the ignorant common
sort, that prayeth nothing but out of bookes, nor yet ouer homely with him, like
some of the vaine Pharisaicall puritanes, that thinke they rule him vpon their
fingers : The former way will breede an vncouth coldnesse in you towards him, the
other will breede in you a contempt of him. But in your prayer to God speake
with all reuerence: for if a subiect will not speake but reuerently to a King,
much lesse should any flesh presume to talke with God as with his companion.

Craue in your prayer, not onely things spirituall, but also things temporall,
sometimes of greater, and sometimes of lesse consequence; that yee may lay vp
in store his grant of these things, for confirmation of your faith, and to be an
arles-peny vnto you of his loue. Pray, as yee finde your heart moueth you, pro
re nata: but see that yee sute no vnlawfull things, as reuenge, lust, or such like:
for that prayer can not come of faith : and whatsoeuer is done without faith, is
sinne,3 as the Apostle saith. ,

When ye obtaine your prayer, thanke him ioyfully therefore: if otherwaies,
beare patiently, preassing to winne him with importunitie, as the widow did the
vnrighteous ludge: and if notwithstanding thereof yee be not heard, assure your
selfe, God foreseeth that which yee aske is not for your weale: and learne in time,
so to interprete all the aduersities that God shall send vnto you ; so shall yee in
the middest of them, not onely be armed with patience, but ioyfully lift vp your
eyes from the present trouble, to the happie end that God will turne it to. And
when ye finde it once so fall out by proofe, arme your selfe with the experience

1 Tit. 3. 9. * Philip, i. 29. « Rom. 14. 23.

16 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

thereof against the next trouble, assuring your selfe, though yee cannot in time
of the showre see through the cloude, yet in the end shall ye find, God sent if for
your weale, as ye found in the former.

And as for conscience, which I called the conseruer of Religion, It is nothing
else, but the light of knowledge that God hath planted in man, which euer watch-
ing ouer all his actions, as it beareth him a ioyfull testimonie when he does right,
so choppeth it him with a feeling that hee hath done wrong, when euer he commit-
teth any sinne. And surely, although this conscience be a great torture to the
wicked, yet is it as great a comfort to the godly, if we will consider it rightly. For
haue wee not a great aduantage, that haue within our selues while wee Hue here,
a Count-booke and Inuentarie of all the crimes that wee shall bee accused of,
either at the houre of our death, or at the Great day of Judgement; which when
wee please (yea though we forget) will chop, and remember vs to looke vpon it;
that while we haue leasure and are here, we may remember to amend; and so
at the day of our triall, compeare with new and white garments washed in the blood
of the Lambe,1 as S. lohn saith. Aboue all them, my Sonne, labour to keepe sound
this conscience, which many prattle of, but ouer few feele : especially be carefull
to keepe it free from two diseases, wherewith it vseth oft to be infected; to wit,
Leaprosie, and Superstition; the former is the mother of Atheisme, the other of
Heresies. By a leaprouse conscience, I meane a cauterized conscience? as Paid
calleth it, being become senselesse of sinne, through sleeping in a carelesse securitie
as King Dauids was after his murther and adulterie, euer til he was wakened by
the Prophet Nathans similitude. And by superstition, I meane, when one re-
straines himselfe to any other rule in the sendee of God, then is warranted by the
word, the onely trew square of Gods sendee ?

As for a preseruatiue against this Leaprosie, remember euer once in the foure
and twentie houres, either in the night, or when yee are at greatest quiet, to call
your selfe to account of all your last dayes actions, either wherein ye haue com-
mitted things yee should not, or omitted the things ye should doe, either in your
Christian or Kingly calling: and in that account, let not your selfe be smoothed
ouer with that flattering <t>i\avria, which is ouerkindly a sicknesse to all mankind:
but censure your selfe as sharply, as if ye were your owne enemie: For if ye iudge
your selfe, ye shall not be iudged,3 as the Apostle saith: and then according to your
censure, reforme your actions as farre as yee may, eschewing euer wilfully and
wittingly to contrare your conscience: For a small sinne wilfully committed, with
a deliberate resolution to breake the bridle of conscience therein, is farre more
grieuous before God, then a greater sinne committed in a suddaine passion, when
conscience is asleepe. Remember therefore in all your actions, of the great ac-
count that yee are one day to make : in all the dayes of your life, euer learning to
die, and liuing euery day as it were you last;

Omnem crede diem tibi diluxisse supremum*
1 Reu. 7. 14. * i. Tim. 4. 2. » i. Cor. u. 31. 4 Horat. lib. i. Epist.

BASILIKON DORON 17

And therefore, I would not haue you to pray with the Papists, to be preserued
from suddaine death, but that God would giue you grace so to Hue, as ye may
euery houre of your life be ready for death: so shall ye attaine to the vertue of
trew fortitude, neuer being afraid for the horrour of death, come when he list:
And especially, beware to offend your conscience with vse of swearing or lying,
suppose but in iest ; for othes are but an vse, and a sinne cloathed with no delight
nor gaine, and therefore the more inexcusable euen in the sight of men: and lying
commeth also much of a vile vse, which banisheth shame : Therefore beware euen
to deny the trewth, which is a sort of lie, that may best be eschewed by a person
of your ranke. For if any thing be asked at you that yee thinke not meete to
reueale, if yee say, that question is not pertinent for them to aske, who dare ex-
amine you further ? and vsing sometimes this answere both in trew and false
things that shall be asked at you, such vnmanerly people will neuer be the wiser
thereof.

And for keeping your conscience sound from that sickenesse of superstition,
yee must neither lay the safetie of your conscience vpon the credit of your owne
conceits, nor yet of other mens humors, how great doctors of Diuinitie that euer
they be; but yee must onely ground it vpon the expresse Scripture : for conscience
not grounded vpon sure knowledge, is either an ignorant fantasie, or an arrogant
vanjtie. Beware therefore in this case with two extremities: the one, to beleeue
with the Papists, the Churches authority, better then your owne knowledge; the
other, to leane with the Anabaptists, to your owne conceits and dreamed reue-
lations.

But learne wisely to discerne betwixt points of saluation and indifferent things,
betwixt substance and ceremonies; and betwixt the expresse commandement and
will of God in his word, and the inuention or ordinance of man; since all that is
necessarie for saluation is contained in the Scripture: For in any thing that is
expressely commanded or prohibited in the booke of God, ye cannot be ouer
precise, euen in the least thing; counting euery sinne, not according to the light
estimation and common vse of it in the world, but as the booke of God counteth
of it. But as for all other things not contained in the scripture, spare not to vse
or alter them, as the necessitie of the time shall require. And when any of the
spirituall office-bearers in the Church, speake vnto you any thing that is well war-
ranted by the word, reuerence and obey them as the heraulds of the most high
God : but, if passing that bounds, they vrge you to embrace any of their fantasies
in the place of Gods word, or would colour their particulars with a pretended zeal,
acknowledge them for no other then vaine men, exceeding the bounds of their
calling; and according to your office, grauely and with authoritie redact them in
order againe.

To conclude then, both this purpose of conscience, and the first part of this
booke, keepe God more sparingly in your mouth, but abundantly in your heart:
be precise in effect, but sociall in shew: kythe more by your deeds then by your

1 8 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

wordes, the loue of vertue and hatred of vice: and delight more to be godly and
vertuous indeed, then to be thought and called so; expecting more for your praise
and reward in heauen, then heere: and apply to all your outward actions Christs
command, to pray and giue your almes secretly: So shal ye on the one part be
inwardly garnished with trew Christian humilitie, not outwardly (with the proud
Pharisie) glorying in your godlinesse; but saying, as Christ commandeth vs all,
when we haue done all that we can, Inutiles semi sumus: l And on the other part,
yee shall eschew outwardly before the world, the suspition of filthie proude hypo-
crisie, and deceitfull dissimulation.

OF A KINGS DVETIE IN HIS OFFICE.
THE SECOND BOOKE.

BVT as ye are clothed with two callings, so must ye be alike careful for the dis-
charge of them both: that as yee are a good Christian, so yee may be a good
King, discharging your Office (as I shewed before) in the points of Justice and
Equitie: which in two sundrie waies ye must doe: the one, in establishing and
executing, (which is the life of the Law) good Lawes among your people: 2 the
other, by your behauiour in your owne person, and with your seruants, to teach
your people by your example: 3 for people are naturally inclined to counterfaite
(like apes) their Princes maners, according to the notable saying of Plato* ex-
pressed by the Poet -

Componitur orbis

Regis ad exemplum, nee sic inflectere sensus
Humanos edicla valent, quam vita regentis.*

For the part of making, and executing of Lawes, consider first the trew dif-
ference betwixt a lawfull good King, and an vsurping Tyran, and yee shall the
more easily vnderstand your duetie herein: for contraria iuxta se posita magis
elucescunt. The one acknowledgeth himselfe ordained for his people, hauing
receiued from God a burthen of gouernment, whereof he must be countable:6
the other thinketh his people ordeined for him, a prey to his passions and inordi-
nate appetites, as the fruites of his magnanimitie: 7 And therefore, as their ends
are directly contrarie, so are their whole actions, as meanes, whereby they preasse
to attaine to their endes. A good King, thinking his highest honour to consist in
the due discharge of his calling, emploieth all his studie and paines, to procure
and maintaine, by the making and execution of good Lawes, the well-fare and
peace of his people; 8 and as their naturall father and kindly Master, thinketh
his greatest contentment standeth in their prosperitie, and his greatest suretie
in hauing their hearts, subjecting his owne priuate affections and appetites to

1 Luke 10. 17. 4 Plato in Polit. ' Arist. 5. Polit.

1 Plato in Polit. 6 Claudian in 4. cons. Hon. 8 Xen. 8. Cyr.

* Isocr. in Sym. 6 Plato in Polit.

BASELIKON DORON 19

the weale and standing of his Subiects, euer thinking common interesse his
chiefest particular: 1 where by the contrarie, an vsurping Tyran, thinking his
greatest honour and felicitie to consist in attaining per fas, vel nefas to his ambi-
tious pretences, thinketh neuer himselfe sure, but by the dissention and factions
among his people, and counterfaiting the Saint while he once creepe in credite,
will then (by inuerting all good Lawes to serve onely for his vnrulie priuate affec-
tions) frame the common-weale euer to aduance his particular: building his
suretie vpon his peoples miserie:2 and in the end (as a step-father and an vncouth
hireling) make vp his owne hand vpon the mines of the Republicke.3 And ac-
cording to their actions, so receiue they their reward : For a good King (after a f
happie and famous reigne) dieth in peace, lamented by his subiects, and admired I
by his neighbours; and leauing a reuerent renowne behinde him in earth, ob-'
taineth the Crowne of eternall felicitie in heauen.4 And although some of them
(which falleth out very rarelie) may be cut off by the treason of some vnnaturall
subiects, yet liueth their fame after them, and some notable plague faileth neuer
to ouertake the committers in this life, besides their infamie to all posterities here-
after: Where by the contrarier a Tyrannes miserable and infamous life, armeth
in end his owne Subiects to become his burreaux: 6 and although that rebellion
be euer vnlawfull on their part, yet is the world so wearied of him, that his fall
is little meaned by the rest of his Subjects, and but smiled at by his neighbours.6
And besides the infamous memorie he leaueth behind him here, and the endlesse
paine hee sustaineth hereafter, it oft falleth out, that the committers not onely
escape vnpunished, but farther, the fact will remaine as allowed by the Law in
diuers aages thereafter. It is easie then for you (my Sonne) to make a choise of ,/
one of these two sorts of rulers, by following the way of vertue to establish your
standing; yea, in case ye fell in the high way, yet should it be with the honourable
report, and iust regrate of all honest men.

And therefore to returne to my purpose anent the gouernement of your Sub-
iects, by making and putting good Lawes to execution; I remit the making of
them to your owne discretion, as ye shall finde the necessitie of new-rising corrup-
tions to require them: for, ex mails moribus bonce leges nat<z sunt: besides, that in
this country, wee haue alreadie moe good Lawes then are well execute, and am
onely to insist in your forme of gouernment anent their execution. Onely re-
member, that as Parliaments haue bene ordained for making of Lawes, so ye
abuse not their institution, in holding them for any mens particulars: For as a
Parliament is the honourablest and highest iudgement in the land (as being the
Kings head Court) if it be well vsed, which is by making of good Lawes in it; so
is it the in-iustest ludgement-seat that may be, being abused to mens particulars:
irreuocable decreits against particular parties, being giuen therein vnder colour
of generall Lawes, and oft-times th'Estates not knowing themselues whom

1 Cic. lib. 5. de Rep. » Tacit. 4. hist. 6 Arist. 5. Polit.

2 Arist. 5. Polit. * Cic. 6. de Rep. • Isocr. in Sym.

20 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

i thereby they hurt.1 And therefore hold no Parliaments, but for necessitie of new
Lawes, which would be but seldome: for few Lawes and well put in execution,
are best in a well ruled common-weale. As for the matter of fore-faltures, which
also are done in Parliament, it is not good tigging with these things; but my
aduice is, ye fore-fault none but for such odious crimes as may make them vn-
worthie euer to be restored againe:2 And for smaller offences, ye haue other
penalties sharpe enough to be vsed against them.

And as for the execution of good Lawes, whereat I left, remember that among
the differences that I put betwixt the formes of the gouernment of a good King,
and an vsurping Tyran; I shew how a Tyran would enter like a Saint while he
found himselfe fast vnder-foot, and then would suffer his vnrulie affections to
burst foorth. Therefore be yee contrare at your first entrie to your Kingdome,
to that Quinquennium Neronis, with his tender hearted wish, Vellem nescirem
literas,3 in giuing the Law full execution against all breakers thereof but excep-
tion.4 For since ye come not to your reigne precarib, nor by conquest, but by
right and due discent; feare no vproares for doing of iustice, since ye may assure
your selfe, the most part of your people will euer naturally fauour Iustice: 6 pro-
uiding alwaies, that ye doe it onely for loue to Iustice, and not for satisfying any
particular passions of yours, vnder colour thereof: 6 otherwise, how iustly that
euer the offender deserue it, ye are guiltie of murther before God : For ye must
consider, that God euer looketh to your inward intention in all your actions.

And when yee haue by the feueritie of Iustice once setled your countries, and
made them know that ye can strike, then may ye thereafter all the daies of your
life mixe Iustice with Mercie, punishing or sparing, as ye shall finde the crime to
haue bene wilfully or rashly committed, and according to the by-past behauiour
of the committer.7 For if otherwise ye kyth your clemencie at the first, the of-
fences would soone come to such heapes, and the contempt of you grow so great,
that when ye would fall to punish, the number of them to be punished, would
exceed the innocent; and yee would be troubled to resolue whom-at to begin:
and against your nature would be compelled then to wracke many, whom the
chastisement of few in the beginning might haue preserued. But in this, my ouer-
deare bought experience may serue you for a sufficient lesson: For I confesse,
where I thought (by being gracious at the beginning) to win all mens hearts to a
yiouing and willing obedience, I by the contrary found, the disorder of the coun-
trie, and the losse of my thankes to be all my reward.

But as this seuere Iustice of yours vpon all offences would bee but for a time,
(as I haue alreadie said) so is there some horrible crimes that yee are bound in
conscience neuer to forgiue: such as Witch-craft, wilfull murther, Incest, (es-
pecially within the degrees of consanguinitie).SQdomie.'poisoning. and false coine.
As for offences against your owne person and authoritie, since the fault concern-

1 L. 1 2. Tab. ' Ar. 7. pol.

1 Cic. 3 de leg. pro D. s. & pro Sest. 6 Cic. ad Q. fr.

» Sen. de cl. 4 Plato 2. & 10 de Repub. 7 Plato in Pol. & 9. de L. Sal. oral, ad Caesar.

BASILIKON DORON 21

eth your selfe, I remit to your owne choise to punish or pardon therein, as your
heart serueth you, and according to the circumstances of the turne, and the
qualitie of the committer.

Here would I also eike another crime to bee vnpardonable, if I should not be
thought partiall: but the fatherly loue I beare you, will make mee breake the
bounds of shame in opening it vnto you. It is then, the false and vnreuerent
writing or speaking of malicious men against your Parents and Predecessors:
ye know the command in Gods lawe, Honour your Father and Mother: l and con-
sequently, sen ye are the lawful magistrate, suffer not both your Princes and
your Parents to be dishonoured by any; especially, sith the example also toucheth
your selfe, in leauing thereby to your successors, the measure of that which they
shal mete out againe to you in your like behalfe.2 I graunt wee haue all our faults,
which, priuately betwixt you and God, should serue you for examples to meditate
vpon, and mend in your person; but should not be a matter of discourse to others
whatsoeuer. And sith ye are come of as honourable Predecessours as any Prince
liuing, represse the insolence of such, as vnder pretence to taxe a vice in the per-
son, seeke craftily to staine the race, and to steale the affection of the people from
their posteritie: For how can they loue you, that hated them whom-of ye are
come ? Wherefore destroy men innocent young sucking Wolues and Foxes, but
for the hatred they beare to their race ? and why wil a coult of a Courser of
Naples, giue a greater price in a market, then an Asse-colt, but for loue of the
race ? It is therefore a thing monstrous, to see a man loue the childe, and hate
the Parents : as on the other part, the infaming and making odious of the parents,
is the readiest way to bring the sonne in contempt. And for conclusion of this
point, I may also alledge my owne experience: For besides the iudgments of
God, that with my eyes I haue scene fall vpon all them that were chief e traitours
to my parents, I may iustly affirme, I neuer found yet a constant biding by me
in all my straites, by any that were of perfite aage in my parents dayes, but onely
by such as constantly bode by them ; I meane specially by them that serued the
Queene my mother: for so that I discharge my conscience to you, my Sonne, in
reuealing to you the trewth, I care not, what any traitour or treason-allower
thinke of it.

And although the crime of oppression be not in this ranke of vnpardonable
crimes, yet the ouer-common vse of it in this nation, as if it were a vertue, es-
pecially by the greatest ranke of subjects in the land, requireth the King to be
a sharpe censurer thereof. Be diligent therefore to trie, and awfull to beate
downe the homes of proud oppressours: 3 embrace the quarrell of the poore and
distressed, as your owne particular, thinking it your greatest honour to represse
the oppressours: 4 care for the pleasure of none, neither spare ye anie paines in
your owne person, to see their wrongs redressed: 6 and remember of the honour-

1 Exod. 20. 12. » Arist. 5. polit. • Cic. in Of. & ad Q. fr.

J Plat. 4. de Legib. 4 Isocr. de reg.

22 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

able stile giuen to my grand-father of worthie memorie, in being called the poore
mans King. And as the most part of a Kings office, standeth in deciding that
question of Meum and Tuum, among his subjects; so remember when ye sit in
, iudgement, that the Throne ye sit on is Gods,1 as M oyses saith, and sway neither
to the right hand nor to the left; either louing the rich, or pittying the poore.
Justice should be blinde and friendlesse: it is not there ye should reward your
friends, or seeke to crosse your enemies.2

Here now speaking of oppressours and of iustice, the purpose leadeth me to
speake of Hie-land and Border oppressions. As for the Hie-lands, I shortly com-
prehend them all in two sorts of people: the one, that dwelleth in our maine land,
that are barbarous for the most part, and yet mixed with some shewe of ciuilitie:
the other, that dwelleth in the lies, and are alluterly barbares, without any sort
or shew of ciuilitie. For the first sort, put straitly to execution the Lawes made
alreadie by me against their Ouer-lords, and the chiefes of their Clannes, and it
will be no difficultie to danton them. As for the other sort, follow forth the course
that I haue intended, in planting Colonies among them of answerable In-lands
subiects, that within short time may reforme and ciuilize the best inclined among
them; rooting out or transporting the barbarous and stubborne sort, and plant-
ing ciuilitie in their roomes.

But as for the Borders, because I know, if ye enioy not this whole He, accord-
ing to Gods right and your lineall discent, yee will neuer get leaue to brooke this
North and barrennest part thereof; no, not your owne head whereon the Crowne
should stand; I neede not in that case trouble you with them: for then they will
be the middest of the He, and so as easily ruled as any part thereof.

And that yee may the readier with wisedome and Justice gouerne your sub-
iects, by knowing what vices they are naturallie most inclined to, as a good Phy-
sician, who must first know what peccant humours his Patient naturallie is most
subiect vnto, before he can begin his cure: 3 I shall therefore shortly note vnto
you, the principall faults that euery ranke of the people of this countrey is most
affected vnto. And as for England, I will not speake be-gesse of them, neuer
hauing been among them, although I hope in that God, who euer fauoureth the
right, before I die, to be as well acquainted with their fashions.

As the whole Subiects of our countrey (by the ancient and fundamentall policie
of our Kingdome) are diuided into three estates, so is euerie estate hereof generally
subiect to some speciall vices; which in a maner by long habitude, are thought
rather vertue then vice among them; not that euerie particular man in any of
these rankes of men, is subiect vnto them, for there is good and euill of all sorts;
but that I meane, I haue found by experience, these vices to haue taken greatest
holde with these rankes of men.

And first, that I prejudge not the Church of her ancient priuiledges, reason
would shee should haue the first place for orders sake, in this catalogue.

1 Deut. i. « Plat, in polit.; Cic. ad Q. fiat.; Arist. i. Ret.; Plat, in Is. » Plato in polit.

BASELIKON DORON 23

The naturall sickenesse that hath euer troubled, and beene the decay of all
the Churches, since the beginning of the world, changing the candlesticke from
one to another, as lohn saith, hath beene Pride, Ambition, and Auarice: and now
last, these same infirmities wrought the ouerthrow of the Popish Church, in this
countrey and diuers others. But the reformation of Religion in Scotland, being
extraordinarily wrought by God, wherin many things were inordinately done by
a popular tumult and rebellion, of such as blindly were doing the worke of God,
but clogged with their owne passions and particular respects, as well appeared by
the destruction of our policie, and not proceeding from the Princes order, as it did
in our neighbour countrey of England, as likewise in Denmarke, and sundry parts
of Germanic; some fierie spirited men in the ministerie, got such a guiding of the
people at that time of confusion, as finding the gust of gouernment sweete, they
begouth to fantasie to themselues a Democraticke forme of gouernment: and
hauing (by the iniquitie of time) beene ouerwell baited vpon the wracke, first of
my Grandmother, and next of mine owne mother, and after vsurping the libertie
of the time in my long minoritie, setled themselues so fast vpon that imagined
Democracie, as they fed themselues with the hope to become Tribuni plebis: and
so in a popular gouernment by leading the people by the nose, to beare the sway
of all the rule. And for this cause, there neuer rose faction in the time of my
minoritie, nor trouble sen-syne, but they that were vpon that factious part, were
euer carefull to perswade and allure these vnruly spirits among the ministerie, to
spouse that quarrell as their owne: where- through I was ofttimes calumniated
in their populare Sermons, not for any euill or vice in me, but because I was a
King, which they thought the highest euill. And because they were ashamed to
professe this quarrel, they were busie to look narrowly in all my actions; and I
warrant you a mote in my eye, yea a false report, was matter enough for them to
worke vpon : and yet for all their cunning, whereby they pretended to distinguish
the lawfulnesse of the office, from the vice of the person, some of them would
sometimes snapper out well grossely with the trewth of their intentions, informing
the people, that all Kings and Princes were naturally enemies to the libertie of
the Church, and could neuer patiently beare the yoke of Christ: with such sound
doctrine fed they their flockes. And because the learned, graue, and honest men
of the ministerie, were euer ashamed and offended with their temeritie and pre-
sumption, preassing by all good meanes by their authoritie and example, to re-
duce them to a greater moderation; there could be no way found out so meete in
their conceit, that were turbulent spirits among them, for maintaining their
plots, as paritie in the Church: whereby the ignorants were emboldened (as
bairdes) to crie the learned, godly, and modest out of it: paritie the mother of
confusion, and enemie to Vnitie, which is the mother of order: For if by the
example thereof, once established in the Ecclesiasticall gouernment, the Politicke
and ciuill estate should be drawen to the like, the great confusion that thereupon
would arise may easily be discerned. Take heede therefore (my Sonne) to such

24 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Puritanes, verie pestes in the Church and Common-weale, whom no deserts can
oblige, neither oathes or promises binde, breathing nothing but sedition and
calumnies, aspiring without measure, railing without reason, and making their
owne imaginations (without any warrant of the word) the square of their con-
science. I protest before the great God, and since I am here as vpon my Testa-
ment, it is no place for me to lie in, that ye shall neuer finde with any Hie-land
or Border-theeues greater ingratitude, and moe lies and vile penuries, then with
these phanaticke spirits: And suffer not the principals of them to brooke your
land, if ye like to sit at rest; except yee would keepe them for trying your pa-
tience, as Socrates did an euill wife.1

And for preseruatiue against their poison, entertaine and aduance the godly,
learned and modest men of the ministerie, whom-of (God be praised) there lacketh
not a sufficient number: and by their prouision to Bishoprickes and Benefices
(annulling that vile acte of Annexation, if ye finde it not done to your hand) yee
shall not onely banish their conceited paritie, whereof I haue spoken, and their
other imaginarie grounds; which can neither stand with the order of the Church,
nor the peace of a commonweale and well ruled Monarchie : but ye shall also re-
establish the olde institution of three Estates in Parliament, which can no other-
wise be done: But in this I hope (if God spare me dayes) to make you a faire
entrie, alwayes where I leaue, follow ye my steps.

And to end my aduice anent the Church estate, cherish no man more then a
good Pastor, hate no man more then a proude Puritane; thinking it one of your
fairest styles, to be called a louing nourish-father to the Church, seeing all the
Churches within your dominions planted with good Pastors, the Schooles (the
seminarie of the Church) maintained, the doctrine and discipline preserued in
puritie, according to Gods word, a sufficient prouision for their sustentation, a
comely order in their policie, pride punished, humilitie aduanced, and they so to
reuerence their superiours, and their flockes them, as the flourishing of your
Church in pietie, peace, and learning, may be one of the chiefe points of your
earthly glory, being euer alike ware with both the extremities; as well as yee re-
presse the vaine Puritane, so not to suffer proude Papall Bishops; but as some
for their qualities will deserue to bee preferred before others, so chaine them with
such bondes as may preserue that estate from creeping to corruption.

The next estate now that by order commeth in purpose, according to their
rankes in Parliament, is the Nobilitie, although second in ranke, yet ouer farre
first in greatnesse and power, either to doe good or euill, as they are inclined.

The naturall sickenesse that I haue perceiued this estate subiect to in my time,
hath beene, a fectlesse arrogant conceit of their greatnes and power; drinking in
with their very nourish-milke, that their honor stood in committing three points of
iniquitie: to thrall by oppression, the meaner sort that dwelleth neere them, to
their seruice and following, although they holde nothing of them: to maintaine

1 Xantippe.

BASILIKON DORON 25

their seruants and dependers in any wrong, although they be not answerable to
the lawes (for any body will maintaine his man in a right cause) and for anie dis-
pleasure, that they apprehend to be done vnto them by their neighbour, to take
vp a plaine feide against him; and (without respect to God, King, or common-
weale) to bang it out brauely, hee and all his kinne, against him and all his: yea
they will thinke the King farre in their common, in-case they agree to grant an
assurance to a short day, for keeping of the peace : where, by their naturall dewtie,
they are oblished to obey the lawe, and keepe the peace all the dales of their life,
vpon the perill of their verie craigges.

For remeid to these euils in their estate, teach your Nobilitie to keepe your
lawes as precisely as the meanest; l feare not their orping or beeing discontented,
as long as yee rule well; for their pretended reformation of Princes taketh neuer
effect, but where euill gouernement precedeth. Acquaint your selfe so with all
the honest men of your Barrens and Gentlemen, and be in your giuing accesse so
open and affable to euery ranke of honest persons, as may make them peart with-
out scarring at you, to make their owne suites to you themselues, and not to em-
ploy the great Lordes their intercessours; 2 for intercession to Saints is Papistrie:
so shall ye bring to a measure their monstrous backes. And for their barbarous
feides, put the lawes to due execution made by mee there-anent; beginning euer
rathest at him that yee loue best, and is most oblished vnto you; to make him
an example to the rest. For yee shall make all your reformations to beginne at
your elbow, and so by degrees to flow to the extremities of the land. And rest
not, vntill yee roote out these barbarous feides; that their effects may bee as well
smoared downe, as their barbarous name is vnknowen to anie other nation: For
if this Treatise were written either in French or Latine, I could not get them
named vnto you but by circumlocution. And for your easier abolishing of them,
put sharpelie to execution my lawes made against Gunnes and traiterous Pisto-
lets; thinking in your heart, tearming in your speech, and vsing by your punish-
ments, all such as weare and vse them, as brigands and cut-throates.

On the other part, eschew the other extremitie, in lightlying and contemning
your Nobilitie. Remember howe that errour brake the King my grand-fathers
heart. But consider that vertue followeth of test noble blood: the worthinesse
of their antecessors craueth a reuerent regard to be had vnto them:3 honour them
therfore that are obedient to the law among them, as Peeres and Fathers of your
land: the more frequently that your Court can bee garnished with them; thinke
it the more your honour; 4 acquainting and employing them in all your greatest
affaires; sen it is, they must be your armes and executers of your lawes: and so
vse your selfe louinglie to the obedient, and rigorously to the stubborne, as may
make the greatest of them to thinke, that the chiefest point of their honour, stand-
eth in striuing with the meanest of the land in humilitie towards you, and obedi-

1 Arist. 5. Polit. * Plat, in i. Al. in pol. & 5. de 1. Arist. 2. oecon.

1 Zeno in Cyr.; Iso. in Eu.; Cic. ad Q. fra. 4 Zeno in Cyr.

26 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

ence to your Lawes: beating euer in their eares, that one of the principall points
of seruice that ye craue of them, is, in their persons to practise, and by their
power to procure due obedience to the Law; without the which, no seruice they
can make, can be agreeable vnto you.

/ But the greatest hinderance to the execution of our Lawes in this countrie,
are these heritable Shiref domes and Regalities, which being in the hands of the
great men, do wracke the whole countrie: For which I know no present remedie,
but by taking the sharper account of them in their Offices; vsing all punishment
against the slouthfull, that the Law will permit: 1 and euer as they vaike, for
any offences committed by them, dispone them neuer heritably againe: preassing,
with time, to draw it to the laudable custome of England : which ye may the
easilier doe, being King of both, as I hope in God ye shall.

And as to the third and last estate, which is our Burghes (for the small Bar-
rones are but an inferiour part of the Nobilitie and of their estate) they are com-
posed of two sorts of men; Merchants and Craftes-men: either of these sorts
being subiect to their owne infirmities.

The Merchants thinke the whole common-weale ordeined for making them
vp; and accounting it their lawfull gaine and trade, to enrich themselues vpon
the losse of all the rest of the people, they transport from vs things necessarie;
bringing backe sometimes vnnecessary things, and at other times nothing at all.
They buy for vs the worst wares, and sell them at the dearest prices: and albeit
the victuals fall or rise of their prices, according to the aboundance or skantnesse
thereof; yet the prices of their wares euer rise, but neuer fall: being as constant
in that their euill custome, as if is were a setled Law for them. They are also the
speciall cause of the corruption of the coyne, transporting all our owne, and bring
ing in forraine, vpon what price they please to set on it: For order putting to
them, put the good Lawes in execution that are already made anent these abuses;
but especially doe three things: Establish honest, diligent, but few Searchers,
for many hands make slight worke; and haue an honest and diligent Thesaurer
to take count of them: Permit and allure forraine Merchants to trade here:2
so shall ye haue best and best cheape wares, not buying them at the third hand :
And set euery yeere downe a certaine price of all things; considering first, how it
is in other countries: and the price set reasonably downe, if the Merchants will
not bring them home on the price, cry forrainers free to bring them.

And because I haue made mention here of the coyne, make your money of fine
Gold and Siluer; causing the people be payed with substance, and not abused
with number: so shall ye enrich the common-weale, and haue a great treasure
laid vp in store, if ye fall in warres or in any straites: For the making it baser,
will breed your commoditie; but it is not to bee vsed, but at a great necessitie.

And the Craftes-men thinke, we should be content with their worke, how bad
and deare soeuer it be: 3 and if they hi any thing be controlled, vp goeth the

1 Ar. 2. pol. * PI. 2. de Rep. 8. & u. de leg. » Plat, ii.de leg.

BASILIKON DORON 27

blew-blanket: But for their part, take example by ENGLAND, how it hath flour-
ished both in wealth and policie, since the strangers Craftes-men came in among
them: Therefore not onely permit, but allure strangers to come heere also;1
taking as strait order for repressing the mutining of ours at them, as was done in
ENGLAND, at their first in-bringing there.

But vnto one fault is all the common people of this Kingdome subiect, as well
burgh as land; which is, to iudge and speake rashly of their Prince, setting the
Common-weale vpon foure props, as wee call it; euer wearying of the present
estate, and desirous of nouelties.2 For remedie whereof (besides the execution
of Lawes that are to be used against vnreuerent speakers) I know no better meane,
then so to rule, as may iustly stop their mouthes from all such idle and vnreuerent
speeches; and so to prop the weale of your people, with prouident care for their
good gouernment, that iustly, Momus himselfe may haue no ground to grudge
at: and yet so to temper and mixe your seueritie with mildnes, that as the vniust
railers may be restrained with a reuerent awe; so the good and louing Subjects,
may not onely liue in suretie and wealth, but be stirred vp and inuited by your
benigne courtesies, to open their mouthes in the iust praise of your so well mod-
erated regiment.3 In respect whereof, and therewith also the more to allure them
to a common amitie among themselues, certaine dayes in the yeere would be ap-
pointed, for delighting the people with publicke spectacles of all honest games,
and exercise of armes:4 as also for conueening of neighbours, for entertaining
friendship and heartlinesse, by honest feasting and merrinesse: For I cannot see
what greater superstition can -be in making playes and lawfull games in Maie,
and good cheere at Christmas, then in eating fish in Lent, and vpon Fridayes, the
Papists as well vsing the one as the other: so that alwayes the Sabboths be kept
holy, and no vnlawfull pastime be vsed: And as this forme of contenting the
peoples mindes, hath beene vsed in all well gouerned Republicks: so will it make
you to performe in your gouernment that olde good sentence,

Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuit vtile dulci.*

Ye see now (my Sonne) how for the zeale I beare to acquaint you with the
plaine and single veritie of all things, I haue not spared to be something Satyricke,
in touching well quickly the faults in all the estates of my kingdome: But I
protest before God, I doe it with the fatherly loue that I owe to them all; onely
hating their vices, whereof there is a good number of honest men free in euery
estate.

And because, for the better reformation of all these abuses among your estates,
it will be a great helpe vnto you, to be well acquainted with the nature and
humours of all your Subjects, and to know particularly the estate of euery part
of your dominions; 6 I would therefore counsell you, once in the yeere to visite

1 Plat. 9. de leg. ' Arist 5. pol. « Hor. de art. poet.

' Sal. in lug. 4 Isoc. in paneg; 6 Plat, in pol. & Min.

28 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the principall parts of the countrey , ye shal be in for the time : 1 and because I
hope ye shall be King of moe countries then this, once in the three yeeres to
visite all your Kingdomes; not lipening to Vice-royes, but hearing your selfe
their complaints; and hauing ordinarie Councels and iustice-seates in euerie
Kingdome, of their owne countriemen : and the principall matters euer to be de-
cided by your selfe when ye come in those parts.

Ye haue also to consider, that yee must not onely bee carefull to keepe your
subiects, from receiuing anie wrong of others within; but also yee must be care-
ful to keepe them from the wrong of any forraine Prince without: sen the sword
is giuen you by God not onely to reuenge vpon your owne subiects, the wrongs
committed amongst themselues; but further, to reuenge and free them of for-
raine iniuries done vnto them: And therefore warres vpon iust quarrels are law-
ful: but aboue all, let not the wrong cause be on your side.2

Vse all other Princes, as your brethren, honestly and kindely: Keepe precisely
your promise vnto them, although to your hurt: Striue with euerie one of them
in courtesie and thankefulnesse: 3 and as with all men, so especially with them,
bee plaine and trewthfull; keeping euer that Christain rule, to doe as yee would be
done to: especially in counting rebellion against any other Prince, a crime against
your owne selfe, because of the preparatiue. Supplie not therefore, nor trust not
other Princes rebels; but pittie and succour all lawfull Princes in their troubles.
But if any of them will not abstaine, notwithstanding what-soeuer your good
deserts, to wrong you or your subjects, craue redresse at leasure; 4 heare and doe
all reason: and if no offer that is lawfull or honourable, can make him to abstaine,
nor repaire his wrong doing; then for last refuge, commit the iustneffe of your
cause to God, giuing first honestly vp with him, and in a publicke and honourable
forme.6

But omitting now to teach you the forme of making warres, because that arte
is largely treated of by many, and is better learned by practise then speculation;
I will onely set downe to you heere a few precepts therein. Let first the iustnesse
of your cause be your greatest strength; and then omitte not to vse all lawfull
meanes for backing of the same.6 Consult therefore with no Necromancier nor
false Prophet, vpon the successe of your warres, remembring on king Saules 7
miserable end: but keepe your land cleane of all South-sayers, according to the
commaund in the Law of God,8 dilated by leremie. Neither commit your quarrell
to bee tried by a Duell: for beside that generally all Duell appeareth to bee vn-
lawful, committing the quarrell, as it were, to a lot; whereof there is no warrant
in the Scripture, since the abrogating of the olde Lawe: it is specially moste vn-

1 Tacit. 7. an. Mart.

1 Xeno. 8. Cyr.; Arist. 5. pol.; Polib. 6; Dion. Hal. de Romul.

3 Isoc. in Plat. & Parag.

4 Arist. ad A.; Varr. u. de V. P. R.; Cic. 2. Of.; Liu. lib. 4.

5 Liu. lib. i ; Cic. eod.

6 Prop. 4. Eleg.; Lucan 7; Varro u. de V. P. R.

7 i. Sam. 31. " Deut. 18.

BASILIKON DORON 29

lawfull in the person of a King; l who being a publicke person hath no power
therefore to dispose of himselfe, in respect, that to his preseruation or fall, the
safetie or wracke of the whole common-weale is necessarily coupled, as the body
is to the head.

Before ye take on warre, play the wise Kings part described by Christ; fore-
seeing how ye may beare it out with all necessarie prouision: 2 especially remem-
ber, that money is Neruus belli. Choose old experimented Captaines, and yong
able souldiers. Be extreamely strait and seuere in martiall Discipline, as well for
keeping of order, which is as requisite as hardinesse in the warres, and punishing
of slouth, which at a time may put the whole armie in hazard; as likewise for
repressing of mutinies, which in warres are wonderfull dangerous. And looke to
the Spaniard, whose great successe in all his warres, hath onely come through
straitnesse of Discipline and order: for such errours may be committed in the
warres, as cannot be gotten mended againe.3

Be in your owne person walkrife, diligent, and painefull; vsing the aduice of
such as are skilfullest in the craft, as ye must also doe in all other. Be homely
with your souldiers as your companions, for winning their hearts; and extreamly
liberall, for then is no time of sparing. Be cold and foreseeing in deuising, con-
stant in your resolutions, and forward and quicke in your executions.4 Fortifie
well your Campe, and assaile not rashly without an aduantage: neither feare not
lightly your enemie.5 Be curious in deuising stratagems, but alwayes honestly:
for of any thing they worke greatest effects in the warres, if secrecie be ioyned to
inuention.6 And once or twise in your owne person hazard your selfe fairely; but,
hauing acquired so the fame of courage and magnanimitie, make not a daily
souldier of your selfe, exposing rashly your person to euery perill: but conserue
your selfe thereafter for the weale of your people, for whose sake yee must more
care for your selfe, then for your owne.7

And as I haue counselled you to be slow in taking on a warre, so aduife I you
to be slow in peace-making.8 Before ye agree, looke that the ground of your
warres be satisfied in your peace; and that ye see a good suretie for you and your
people: otherwaies a honourable and iust warre is more tollerable, then a dis-
honourable and dis-aduantageous peace.9

But it is not enough to a good King, by the scepter of good Lawes well execute
to gouerne, and by force of armes to protect his people; if he ioyne not there-
with his vertuous life in his owne person, and in the person of his Court and com-
pany; by good example alluring his Subiects to the loue of vertue, and hatred of
vice. And therefore (my Sonne) sith all people are naturally inclined to follow

1 Plutar. in Sert. & Ant. « Pol. 1. 5.

' Luke 14. 6 Xen. i. Cyr.; Thuc. 5.

» Thuc. 2. Sal. in lug.; Cic. pro 1. Man.; 7 Isoc. ad Phil.; Pla.p. de leg.; Liu.l. 22. &

Demost. olyn. 2; Liu. li. 30; Vegct i; 31; Tac. 2. his.; Plut. de fort.

Caes. i. & 3. de bel. ciuili; Proh. in Thras. * Isocr. in Arch.

4 Cses. i. de bello ciu.; Liu. 1. 7.; Xen. i & 5; • Polib. 3.; Cic. i. Of. & 7. Phil.; Tac. 4-

Cyr. & de discip. mi.; Xen. in Ages. his.

30 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

0

their Princes example (as I shewed you before) let it not be said, that ye command
others to keepe the contrary course to that, which in your owne person ye prac-
tise, making so your wordes and deeds to fight together: l but by the contrary,
let your owne life be a law-booke and a mirrour to your people; that therein they
may read the practise of their owne Lawes; and therein they may see, by your
image, what life they should leade.

And this example in your owne life and person, I likewise diuide in two parts:
The first, in the gouernment of your Court and followers, in all godlinesse and
vertue: the next, in hauing your owne minde decked and enriched so with all
vertuous qualities, that therewith yee may worthily rule your people: For it is
not ynough that ye haue and retaine (as prisoners) within your selfe neuer so
many good qualities and vertues, except ye employ them, and set them on worke,
for the weale of them that are committed to your charge: Virtutis enim laus omnis
in actione consistit?

First then, as to the gouernment of your Court and followers, King Dauid
sets downe the best precepts, that any wise and Christian King can practise in
that point: For as yee ought to haue a great care for the ruling well of all your
Subiects, so ought yee to haue a double care for the ruling well of your owne
seruants; 3 since vnto them yee are both a Politicke and Oeconomicke gouernour.
And as euery one of the people will delite to follow the example of any of the
Courteours, as well in euill as in good:4 so what crime so horrible can there be
committed and ouer-seene in a Courteour, that will not be an exemplare excuse
for any other boldly to commit the like ? And therfore in two points haue ye
to take good heed anent your Court and houshold: first, in choosing them wisely;
next, in carefully ruling them whom ye haue chosen.

It is an olde and trew saying, That a kindly Auer will neuer become a good
horse: for albeit good education and company be great helpes to Nature,5 and
education be therefore most iustly called altera natura, yet is it euill to get out of
the flesh,6 that is bred in the bone, as the olde prouerbe sayth. Be very ware
then in making choice of your seruants and companie: —

Nam
Turpius eiicitur, quam non admittitur hospes: 7

and many respects may lawfully let an admission, that will not be sufficient
causes of depriuation.

All your seruants and Court must be composed partly of minors, such as
young Lords, to be brought vp in your company, or Pages and such like; and
partly of men of perfit aage, for seruing you in such roumes, as ought to be filled
with men of wisedome and discretion. For the first sort, ye can doe no more, but
choose them within aage, that are come of a good and vertuous kinde,8 In fide

1 PL in pol. & 4. de leg. ' Psal. 101. • Arisr. 2. cecon.

1 Plat, in Theae. & Euth.; « Cic. ad Q frat. 7 Quid. 5. de Trist.

Arist. i.Eth.; Cic. in Offic. • Plat. 5. de Leg. ' Arist. i. & 5. polit.

BASILIKON DORON 31

parentum, as Baptisme is vsed: For though anima non venii ex traduce,1 but is
immediatly created by God, and infused from aboue; yet it is most certaine, that
vertue or vice will oftentimes, with the heritage, be transferred from the parents
to the posteritie, and runne on a blood (as the Prouerbe is) the sickenesse of the
minde becomming as kindly to some races, as these sickenesses of the body, that
infect in the seede:2 Especially choose such minors as are come of a trew and hon-
est race, and haue not had the house whereof they are descended, infected with
falsehood.3

And as for the other sort of your companie and seruants, that ought to be of
perfit aage; first see that they be of a good fame and without blemish,4 otherwise,
what can the people thinke, but that yee haue chosen a company vnto you, ac-
cording to your owne humour, and so haue preferred these men, for the loue of
their vices and crimes, that ye knew them to be guiltie of ? For the people that
see you not within, cannot iudge of you, but according to the outward appearance
of your actions and companie, which onely is subiect to their sight : 6 And next,
see that they be indued with such honest qualities, as are meete for such offices,
as ye ordaine them to serue in; that your Judgement may be knowen in imploy-
ing euery man according to his giftes: 8 And shortly, follow good king Dauids
counsell in the choise of your seruants, by setting your eyes vpon the faithfull and
vpright of the land to dwell with you.7

But here I must not forget to remember, and according to my fatherly authori-
tie, to charge you to preferre specially to your seruice, so many as haue trewly
serued me, and are able for it: the rest, honourably to reward them, preferring
their posteritie before others, as kindliest: so shall ye not onely be best serued,
(for if the haters of your parents cannot loue you, as I shewed before, it followeth
of necessitie their louers must loue you) but further, ye shall kyth your thankefull
memorie of your father, and procure the blessing of these olde seruants, in not
missing their olde master in you; which otherwise would be turned in a prayer
for me, and a curse for you. Vse them therefore when God shall call me, as the
testimonies of your affection towards me; trusting and aduancing those farthest,
whom I found faithf ullest : which ye must not discerne by their rewards at my
hand (for rewards, as they are called Bona fortunes, so are they subiect vnto for-
tune) but according to the trust I gaue them; hauing oft-times had better heart
then hap to the rewarding of sundry: And on the other part, as I wish you to
kyth your constant loue towards them that I loued, so desire I you to kyth in the
same measure, your constant hatred to them that I hated: I meane, bring not
home, nor restore not such, as ye finde standing banished or fore-faulted by me.
The contrary would kyth in you ouer great a contempt of me, and lightnesse in

1 Cic. ad Q. frat. ' Dem. 2. ph.

1 Witnesse the experience of the late house of • Plat. 7. de Rep.; 3. et 12. deLeg.; Arist. 5.

Cowrie. et 6. polit.

1 Plat. 6. de Leg.; Arist. 2. oecon. & i. pol. 7 Psal. 101.
4 Plat. 6. de leg.; Isocr. in pan.; Arist. 5. pol.

32 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

your owne nature: for how can they be trew to the Sonne, that were false to the
Father ?

But to returne to the purpose anent the choise of your seruants, yee shall by
this wise forme of doing, eschew the inconuenients, that in my minoritie I fell in,
anent the choise of my seruants: For by them that had the command where I was
brought vp, were my seruants put vnto mee; not choosing them that were meetest
to serue me, but whom they thought meetest to serue their turne about me, as
kythed well in many of them at the first rebellion raised against mee, which com-
pelled mee to make a great alteration among my seruants. And yet the example
of that corruption made mee to be long troubled there-after with sollickers,
recommending seruants vnto me, more for seruing in effect, their friends that
put them in, then their master that admitted them. Let my example then teach
you to follow the rules here set downe, choosing your seruants for your owne vse,
and not for the vse of others : 1 And since ye must bee communis par ens to all
your people, so choose your seruants indifferently out of all quarters; not respect-
ing other mens appetites, but their owne qualities: For as ye must command all,
so reason would, ye should be serued out of al, as ye please to make choice.

But specially take good heed to the choice of your seruants, that ye preferre
to the offices of the Crowne and estate : for in other offices yee haue onely to take
heede to your owne weale; 2 but these concerne likewise the weale of your people;
for the which yee must bee answerable to God. Choose then for all these Offices,
men of knowen wisedome, honestie, and good conscience; well practised in the
points of the craft, that yee ordaine them for, and free of all factions and partiali-
ties; but specially free of that filthie vice of Flatterie, the pest of all Princes, and
wracke of Republicks: 3 For since in the first part of this Treatise, I fore- warned
you to be at warre with your owne inward flatterer (/uXauTta, how much more
should ye be at war with outward flatterers, who are nothing so sib to you, as your
selfe is; by the selling of such counterfeit wares, onely preassing to ground their
greatnesse vpon your mines ? 4 And therefore bee carefull to preferre none, as
yee will bee answerable to God but onely for their worthinesse: But specially
choose honest, diligent, meane, but responsall men, to bee your receiuers in
money matters: meane I say, that ye may when yee please, take a sharpe ac-
count of their intromission, without perill of their breeding any trouble to your
estate: for this ouersight hath beene the greatest cause of my mis-thriuing in
money matters. Especially, put neuer a forrainer, in any principall office of
estate: for that will neuer faile to stirre vp sedition and enuie in the countrey-
mens hearts, both against you and him: But (as I saide before) if God prouide
you with moe countries then this; choose the borne-men of euery countrey, to
bee your chief counsellers therein.6

1 Arist. 2. pol. * Plat, in Phedr. & Menex.; Arist. 5 pol.; Isoc.

1 Plat, de repub.; Cic. ad Q. frat.; Isoc. in in Sym.; Tacit. 3. hist.; Curt. 8.

Panath. ad Nic. & de pace. « Arist. 5. pol.; Cic. ad Q. frat.

1 Thuc. 6; Plutar. in pol.

BASILIKON DORON

33

And for conclusion of my aduice anent the choice of your feruants, delight to
be serued with men of the noblest blood that may bee had: for besides that their
seruice shall breed you great good-will and least enuie, contrarie to that of start-
vps; ye shall oft finde vertue follow noble races, as I haue said before speaking
of the Nobilitie.1

Now, as to the other point, anent your gouerning of your seruants when yee
haue chosen them; make your Court and companie to bee a patterne of godlinesse
and all honest vertues, to all the rest of the people.2 Bee a daily watch-man ouer
your seruants, that they obey your lawes precisely : 3 For how can your lawes
bee kept in the countrey, if they be broken at your eare ? Punishing the breach
thereof in a Courteour, more seuerely, then in the person of any other of your
subiects : and aboue all, suffer none of them (by abusing their credite with you
to oppresse or wrong any of your subiects. Be homely or strange with them, as
ye thinke their behauiour deserueth, and their nature may beare with.4 Thinke
a quarrellous man a pest in your companie. Bee carefull euer to preferre the
gentilest natured and trustiest, to the inwardest Offices about you, especially in
your chalmer.5 Suffer none about you to meddle in any mens particulars, but
like the Turkes lanisares, let them know no father but you, nor particular but
yours.6 And if any will medde in their kinne or friends quarrels, giue them their
leaue : for since ye must be of no surname nor kinne, but equall to all honest men;
it becommeth you not to bee followed with partiall or factious seruants. Teach
obedience to your seruants, and not to thinke themselues ouer- wise:7 and, as
when any of them deserueth it, ye must not spare to put them away, so, without
a scene cause, change none of them. Pay them, as all others your subiects, with
pramium or pcena as they deserue, which is the very ground-stone of good gouerne-
ment. Employ euery man as ye thinke him qualified, but vse not one in all things,
lest he waxe proude, and be enuied of his fellowes. Loue them best, that are
plainnest with you, and disguise not the trewth for all their kinne: suffer none to
be euill tongued, nor backbiters of them they hate: command a hartly and
brotherly loue among all them that serue you.8 And shortly, maintaine peace in
your Court, bannish enuie, cherish modestie, bannish deboshed insolence, foster
humilitie, and represse pride : setting downe such a comely and honourable order
in all the points of your seruice; that when strangers shall visite your Court,
they may with the Queene of Sheba, admire your wisedome in the glorie of your
house,9 and comely order among your seruants.

But the principall blessing that yee can get of good companie, will stand in
your marrying of a godly and vertuous wife : for shee must bee nearer vnto you,

1 Plat, in i. Al. in pol. & 5. de legib.; Arist. ' Demost. 8. phil.; Sal. in Cat.; Liu. 22.

2. cecon.

J Isocr. in Areop.
1 Idem in Panath.
4 Arist. 2. pol.; Tacit, i. hist.
* Val. lib. 2; Curt. 4.

7 Tacit eod. & i. An.

8 Ar. 5. polit.; Tacit, in Ag.; Dion li. 52;

Xeno. in Ages.; Isoc. in Sym. et ad Ph.;
Id. de permutat.; Cic. ad Q. frat.

9 i. King. 10.

34 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

then any other companie, being Flesh of your flesh, and bone of your bone,1
as Adam saide of Heuah. And because I know not but God may call me,
before ye be readie for Mariage; I will shortly set downe to you heere my aduice
therein.

First of all consider, that Mariage is the greatest earthly felicitie or miserie,
that can come to a man, according as it pleaseth God to blesse or curse the same.
Since then without the blessing of GOD, yee cannot looke for a happie successe in
Mariage, yee must bee carefull both in your preparation for it, and in the choice
and vsage of your wife, to procure the same. By your preparation, I meane, that
yee must keepe your bodie cleane and vnpolluted, till yee giue it to your wife,
whom-to onely it belongeth. For how can ye iustly craue to bee ioyned with a
pure virgine, if your bodie be polluted ? why should the one halfe bee cleane, and
the other defiled ? And although I know, fornication is thought but a light and
a veniall sinne, by the most part of the world, yet remember well what I said to
you in my first Booke anent conscience, and count euery sinne and breach of Gods
law, not according as the vaine world esteemeth of it, but as God the ludge and
maker of the lawe accounteth of the same. Heare God commanding by the mouth
of Paul, to abstaine from fornication, declaring that the fornicator shall not inherite
the Kingdome of heauen: 2 and by the mouth of lohn, reckoning our fornication
amongst other grieuous sinnes, that debarre the committers amongst dogs and
swine, from entry in that spirituall and heauenly Jerusalem? And consider, if a
man shall once take vpon him, to count that light, which God calleth heauie; and
veniall that, which God calleth grieuous; beginning first to measure any one
sinne by the rule of his lust and appetites, and not of his conscience; what shall
let him to doe so with the next, that his affections shall stirre him to, the like
reason seruing for all: and so to goe forward till he place his whole corrupted
affections in Gods roome ? And then what shall come of him ; but, as a man giuen
ouer to his owne filthy affections, shall perish into them ? And because wee are
all of that nature, that sibbest examples touch vs neerest, consider the difference
of successe that God granted in the Mariages of the King my grand-father, and
me your owne father: the reward of his incontinencie, (proceeding from his euill
education) being the suddaine death at one time of two pleasant yong Princes;
and a daughter onely borne to succeed to him, whom hee had neuer the hap, so
much as once to see or blesse before his death: leauing a double curse behinde
him to the land, both a Woman of sexe, and a new borne babe of aage to reigne
ouer them. And as for the blessing God hath bestowed on mee, in granting me
both a greater continencie, and the fruits following there-upon, your selfe, and
sib folkes to you, are (praise be to God) sufficient witnesses: which, I hope the
same God of his infinite mercie, shall continue and increase, without repentance
to me and my posteritie. Be not ashamed then, to keepe cleane your body,
which is the Temple of the holy Spirit,4 notwithstanding all vaine allurements to

1 Gen. 2. 23. » i. Cor. 6. 10. » Reuel. 22. 15. * i. Cor. 6. 19.

BASILIKON DORON 35

the contrary, discerning trewly and wisely of euery vertue and vice, according to
the trew qualities thereof, and not according to the vaine conceits of men.

As for your choise in Mariage, respect chiefly the three causes, wherefore
Mariage was first ordeined by God; and then ioyne three accessories, so farre as
they may be obtained, not derogating to the principalles.

The three causes it was ordeined for, are, for staying of lust, for procreation
of children, and that man should by his Wife, get a helper like himselfe. Deferre
not then to Marie till your aage: for it is ordeined for quenching the lust of your
youth: l Especially a King must tymouslie Marie for the weale of his people.2
Neither Marie yee, for any accessory cause or worldly respects, a woman
vnable, either through aage, nature, or accident, for procreation of children: for
in a King that were a double fault, as well against his owne weale, as against
the weale of his people. Neither also Marie one of knowne euill conditions, or
vicious education: for the woman is ordeined to be a helper, and not a hinderer
to man.

The three accessories, which as I haue said, ought also to be respected, with-
out derogating to the principall causes, are beautie, riches, and friendship by
alliance, which are all blessings of God. For beautie increaseth your loue to your
Wife, contenting you the better with her, without caring for others: and riches
and great alliance, doe both make her the abler to be a helper vnto you.3 But if
ouer great respect being had to these accessories, the principall causes bee ouer-
seene (which is ouer oft practised in the world) as of themselues they are a blessing
being well vsed; so the abuse of them will turne them in a curse. For what can
all these worldly respects auaile, when a man shall finde himselfe coupled with
a diuel, to be one flesh with him, and the halfe marrow in his bed ? Then (though
too late) shall he finde that beautie without bountie, wealth without wisdome,
and great friendship without grace and honestie; are but faire shewes, and the
deceitfull masques of infinite miseries.

But haue ye respect, my Sonne, to these three speciall causes in your Mariage,
which flow from the first institution thereof, 6" ccetera omnia adjicientur vobis*
And therefore I would rathest haue you to Marie one that were fully of your
owne Religion; her ranke and other qualities being agreeable to your estate. For
although that to my great regrate, the number of any Princes of power and ac-
count, professing our Religion, bee but very small; and that therefore this aduice
seemes to be the more strait and difficile: yet ye haue deeply to weigh, and con-
sider vpon these doubts, how ye and your wife can bee of one flesh, and keepe
vnitie betwixt you, being members of two opposite Churches: disagreement in
Religion bringeth euer with it, disagreement in maners; and the dissention be-
twixt your Preachers and hers, wil breed and foster a dissention among your
subiects, taking their example from your family; besides the perill of the euill
education of your children. Neither pride you that ye wil be able to frame and

1 Arist. 7. pol. * Id. eod. 3 ^Eg. Ro. 2. de reg. pr. 4 Matth. 13.

36 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

make her as ye please: that deceiued Salomon the wisest King that euer was;
the grace of Perseuerance, not being a flower that groweth in our garden.

Remember also that Mariage is one of the greatest actions that a man doeth
in all his time, especially in taking of his first Wife: and if hee Marie first basely
beneath his ranke, he will euer be the lesse accounted of thereafter. And lastly,
remember to choose your Wife as I aduised you to choose your seruants : that
she be of a whole and cleane race, not subiect to the hereditary sicknesses, either
of the soule or the body: For if a man wil be careful to breed horses and dogs of
good kinds, how much more careful should he be, for the breed of his owne loines? x
So shal ye in your Mariage haue respect to your conscience, honour, and naturall
weale in your successours.

When yee are Maried, keepe inuiolably your promise made to God in your
Mariage; which standeth all in doing of one thing, and abstayning from another:
to treat her in all things as your wife, and the halfe of your selfe; and to make
your body (which then is no more yours, but properly hers) common with none
other.2 I trust I need not to insist here to disswade you from the filthy vice of
adulterie: remember onely what solemne promise yee make to God at your Mari-
age: and since it is onely by the force of that promise that your children succeed
to you, which otherwayes they could not doe; aequitie and reason would, ye
should keepe your part thereof.3 God is euer a seuere auenger of all periuries;
and it is no oath made in iest, that giueth power to children to succeed to great
kingdomes. Haue the King my grand-fathers example before your eyes, who by
his adulterie, bred the wracke of his lawfull daughter and heire; in begetting that
bastard, who vnnaturally rebelled, and procured the mine of his owne Souerane
and sister. And what good her posteritie hath gotten sensyne, of some of that vn-
lawfull generation, Bothuell his treacherous attempts can beare witnesse. Keepe
precisely then your promise made at Mariage, as ye would wish to be partaker
of the blessing therein.

And for your behauiour to your Wife, the Scripture can best giue you counsell
therein: Treat her as your owne flesh, command her as her Lord, cherish her as
your helper, rule her as your pupill, and please her in all things reasonable; but
teach her not to be curious in things that belong her not: 4 Ye are the head, shee
is your body; It is your office to command, and hers to obey; but yet with such
a sweet harmonic, as shee should be as ready to obey, as ye to command; as
willing to follow, as ye to go before; your loue being wholly knit vnto her, and all
her affections louingly bent to follow your will.

And to conclude, keepe specially three rules with your Wife: first, suffer her
neuer to meddle with the Politicke gouernment of the Commonweale, but holde
her at the Oeconomicke rule of the house; and yet all to be subiect to your direc-

1 Pla. 5. de Rep.; Cic. 2. de Diu.; Arist. de » Cic. 2. de leg.

gen. An.; Lucr. 4. « Arist. 8. ^Eth. & i. Pol.; Xen. & Arist. in

1 PL ii. de leg.; Is. in Sym. oeco.

BASILIKON DORON 37

tion : * keepe carefully good and chaste company about her, for women are the
frailest sexe; and be neuer both angry at once, but when ye see her in passion, ye
should with reason danton yours: for both when yee are setled, ye are meetest to
iudge of her errours; and when she is come to her selfe, she may be best made to
apprehend her offence, and reuerence your rebuke.

If God send you succession, be carefull for their vertuous education: lou,e
them as ye ought, but let them know as much of it, as the gentlenesse of their
nature will deserue ; contayning them euer in a reuerent loue and feare of you.
And in case it please God to prouide you to all these three Kingdomes, make your
eldest sonne Isaac, leauing him all your kingdomes; and prouide the rest with
priuate possessions: Otherwayes by deuiding your kingdomes, yee shall leaue
the seed of diuision and discord among your posteritie; 2 as befell to this He, by
the diuision and assignement thereof, to the three sonnes of Brutus, Locrine,
Albanact, and Camber.3 But if God giue you not succession, defraud neuer the
nearest by right, what-soeuer conceit yee haue of the person: For Kingdomes are
euer at Gods disposition, and in that case we are but liue-rentars, lying no more
in the Kings, nor peoples hands to dispossesse the righteous heire.

And as your company should be a paterne to the rest of the people, so should
your person be a lampe and mirrour to your company:4 giuing light to your
seruants to walke in the path of vertue, and representing vnto them such worthie
qualities, as they should preasse to imitate.

I need not to trouble you with the particular discourse of the foure Cardinall
vertues, it is so troden a path: but I will shortly say vnto you; make one of them,
which is Temperance, Queene of all the rest within you. I meane not by the
vulgar interpretation of Temperance, which onely consists in gustu 6* tactu, by
the moderating of these two senses: 6 but, I meane of that wise moderation, that
first commaunding your selfe, shall as a Queene, command all the affections and
passions of your minde, and as a Phisician, wisely mixe all your actions according
thereto. Therefore, not onely in all your affections and passions, but euen in
your most vertuous actions, make euer moderation to be the chief e ruler: For
although holinesse be the first and most requisite qualitie of a Christian, as pro-
ceeding from a feeling feare and trew knowledge of God : yet yee remember how
in the conclusion of my first booke, I aduised you to moderate al your outward
actions flowing there-fra. The like say I now of Justice, which is the greatest
vertue that properly belongeth to a Kings office.

Vse lustice, but with such moderation, as it turne not in Tyrannie : otherwaies
summum lus, is summa iniuria.6 As for example: if a man of a knowen honest
life, be inuaded by brigands or theeues for his purse, and in his owne defence slay

1 Arist. i. rhet.; Plu. in Menon.; ^gid. R. de * Plu. in Pol.; Cic. ad Q. frat.

reg. pr. Plu. 5. de Rep. & 7. de leg. • Arist. 5. pol.; Pol. 6.; Cic. i. off. 2. de
1 Plu. in Thes. 4. & 5. deRep. & 6. & 7. de 1. inuen. & in Par.

Arist. 7. pol. • Pla. 4. de Leg.; Arist. i. mag. mor.; Cic. i.
* Polid. i. off. pro Rab. & ad Q. frat.; Seneca de cL

38 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

one of them, they beeing both moe in number, and also knowen to bee deboshed
and insolent liuers; where by the contrarie, hee was single alone, beeing a man
of sound reputation: yet because they were not at the home, or there was no
eye-witnesse present that could verifie their first inuading of him, shall hee there-
fore lose his head ? And likewise, by the law-burrowes in our lawes, men are
prohibited vnder great pecuniall paines, from any wayes inuading or molesting
their neighbours person or bounds : if then his horse breake the halter, and pastour
in his neighbours medow, shall he pay two or three thousand pounds for the
wantonnesse of his horse, or the weaknesse of his halter ? Surely no: for lawes
are ordained as rules of vertuous and sociall liuing, and not to bee snares to trap
your good subjects: and therefore the lawe must be interpreted according to the
meaning, and not to the literall sense thereof: Nam ratio est anima legis.1

And as I said of Justice, so say I of Clemencie, Magnanimitie, Liberalitie,
Constancie, Humilitie, and all other Princely vertues; Nam in media stat virtus.
And it is but the craft of the Diuell that falsly coloureth the two vices that are
on either side thereof, with the borrowed titles of it, albeit in very deede they
haue no affinitie therewith and the two extremities themselues, although they
seeme contrarie, yet growing to the height, runne euer both in one: For in infinitis
omnia concurrunt; and what difference is betwixt extreame tyrannic, delighting
to destroy all mankinde; and extreame slackenesse of punishment, permitting
euery man to tyrannize ouer his companion ? Or what differeth extreame pro-
digalitie, by wasting of all to possesse nothing; from extreame niggardnesse, by
hoarding vp all to enioy nothing; like the Asse that carying victuall on her backe,
is like to starue for hunger, and will bee glad of thrissels for her part? And
what is betwixt the pride of a glorious Nebuchadnezzar, and the preposterous hu-
militie of one of the proud Puritanes, claiming to their Paritie, and crying, Wee
are all but vile wormes, and yet will iudge and giue Law to their King, but will
be iudged nor controlled by none ? Surely there is more pride vnder such a ones
blacke bonnet, then vnder Alexander the great his Diademe, as was said of
Diogenes in the like case.

But aboue all vertues, study to know well your owne craft, which is to rule
your people. And when I say this, I bid you know all crafts: For except ye
know euery one, how can yee controll euery one, which is your proper office ?
Therefore besides your education, it is necessarie yee delight in reading, and seek-
ing the knowledge of all lawfull things; but with these two restrictions: 2 first,
that yee choose idle houres for it, not interrupting therewith the discharge of your
office: and next, that yee studie not for knowledge nakedly, but that your princi-
pall ende be, to make you able thereby to vse your office; 3 practising according
to your knowledge in all the points of your calling: not like these vaine Astrolo-
gians, that studie night and day on the course of the starres, onely that they may,

1 Arist. 5. aeth. & i. rhet.; Cicer. pro Caec. • Id. i. de fin.

2 Plat, in pol. 5. de Rep. & Epist. 7; Cic. ad Q. frat. & de or.

BASILIKON DORON 39

for satisfying their curiositie, know their course.1 But since all Artes and sciences
are linked euery one with other, their greatest principles agreeing in one (which
mooued the Poets to faine the nine Muses to be all sisters) studie them, that out
of their harmonic, ye may sucke the knowledge of all faculties; and consequently
be on the counsel! of all crafts, that yee may be able to containe them all in order,
as I haue alreadie said: For knowledge and learning is a light burthen, the weight
whereof will neuer presse your shoulders.

First of all then, study to be well seene in the Scriptures, as I remembred you
in the first booke; 2 as well for the knowledge of your owne saluation, as that ye
may be able to containe your Church in their calling, as Gustos vtriusque Tabula.
For the ruling them well, is no small point of your office; taking specially heede,
that they vague not from their text in the Pulpit : and if euer ye would haue peace
in your land, suffer them not to meddle in that place with the estate or policie; but
punish seuerely the first that presumeth to it. Doe nothing towards them without
a good ground and warrant, but reason not much with them: for I haue ouer-
much surfeited them with that, and it is not their fashion to yeeld. And suffer
no conuentions nor meetings among Church-men, but by your knowledge and
permission.

Next the Scriptures, studie well your owne Lawes: for how can ye discerne by
the thing yee know not? But preasse to draw all your Lawes and processes, to
be as short and plaine as ye can: assure your selfe the longsomnesse both of rights
and processes, breedeth their vnsure loosenesse and obscuritie, the shortest being
euer both the surest and plainest forme,3 and the longsomnesse seruing onely for
the enriching of the Aduocates and Clerkes, with the spoile of the whole countrey :4
And therefore delite to haunt your Session, and spie carefully their proceedings;
taking good heede, if any briberie may be tried among them, which cannot ouer
seuerely be punished. Spare not to goe there, for gracing that farre any that yee
fauour, by your presence to procure them expedition of Justice; although that
should be specially done, for the poore that cannot waite on, or are debarred by
mightier parties. But when yee are there, remember the throne is Gods and not
yours, that ye sit in, and let no fauour, nor whatsoeuer respects mooue you from
the right. Ye sit not there, as I shewe before, for rewarding of friends or seruants,
nor for crossing of contemners, but onely for doing of Justice.5 Learne also wisely
to discerne betwixt Justice and equitie; and for pitie of the poore, rob not the
rich, because he may better spare it, but giue the little man the larger coat if it
be his; eschewing the errour of young Cyrus 6 therein: For Justice, by the Law,
giueth euery man his owne; and equitie in things arbitrall, giueth euery one that
which is meetest for him.

Be an ordinarie sitter in your secret Counsell : that Judicature is onely ordained
for matters of estate, and repressing of insolent oppressions. Make that iudge-

1 Id. i. Offic. » Deut. 17. a Plat. 4. de Rep. & 6. de Leg.; Arist. i. rhet.

« Cic. i. de Oral.; Sen. in Lud. • Plat, in pol.; Arist. i. Rhet.; Cic. ad Q. frat.; Plut. in Is.

« Xen. i. Cyr.

40 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

ment as compendious and plaine as ye can; and suffer no Aduocates to be heard
there with their dilatours, but let euery partie tell his owne tale himself e: and
wearie not to heare the complaints of the oppressed, aut ne Rex sis.1 Remit
euery thing to the ordinary iudicature, for eschewing of confusion: but let it be
your owne craft, to take a sharpe account of euery man in his office.

And next the Lawes, I would haue you to be well versed in authentick histories,
and in the Chronicles of all nations, but specially in our owne histories (Ne sis
peregrinus domi) the example whereof most neerely concernes you: I meane not
of such infamous inuectiues, as Buchanans or Knoxes Chronicles: and if any of
these infamous libels remaine vntill your dayes, vse the Law vpon the keepers
thereof: For in that point I would haue you a Pythagorist,2 to thinke that the
very spirits of these archibellouses of rebellion, haue made transition in them that
hoardes their bookes, or maintaines their opinions; punishing them, euen as it
were their authours risen againe.3 But by reading of authenticke histories and
Chronicles, yee shall learne experience by Theoricke, applying the bypast things
to the present estate, quid nihil nouum sub sole: 4 such is the continuall volubilitie
of things earthly, according to the roundnesse of the world, and reuolution of the,
heauenly circles: which is expressed by the wheeles in Ezechiels visions,5 and
counterfeited by the Poets in rota Fortunes. And likewise by the knowledge of
histories, yee shall knowe how to behaue your selfe to all Embassadours and
strangers; being able to discourse with them vpon the estate of their owne coun-
trey. And among al prophane histories, I must not omit most specially to recom-
mend vnto you, the Commentaries of Casar; both for the sweete flowing of the
stile, as also for the worthinesse of the matter it selfe: For I haue euer beene of
that opinion, that of all the Ethnick Emperors, or great Captaines that euer were,
he hath farthest excelled, both in his practise, and in his precepts in martiall
affaires.

As for the studie of other liberall artes and sciences, I would haue you reason-
ably versed in them, but not preassing to bee a passe-master in any of them: for
that cannot but distract you from the points of your calling, as I shewed you be-
fore: 6 and when, by the enemie winning the towne, yee shall bee interrupted in
your demonstration, as Archimedes 7 was; your people (I thinke) will looke very
bluntly vpon it. I graunt it is meete yee haue some entrance, specially in the
Mathematickes; for the knowledge of the arte militarie, in situation of Campes,
ordering of battels, making Fortifications, placing of batteries, or such like.8 And
let not this your knowledge be dead without fruites, as Saint lames speaketh of
Faith: but let it appeare in your daily conuersation, and in all the actions of
your life.9

1 Cic.adQ. frat.; Tac. i.hist.; Plut.in Demet. * Ezech. i.

1 Plat, in Menon. • Sen. ep. 84.

• Arist. i. Rhet.; Polit. i; Plut. in Timo.; 7 Liu. I. 24; Plut. in Marc.

Cic. 2. de Or. » PI. 7. de leg.; Arist. 2. Meta.

4 Eccles. i. • lam. 2. 17.

BASILIKON DORON 41

Embrace trew magnanimitie, not in beeing vindictiue, which the corrupted
Judgements of the world thinke to be trew Magnanimitie;1 but by the con trade,
in thinking your offendour not worthie of your wrath, empyring ouer your owne
passion, and triumphing in the commaunding your selfe to forgiue: 2 husbanding
the effects of your courage and wrath, to be rightly employed vpon repelling of
iniuries within, by reuenge taking vpon the oppressours; and in reuenging injuries
without, by iust warres vpon forraine enemies. And so, where ye finde a notable
iniurie, spare not to giue course to the torrents of your wrath. The wrath of a
King, is like to the roaring of a Lyon?

Foster trew Humilitie, in bannishing pride, not onely towards God (consider-
ing yee differ not in stuffe, but in vse, and that onely by his ordinance, from the
basest of your people) but also towards your Parents.4 And if it fall out that my
Wife shall out-liue me, as euer ye thinke to purchase my blessing, honour your
mother: set Beersheba in a throne on your right hand: offend her for nothing,
much lesse wrong her: remember her

Qua, longa decent tulerit fastidia menses;

and that your flesh and blood is made of hers: and beginne not, like the young
lordes and lairdes, your first warres vpon your Mother; but presse earnestly to
deserue her blessing. Neither deceiue your selfe with many that say, they care
not for their Parents curse, so they deserue it not. O inuert not the order of
nature, by iudging your superiours, chiefly in your owne particular! But assure
your selfe, the blessing or curse of the Parents, hath almost euer a Propheticke
power ioyned with it : and if there were no more, honour your Parents, for the
lengthning of your owne dayes, as GOD in his Law 5 promiseth. Honour also them
that are in loco Parentum vnto you, such as your gouernours, vp-bringers, and
Praeceptours: 6 be thankefull vnto them and reward them, which is your dewtie
and honour.

But on the other part, let not this trew humilitie stay your high indignation to
appeare, when any great oppressours shall praesume to come in your presence; 7
then f rowne as ye ought : And in-case thay vse a colour of Law in oppressing their
poore ones, as ouer-many doe, that which ye cannot mend by Law, mend by the
withdrawing of your countenance from them: 8 and once in the yeere crosse them,
when their erands come in your way, recompencing the oppressour, according to
Christs parable of the two debtours.9

Keepe trew Constancie, not onely in your kindenesse towards honest men;
but being also inuicti animi against all aduersities: not with that Stoicke insensi-
ble stupiditie, wherewith many in our dayes, preassing to winne honour, in imitat-
ing that ancient sect, by their inconstant behauiour in their owne liues, belie their

1 Arist. 4. eth. Sen. de cl. 6 Exod. 20.

' Cic. i. off.; Virg. 6. JEn. « Xen. i. & 3. Cyr.

» Prou. 20. 7 Cic. ad Q. frat.

4 Plat. 4. de Leg.; Xen. 2. de diet. & fact. Soc. 8 Arist. 5. pol. ' Matth. 18.

42 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

profession.1 But although ye are not a stocke, not to feele calamities; yet let
not the feeling of them, so ouer-rule and doazen your reason, as may stay you
from taking and vsing the best resolution for remedie, that can be found out.

Vse trew Liberalitie in rewarding the good, and bestowing frankly for your
honour and weale: but with that proportionall discretion, that euery man may
be serued according to his measure, wherein respect must be had to his ranke,
deserts, and necessitie: And prouide how to haue, but cast not away without
cause. In speciall, empaire not by your Liberalitie the ordinarie rents of your
crowne; whereby the estate Royall of you, and your successours, must be main-
tained, ne exhaurias fontem liber alitatis: for that would euer be kept sacrosanctum
6* extra commercium: z otherwaies, your Liberalitie would decline to Prodigalitie,
in helping others with your, and your successours hurt. And aboue all, enrich
not your selfe with exactions vpon your subiects; but thinke the riches of your
people your best treasure, by the sinnes of offenders, where no prasuention can
auaile, making iustly your commoditie.3 And in-case necessitie of warres, or
other extraordinaries compell you to lift Subsidies, doe it as rarely as ye can:
employing it onely to the vse it was ordained for; and vsing your selfe in that
case, as fidus depositarius to your people.4

And principally, exercise trew Wisedome; in discerning wisely betwixt trew
and false reports: First, considering the nature of the person reporter; Next,
what entresse he can haue in the weale or euill of him, of whom hee maketh the
report; Thirdly, the likely-hood of the purpose it selfe; And, last, the nature
and by-past life of the dilated person: and where yee finde a tratler, away with
him.6 And although it bee true, that a Prince can neuer without secrecie doe
great things, yet it is better ofttimes to try reports, then by credulitie to foster
suspicion vpon an honest man. For since suspition is the Tyrants sickenesse, as
the fruites of an euill Conscience, potius in alterant partem peccato: 6 I meane, in
not mistrusting one, whom-to no such vnhonestie was knowne before. But as
for such as haue slipped before, former experience may iustly breed prasuention
by fore-sight.

And to conclude my aduice anent your behauiour in your person; consider
that GOD is the authour of all vertue, hauing imprinted in mens mindes by the
very light of nature, the loue of all morall vertues; as was scene by the vertuous
Hues of the old Romanes: 7 and preasse then to shine as farre before your people,
in all vertue and honestie; as in greatnesse of ranke: that the vse thereof in all
your actions, may turne, with time, to a naturall habitude in you; and as by their
hearing of your Lawes, so by their sight of your person, both their eyes and their
eares, may leade and allure them to the loue of vertue, and hatred of vice.

1 Arist. 4. aeth.; Thuc. 3. 6; Cic. i. Of. & ad « Isocr. ad Ph. in Panath. & de per.; Cic. ad

Q. f.; Brut, ad Cic. Q. fr.; Plut. de cursos.

1 Cic. i. &2. Of. ; Sal. in lug. ; Sen. 4. de ben. 6 Isoc. de pac. ; Cic. 3. Of.

' Isoc-epist. 7; Xen.8. Cyr.; Phil. Com. 10. 7 Cicer. 3. Tusc.
4 Arist. 5. pol.

BASILIKON DORON 43

OF A KINGS BEHAVIOVR IN INDIFFERENT THINGS.

THE THIRD BOOKE.

IT is a trew old saying, That a King is as one set on a stage, whose smallest actions
and gestures, all the people gazingly doe behold:1 and therefore although a King
be neuer so practise in the discharging of his Office, the people, who seeth but
the outward part, will euer iudge of the substance, by the circumstances;2 and
according to the outward appearance, if his behauiour bee light or dissolute, will
conceiue prae-occupied conceits of the Kings inward intention: which although
with time, (the trier of all trewth,) it will euanish, by the euidence of the contrary
effects, yet interim patitur iustus; and praeiudged conceits will, in the meane time,
breed contempt, the mother of rebellion and disorder.3 And besides that, it is
certaine, that all the indifferent actions and behauiour of a man, haue a certaine
holding and dependance, either vpon vertue or vice, according as they are vsed
or ruled:4 for there is not a middes betwixt them, no more then betwixt their
rewards, heauen and hell.

Be carefull then, my Sonne, so to frame all your indifferent actions and out-
ward behauiour, as they may serue for the furtherance and forth-setting of your
inward vertuous disposition.

The whole indifferent actions of a man, I deuide in two sorts: in his behauiour
in things necessary, as food, sleeping, raiment, speaking, writing, and gesture;
and in things not necessary, though conuenient and lawfull, as pastimes or exer-
cises, and vsing of company for recreation.

As to the indifferent things necessary, although that of themselues they can-
not bee wanted, and so in that case are not indifferent; as likewise in-case they
bee not vsed with moderation, declining so to the extremitie, which is vice; yet
the qualitie and forme of vsing them, may smell of vertue or vice, and be great
furtherers to any of them.

To beginne then at the things necessarie; one of the publickest indifferent
actions of a King, and that maniest, especially strangers, will narrowly take heed
to; is his maner of refection at his Table, and his behauiour thereat. Therefore,
as Kings vse oft to eate publickly, it is meete and honourable that ye also doe so,
as well to eschew the opinion that yee loue not to haunt companie, which is one
of the markes of a Tyrant;5 as likewise, that your delight to eate priuatlie, be not
thought to be for private satisfying of your gluttonie ; which ye would be ashamed
should bee publicklie scene. Let your Table bee honourably serued; but serue
your appetite with few dishes, as yong Cyrus6 did: which both is holesommest,
and freest from the vice of delicacie, which is a degree of gluttonie.7 And vse
most to eate of reasonablie-grosse, and common-meates; aswell for making your

1 C. ph. 8. 3. de leg. Quid, ad Liu. « Plato in Phil. & 9. de leg.

1 Quiii. 4. decl. ' Xen. in Cyr.

' Arist. 5. pol. 6 Xen. i. Cyr. * Plut. in Apoth.

44 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

bodie strong and durable for trauell at all occasions, either in peace or in warre:
as that yee may bee the heartlier receiued by your meane Subiects in their houses,
when their cheare may suffice you: which otherwayes would be imputed to you
for pride and daintinesse, and breed coldnesse and disdaine in them. Let all your
food bee simple, without composition or sauces; which are more like medecines
then meate.1 The vsing of them was counted amongst the ancient Romanes a
filthie vice of delicacie; because they serue onely for pleasing of the taste, and
not for satisfying of the necessitie of nature; abhorring Apicius* their owne citi-
zen, for his vice of delicacie and monsterous gluttonie. Like as both the Grecians
and Romanes had in detestation the very name of Philoxenus,3 for his filthie wish
of a Crane-craig. And therefore was that sentence vsed amongst them, against
these artificiall false appetites, optimum condimentum fames.* But beware with
vsing excesse of meat and drinke; and chiefly, beware of drunkennesse, which is
a beastlie vice, namely in a King: but specially beware with it, because it is one
of those vices that increaseth with aage. In the forme of your meate-eating, bee
neither vnciuill, like a grosse Cynicke; nor affectatlie mignarde, like a daintie
dame; but eate in a manlie, round, and honest fashion.8 It is no wayes comely to
dispatch affaires, or to be pensiue at meate: but keepe then an open and cheere-
full countenance, causing to reade pleasant histories vnto you, that profite may
be mixed with pleasure: and when ye are not disposed, entertaine pleasant,
quicke, but honest discourses.

And because meat prouoketh sleeping, be also moderate in your sleepe;6 for
it goeth much by use : and remember that if your whole life were deuided in four
parts, three of them would be found to be consumed on meat, drinke, sleepe, and
.vnnecessarie occupations.

But albeit ordinarie times would commonly bee kept in meate and sleepe, yet
vse your selfe some-times so, that any tune in the foure and twentie houres may
bee alike to you for any of them; that thereby your diet may be accommodate
to your affaires, and not your affaires to your diet:7 not therefore vsing your selfe
to ouer great softnesse and delicacie in your sleepe, more then in your meate;
and specially in-case yee haue adoe with the warres.

Let not your Chalmer be throng and common in the tune of your rest, aswell
for comelinesse as for eschewing of carrying reports out of the same. Let them
that haue the credite to serue in your Chalmer, be trustie and secret; for a King
will haue need to vse secrecie in may things :8 but yet behaue your selfe so in your
greatest secrets, as yee neede not bee ashamed, suppose they were all proclaimed
at the mercate crosse:9 But specially see that those of your Chalmer be of a
sound fame, and without blemish.

1 Sen. ep. 96. * Cic. i. Off.

1 Sen. de consol. ad Alb.; luuen. sat. 2. • Pla. 7. de leg.

» Arist. 4. eth. 7 Pla. 6. de leg.

. 4 Xen. de diet. & fact. Socr.; Laert. in Socr.; Cic. 8 Val. 2; Cur. 4.

5. Tus.; Plat. 6. de Leg.; Plin. 1. 14. • Pla. 6. de leg.

BASILIKON DORON 45

Take no heede to any of your dreames, for all prophecies, visions, and prophet-
icke dreames are accomplished and ceased in Christ: And therefore take no
heede to f reels either in dreames, or any other things; for that errour proceedeth
of ignorance, and is vnworthy of a Christian, who should be assured, Omnia esse
pura puris,1 as Paul sayth; all dayes and meates being alike to Christians.2

Next followeth to speake of raiment, the on-putting whereof is the ordinarie
action that followeth next to sleepe.3 Be also moderate in your raiment, neither
ouer superfluous, like a deboshed waster; nor yet ouer base, like a miserable
wretch; not artificially trimmed and decked, like a Courtizane, nor yet ouer
sluggishly clothed, like a countrey clowne, not ouer lightly like a Candie souldier
or a vaine young Courtier; nor yet ouer grauely, like a Minister: but in your
garments be proper, cleanely, comely and honest, wearing your clothes in a care-
lesse, yet comely forme : keeping in them a middle forme, inter Togatos 6° Palu-
datos* betwixt the grauitie of the one and lightnesse of the other: thereby to
signifie, that by your calling yee are mixed of both the professions; Togatus, as
a ludge making and pronouncing the Law; 5 Paludatus, by the power of the
sword: as your office is likewise mixed, betwixt the Ecclesiasticall and ciuill
estate : For a King is not mere laicus, as both the Papists and Anabaptists would
haue him, to the which error also the Puritanes incline ouer farre. But to returne
to the purpose of garments, they ought to be vsed according to their first institu-
tion by God, which was for three causes: first to hide our nakednesse and shame;
next and consequently, to make vs more comely, and thirdly, to preserue vs from
the iniuries of heate and colde. If to hide our nakednesse and shamefull parts,
then these naturall parts ordained to be hid, should not be represented by any
vndecent formes in the cloathes : and if they should helpe our comelinesse, they
should not then by their painted preened fashion, serue for baites to filthie
lecherie, as false haire and fairding does amongst vnchast women: and if they
should preserue vs from the iniuries of heat and colde, men should not, like sense-
lesse stones, contemne God, in lightlying the seasons, glorying to conquere honour
on heate and colde. And although it be praise-worthy and necessarie in a Prince,
to be patiens algoris &* astus, when he shall haue adoe with warres vpon the fields;
yet I thinke it meeter that ye goe both cloathed and armed, then naked to the
battell, except you would make you light for away-running: and yet for cowards,
metus addit alas. And shortly, in your cloathes keepe a proportion, aswell with
the seasons of the yeere, as of your aage: in the fashions of them being carelesse,
vsing them according to the common forme of the time, some-times richlier,
some-times meanlier cloathed, as occasion serueth, without keeping any precise
rule therein: 6 For if your mind be found occupied vpon them, it wil be thought
idle otherwaies, and ye shall bee accounted in the number of one of these compti
iuuenes; 7 which wil make your spirit and Judgment to be lesse thought of. But

1 Rom. 14. ' Isocr. de reg. • Plat, de rege. 7 Ar. ad Alex.

* Titus i. « Cic. i. Offic. • Cic. i. Off.

46 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

specially eschew to be effeminate in your cloathes, in perfuming, preening, or such
like: and faile neuer in time of warres to bee galliardest and brauest, both in
cloathes and countenance. And make not a foole of yourselfe in disguising or
wearing long haire or nailes, which are but excrements of nature, and bewray
such misusers of them, to bee either of a vindictiue, or a vaine light naturall.
Especially, make no vowes in such vaine and outward things, as concerne either
meate or cloathes.

Let your selfe and all your Court weare no ordinarie armour with your cloathes,
but such as is knightly and honourable; I meane rapier-swordes, and daggers:
For tuilyesome weapons in the Court, betokens confusion in the countrey. And
therefore bannish not onely from your Court, all traiterous offensiue weapons,
forbidden by the Lawes, as guns and such like (whereof I spake alreadie) but also
all traiterous defensiue armes, as secrets, plate-sleeues, and such like vnseene
armour: For, besides that the wearers thereof, may be presupposed to haue a
secret euill intention, they want both the vses that defensiue armour is ordained
for; which is, to be able to holde out violence, and by their outward glaunsing
in their enemies eyes, to strike a terrour in their hearts: Where by the contrary,
they can serue for neither, being not onely vnable to resist, but dangerous for
shots, and giuing no outward showe against the enemie; beeing onely ordained,
for betraying vnder trust, whereof honest men should be ashamed to beare the
outward badge, not resembling the thing they are not. And for answere against
these arguments, I know none but the olde Scots fashion; which if it be wrong,
is no more to be allowed for ancientnesse, then the olde Masse is, which also our
forefathers vsed.

The next thing that yee haue to take heed to, is your speaking and language;
whereunto I ioyne your gesture, since action is one of the chiefest qualities, that
is required in an oratour: l for as the tongue speaketh to the eares, so doeth the
gesture speake to the eyes of the auditour.2 In both your speaking and your
gesture, vse a nturall and plaine forme, not fairded with artifice:3 for (as the
French-men say) Rien contre-faict fin: but eschew all affectate formes in both.

In your language be plaine, honest, naturall, comely, cleane, short, and senten-
tious, eschewing both the extremities, aswell in not vsing any rusticall corrupt
leide, as booke-language, and pen and inke-horne termes : 4 and least of all mi-
gnard and effceminate tearmes. But let the greatest part of your eloquence consist
in a naturall, cleare, and sensible forme of the deliuerie of your minde, builded
euer vpon certaine and good grounds; 6 tempering it with grauitie, quickenesse,
or merinesse, according to the subiect, and occasion of the time; not taunting in
Theologie, nor alleadging and prophaning the Scripture in drinking purposes, as
ouer many doe.

1 Arist. 3. ad Theod. 4 Id. eod.

J Cic. in orat. ad Q. frat. & ad Bren. • Cic. ad Q. frat. & ad Brut.

' Cic. i. Offic.

BASILIKON DORON 47

Vse also the like forme in your gesture; neither looking sillily, like a stupide
pedant; 1 nor vnsetledly, with an vncouth morgue, like a new-comeouer Cavalier:
but let your behauiour be naturall, graue, and according to the fashion of the
countrey.2 Be not ouer-sparing in your courtesies, for that will be imputed to
inciuilitie and arrogancie: 3 nor yet ouer prodigall in iowking or nodding at euery
step: for that forme of being popular, becommeth better aspiring Absalons, then
lawful! Kings: 4 framing euer your gesture according to your present actions: '
looking grauely and with a maiestie when yee sit in iudgement, or giue audience
to Embassadours, homely, when ye are in priuate with your owne seruants;
merily, when ye are at any pastime or merrie discourse; and let your countenance
smell of courage and magnanimitie when ye are at the warres. And remember (I
say ouer againe) to be plaine and sensible in your language: 6 for besides that
it is the tongues office, to be the messenger of the mind, it may be thought a point
of imbecillitie of spirit in a King, to speake obscurely, much more vntrewly; as
if he stood in awe of any in vttering his thoughts.7

Remember also, to put a difference betwixt your forme of language in reason-
ing, and your pronouncing of sentences, or declaratour of your wil in iudgement,
or any other waies in the points of your office: 8 For in the former case, yee must
reason pleasantly and patiently, not like a king, but like a priuate man and a
scholer; otherwaies, your impatience of contradiction will be interpreted to be
for lacke of reason on your part. Where in the points of your office, ye should
ripely aduise indeede, before yee giue foorth your sentence: but fra it be giuen
foorth, the suffering of any contradiction diminisheth the maiestie of your au-
thoritie, and maketh the processes endelsse.9 The like forme would also bee ob-
serued by all your inferiour ludges and Magistrates.10

Now as to your writing, which is nothing else, but a forme of en-registrate
speech; vse a plaine, short, but stately stile, both in your Proclamations and
missiues, especially to forraine Princes. And if your engine spur you to write
any workes, either in verse or in prose, I cannot but allow you to practise it:
but take no longsome workes in hand, for distracting you from your calling.

Flatter not your selfe in your labours, but before they bee set foorth, let them
first bee priuily censured by some of the best skilled men in that craft, that in
these workes yee meddle with.11 And because your writes will remaine as true
pictures of your minde, to all posterities; let them bee free of all vncomelinesse
and vn-honestie: and according to Horace his counsell

— Nonumquam premantur in annum.™

1 Idem. i. Off. * Cic. 3. Off.

Phil, ad Alex. » Id. i. Off.

Cic. 2. Off. • Isoc. ad Nic.

Arist. 4. aeth. >° Cic. ad Q. frat.

Cic. ad At. » Cic. i. Off.

Isoc. de reg. & in Euagr. " De arte Poetica.

48 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

I meane both your verse and your prose; letting first that furie and heate,
wherewith they were written, coole at leasure; and then as an vncouth iudge
and censour, reuising them ouer againe, before they bee published,

— quid nescit vox missa reuerti^

If yee would write worthily, choose subiects worthie of you, that bee not full
of vanitie, but of vertue; eschewing obscuritie, and delighting euer to bee plaine
and sensible. And if yee write in verse, remember that it is not the principall
part of a Poeme to rime right, and flowe well with many pretie wordes : but the
chiefe commendation of a Poeme is, that when the verse shall bee shaken sundrie
in prose, it shall bee found so rich in quicke inuentions, and poeticke flowers, and
in faire and pertinent comparisons; as it shall retaine the lustre of a Poeme,
although in prose.2 And I would also aduise you to write in your owne language:
for there is nothing left to be saide in Greeke and Latine alreadie; and ynew of
poore schollers would match you in these languages; and besides that, it best
becommeth a King to purifie and make famous his owne tongue; wherein he may
goe before all his subjects; as it setteth him well to doe in all honest and lawfull
things.

And amongst all vnnecessarie things that are lawfull and expedient, I thinke
exercises of the bodie most commendable to be vsed by a young Prince, in such
honest games or pastimes, as may further abilitie and maintaine health: 3 For
albeit I graunt it to be most requisite for a King to exercise his engine, which
surely with idlenesse will ruste and become blunt; yet certainely bodily exercises
and games are very commendable;4 as well for bannishing of idlenesse (the
mother of all vice) as for making his bodie able and durable for trauell, which is
very necessarie for a King.5 But from this count I debarre all rough and violent
exercises, as the footeball; meeter for laming, then making able the vsers thereof f-
as likewise such tumbling trickes as only serue for Comcedians and Balladines, to
win their bread with. But the exercises that I would haue you to vse (although
but moderately, not making a craft of them) are running, leaping, wrastling,
fencing, dancing, and playing at the caitch or tennise, archerie, palle maill6, and
such like other faire and pleasant field-games.7 And the honourablest and most
commendable games that yee can vse, are on horsebacke:8 for it becommeth a
Prince best of any man, to be a faire and good horse-man.9 Vse therefore to ride
and danton great and couragious horses; that I may say of you, as Philip said
of great Alexander his sonne, MaKedovla ov <re x^P"-10 And specially vse such
games on horse-backe, as may teach you to handle your armes thereon; such as
the tilt, the ring, and low-riding for handling of your sword.

I cannot omit heere the hunting, namely with running hounds; which is the
most honourable and noblest sorte thereof: for it is a theeuish forme of hunting

1 Idem eod. « Plat. 6. de leg. 7 PI. eod. ' Is. de iug.

1 Ar. de art. Poet. • Ar. 7. & 8. pol. 8 Xen. in Cyr. 10 Plut. in Alex.

• Xen. i. Cyr. • Cic. i. Off. /

BASILIKON DORON 49

to shoote with gunnes and bowes; and greyhound hunting is not so martiall a
game: But because I would not be thought a partiall praiser of this sport, I
remit you to Xenophon,1 an olde and famous writer, who had no minde of flatter-
ing you or me in this purpose: and who also setteth downe a faire paterne, for
the education of a yong king, vnder the supposed name of Cyrus.1

As for hawking I condemne it not, but I must praise it more sparingly, because
it neither resembleth the warres so neere as hunting doeth, in making a man
hardie, and skilfully ridden in all grounds, and is more vncertaine and subiect to
mischances; and (which is worst of all) is therethrough an extreme stirrer vp of
passions: But in vsing either of these games, obserue that moderation, that ye
slip not therewith the houres appointed for your affaires, which ye ought euer
precisely to keepe;3 remembring that these games are but ordained for you, in
enabling you for your office, for the which ye are ordained.

And as for sitting house-pastimes, wherewith men by driuing time, spurre a
free and fast ynough running horse (as the prouerbe is) although they are not
profitable for the exercise either of minde or body,4 yet can I not vtterly condemne
them; since they may at times supply the roome, which being emptie, would be
patent to pernicious idlenesse, quia nihil potest esse vacuum? I will not there-
fore agree with the curiositie of some learned men in our aage, in forbidding cardes,
dice, and other such like games of hazard; although otherwayes surely I reuerence
them as notable and godly men : For they are deceiued therein, in founding their
argument vpon a mistaken ground, which is, that the playing at such games, is
a kind of casting of lot, and therefore vnlawf ull ; wherein they deceiue themselues :
For the casting of lot was vsed for triall of the trewth in any obscure thing, that
otherwayes could not be gotten cleared; and therefore was a sort of prophecie:
where by the contrary, no man goeth to any of these playes, to cleare any obscure
trewth, but onely to gage so much of his owne money, as hee pleaseth, vpon the
hazard of the running of the cardes or dice, aswell as he would doe vpon the
speede of a horse or a dog, or any such like gaigeour: And so, if they be vnlawfull,
all gaigeours vpon vncertainties must likewayes be condemned: Not that thereby
I take the defence of vaine carders and dicers, that waste their moyen, and their
time (whereof fewe consider the pretiousnesse) vpon prodigall and continuall
playing:6 no, I would rather allow it to be discharged, where such corruption can-
not be eschewed. But only I cannot condemne you at some times, when ye haue
no other thing adoe (as a good King will be seldome) and are wearie of reading,
or euill disposed in your person, and when it is foule and stormie weather; then,
I say, may ye lawfully play at the cardes or tables: For as to dicing, I thinke it
becommeth best deboshed souldiers to play at, on the head of their drums, being
onely ruled by hazard, and subiect to knauish cogging. And as for the chesse, I
thinke it ouer fond, because it is ouer-wise and Philosophicke a folly. For where

1 In Cyn. i. Cyr. & de rep. Lac.; Cic. i. Offic. l Cyropoedia.

» Arist. 10. Eth. « Arist. 8. pol. « Dan. de lus. al. • Cic. i. Offic.

So THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

all such light playes, are ordained to free mens heads for a time, from the fashions
thoughts on their affaires; it by the contrarie filleth and troubleth mens heads,
with as many fashious toyes of the play, as before it was filled with thoughts on
his affaires.

But in your playing, I would haue you to keepe three rules: first, or ye play,
consider yee doe it onely for your recreation, and resolue to hazard the losse of
all that ye play; and next, for that cause play no more then yee care to cast
among Pages: and last, play alwaies faire play precisely, that ye come not in vse
of tricking and lying in ieast: otherwise, if yee cannot keepe these rules, my coun-
sell is that yee allutterly abstaine from these playes: For neither a madde passion
for losse, nor falshood vsed for desire of gaine, can be called a play.

Now, it is not onely lawfull, but necessarie, that yee haue companie meete for
euery thing yee take on hand, as well in your games and exercises, as in your
graue and earnest affaires: But learne to distinguish time according to the oc-
casion, choosing your companie accordingly.1 Conferre not with hunters at your
counsell, nor in your counsell affaires: nor dispatch not affaires at hunting or
other games. And haue the like respect to the seasons of your aage, vsing your
sortes of recreation and companie therefore, agreeing thereunto: For it becom-
meth best, as kindliest, euery aage to smell of their owne qualitie, insolence and
vnlawf ul things beeing alwaies eschewed : 2 and not that a colt should draw the
plough, and an olde horse run away with the harrowes. But take heede specially,
that your companie for recreation, be chosen of honest persons, not defamed or
vicious, mixing filthie talke with merrinesse,

Corrumpunt bonos mores colloquia praua.

And chiefly abstaine from haunting before your mariage, the idle companie of
dames, which are nothing else, but irritamenta libidinis. Bee warre likewaies to
abuse your selfe, in making your sporters your counsellers: and delight not to
keepe ordinarily in your companie, Comcedians or Balladines:3 for the Tyrans
delighted most in them, glorying to bee both authors and actors of Comcedies and
Tragedies themselues: Whereupon the answere that the poet Philoxenus dis-
dainfully gaue to the Tyran of Syracuse there-anent, is now come in a prouerbe,
r educ me in latomias* And all the ruse that Nero made of himselfe when he died,
was Qualis artifex pereo?6 meaning of his skill in menstrally, and playing of
Tragcedies; as indeede his whole life and death, was all but one Tragcedie.

Delight not also to bee in your owne person a player vpon instruments;
especially on such as commonly men winne their liuing with: nor yet to be fine
of any mechanicke craft: Leur esprit s'enfuit au bout des doigts, saith Du Bartas: 6
whose workes, as they are all most worthie to bee read by any Prince, or other
good Christian; so would I especially wish you to bee well versed in them. But

1 Isoc. de reg.; Cic. i. Off. 4 Suidas.

1 Ar. 2. ad Theod. « Suet, in Ner.

* PI. 3. de rep.; Ar. 7. & 8. pol.; Sen. i. ep. Dyon. • i. Sep.

BASILIKON DORON 51

spare not some-times by merie company, to be free from importunitie; for ye
should be euer mooued with reason, which is the onely qualitie whereby men
differ from beasts; and not with importunitie: l For the which cause (as also for
augmenting your Maiestie) ye shall not be so facile of accesse-giuing at all times,
as I haue beene; and yet not altogether retired2 or locked vp,3 like the Kings of
Persia; appointing also certaine houres for publicke audience.4

And since my trust is, that God hath ordained you for moe Kingdomes then
this (as I haue oft alreadie said) preasse by the outward behauiour as well of your
owne person, as of your court, in all indifferent things, to allure piece and piece,
the rest of your kingdomes, to follow the fashions of that kingdome of yours, that
yee finde most ciuill, easiest to be ruled, and most obedient to the Lawes: for
these outward and indifferent things will seme greatly for allurements to the
people, to embrace and follow vertue. But beware of thrawing or constraining
them thereto; letting it bee brought on with tune, and at leisure; specially by
so mixing through alliance and daily conuersation, the inhabitants of euery
kingdom with other, as may with time make them to grow and welde all in one:
Which may easily be done betwixt these two nations, being both but one He of
Britaine, and alreadie ioyned in vnitie of Religion and language. So that euen
as in the times of our ancestours, the long warres and many bloodie battels be-
twixt these two countreys, bred a naturall and hereditarie hatred in euery of
them, against the other: the vniting and welding of them hereafter in one, by
all sort of friendship, commerce, and alliance, will by the contrary produce and
maintaine a naturall and inseparable vnitie of loue amongst them. As we haue
already (praise be to God) a great experience of the good beginning hereof, and
of the quenching of the olde hate in the hearts of both the people ; procured by
the meanes of this long and happy amitie, betweene the Queene my dearest
sister and me; which during the whole time of both our Reignes, hath euer beene
inuiolably obserued.

And for conclusion of this my whole Treatise, remember my Sonne, by your
trew and constant depending vpon God, to looke for a blessing to all your actions
in your office: by the outward vsing thereof, to testifie the inward vprightnesse
of your heart; and by your behauiour in all indifferent things, to set foorth the
viue image of your vertuous disposition; and in respect of the greatnesse and
weight of your burthen, to be patient in hearing, keeping your heart free from
praeoccupation, ripe in concluding, and constant in your resolution: * For better
it is to bide at your resolution, although there were some defect in it, then by
daily changing, to effectuate nothing: 8 taking the paterne thereof from the mi-
crocosme of your owne body; wherein ye haue two eyes, signifying great foresight
and prouidence, with a narrow looking in all things; and also two eares, signify-
ing patient hearing, and that of both the parties: but ye haue but one tongue,
for pronouncing a plaine, sensible, and vniforme sentence; and but one head, and

1 Curt. 8. * Liu. 35. » Xen. in Ages. 4 Cic. ad Q. frat. * Thuc. 6. • Dion. 52.

S2 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

one heart, for keeping a constant & vniforme resolution, according to your appre-
hension: hauing two hands and two feete, with many fingers and toes for quicke
execution, in employing all instruments meet for effectuating your deliberations.

But forget not to digest euer your passion, before ye determine vpon any-
thing, since Ira furor breuis est: 1 vttering onely your anger according to the
Apostles rule, Irascimini, sea ne peccetis: z taking pleasure, not only to reward,
but to aduance the good, which is a chiefe point of a Kings glory (but make
none ouer-great, but according as the power of the countrey may beare) and
punishing the euill; but euery man according to his owne offence: 3 not punish-
ing nor blaming the father for the sonne, nor the brother for the brother; 4 much
lesse generally to hate a whole race for the fault of one: for noxa caput sequitur.*

And aboue all, let the measure of your loue to euery one, be according to the
measure of his vertue; letting your fauour to be no longer tyed to any, then the
continuance of his vertuous disposition shall deserue: not admitting the excuse
vpon a iust reuenge, to procure ouersight to an iniurie: For the first iniurie is
committed against the partie; but the parties reuenging thereof at his owne hand,
is a wrong committed against you, in vsurping your office, whom- to onely the sword
belongeth, for reuenging of all the iniuries committed against any of your people.

Thus hoping in the goodnes of God, that your naturall inclination shall haue
a happy sympathie with these precepts, making the wise-mans scholemaster,
which is the example of others, to bee your teacher, according to that old verse,

Fcelix quern faciunt aliena pericula cautum;

eschewing so the ouer-late repentance by your owne experience, which is the
schoole-master of fooles; I wil for end of all, require you my Sonne, as euer ye
thinke to deserue my fatherly blessing, to keepe continually before the eyes of
your minde, the greatnesse of your charge:6 making the faithfull and due dis-
charge thereof, the principal butt ye shoot at in all your actions:7 counting it
euer the principall, and all your other actions but as accessories, to be emploied
as middesses for the furthering of that principall. And being content to let
others excell in other things, let it be your chiefest earthly glory, to excell in your
owne craft: according to the worthy counsel and charge of Anchises to his pos-
teritie, in that sublime and heroicall Poet, wherein also my dicton is included;

Excudent alij spirantia mollius (era,
Credo equidem, & viuos ducent de marmore vultus,
Orabunt causas melius, codique meatus
Describent radio, 6* surgentia sydera dicent.
Tu, regere imperio populos, Romane, memento
(HcE tibi erunt artes) pacique imponere morem,
" Parcere subiectis, & debellare superbos.8

1 Hor. lib. i. epist. * Arist. 5. pol. • Plat. 9. de leg. T Cic. 5. de rep.

J Ephes. 4. * Dion. 51. ' Plat, in pol. 8 Virg 6.

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES: OR THE

RECIPROCK AND MVTVALL DVETIE BETWIXT A

FREE KING, AND HIS NATURALL SUBJECTS.

AN ADVERTISEMENT
To THE READER.

/fCCEPT, I pray you (my deare countreymen) as thankefully this Pamphlet
^.jL thai I offer tmto you, as louingly it is written for your weale. I would be loath
both to be faschious, andfectlesse: And therefore, if it be not sententious, at least it is
short. It may be yee misse many things that yee lookefor in it: But for excuse thereof,
consider rightly that I onely lay downe herein the trew grounds, to teach you the right-
way, without wasting time -upon refuting the aduersaries. And yet I trust, if ye will
take narrow tent, ye shall finde most of their great gunnes payed home againe, either
with contrary conclusions, or tacite obiections, suppose in a dairned forme, and in-
directly: For my intention is to instruct, and not irritat, if I may eschew it. The
profile I would wish you to make of it, is, as well so to frame all your actions accord-
ing to these grounds, as may coniirme you in the course of honest and obedient Sub-
iects to your King in all times camming, as also, when ye shall fall in purpose with
any that shall praise or excuse the by-past rebellions that brake foorth either in this
countrey, or in any other, ye shall herewith bee armed against their Sirene songs,
laying their particular examples to the square of these grounds. Whereby yee shall
soundly keepe the course of righteous Judgement, decerning wisely of euery action
onely according to the qualitie thereof, and not according to your pre-iudged conceits
of the committers: So shall ye, by reaping profit to your selues, turne my paine into
pleasure. But least the whole Pamphlet runne out at the gaping mouth of this Preface,
if it were any more enlarged; I end, with committing you to God, and me to your
charitable censures.

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES: OR THE RECIPROCK
AND MVTVALL DVETIE BETWIXT A FREE KING AND HIS

NATURALL SUBJECTS.

As there is not a thing so necessarie to be knowne by the people of any land, next
the knowledge of their God, as the right knowledge of their alleageance, according
to the forme of gouernement established among them, especially in a Monarchic
(which forme of gouernment, as resembling the Diuinitie, approacheth nearest to
Derfection, as all the learned and wise men from the beginning haue agreed vpon;
Vnitie being the perfection of all things,) So hath the ignorance, and (which is
worse) the seduced opinion of the multitude blinded by them, who thinke them-
selues able to teach and instruct the ignorants, procured the wracke and ouer-

53

54 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

throw of sundry flourishing Common-wealths; and heaped heauy calamities,
threatning vtter destruction vpon others. And the smiling successe, that vnlaw-
full rebellions haue oftentimes had against Princes in aages past (such hath bene
the misery, and iniquitie of the time) hath by way of practise strengthned many
in their errour: albeit there cannot be a more deceiueable argument; then to
iudge ay the iustnesse of the cause by the euent thereof; as hereafter shall be
proued more at length. And among others, no Commonwealth, that euer hath
bene since the beginning, hath had greater need of the trew knowledge of this
ground, then this our sojong disordered, and^djs^a^tej^Q)mmpnrwealth_iiath:
the misknowledge hereof being the onely spring, from whence haue flowed so
many endlesse calamities, miseries, and confusions, as is better felt by many,
then the cause thereof well knowne, and deepely considered. The naturall zeale
therefore, that I beare to this my natiue countrie, with the great pittie I haue to
see the so-long disturbance thereof for lacke of the trew knowledge of this ground
(as I haue said before) hath compelled me at last to breake silence, to discharge
my conscience to you my deare country men herein, that knowing the ground
from whence these your many endlesse troubles haue proceeded, as well as ye
haue already too-long tasted the bitter fruites thereof, ye may by knowledge,
and eschewing of the cause escape, and diuert the lamentable effects that euer
necessarily follow thereupon. I haue chosen then onely to set downe in this short
Treatise, the trew grounds of the mutuall duetie, and alleageance betwixt a free
and absolute Monarche. and his people ; not to trouble your patience with answer-
ing the contrary propositions, which some haue not bene ashamed to set downe
in writ, to the poysoning of infinite number of simple soules, and their owne per-
petuall, and well deserued infamie: For by answering them, I could not haue
eschewed whiles to pick, and byte wel saltly their persons; which would rather
haue bred contentiousnesse among the readers (as they had liked or misliked)
then sound instruction of the trewth: Which I protest to him that is the searcher
of all hearts, is the onely marke that I shoot at herein.

First then, I will set downe the trew grounds, whereupon I am to build, out

of the SrriptnrpSj sinrp Mntinrrhif JsJl^tjY>w_jgjprn£_of Dillinjtfc, as I haue

already said: next, from the fundamental Laweg_pf our owne Kingdome, which
nearest must concerne vs: thirdly, from the law of Nature, by diuers similitudes
drawne out of the same: and will conclude syne by answering the most waighty
and appearing incommodities that can be obiected.

The Princes duetie to his Subiects is so clearely set downe in many places of
the Scriptures, and so openly confessed by all the good Princes, according to their
oath in their Coronation, as not needing to be long therein, I shall as shortly
as I can runne through it.

Kings are called Gods l by the propheticall King Dauid, because theysit vpon
GOD his Throne injthe^arth, and haue the count of their administration to giue

1 Psal. 82. 6.

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES / 55

vnto him. Their office is, To minister lustice and ludgement to the people,1 as the
same Dauid saith: To aduance the good, and punish the euill?,a.s he likewise saith:
To establish good Lowes to his people, and procure obedience to the satnt,' «.:> Jiuers
good Kings of ludah 4 did: To procure the peace of the people, as the same Dauid
saith: 6 To decide all controuersies that can arise among them 6 as Salomon did: To
be the Minister of God for the weale of them that doe well, and as the minister of God,
to take vengeance vpon them that doe euill,7 as S. Paul saith. And finally, -4s a good
Pastour, to goe out and in before his people 8 as is said in the first of Samuel: That
through the Princes prosperitie, the peoples peace may be procured? as leremie
saith.

And therefore in the Coronation of our owne Kings, as well as of euery Chris-
tian Monarche they giue their Oath, first to maintaine the Religion presently c
professed within their countrie, according to their lawes, wKereby it is established,
and to punish all those that should presse to alter, or disturbe the profession
CD thereofT And next to maintaine all the lowable and good Lawes made by their
predecessoursj" to see them put in execution, and the breakers and violaters
thereof, to be punished, according to the tenour of the same : And lastly, to main-
taine the whole countrey, and euery state therein, in all their ancient Priuiledges
and Liberties, as well against all forreine enemies, as among themselues: And
shortly to procure the weale and flourishing of his people, not onely in maintain-
ing and putting to execution the olde lowable lawes of the countrey, and by estab-
lishing of new (as necessitie and euill maners will require) but by all other meanes
possible to fore-see and preuent all dangers, that are likely to fall vpon them, and
to maintaine concord, wealth, and ciuilitie among them, as a louing Father, and
careful watchman, caring for them more then for himselfe, knowing himselfe to
be ordained for them, and they not for him ; and therefore countable to that great
God, who placed him as his lieutenant ouer them, vpon the perill of his soule to
procure the weale of both soules and bodies, as farre as in him lieth, of all them
that are committed to his charge. And this oath in the Coronation is the clearest,
ciuill, and fundamentall Law, whereby the Kings office is properly defined.

By the Law,oXNature the King becomes_a naturaJLFather to all his Liegesjajt
his Coronation: And as the Father of his fatherly duty is bound to care for the
nourishing, education, and vertuous gouernment of his children; euen so is the
king bound to care for all jjis subiects. As all the toile and paine that the father
can take for his children, will be thought light and well bestowed by him, so that
the effect thereof redound to theL profile and weale; so ought the Prince to doe
towards his people. As the kindly father ought to foresee all inconuenients and
dangers that may arise towards his children, and though with the hazard of his
owne person presse to preuent the same; so ought the King towards his people.
As the fathers wrath and correction \fjon any of his children that offendeth, ought

> Psal. 101. 4 2. Chron. 29; 2. King. ii;1bd 23. 2; chro. 34, &3S- 7 Rom. 13.

1 Psal. 101. * Psal. 72. " i. Sam. 8.

' 2. King. 18. * i. King 3. • lerem. 39.

56 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

to be by a fatherly chastisement seasoned with pitie, as long as there is any hope
of amendment _ir Item; so ought the King towards any of his Lieges that offend
IrTtriat measure. And shortly, as the Fathers chiefe ioy ought to be in procuring
his childrens welfare, reioycing at their weale, sorrowing and pitying at their
euill, to hazard for their safetie, trauell for their rest, wake for their sleepe; and
in a word, to thinke that his earthly felicitie and life standeth and liueth more in
them, nor in himselfe; so ought a good Prince thinke of his people.

As to the other branch of this mutuall and reciprock band, is the duetv and
alleageance that the Lieges owe to their King: the ground whereof, I take out
of the words of Samuel, dited by Gods Spirit, when God had giuen him com-
mandement to heare the peoples voice in choosing and annointing them a King.
And because that place of Scripture being well vnderstood, is so pertinent for
our purpose, I haue insert herein the very words of the Text.

9 Now therefore hearken to their -voice: howbeit yet testifie vnto them, and shew
them the maner of the King, that shall raigne ouer them.

10 So Samuel tolde all the wordes of the Lord vnto the people that asked a King of
him.

11 And he said, This shall be the maner of the King that shall raigne ouer you: he
will take your sonnes, and appoint them to his Charets, and to be his horsemen,
and some shall runne before his Charet.

12 Also, hee will make them his captaines ouer thousands, and captaines ouer fif-
ties, and to eare his ground, and to reape his haruest, and to make instruments
of warre and the things that serue for his char els:

13 Hee will also take your daughters, and make them Apothicaries, and Cookes,
and Bakers.

14 And hee will take your fields, and your vineyards, and your best Oliue trees,
and giue them to his seruants.

And he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your Vineyards, and giue it to his
Eunuches, and to his seruants.

16 And he will take your men seruants, and your maid-seruants, and the chiefe of
your young men, and your asses, and put them to his worke.

17 He will take the tenth of your sheepe: and ye shall be his seruants.

And ye shall cry out at that day, because of your King, whom ye haue chosen
you: and the Lord God will not heare you at that day.

19 But the people would not heare the voice of Samuel, but did say: Nay, but
there shalbe a King ouer vs.

20 And we also will be all like other Nations, and our King shall iudge vs, and
goe out before vs, and fight our battels.

That these words, and discourseHib&Gtmuel were dited by Gods Spirit, it
needs no further probation, but that it;i.» %£>lace of Scripture; since the whole
Scripture is dited by that inspiration, as Paul saith: which ground no good

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES 57

Christian will, or dare denie. Whereupon it must necessarily follow, that these
speeches proceeded not from any ambition in Samuel, as one loath to quite the
reines that he so long had ruled, and therefore desirous, by making odious the
gouernment of a King, to disswade the people from their farther importunate
crauing of one : For, as the text proueth it plainly, he then conueened them to giue
them a resolute grant of their demand, as God by his owne mouth commanded
him, saying,

Hearken to the voice of the people.

And to presse to disswade them from that, which he then came to grant vnto them,
were a thing very impertinent in a wise man; much more in the Prophet of the
most high God. And likewise, it well appeared in all the course of his life after,
that so long refusing of their sute before came not of any ambition in him: which
he well proued in praying, & as it were importuning God for the weale of Saul.
Yea, after God had declared his reprobation vnto him, yet he desisted not, while
God himselfe was wrath at his praying, and discharged his fathers suit in that
errand. And that these words of Samuel were not vttered as a prophecie of Saul
their first Kings defection, it well appeareth, as well because we heare no mention
made in the Scripture of any his tyrannic and oppression, (which, if it had beene,
would not haue been left vnpainted out therein, as well as his other faults were,
as in a trew mirrour of all the Kings behauiours, whom it describeth) as likewise
in respect that Saul was chosen by God for his vertue, and meet qualities to
gouerne his people: whereas his defection sprung after-hand from the corruption
of his owne nature, & not through any default in God, whom they that thinke so,
would make as a step-father to his people, in making wilfully a choise of the
vnmeetest for gouerning them, since the election of that King lay absolutely and
immediatly in Gods hand. But by the contrary it is plaine, and euident, that this
speech of Samuel to the people, was to prepare their hearts before the hand to the
due obedience of that King, which God was to giue vnto them; and therefore
opened vp vnto them, what might be the intolerable qualities that might fall in
some of their kings, thereby preparing them to patience, not to resist to Gods
ordinance: but as he would haue said; Since God hath granted your importunate
suit in gluing you a king, as yee haue else committed an errour in shaking off Gods
yoke, and ouer-hastie seeking of a King; so beware yee fall not into the next, in
casjjng_off_also rashly that yoke, which God at your earnest suite hath laidjygon
you, how hard that euef it seeme tp'be^ For as ye could not haue obtained one
without the permissioirand ordinance of God, so may yee no more, fro hee be
once set ouer you, shake him off without the same warrant. And therefore in
time arme _your seliies with pgtien.ce and humilitie, since he that hath the only
power to make him, hath the onely power to vnmake him; and ye onely to obey,
bearing with .these straits, that I_nowjforeshew you, as with thelmgeFof
which lieth not in you to take off.

inc
so

58 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

And will ye consider the very wordes of the text in order, as they are set downe,
it shall plainely declare the obedience that the people owe to their King in all
respects.

First, God commandeth Samuel to doe two things : the one, to grant the people
their suit in giuing them a king; the other, to forewarne them, what some kings
will doe vnto them, that they may not thereafter in their grudging and murmur-
ing say, when they shal feele the snares here fore-spoken; We would neuer haue
had a king of God, in case when we craued him, hee had let vs know how wee
would haue beene vsed by him, as now we finde but ouer-late. And this is meant
by these words:

Now therefore hearken vnto their voice: howbeit yet testifie vnto them, and shew
them the maner of the King that shall rule ouer them.

And next, Samuel in execution of this commandement of God, hee likewise
doeth two things.

First, hee declares vnto them, what points of iustice and equitie their king will
breake in his behauiour vnto them: And next he putteth them out of hope, that
wearie as they will, they shall not haue leaue to shake off that yoke, which God'
through their importunitie hath laide vpon them. The points of equitie that the
King shall breake vnto them, are expressed in these words:

ii He will take your sonnes, and appoint them to his Charets, and to be his horse-
men, and some shall run before his Charet.

^f>\ 1 2 Also he will make them his captaines ouer thousands, and captaines ouer fifties,
^i and to eare his ground, and to reape his haruest, and to make instruments of

\ wane, and the things that seruefor his charets.

1 13 He will also take your daughters, and make them Apothecaries, and Cookes,
and Bakers.

The points of Justice, that hee shall breake vnto them, are expressed in these
wordes:

i4 Hee will take your fields, and your vineyards, and your best Oliue trees, and
giue them to his seruants.

And he will take the tenth of your seede, and of your vineyards, and giue it to
his Eunuches and to his seruants: and also the tenth of your sheepe.

As if he would say; The best and noblest of your blood shall be compelled in
slauish and seruile offices to serue him: and not content of his owne patrimonie,
will make vp a rent to his owne vse out of your best lands, vineyards, orchards,
and store of cattell: So as inuerting the Law of nature, and office of a King, your
persons and the persons of your posteritie, together with your lands, and all that
ye possesse shall serue his priuate vse, and inordinate appetite.

And as vnto the next point (which is his fore-warning them, that, weary as
they will, they shall not haue leaue to shake off the yoke, which God thorow their
importunity hath laid vpon them) it is expressed in these words:

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES 59

1 8 And yee shall crie out at that day, because of your King whom yee haue chosen
you: and the Lord will not heare you at that day.

As he would say; ^hen ye shall finde these things in proofe that now I fore-
warne you of, althouglTyou shall grudge and murmure, yet it shal not be lawful
to you to cast it off, in respect it is not only the ordinance of God, but also your
selues haue chosen him vnto you, thereby renouncing for euer all priuiledges, by
your willing consent out of your hands, whereby in any time hereafter ye would
claime, and call backe vnto your selues againe that power, which God shall not
permit you to doeTTAnd for further taking away of all excuse, and retraction of
this their contract, after their consent to vnder-lie this yoke with all the burthens
that hee hath declared vnto them, he craues their answere, and consent to his
proposition: which appeareth by their answere, as it is expressed in these words:

19 Nay, but there shall be a King ouer vs. 20 And we also will be like all other
nations: and our king shall iudge vs, and goe out before vs and fight our battels.

As if they would haue said; All your speeches and hard conditions shall not
skarre vs, but we will take the good and euill of it vpon vs, and we will be content
to beare whatsoeuer burthen it shal please our King to lay vpon vs, aswell as other
nations doe. And for the good we will get of him in fighting our battels, we will .
more patiently beare any burden that shall please him to lay on vs. <C

Now then, since the erection of this Kingdome and Monarchic among the
lewes, and the law thereof may, and ought to bee a paterne to all Christian and
well founded Monarchies, as beeing founded by God himselfe, who by his Oracle,
and out of his owne mouth gaue the law thereof: what liberty can broiling spirits,
and rebellious minds claime iustly to against any Christian Monarchic; since
they can claime to no greater libertie on their part, nor the people of God might
haue done, and no greater tyranny was euer executed by any Prince or tyrant,
whom they can obiect, nor was here fore-warned to the people of God, (and yet
all rebellion countermanded vnto them) if tyrannizing ouer mens persons, sonnes,
daughters and seruants; redacting noble houses, and men, and women of noble
blood, to slauish and seruile offices; and extortion, and spoile of their lands and
goods to the princes owne priuate vse and commoditie, and of his courteours, and
seruants, may be called a tyrannic ?

And that this proposition grounded vpon the Scripture, may the more clearly
appeare to be trew by the practise oft prooued in the same booke, we neuer reade,
that euer the Prophets perswaded the people to rebell against the Prince, how
wicked soeuer he was.

When Samuel by Gods command pronounced to the same king Saul, that his
kingdome was rent from him, and giuen to another (which in effect was a degrad-
ing of him) yet his next action following that, was peaceably to turne home, and
with floods of teares to pray to God to haue some compassion vpon him.1

1 i. Sam. 15.

60 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

And David, notwithstanding hee was inaugurate in that same degraded Kings
roome, not onely (when he was cruelly persecuted, for no offence; but good
seruice done vnto him) would not presume, hauing him in his power, skantly, but
with great reuerence, to touch the garment of the annoynted of the Lord, and in
his words blessed him: l but likewise, when one came to him van ting himself e
vntrewly to haue slaine Saul, hee, without forme of proces, or triall of his guilt,
caused onely for guiltinesse of his tongue, put him to sodaine death.2

And although there was neuer a more monstrous persecutor, and tyrant nor
Achab was: yet all the rebellion, that Elias euer raised against him, was to flie to
the wildernes: where for fault of sustentation, he was fed with the Corbies. And
I thinke no man will doubt but Samuel, Dauid, and Elias, had as great power to
perswade the people, if they had like to haue employed their credite to vproares
& rebellions against these wicked kings, as any of our seditious preachers in these
daies of whatsoeuer religion, either in this countrey or in France, had, that busied
themselues most to stir vp rebellion vnder cloake of religion. This farre the only
loue of veritie, I protest, without hatred at their persons, haue mooued me to
be somewhat satyricke.

And if any will leane to the extraordinarie examples of degrading or killing of
kings in the Scriptures, thereby to cloake the peoples rebellion, as by the deed of
lehu, and such like extraordinaries: I answere, besides that they want the like
warrant that they had, if extraordinarie examples of the Scripture shall bee
drawne in daily practise; murther vnder traist as in the persons of Ahud, and
lael; theft, as in the persons of the Israelites comrm'ng out of Egypt; lying to their
parents to the hurt of their brother, as in the person of lacob, shall all be counted
as lawfull and allowable vertues, as rebellion against Princes. And to conclude,
the practise through the whole Scripture prooueth the peoples obedience giuen
to that sentence in the law of God:

/ Thou shall not rayle vpon the Judges, neither speake euill of the ruler of
L thy people.

To end then the ground of my proposition taken out of the Scripture, let two
speciall, and notable examples, one vnder the law, another vnder the Euangel,
conclude this part of my alleageance. Vnder the lawe, leremie threatneth the
people of God with vtter destruction for rebellion to Nabuchadnezar the king of
Babel:3 who although he was an idolatrous persecuter, a forraine King, a Tyrant,
and vsurper of their liberties; yet in respect they had once receiued and acknowl-
edged him for their king, he not only commandeth them to obey him, but euen
to pray for his prosperitie, adioyning the reason to it; because in his prosperitie
stood their peace.4

And vnder the Euangel, that king, whom Paul bids the Romanes obey and
seme/or conscience sake, was Nero that bloody tyrant, an infamie to his aage, and

1 i. Sam. 24. * 2. Sam. i. « ler. 27. < lere. 29.

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES 6l

a monster to the world, being also an idolatrous persecuter, as the King of Babel
was. If then Idolatrie and defection from God, tyranny ouer their people, and
persecution of the Saints, for their profession sake, hindred not the Spirit of God
to command his people vnder all highest paine to giue them all due and heartie
obedience for conscience sake, giuing to C&sar that which was Caesars, and to God
that which was Gods, as Christ saith; and that this practise throughout the booke
of God agreeth with this lawe, which he made in the erection of that Monarchic
(as is at length before deduced) what shamelesse presumption is it to any Chris-
tian people now adayes to claime to that vnlawfull libertie, which God refused to
his owne peculiar and chosen people ? l Shortly then to take vp in two or three H
sentences, grounded vpon all these arguments, out of the lawe of God, the duetie,}
and alleageance of the people to their lawfull king, their obedience, I say, ought
to be to him, as to Gods Lieutenant in earth, obeying his commands in all thing,
except directly against God, as the commands of Gods Minister, acknowledging '
him a ludge set by GOD ouer them, hauing power to iudge them, but to be Judged
onely by GOD, whom to onely hee must giue count of his iudgement; fearing him
as their Iudge, louing him as their father; praying for him as their protectour;
for his continuance, if he be good; for his amendement, if he be wicked; following
and obeying his lawfull commands, eschewing and flying his fury in his vnlawfull,
without resistance, but by sobbes and teares to God, according to that sentence
vsed in the primitiue Church in the time of the persecution.

Preces, &° Lachryma sunt arma Ecclesice.

Now, as for the describing the allegeance, that the lieges owe to their natiue
King, out of the fundamental! and ciuill Lawe, especially of this contrey, as I
promised, the ground must first be set downe of the first maner of establishing the
Lawes and forme of gouernement among vs; that the ground being first right
laide, we may thereafter build rightly thereupon. Although it be trew (according
to the affirmation of those that pryde themselues to be the scourges of Tyrants)
that in the first beginning of Kings rising among the Gentiles, in the time of the
first aage, diuers commonwealths and societies of men choosed out one among
themselues, who for his vertues and valour, being more eminent then the rest, was,j
chosen out by them, and set vp in that roome, to maintaine the weakest in their
right, to throw downe oppressours, and to foster and continue the societie among
men; which could not otherwise, but by vertue of that vnitie be wel done: yet
these examples are nothing pertinent to vs; because our Kingdome and diuen
other Monarchies are not in that case, but had their beginning in a farre contrary
fashion.

For as our Chronicles beare witnesse, this He, and especially our part of it,
being scantly inhabited, but by very few, and they as barbarous and scant of
ciuilitie, as number, there comes our first King Fergus, with a great number with

1 lere. 13.

62 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

him, out of Ireland, which was long inhabited before vs, and making himself
master of the countrey, by his owne friendship, and force, as well of the Ireland-
men that came with him, as of the countrey-men that willingly fell to him, hee
made himselfe King and Lord, as well of the whole landes, as of the whole inhabi-
tants within the same. Thereafter he and his successours, a long while after their
being Kinges, made and established their lawes from time to time, and as the
occasion required. So the trewth is directly contrarie in our state to the false
affirmation of such seditious writers, as would perswade vs, that the Lawes and
state of our countrey were established before the admitting of a king: where by
the countrarie ye see it plainely prooued, that a wise king comming in among
barbares, first established the estate and forme of gouernement, and thereafter
made lawes by himselfe, and his successours according thereto.

The kings therefore in Scotland were before any estates or rankes of men within
. the same, before any Parliaments were holden, or lawes made: and by them was
the land distributed (which at the first was whole theirs) states erected and
decerned, and formes of gouernement deuised and established: And so it followes
of ner.essitie. that the kings WPTP tVip author* anH makpre nf the Lawes, and not
the Lawes nf tne kings. And to prooue this my assertion more clearly, it is eui-
dent by the rolles of our Chancellery (which containe our eldest and f undamentall
Lawes) that the King is Dominus omnium bonorum, and Dominus directus totius
Dominij, the whole subiects being but his vassals, and from him holding all their
lands as their ouer-lord, who according to good seruices done vnto him, chaungeth
their holdings from tacke to few, from ward to blanch, erecteth new Baronies,
and vniteth olde, without aduice or authoritie of either Parliament or any other
subalterin iudiciall seate : So as if wrong might bee admitted in play (albeit I
grant wrong should be wrong in all persons) the King might haue a better colour
for his pleasure, without further reason, to take the land from his lieges, as ouer-
lord of the whole, and doe with it as pleaseth him, since all that they hold is of
him, then, as foolish writers say, the people might vnmake the king, and put an
other in his roome: But either of them as vnlawful, and against the ordinance of
God, ought to be alike odious to be thought, much lesse put in practise.

And according to these fundamentall Lawes already alledged, we daily see
that in the Parliament (which is nothing else but the head Court of the king and
his vassals) the lawes are but craued by his subiects, and onely made by him at
their rogation, and with their aduice: For albeit the king make daily statutes and
ordinances, enioyning such paines thereto as hee thinkes meet, without any
aduice of Parliament or estates; yet it lies in the power of no Parliament, to make,
anv kinde nf T,a.wp. nr Statute, without his Scepter he to it. for giuing it the force
of a Law: And although diuers changes haue beene in other countries of the blood
Royall, and kingly house, the kingdome being reft by conquest from one to
another, as in our neighbour countrey in England, (which was neuer in ours) yet
the same ground of the kings right ouer all the land, and subiects thereof re-

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES 63

maineth alike in all other free Monarchies, as well as in this: For when the
Bastard of Normandie came into England, and made himselfe king, was it not by •
force, and with a mighty army ? Where he gaue the Law, and tooke none,
changed the Lawes, inuerted the order of gouernement, set downe the strangers
his followers in many of the old possessours roomes, as at this day well appeareth
a great part of the Gentlemen in England, beeing come of the Norman blood, and
their old Lawes, which to this day they are ruled by, are written in his language,
and not in theirs: And yet his successours haue with great happinesse enioyed the
Crowne to this day ; Whereof the like was also done by all them that conquested
them before.

(And for conclusion of this point, that the king is ouer-lord ouer the whole
lands, it is likewise daily proued by the Law of our hoordes, of want of Heires,
and of Bastardies: For if a hoord be found vnder the earth, because it is no more
in the keeping or vse of any person, it of the law pertains to the king. If a person,
inheritour of any lands or goods, dye without any sort of heires, all his landes and-
goods returne to the king. And if a bastard die vnrehabled without heires of his
bodie (which rehabling onely lyes in the kings hands) all that hee hath likewise
returnes to the king, -^.nd as ye see it manifest, that the King is ouer-Lord of the |
whole land: so is he Master ouer euery person that inhabiteth the same, Jmuing
power ouer the life and death of euerv one of them: For although a iust Prince
will not take the life of any of his subiects without a cleare law; yet the same
lawes whereby he taketh them, are made by himselfe, or his predecessours ; and
so the power flowes alwaies from him self e1^ as by daily experience we see, good
and iust Princes will from time to time make new lawes and statutes, adioyning
the penalties to the breakers thereof, which before the law was made, had beene
no crime to the subiect to haue committed. Not that I deny the old definition of
a King, and of a law; which makes the king to bee a speaking law, and the Law a
dumbe king: for certainely a king that gouernes not by his lawe, can neither be
countable to God for his administration, nor haue a happy and established raigne:
•^For albeit it be trew that I haue at length prooued, that the King is aboue the
law, as both the author and giuer of strength thereto; yet a good king will not
onely delight to rule his subiects by the lawe, but euen will conforme himselfe in
his owne actions thereuneto, alwaies keeping that ground, that the health of the
common-wealth be his chiefe lawe £> And where he sees the lawe doubtsome or
rigorous, hee may interpret or mitigate the same, lest otherwise Summum ius bee
summa iniuria: And therefore generall lawes, made publikely in Parliament, may
\J vpon knowen respects to the King by his authoritie bee mitigated, and suspended
vpon causes onely knowen to him.

As likewise, although I haue said, a good king will frame all his actions to be
according to the Law; yet is hee not bound thereto but of his good will, and for
good example-giuing to his subiects: For as in the law of abstaining from eating
of flesh in Lenton, the king will, for examples sake, make his owne house to obserue

64 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the Law; yet no man will thinke he needs to take a licence to eate flesh. And
although by our Lawes, the bearing and wearing of hag-buts, and pistolets be
forbidden, yet no man can find any fault in the King, for causing his traine vse
them in any raide vpon the Borderers, or other malefactours or rebellious subiects.
i So as I haue alreadie said, a good King, although hee be aboue the Law, will subject
and frame his actions thereto, for examples sake to his subiectsr and of his owne
free-will, but not as subject or hound thereto.

Since I haue so clearly prooued then out of the fundamentall lawes and prac-
tise of this country, what right & power a king hath ouer his land and subiects, it
is easie to be vnderstood, what allegeance & obedience his lieges owe vnto him;
I meane alwaies of such free Monarchies as our king is, and not of electiue kings,
and much lesse of such sort of gouernors, as the dukes of Venice are, whose
Aristocratick and limited gouernment, is nothing like to free Monarchies; al-
though the malice of some writers hath not beene ashamed to mis-know any
difference to be betwixt them. And if it be not lawfull to any particular Lordes
tenants or vassals, vpon whatsoeuer pretext, to controll and displace their Master,
and ouer-lord (as is clearer nor the Sunne by all Lawes of the world) how much lesse
may the subiects and vassals of the great ouer-lord the KING controll or displace
him ? And since in all inferiour iudgements in the land, the people may not vpon
any respects displace their Magistrates, although but subaltern: for the people
of a borough, cannot displace their Prouost before the time of their election: nor
• in Ecclesiasticall policie the flocke can vpon any pretence displace the Pastor, nor
iudge of him: yea euen the poore Schoolemaster cannot be displaced by his
schollers: If these, I say (whereof some are but inferiour, subaltern, and tem-
poral! Magistrates, and none of them equall in any sort to the dignitie of a King)
cannot be displaced for any occasion or pretext by them that are ruled by them:
how much lesse is it lawfull vpon any pretext to controll or displace the great
Prouost, and great Schoole-master of the whole land: except by inuerting the
order of all Law and reason, the commanded may be made to command their
commander, the iudged to iudge their Iudge, and they that are gouerned, to
gouerne their time about their Lord and gouernour.

And the agreement of the Law of nature in this our ground with the Lawes
and constitutions of God, and man, already alledged, will by two similitudes
easily appeare. The King towards his people is rightly compared to a father of
children, and to a head of a body composed of diuers members: For as fathers,
the good Princes, and Magistrates of the people of God acknowledged themselues
to their subiects. And for all other well ruled Common-wealths, the stile of Pater
patrice was euer, and is commonly vsed to Kings. And the proper office of a King I
towards his Subiects, agrees very wel with the office of the fapaH tnwarrk thp hnr\y1 ]
and all members thereof: For from the head, being the seate of ludgement, pro-
ceedeth the care anH foresight of guiding, a.nd preuenting all euill that may come
to the body or any part thereof. The head cares for the body, so doeth the King

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES 65

for his people. As the discourse and direction flowes from the head, and the
execution according thereunto belongs to the rest of the members, euery one
according to their office: so it is betwixt a wise Prince, and his people. As the
Judgement comming from the head may not onely imploy the members, euery one
in their owne office, as long as they are able for it; but likewise in case any of them
be affected with any infirmitie must care and prouide for their remedy, in-case it
be curable, and if otherwise, gar cut them off for feare of infecting of the rest:
euen so is it betwixt the Prince, and his people. And as there is euer hope of
curing any diseased member by the direction of the head, as long as it is whole;
but by the contrary, if it be troubled, all the members are partakers of that paine,
so is it betwixt the Prince and his people.

And now first for the fathers part (whose naturall loue to his children I
described in the first part of this my discourse, speaking of the dutie that Kings
owe to their Subiects) consider, I pray you what duetie his children owe to him, &
whether vpon any pretext whatsoeuer, it wil not be thought monstrous and vn-
naturall to his sons, to rise vp against him, to control him at their appetite, and
when they thinke good to sley him, or to cut him off, and adopt to themselues
any other they please in his roome: Or can any pretence of wickednes or rigor on
his part be a iust excuse for his children to put hand into him ? And although
wee see_by the course of nature, that loue vseth to descend more then to ascend,
in case it were trew, that the father hated and wronged the children neuer so
much, will any man, endued with the least sponke of reason, thinke it lawfull for
them to meet him with the line ? Yea, suppose the father were furiously follow-
ing his sonnes with a drawen sword, is it lawfull for them to turne and strike
againe, or make any resistance but by flight ? I thinke surely, if there were no
more but the example of bruit beasts & vnreasonable creatures, it may serue well
enough to qualifie and proue this my argument. We reade often the pietie that
the Storkes haue to their olde and decayed parents: And generally wee know,
that there are many sorts of beasts and fowles, that with violence and many
bloody strokes will beat and banish their yong ones from them, how soone they
perceiue them to be able to fend themselues; but wee neuer read or heard of any
resistance on their part, except among the vipers; which prooues such persons, as
ought to be reasonable creatures, and yet vnnaturally follow this example, to be
endued with their viperous nature.

And for the similitude of the head and the body, it may very well fall out that
the head will be forced to garre cut off some rotten members (as I haue already
said) to keep the rest of the body in integritie: but what state the body can be in,
if the head, for any infirmitie that can fall to it, be cut off, I leaue it to the readers
Judgement.

So as (to conclude this part) if the children may vpon any pretext that can be
imagined, lawfully rise vp against their Father, cut him off, & choose any other
whom they please in his roome; and if the body for the weale of it, may for any

66 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

infirmitie that can be in the head, strike it off, then I cannot deny that the people
may rebell, controll, and displace, or cut off their king at their owne pleasure, and
vpon respects moouing them. And whether these similitudes represent better the
office of a King, or the offices of Masters or Deacons of crafts, or Doctors in
Physicke (which iolly comparisons are vsed by such writers as maintaine the
contrary proposition) I leaue it also to the readers discretion.

And in case any doubts might arise in any part of this treatise, I wil (according
to my promise) with the solution of foure principall and most weightie doubts,
that the aduersaries may obiect, conclude this discourse. And first it is casten vp
by diuers, that employ their pennes vpon Apologies for rebellions and treasons,
that euery man is borne to carry such a naturall zeale and duety to his common-
wealth, as to his mother; that seeing it so rent and deadly wounded, as whiles it
will be by wicked and tyrannous Kings, good Citizens will be forced, for the
naturall zeale and duety they owe to their owne natiue countrey, to put their
hahd to worke for freeing their common-wealth from such a pest.

tWhereunto I giue two answeres: First, it is a sure Axiome in Theologie, that
uill should not be done, that good may come of it: The wickednesse therefore of
he King can neuer make them that are ordained to be Judged by him, to become
nis Judges. And if it be not lawfull to a priuate man to reuenge his priuate iniury
vpon his priuate aduersary (since God hath onely giuen the sword to the Magis-
trate) how much lesse is it lawfull to the people, or any part of them (who all are
but priuate men, the authoritie being alwayes with the Magistrate, as J haue
already proued) to take vpon them the vse of the sword, whom to it belongs not,
against the publicke Magistrate, whom to onely it belongeth.

Next, in place of relieuing the common-wealth out of distresse (which is their
onely excuse and colour) they shall heape double distresse and desolation vpon it;
and so their rebellion shall procure the contrary effects that they pretend it for:
For a king cannot be imagined to be so vnruly and tyrannous, but the common-
wealth will be kept in better order, notwithstanding thereof, by him, then it can
be by his way-taking. For first, all sudden mutations are perillous in common-
wealths, hope being thereby giuen to all bare men to set vp themselues, and file
with other mens feathers, the reines being loosed to all the insolencies that dis-
ordered people can commit by hope of impunitie, because of the loosenesse of
all things.

And next, it is certaine that a king can neuer be so monstrously vicious, but
hee will generally fauour iustice, and maintaine some order, except in the par-
ticulars, wherein his inordinate lustes and passions cary him away; where by the
, contrary, no King being, nothing is vnlawfull to none: And so the olde opinion
fyl of the Philosophers prooues trew, That better it is to Hue in a Common-wealth,
where nothing is lawfull, then where all things are lawfull to all men; the Com-
mon-wealth at that time resembling an vndanted young horse that hath casten
his rider: For as the diuine Poet Dv BARTAS sayth, Better it were to suffer some

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES 67

disorder in the estate, and some spots in the Common-wealth, then in pretending to
reforme, utterly to ouerthrow the Republicke.

The second obiection they ground vpon the curse that hangs ouer the common^
wealth, where a wicked king reigneth: and, say they, there cannot be a more
acceptable deed in the sight of God, nor more dutiful to their common-weale,
then to free the countrey of such a curse, and vindicate to them their libertie,
which is naturall to all creatures to craue.

Whereunto for answere, I grant indeed, that a wicked king is sent by God for • I/
a curse to his people, and a plague for their sinnes: but that it is lawfull to them
to shake off that curse at their owne hand, which God hath laid on them, that I
deny, and may so do iustly. Will any deny that the king of Babel was a curse to
the people of God, as was plainly fore-spoken and threatned vnto them in the
prophecie of their captiutie ? And what was Nero to the Christian Church in his /
tune ? And yet leremy and Paul (as yee haue else heard) commanded them not
onely to obey them, but heartily to pray for their welfare.

It is certaine then (as I haue already bv (Vie Law of God sufficiently prnngd^
that patience, earnest prayers to God, and amendment of their Hues, are the
onely lawful means to moue God to relieue them of that heauie curse. As for
vindicating to themselues their owne libertie, what lawfull power haue they to
reuoke to themselues againe those priuiledges, which by their owne consent before
were so fully put out of their hands ? for if a Prince cannot iustly bring backe
againe to himself the priuiledges once bestowed by him or his predecessors vpon
any state or ranke of his subiects; how much lesse may the subiects reaue out of
the princes hand that superioritie, which he and his Predecessors haue so long
brooked ouer them ?

But the vnhappy iniquitie of the time, which hath oft times giuen ouer good
successe to their treasonable attempts, furnisheth them the ground of their third
obiection: For, say they, the fortunate successe that God hath so oft giuen to
such enterprises, prooueth plainely by the practise, that God fauoured the
iustnesse of their quarrell.

To the which I answere, that it is trew indeed, that all the successe of battels, f
as well as other wordly things, lyeth onely in Gods hand : And therefore it is that |
in the Scripture he takes to himselfe the style of God of Hosts. But vpon that
generall to conclude, that hee euer giues victory to the iust quarrell, would prooue .
;he Philistims, and diuers other neighbour enemies of the people of God to haue
aft times had the iust quarrel against the people of God, in respect of the many
rictories they obtained against them. And by that same argument they had also
iust quarrell against the Arke of God: For they wan it in the field, and kept it
long prisoner in their countrey. As likewise by all good Writers, as well Theo-
logues, as other, the Duels and singular combats are disallowed; which are onely
made vpon pretence, that GOD will kith thereby the iustice of the quarrell: For
wee must consider that the innocent partie is not innocent before God: And

68 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

therefore God will make oft times them that haue the wrong side reuenge iustly
his quarrell; and when he hath done, cast his scourge in the fire; as he oft times
did to his owne people, stirring vp and strengthening their enemies, while they
were humbled in his sight, and then deliuered them in their hands. So God, as
the great ludge may iustly punish his Deputie, and for his rebellion against him
stir vp his rebels to meet him with the like: And when it is done, the part of the
instrument is no better then the diuels part is in tempting and torturing such as
God committeth to him as his hangman to doe: Therefore, as I said in the begin-
ning, it is oft times a very deceiueable argument, to iudge of the cause by the euent.
And the last obiection is grounded vpon the mutuall paction and adstipulation
(as they call it) betwixt the King and his people, at the time of his coronation:
For there, say they, there is a mutuall paction. and contract bound vp, _RnH
sworne betwixt the king, and the people: Whereupon it followeth, that if the one

part of the contract or the Indent bee broken vpon the Kings side, the people are
no longer bound to keep their part of it, but are thereby freed of their oath: For
(say they) a contract betwixt two parties, of all Law frees the one partie, if the
other breake vnto him.

As to this contract alledged made at the coronation of a King, although JLdeny
any such contract to bee made then, especially containing such a clause irritant
as they alledge; yet I confesse, that a king at his coronation, or at the entry to his
kingdome, willingly promiseth to his people, to discharge honorably and trewly
the office giuen him by God ouer them: But presuming that thereafter he breaks
his promise vnto them neuer so inexcusable; the question is, who should bee
iudge of the breake, giuing vnto them, this contract were made vnto them neuer
so sicker, according to their alleageance. I thinke no man that hath but the
smallest entrance into the ciuill Law, will doubt that of all Law, either ciuil or
municipal of any nation, a contract cannot be thought broken by the one partie,
and so the other likewise to be freed therefro, except that first a lawfull triall and
cognition be had by the ordinary Iudge of the breakers thereof: Or else euery
man may be both party and Iudge in his owne cause; which is absurd once to be
thought. Now in this contract (I say) betwixt the king and his people, God is
dgubtles the only Iudge. both because to him onely the king must make count of
his administration (as is oft said before) as likewise by the oath in the coronation,
God is made iudge and reuenger of the breakers: For in his presence, as only
iudge of oaths, alToaths ought to be made. Then since God is the onely Iudge
betwixt the two parties contractors, the cognition and reuenge must onely apper-
taine to him: It followes therefore of necessitie, that God must first giue sentence
vpon the King that breaketh, before the people can thinke themselues freed of
their oath. What iustice then is it, that the partie shall be both iudge and partie,
vsurping vpon himselfe the office of God, may by this argument easily appeare :
And shall it lie in the hands of headlesse multitude, when they please to weary off
subiection, to cast off the yoake of gouernement that God hath laid vpon them, to

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES 69

iudge and punish him, whom-by they should be iudged and punished, and in that
case, wherein by their violence they kythe themselues to be most passionate
parties, to vse the office of an vngracious Iudge or Arbiter ? Nay, to speak
trewly of that case, as it stands betwixt the king and his people, none of them
ought to iudge of the others break : For considering rightly the two parties at the
time of their mutuall promise, the king is the one party, and the whole people in
one body are the other party. And therfore since it is certaine, that a king, in
case so it should fal out, that his people in one body had rebelled against him, hee
should not in that case, as thinking himselfe free of his promise and oath, become
an vtter enemy, and practise the wreake of his whole people and natiue country:
although he ought iustly to punish the principall authours and bellowes of that
vniuersall rebellion: how much lesse then ought the people (that are alwaies
subiect vnto him, and naked of all authoritie on their part) presse to iudge and
ouer-throw him ? otherwise the people, as the one partie contracters, shall no
sooner challenge the king as breaker, but hee assoone shall iudge them as breakers:
so as the victors making the tyners the traitors (as our prouerbe is) the partie
shall aye become both iudge and partie in his owne particular, as I haue alreadie
said.

And it is here likewise to be noted, that the duty and alleageance, which the
people sweareth to their prince, is not only bound to themselues, but likewise to
their lawfull heires and posterity, the lineall succession of crowns being begun
among the people of God, and happily continued in diuers Christian common-
wealths: So as no obiection either of heresie, or whatsoeuer priuate statute or
law may free the people from their oath-giuing to their king, and his succession,

{established by the old fundamentall lawes of the kingdome: For, as hee is their
heritable ouer-lord, and so by birth, not by any right in the coronation, commeth
jtojugjcrpwne; it is a like vnlawful (the crowne euer standing full) to displace
him that succeedeth thereto, as to eiect the former: For at the very moment of
the expiring of the king reigning, the nearest and lawful heire entreth in his ^lace:
And so to refuse him, or intrude another, is not to holde out vncomming in, but to

*"-'**-

expell and put out their righteous King. And I trust at this time whole France
acknowledgeth the superstitious rebellion of the liguers, who vpon pretence of
heresie, by force of armes held so long out, to the great desolation of their whole
countrey, their natiue and righteous king from possessing of his owne crowne and
naturall kingdome.

Not that by all this former discourse of mine, and Apologie for kings, I meane
that whatsoeuer errors and intolerable abominations "a souereigne prince commit,
hee ought to escape all punishment, as if thereby the world were only ordained for
kings, & they without controlment to turne it vpside down at their pleasure: but
by the contrary, by remitting them to God (who is their onely ordinary Iudge)
remit them to the sorest and sharpest schoolemaster that can be deuised for
them: for the further a king is preferred by God aboue all other ranks & degrees

70 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

of men, and the higher that his seat is aboue theirs, the greater is his obligation
to his maker. And therfore in case he forget himselfe (his vnthankfulnes being
hivthe same measure of height) the sadder and sharper will his correction be; and
according to the greatnes of the height he is in, the weight of his fall wil recompense
the same: for the further that any person is obliged to God, his offence becomes
and growes so much the greater, then it would be in any other. loues thunder-
claps light oftner and sorer vpon the high & stately oakes, then on the low and
supple willow trees: and the highest bench is sliddriest to sit vpon. Neither is it
euer heard that any king forgets himselfe towards God, or in his vocation; but
God with the greatnesse of the plague reuengeth the greatnes of his ingratitude :
Neither thinke I by the force and argument of this my discourse so to perswade
the people, that none will hereafter be raised vp, and rebell against wicked Princes.
But remitting to the iustice and prouidence of God to stirre vp such scourges as
pleaseth him, for punishment of wicked kings (who made the very vermine and
filthy dust of the earth to bridle the insolencie of proud Pharaoh}hny onely pur-
pose and intention in this treatise is to perswade, as farre as lieth in me, by these
sure and infallible grounds, all such good Christian readers, as beare not onely
the naked name of a Christian, but kith the fruites thereof in their daily forme of
life, to keep their hearts and hands free from such monstrous and vnnaturall
rebellions, whensoeuer the wickednesse of a Prince shall procure the same at Gods
hands: that, when it shall please God to cast such scourges of princes, and in-
struments of his fury in the fire, ye may stand vp with cleane handes, and vn-
spotted consciences, hauing prooued your selues in all your actions trew Chris-
tians toward God, and dutifull subiects towards your King, hauing remitted the
judgement and punishment of all his wrongs to him, whom to onely of right it
appertained!,)

But crauing at God, and hoping that God shall continue his blessing with vs,
in not sending such fearefull desolation, I heartily wish our kings behauiour so to
be, and continue among vs, as our God in earth, and louing Father, endued with
such properties as I described a King in the first part of this Treatise. And that
ye (my deare countreymen, and charitable readers) may presse by all means to
procure the prosperitie and welfare of your King; that as hee must on the one
part thinke all his earthly felicitie and happinesse grounded vpon your weale,
caring more for himselfe for your sake then for his owne, thinking himselfe onely
ordained for your weale; such holy and happy emulation may arise betwixt him
and you, as his care for your quietnes, and your care for his honour and preserua-
tion, may in all your actions daily striue together, that the Land may thinke
themselues blessed with such a King, and the king may thinke himselfe most
happy in ruling ouer so louing and obedient subiects.

FINIS.

TRIPLICI NODO, TRIPLEX CUNEUS. OR AN APOLOGIE FOR
THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE.

AGAINST THE TWO BREVES OF POPE PAVLVS QVINTVS, AND

THE LATE LETTER OF CARDINALL BELLARMINE TO

G. BLACKWEL THE ARCH-PRIEST.

WHAT a monstrous, rare, nay neuer heard-of Treacherous attempt, was
plotted within these few yeeres here in England, for the destruction of Mee,
my Bed-fellow, and our posteritie, the whole house of Parliament, and a great
number of good subjects of all sorts and degrees; is so famous already through
the whole world by the infamie thereof, as it is needlesse to bee repeated or pub-
lished any more; the horrour of the sinne it selfe doeth so lowdly proclaime it.
For if those crying sinnes, (whereof mention is made in the Scripture) l haue that
epithet giuen them for their publique infamie, and for procuring as it were with a
lowd cry from heauen a iust vengeance and recompense, and yet those sinnes are
both old and too common, neither the world, nor any one Countrey being euer at
any time cleane voyd of them : If those sinnes (I say) are said in the Scripture to cry
so lowd; What then must this sinne doe, plotted without cause, infinite in crueltie,
and singular from all examples ? What proceeded hereupon is likewise notorious
to the whole world; our Justice onely taking hold vpon the offenders, and that in
as honourable and publique a forme of Triall, as euer was vsed in this Kingdome.
2. For although the onely reason they gaue for plotting so heinous an attempt,
was the zeale they caried to the Romish Religion; yet were neuer any other of
that profession the worse vsed for that cause, as by our gracious Proclamation
immediatly after the discouery of the said fact doeth plainly appeare: onely at
the next sitting downe againe of the Parliament, there were Lawes made, setting
downe some such orders as were thought fit for preuenting the like mischiefe in
tune to come. Amongst which a forme of OATH was framed to be taken by my
Subiects, whereby they should make a cleare profession of their resolution, faith-
fully to persist in their obedience vnto mee, according to their naturall allegiance;
To the end that I might hereby make a separation, not onely betweene all my
good Subiects in generall, and vnfathfull Traitors, that intended to withdraw
themselues from my obedience; But specially to make a separation betweene so
many of my Subiects, who although they were otherwise Popishly affected, yet
retained in their hearts the print of their naturall dutie to their Soueraigne; and
those who being caried away with the like fanaticall zeale that the Powder-
Traitors were, could not conteine themselues within the bounds of their naturall
Allegiance, but thought diuersitie of religion a safe pretext for all kinde of trea-

1 Gen. 4. 10.

71

72 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

sons, and rebellions against their Soueraigne. Which godly and wise intent, God
did blesse with successe accordingly: For very many of my Subiects that were
Popishly affected, aswell Priests, as Layicks, did freely take the same Oath:
whereby they both gaue me occasion to thinke the better of their fidelitie, and
likewise freed themselues of that heauie slander, that although they were fellow
professors of one Religion with the powder-Traitors, yet were they not ioyned
with them in treasonable courses against their Soueraigne; whereby all quietly
minded Papists were put of despaire, and I gaue a good proofe that I intended no
persecution against them for conscience cause, but onely desired to be secured of
them for ciuill obedience, which for conscience cause they were bound to performe.

3. But the diuel could not haue deuised a more malicious tricke for interrupting
this so calme and clement a course, then fell out by the sending hither, and publish-
ing a Breue of the Popes, countermanding all them of his profession to take this
Oath; Thereby sowing new seeds of ielousie betweene me and my Popish Subiects,
by stirring them vp to disobey that lawfull commandement of their Soueraigne,
which was ordeined to bee taken of them as a pledge of their fidelitie ; And so by their
refusall of so iust a charge, to giue mee so great and iust a ground for punishment of
them, without touching any matter of conscience: throwing themselues needlesly
into one of these desperate straits; either with the losse of their lives and goods
to renounce their Allegiance to their naturall Soueraigne; or else to procure the
condemnation of their soules by renouncing the Catholicke faith, as he alleadgeth.

4. And on the other part, although disparitie of Religion (the Pope being head
of the contrary part) can permit no intelligence nor intercourse of messengers
betweene mee and the Pope: yet there being no denounced warre betweene vs,
he hath by this action broken the rules of common ciuilitie and Justice between
Christian Princes, in thus condemning me vnheard, both by accounting me a perse-
cutor, which cannot be but implied by exhorting the Papists to endure Martyrdome ;
as likewise by so straitly commanding all those of his profession in England, to refuse
the taking of this Oath; thereby refusing to professe their naturall obedience to me
their Soueraigne. For if he thinke himselfe my lawfull ludge, wherefore hath he
condemned me vnheard ? And, if he haue nothing to doe with me and my gouern-
ment (as indeed he hath not) why doeth he mittere falcem in alienam messent, to
meddle betweene me and my Subiects, especially in matters that meerely and
onely concerne ciuill obedience ? And yet could Pius Quintus in his greatest fury
and auowed quarrell against the late Queene, doe no more iniurie vnto her; then
hee hath in this case offered vnto mee, without so much as a pretended or an
alleadged cause. For what difference there is, betweene the commanding Subiects
to rebell, and loosing them from their Oath of Allegiance as Pius Quintus did; and
the commanding of Subiects not to obey in making profession of their Oath of
their dutifull Allegiance, as this Pope hath now done: no man can easily discerne.

5. But to draw neere vnto his Breue, wherein certainely hee hath taken more
paines then he needed, by setting downe in the said Breue the whole body of the

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 73

Oath at length; whereas the onely naming of the Title thereof might as well haue
serued, for any answere hee hath made thereunto (making Vna litura, that is,
the flat and generall condemnation of the whole Oath to seme for all his refuta-
tion.) Therein hauing as well in this respect as in the former, dealt both
vndiscreetly with me, and iniuriously with his owne Catholickes. With mee; in
not refuting particularly what speciall words he quarrelled in that Oath; which
if hee had done, it might haue beene that for the fatherly care I haue not to put
any of my Subiects to a needlesse extremitie, I might haue beene contented in
some sort to haue reformed or interpreted those wordes. With his owne Catho-
lickes : for either if I had so done, they had beene thereby fully eased in that
businesse; or at least if I would not haue condescended to haue altered any thing
in the saide Oath, yet would thereby some appearance or shadow of excuse haue
been left vnto them for refusing the same: not as seeming thereby to swarue from
their Obedience and Allegiance vnto mee, but onely beeing stayed from taking the
same vpon the scrupulous tendernesse of their consciences, in regard of those
particular words which the Pope had noted and condemned therein.
And now let vs heare the words of his thunder.

POPE PAVLVS THE FIFT, TO THE ENGLISH CATHOLICKES.

WELBELOUED Sonnes, Salutation and Apostolicall Benediction. The tribulations
and calamities, which yee haue continually sustained for the keeping of the Catholike
Faith, haue alwayes afflicted vs with great grief e of minde. But for as much as we
•understand that at this time all things are more grieuous, our affliction hereby is
wonderfully increased. For wee haue heard how you are compelled, by most grieuous
punishments set before you, to goe to the Churches of Heretikes, to frequent their
assemblies, to be present at their Sermons. Truly wee doe -undoubtedly beleeue, that
they which with so great constancie and fortitude, haue hitherto indured most cruell
persecutions and almost infinite miseries, that they may walke without spot in the
Law of the Lord; will neuer suffer themselves to be defiled with the communion of
those that haue forsaken the diuine Law. Yet notwithstanding, being compelled by the
zeale of our Pastor all Office, and by our Fatherly care which we doe continually take
for the saluation of your soules, we are inforced to admonish and desire you, that by
no meanes you come unto the Churches of the Heretickes, or hear their Sermons, or
communicate with them in their Rites, lest you incurre the wrath of God: For these
things may ye not doe without indamaging the worship of God, and your owne sal-
uation. As likewise you cannot, without most euident and grieuous wronging of Gods
Honour, bind your selues by the Oath, which in like maner we haue heard with very
great grief e of our heart is administred vnto you, of the tenor vnder-written. viz.

I A.B. doe trewly and sincerely acknowledge, professe, testifie and declare in my
conscience before God and the world, That our Soueraigne Lord King IAMES, is
lawfull King of this Realrne, and of all other his Maiesties Dominions and Coun-

74 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

treyes : And that the Pope neither of himself e, nor by any authority of the Church
or Sea of Rome, or by any other meanes with any other, hath any power or au-
thoritie to depose the King, or to dispose of any of his Maiesties Kingdomes or
Dominions, or to authorize any forreigne Prince to inuade or annoy him or his
Countreys, or to discharge any of his Subiects of their Allegiance and obedience
to his Maiestie, or to giue Licence or leaue to any of them to beare Armes, raise
tumults, or to offer any violence or hurt to his Maiesties Royall Person, State or
Gouernment, or to any of his Maiesties subiects within his Maiesties Dominions.
Also I doe sweare from my heart, that, notwithstanding any declaration or
sentence of Excommunication, or depriuation made or granted, or to be made or
granted, by the Pope or his successors, or by any Authoritie deriued, or pretended
to be deriued from him or his Sea, against the said King, his heires or successors,
or any absolution of the said subiects from their obedience; I will beare faith and
trew Allegiance to his Maiestie, his heires and successors, and him and them will
defend to the vttermost of my power, against all conspiracies and attempts what-
soeuer, which shalbe made against his or their Persons, their Crowne and dignitie,
by reason or colour of any such sentence, or declaration, or otherwise, and will doe
my best endeuour to disclose and make knowne vnto his Maiestie, his heires and
successors, all Treasons and traiterous conspiracies, which I shall know or heare
of, to be against him or any of them. And I doe further sweare, That I doe from
my heart abhorre, detest and abiure as impious and Hereticall, this damnable
doctrine and position, That Princes which be excommunicated or depriued by the
Pope, may be deposed or murthered by their Subiects or any other whatsoeuer.
And I doe beleeue, and in conscience am resolued, that neither the Pope nor any
person whatsoeuer, hath power to absolue me of this Oath, or any part thereof;
which I acknowledge by good and full authoritie to bee lawfully ministred vnto
mee, and doe renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrarie. And all
these things I doe plainely and sincerely acknowledge and sweare, according to
these expresse words by me spoken, and according to the plaine and common sense
and vnderstanding of the same words, without any Equiuocation, or mentall
euasion, or secret reseruation whatsoeuer. And I do make this Recognition and
acknowledgment heartily, willingly, and trewly, vpon the trew faith of a Christian.
So helpe me GOD.

Which things since they are thus; it must euidently appear e vnto you by the words
themselues, That such an Oath cannot be taken without hurting of the Catholike Faith
and the saluation of your soules; seeing it conteines many things which are flat con-
trary to Faith and saluation. Wherefore wee doe admonish you, that you doe vtterly
abstainefrom taking this and the like Oathes: which thing wee doe the more earnestly
require of you, because wee haue experience of the constancie of your faith, which is
tried like gold in the fire of perpetuall tribulation. Wee doe well know, that you will
cheerfully imder-goe all kinde of cruell torments whatsoeuer, yea and constantly endure

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 75

death itself e, rather then you will in any thing offend the Maiestie of GOD. And this
our confidence is confirmed by those things, which are dayly reported mto vs, of the
singular iiertue, valour, and fortitude which in these last times doeth no lesse shine in
your Martyrs, then it did in the first beginning of the Church. Stand therefore, your
loynes being girt about with veritie, and hauing on the brest-plate of righteousness,
taking the shield of Faith, be ye strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might;
And let nothing hinder you. Hee which will crowne you, and doeth in Heauen behold
your conflicts, will finish the good worke which hee hath begun in you. You know how
hee hath promised his disciples, that hee will neuer leaue them Orphanes: for hee is
faithfull which hath promised. Holdfast therefore his correction, that is, being rooted
and grounded in Charitie, whatsoeuer ye doe, whatsoeuer ye indeuour, doe it with one
accord, in simplicitie of heart, in meekenesse of Spirit, without murmuring or doubt-
ing. For by this doe all men know that we are the disciples of CHRIST, if we haue
loue one to another. Which charitie, as it is very greatly to be desired of all faithfull
Christians; So certainely it is altogether necessary for you, most blessed sonnes. For
by this your charitie, the power of the diuel is weakened, who doeth so much assaile you,
since that power of his is especially -upheld by the contentions and disagreement of our
sonnes. Wee exhort you therefore by the bowels of our Lord IESVS CHRIST, by whose
loue we are taken out of the iawes of eternall death; That above all things, you would
haue mutuall charitie among you. Surely Pope Clement the eight of happy memory,
hath giuen you most profitable precepts of practising brotherly charitie one to another,
in his Letters in forme of a Breue, to our welbeloued sonne M. George Arch-priest of
the Kingdome of England, dated the 5. day of the month of October 1602. Put them
therefore diligently in practise, and be not hindered by any dijficultie or doubtfulnesse.
We command you that ye doe exactly obserue the words of those letters, and that yee
take and vnderstand them simply as they sound, and as they lie; all power to interpret
them otherwise, being taken away. In the meane while, we will neuer cease to pray to
the Father of Mercies, that he would with pitie behold your afflictions and your paines;
And that he would keepe and defend you with his continuall protection: whom wee
doe gently greet with our Apostolicall Benediction. Dated at Rome at S. Marke,
•under the Signet of the Fisherman, the tenth of the Calends of October, 1606. the second
yeere of our Popedome.

THE ANSWERE TO THE FIRST BREVE.

FIRST, the Pope expresseth herein his sorrow, for that persecution which the
Catholiques sustaine for the faiths sake. Wherein, besides the maine vntrewth
whereby I am so injuriously vsed, I must euer auow and maintaine, as the trewth
is according to mine owne knowledge, that the late Queene of famous memory,
neuer punished any Papist for Religion, but that their owne punishment was euer
extorted out of her hands against her will, by their owne misbehauiour, which both
the time and circumstances of her actions will manifestly make proof e of. For
before Pius Quintus his excommunication giuing her ouer for a prey, and setting

76 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

her Subiects at libertie to rebell, it is well kriowne she neuer medled with the blood
or hard punishment of any Catholique, nor made any rigorous Lawes against
them. And since that time, who list to compare with an indifferent eye, the mani-
fold intended inuasions against her whole kingdome, the forreine practises, the
internall publike rebellions, the priuate plots and machinations, poysonings,
murthers, and all sorts of deuises, 6* quid non ? daily set abroach; and all these
wares continually fostered and fomented from Rome; together with the con-
tinuall corrupting of her Subiects, as well by temporall bribes, as by faire and
specious promises of eternall felicitie; and nothing but booke vpon booke pub-
likely set foorth by her fugitiues, for approbation of so holy designes: who list, I
say, with an indifferent eye, to looke on the one part, vpon those infinite and intol-
lerable temptations, and on the other part vpon the iust, yet moderate punish-
ment of a part of these hainous offenders; shall easily see that that blessed
defunct LADIE was as free from persecution, as they shall free these hellish
Instruments from the honour of martyrdome.

5. But now hauing sacrificed (if I may so say) to the Manes of my late Pre-
decessour, I may next with Saint PAVL iustly vindicate mine owne fame, from
those innumerable calumnies spread against me, in testifying the trewth of my
behauiour toward the Papists : wherein I may trewly affirme, That whatsoeuer was
her iust and mercifull Gouernement ouer the Papists in her time, my Gouerne-
ment ouer them since hath so farre exceeded hers, in Mercie and Clemencie, as
not onely the Papists themselues grewe to that height of pride, in confidence of my
mildnesse, as they did directly expect, and assuredly promise to themselues
libertie of Conscience, and equalitie with other of my Subiects in all things; but
euen a number of the best and faithfulliest of my sayde Subiects, were cast in
great feare and amazement of my course and proceedings, euer prognosticating
and iustly suspecting that sowre finite to come of it, which shewed it selfe clearely
in the Powder-Treason. How many did I honour with Knighthood, of knowen
and open Recusants ? How indifferently did I giue audience, and accesse to both
sides, bestowing equally all fauours and honours on both professions ? How free
and continuall accesse, had all rankes and degrees of Papists in my Court and
company ? And aboue all, how frankely and freely did I free Recusants of their
ordinarie paiments ? Besides, it is euident what strait order was giuen out of my
owne mouth to the ludges, to spare the execution of all Priests, (notwithstanding
their conuiction,) ioyning thereunto a gracious Proclamation, whereby all Priests,
that were at libertie, and not taken, might goe out of the contrey by such a day:
my generall Pardon hauing beene extended to all conuicted Priestes in prison:
whereupon they were set at libertie as good Subiects: and all Priests that were
taken after, sent over and set at libertie there. But time and paper will faile me
to make enumeration of all the benefits and fauours that I bestowed in generall
and particular vpon Papists: in recounting whereof, euery scrape of my penne
would serue but for a blot of the Popes ingratitude and iniustice, in meating me

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 77

with so hard a measure for the same. So as I thinke I haue sufficiently, or at least
with good reason wiped the teares1 from the Popes eyes, for complaining vpon such
persecution, who if hee had beene but politickely wise, although hee had had no
respect to Justice and Veritie, would haue in this complaint of his, made a dif-
ference betweene my present time, and the time of the late Queene: And so by
his commending of my moderation, in regard of former times, might haue had
hope to haue mooued me to haue continued in the same clement course : For it is a
trew saying, that alledged kindnesse vpon noble mindes, doeth euer worke much.
And for the maine vntrewth of any persecution in my time, it can neuer bee
prooued, that any were, or are put to death since I came to the Crowne for cause
of Conscience; except that now this discharge giuen by the Pope to all Catholiques
to take their Oath of Allegiance to me, be the cause of the due punishment of
many : which if it fall out to be, let the blood light vpon the Popes head, who is the
onely cause thereof.

As for the next point contained in his Breue concerning his discharge of all
Papists to come to our Church, or frequent our rites and ceremonies, I am not to
meddle at this time with that matter, because my errand now onely is to publish
to the world the Iniurie and Iniustice done vnto me, in discharging my subiects
to make profession of their obedience vnto mee. Now as to the point where the
Oath is quarrelled, it is set downe in few, but very weighty words; to wit, That
it ought to be chare vnto all Catholiques, that this Oath cannot bee taken with safetie of
the Catholique Faith, and of their soules health, since it containeth many things that
are plainely and directly contrarie to their faith and saluation. To this, the old
saying fathered vpon the Philosopher, may very fitly bee applied, Multa dicit, sed
pauca probat; nay indeed, Nihil omnino probat: For how the profession of the
naturall Allegiance of Subiects to their Prince can be directly opposite to the faith
and saluation of soules, is so farre beyond my simple reading in Diuinitie, as I
must thinke it a strange and new Assertion, to proceed out of the mouth of that
pretended generall Pastor of all Christian soules. I reade indeede, and not in one,
or two, or three places of Scripture, that Subiects are bound to obey their Princes
for conscience sake, whether they were good or wicked Princes. So said the people
to loshua,2 As wee obeyed Moses in all things, so will wee obey thee. So the Pro-
phet3 commanded the peoples to obey the King of Babel, saying, Put your neckes
vnder the yoke of the King of Babel, and serue him and his people, that yee may Hue.
So were the children of Israel, vnto Pharaoh* desiring him to let them goe: so to
Cyrus,5 obtaining leaue of him to returne to build the Temple: and in a word, the
Apostle willed all men to bee subiect to the higher powers for conscience sake.6
Agreeable to the Scriptures did the Fathers teach. Augustine"1 speaking of lulian,
saith, lulian was an vnbeleeuing Emperour: was hee not an Apostata, an Oppressour,
and an Idolater ? Christian Souldiers serued that vnbeleeuing Emperour: when

1 Magno cum animi mcerore, &c. 'lere. 27. 12. 'Ezra 1.3. * August, in Psalm. 124.
» losh. i. 17. « Exod. 5. i. ' Rom. 13. 5.

78 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

they came to the cause of CHRIST, they would acknowledge no Lord, but him that is in
heauen. When hee would haue them to worship Idoles and to sacrifice, they preferred
GOD before him: But when he said, Goe forth to fight, inuade such a nation, they
presently obeyed. They distinguished their eternall Lord from their temporatt, and
yet were they subiect euen imto their temporatt Lord, for his sake that was their
eternall Lord and Master. Tertullian1 fayth, A Christian is enemie to no man,
much lesse to the Prince, whom hee knoweth to bee appointed of God; and so of
necessitie must loue, reuerence and honour him, and wish him safe with the whole
Romane Empire, so long as the world shall last: for so long shall it endure. Wee
honour therefore the Emperour in such sort, as is lawfullfor vs, and expedient for him,
as a man, the next imto God, and obtaining from God, whatsoeuer hee hath, and onely
inferiour wto God. This the Emperour himself e would : for so is hee greater then all,
while hee is inferiour onely to the trew God. lustine Martyr;2 Wee onely adore the
Lord, and in all other things cheerefully performe seruice to you, professing that you
are Emperours and Princes of men. Ambrose;3 I may lament, weepe, and sigh: My
tears are my weapons against their armes, souldiers, and the Gothes also: such are
the weapons of a Priest: Otherwise, neither ought I, neither can I resist. Optatus;4
Ouer the Emperour, there is none but onely God, that made the Emperour. And
Gregory* writing to Mauritius about a certaine Law, that a Souldier should not be
receiued into a Monasterie, nondum expleta militia, The Almightie God, sayeth hee,
holdes him guiltie, that is not upright to the most excellent Emperour in all things that
hee doeth or speaketh. And then calling himselfe the vnworthy seruant of his
Godlinesse, goeth on the whole Epistle to shewe the iniustice of that Lawe, as hee
pretendeth: and in the end concludes his Epistle with these wordes; I being
subiect to your command, haue caused the same Law to be sent through diuers parts of
your Dominions: and because the Law it selfe doeth not agree to the Law of the
Almightie God, I haue signified the same by my Letters to your most excellent Lord-
ship: so that on both parts I haue payed what I ought; because I haue yeelded
obedience to the Emperour, and haue not holden my peace, in what I thought for God.
Now how great a contrarietie there is, betwixt this ancient Popes action in obey-
ing an Emperour by the publication of his Decree, which in his owne conscience
hee thought vnlawfull, and this present Popes prohibition to a Kings Subiects
from obedience vnto him in things most lawfull and meere temporall; I remit it
to the Readers indifferencie. And answerably to the Fathers, spake the Councels
in their Decrees. As the Councell of Aries,6 submitting the whole Councell to the
Emperour in these wordes; These things wee haue decreed to be presented to our
Lord the Emperour, beseeching his Clemencie, that if wee haue done lesse then wee
ought, it may be supplyed by his wisdome: if any thing otherwise then reason re-

1 Tertull. ad Scap. * Greg. Mag. Epist. lib. 2. indict, n.

1 lust. Martyr. Apol. 2. ad Ant. Imperat. Epist. 61.

' Amb. in oral. cont. Auxentium, de basilicis 6 Concil. Arelatense sub Carolo Mag.

traden. habetur lib. 5. epist. Ambr. Can. 26.

4 Optat. contra Parmen. lib. 3.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 79

quireth, it may be corrected by his iudgement: if any thing be found fault with by vs
•with reason, it may be perfected by his aide with GODS fauourable assistance.

But why should I speak of Charles the great, to whome not one Councell, but
sixe seuerall Councels, Frankeford, Aries, Tours, Chalons, Ments and Rhemes did
wholly submit themselues ? and not rather speake of all the generall Councels,
that of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the foure other commonly
so reputed, which did submit themselues to the Emperours wisedome and piety
in all things ? Insomuch as that of Ephesus repeated it foure seuerall times,
That they were summoned by the Emperours Oracle, becke, charge and command, and
betooke themselues to his Godlinesse; beseeching him, thai the Decrees made against
Nestorius and his followers, might by his power have their full force and validitie,1 as
appeareth manifestly in the Epistle of the generall Councell of Ephesus written
ad Augustas. I also reade that Christ said, His kingdome2 was not of this world,
bidding, Giue to Cesar what was Cesars,3 and to God what was Gods. And I euer
held it for an infallible Maxime hi Diuinitie, That temporall obedience to a tem-
porall Magistrate, did nothing repugne to matters of faith or saluation of soules:
But that euer temporall obedience was against faith and saluation of soules, as in
this Breue is alledged, was neuer before heard nor read of hi the Christian Church.
And therefore I would haue wished the Pope, before hee had set downe this com-
mandement to all Papists here, That, since in him is the power by the infabillity
of his spirit, to make new Articles of Faith when euer it shall please him; he had
first set it downe for an Article of Faith, before he had commended all Catho-
likes to beleeue and obey it. I will then conclude the answere to this point in a
Dilemma.

Either it is lawfull to obey the Soueraigne in temporall things, or not.

1. If it be lawfull (as I neuer heard nor read it doubted of) then why is the
Pope so vniust, and so cruell towards his owne Catholikes, as to command them
to disobey their Soueraignes lawfull commandement ?

2. If it be vnlawfull, why hath hee neither expressed any one cause or reason
thereof, nor yet will giue them leaue (nay rather hee should command and per-
swade them in plaine termes) not to Hue vnder a King whom vnto they ought no
obedience ?

And as for the vehement exhortation vnto them to perseuere in constancie, and
to suffer Martyrdome and all tribulation for this cause; it requireth no other
answer then onely this, That if the ground be good whereupon hee hath com-
maunded them to stand, then exhortation to constancie is necessarie: but if the
ground be vniust and naught (as indeed it is, and I haue in part already proued)
then this exhortation of his can worke no other effect, then to make him guilty of
the blood of so many of his sheepe, whom hee doeth thus wilfully cast away; not
onely to the needlesse losse of their liues, and ruine of their families, but euen to

1 Vide Epistolam generalis Cone. Ephes. ad August.
1 lohn 18. 36. * Matt. 22. 21.

80 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the laying on of a perpetuall slander vpon all Papists; as if no zealous Papist
could be a trew subiect to his Prince; and that the profession of that Religion,
and the Temporall obedience to the Ciuill Magistrate, were two things repugnant
and incompatible in themselues. But euill information, and vntrew reports l
(which being caried so farre as betweene this and Rome, cannot but increase by
the way) might haue abused the Pope, and made him dispatch this Breue so
rashly: For that great Citie, Queene of the World, and as themselues confesse,2
mystically Babylon, cannot but be so full of all sorts of Intelligencies. Besides, all
complainers (as the Catholikes here are) be naturally giuen to exaggerate their
owne griefs, and multiply thereupon: So that it is no wonder, that euen a iust
ludge sitting there, should vpon wrong information, giue an vnrighteous sentence;
as some of their owne partie doe not sticke to confesse, That Pius Quintus was too
rashly caried vpon wrong information, to pronounce his thunder of Excommuni-
cation vpon the late Queene. And it may be, the like excuse shall hereafter be
made for the two Breues, which Clemens Octauus 3 sent to ENGLAND immediatly
before her death, for debarring me of the Crowne, or any other that either would
professe, or any wayes tolerate the professours of our Religion; contrary to his
manifold vowes and protestations, simul & eodem tempore, and as it were, deliuered
mo 6* eodem spiritu, to diuers of my ministers abroad, professing such kindnesse,
and shewing such forwardnesse to aduance me to this Crowne. Nay, the most
part of Catholikes here, finding this Breue when it came to their handes to bee so
farre against Diuinitie, Policie, or naturall sense, were firmely perswaded that it
was but a counterfeit Libell, deuised in hatred of the Pope; or at the farthest, a
thing hastily done vpon wrong information, as was before said. Of which opinion
were not onely the simpler sort of Papists, but euen some amongst them of best
account, both for learning and experience; whereof the Archpriest himselfe was
one : But for soluing of this obiection, the Pope himselfe hath taken new paines
by sending foorth a second Breue, onely for giuing faith and confirmation to the
former; That whereas before, his sinne might haue beene thought to haue pro-
ceeded from rashnesse and mis-information, he will now willfully and willingly
double the same; whereof the Copy followeth.

TO OVR BELOVED SONNES THE ENGLISH CATHOLIKES,
PAULUS P. P. V™5.

BELOUED sonnes, Salutation and Apostolicall Benediction. It is reported vnto vs,
that there are found certaine amongst you, who when as we haue sufficiently declared
by our Letters, dated the last yeere on the tenth of the Calends of October in the forme
of a Breue, that yee cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath, which was then re-

1 Fama vires acquirit eundo.

2 Eusebius, Oecumenius and Leo hold, that by Babylon, in i. Pet. 5. 13. Rome is meant, as the
Rhemists themselues confesse.

• See the Relation of the whole proceedings against the Traitours, Garnet and his confederates.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 81

quired of you; and when as wee haue further straitly commanded you, that by no
meanes yee should take it: yet there are some, I say, among you, which dare now
affirme, that such Letters concerning the forbidding of the Oath, were not written of our
owne accord, or of our owne proper will, but rather for the respect and at the instiga-
tion of other men. And for that cause the same men doe goe about to perswade you,
that our commands in the said Letters are not to be regarded. Surely this newes did
trouble vs; and that so much the more, because hauing had experience of your obedience
(most dearly beloued sonnes} who to the end ye might obey this holy Sea, haue godlily
and valiantly contemned your riches, wealth, honour, libertie, yea and life it selfe; wee
should neuer haue suspected that the trewth of our Apostolike Letters could once be
called into question among you, that by this pretence ye might exempt your selues from
our Commandements . But we doe herein perceiue the subtiltie and craft of the enemie
of mans saluation, and we doe attribute this your backwardnesse rather to him, then
to your owne will. And for this cause, wee haue thought good to write the second time
•onto you, and to signifie vnto you againe, That our Apostolike Letters dated the last
yeere on the tenth of the Calends of October, concerning the prohibition of the Oath,
were written not only vpon our proper motion, and of our certaine knowledge, but
also after long and weightie deliberation -used concerning all those things, which
are contained in them; and that for that cause ye are bound fully to obserue them,
reiecting all interpretation perswading to the contrary. And this is our meere,
pure, and perfect will, being alwayes carefull of your saluation, and alwayes minding
those things, which are most profitable vnto you. And we doe pray without ceasing,
that hee that hath appointed our lowlinesse to the keeping of the flocke of Christ,
would inlighten our tlwughts and our counsels: whom we doe also continually desire,
that he would increase in you (our beloued Sonnes) faith, constancie, and mutuall
charitie and peace one to another. All whom, we doe most louingly blesse with all
charitable affection.

Dated at ROME at Saint Markes vnder the Signet of the Fisherman, the x. of the
Calends of September, 1607. the third yeere of our Popedome.

THE ANSWERE TO THE SECOND BREVE.

Now for this Breue, I may iustly reflect his owne phrase vpon him, in tearming it
to be The craft of the Deuill. For if the Deuill had studied a thousand yeeres, for
to finde out a mischief e for our Catholikes heere, hee hath found it in this: that
now when many Catholikes haue taken their Oath, and some Priests also; yea,
the Arch-priest himselfe, without compunction or sticking, they shall not now
onely be bound to refuse the profession of their naturall Allegiance to their
Soueraigne, which might yet haue beene some way coloured vpon diuers scruples
conceiued vpon the words of the Oath; but they must now renounce and for-
sweare their profession of obedience alreadie sworne, and so must as it were at the
third instance forsweare their former two Oathes, first closely sworne, by their

82 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

birth in their naturall Allegiance; and next, clearly confirmed by this Oath, which
doeth nothing but expresse the same: so as no man can now holde the faith, or
procure the saluation of his soule in ENGLAND that must not abiure and renounce
his borne and sworne Allegiance to his naturall Soueraigne.

And yet it is not sufficient to ratifie the last yeeres Breue, by a new one come
forth this yeere; but (that not onely euery yeere, but euery moneth may produce
a new monster) the great and famous Writer of the Controuersies, the late
vn-Iesuited Cardinall Bellarmine, must adde his talent to this good worke, by
blowing the bellowes of sedition, and sharpening the spurre to rebellion, by send-
ing such a Letter of his to the Arch-priest here, as it is a wonder how passion,
and an ambitious desire of maintaining that Monarchic, should charme the wits
of so famously learned a man.

The Copy whereof here followeth.

TO THE VERY REVEREND MR. GEORGE BLACKWELL, ARCH-PRIEST

OF THE ENGLISH: ROBERT BELLARMINE CARDINALL OF THE

HOLY CHURCH OF ROME, GREETING.

REUEREND SIR, and brother in CHRIST; // is almost fourtie yeeres since we did see
one the other: but yet I haue bene mmindfull of our ancient acquaintance, neither haue
I ceased seeing I could doe you no other good, to commend your labouring most pain-
fully in the Lords Vineyard, in my prayers to God. And I doubt not, but that I haue
liued all this while in your memory, and haue had some place in your prayers at the
Lords Altar. So therefore euen wito this time we haue abidden, as S. lohn speaketh,
in the mutall loue one of the other, not by word or letter, but in deed and trewth. But
a late message which was brought imto vs within these few dayes, of your bonds and
imprisonment, hath inforced mee to breake ojf this silence; which message, although
it seemed heauie in regard of the losse which that Church hath receiued, by their being
thus depriued of the comfort of your pastorall function amongst them, yet withall it
seemed ioyous, because you drew neere vnto the glory of Martyrdome, then the which
gift of God there is none more happy; That you, who hauefedde your flocke so many
yeeres with the word and doctrine, should now feed it more gloriously by the example
of your patience. But another heauie tidings did not a little disquiet and almost take
away this ioy, which immediatly followed, of the aduersaries assault, and per aduen-
ture of the slip and fall of your constancie in refusing an mlawfull Oath. Neither
trewly (most deare brother) could that Oath therefore bee lawfull, because it was offered
in sort tempered and modified: for you know that those kinde of modifications are
nothing else, but sleights and subtilties of Satan, that the Catholique faith touching the
Primacie of the Sea Apostolike, might either secretly or openly be shot at; for the
which faith so many worthy Martyrs euen in that very England it selfe, haue resisted
vnto blood. For most certaine it is, that in whatsoeuer words the Oath is conceiued by,
the aduersaries of the faith in that Kingdome, it tends to this end, that the Authoritie

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 83

of the head of the Church in England, may bee transferred from the successour of
S. Peter, to the successour of King Henry the eight: For that which is pretended of
the danger of the Kings life, if the high Priest should haue the same power in England,
which hee hath in all other Christian Kingdomes, it is altogether idle, as all that haue
any vnder standing, may easily perceiue. For it was neuer heard of from the Churches
infancie mtill this day, that euer any Pope did command, that any Prince, though an
Heretike, though an Ethnike, though a persecutour, should be murdered; or did
approue of the fact, when it was done by any other. And why, I pray you, doeth onely
the King of England feare that, which none of all other the Princes in Christendome
either doeth feare, or euer did feare ?

But, as I said, these mine pretexts are but the traps and stratagemes of Satan:
Of which kinde I could produce not afewe out of ancient Stories, if I went about to
write a Booke and not an Epistle. One onely for example sake, I will call to your
memory. S. Gregorius Nazianzenus in his first Oration against lulian the Em-
perour, reporteth, That hee, the more easily to beguile the simple Christians, did insert
the Images of the false gods into the pictures of the Emperour, which the Romanes did
vse to bow downe wto with a ciuill kinde of reuerence: so that no man could doe
reuerence to the Emperour s picture, but withall hee must adore the Images of the false
gods; whereupon it came to passe that many were deceiued. And if there were any
that found out the Emperours craft, and refused to worship his picture, those were most
grieuously punished, as men that had contemned the Emperour in his Image. Some
such like thing, me thinkes, I see in the Oath that is offered to you; which is so craftily
composed, that no man can detest Treason against the King, and make profession of
his Ciuill subiection, but he must bee constrained perfidiously to denie the Primacie
of the Apostolicke Sea. But the seruants of Christ, and especially the chief e Priests
of the Lord, ought to bee so farre from taking an vnlawfull Oath, where they may
indamage the Faith, that they ought to beware that they giue not the least suspicion of
dissimulation that they haue taken it, least they might seeme to haue left any example
of preuarication tofaithfull people. Which thing that worthy Eleazar did most notably
performe, who would neither eate swines flesh, nor so much as faine to haue eaten it,
although hee sawe the great torments that did hang ouer his head; least, as himself e
speaketh in the second Booke of the Machabees, many young men might bee brought
through that simulation, to preuaricate with the Lawe. Neither did Basil the Great
by his example, which is more fit for our purpose, cary himself e lesse worthily toward
Valens the Emperour. For as Theodoret writeth in his Historie, when the Deputy of
that heretical Emperour did perswade Saint Basil, that hee would not resist the
Emperour for a little subtiltie of a few points of doctrine; that most holy and prudent
man made answere, That it was not to be indured, that the least syllable of Gods
word should be corrupted, but rather all kind of torment was to be embraced,
for the maintenance of the Trewth thereof. Now I suppose, that there wants not
amongst you, who say that they are but subtilties of Opinions that are contained in the
Oath that is offered to the Catholikes, and that you are not to striue against the Kings

84 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Authoritie for such a little matter. But there are not wanting also amongst you holy
men like vnlo Basil the Great, which will openly auow, that the very least syllable of
Gods diuine Trewth is not to bee corrupted, though many torments were to bee en-
dured, and death it selfe set before you: Amongst whom it is meete, that you should bee
one, or rather the Standard-bearer, and Generall to the rest. And whatsoeuer hath
beene the cause, that your Constancie hath quailed, whether it bee the suddaineness of
your apprehension, or the bitternesse of your persecution, or the imbecilitie of your old
age: yet wee trust in the goodnesse of God, and in your owne long continued vertue,
that it will come to passe, that as you seeme in some part to haue imitated the fall of
Peter and Marcellinus, so you shall happily imitate their valour in recouering your
strength, and maintaining the Trewth: For if you will diligently weigh the whole
matter with your selfe, trewly you shall see, it is no small matter that is called in ques-
tion by this Oath, but one of the principall heads of our Faith, and foundations of
Catholique Religion. For heare what your Apostle Saint Gregorie the Great hath
written in his 24. Epistle of his n. Booke. Let not the reuerence due to the Apos-
tolique Sea, be troubled by any mans presumption; for then the state of the
members doeth remaine entire, when the Head of the Faith is not bruised by any
iniurie : Therefore by Saint Gregories testimonie, when they are busie about disturbing
or diminishing, or taking away of the Primacie of the Apostolique Sea; then are they
busie about cutting of the very head of the faith, and dissoluing of the state of the whole
body, and of all the members. Which selfe same thing S. Leo doth confirme in his
third Sermon of his Assumption to the Popedom, when he saith, Our Lord had a
special care of Peter, & praied properly for Peters faith, as though the state of
others were more stable, when their Princes mind was not to be ouercome. Where-
upon himself e in his Epistle to the bishops of the prouince of Vienna, doth not doubt
to qffirme, that he is not partaker of the diuine Mysterie, that dare depart from the
solidity of Peter, who also saith, That who thinketh the Primacy to be denied to
that Sea, he can in no sort lessen the authority of it; but by being puft vp with
the spirit of his owne pride, doth cast himselfe headlong into hel. These and many
many other of this kind, I am very sure are most familiar to you: who besides many
other books, haue diligently read ouer the visible Monarchy of your owne Sanders, a
most diligent writer, and one who hath worthily deserued of the Church of England
Neither can you be ignorant, that these most holy and learned men, lohn bishop of
Rochester, and Tho. Moore, within our memory, for this one most weighty head of
doctrine, led the way to Martyrdome to many others, to the exceeding glory of the
English nation. But I would put you in remembrance that you should take heart,
and considering the weightines of the cause, not to trust too much to your owne
iudgement, neither be wise aboue that is meet to be wise: and if peraduenture your
fall haue proceeded not vpon want of consideration, but through humane infirmity, &•
for fear e of punishment and imprisonment, yet do not preferre a temporall liberty to
the liberty of the glory of the Sonnes of God: neither for escaping a light & momentarie
tribulation, lose an eternal weight of glory, which tribulation it selfe doeth worke in you.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 85

You haue fought a good fight a long time, you haue wel-neere finished your course; so
many yeeres haue you kept the faith: do not therefore lose the reward of such labors
do not depriue your selfe of that crowne of righteousnes, which so long agone is pre-
pared for you; Do not make the faces of so many yours both brethren and children
ashamed. Vpon you at this time are fixed the eyes of all the Churches: yea also, you
are made a spectacle to the world, to Angels, to men; Do not so carry your selfe in this
your last act, that you leaue nothing but laments to your friends, and ioy to your
enemies. But rather on the contrary, which we assuredly hope, and for which we
continually powre forth prayers to God, display gloriously the banner of faith, and
make to reioyce the Church, which you haue made heauy; so shall you not onely
merite pardon at Gods hands, but a Crowne. Farewell. Quite you like a man, and
let your heart be strengthened. From Rome the 28. day of September 1607.
Your very Reuerendships brother and seruant in Christ,

Robert Bellarmine Cardinall.

THE ANSWERE TO THE CARDINALS LETTER.

AND now that I am to enter into the field against him by refuting his Letter, I
must first vse this protestation ; That no desire of vaine-glory by matching with
so learned a man, maketh me to vndertake this taske; but onely the care and
conscience I haue, that such smooth Circes charmes and guilded pilles, as full of
exterior eloquence, as of inward vntrewths, may not haue that publike passage
through the world without an answere: whereby my reputation might vniustly
be darkened, by such cloudie and foggie mists of vntrewths and false imputations,
the hearts of vnstayed and simple men be misse-led, and the trewth it selfe
smothered.

But before I come to the particular answere of this Letter, I must here desire
the world to wonder with me, at the committing of so grosse an errour by so
learned a man: as that he should haue pained himself e to haue set downe so
elaborate a Letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken question: For it ap-
peareth, that our English Fugitiues, of whose inward societie with him he so
greatly vaunteth, haue so fast hammered in his head the Oath of Supremacie,
which hath euer bene so great a scarre vnto them, as he thinking by his Letter to
haue refuted the last Oath, hath in place thereof onely paied the Oath of Supre-
macie, which was most in his head; as a man that being earnestly caried in his
thoughts vpon another matter, then he is presently in doing, will often name the
matter or person he is thinking of, in place of the other thing he hath at that time
in hand.

For as the Oath of Supremacie was deuised for putting a difference betweene
Papists, and them of our profession: so was this Oath, which hee would seeme to
impugne, ordained for making difference betweene the ciuilly obedient Papists,
and the peruerse disciples of the Powder-Treason. Yet doeth all his Letter runne

86 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

vpon an Inuectiue against the compulsion of Catholiques to deny the authoritie
of S. Peters successors, and in place thereof to acknowledge the Successors of
King Henry the eight: For in K. Henry the eights time, was the Oath of Supremacie
first made: By him were Thomas Moore and Rojfensis put to death, partly for
refusing of it : From his time till now, haue all the Princes of this land professing
this Religion, successiuely in effect maintained the same: and in that Oath onely
is contained the Kings absolute power, to be ludge ouer all persons, aswell Ciuill
as Ecclesiastical, excluding al forraigne powers and Potentates to be Judges
within his dominions; whereas this last made Oath containeth no such matter,
onely medling with the ciuill obedience of Subiects to their Soueraigne, in meere
temporall causes.

And that it may the better appeare, that whereas by name hee seemeth to
condemne the last Oath; yet indeed his whole Letter runneth vpon nothing, but
vpon the condemnation of the Oath of Supremacie: I haue here thought good to
set downe the said Oath, leauing it then to the discretion of euery indifferent
reader^to iudge, whether he doth not in substance onely answere to the Oath of
Supremacie, but that hee giues the child a wrong name.

I A.B. doe "utterly testifie and declare in my conscience, that the Kings Highnesse is the
onely Supreame Gouernour of this Realme, and all other his Highnesse Dominions
and Countries, aswell in all Spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall things or causes, as Tem-
porall: And that no forraine Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Potentate, hath or
ought to haue any lurisdiction, Power, Superioritie, Preeminence or Authoritie
Ecclesasticall or Spirituall within this Realme. And therefore I doe vtterly renounce
and forsake all forraine Jurisdictions, Powers, Superiorities and Authorities; and
doe promise that from hencefoorth I shall bear e faith and trew Allegiance to the Kings
Highnesse, his Heires and lawfull Successours: and to my power shall assist and
defend all lurisdictions, Priuiledges, Preeminences and Authorities granted or
belonging to the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and Successours, or -united and annexed
to the Imperiall Crowne of the Realme: So helpe me God; and by the Contents of this
booke.

And that the injustice, as well as the error of his grosse mistaking in this point,
may yet be more clearely discouered; I haue also thought good to insert here
immediatly after the Oath of Supremacie, the contrary conclusions to all the
points and Articles, whereof this other late Oath doeth consist : whereby it may
appeare, what vnreasonable and rebellious points hee would driue my Subiects
vnto, by refusing the whole body of that Oath, as it is concerned: For he that
shall refuse to take this Oath, must of necessitie hold all, or some of these pro-
positions following.

1. That I King IAMES, am not the lawfull King of this Kingdome, and of all
other my Dominions.

2. That the Pope by his owne authoritie may depose me: If not by his owne
authoritie, yet by some other authoritie of the Church, or of the Sea of Rome:

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 87

If not by some other authoritie of the Church and Sea of Rome, yet by other
meanes with others helpe, he may depose me.

3. That the Pope may dispose of my Kingdomes and Dominions.

4. That the Pope may giue authoritie to some forreine Prince to inuade my
Dominions.

5. That the Pope may discharge my Subiects of their Allegiance and Obe-
dience to me.

6. That the Pope may giue licence to one, or more of my Subiects to beare
armes against me.

7. That the Pope may giue leaue to my Subiects to offer violence to my
Person, or to my gouernement, or to some of my Subiects.

8. That if the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose mee, my
Subiects are not to beare Faith and Allegiance to me.

9. If the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose me, my Subiects
are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crowne.

10. If the Pope shall giue out any Sentence of Excommunication or Depri-
uation against me, my Subiects by reason of that Sentence, are not bound to
reueale all Conspiracies and Treasons against mee, which shall come to their
hearing and knowledge.

11. That it is not hereticall and detestable to hold, that Princes being excom-
municated by the Pope, may be either deposed or killed by their Subiects, or any
other.

12. That the Pope hath power to absolue my Subiects from this Oath, or
from some part thereof.

13. That this Oath is not administred to my Subiects, by a full and lawfull
authoritie.

14. That this Oath is to be taken with Equiuocation, mentall euasion, or
secret reseruation; and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the trew
faith of a Christian man.

These are the trew and naturall branches of the body of this Oath. The
affirmatiue of all which negatiues, doe neither concerne in any case the Popes
Supremacie in Spirituall causes: nor yet were euer concluded, and defined by any
complete generall Councell1 to belong to the Popes authoritie; and their owne
schoole Doctors are at irreconciliable oddes and iarres about them.

And that the world may yet farther see ours and the whole States setting
downe of this Oath, did not proceed from any new inuention of our owne, but as
it is warranted by the word of GOD: so doeth it take the example from an Oath
of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeeres agone, which a famous Councell then,
together with diuers other Councels, were so farre from condemning (as the Pope
now hath done this Oath) as I haue thought good to set downe their owne wordes
here in that purpose: whereby it may appear that I craue nothing now of my
1 Touching the pretended Councell of Lateran. See Plat. In vita Innocen. III.

88 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Subiects in this Oath, which was not expresly and carefully commaunded then,
by the Councels to be obeyed without exception of persons. Nay not in the very
particular point of Equivocation, which I in this Oath was so carefull to haue
eschewed: but you shall here see the said Councels in their Decrees, as carefull
to prouide for the eschewing of the same; so as almost euery point of that action,
& this of ours shalbe found to haue relation & agreeance one with the other, saue
onely in this, that those old Councels were careful and strait in commanding the
taking of the same : whereas by the contrary, he that now vanteth himselfe to be
head of al Councels, is as careful & strait in the prohibition of all men from the
taking of this Oath of Allegiance.

The words of the Councell be these:
Heare our sentence.

Whosoeuer of vs, or of all the people thorowout all Spaine, shall goe about by any
meanes of conspiracie or practise, to violate the Oath of his fidelitie, which he hath
taken for the preseruation of his Counlrey, or of the Kings life; or who shall attempt
to put violent handes vpon the King; or to depriue him of his kingly power; or that
by tyrannicall presumption would vsurpe the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome: Let him
bee accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels; and let him bee made
and declared a stranger from the Catholique Church, which hee hath prophaned by his
periurie; and an aliant from the companie of all Christian people, together with all
the complices of his impietie; because it behooueth all those that bee guiltie of the like
offence, to wider-lie the like punishment.1 Which sentence is three seuerall times
together, and almost in the same wordes, repeated in the same Canon. After
this, the Synode desired, That this Sentence of theirs now this third time rehearsed,
might bee confirmed by the wyce and consent of all that were present. Then the whole
Clergie and people answered, Whosoeuer shall cary himselfe presumptuously against
this your definitiue sentence, let them be Anathema maranatha, that is, let them bee
vtterly destroyed at the Lords camming, and let them and their complices haue their
portion with ludas Iscarioth. Amen.

And in the fifth Councell,2 there it is decreed, That this Acte touching the
Oath of Allegiance, shall bee repeated in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine.
The Decree is in these wordes : In consideration that the mindes of men are easily
inclined. to euill and forgetfulnesse, therefore this most holy Synode hath ordained;
and doeth enact, That in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine, the Decree of the
generall Councell 3 which was made for the safetie of our Princes, shall bee with an
audible wyce proclaimed and pronounced, after the conclusion of all other things in
the Synode: That so it being often sounded into their eares, at least by continuall
remembrance, the mindes of wicked men beeing terrified, might bee reformed, which by
obliuion and facilitie [to euill] are brought to preuaricate.

1 Concil. Tolet. 4 can. 47. Anno 633.

1 Concil. Tolet. 5. Can. 7. anno 636.

3 Synod. Tolet. 4. vniuersalis, & magna Synodus dicta, Synod. Tolet. 5. cap. 2.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 89

And in the sixt Councell,1 Wee doe protest before God, and all the orders of
Angels, in the presence of the Prophets and Apostles, and all the companie of Martyrs,
and before all the Catholique Church, and assemblies of the Christians; That no man
shall goe about to seeke the destruction of the King: No man shall touch the life of the
Prince: No man shall depriue him of the Kingdome: No man by any tyrannical pre-
sumption shall vsurpe to himself e the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome: No man by any
Machination shall in his aduersitie associate to himself e any packe of Conspirators
against him: And that if any of vs shall be presumptuous by rashnesse in any of these
cases, let him be stricken with the anatheme of God, and reputed as condemned in
eternall iudgement without any hope of recouery.

And in the tenth Councell2 (to omit diuers others held also at Toledo) it is
said : That if any religious man, euen from the Bishop to the lowest Order of the
Church-men or Monkes, shall bee found to haue violated the generall Oathes made for
the presentation of the Kinges Person, or of the Nation and Countrey with a prophane
minde; foorthwith let him bee depriued of all dignitie, and excluded from all place and
Honour. The occasion of the Decrees made for this Oath, was, That the Chris-
tians were suspected for want of fidelitie to their Kings; and did either equiuocate
in taking their Oath, or make no conscience to keepe it, when they had giuen it;
as may appeare by sundry speeches in the Councell,3 saying, There is a generall
report, that there is that perfidiousnesse in the mindes of many people of diuers
Nations, that they make no conscience to keepe the Oath and fidelitie that they haue
sworne vnto their Kings: but doe dissemble a profession of fidelitie in their mouthes,
when they hold an impious perfidiousnesse in their mindes. And againe, They
sweare to their Kings, and yet doe they preuaricate in the fidelitie which they haue
promised: Neither doe they feare the Volume of Gods iudgement, by the which the
curse of God is brought vpon them, with great threatening of punishments, which doe
sweare lyingly in the Name of God.* To the like effect spake they in the Councill
of Aquisgran: If any of the Bishops, or other Church-man of inferiour degree,
hereafter thorow feare or couetousnesse, or any other perswasion, shall make defection
from our Lord the Orthodoxe Emperour Lodowicke, or shall violate the Oath of
fidelitie made vnto him, or shall with their peruerse intention adhere to his enemies;
let him by this Canonicall and Synodall sentence bee depriued of whatsoeuer place hee
is possessed of.5

And now to come to a particular answere of his Letter. First, as concerning
the sweet memory hee hath of his old acquaintance with the Arch-priest; it may
indeed be pleasing for him to recount: but sure I am, his acquaintance with him
and the rest of his societie, our Fugitiues (whereof he also vanteth himself e in his
Preface to the Reader in his Booke of Controuersies) hath prooued sowre to vs

Concil. Tolet. 6. Can. 18. Anno 638.

Concil. Tolet. 10. Can. 2. JEm 694.

Concil. Tolet. 4. cap. 74.

Concil. Tolet. 4. cap. 74.

Concil. Aquis. gran, sub Ludo Pio, & Greg.; 4. Can. 12. anno 836.

90 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

and our State : For some of such Priests l and lesuits, as were the greatest Traitors
and fomenters of the greatest conspiracies against the late Queene, gaue vp
Father Rob: Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles: And
therefore I do not enuy the great honour he can winne, by his vaunt of his inward
familiarity with an other Princes traitors & fugitiues; whom vnto if he teach
no better maners then hitherto he hath done, I thinke his fellowship are litle
beholding vnto him.

And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the Altar of the Lord:
if the Arch-Priests prayers prooue no more profitable to his soule, then Bellar-
mines counsell is like to proue profitable, both to the soule and bodie of Black-well
(if he would follow it) the authour of this Letter might very well be without his
prayers.

Now the first messenger that I can finde which brought ioyfull newes of the
Arch-Priest to Bellarmine, was hee that brought the newes of the Arch-Priests
taking, and first appearance of Martyrdome. A great signe surely of the Cardi-
nals mortification, that hee was so reioyced to heare of the apprehension, im-
prisonment and appearance of putting to death of so old and deare a friend of his.
But yet apparantly he should first haue beene sure, that hee was onely to bee
punished for cause of Religion, before hee had so triumphed vpon the expectation
of his Martyrdome. For first, by what rule of charitie was it lawfull for him to
iudge mee a persecutour, before proofe had beene made of it by the said Arch-
Priests condemnation and death ? What could hee know, that the said Arch-
Priest was not taken vpon suspicion of his guiltinesse in the Powder-Treason ?
What certaine information had hee then receiued vpon the particulars, whereupon
hee was to bee accused ? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell
whereupon hee was to bee accused ? For at that time there was yet nothing
layed to his charge. And if charitie should not bee suspicious, what warrant had
hee absolutely to condemne mee of vsing persecution and tyrannic, which could
not bee but implyed vpon mee, if Blackwel was to bee a Martyr ? But surely it
may iustly be sayd of Bellarmine in this case, that our Sauiour CHRIST saith of all
worldly and carnall men, who thinke it enough to loue their friends,2 and hate
their enemies; the limits of the Cardinals charitie extending no farther, then to
them of his owne profession. For what euer hee added in superfluous charitie to
Blackwel, in reioycing in the speculation of his future Martyrdome; hee detracted
as much vniustly and vncharitably from me, in accounting of me thereby as of a
bloody Persecutour. And whereas this ioy of his was interrupted by the next
messenger, that brought the newes of the saide Arch-Priest his failing in his
constancie, by taking of this Oath; he needed neuer to haue beene troubled, either
with his former ioy or his second sorrow, both beeing alike falsly grounded. For
as it was neuer my intention to lay any thing vnto the said Arch-Priests charge,
as I haue neuer done to any for cause of conscience, so was Blackwels constancie
1 Campian and Hart. See the conference in the Tower. * Mat. 5. 43.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 91

neuer brangled by taking of this Oath; It beeing a thing which he euer thought
lawfull before his apprehension, and whereunto hee perswaded all Catholiques to
giue obedience; like as after his apprehension, hee neuer made doubt or stop in it;
but at the first offering it vnto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawfull;
neither meanes of threatening, or flatterie being euer vsed vnto him, as himselfe
can yet beare witnesse.

And as for the temperature and modification of this Oath, except that a rea-
sonable and lawfull matter is there set downe in reasonable and temperate wordes,
agreeing thereunto ; I know not what he can meane, by quarelling it for that fault :
For no temperatenesse nor modifications in words therein, can iustly be called the
Deuils craft; when the thing it selfe is so plaine, and so plainely interpreted to all
them that take it; as the onely troublesome thing in it all, bee the wordes vsed
in the end thereof, for eschewing Mquiuocation and M entail reserualion. Which
new Catholike doctrine, may farre iustlier bee called the Deuils craft, then any
plaine and temperate wordes, in so plaine and cleare a matter. But what shall we
say of these strange countrey clownes, whom of with the Satyre we may iustly
complaine, that they blow both hote & cold out of one mouth ? For Luther and
all our bold and free-speaking Writers are mightily railed vpon by them, as hote-
brained fellowes, and speakers by the Deuils instinct: and now if we speake
moderately and temperately of them, it must be tearmed the Deuils craft: And
therefore wee may iustly complaine with CHRIST, that when we mourne, they
wil not lament : and when we pipe, they wil not dance.1 But neither lohn Baptist
his seueritie, nor CHRIST his meekenesse and lenitie can please them, who build
but to their owne Monarchie vpon the ground of their owne Traditions; and not
to CHRIST vpon the ground of his word and infallible trewth.

But what can bee meant by alleadging, that the craft of the Deuill herein, is
onely vsed for subuersion of the Catholique Faith, and euersion of Saint Peters
Primacie; had neede bee commented anew by Bellarmine himselfe : For in all this
Letter of his, neuer one word is vsed, to prooue that by any part of this Oath the
Primacie of Saint Peter is any way medled with, except Master Bellarmine his
bare alleadging; which without proouing it by more cleare demonstration, can
neuer satisfie the conscience of any reasonable man. For (for ought that I know)
heauen and earth are no farther asunder, then the profession of a temporall
obedience to a temporall King, is different from any thing belonging to the
Catholique Faith, or Supremacie of Saint Peter: For as for the Catholique Faith;
can there be one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of
Religion ? Doeth he that taketh it, promise there to beleeue, or not to beleeue
any article of Religion ? Or doeth hee so much as name a trew or false Church
there ? And as for Saint Peters Primacie ; I know no Apostles name that it therein
named, except the name of IAMES, it being my Christen name: though it please
him not to deigne to name me in all the Letter; albeit, the contents thereof con-

1 Mat. ii. 17.

92 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

cerne mee in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein,
either disertis verbis, or by any other indirect meanes, either of the Hierarchic of
the Church, of Saint Peters succession, of the Sea Apostolike, or of any such mat-
ter: but that the Author of our Letter doeth brauely make mention of Saint
Peters succession, bringing it in comparison with the succession of Henry the
eight. Of which vnapt and vnmannerly similitude, I wonder he should not be
much ashamed: For as to King Henries Successour (which hee meaneth by mee)
as I, I say, neuer did, nor will persume to create any Article of Faith, or to bee
ludge thereof; but to submit my exemplarie obedience vnto them, in as great
humilitie as the meanest of the land: so if the Pope could bee as well able to
prooue his either Personall or Doctrinall Succession from Saint Peter, as I am able
to prooue my lineall descent from the Kings of England and Scotland; there had
neuer beene so long adoe, nor so much sturre kept about this question in Christen-
dome; neither had Master Bellarmine 1 himself e needed to haue bestowed so
many sheetes of paper De summo Pontifice, in his great bookes of Controuersies:
And when all is done, to conclude with a morall certitude, and a pie credendum;
bringing in the Popes,2 that are parties in this cause, to be his witnesses: and
yet their historicall narration must bee no article of Faith. And I am without
vanterie sure, that I doe farre more neerely imitate the worthie actions of my
Predecessours, then the Popes in our aage can be well proued to be similes Petro,
especially in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subiects from their Allegiance
vnto them.

But now wee come to his strongest argument, which is, That he would alledge
vpon mee a Panicke terrour, as if I were possessed with a needlesse feare: For,
saith the Cardinall, from the beginning of the Churches first infancie, euen to this
day, where was it euer heard, that euer a Pope either commaunded to bee killed, or
allowed, the slaughter of any Prince whatsoeuer, whether hee were an Hereticke, an
Ethnicke, or Persecutour ? But first, wherefore doeth he here wilfully, and of
purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that Oath, for deposing, degrad-
ing, stirring vp of armes, or rebelling against them, which are as well mentioned
in that Oath, as the killing of them ? as beeing all of one consequence against a
King, no Subiect beeing so scrupulous, as that hee will attempt the one, and leaue
the other vnperformed if hee can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing
it ouer, since he could not otherwise haue eschewed the direct belying of himselfe
in tearmes, which hee now doeth but in substance and effect: For as for the
Popes deposing and degrading of Kings, hee maketh so braue vaunts and bragges
of it in his former bookes, as he could neuer with ciuill honestie haue denied it here.3

But to returne to the Popes allowing of killing of Kinges, I know not with
what face hee can set so stout a deniall vpon it against his owne knowledge. How
many Emperours did the Pope raise warre against in their owne bowels ? Who

1 Bellar. de Rom. Pont. li. 4. cap. 6. Ibid. 1. 2. ca. 12. * Idem ibid. lib. 2. cap. 14.

• Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 8. et lib. 3. cap. 16.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 93

as they were ouercome in battaile, were subiect to haue beene killed therein,
which I hope the Pope could not but haue allowed, when he was so farre inraged
at Henry l the fifth for giuing buriall to his fathers dead corpes, after the Pope 2
had stirred him vp to rebell against his father, and procured his mine. But
leauing these olde Histories to Bettarmines owne bookes, that doe most authen-
tically cite them, as I haue already said, let vs turne our eyes vpon our owne time,
and therein remember what a Panegyricke 3 Oration was made by the Pope, in
praise and approbation of the Frier and his fact, that murthered king Henry the
third of France, who was so farre from either being Hereticke, Ethnicke, or Per-
secutor in their account, that the said Popes owne wordes in that Oration are,
That a trew Friar hath killed a counterfeit Frier. And besides that vehement
Oration and congratulation for that fact, how neere it scaped, that the said Frier
was not canonized for that glorious act, is better knowen to Bellarmine and his
followers, then to vs here.

But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not beene more wise and circumspect in
that errand, then the Pope himselfe was, the Popes owne Kalender of his Saints
would haue sufficiently proued Bellarmin a Her in this case. And to draw yet
neerer vnto our selues; how many practises and attempts were made against the
late Queenes life, which were directly enioyned to those Traitours by their Con-
fessors, and plainly authorized by the Popes allowance ? For verification whereof,
there needs no more proofe, then that neuer Pope either then or since, called any
Church-man in question for medling in any those treasonable conspiracies; nay,
the Cardinals owne S. Sander us mentioned in his Letter, could well verifie this
trewth if, hee were aliue ; and who will looke his bookes, will find them filled with
no other doctrine then this. And what difference there is betweene the killing,
or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring vp and approbation of prac-
tises to kill them; I remit to Bellarmines owne iudgement. It may then very
clearely appeare, how strangely this Authors passion hath made him forget him-
selfe, by implicating himselfe in so strong a contradiction against his owne knowl-
edge and conscience, against the witnesse of his former bookes, and against the
practise of our owne times. But who can wonder at this contradiction of himselfe
in this point, when his owne great Volumes are so filled with contradictions ?
which when either he, or any other shall euer bee able to reconcile, I will then
beleeue that hee may easily reconcile this impudent strong deniall of his in his
Letter, of any Popes medling against Kings, with his owne former bookes, as I
haue already said.

And that I may not seeme to imitate him in affirming boldly that which I no
wayes prooue; I will therefore send the Reader to looke for witnesses of his con-
tradictions, in such places here mentioned in his owne booke. In his bookes of
lustification,4 there he affirmeth, That for the vncertaintie of our owne proper

1 Gotfrid. Viterb. Helmed. Cuspinian. * Paschal. 2.

' See the Oration of Sixtus Quintus, made in the Consistory vpon the death of Henry the 3.

4 Bellar. de lustif. lib. 5. cap. 7.

94 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

righteousness, and for auoiding of vaine-glory, it is most sure and safe, to repose our
whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnesse of God;. Which proposition of
his, is directly contrary to the discourse, and current of all his fiue bookes de
lustificatione,1 wherein the same is contained.

God doeth not encline a man to euill, either naturally or morally.2

Presently after, hee affirmeth the contrary, That God doeth not encline to euill
naturally, but morally.3

All the Fathers teach constantly, That Bishops doe succeed the Apostles, and
Priests the seuentie disciples*

Elsewhere he affirmeth the contrary, That Bishops doe not properly succeede
the Apostles.6

That ludas did not beleeue.6

Contrary, That ludas was iust and certainly good?

The keeping of the Law according to the substance of the worke, doeth require
that the Commandement be so kept, that sinne be not committed, and the man be not
guiltiefor hauing not kept the Commandement.6

Contrary, It is to be knowen that it is not all one, to doe a good morall worke,
and to keepe the Commandement according to the substance of the worke: For the
Commandement may be kept according to the substance of the worke, euen with sinne;
as if one should restore to his friend the thing committed to him of trust, to the end
that theeues might afterward take it from him.9

Peter did not loose that faith, whereby the heart beleeueth vnto iustification.™

Contrary, Peters sinne was deadly.11

Antichrist shall be a Magician, and after the maner of other Magicians shall se-
cretly worship the diuel.12

Contrary, He shall not admit of idolatrie: he shall hate idoles, and reedifie the
Temple.13

By the wordes of Consecration the trew and solemne oblation is made.1*

Contrary, The sacrifice doeth not consist in the words: but in the oblation of the
thing it selfe.16

That the end of the world cannot be knowne.1*

Contrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall bee but fiue andfourtie dayes
till the end of the world.11

That the tenne Kings shall burne the scarlet Whore, that is, Rome.18

1 Contrary to all his fiue bookes de lustifi- 10 Bellar. de Pont. lib. 4. c. 3.

catione. » Bell, de lust. lib. 3. cap. 14.

Bellar. de amis gra. &stat. pecca.li. 2.0.13. " Bell, de Rom. Pontif. lib. 3. cap. 14.

Ibidem paulo post. " Ibid, ex sentent. Hypol. & Cyril. & cap. 12.
Bellar. de cfericis, lib. i. c. 14. eiusdem libri.

Bellar. de Pont. 1. 4. c. 25. " Bell. lib. i. de missa cap. 17.

Bellar. de Pont. lib. i. c. 12. " Bellar. de miss. lib. 2. cap. 12.

Bellar. de lustif. lib. 3. c. 14. l6 Bellar. de anim. Christ, lib. 4. cap. 5.

Bellar. de gra. & lib. arbit. lib. 5. cap. 5. " Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 17.

Eodem lib. cap. 9. 18 Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 13.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 95

Contrary, Antichrist shall hate Rome, and fight against it, and burne it.1

The name of vniuersall Bishop may be -understood two wayes; one way, that he
which is said to be vniuersall Bishop, may bee thought to be the onely Bishop of all
Christian Cities; so that all others are not indeed Bishops, but onely Vicars to him,
who is called vniuersall Bishop: in which sense, the Pope is not vniuersall Bishop.2

Contrary, All ordinary iurisdiction of Bishops doeth descend immediatly from
the Pope; and is in him, and from him is deriued to others.3 Which few places I
haue onely selected amongst many the like, that the discreet and iudicious
Reader may discerne ex vngue Leonem: For when euer he is pressed with a
weighty obiection, hee neuer careth, nor remembreth how his solution and
answere to that, may make him gainesay his owne doctrine in some other places,
so it serue him for a shift to put off the present storme withall.

But now to returne to our matter againe : Since Popes, sayeth hee, haue neuer
at any time medled against Kings, wherefore, I pray you, should onely the King of
ENGLAND be afraid of that, whereof neuer Christian King is, or was afraid ? Was
neuer Christian Emperour or King afraid of the Popes ? How then were these
miserable Emperours tost and turmoiled, and in the end vtterly ruined by the
Popes: for proofe whereof I haue already cited Bellarmines owne bookes ? Was
not the Emperour 4 afraid, who waited barefooted in the frost and snow three
dayes at the Popes gate, before he could get entrie?6 Was not the Emperour6
also afraid, who was driuen to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to
tread vpon his neck ? 7 And was not another Emperour 8 afraid, who was con-
strained in like maner to endure a third Pope to beat off from his head the Im-
periall Crowne with his foot ? 9 Was not Philip10 afraid, being made Emperour
against Pope Innocentius the thirds good liking, when he brake out into these
words, Either the Pope shall take the Crowne from Philip, or Philip shall take the
Miter from the Pope?11 whereupon the Pope stirred vp Ottho against him, who
caused him to be slaine; and presently went to Rome, and was crowned Em-
perour by the Pope, though afterward the Pope12 deposed him too. Was not the
Emperour Fredericke13 afraid, when Innocentius the fourth excommunicated him,
depriued him of his crowne, absolued Princes of their Oath of fidelitie to him, and
in Apulia corrupted one to giue him poison ? whereof the Emperour recouering,
hee hired his bastard sonne Manfredus to poison him; whereof he died. What
did Alexander1* the third write to the Soldan? That if he would Hue quietly, hee
should by some slight murther the Emperour;15 and to that end sent him the Em-

Bellar. ibid. • R. Houeden in Rich, i; Ranulph. in Poly-

Bellar. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31. cronico. lib. 7.

Bellar. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 24. 10 Abbas Vrsper. ad Ann. 1191.

Henry 4. » Nauc. gen. 40. Cuspin. in Philippo.

Abbas Vrspergen. Lamb. Scaff. Anno 1077. " Abbas Vrsper.

Plat, in vit. Greg. 7. >» Math. Paris, in Henr. 3; Petr. de Vineis,
Frederick Barbarossa Epist. li. i. & 2; Cuspin in Freder. 2.

Naucler. gener, 40. lacob. Bergom. in Sup. " Vita Frederici Germanice conscripta.

plem. chron. Alfons. Clacon. in vit. Alex. 3. « Fredericke Barbarossa.
• Henry 6.

96 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

perours picture. And did not Alexander l the sixt take of the Turke Baiazetes
two hundred thousand crownes to kill his brother Gemen; or as some call him,
Sisimus, whom he helde captiue at Rome ? Did hee not accept of the conditions
to poyson the man, and had his pay ? Was not our Henry 2 the second afraid
after the slaughter of Thomas Becket; that besides his going bare-footed in
Pilgrimage, was whipped vp and down the Chapter-house like a schoole-boy, and
glad to escape so to ? Had not this French King his great grandfather King lohn
reason to be afraid, when the Pope 3 gaue away his kingdome of Nauarre to the
King of Spaine, whereof he yet possesseth the best halfe ? Had not this King,
his Successour reason to be afraid, when he was forced to begge so submissiuely
the relaxation of his Excommunication, as he was content likewise to suffer his
Ambassadour to be whipped at Rome for penance ? And had not the late Queene
reason to looke to her selfe, when she was excommunicated by Pius Quintus, her
Subiects loosed from their fidelitie and Allegiance toward her, her Kingdome of
Ireland giuen to the King of Spaine, and that famous fugitiue diuine, honoured
with the like degree of a redde Hat as Bellarmine is, was not ashamed to publish
in Print an Apologie 4 for Stanleys treason, maintaining, that by reason of her
excommunication and heresie, it was not onely lawfull for any of of her Subiects,
but euen they were bound in conscience to depriue her of any strength, which lay
in their power to doe ? And whether it were armies, townes, or fortresses of hers
which they had in their hands, they were obliged to put them in the King of
Spaine her enemies hands, shee no more being the right owner of anything ? But
albeit it be trew, that wise men are mooued by the examples of others dangers to
vse prouidence and caution, according to the olde Prouerbe, Turn tua res agitur,
paries cum proximus ardet : yet was I much neerlier summoned to vse this caution,
by the practise of it in mine owne person.

First, by the sending foorth of these Bulles whereof I made mention already,
for debarring me from entrie vnto this Crowne, and Kingdome. And next after
my entrie, and full possession thereof, by the horrible Powder-treason, which
should haue bereft both me and mine, both of crowne and life. And howsoeuer
the Pope will seeme to cleare himselfe of any allowance of the said Powder-trea-
son; yet can it not be denied, that his principall ministers here, and his chief e
Mancipia the lesuites, were the plaine practisers thereof: for which the principall
of them hath died confessing it, and other haue fled the Countrey for the crime;
yea, some of them gone into Italy: and yet neither these that fled out of this
Countrey for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then remained in the Low-
countreys, was of counsell in it, were euer called to account for it by the Pope;
much lesse punished for medling in so scandalous and enormous businesse. And

1 Paul. louius, Hist. lib. 2; Cuspinian. in « Gomecius de rebus gest. Fran. Ximenij
Baiazet. n; Guicciard. lib. 2. Archiepis. Tolet.lib. 5.

» Houeden, pag. 308; Matth. Paris, in < Card. Aliens Answere to Stan, letter,
Henric 2; Walsinga. in Hypodig. Neu- Anno 1587.

strias. loan. Capgraue.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 97

now what needs so great wonder and exclamation, that the onely King of England
feareth : And what other Christian King doeth, or euer did feare but hee ? As if
by the force of his rhetoricke he could make me and my good Subiects to mistrust
our senses, deny the Sunne to shine at midday, and not with the serpent to stop
our eares to his charming, but to the plaine and visible veritie it selfe. And yet
for all this wonder, he can neuer prooue mee to be troubled with such a Panicke
terrour. Haue I euer importuned the Pope with any request for my securitie ?
Or haue I either troubled other Christian Princes my friends and allies, to intreat
for me at the Popes hand ? Or yet haue I begged from them any aide or assist-
ance for my farther securitie ? No. All this wondred-at feare of mine, stretcheth
no further, then wisely to make distinction betweene the sheepe and goats in my
owne pasture. For since, what euer the Popes part hath beene in the Powder-
treason; yet certaine it is, that all these caitife monsters did to their death main-
taine, that onely zeale of Religion mooued them to that horrible attempt: yea,
some of them at their death, would not craue pardon at God or King for their
offence; exhorting other of their followers to the like constancie. Had not wee
then, and our Parliament great reason, by this Oath to set a marke of distinction
betweene good Subiects, and bad ? Yea, betweene Papists, though peraduenture
zealous in their religion, yet otherwise ciuilly honest and good Subiects, and such
terrible firebrands of hell, as would maintaine the like maximes, which these
Powder-men did ? Nay, could there be a more gracious part in a King, suppose I
say it, towards Subiects of a contrary Religion, then by making them to take this
Oath, to publish their honest fidelitie in temporal things to me their Soueraigne,
and thereby to wipe off that imputation and great slander which was laide
vpon the whole professours of that Religion, by the furious enterprise of these
Powder-men ?

And whereas for illustration of this strong argument of his, hee hath brought
in for a similitude the historic of lulian * the Apostata his dealing with the Chris-
tians, when as he straited them either to commit idolatrie, or to come within the
compasse of treason: I would wish the authour to remember, that although a
similitude may be permitted daudicare vno pede; yet this was a very ill chosen
similitude, which is lame both of feete and hands, and euery member of the body:
For I shall in fewe wordes prooue, that it agreeth in no one point saue one, with
our purpose, which is, that lulian was an Emperour, and I a King. First, lulian
was an Apostata, one that had renounced the whole Christian faith, which he had
once professed, and became an Ethnike againe, or rather an Atheist: whereas I
am a Christian, who neuer changed that Religion, that I dranke in with my
milke: nor euer, I thanke GOD, was ashamed of my profession. lulian dealt
against Christians onely for the profession of CHRISTES cause: I deale in this
cause with my Subiects, onely to make a distinction betweene trew Subiects, an
false-hearted traitours. lulians end was the ouerthrow of the Christians: my

i Nazianzen. in lulian. inuectiua prima.

98 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

onely end is, to maintaine Christianitie in a peaceable gouernement. lulians
drift was to make them commit Idolatrie : my purpose is, to cause my Subiects
to make open profession of their naturall Allegiance, and ciuill Obedience. lulians
meanes whereby he went about it, was by craft, and insnaring them before they
were aware: my course in this is plaine, cleare, and voyd of all obscuritie; neuer
refusing leaue to any that are required to take this Oath, to study it at leisure, and
giuing them all the interpretation of it they can craue. But the greatest dissimili-
tude of all, is in this: that Julian pressed them to commit idolatrie to Idoles and
Images: but as well I, as all the Subiects of my profession are so farre from guilt
in this point, as wee are counted heretiques by you, because we will not commit
idolatrie. So as in the maine point of all, is the greatest contrarietie. For, lulian
persecuted the Christians because they would not commit idolatrie; and ye count
me a persecutour, because I will not admit idolatrie. So as to conclude this point,
this old sentence may well be applied to Bellarmine, in vsing so vnapt a similitude,

Perdere quos wit lupiter, has dementat.

And therefore his vncharitable conclusion doeth not rightly follow: That it
seemeth -onto him, that some such thing should be subtilly or fraudulently included in
this Oath; as if no man can detest Treason against the King, or professe ciuill
subiection, except hee renounce the Primacie of the Apostolique Sea. But how
he hath suckt this apprehension out at his fingers ends, I cannot imagine: for
sure I am, as I haue oft said, hee neuer goeth about to prooue it: and to answere
an improbable imagination, is to fight against a vanishing shadow. It cannot be
denied indeed, that many seruants of CHRIST, as well Priests, as others, haue
endured constantly all sorts of torments, and death, for the profession of CHRIST:
and therefore to all such his examples, as hee bringeth in for verifying the same, I
need not to giue him any other answere, saue onely to remember him, that he
playeth the part of a sophister in all these his examples of the constancie of
Martyrs; euer taking Controuersum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the
same nature.

But yet that the Reader may the better discouer, not onely how vnaptly his
similitudes are applied, but likewise how dishonestly hee vseth himselfe in all his
citations: I haue thought good to set downe the very places themselues cited by
him, together with a short deduction of the trew state of those particular cases:
whereby, how little these examples can touch our case; nay, by the contrary,
how rightly their trew sense may bee vsed, as our owne weapons to be throwen
backe vpon him that alledgeth them, shall easily appeare. And first, for Eleazar : l
If the Arch-priest his ground of refusing the Oath, were as good as Eleazars was,
to forbeare to eate the swines flesh, it might not vnfitly be applied by the Cardinal
to this purpose : For as Eleazar was a principall Scribe, so is he a principall Priest :
As Eleazars example had a great force in it, to animate the yonger Scribes to

1 2. Maccab. chap. 6. ver.iS.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 99

keepe the Lawe, or in his colourable eating it, to haue taught them to dissemble:
so hath the Arch-priests, either to make the inferiour Priests to take the Oath,
or to refuse it: but the ground failing, the building cannot stand: For what
example is there in all the Scripture, in which disobedience to the Oath of the
King, or want of Allegiance is allowed ? If the Cardinall would remember, that
when the Church maketh a Lawe (suppose to forbid flesh on certaine dayes) he
that refuseth to obey it, incurreth the iust censure of the Church: If a man then
ought to die rather than to breake the least of Gods Ceremoniall Lawes, and to
pine and starue his body, rather then to violate the Church his positiue Law: will
he not giue leaue to a man to redeeme his soule from sinne, and to keepe his body
from punishment, by keeping a Kings politike Law, and by giuing good example
in his Person, raise vp a good opinion in me of like Allegiance in the inferiour of
his order ? This application, as I take it, would haue better fitted this example.

But let mee remember the Cardinall of another Oath * inioyned by a King to
his people, whereby he indangered his owne life, and hazarded the safetie of the
whole armie, when hee made the people sweare in the morning, not to taste of any
meate vntill night : which Oath he exacted so strictly, that his eldest sonne, and
heire apparant, Jonathan, for breaking of it, by tasting a little hony of the top of
his rodde, though he heard not when the King gaue that Oath, had well-nigh
died for it. And shall an Oath giuen vpon so vrgent an occasion as this was, for
the apparant safetie of me and my posteritie, forbidding my people to drinke so
deeply in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornications, but that they may keepe so
much hony in their hearts, as may argue them still espoused to me their Sou-
eraigne in the maine knot of trew Allegiance; shall this Law, I say, by him bee
condemned to hell for a stratageme of Sathan ? I say no more, but Gods lot in the
Oath of Sauls, and Bellarmines verdict vpon this Oath of ours, seeme not to be
cast out of one lap.

Now to this example of Basill? which is (as he sayth) so fit for his purpose:
First, I must obserue, that if the Cardinall would leaue a common and ordinarie
tricke of his in all his Citations, which is to take what makes for him, and leaue
out what makes against him; and cite the Authours sense, as well as his Sen-
tence, we should not be so much troubled with answering the Ancients which he
alledgeth. To instance it in this very place : if he had continued his allegation
one line further, hee should haue found this place out of Theodoret, of more force
to haue mooued Blackwell to take the Oath, then to haue disswaded him from it:
For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris quidem amicitiam magni se
pendere, cum pietate; qua remold, perniciosam esse dicer e. But that it may
appeare, whether of vs haue greatest right to this place, I will in few words shew
the Authours drift.

The Emperour Valens being an Arrian, at the perswasion of his wife, when he
had depriued all the Churches of their Pastours, came to Casarea, where 5. Basil 3

1 i. Sam. 14. 25. * Theodoret. lib. 4. cap. 19. ' Theodoret. lib. 4. cap. 19.

loo THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

was then Bishop, who, as the historic reporteth, was accounted the Light of the
world. Before hee came, hee sent his deputie * to worke it, that S. Basil should
hold fellowship with Eudoxius (which Eudoxlus 2 was bishop of Constantinople,
and the principal! of the Arrian faction) or if he would not, that hee should put
him to banishment. Now when the Emperours Deputie came to Casarea, he
sent for Basil, intreated him honourably, spake pleasingly vnto him, desired he
would giue way to the time, neither that he would hazard the good of so many
Churches tenui exquisitione dogmatis: promised him the Emperours fauour, and
himselfe to be mediatour for his good. But S. Basill answered, These intising
speeches were to fit to bee vsed to children, that i>se to gape after such things: but for
them that were throughly instructed in Gods word, they could neuer suffer any syl-
lable thereof to be corrupted: Nay, if need required, they would for the maintenance
thereof refuse no kind of death. Indeed the loue of the Emperour ought to bee greatly
esteemed with pietie; but pietie taken away, it was pernicious.

This is the trewth of the historic. Now compare the case of Basill with the
Arch-priests: Basill was sollicited to become an Arrian: the Arch-priest not once
touched for any article of faith. Basill would haue obeyed the Emperour, but
that the word of GOD forbade him : this man is willed to obey, because the word
of GOD commandeth him. Basill highly esteemed the Emperours fauour, if it
might haue stood with pietie: the Archi-priest is exhorted to reiect it, though it
stand with trew godlinesse in deed, to embrace it. But that he may lay load
vpon the Arch-priest, it is not sufficient to exhort him to courage and constancie
by Eleazarus and Basils examples; but he must be vtterly cast downe with the
comparing his fall to 5. Peter, and Marcellinus: which two mens cases were the
most fearefull, considering their persons and places, that are to be found, or read
of, either in all the bookes of diuine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiastical!
histories; the one denying the onely trew GOD, the other our Lord and Sauiour
IESVS CHRIST; the one sacrificing to Idoles, with the prophane heathen: the
other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hard-hearted lewes. Vnlesse the
Cardinal! would driue the Arch-priest to some horrour of conscience, and pit of
despaire, I know not what he can meane by this comparison: For sure I am, all
that are not intoxicated with their cup, cannot but wonder to heare of an Oath of
Allegiance to a natural! Soueraigne, to be likened to an Apostats denying of God,
and forswearing of his Sauiour.

But to let passe the Disdiapason of the cases (as his ill-fauoured coupling
S. Peter the head of their Church, with an apostate Pope) I marueile hee would
remember this example of Marcellinus,3 since his brother Cardinal! Baronius, and
the late Edition of the Councels by Binnius 4 seeme to call the credit of the whole
historic into question, saying, That it might plainely be refuted, and that it is prob-

1 Modestus as Nazianzen vpon the death of « Looke Platina in vita Marcellini.

Basill calleth him in his oration. * Concil. Tom. i. pag. 222. Looke Baronius,

* Looke cap. 12. eiusdem libri. Ann. 302. num. 96.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 101

ably to be shewed, that the story is but obreptious, but that he would not swarue from
the common receiued opinion.

And if a man might haue leaue to coniecture; so would his Cardinalship too,
if it were not for one or two sentences in that Councell l of Sinuessa, which serued
for his purpose; namely, that Prima sedes a nemine iudicatur: And, ludica
causam tuam: nostrd sententid non condemnaberis. But to what purpose a great
Councell (as he termes it) of three hundred. Bishops and others, should meete
together, who before they met, knew they could doe nothing: when they were
there, did nothing, but like Cuckowes, sing ouer and ouer the same song: that,
Prima sedes a nemine iudicatur; and so after three dayes sitting (a long time in-
deed for a great and graue Councell) brake so bluntly vp: and yet, that there
should be seuentie two witnesses brought against him, and that they should
subscribe his excommunication, and that at his owne mouth hee tooke the
Anathema maranatha: how these vntoward contradictions shall be made to agree,
I must send the Cardinal! to Venice, to Padre Paulo, who in his Apologie 2 against
the Cardinals oppositions, hath handled them very learnedly.

But from one Pope, let vs passe to another: (for, what a principall article of
Faith and Religion this Oath is, I haue alreadie sufficiently proued.) Why hee
called S. Gregory 3 our Apostle, I know not, vnlesse perhaps it be, for that hee
sent Augustine 4 the Monke and other with him into England, to conuert vs to
the faith of Christ, wherein I with the Popes his successours would follow his
patterne : For albeit hee sent them by diuine reuelation (as hee said) into England
vnto King Ethelbert; yet when they came, they exercised no part of their func-
tion, but by the Kings leaue and permission. So did King Lucius 8 send to
Eleutherius his predecessour, and hee sent him diuers Bishops, who were all
placed by the Kings authoritie. These conuerted men to the faith, and taught
them to obey the King. And if the Popes in these dayes would but insist in these
steppes of their fore-fathers; then would they not entertaine Princes fugitiues
abroad, nor send them home, not onely without my leaue, but directly against the
Lawes, with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion, to draw Subiects from their
obedience to me their naturall King: nor be so cruell to their owne Mancipia, as
returning them with these wares, put either a State in iealousie of them; or them
in hazard of their owne liues. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinall will haue
him so called) I perswade my selfe I should doe a good seruice to the Church in
this my labour, if I could but reape this one fruit of it, to moue the Cardinall to
deale faithfully with the Fathers, & neuer to alledge their opinions against their
own purpose : For, this letter of Gregorius 6 was written to lohn Bishop of Palermo
in Sicily, to whom he granted vsum pallij, to be worne in such times, and in such

1 See Tom. i. Concil. in Act. Concil. Sinuess. 4 Beda Ecclesi. Hist. gen.Ang. lib. i.

1 Apol. Pat. Paul, aduersus opposit. Card. cap. 25.

Bellar. * Beda Ecclesi. Hist. gen. Ang. lib. i.

' Greg. lib. u. cap. 42. cap. 4.

6 Greg. lib. n. cap. 42.

102 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

order as the Priests in the He of Sicily, and his predecessors were wont to vse: and
withall giueth him a caueat, That the reuerence to the Apostolike Sea, be not dis-
turbed by the presumption of any: for then the state of the members doeth remaine
sound, when the head of the Faith is not bruised by any iniury, and the authorise of
the Canons alwayes remaine safe and sound.

Now let vs examine the words. The Epistle was written to a Bishop, especially
to grant him the vse of the Pall; a ceremonie and matter indifferent. As it
appeareth, the Bishop of Rome tooke it well at his hands, that he would not per-
sume to take it vpon him without leaue from the Apostolike Sea, giuing him that
admonition which followeth in the wordes alledged out of him: which doctrine
we are so farre from impugning, that we altogether approoue and allow of the
same, that whatsoeuer ceremony for order is thought meet by the Christian
Magistrate, and the Church, the same ought inuiolably be to kept: and where
the head and gouernour in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of
that Church must needs run to hellish confusion: But that Gregory by that terme,
caputfidei, held himselfe the head of our faith, and the head of all religion, cannot
stand with the course of his doctrine and writings: For first, when an other
would haue had this stile to be called Vniuersalis Episcopus,1 hee said, I doe
confidently auouch, that ivhosoeuer called himselfe, or desireth to be called Vniuersall
Bishop, in this aduancing of himselfe, is the fore-runner of the Antichrist: 2 which
notwithstanding was a stile farre inferiour to that of Caput fidei. And when it
was offered to himselfe the wordes of S. Gregory 3 be these, refusing that Title:
None of my predecessours [Bishops of Rome,] euer consented to vse this prophane
name [of vniuerfall Bishop.] None of my predecessours euer tooke vpon him this
name of singulartie, neither consented to vse it, Wee the Bishops of Rome doe not
seeke, nor yet accept this glorious title, being offered mto vs. And now, I pray you,
would he that refused to be called Vniuersall Bishop, be stiled Caputfidei, vnlesse
it were in that sense, as I haue expressed ? which sense if he will not admit, giue
me leaue to say that of Gregorie, which himselfe sayeth of Lyra* Minus caute
locutus est: or which he elsewhere sayth of Chrysostome,6 Locutus est per excessum.
To redeeme therefore our Apostle out of his hands, and to let him remaine ours,
and not his in this case; it is very trew that he sayth in that sense he spake it.
When yee goe about to disturbe, diminish, or take away the authoritie or suprem-
acie of the Church, which resteth on the head of the King, within his dominions,
ye cut off the head and chiefe gouernour thereof, and disturbe the state and mem-
bers of the whole body. And for a conclusion of this point, I pray him to think,
that we are so well perswaded of the good minde of our Apostle S. Gregory to vs,
that wee desire no other thing to be suggested to the Pope and his Cardinals, then
our Apostle S. Gregory 6 desired Sabinian to suggest vnto the Emperour and the

1 lohn of Constantinople. See Greg. lib. 4. 4 Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 10.

Epist. 32. ' Idem. lib. 2. de Missa, cap. 10.

1 Lib. 6. Epist. 30. « Greg. lib. 7. Epist. i.
8 Greg. lib. 4. epist. 32. & 36.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 103

State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is, of which I would haue
you shortly to suggest to your most noble Lord and Master: That if I his seruant
would haue had my hand in slaying of the Lombards, at this day the Nation of the
Lombards had neither had King, nor Dukes, nor Earles, and had beene diuided
asunder in -utter confusion: but because I feare God, I dread to haue my hand in the
blood of any man.

And thus hauing answered to S. Gregory, I come to another Pope, his Apostle,
S. Leo. And that hee may see, I haue not in the former citations, quarelled him
like a Sophister for contention sake, but for finding out of the trewth, I doe grant,
that the authorities out of Leo,1 are rightly alledge"d all three, the wordes trewly
set downe, together with his trew intent and purpose: but withall, let me tell
him, and I appeale vnto his owne conscience, whether I speake not trewly, that
what Tullie said to Hortensius,2 when he did immoderately praise eloquence, that
hee would haue lift her vp to Heauen, that himself e might haue gone vp with her;
So his S. Leo lift vp S. Peter with praises to the skie, that he being his heire, might
haue gone vp with him: 3 For his S. Leo was a great Oratour, who by the power
of his eloquence redeemed Rome from fire, when both Attilas and Gensericus
would haue burnt it.4

Some fruites of this rhetoricke hee bestowed vpon S. Peter, saying, The Lord 5
did take Peter into the fellowship of the indiuisible imitie: which wordes being
coupled to the sentence alledged by the Cardinall (that he hath no part in the
diuine Mysterie, that dare depart from the soliditie of Peter) should haue giuen him,
I thinke, such a skarre, as hee should neuer haue dared to haue taken any ad-
uantage by the wordes immediatly preceding, for the benefite of the Church of
Rome, and the head thereof; since those which immediatly follow, are so much
derogatorie to the diuine Maiestie. And againe, My writings 6 be strengthened by
the authoritie and merit of my Lord, most blessed S. Peter. We beseech 1 you to keepe
the things decreed by vs through the inspiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed
S. Peter. // anything 8 be well done, or decreed by vs; If anything be obtained of Gods
mercy by daily prayers, it is to be ascribed to S. Peters workes and merits, whose
power doeth Hue, and authoritie excell in his owne Sea. Hee was so plentifully 9
watered of the very fountaine of all graces, that whereas he receiued many things alone,
yet nothing passeth ouer to any other, but hee was partaker of it. And in a word, hee
was so desirous to extoll Saint Peter, that a messenger from him was an embas-
sage™ from Saint Peter: any thing done in his presence?1 was in S. Peters presence.
Neither did he vse all this Rhetoricke without purpose: for at that time the
Patriarch of Constantinople contended with him for Primacie. And in the Coun-

1 Leo primus in die assump. suae ad Pont. * Epist. 89.

serm. 3; Leo Epist. 89. ad Episc. Vien. ' Epist. 52.

Idem ibid. ca. 2. 7 Epist. 89.

1 Cic. in Hort. 8 In serm. 2 in die anniuer. assum. suae.

3 For so hee calleth himselfe in serm. i. in • Serm. 3. in die anniuer. assump. suae.

die assum. 10 Epist. 24.

4 Ex breuiario Romano. " Epist. 4.

104 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

cell of Chalcedon^ the Bishops, sixe hundred and more, gaue equall authoritie to
the Patriarch of that Sea, and would not admit any Priuiledge to the Sea of
Rome aboue him; but went against him. And yet he that gaue so much to Peter,
tooke nothing from Ccesar; but gaue him both his Titles and due, giuing the
power of calling a Councell to the Emperour; as it may appeare by these one or
two places following of many. // it may please your godlinesse to vouchsafe at our
supplication to condiscend, that you will command a Councell of Bishops to be holden
within Italy?' And writing vnto the Bishop of Constantinople: Because the most
clement Emperour? carefull of the peace of the Church, will haue a Councell to be
holden; albeit it euidently appeare, the matter to be handled doeth in no case stand in
neede of a Councell. And againe, Albeit my occasions will not permit me to be
present vpon the day of the Councell of Bishops, which your godlinesse hath appointed*
So as by this it may well appeare, that hee that gaue so much to Peter, gaue also
to Ccesar his due and prerogatiue. But yet he playeth not faire play in this, that
euen in all these his wrong applied arguments and examples, hee produceth no
other witnesses, but the parties themselues ; bringing euer the Popes sentences for
approbation of their owne authoritie.

Now indeed for one word of his in the middest of his examples, I cannot but
greatly commend him; that is, that Martyrs ought to endure all sorts of tortures
and death, before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the Law of God.
Which lesson, if hee and all the rest of his owne profession would apply to them-
selues, then would not the Sacrament be administred sub vnd specie, directly con-
trary to Christs institution, the practise of the Apostles and of the whole Primitive
Church for many hundred yeeres: then would not the priuate Masses be in place
of the Lordes Supper: then would not the words of the Canon 6 of the Masse be
opposed to the words of S. Paul and S. Luke, as our Aduersarie himselfe con-
fesseth, and cannot reconcile them : nor then would not so many hundredths other
traditions of men be set vp in their Church, not onely as equall, but euen preferred
to the word of God. But sure in this point I feare I haue mistaken him: for I
thinke hee doeth not meane by his Diuina Dogmata, the word of the God of
heauen, but onely the Canons and Lawes of his Dominus Deus Papa: otherwise
all his Primacie of the Apostolike Sea would not be so much sticken vpon, hauing
so slender ground in the word of God.

And for the great feare he hath, that the suddennes of the apprehension, the
bitternesse of the persecution, the weaknesse of his aage, and other such in-
firmities might haue been the cause of the Arch-priests fall; in this, I haue
already sufficiently answered him; hauing declared, as the trewth is, and as the
said Blackwell himselfe will yet testifie, that he tooke this Oath freely of himselfe,
without any inducement thereunto, either Precibus or Minis.

1 Concil. Chalcedon. Act. 16. & Can. 28. 4 Epist. 17. Theodosio.

1 Epist. o- Theodosio. • Bellar. de sacra Eucharist, lib. 4. cap. 14.

• Epist. 16. Flau.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 105

But amongst all his citations, hee must not forget holy Sanderus and his
visibilis Monarchic, whose person and actions I did alreadie a little touch. And
surely who will with vnpartiall eyes reade his bookes, they may well thinke, that
hee hath deserued well of his English Romane-Church; but they can neuer
thinke, but that hee deserued very ill of his English Soueraigne and State : Wit-
nesse his owne books; whereout I haue made choice to set downe heere these
fewe sentences following, as flowers pickt out of so worthy a garland. Elizabeth 1
Queene of ENGLAND, doeth exercise the Priestly acte of teaching and preaching the
Gospel in ENGLAND, with no lesse authority than Christ himself e, or Moses euer did.
The supremacie of a woman* in Churchmatters is from no other, then from the Deuil.
And of all things in general! thus he speaketh, The King 3 that will not inthrall
himself e to the Popes authoritie, he ought not to be tolerated; but his Subiects ought to
giue all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoone as may be. A King
that is an Heretike* ought to be remooued from the Kingdome that hee holdeth ouer
Christians; and the Bishops ought to endeauour to set vp another, assoone as possibly
they can. Wee doe constantly affirme,5 that all Christian Kings are so farre vnder
Bishops and Priests in all matters appertaining to faith, that if they shall continue in a
fault against Christian Religion, after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that
cause they may and ought to be deposed by the Bishops from their temporall au-
thoritie they holde ouer Christians. Bishops 6 are set ouer temporall kingdomes, if
those kingdomes doe submit themselues to the faith of Christ. We doe iustly affirme,7
that all Secular power, whether Regall, or any other, is of men. The anoynting*
which is powred vpon the head of the King by the Priests, doeth declare that hee is in-
feriour to the Priest. It is altogether against the will of Christ,9 that Christian kings
should haue supremacie in the Church.

And whereas for the crowne and conclusion of all his examples, he reckoneth
his two English Martyrs, Moore and Roffensis, who died for that one most
weightie head of doctrine, as he alledgeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacie; I
must tell him, that he hath not been well informed in some materiall points, which
doe very neerely concerne his two said Martyrs: For it is cleare and apparantly
to be prooued by diuers Records, that they were both of them committed to the
Tower about a yeere before either of them was called in question vpon their Hues,
for the Popes Supremacie; And that partly for their backwardnesse in the point
of the establishment of the Kings succession, whereunto the whole Realme had
subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the
matter of the holy maide of Kent;10 hee being for his concealement of that false
prophets abuse, found guiltie of misprision of Treason. And as these were the
principal! causes of their imprisonment (the King resting secure of his Suprem-

Sand. de visib. Monar. lib. 6. cap. 4. * Ibidem.

Sand, de clau. Dauid. li. 6. c. i. ' Sand, de clau. Dauid. li. 5. c. 2.

Sand, de visib. Monar. lib. 2 cap. 4. 8 Ibidem.

Ibidem. ' Sand, de clau. Dauid. li. 5. c. 4.

Ibidem. 10 Called Elizabeth Barton. See the Act of Parliament.

106 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

acie, as the Realme stood then affected, but especially troubled for selling the
Crowne vpon the issue of his second mariage) so was it easily to be concerned, that
being thereupon discontented, their humours were thereby made apt to draw
them by degrees, to further opposition against the King and his authoritie, as
indeede it fell out: For in the tune of their being in prison, the Kings lawfull
authoritie in cases Ecclesiasticall being published and promulged, as well by a
generall decree of the Clergie in their Synode, as by an Acte of Parliament made
thereupon; they behaued themselues so peeuishly therein, as the olde coales of
the Kings anger being thereby raked vp of new, they were againe brought in
question; as well for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the Pope his
supremacy, as for the matter of the Kings mariage and succession, as by the con-
fession of one of themselues, euen Thomas Moore, is euident: For being con-
demned, he vsed these words at the barre before the Lords, Non ignore cur me
morti adiudicaueritis; videlicet ob id, quod nunquam wluerim assentiri in negotio
matrimonii Regis.1 That is, I am not ignorant why you haue adiudged mee to death:
to wit, for that I would neuer consent in the business of the new mariage of the King.
By which his owne confession it is plaine, that this great martyr himselfe tooke
the cause of his owne death, to be onely for his being refractary to the King in
this said matter of Marriage and Succession; which is but a very fleshly cause of
Martyrdome, as I conceiue.

And as for Rojfensis his fellow Martyr (who could haue bene content to haue
taken the Oath of the Kings Supremacie, with a certaine modification, which
Moore refused) as his imprisonment was neither onely, nor principally for the
cause of Supremacie, so died hee but a halting and a singular Martyr or witnesse
for that most weighty head of doctrine; the whole Church of England going at
that time, in one current and streame as it were against him in that Argument,
diuers of them being of farre greater reputation for learning and sound iudge-
ment, then euer he was. So as in this point we may well arme our selues with the
Cardinals owne reason, where he giueth amongst other notes of the trew Church,
Vniuersalitie for one, wee hauing the generall and Catholique conclusion of the
whole Church of England, on our side in this case, as appeareth by their booke set
out by the whole Conuocation of England, called, The Institution of a Christian
man; the same matter being likewise very learnedly handled by diuers particular
learned men of our Church, as by Steuen Gardiner in his booke De vera obedientia,
with a Preface of Bishop Boners adioyning to it, De summo 6* absoluto Regis
Imperio, published by M. Bekinsaw, De vera differentia Regia Potestatis &
Ecclesiastics, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop Longlands Sermon, the letter of
Tonstall to Cardinall Poole, and diuers other both in English and Latine. And
if the bitternesse of Fishers discontentment had not bene fed with his dayly am-
bitious expectation of the Cardinals hat, which came so neere as Calis before he
lost his head to fill it with, I haue great reason to doubt, if he would haue con-

1 Histor. aliquot Martyrum nostri seculi, Anno 1550.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 107

stanly perseuered in induring his Martyrdome for that one most warghty head of
doctrine.

And surely these two Captaines and ringleaders to Martyrdome were but ill
followed by the rest of their countreymen: for I can neuer reade of any after
them, being of any great accompt, and that not many, that euer sealed that
weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the trew causes of
their first falling in trouble (whereof I haue already made mention) being rightly
considered vpon the one part, and vpon the other the scant number of witnesses,
that with their blood sealed it (a point so greatly accompted of by our Cardinal)
there can but smal glory redound thereby to our English nation, these onely two
Enoch and Elias, seruing for witnesses against our Antichristian doctrine.

And I am sure the Supremacie of Kings may, & wil euer be better maintained
by the word of God (which must euer be the trew rule to discerne all waighty
heads of doctrine by) to be the trew and proper office of Christian Kings in their
owne dominions, then he will be euer able to maintaine his annihilating Kings,
and their authorities, together with his base and vnreuerend speaches of them,
wherewith both his former great Volumes, and his late Bookes against Venice
are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were directly1 Gouernours over the
Church within their Dominions,2 purged their corruptions ; reformed their abuses,
brought the Arke 3 to her resting place, the King 4 dancing before it; 5 built the
Temple ; 6 dedicated the same, assisting in their owne persons to the sanctification
thereof; made the Booke of the Law7 new-found, to bee read to the people;8
renewed the Couenant between God and his people; 9 bruised the brasen serpent
in pieces, which was set vp by the expresse commandement of God, and was a
figure of Christ; destroyed all Idoles,10 and false gods; made a publike reforma-
tion,11 by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that purpose; de-
posed the high Priest,12 and set vp another in his place : and generally, ordered
euery thing belonging to the Church-gouernment, their Titles and Prerogatiues
giuen them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the Sonnes13
of the most High, nay, Gods14 themselues; The Lords15 anoynted, Sitting in Gods16
throne; His seruants;1"1 The Angels18 of God; According to his hearts desire;19 The
light of Israel;20 The nursing fathers of the Church,21 with innumerable such stiles of
honour, wherwith the old Testament is filled; whereof our aduersary can pretend
no ignorance. And as to the new Testament, Euery soule is commanded to be
subiect -unto them, euen for conscience sake.22 All men23 must be prayed for; but
especially Kings, and those that are in Authoritie, that -under them we may leade a
godly, peaceable and an honest life.

1. Chron. 19. 4. • 2. King. 18. 4. " 2. Chro. 6. 15.

2. Sam. 5. 6. 10 i.King.i5.i2; 2.King.i3.4. w 2. Sam. 14. 20.

1. Chron. 13. 12. « 2. Chron. 17. 8. li i. Sam. 13. 14.

2. Sam. 6. 16. " i. King. 2. 27. M 2. Sam. 21. 17.

1. Chron. 28. 6. u 2. Sam. 7. 14. ll Isa. 49. 23.

2. Chron. 6. " Psal. 82. 6. & exod. 22. 8. " Rom. 13. 5.
2. King. 22. ii. » i. Sam. 24. n. M i. Tim. 2. 2.
Nehe. 9. 38. Dauid. Salomon. " i. Chro. 9. 8.

108 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

The Magistrate l is the minister of God, to doe vengeance on him that doeth euill,
and reward him that doeth well. Ye must obey all higher powers, but especially
Princes,2 and those that are supereminent. due euery man his due, feare 3 to whom
feare belongeth, and honour to whome honour, due -onto Casar 4 what is Ccesars,
and to God what is Gods.6 Regnum meum non est huius mundi.6 Quis me constituit
ludicem super vos ? 7 Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. If
these examples, sentences, titles, and prerogatives, and innumerable other in the
Old and New Testament doe not warrant Christian Kings, within their owne
dominions, to gouerne their Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being
Custodes vtriusque Tabulce, not by making new Articles of Faith, (which is the
Popes office, as I said before) but by commanding obedience to be giuen to the
word of God, by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will, by
assisting the spirituall power with the temporall sword, by reforming of corrup-
tions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by iudging, and cutting off all
friuolous questions and schismes, as Constantine& did; and finally, by making
decorum to be obserued in euery thing, and establishing orders to bee obserued in
all indifferent things for that purpose, which is the onely intent of our Oath of Su-
premacie : If this Office of a King, I say, doe not agree with the power giuen him
by Gods word, let any indifferent man voyd of passion, iudge. But how these
honourable offices, styles, and prerogatiues giuen by God to Kings in the Old and
New Testament, as I haue now cited, can agree with the braue styles and titles
that Bellarmine giueth them, I can hardly conceiue.

That Kings are rather slaues then Lords?

That they are not onely subiects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but euen to
Deacons.10

That an Emperour must content himself e to drinke, not onely after a Bishop, but
after a Bishops Chaplen.11

That Kings haue not their Authoritie nor Office immediatly from God, nor his
Law, but onely from the Laws of Nations.12

That Popes haue degraded many Emperours, but neuer Emperour degraded the
Pope; nay, euen Bishops,13 that are but the Popes vassals, may depose Kings, and
abrogate their lowest

That Church-men are so farre aboue Kings, as the soule is aboue the body.16

That Kings may be deposed by their people, for diuers respects.16

But Popes can by no meanes be deposed. -for no flesh hath power to iudge of them.17

That obedience due to the Pope, is for conscience sake.18

But the obedience due to Kings, is onely for certaine respects of order and politic.1*

Rom. 13. 4. 8 Euseb. lib. 3. de vita Constantini. " De Pont. lib. 3. cap. 6.

i. Pet. 2. 13. • De laicis cap. 7. 16 De laicis cap. 8.

Rom. 13. 7. w De Pont. li. i. cap. 7. " De Pont. li. 5. cap. 18.

Mat. 22. 21. " Ibidem. " De Pon. lib. 2. cap. 26.

lohn 18. 36. » Ibid. & de Cler. cap. 28. 18 De Pont. lib. 4. cap. 15.

Luk. 12. 14. " De Rom. Pontif. lib. 5. cap. 8. a De Clericis, cap. 28.
Luk. 22. 25.

AN APOLOGIE FOR OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 109

That these very Church-men that are borne, and inhabite in Soueraigne Princes
countreys, are notwithstanding not their Subiects, and cannot bee iudged by them,
although they may iudge them.1

And, that the obedience that Church-men giue to Princes, euen in the meanest
and meere temporall things, is not by way of any necessarie subiection, but onely out of
discretion, and for obseruation of good order and custome?

These contrarieties betweene the Booke of God, and Bellarmines bookes,
haue I heere set in opposition each to other, Vt ex contrariis iuxta se positis,
veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus farre I dare boldly affirme, that who-
soeuer will indifferently weigh these irreconciliable contraditions here set downe,
will easily confesse, that CHRIST is no more contrarie to Belial, light to darknesse,
and heauen to hell, then Bellarmines estimation of Kings, is to Gods.

Now as to the conclusion of his letter, which is onely filled with strong and
pithie exhortations, to perswade and confirme Blackwell to the patient and con-
stant induring of martyrdome, I haue nothing to answere, saue by way of regrate;
that so many good sentences drawen out of the Scripture, so well and so hand-
somely packed vp together, should be so ill and vntrewly applied: But an euill
cause is neuer the better for so good a cloake; and an ill matter neuer amended by
good wordes : And therefore I may iustly turne ouer that craft of the diuell vpon
himselfe, in vsing so holy-like an exhortation to so euill a purpose. Onely I could
haue wished him, that hee had a little better obserued his decorum herein, in not
letting slippe two or three prophane words amongst so many godly mortified
Scripture sentences. For in all the Scripture, especially in the New Testament, I
neuer read of Pontifex Maximus. And the Pope must be content in that style to
succeed according to the Law and institution of Numa Pompilius, and not to
S. Peter, who neuer heard not dreamed of such an Office.

And for his Caput fidei, which I remembred before, the Apostles (I am sure)
neuer gaue that style to any, but to CHRIST : So as these styles, whereof some were
neuer found in Scripture, and some were neuer applyed but to CHRIST in that
sense, as hee applieth it, had beene better to haue beene left out of so holy and
mortified a letter.

To conclude then this present Discourse, I heartily with all indifferent readers
of the Breues and Letter, not to iudge by the speciousnesse of the wordes, but by
the weight of the matter; not looking to that which is strongly alledged, but
iudiciously to consider what is iustly prooued: And for all my owne good and
naturall Subiects, that their hearts may remaine established in the trewth; that
these forraine inticements may not seduce them from their natall and naturall
duetie; and that all aswell strangers, as naturall subiects, to whose eyes this Dis-
course shall come, may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the Veritie, as it is nakedly
here set downe, for clearing these mists and cloudes of calumnies, which were
iniustly heaped vpon me; for which end onely I heartily pray the courteous
Reader to be perswaded, that I tooke occasion to publish this Discourse.

1 Ibidem. « Ibidem.

A PREMONITION TO ALL MOST MIGHTIE MONARCHES,

KINGS, FREE PRINCES, AND STATES OF

CHRISTENDOME.

TO THE MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE PRINCE, RODOLPHE THE II. BY
GODS CLEMENCIE ELECT EMPEROUR OF THE ROMANES;

KING OF GERMANIE, HVNGARIE, BOHEME, DALMATIE, CROATIE, SCLA-
VONIE, &c.

ARCH-DUKE OF AVSTRIA, DUKE OF BVRGVNDIE, STIRIA, CARINTHIA, CAR-
NIOLA, AND WIRTEMBERG, &c. EARLE OF TYROLIS, &c.

AND TO ALL OTHER RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE KINGS; AND RIGHT EX-
CELLENT FREE PRINCES AND STATES OF CHRISTENDOME; OUR LOUING
BRETHREN, COSINS, ALLIES, CONFEDERATES AND FRIENDS:

IAMES BY THE GRACE OF GOD, KING or GREAT BRITAINE, FRANCE AND IRELAND; PRO-
FESSOTJR, MAINTAINER AND DEFENDER OF THE TREW, CHRISTIAN, CATHOLIQUE AND
APOSTOLIQUE FAITH, PROFESSED BY THE ANCIENT AND PRIMITIUE CHVRCH, AND SEALED
WITH THE BLOOD OF SO MANY HOLY BlSHOPS, AND OTHER FAITHFULL CROWNED WITH THE
GLORY OF MARTYRDOME; WISHETH EUERLASTING FELICITIE IN CHRIST OTTR SAVIOVR.

To You MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE EMPEROVR; RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE
KINGS; RIGHT EXCELLENT FREE PRINCES AND STATES, MY LOVING BRETH-
REN AND COSINS:

TO you, I say, as of right belongeth, doe I consecrate and direct this Warn-
ing of mine, or rather Preamble to my reprinted Apologie for the Oath of
Allegiance: For the cause is generall,and concerneth the Authoritie and priuiledge
of Kings in generall, and all supereminent Temporall powers. And if in what-
soeuer Societie, or Corporation of men, either in Corporations of Cities, or in the
Corporation of any mechanicke craft or handle- worke, euery man is carefull to
maintaine the priuiledges of that Societie whereunto he is sworne; nay, they will
rather cluster all in one, making it a common cause, exposing themselues to all
sorts of perill, then suffer the least breach in their Liberties; If those of the baser
sort of people, I say, be so curious and zealous for the preseruation of their com-
mon priuiledges and liberties, as if the meanest amongst them be touched in any
such point, they thinke it concerneth them all : Then what should wee doe in such
a case, whom GOD hath placed in the highest thrones vpon earth, made his
Lieutenants and Vice-gerents, and euen seated vs vpon his owne Throne to exe-
cute his ludgements ? The consideration hereof hath now mooued mee to expone
a Case vnto you, which doeth not so neerely touch mee in my particular, as it
doeth open a breach against our Authoritie, (I speak in the plurall of all Kings)
and priuiledge in generall. And since not onely all rankes and sorts of people in

no

A PREMONITION III

all Nations doe inuiolably obserue this Maxime, but euen the Ciuil Law, by which
the greatest part of Christendome is gouerned, doeth giue them an interest, qui
fouent consimilem causam; How much more then haue yee interest in this cause,
not beeing similis or par causa to yours, but eadem with yours ? and indeed yee
aUfouetis, or at least fouere debetis eandem causam mecum. And since this cause is
common to vs all; both the Ciuill Lawes, and the municipal! Lawes of all Nations,
permit and warne them, that haue a common interest, to concurre in one for the
defence of their common cause; yea, common sense teacheth vs with the Poet,

Ecquid

Ad te post paulo ventura pencula sentis ?

Nam tua res agilur paries cum proximus ardet.

Awake then while it is time, and suffer not, by your longer sleepe, the strings
of your Authoritie to be cut in singulis, and one and one to your generall ruine,
which by your vnited forces, would rather make a strong rope for the enemie to
hang himself e in, with Achitophel, then that hee should euer bee able to breake it.
As for this Apologie of mine, it is trew, that I thought good to set it first with-
out putting my name vnto it; but neuer so, as I thought to denie it, remembring
well mine owne words, but taken out of the Scripture, in the beginning of the
Preface to the Reader, in my BASIAIKON AflPON, that nothing is so hid, which
shall not bee opened, etc.: promising there, which with GOD his grace I shall euer
performe, neuer to doe that in secret, which I shall need to be ashamed of, when
it shall come to be proclaimed in publique.

In deed I though it fit, for two respects, that this my Apologie should first
visite the world without hauing my name written in the forehead thereof. First
because of the matter, and next of the persons that I medled with. The matter,
it being a Treatise, which I was to write, conteining reasons and discourses in
Diuinitie, for the defence of the Oath of Allegiance, and refutation of the con-
demners thereof; I thought it not comely for one of my place, to put my name to
bookes concerning Scholasticke Disputations; whose calling is to set forth
Decrees in the Imperatiue mood: for I thinke my selfe as good a man as the Pope,
by his reuerence, for whom these my Answerers make the like excuse; for that his
Breues are so summary without yeelding any reason vnto them. My next reason
was the respect of the persons whom with I medled: Wherein, although I shortly
answered the Popes Breues; yet the point I most laboured, being the refutation
of Bellarmines Letter, I was neuer the man, I confesse, that could thinke a
Cardinall a meet match for a King: especially, hauing many hundreth thousands
of my subiects of as good birth as hee. As for his Church dignitie, his Cardinal-
ship I meane, I know not how to ranke or value it, either by the warrant of God
his word, or by the ordinance of Emperours or Kings; it being indeed onely a new
Papall erection, tolerated by the sleeping conniuence of our Predecessours (I
meane still by the plural! of Kings.) But notwithstanding of this my forbearing
to put my name vnto it, some Embassadours of some of you (my louing Brethren

112 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

and Cousins) whome this cause did neereliest concerne, can witnesse, that I made
Presents of some of those bookes, at their first printing, vnto them, and that
auowedly in my owne name. As also the English Paragraphist, or rather peruerse
Pamphleter Parsons, since all his description must runne vpon a P. hath trewly
obserued, that my Armes are affixed in the frontispice thereof, which vseth not
to bee in bookes of other mens doing; whereby his malice in pretending his
ignorance, that hee might pay mee the soundlier, is the more inexcusable. But
now that I finde my sparing to put my name vnto it hath not procured my spar-
ing by these answerers, who haue neither spared my Person directly in naming
me, nor indirectly by railing vpon the Author of the Booke: it is now high time
for me no longer to conceale not disauow my selfe, as if I were ashamed of my
owne deed. And therefore that ye may the better vnderstand the nature of the
cause, I will begin at the first ground thereof.

The neuer enough wondered at and abhorred POWDER-TREASON (though the
repetition thereof grieueth, I know, the gentle hearted lesuite Parsons) this Trea-
son, I say, being not onely intended against mee and my Posteritie, but euen
against the whole house of Parliament, plotted onely by Papists, and they onely
led thereto by a preposterous zeale for the aduancement of their Religion; some
of them continuing so obstinate, that euen at their death they would not acknowl-
edge their fault; but in their last words, immediatly before the expiring of their
breath, refused to condemne themselues and craue pardon for their deed, except
the Romish Church should first condemne it; And soone after, it being discouered,
that a great number of my Popish Subiects of all rankes and sexes, both men and
women, as well within as without the Countrey; had a confused notion and an
obscure knowledge, that some great thing was to bee done in that Parliament for
the weale of the Church; although, for secrecies cause, they were not acquainted
with the particulars; certaine formes of prayer hauing likewise beene set downe
and vsed for the good successe of that great errand; adding heereunto, that diuers
times, and from diuers Priests, the Archtraitours themselues receiued the Sacra-
ment for confirmation of their heart, and obseruation of secrecie; Some of the
principall lesuites likewise being found guiltie of the foreknowledge of the Trea-
son itselfe; of which number some fled from their triall, others were apprehended
(as holy Garnet himselfe and Owldcorne were) and iustly executed vpon their
owne plaine confession of their guilt : If this Treason now, clad with these cir-
cumstances, did not minister a iust occasion to that Parliament house, whome
they thought to haue destroyed, courageously and zealously at their next sitting
downe, to vse all meanes of triall, whether any more of that minde were yet left
in the Countrey; I leaue it to you to iudge, whom God hath appointed his highest
Depute Judges vpon earth: And amongst other things for this purpose, This Oath
of Allegiance, so vniustly impugned, was then deuised and enacted. And in case
any sharper Lawes were then made against the Papists, that were not obedient
to the former Lawes of the Countrey; if ye will consider the Time, Place and

A PREMONITION 113

Persons, it will be thought no wonder, seeing that occasion did so iustly exasperate
them to make seuerer Lawes, then otherwise they would haue done. The Time,
I say, being the very next sitting downe of the Parliament, after the discouerie of
that abominable Treason: the Place being the same, where they should all haue
bene blowne vp, and so bringing it freshly to their memorie againe: the Persons
being the very Parliament men whom they thought to haue destroyed. And yet
so farre hath both my heart and gouernment bene from any bitternes, as almost
neuer one of those sharpe additions to the former Lawes haue euer yet bene put in
execution.

And that ye may yet know further, for the more conuincing these Libellers
of wilfull malice, who impudently amrme, That this Oath of Allegiance was
deuised for deceiuing and intrapping of Papists in points of Conscience; The
trewth is, that the Lower house of Parliament at the first framing of this Oath,
made it to containe, That the Pope had no power to excommunicate me; which
I caused them to reforme, onely making it to conclude, That no excommunication
of the Popes, can warrant my Subiects to practise against my Person or State;
denying the deposition of Kings to be in the Popes lawfull power; as indeed I take
any such temporall violence, to be farre without the limits of such a Spirituall
censure as Excommunication is. So carefull was I that nothing should be con-
tained in this Oath, except the profession of natural Allegiance, and ciuil and
temporall obedience, with a promise to resist to all contrary vnciuill violence.

This Oath now grounded vpon so great and iust an occasion, set forth in so
reasonable termes, and ordained onely for making of a trew distinction betweene
Papists of quiet disposition, and in all other things good subiects, and such other
Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maximes, that the
Powder-Traitours did: This Oath, I say, being published and put in practise,
bred such euill blood in the Popes head and his Cleargie, as Breue after Breue
commeth forth, vt vndam vnda sequitur; prohibiting all Catholikes from taking the
same, as a thing cleane contrary to the Catholike faith; and that the taking
thereof cannot stand with the saluation of their soules.

There commeth likewise a letter of Cardinall Bettarmines to Blackwell to the
same purpose; but discoursing more at length vpon the said Oath. Whereupon,
after I had entred in consideration of their vniust impugning that so iust and law-
full an Oath; and fearing that by their vntrew calumnies and Sophistrie the
hearts of a number of the most simple and ignorant of my people should bee
misse-led, vnder that faire and deceitfull cloake of Conscience; I thought good to
set foorth an Apologie for the said Oath : wherein I prooued, that as this Oath con-
tained nothing but matter of ciuill and temporall Obedience, due by Subiects to
their Soueraigne Prince; so this quarrelling therewith was nothing but a late
usurpation of Popes (against the warrant of all Scriptures, ancient Councels and
Fathers) vpon the Temporall power of Kings, wherewith onely my Apologie doeth
meddle. But the publishing of this Booke of mine hath brought such two An-

1I4 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

swerers, or rather Railer vpon mee, as all the world may wonder at : For my Booke
being first written in English, an English Oath being the subiect thereof, and the
vse of it properly belonging to my Subiects of England; and immediately there-
after being translated into Latine, vpon a desire that some had of further publish-
ing it abroad; it commeth home to mee now answered in both the Languages.
And, I thinke, if it had bene set foorth in all the tongues that were at the con-
fusion of Babel, it would haue bene returned answered in them all againe. Thus
may a man see how busie a Bishop the Diuell is, and how hee omitteth no diligence
for venting of his poysoned wares. But herein their malice doeth clearly appeare,
that they pay mee so quickly with a double answere; and yet haue neuer answered
their owne Arch-priest, who hath written a booke for the maintenance of the
same Oath, and of the temporall authoritie of Kings, alledging a cloud of their
Scholemen against them.

As for the English Answere, my vnnaturall and fugitiue Subiect, I will neither
defile my pen, nor your sacred eyes or eares with the describing of him, who
ashames, nay, abhorres not to raile, nay, to rage and spew foorth blasphemies
against the late Queene of famous memory. A Subiect to raile against his naturall
Soueraigne by birth; A man to raile against a Lady by sexe; A holy man (in
outward profession) to insult vpon the dead; nay to take Radamanthus office
ouer his head, and to sit downe and play the Judge in hell; And all his quarrell is,
that either her Successour, or any of her seruants should speake honourably of her.
Cursed be he that curseth the Anointed of God: and destroyed mought he be with
the destruction of Korah, that hath sinned in the contradiction of Korah. Without
mought such dogs and swine be cast forth, I say, out of the Spirituall Jerusalem.

As for my Latine Answere, I haue nothing to say to his person; hee is not my
Subiect; hee standeth or falleth vnto his owne Lord: But sure I am, they two
haue casten lotts vpon my Booke, since they could not diuide it : the one of them,
my fugitiue, to raile vpon my late Predecessour, (but a rope is the fittest answere
for such an Historian;) the other, a stranger, thinketh he may be boldest both to
pay my person and my Booke, as indeed he doeth; which how iustly either in
matter or maner, wee are now to examine.

But first, who should be the trew Authour of this booke, I can but guesse. Hee
calleth himselfe Mattheus Tortus, Cardinal! Bellarmins Chaplaine. A throwne 1
Euangelist indeed, full of throward Diuinitie; an obscure Authour, vtterly vn-
known to mee, being yet little knowne to the world for any other of his workes:
and therefore must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his apprentisage, not
onely to refute, but to raile vpon a King. But who will consider the carriage of the
whole booke, shall finde that hee writeth with such authoritie, or at the least tarn
elato stylo, so little sparing either Kings in generall, or my person in particular;
and with such a greatnesse, Habemus 2 enim exemplaria Breuium illorum in ma-
nibus, and Decernimus: 3 as it shall appeare, or at least bee very probable, that it

1 Being a proper word to expresse the trew meaning of Tortus. ' P. 46. ' P. 63.

A PREMONITION 115

is the Masters, and not the mans labour; especially in one place, where he
quarrelleth mee for casting vp his moralis certitudo and pie credi vnto him; hee
there grossely forgetting himselfe, faith, mala fide nobiscum agit,1 thereby making
this Authour to be one person with Bellarmine. But let it bee the worke of a
Tortus indeed, and not of a personated Cardinall; yet must it bee the Cardinals
deed, since Master Tortus is the Cardinals man, and doeth it in his Masters
defence. The errand then being the Cardinals, and done by his-owne man, it
cannot but bee accounted as his owne deed; especially since the English Answerer
doeth foure tunes promise, that Bellarmine, or one by his appointment, shall
sufficiently answere it.

And now to come to his matter and maner of Answere: Surely if there were
no more but his vnmanerly maner, it is enough to disgrace the whole matter
thereof. For first, to shew his pride, in his Printers preface of the Politan edition
of this elegans libellus, hee must equall the Cardinals greatnesse with mine in
euery thing. For through hee confesseth this Master Tortus to bee an obscure
man; yet being the Cardinals Chapleine, he is sufficient enough forsooth to an-
swere an English booke, that lacketh the name of an Authour; as if a personated
obscure name for Authour of a Cardinals booke, were a meete match for answering
a KINGS Booke, that lacketh the name of an Authour; and a Cardinals Chapleine
to meete with the Deane of the Kings Chappell, whom Parsons with the Cardinall,
haue (as it seemeth) agreed vpon to intitle to bee the Authour of my Apologie.
And not onely in the Preface, but also through the whole booke doeth hee keepe
this comparatiue greatnesse. Hee must bee as short in his answere, as I am in my
Booke, hee must refute all that I haue said against the Popes second Breue, with
equall breauitie, and vpon one page almost, as I haue done mine : and because I
haue set downe the substance of the Oath in foureteene Articles; in iust as many
Articles must he set downe that Acte of Parliament of mine, wherein the Oath is
contained: And yet, had hee contented himselfe with his owne pride, by the
demonstration of his owne greatnesse, without further wronging of mee, it had
bene the more tollerable. But what cause gaue I him to farce his whole booke
with iniuries, both against my Person and Booke ? For whereas in all my
Apologie I haue neuer giuen him a foule word, and especially neuer gaue him the
Lye : hee by the contrary giueth mee nine times the Lye in expresse termes, and
seuen times chargeth mee with falsehood, which phrase is equiualent with a Lye.
And as for all other wordes of reproch, as nugce, conuitia, temeritas, vanitas,
impudentia, blasphemies sermonis barbaries, cum eadem f felicitate scribendi, cauil-
lationes, applicatio inepta, fingere historias, audacia qua in hominem sance mentis
cadere non potest, vel sensu communi caret, imperitia &• leuitas, omnem omnino
pudorem &• conscientiam exuisse, mala fide nobiscum agit, vt lectoribus per fas 6*
nefas imponat: of such like reproches, I say, I doubt if there bee a page in all his
Booke free, except where hee idlely sets downe the Popes Breues, and his owne

1 Pag. 69.

Il6 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Letter . And in case this might onely seeme to touch the vnknowen Authour of the
Booke, whome notwithstanding he knew well enough, as I shew before; hee
spareth not my Person with my owne name: sometimes saying, that Pope
Clement thought mee to bee Inclined to their Religion:1 Sometimes, that I was a
Puritane in Scotland, and a persecutour of Protestants?' In one place hee con-
cludeth, Quia lacobus non est Catholicus, hoc ipso Hareticus est.3 In another place,
Ex Christiana Caluinistam fecerunt* In another place hee sayeth, Neque omnino
verum est, lacobum nunquam deseruisse Religionem quam primb susceperat.6 And
in another place, after that hee hath compared and ranked mee with lulian the
Apostate, hee concludeth, Cum Catholicus not sit, neque Christianus est.6 If this
now bee mannerly dealing with a King, I leaue it to you to iudge, who cannot but
resent such indignities done to one of your qualitie.

And as for the Matter of his Booke, it well fittes indeede the Manner thereof:
for hee neuer answereth directly to the maine question in my Booke. For whereas
my Apologie handleth onely two points, as I told you before; One, to prooue that
the Oath of Allegiance doeth onely meddle with the ciuill and temporall Obedience,
due by Subiects to their naturall Soueraignes: The other, that this late vsurpa-
tion of Popes ouer the temporall power of Princes, is against the rule of all Scrip-
tures, auncient Councels and Fathers: hee neuer improoues the first, but by a
false inference; that the Oath denyeth the Popes power of Excommunication
directly, since it denieth his authoritie in deposing of Kings. And for the second
point, he bringeth no proofe to the contrary, but, Pasce ones meas: and, Tibi dabo
claues regni Ccdorum: and, That no Catholike euer doubted of it. So as I may
trewly say of him, that hee either vnderstandeth not, or at least will not seeme to
vnderstand my Booke, in neuer directly answering the maine question, as I haue
alreadie saide; and so may I iustly turne ouer vpon himself e that doome of ig-
norance, which in the beginning of his Booke hee rashly pronounceth vpon mee;
saying, that I neither vnderstand the Popes Breues, his Letter, nor the Oath it
selfe : And as hee delighteth to repeate ouer and ouer, I know not how oft, and
triumpheth in this wrong inference of his; That to deny the Popes power to de-
pose Kings, is to denie the Popes Primacie, and his spiritual! power of Excom-
munication: So doeth hee, vpon that ground of Pasce ones meas, giue the Pope
so ample a power ouer Kings, to throne or dethrone them at his pleasure (and yet
onely subiecting Christian Kings to that slauerie) as I doubt not but in your
owne Honours yee will resent you of such indignities; the rather since it concernes
so many of you as professe the Romish religion, farre more then me: For since he
accounteth me an heretike, and like lulian the Apostate; I am consequently
extra caulam, and none of the Popes flocke, and so am in the case of Ethnicke
Princes, ouer whom he confesseth the Pope hath no power. But yee are in the
Popes folde; and you, that great Pastour may leade as sheepe to the slaughter,

1 Pag. 47. » Pag. 87 « Ibid.

1 Pag. 98. « Pag. 98. « Pag. 97.

A PREMONITION 117

when it shall please him. And as the Asses eares must be homes, if the Lion list
so to interprete it; so must yee be remooued as scabbed sheepe from the flocke,
if so the Pope thinke you to be, though your skinne be indeed neuer so sound.

Thus hath he set such a new goodly interpretation vpon the wordes of CHRIST,
Pasce oues meas, as if it were as much to say, as, depose Christian Kings; and that
Quodcunque solueris gaue the Pope power to dispense with all sorts of Oathes,
Vowes, Penalties, Censures and Lawes, euen with the naturall obedience of
Subiects to their Souereigne Lords; much like to that new coyned glosse that his
brother Baronius J made vpon the wordes in Saint Peters vision, Surge Petre,
occide &° manduca; That is (said he to the Pope) Goe kill and confound the
Venetians.

And because I haue in my Booke (by citing a place in his controuersies) dis-
couered him to be a small friend to Kings, he is much commoued: For whereas
in his said Controuersies, speaking de Clericis,2 he is so bolde as to affirme, that
Church-men are exempted from the power of earthly Kings; and that they ought
them no subiection euen in temporall matters, but onely w rationis and in their
owne discretion, for the preseruation of peace and good order; because, I say,
citing this place of his in my Booke, I tell with admiration, that hee freeth all
Church-men from any subiection to Kings, euen those that are their borne Sub-
iects: hee is angry with this phrase, and sayth it is an addition for breeding enuie
vnto him, and raising of hatred against him: For, sayth hee, although Bellar-
mine affirmed generally, that Church-men were not subiect to earthly Kings;
yet did hee not insert that particular clause [though they were borne and dwelling in
their Dominions] as if the words of Church-men and earthly Kings in generall
imported not as much: for Layickes as well as Church-men are subiect to none
but to their naturall Soueraigne: And yet doeth hee not sticke to confesse, that
he meant it, though it was not fit (he sayth) to be expressed.

And thus quarrels hee me for reuealing his Printed secret. But whose hatred
did hee feare in this ? was it not yours ? Who haue interest, but KINGS, in with-
drawing of due subiection from KINGS ? And when the greatest Monarches
amongst you will remember, that almost the third part of your Subiects and of
your Territories, is Church-men, and Church-liuings ; I hope, yee will then con-
sider and weigh, what a feather hee pulles out of your wings, when hee denudeth
you of so many Subiects and their possessions, in the Popes fauour: nay, what
briars and thornes are left within the heart of your dominions, when so populous
and potent a partie shall haue their birth, education and lieulihood in your
Countries, and yet owe you no subiection, nor acknowledge you for their Sov-
ERAIGNES ? So as where the Church-men of old were content with their tythe
of euery mans goods; the Pope now will haue little lesse then the third part of
euery Kings Subiects and Dominions. And as in this place, so throughout all the

1 Senten. Card. Baron, super excom. Venet.
1 Lib. de Cler. cap. 28.

Ii8 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

rest of his booke, bee doeth nothing but amplifie the Popes power ouer Kings, and
exaggerate my vnreasonable rigour for pressing this Oath; which hee will needs
haue to bee nothing but a renewed Oath of Supremacie in more subtill and craftie
termes, onely to robbe the Pope of his Primacie and spirituall power; making his
temporall power and authoritie ouer Princes, to be one of the chiefe Articles of the
Catholike Faith.

But that it may the better appeare vnto you, that all my labour and intention
in this errand, was onely to meddle with that due temporall Obedience which my
Subiects owe vnto mee; and not to intrap or inthrall their Consciences, as hee
most falsely amrmes: Yee shall first see how farre other Godly and Christian
Emperours and Kings were from acknowledging the Popes temporall Supremacie
ouer them; nay, haue created, controlled and deposed Popes: and next, what a
number of my Predecessors in this Kingdome haue at all occasions, euen in the
times of the greatest Greatnesse of Popes, resisted and plainely withstood them
in this point.

And first, all Christian Emperours were for a long time so farre from acknowl-
edging the Popes Superioritie ouer them, as by the contrary the Popes acknowl-
edged themselues for their Vassals, reuerencing and obeying the Emperours as
their Lords, for proofe whereof, I remit you to my Apologie.

And for the creating of Popes; the Emperours were in so long and continuall
possession thereof, as I will vse for my first witnesse a Pope himself e ; who (in a
Synode l of an hundredth fiftie and three Bishops and Abbots) did ordeine, That
the Emperour CHARLES the Great should haue the Right of choosing the Pope,
and ordeining the Apostolicall Seate, and the Dignitie of the Romane Principalitie:
nay, farther hee ordeined; That all Archbishops and Bishops should receiue their
Inuestiture from the Emperour, or else bee of no auaile; And, that a Bishop want-
ing it, should not bee consecrate, pronouncing an Anathema against all that should
disobey this Sentenice.

And that the Emperours assent to the Popes Election was a thing ordinary for
a long time, Platina,2 and a number of the Popes owne writers beare witnesse:
And Bellarmine 3 himselfe, hi his booke of Controuersies, cannot get it hand-
somely denied. Nay, the Popes were euen forced then to pay a certaine summe of
money to the Emperours for their Confirmation: And this lasted almost seuen
hundreth yeeres after CHRIST; witnesse Sigebert 4 and Luitprandus,6 with other
Popish Historians.

And for Emperours deposing of Popes, there are likewise diuers examples.
The Emperour Ottho 6 deposed Pope lohn the twelfth of that name, for diuers

1 Sigebert. ad ann. 773. Walthram. Naum- « Lib. de Clericis.

burg. lib. de Episc. inuestitura. Mart. 4 In Chron. ad ann. 680.

Polon. ad ann. 780. Theod. a Niem. de ' In vit. Agathen. & Anast. in vit. eiusd.

priuileg. & lurib. Imperij & dist. 63. Agath. & Herm. Contract, ad ann. 678.

C. Hadrian. edit, poster. & dist. 63. c Agatho.

1 See Platin. in vit. Pelag. 2. Gregor. i. & • Luitpr. Hist. lib. 6. ca. 10. n. Rhegino ad

Seuerini. an. 063. & Platin. in vit. loan. 13.

A PREMONITION 119

crimes and vices; especially of Lecherie. The Emperour Henry l the third in a
short time deposed three Popes; Benedict the ninth, Siluester the third, and
Gregorie the sixt, as well for the sinne of Auarice, as for abusing their extraordinarie
authentic against Kings and Princes.

And as for KINGS that haue denied this Temporall Superioritie of Popes;
First, wee haue the vnanime testimonie of diuers famous HISTORIOGRAPHERS for
the generall of many CHRISTIAN Kingdomes. As Walthram 2 testifieth, That the
Bishops of Spaine, Scotland, England, Hungarie, from ancient institution till this
moderne noueltie, had their Inuestiture by KINGS, with peaceable inioyning of their
Temporalities whooly and entirely; and whosoeuer (sayeth hee) is peaceably
solicitous, let him peruse the Hues of the Ancients, and reade the Histories, and hee
shall understand thus much. And for verification of this generall Assertion; wee
will first beginne at the practise of the KINGS of France, though not named by
Walthram in this his enumeration of Kingdomes : amongst whom my first witnesse
shall bee that vulgarly knowne letter of Philip le Bel 3 King of France, to Pope
Boniface the eighth, the beginning whereof, after a scornefull saluation, is, Sciat
tua maxima fatuitas, nos in temporalibus nemini subesse.

And likewise after that Lewes 4 the ninth, surnamed Sanctus, had by a publique
instrument (called Pragmatica sanctio) forbidden all the exactions of the Popes
Court within his Realme: Pope Pius 6 the second, in the beginning of Lewes the
eleuenth his time, greatly misseliking this Decree so long before made, sent his
Legate to the said King Lewes, with Letters-patents, vrging his promise which
hee had made when hee was Dolphin of France, to repeale that Sanction if
euer hee came to bee King. The King referreth the Legate ouer with his
Letters-patents to the Councell of Paris: where the matter being propounded,
was impugned by lohannes Romanus, the Kings Atturney; with whose opinion
the Vniuersitie of Paris concurring, an Appeale was made from the attempts
of the Pope to the next generall Councell; the Cardinall departing with
indignation.

But that the King of France and Church thereof haue euer stoken to their
Gallican immunitie, in denying the Pope any Temporall power ouer them, and in
resisting the Popes as oft as euer they prest to meddle with their Temporall
power, euen in the donation of Benefices; the Histories are so full of them, as the
onely examples thereof would make vp a bigge Volume by it selfe. And so farre
were the Sorbonistes for the Kings and French Churches priuiledge in this point,
as they were wont to maintaine; That if the Pope fell a quarrelling the King for
that cause, the Gallican Church might elect a Patriarch of their owne, renouncing
any obedience to the Pope. And Gerson was so farre from giuing the Pope that
temporal! authority ouer Kings (who otherwise was a deuoute Roman Catholike)

1 Marianus Scot. Sigeb. Abbas Vrsp. ad ann. ' See Annales Franciae Nicolai Gillij in Phil.

1046 & Plat, in vit. Greg. 6. Pulchro.

1 Walthram. Naumburg. in lib. de inuest. 4 Anno 1268. ex Arrestis Senatus Parisiens.

Episc. Vixit circa ann. mo. • loan. Maierius. lib. de Scismat. & Concil.

120 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

as hee wrote a Booke de Auferibilitate Papa; not onely from the power ouer
Kings, but euen ouer the Church.

And now pretermitting all further examples of forraigne Kings actions, I will
onely content me at this time with some of my owne Predecessors examples of
this kingdome of England; that it may thereby the more clearly appeare, that
euen in those times when the world was fullest of darkened blindnes and ignor-
ance, the Kings of England haue oftentimes, not onely repined, but euen strongly
resisted and withstood this temporall vsurpation and encrochment of ambitious
Popes.

And I will first begin at King Henry l the first of that name, after the Con-
quest; who after he was crowned gaue the Bishopricke of Winchester to William
Gifford, and forwith inuested him into all the possessions belonging to the Bishop-
ricke, contrary to the Canons of the new Synod. King Henry 2 also gaue the
Archbishopricke of Canterbury to Radulph Bishop of London; and gaue him
inuestiture by a Ring and a Crosiers staffe.

Also Pope Calixtus 3 held a Councell at RHEMES, whither King Henry had
appointed certaine Bishops of ENGLAND and NORMANDIE to goe; Thurstan also,
elected Archbishop of YORKE, got leaue of the King to goe thither, guing his
faith that hee would not receiue Consecration of the Pope; And comming
to the Synode, by his liberall gifts (as the fashion is) wanne the ROMANES
fauour, and by their meanes obtained to bee consecrated at the Popes hand:
Which assoone as the King of ENGLAND knewe, hee forbade him to come within
his Dominions.

Moreouer King Edward the first prohibited the Abbot of Waltham 4 and Deane
of Pauls, to collect a tenth of euery mans goods for a supply to the holy Land,
which the Pope by three Bulks had committed to their charge; and the said
Deane of Pauls compeering before the King and his Councell, promised for the
reuerence he did beare vnto the King, not to meddle any more in that matter,
without the Kings good leaue and permission. Here (I hope) a Church-man
disobeyed the Pope for obedience to his Prince euen in Church matters: but
this new lesuited Diuinitie was not then knowen in the world.

The same Edward I. impleaded the Deane of the Chappell of Vuluerhampton,
because the said Deane had, against the priuiledges of the Kingdome, giuen a
Prebend of the same Chappell to one at the Popes command: whereupon the said
Deane compeered, and put himselfe in the Kings will for his offence.

The said Edward I. depriued also the Bishop of Durham of all his liberties, for
disobeying a prohibition of the Kings. So as it appeareth, the Kings in those
dayes thought the Church-men their Subiects, though now we be taught other
Seraphicall doctrine.

1 Matth. Paris, in Henr. i. anno noo.
8 Idem. ibid, anno 1113.
1 Idem. ibid, anno 1119.
4 Ex Archiuis Regni.

A PREMONITION 121

For further proofe whereof lohn of Ibstocke was committed to the goale by the
sayde King, for hauing a suite in the Courte of Rome seuen yeeres for the Rectorie
of Newchurch.

And Edward II. following the footsteps of his Father; after gluing out a
Summons against the Abbot of Walden, for citing the Abbot of Saint Albons and
others in the Court of Rome, gaue out letters for his apprehension.

And likewise, because a certaine Prebend of Banburie had drawen one Beuer-
coat by a Plea to Rome without the Kings Dominions, therefore were letters of
Caption sent foorth against the said Prebend.

And Edward III. following likewise the example of his Predecessours; Because
a Parson of Liche had summoned the Prior of S. Oswalds before the Pope at
Auinion; for hauing before the ludges in England recouered the arrerage of a
pension; directed a Precept, for seasing vpon all the goods both Spirituall and
Temporall of the said Parson, because hee had done this in preiudice of the
King and Crowne. The said King also made one Harwoden to bee declared
culpable and worthie to bee punished, for procuring the Popes Bulks against a
Judgement that was giuen by the Kings ludges.

And likewise; Because one entred vpon the Priorie of Barnewett by the Popes
Bui, the said Intrant was committed to the Tower of London, there to remaine
during the Kings pleasure.

So as my Predecessors (ye see) of this Kingdome, euen when the Popes tri-
umphed in their greatnesse, spared not to punish any of their Subiects, that
would preferre the Popes Obedience to theirs, euen in Church-matters: So farre
were they then from either acknowledging the Pope for their temporall Superiour,
or yet from doubting that their owne Church-men were not their Subiects. And
now I will close vp all these examples with an Act of Parliament in King Richard II.
his time; whereby it was prohibited, That none should procure a Benefice from
Rome, vnder paine to be put out of the Kings protection. And thus may yee see,
that what those Kings successiuely one to another by foure generations haue
acted in priuate, the same was also maintained by a publicke Law.

By these few examples now (I hope) I haue sufficiently cleered my selfe from
the imputation, that any ambition or desire of Noueltie in mee should haue
stirred mee, either to robbe the Pope of any thing due vnto him, or to assume
vnto my selfe any farther authoritie, then that which other Christian Emperours
and Kings through the world, and my owne Predecessours of England in especiall,
haue long agone maintained. Neither is it enough to say (as Parsons doeth in his
Answere to the Lord Coke} That farre more Kings of this Countrey haue giuen
many more examples of acknowledging, or not resisting the Popes vsurped Au-
thoritie; some perchance lacking the occasion; and some the abilitie of resisting
them; for euen by the Ciuill Law, in the case of violent intrusion and long and
wrongfull possession against mee, it is enough if I prooue that I haue made lawfull
interruption vpon conuenient occasions.

122 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

But the Cardinall thinkes the Oath, not onely vnlawfull for the substance
thereof, but also in regard of the Person whom vnto it is to be sworne: For (saith
he) The King is not a Catholique; And in two or three other places of his booke,
he sticketh not to call me by my name very broadly, an Heretike, as I haue
already told. But yet before I be publikely declared an Heretike; by the Popes
owne Law my people ought not to refuse their Obedience vnto me. And (I
trust) if I were but a subiect, and accused by the Pope in his Conclaue before his
Cardinals, hee would haue hard prouing mee an Heretike, if he Judged me by
their owne ancient Orders.

For first, I am no Apostate, as the Cardinal would make me; not onely hauing
euer bene brought vp in that Religion which I presently professe, but euen my
Father and Grandfather on that side professing the same : and so cannot be prop-
erly an Heretike, by their owne doctrine, since I neuer was of their Church. And
as for the Queene my Mother of worthy memorie; although she continued in that
Religion wherein shee was nourished, yet was she so farre from being super-
stitious or lesuited therein, that at my Baptisme (although I was baptized by a
Popish Archbishop) she sent him word to forbeare to vse the spettle in my
Baptisme; which was obeyed, being indeed a filthy and an apish tricke, rather in
scorne then imitation of CHRIST. And her owne very words were, That she would
not haue a pockie priest to spet in her childs mouth. As also the Font wherein I was
Christened, was sent from the late Queene here of famous memory, who was my
God-mother; and what her Religion was, Pius V. was not ignorant. And for
further proofe, that that renowned Queene my Mother was not superstitious;
as in all her Letters (whereof I receiued many) she neuer made mention of Re-
ligion, not laboured to perswade me in it; so at her last words, she commanded
her Master-houshold, a Scottish Gentleman my seruant and yet aliue, she com-
manded him ( I say) to tell me; That although she was of another Religion then
that wherein I was brought vp; yet she would not presse me to change, except
my owne Conscience forced mee to it; For so that I led a good life, and were
carefull to doe Justice and gouerene well; she doubted not but I would be in a
good case with the profession of my owne Religion. Thus am I no Apostate, nor
yet a deborder from that Religion which one part of my Parents professed, and
an other part gaue mee good allowance of. Neither can my Baptisme in the rites
of their Religion make me an Apostate, or Heretike in respect of my present pro-
fession, since we all agree in the substance thereof, being all Baptized In the Name
of the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost: vpon which head there is no variance
amongst vs.

And now for the point of Heretike; I will neuer been ashamed to render an
accompt of my profession, and of that hope that is in me, as the Apostle pre-
scribeth. I am such a CATHOLIKE CHRISTIAN, as beleeueth the three Creeds;
That of the Apostles, that of the Councell oi Nice, and that of Athanasius; the
two latter being Paraphrases to the former: And I beleeue them in that sense, as

A PREMONITION 123

the ancient Fathers and Councels that made them did vnderstand them: To
which three Creeds all the Ministers of England doe subscribe at their Ordination.
And I also acknowledge for Orthodoxe all those other formes of Creedes, that
either were deuised by Councels or particular Fathers, against such particular
Heresies as most reigned in their tunes.

I reuerence and admit the foure first generall Councels as Catholique and
Orthodoxe: And the said foure generall Councels are acknowledged by our Acts
of Parliament, and receiued for Orthodoxe by our Church.

As for the Fathers; I reuerence them as much and more then the lesuites doe,
and as much as themselues euer craued. For what euer the Fathers for the first
fiue hundreth yeeres did with an vnanime consent agree vpon, to be beleeued as a
necessary point of saluation, I either will beleeue it also, or at least will be humbly
silent ; not taking vpon mee to condemne the same : But for euery priuate Fathers
opinion, it bindes not my conscience more then Bellar mines ; euery one of the
Fathers vsually contradicting others. I will therefore in that case follow S. Angus-
lines 1 rule in iudging of their opinions, as I finde them agree with the Scriptures:
what I finde agreeable thereunto I will gladly imbrace; what is otherwise I will
(with their reuerence) reiect.

As for the Scriptures; no man doubteth I will beleeue them: But euen for the
Apocrypha; I hold them in the same accompt that the Ancients did: They are
still printed and bound with our Bibles, and publikely read in our Churches: I
reuerence them as the writings of holy and good men: but since they are not
found in the Canon, wee accompt them to bee secundce lectionis, or ordinis 2
(which is Bellarmines owne distinction) and therefore not sufficient whereupon
alone to ground any article of Faith, except it be confirmed by some other place
of Canonicall Scripture; Concluding this point with Ruffinus (who is no Nouelist,
I hope) That the Apocryphall books were by the Fathers permitted to be read;
nor for confirmation of Doctrine, but onely for instruction of the people.

As for the Saints departed, I honour their memory, and in honour of them doe
we in our Church obserue the dayes of so many of them, as the Scripture doeth
canonize for Saints; but I am loath to beleeue all the tales of the Legended saints.

And first for the blessed Virgin MARIE, I yeeld her that which the Angel
Gabriel pronounced of her, and which in her Canticle shee prophecied of herselfe:
that is, That she 3 is blessed amongst women, and That all generations 4 shall call
her blessed. I reuerence her as the Mother of CHRIST, whom of our Sauiour
tooke his flesh, and so the Mother of GOD, since the Diuintie and Humanitie of
CHRIST are inseparable. And I freely confesse, that shee is in glory both aboue
Angels and men, her owne Sonne (that is both GOD and man) onely excepted.
But I dare not mocke her and blaspheme against GOD, calling her not onely Diua
but Dea, and praying her to command and controule her Sonne, who is her GOD;

1 Lib. 2. cont. Cresconium. cap. 32. * Luk. i. 28.

1 Lib. I. de verb. Dei. c. 4. * Ibid. ver. 48.

124 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

and her SAVIOUR: Nor yet not I thinke, that shee hath no other thing to doe in
heauen, then to heare euery idle mans suite, and busie her selfe in their errands;
whiles requesting, whiles commanding her Sonne, whiles comming downe to kisse
and make loue with Priestes, and whiles disputing and brawling with Deuils. In
heauen shee is in eternall glory and ioy, neuer to bee interrupted with any worldly
businesse; and there I leaue her with her blessed Sonne our SAVIOUR and hers in
eternall felicitie.

As for Prayer to Saints; CHRIST (I am sure) hath commanded vs to Come all
to him that are loaden with sinne, and hee will relieue vs : * and Saint Paid hath
forbidden vs to worship Angels; 2 or to vse any such voluntary worship, that hath
a shew of humilitie in that it spareth not the flesh. But what warrant wee haue to
haue recourse vnto these Dij Penates or Tutelares, these Courtiers of GOD, I know
not; I remit that to these Philosophicall Neoterike Diuines. It satisfieth mee to
pray to GOD through CHRIST as I am commanded, which I am sure must be the
safest way; and I am sure the safest way is the best way in points of saluation.
But if the Romish Church hath coined new Articles of Faith, neuer heard of in the
first 500. yeeres after CHRIST, I hope I shall neuer bee condemned for an Heretike,
for not being a Nouelist. Such are the priuate Masses, where the Priest playeth
the parth both of the Priest and of the people; And such are the Amputation of
the one halfe of the Sacrament from the people; The Transsubstantion, Elevation
for Adoration, and Circumportation in Procession of the Sacrament; the workes of
Supererogation, rightly named Thesaurus Ecclesia; the Baptising of Bels, and a
thousand other trickes: But aboue all, the worshipping of Images. If my faith
bee weake in these, I confesse I had rather beleeue too little then too much:
And yet since I beleeue as much as the Scriptures doe warrant, the Creeds doe
perswade, and the ancient Councels decreed; I may well be a Schismatike from
Rome, but I am sure I am no Heretike.

For Reliques of Saints; If I had any such that I were assured were members of
their bodies, I would honourably bury them, and not giue them the reward of
condemned mens members, which are onely ordeined to bee depriued of buriall:
But for worshipping either them or Images, I must account it damnable Idolatrie.

I am no Iconomachus; I quarrell not the making of Images, either for publike
decoration, or for mens priuate vses: But that they should bee worshipped, bee
prayed to, or any holinesse attributed vnto them, was neuer knowen of the
Ancients: And the Scriptures are so directly, vehemently and punctually against
it, as I wonder what braine of man, or suggestion of Sathan durst offer it to
Christians; and all must bee salued with nice Philosophicall distinctions: As,
Idolum nihil est: and, They worshop (forsooth) the Images of things in being,
and the Image of the trew GOD. But the Scripture forbiddeth to worship the
. Image of any thing that GOD created. It was not a nihil then that God forbade
onely to be worshipped, neither was the brasen Serpent, nor the body of Moses a
1 Matt. ii. 28. « Coloss. 2. 8, 23.

A PREMONITION 125

nihil; and yet the one was destroyed, and the other hidden for eschewing of
Idolatrie. Yea, the Image of GOD himselfe is not onely expresly forbidden to bee
worshipped, but euen to bee made. The reason is giuen, That no eye euer saw
GOD; and how can we paint his face, when Moses (the man that euer was most
familiar with GOD) neuer saw but his backe parts ? Surely, since he cannot be
drawn to the mue, it is a thankelesse labour to marre it with a false representation;
which no Prince, nor scarce any other man will bee contented with in their owne
pictures. Let them therefore that maintaine this doctrine, answere it to CHRIST
at the latter day, when he shall accuse them of Idolatrie ; And then I doubt if hee
will bee payed with such nice sophisticall Distinctions.

But CHRISTS Crosse must haue a particular priuiledge (say they) and bee
worshipped ratione contactus. But first wee must know what kinde of touching of
CHRISTS body drew a vertue from it; whether euery touching, or onely touching
by faith ? That euery touching of his body drew not vertue from it, is more then
manifest. When the woman1 in the bloody fluxe touched him, she was healed of
her faith: But Peter then told him that a crowd and throng of many people then
touched him; and yet none of them receiued any benefite or vertue from him.
ludas touched him many and many a time, besides his last kisse; so did the vil-
laines that buffeted and crucified him; and yet I may safely pronounce them
accursed, that would bestow any worship vpon their reliques: yea wee cannot
denie but the land of Canaan it selfe (whereupon our Lord did dayly tread) is so
visibly accursed, beeing gouerned by faithlesse Turkes, full of innumerable sects
of hereticall Christians, and the very fertilitie thereof so farre degenerated into a
pitifull sterilitie, as hee must bee accursed that accounteth it blessed. Nay,
when a certaine woman 2 blessed the belly that bare CHRIST, and the breastes
that gaue him sucke; Nay, rather (saith hee) Blessed are those that heare the Word
of God, and keepe it. Except then they could first prooue that CHRIST had re-
solued to blesse that tree of the Crosse whereupon hee was nailed; they can neuer
proue that his touching it could giue it any vertue. And put the case it had a
vertue of doing miracles, as Peters shadow had; yet doeth it not follow, that it is
lawful to worship it, which Peter would neuer accept of. Surely the Prophets that
in so many places curse those that worship Images, that haue eyes and see not,
that haue eares and heare not, would much more haue cursed them that worship
a piece of a sticke, that hath not so much as any resemblance or representation of
eyes or eares.

As for Purgatorie and all the trash 3 depending thereupon, it is not worth the
talking of; Bellarmine cannot finde any ground for it in all the Scriptures. Onely
I would pray him to tell me; If that faire greene Meadow that is in Purgatorie,4
hajie a brooke running thorow it; that in case I come there, I may haue hawking
vpon it. But as for me; I am sure there is a Heauen and a Hell, premium &•

1 Luke 8. » Jubilees, Indulgences, satisfactions for the dead, &c.

J Luk. ir. 28. 4 Lib. 2 de Purgat. cap. 7.

126 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

poena, for the Elect and reprobate: How many other roomes there be, I am not on
God his counsell. Multcz sunt mansiones in domo Patris mei,1 saith CHRIST, who
is the trew Purgatorie for our sinnes : But how many chambers and anti-chambers
the diuell hath, they can best tell that goe to him: But in case there were more
places for soules to goe to then we know of, yet let vs content vs with that which
in his Word he hath reuealed vnto vs, and not inquire further into his secrets.
Heauen and Hell are there reuealed to be the eternall home of all mankinde: let
vs indeauour to winne the one and eschew the other; and there is an end.

Now in all this discourse haue I yet left out the maine Article of the Romish
faith; and that is the Head of the Church or Peters Primacie; for who denieth this,
denieth fidem Catholicam, saith Bellarmine. That Bishops ought to be in the
Church, I euer maintained it, as an Apostolique institution, and so the ordinance
of God ; contrary to the Puritanes, and likewise to Bellarmine; 2 who denies that
Bishops haue their lurisdiction immediatly from God (But it is no wonder he
takes the Puritanes part, since lesuits are nothing but Puritan-papists^) And as I
euer maintained the state of Bishops, and the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchic for order
sake; so was I euer an enemie to the confused Anarchie or paritie of the Puritanes,
as well appeareth in my BASIAIKON AflPON. Heauen is gouerned by order, and
all the good Angels there; nay, Hell it selfe could not subsist without some order;
And the very deuils are diuided into Legions, and haue their chief etaines : how can
any societie then vpon earth, subsist without order and degrees ? And therefore
I cannot enough wonder with what brasen face this Answerer could say, That I
was a Puritane in Scotland, and an enemie to Protestants:3 1 that was persecuted by
Puritanes there, not from my birth onely, but euen since foure moneths before my
birth ? I that in the yeere of God 84. erected Bishops, and depressed all their
popular Paritie, I then being not 18. yeeres of aage ? I that in my said Booke to
my Sonne, doe speake tenne times more bitterly of them nor of the Papists;
hauing in my second Edition thereof, affixed a long Apologetike Preface, onely in
odium Puritanorum ? and I that for the space of sixe yeeres before my comming
into England, laboured nothing so much as to depresse their Paritie, and re-erect
Bishops againe ? Nay, if the dayly Commentaries of my life and actions in Scot-
land, were written (as lulius Cassars were) there would scarcely a moneth passe in
all my life, since my entring into the 13. yeere of my aage, wherein some accident
or other would not conuince the Cardinall of a Lye in this point. And surely I
giue a faire commendation to the Puritanes in that place of my booke, Where I
affirme that I haue found greater honestie with the highland and border theeues,
then with that sort of people. But leauing him to his owne impudence, I returne
to my purpose.

Of Bishops and Church Hierarchic I very well allowe (as I said before) and
likewise of Ranks and Degrees amongst Bishops. Patriarches (I know) were in the
tune of the Primitiue Church, and I likewise reuerence that Institution for order
1 lohn 14. » Bell. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25. » Page 98.

A PREMONITION 1 27

sake : and amongst them was a contention for the first place. And for my selfe
(if that were yet the question) I would with all my heart giue my consent that the
Bishop of Rome should haue the first Seate: I being a westerne King would goe
with the Patriarch of the West. And for his temporall Principalitie ouer the
Signory of Rome, I doe not quarrell it neither; let him in God his Name be Primus
Episcopus inter omnes Episcopos, and Princeps Episcoporum; so it be no other-
wise but as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum. But as I well allow of the Hierarchic
of the Church for distinction of orders (for so I vnderstand it) so I vtterly deny
that there is an earthly Monarch thereof, whose word must be a Law, and who
cannot erre in his Sentence, by an infallibilitie of Spirit. Because earthly King-
domes must haue earthly Monarches; it doeth not follow, that the Church must
haue a visible Monarch too: for the world hath not ONE earthly temporall
Monarch. CHRIST is his Churches Monarch, and the holy Ghost his Deputie:
Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic.1 CHRIST did not promise
before his ascension, to leaue Peter with them to direct and instruct them in all
things ; but he promised to send the holy Ghost vnto them for that end.2

And as for these two before cited places, whereby Bellarmine maketh the Pope
to triumph ouer Kings: I meane Pasce oues, and Tibi dabo claues: 3 the Cardinall
knowes well enough, that the same words of Tibi dabo, are in another place
spoken by Christ in the plurall number. And he likewise knowes what reason the
Ancients doe giue, why Christ bade Peter pascere oues: and also what a cloude of
witnesses there is, both of Ancients, and euen of late Popish writers, yea diuers
Cardinals, that do all agree that both these speeches vsed to Peter, were meant to
all the Apostles represented in his person: Otherwise how could Paul 4 direct the
Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person cum spiritu suo,
whereas he should then haue sayd, cum spiritu Petri? And how could all the
Apostles haue otherwise vsed all their censures, onely in Christs Name, and neuer
a word of his Vicar ? Peter (wee reade) did in all the Apostles meetings sit amongst
them as one of their number: And when chosen men were sent to Antiochia from
that great Apostolike Councel at Jerusalem* (Acts 15.) The text saith, It seemed
good to the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church, to send chosen men, but
no mention made of the Head thereof; and so in their Letters no mention is made
of Peter, but onely of the Apostles, Elders and Brethren. And it is a wonder, why
Paul rebuketh the Church of Corinth for making exception of Persons, because
some followed Paul, some Apollos, some Cephas,6 if Peter was their visible Head!
for then those that followed not Peter or Cephas, renounced the Catholike faith.
But it appeareth well that Paul knew little of our new doctrine, since he handleth
Peter so rudely, as he not onely compareth but preferreth himselfe vnto him.7
But our Cardinall proues Peters superioritie, by Pauls going to visite him.8 In-

1 Luke 22. 25. * i. Cor. 5. 4. 7 Galat. 2.

1 lohn 14. 26. * Act. 15. 22, 23. * Galat. i. 18.

1 Matth. 18. 18. ' i. Cor. i. 12.

128 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

deed Paul saith, hee went to lerusalem to visite Peter, and conferre with him;
but he should haue added, and to kisse his feet.

To conclude then, The trewth is that Peter was both in aage, and in the time of
CHRISTS calling him, one of the first of the Apostles; In order the principall of the
first twelue, and one of the three whom CHRIST for order sake preferred to all the
rest. And no further did the Bishop of Rome claime for three hundred yeeres
after CHRIST: Subiect they were to the generall Councels, and euen but of late
did the Councell of Constance depose three Popes, and set vp the fourth. And
vntill Phocas dayes (that murthered his master) were they subiect to Emperours.
But how they are now come to be Christs Vicars, nay, Gods on earth, triple-
crowned, Kings of heauen, earth and hell, ludges of all the world, and none to
iudge them; Heads of the faith, Absolute deciders of all Controuersies by the
infallibility of their spirit, hauing all power both Spirituall and Temporall in their
hands; the high Bishops, Monarches of the whole earth, Superiours to all Em-
perours and Kings; yea, Supreme Vice-gods, who whether they will or not cannot
erre: how they are now come (I say) to the toppe of greatnesse, I know not: but
sure I am, Wee that are KINGS haue greatest neede to looke vnto it. As for me,
Paul and Peter I know, but these men I know not : And yet to doubt of this, is to
denie the Catholique faith; Nay, the world it selfe must be turned vpside downe,
and the order of Nature inuerted (making the left hand to haue the place before
the Right, and the last named to bee the first in honour) that this primacie may
bee maintained.1

Thus haue I now made a free Confession of my Faith: And (I hope) I haue
fully cleared my selfe from being an Apostate; and as farre from being an Here-
tike, as one may bee that beleeueth the Scriptures, and the three Creedes, and
acknowledgeth the foure first generall Councels. If I bee loath to beleeue too
much, especially of Nouelties, men of greater knowledge may well pitie my
weakenesse; but I am sure none will condemne me for an Heretike, saue such as
make the Pope their God; and thinke him such a speaking Scripture, as they can
define Heresie no otherwise, but to bee whatsoeuer Opinion is maintained against
the Popes definition of faith. And I will sincerely promise, that when euer any
point of the Religion I professe, shalbe proued to be new, and not Ancient,
Catholike, and Apostolike (I meane for matter of Faith) I will as soone renounce
it; closing vp this head with the Maxime of Vincentius Lirinensis,2 that I will
neuer refuse to unbrace any opinion in Diuinity necessary to saluation, which the
whole Catholike Church With an vnanime consent, haue constantly taught and
beleeued euen from the Apostles dayes, for the space of many aages thereafter
without any interruption. But in the Cardinals opinion, I haue shewed my selfe
an Heretike (I am sure) in playing with the name of Babylon, and the Towne vpon
seuen hilles; as if I would insinuate Rome at this present to be spiritually Babylon.
And yet that Rome is called Babylon, both in Saint Peters Epistle,3 and in the

1 Bellar. de Rom. Pont. li. i. cap. 17. » Libello aduersus haereses. » i. Pet. 5. 13.

A PREMONITION 129

Apocalyps, our Answerer freely confesseth. As for the definition of the Antichrist,
I will not vrge so obscure a point, as a matter of Faith to bee necessarily beleeued
of all Christians; but what I thinke herein, I will simply declare.

That there must be an Antichrist, and in his time a generall Defection; we
all agree. But the Time, Seat, and Person of this Antichrist, are the chiefe Ques-
tions whereupon wee differ: and for that we must search the Scriptures for our
resolution. As for my opinion; I thinke S. Paul in the 2. to the Thessalonians 1
doeth vtter more clearely that which Saint lohn speaketh more mystically of the
Antichrist.

First, that in that place hee meaneth the Antichrist, it is plaine, since hee saith,
There must bee first a Defection; and that in the Antichrists time onely that eclipse
of Defection must fall vpon the Church,2 all the Romish Catholikes are strong
enough: otherwise their Church must be daily subiect to erre, which is cleane
contrary to their maine doctrine. Then describing him (hee saith) that The man
of Sinne, Filius perditionis, shall exalt himself e aboue all that is called God.3 But
who these be whom of the Psalmist * saith Dixi vos Dij estis, Bellarmine can tell.
In old Diuinitie it was wont to bee Kings; Bellarmine will adde Churchmen; Let
it bee both. It is well enough knowen, who now exalteth himselfe aboue both the
swords.

And after that S. Paul hath thus described the Person, he next describeth the
Seal, and telleth that He shall sit in the Temple of God? that is, the bosome of the
Church; yea, in the very heart thereof. Now where this Apostolike Seat is, I
leaue to bee guessed : And likewise who it is that sitting there, sheweth himselfe
to be GOD; pardoning shines, redeeming soules, and defining Faith, controlling
and iudging all men, and to be iudged of none.

Anent the Time, S. Paul is plainest of all : For hee calleth the Thessalonians
to memorie, That when hee was with them, hee told them these things; 6 and therefore
they know (saith hee) what the impediment was, and who did withhold that the man of
Sinne was not reuealed,7 although the mysterie of iniquitie was already working*
That the Romane Emperours in Saint Pauls tune needed no reuealing to the
Christians to bee men of Sinne or sinfull men, no childe doubteth: but the reuela-
tion hee speaketh of was a mysterie, a secret; It should therefore seeme that hee
durst not publish in his Epistle what that impediment was. It may be he meant
by the translating of the Seat of the Romane Empire, and that the translation
thereof should leaue a roume for the man of Sinne to sit downe in. And that he
meant not that man of Sinne of these Ethnicke Emperours in his time, his intro-
duction to this discourse maketh it more then manifest. For he saith (fearing
they should be deceiued, thinking the day of the Lords second comming to bee
at hand) he hath therefore thought good to forewarne them that this generall
Defection must first come: Whereby it well appeareth that hee could not meane

1 2. Thes. 2. * Psal. 82. 6. 7 Verse 6.

1 Verse 3. * 2. Thess. 2. 4. • Verse 7.

* Verse 3, 4. • Verse 5.

I3o THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

by the present time but by a future, and that a good long time; otherwise he
proued ill his argument, that the Lords comming was not at hand. Neither can
the forme of the Destruction of this man of Sinne agree with that maner of spoile,
that the Gothes and Vandals made of Ethnick1 Rome: For our Apostle saith, That
this wicked man skull bee consumed by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, and abolished by
his comming.2 Now I would thinke that the word of God and the Preaching
thereof, should be meant by the Spirit of the Lords mouth,3 which should peece and
peece consume and diminish the power of that man of Sinne, till the brightnes of
the Lords second comming should vtterly abolish him. And by his expressing
the meanes of his working, he doeth likewise (in my opinion) explane his meaning
very much: For he saith, It shall be by a strong delusion, by lying wonders, &°c.4
Well, what Church it is that vanteth them of their innumerable miracles, and yet
most of them contrary to their owne doctrine; Bellarmine can best tell you with
his hungry Mare, that turned her taile to her prouender and kneeled to the Sacra-
ment: And yet (I am sure) he will be ashamed to say, that the holy Sacrament is
ordained to be worshipped by Oues &• Boues, &* ccetera pecora campi?

Thus haue I prooued out of 5. Paul now, that the time of the Antichrists com-
ming, and the generall Defection was not to be till long after the time that he
wrote in; That his Seat was to be in the Temple and Church of God; and, That
his Action (which can best point at his Person) should be to Exalt himself e aboue
all that were called Gods. S. lohn indeed doth more amply, though mystically
describe this Antichrist, which vnder the figure of a monstrous Beast, with seuen
heads and ten homes, he sets forth in the xiij. chap, and then interpreteth in the
xvij. where hee calles her a Whore sitting vpon many waters? and riding vpon the
sayd monstrous Beast; 7 concluding that chapter with calling that Woman, that
great City which reigneth ouer the Kings of the earth.6 And both in that Chapter,
and in the beginning of the next he calles that great Citie, Babylon.9

So as to continue herein my formerly purposed Methode, of the Time, Seat,
and Person of Antichrist; this place doth clearely and vndenyably declare that
Rome is, or shalbe the Seat of that Antichrist. For first, no Papist now denieth
that by Babylon here Rome is directly meant; and that this Woman is the Anti-
christ, doeth clearely appeare by the time of his working (described by 42.
moneths in the xiij. Chap.10) which doeth iustly agree with that three yeeres and a
halfes tune, which all the Papists giue to the Reigne of Antichrist. Besides that,
the Beast it selfe with seuen heads and tenne homes, hauing one of her heads
wounded and healed againe, is described iust alike in the xiij. and xvij. Chap,
being in the former prooued to be the Antichrist by the time of her reigne; and
in the latter Rome by the name of Babylon, by the confession of all the Papists;
So as one point is now cleare, that Rome is the Seat of the Antichrist.

1 For so doeth Tortus call Rome » Verse 8, 9. 7 Vers. 18.

when it was spoiled by them, 4 Bellar. lib. 3. de Euchar- 8 Vers. 5.

though it was Christian ist. cap. 8. • Cap. 18. v. 2.

many yeres before. « Reuel. 17. v. i. 10 Vers. 5.

1 Verse 8. « Vers. 3.

A PREMONITION 131

Neither will that place in the eleuenth Chapter serue to shift off this point,
and proue the Antichrists Seat to bee in lerusalem; where it is saide; That the
Corpses of the Witnesses shall lie in the great City, spiritually Sodome and Egypt,1
•where our Lord also was crucified. For the word spiritually is applied both to
Sodome, Egypt and lerusalem in that place; And when hee hath named Sodome
and Egypt, hee doeth not subioyne lerusalem with a single vbi; but with an
vbi 6% as if hee would say; and this Antichrists abomination shall bee so great, as
his Seate shall bee as full of Spirituall whoredomes and Idolatries, as Sodome and
Egypt was; nay, and so bloody in the persecution of the Saints, as our Lord shall
be crucified againe in his members. And who hath so meanely read the Scriptures
(if he haue euer read them at all) that knoweth it not to be a common phrase in
them, to call CHRIST persecuted and slaine, when his Saints are so vsed ? So did
CHRIST say,2 speaking of the latter day; and in the same style did hee speake to
S. Paul at his conuersion.3 And that Babylon, or Rome (since Bellarmine is con-
tented it bee so called) is that great Citie where our Lord was crucified, the last
verse of the xviij. Chap, doeth also clearely proue it: For there it is said, That in
that City was found the blood of the Prophets, and of the Saints, and of all that were
slaine vpon the earth; 4 and I hope CHRIST was one of them that were slaine vpon
the earth. And besides that it may well bee said that hee was slaine in that great
Citie Babylon, since by the Romane authoritie hee was put to death, vnder a
Romane ludge, and for a Romane quarrell: for he could not be a friend to C&sar,
that was not his enemie.

This point now being cleared of the Antichrists Seate, as I haue already sayd;
we are next to find out the Time when the Antichrist shall reigne, if it be not
already come. In the xiij. Chapter 5. lohn saith,6 that this Beast with the seuen
heads and tenne homes, had one of his heads wounded and healed againe; 6 and
interpreting that in the xvij. he saith, that these seuen heads are also seuen Kings,
whereof fiue are fallen, one is, and an other is not yet come, and when hee commeth
hee shall continue a short space. And the Beast that was and is not, is the eight, and
yet one of the seuen? By which Beast hee meaneth the Antichrist, who was not
then come, I meane in the Apostles dayes, but was to come after. So as betweene
the time of the Apostles and the ende of the worlde, must the Time of the Anti-
christs comming be; and with this the Papists doe also agree. Whereby it ap-
peareth that Babylon, which is Rome, shall bee the Seate of the Antichrist; but
not that Ethnicke Rome which was in the Apostles dayes (for lohn himselfe pro-
fesseth that hee is to write of nothing, but that which is to come after his time.)8
Nor yet that turning Christian Rome while shee was in the conuerting, which
immediatly followed the Apostles time, glorious by the Martyrdome of so many
godly Bishops: But that Antichristian Rome, when as the Antichrist shal set
downe his seat there, after that by the working of that Mysterie of iniquitie,

1 Chap. it. 8. 4 Reuel. 18. 24. 7 Verse n.

1 Matt. 25. 40. • Cha. 13. 3. • Reuel. i. i. & chap. 4. i.

* Acts o. 4. • Chap. 17. 10.

I32 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Christian Rome shall become to be corrupted; and so that deadly wound, which
the Gothes and Vandales gaue Rome, shall bee cured in that Head or King,
the Antichrist, who thereafter shall arise and reigne for a long space.

But here it may bee obiected, that the Antichrist cannot reigne a long space;
since S. lohn saith in two or three sundry places, that the Antichrist shall worke
but the space of three yeeres and a halfe. Surely who will but a little acquaint
himselfe with the phrases and Stile of S. lohn in his Apocalyps, shall finde that he
doth ordinarily set downe numerum certum pro incerto.1 So doeth hee in his
twelue thousand of euery Tribe that will bee safe; so doeth he in his Armie of
two hundred thousand, that were sent to kill the third part of the men;2 and so
doeth he in diuers other places. And therefore who will but remember that in all
his Visions in the said Booke, hee directly imitates the fashions of the Prophet
Ezekiels, Daniels, and Zacharies Visions (borrowing their phrases that prophecied
before CHRIST, to vtter his Prophecies in, that was to speake of the last dayes)
shall finde it very probable that in these three dayes and a halfe, hee imitated
Daniels Weekes, accounting for his Weeke the time betweene CHRISTS first and
second comming, and making Antichrist to triumph the halfe of that time or
spirituall Weeke. For as to that literall interpretation (as all the Papists make it)
of three yeeres and a halfe, and that time to fall out directly the very last dayes,
saue fiue and fourtie, before CHRIST his second comming, it is directly repugnant
to the whole New TESTAMENT. For CHRIST saith, That in the latter dayes men
shall be feasting, marrying, and at all such worldly businesse, when the last houre
shall come in a clap vpon them; One shall be at the Mill; One vpon the top of the
house,3 and so foorth. CHRIST telleth a Parable of the fiue foolish Virgins,4 to
shew the vnlooked-for comming of this houre, Nay, hee saith, the Sonne of man,
nor the Angels in heauen know not this time. S. Peter biddeth vs WATCH AND
PRAY, euer awaiting vpon that houre. And S. lohn in this same Apocalyps
doeth 8 twise tell vs, that CHRIST will come as a thief e in the night; And so doeth
CHRIST say in the Euangel.6 Whereas if the Antichrist shall reigne three yeeres
and a halfe before the Latter day, and that there shall bee but iust fourtie fiue
dayes of time after his destruction; then shall not the iust day and houre of the
Latter day, bee vnknowne to them that shall be aliue in the world, at the time of
Antichrists destruction. For first according to the Papists doctrine, all the world
shall know him to be the Antichrist, both by the two Witnesses doctrine, and his
sudden destruction; And consequently they cannot be ignorant, that the Latter
day shall come iust fourtie fiue dayes after: and so CHRIST shall not come as a
thiefe, nor the world bee taken at vnawares; contrary to all the Scriptures before
alleadged, and many more. And thus haue we proued Rome to be the Seat of the
Antichrist, and the second halfe of that spirituall Weeke betweene the first and
second comming of CHRIST, to be the time of his Reigne: For in the first halfe

1 Chap. 7. » Matth. 24. 41. « Reuel. 3. 3. and 16. 15.

1 Chap. 9. 16, 18. « Matth. 25,. • Matth. 24. 44.

A PREMONITION 133

thereof the mysterie of iniquitie began to worke; but the man of Sinne was not
yet reuealed.

But who these Witnesses should be, is a great question. The generall conceit
of the Papists is, that it must bee Enoch and Elias. And heerein is Bellarmine so
strong, as hee thinketh him in a great errour (if not an Heretike) that doubteth
of it. But the vanitie of the lewish fable I will in few words discouer.

The Cardinall,1 in his booke of Controuersies, bringeth foure places of Scripture
for probation of this idle dreame: two in the Old Testament, Malachie and
Ecclesiasticus, and two in the New, CHRIST in Matthew (hee might haue added
Marke too) and lohn in the xj. of the Apocalyps. First, for the generall of all
those places, I dare boldly affirme, That there is not a word in them, nor in all the
rest of the Scriptures that saith, that either Enoch or Elias shall returne to fight
against Antichrist, and shall bee slaine by him, nor any such like matter. Next
as to euery place in particular, to begin with Malachie, I know not who can better
interpret him then CHRIST, who twise in Matthew,2 Chap. xj. and xvij. and once in
Marke,3 tels both the multitude, and his owne Disciples, that lohn Baptist was
that promised Elias. And heerein doeth Bellarmine deale most vnfaithfully
with CHRIST: for in his demonstration that Antichrist is not yet come, because
Enoch and Elias are not yet returned; hee, for his probation thereof, citeth these
wordes of CHRIST in the xvij of Matthew, Elias shall indeed come, and restore all
things; but omits his very next wordes interpreting the same, That hee is already
come, in the person of lohn Baptist. Nay, whereby hee taketh vpon him to an-
swere Biblianders obiection, that CHRIST did by lohn the Baptist, vnderstand the
prophecie of Elias comming to be accomplished, he picketh out the words, Qui
habet aures, audiat, in the xj. of Matthew, immediately following that purpose of
Elias, making of them a great mysterie: and neuer taketh knowledge, that in the
xvij. by himselfe before alleaged, CHRIST doeth interpret Malachie in the same
maner without any subioyning of these words, Qui habet aures, audiat; adioyning
shamelesly hereunto a foule Paraphrase of his owne, telling vs what CHRIST
would haue said; nay, in my conscience, he meant what CHRIST should and ought
to haue said, if he had bene a good Catholike, setting downe there a glosse of
Orleance that destroyes the Text. Thus ye see: how shamefully he abuseth
CHRISTS words, who in three sundry places (as I haue said) interpreteth the second
comming of Elias to be meant by lohn the Baptist. He likewise cauils most dis-
honestly vpon that word Venturus. For CHRIST vseth that word but in the re-
peating their opinion: but interpreting it that he was already come in the person
of lohn Baptist. As if hee had said, The prophecie is indeed trew that Elias shall
come; but I say vnto you, that Elias iam venit,* meaning of lohn Baptist: and so
he first repeats the words of the prophecie in the future time, as the Prophet spake
them; and next sheweth them to be now accomplished in the person of lohn, in

1 Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 6. ' Mar. 9. 13.

1 Matt. ii. 14. and 17. 12. * Matt. 17. n.

134 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the present time. Neither can these words of Malachie [Dies magnus 6* hor-
ribilis *] falsifie CHRISTS Commentarie vpon him.2 For if that day whereupon the
Sauiour of the world suffered, when the Sunne 3 was totally obscured from the
sixt houre to the ninth; the Vaile of the Temple rent asunder from the top to the
bottome; and the earth did quake, the stones were clouen, the graues did open
themselues, and the dead arose: If that day (I say) was not a great and horrible
day, I know not what to call a horrible day. Which day no doubt had destroyed
the whole nation of the I ewes without exception by a iust Anatheme, if the said
lohn the fore-runner had not first conuerted many by the doctrine of Repentance
and by Baptisme. But why should I presume any more to interprete Malachie*
since it is sufficient that CHRIST himselfe hath interpreted him so ? And since
Ipse dixit; nay, ter dixit, per quern facta sunt omnia, what mortall man dare
interprete him otherwise; nay, directly contrary ?

Now for that place of Ecclesiasticus; B as the son of Sirach onely borroweth it
from Malachie (as appeareth by these words of his, of conuerting the sonnes hearts
to their fathers, which are Malachies6 own words) so doth CHRISTS Commentary
serue as well to interprete the one as the other: it being no shame for that mortal
lesus, to be commented & interpreted by the immortall and trew IESVS, though to
the shame & confusion of the lesuits heresies herein.

But Enoch must be ioyned to Elias in this errand, onely to beare vp the couples,
as I thinke. For no place of Scripture speaketh of his returning againe, onely it is
said hi Ecclesiasticus 7 the 44. that Enoch pleased GOD, and was translated to
Paradise, vt daret Gentibus sapientiam, or pxnitentiam; since they will haue it so.
And what is this to say ? marry that Enoch shall returne againe to this world,
and fight against the Antichrist. A prettie large Comment indeed, but no right
Commentary vpon that Text. When Bellarmine was talking of Elias; he in-
sisted, That Elms must come to conuert the lewes principally, restituere tribus
lacob. But when he speaketh here of Enoch, he must dare Gentibus pcenitentiam,
and not a word of lewes. Belike they shall come for sundry errands, and not both
for one : Or like Paul and Peter, the one shall be Apostle for the lewes, and the
other for the Gentiles. What need such wilde racked Commentaries for such three
wordes? Will not the sense stand well and clearely enough, that Enoch pleased
GOD, and was translated to Paradise; that by the example of his reward, the
Nations might repent and imitate his Holy footsteps ? For what could more
mightily perswade the Nations to repent; then by letting them see that holy
Man carried quicke vp to Heauen, for reward of his vprightnesse; whereas all the
rest of the people died and went to corruption ? And where Scripture faileth, the

Malach. 4. 5. ' This obscuring of the Sunne was so extra-

Matth. 27. ordinary and fearefull, that Dionysius,

Mala. 4. 6. onely led by the light of Nature and

Ecclus. 48. 8. humane learning, cried out at the sight

Mala. 4. 6. thereof, Aut Deus patitur, aut vices pa-

7 Ecclus. 44. 16. tientis dolet.

A PREMONITION 135

Cardinal! must helpe himselfe with the Fathers, to prooue both that Enoch and
Elias are yet aliue, and that they shall hereafter die; but with the like felicitie, as
in his alledging of Scriptures; to vse his owne words of mee in his pamphlet: 1
For which purpose he citeth fiue Fathers; Irenaus, Tertullian, Epiphanius,
Hierome and Augustine. Vpon this they all agree in deed, that Enoch and Elias
are still aliue both, which no Christian (I hope) will denie: For Abraham, Isaac,
and lacob are all still aliue,2 as CHRIST telleth vs; for God is Deus viuentium, non
mortuorum. Much more then are Enoch and Elias aliue, who neuer tasted of
death after the maner of other men. But as to the next point, that they should die
hereafter, his first two witnesses,3 Irenceus and Tertullian say the direct contrary:
For Irenaus saith, that they shall remaine in Paradise, till the consummation,
conspicantes incorruptionem. Now to remaine there till the consummation, and to
see incorruption is directly contrary to their returning to the world againe and
suffering of death. Tertullian 4 likewise agreeing hereunto, saith most clearely,
That Enoch hath neuer tasted of death, vt aternitatis candidatus: now he is ill
priuiledged with eternitie, if he must die againe. As for his places cited out of
the other three Fathers, they all confirme that first point, That they are stil aliue;
but that they must die again, they make no mention.

But he speaking of the Ancient Fathers, let mee take this occasion to forewarne
you concerning them: That though they mistake and vnderstand not rightly
many mysteries in the Apocalyps, it is no wonder: For the booke thereof, was
still sealed in their dayes. And though the mysterie of iniquitie was already work-
ing, yet was not the man of Sinne yet reuealed.5 And it is a certaine rule in
all darke prophecies; That they are neuer clearely vnderstood, till they be
accomplished.

And thus hauing answered his two places, in the Old Testament, by his third
in the New Testament, conteining Christs owne words : which being luce clariora,
I need speake no more of them. I am now to speake of the fourth place of
Scripture, which is in the xj. of the Apocalyps: 6 For the two Witnesses (for-
sooth) there mentioned, must be Enoch and Elias. But how this can stand
with any point of Diuinitie or likelihood of reason, that these two glorified Bodies
shall come downe out of heauen or Paradise, (make it what you will) preach, and
fight against the Antichrist, bee slaine by him after many thousand yeeres ex-
empted from the naturall course of death, rise againe the third day in imitation of
CHRIST, and then (hauing wrought many wonders) to goe vp againe to Heauen,
making an ordinary Poste betwixt Heauen and Earth: how this (I say) can agree
either with Diuinitie or good Reason, I confesse it passeth my capacitie. And
especially that they must be clad in Sackcloth, whose bodies (I hope) haue bene
so long agone free from sinne, as I thinke they shall neede no more such macera-
tion for sinne: For they must be now either in Heauen or Paradise: If in heauen,

1 Pag. 27. » Lib. 5. • 2. Thess. 2.

1 Matt. 22, 32. 4 Lib. cont. ludaeos. cap. 2. • Reuelat. n.

136 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

(as doubtlesse they are) their bodies must bee glorified; for no corruptible thing
can enter there; 1 and consequently they can no more bee subiect to the sensible
things of this world, especially to death: But if they be in earthly Paradise, we
must first know where it is.

Bellarmine 2 indeed in his Contrpuersies is much troubled to finde out the place
where Paradise is, and whether it bee in the earth, or in the ayre. But these are
all vanities. The Scriptures tell vs, that Paradise and the garden of Eden therein,
was a certaine place vpon the earth, which GOD chose out to set Adam into,3 and
hauing thereafter for his sinne banished him from the same, it is a blasphemie to
thinke that any of Adams posteritie came euer there againe. For in Adam were
all his posteritie accursed, and banished from the earthly Paradise: like as all the
earth in generall, and Paradise in speciall were accursed in him; the second Adam
hauing by grace, called a certaine number of them to bee Coheritours with him
of the heauenly Paradise and Jerusalem. And doubtlesly, the earthly Paradise
was defaced at the Flood, if not before : and so lost all that exquisite fertilitie and
pleasantnesse, wherein it once surpassed all the rest of the earth. And that it
should be lifted vp in the ayre, is like one of the dreames of the Alcoran. Surely
no such miracle is mentioned in the Scriptures, and hath no ground but from the
curious fancies of some boyling braines, who cannot be content, Sapere ad
sobrietatem*

In heauen then for certaine are Enoch and Elias: for Enoch (saith the Text)
walked with GOD,6 and was taken vp, and Elias was scene caried vp to heauen in a
fierie chariot.6 And that they who haue beene the In-dwellers of Heauen these
many thousand yeeres, and are freed from the Lawes of mortalitie; that these
glorious and incorruptible bodies (I say) shall come in the world againe, preach and
work miracles, and fighting against the Antichrist be slaine by him, whom natural!
death could not before take hold of: as it is a fabulous inuention, so is it quite
contrary to the nature of such sanctified creatures. Especially I wonder, why
Enoch should bee thought to bee one of these two Witnesses for CHRIST: For it
was Moses and Elias that were with CHRIST, at the transfiguration; signifying the
Law and the Prophets: which would be the fittest witnesses for conuincing of
Antichrist. But why they haue exempted Moses, and put Enochs head in the
yoake, I cannot conceiue. So as I haue too much laboured in the refuting of this
foolish, and indeed childish fable ; which I am so farre from beleeuing in any sort,
as I protest in GODS presence, I cannot hold any learned Diuine (in our aage now)
to be a Christian, that will beleeue it; but worthy to bee ranked with the Scribes
and Pharises, that raued and dreamed vpon the comming againe of Elias, though
CHRIST told them the contrary. As for some of the Ancients that mistooke this
matter, I doe not censure them so hardly; for the reason that I haue already
alleaged concerning them.

1 Reuel. 21. 27. « Gen. 2. ' Gen. 5. 24.

1 Lib. de Grat. primi hominis. * Rom. 12. 3. • 2. King. 2. 10, n.

A PREMONITION 137

And hairing now refuted that idle fable; that those two Witnesses were Enoch
and Elias: it falleth mee next to guesse, what in my opinion should bee meant by
them. I confesse, it is farre easier to refute such a groundlesse fable as this is,
contrary to all grounds of Diuinitie and Reason; then to set downe a trew inter-
pretation of so high and darke a Mistery. And therefore as I will not presume to
bind any other man to my opinion herein, if his owne reason leade him not there-
unto; so shall I propone such probable coniectures, as (I hope) shall be free from
Heresie, or vnlawfull curiostie.

In two diuers fashions may the Mysterie of these Witnesses be lawfully and
probably interpreted, in my opinion. Whereof the one is, that by these two
Witnesses should be meant the Old and New Testaments: For as the Antichrist
cannot chuse but bee an aduersary to the Word of GOD aboue all things ; so will
hee omit no endeuour to disgrace, corrupt, suppresse and destroy the same. And
now whether this Booke of the two Testaments, or two Witnesses of CHRIST,
haue suffered any violence by the Babylonian Monarchic or not; I need say
nothing; Res ipsa loquitur. I will not weary you with recounting those Common
Places vsed for disgracing it : as calling it a Nose of waxe, a dead Letter, a leaden
Rule, a hundreth such like phrases of reproch. But how farre the Traditions of
men, and authoritie of the Church are preferred to these Witnesses, doeth
sufficiently appeare in the Babylonian doctrine. And if there were no more but
that little booke, with that prettie Inscription, De I'lnsuffisance de VEscriture
Sainte,1 it is enough to proue it.

And as to the corrupting thereof; the corruptions of the old Latine translation
must not be corrected, though it bid euertere domum in stead of euerrere, for seek-
ing of a penie; 2 and though it say of lohn, Sic eum wlo manere donee veniam,3
in place of Si, though it be knowne a plaine Lie, and that the very next words of
the Text disproue the same. Nay, so farre must wee be from correcting it, as
that the Vulgar Translation must be preferred by Catholikes, to the Bible in the
owne Originall tongue. And it is a small corrupting of Scriptures to make all, or
the most part of the Apocrypha of equall faith with the Canonicall Scriptures,
contrary to the Fathers opinions and Decrees of ancient Councels ? And what
blasphemous corrupting of Scripture is it, to turne Dominus into Domina
throughout the whole Psalmes ? And thus our Ladies Psalter 4 was lately re-
printed in Paris. Is not this to confound CHRISTS person with hers ? And as for
suppressing of the Scriptures; how many hundreth yeeres were the people kept
in such blindenes, as these Witnesses were almost vnknowne ? for the Layicks
durst not, being forbidden, and the most part of the Cleargie, either would or
could not meddle with them.

Thus were these two Witnesses of CHRIST, (whom of himselfe saith, Scrutamini
Scripturas, ilia enim testimonium perhibent de me) 6 These 6 two Oliues bringing

1 Cardinall Peron. * lohn 21. 22, 23. ' lohn 5. 39.

1 Luke 15. 8. 4 Made by Boneuentura Doctor Seraphicus. • Reuel. n. 4.

138 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

peace to all the beleeuers, euen peace of Conscience: These1 two Candlesticks
standing in the sight of GOD, and giuing light to the Nations; represented by
Candlesticks euen in the very order of the Roman Masse: 2 Thus were these two
Witnesses (I say) disgraced, corrupted and suppressed (nay, so suppressed and
silenced, as he was brent for an Heretike that durst presume to looke vpon them)
kept close in a strange tongue, that they might not be vnderstooff, Legends and
lying wonders supplying their places in the Pulpits. And so did their Bodies lie
in the streets of the great Citie, spiritually Sodome,3 for spiritual fornication which is
idolatrie; spiritually Egypt, for bringing the Saints of God in bondage of humane
traditions4 [Quare oneramini ritibus.] So did their bodies (I say) lie 3. dayes and a
halfe; B that is, the halfe of that spirituall Weeke betweene CHRIST his first and
second comming; and as dead carkases indeed did the Scriptures then lye with-
out a monument, being layed open to all contempt, cared for almost by none,
vnderstood by as few; nay, no man durst call for them for feare of punishment, as
I haue already said. And thus laying dead, as it were, without life or vigour (as
the Law of GOD did till it was reuiued in losias time 6) The Inhabitants of the
earth, that is, wordly men reioyced and sent gifts to other? for ioy that their fleshly
libertie was now no more awed, nor curbed by that two edged sword, for they were
now sure, that do what they would, their purse would procure them pardons from
Babylon. Omnia vcenalia Roma; so as men needed no more to looke vp to heauen,
but downe to their purses to finde Pardons. Nay, what needed any more suing to
heauen, or taking it by violence and feruencie of zeale; when the Pardons came
and offered themselues at euery mans doores ? And diuers spirituall men vanted
themselues, that they neither vnderstood Old Testament nor New.

Thus were these 2. Witnesses vsed in the second halfe of this spiritual weeke;
who in the first halfe thereof were clad in sackcloth; 8 that is, preached repentance
to all nations, for the space of 500. or 600. yeres after Christ: God making his
Word or Witnes so triumph, riding vpon the white horse 9 in the time of the Primi-
tiue Church, as that they ouercame al that opposed themselues vnto it, beating
downe euery high thing, as Paul10 saith; excluding from heauen al that beleeue not
therein: as strongly with the spiritual fire thereof, conuincing the stif-necked
pride of vnbeleeuers, as euer Moses or Elias did, by the plagues of Egypt and
famine, conuince the rebellious Egyptians and stif-necked Israelites.

Neither shall it be enough to disgrace, corrupt and suppresse them; but
Killed must they be at the last.11 To which purpose commeth forth 12 Censura ge-
neralis, -at mucrone censorio iugulare eas possit; and cutteth their throats indeed:
For the author ordaineth al translations, but their owne to be burnt, which is

1 Ibid. ' Verse 10.

1 See Expositio Missae, annexed to Ordo Ro- 8 Verse 3.

manus, set forth by G. Cassander. • Reuel. 6. 2.

3 Verse 8. " i. Cor. 10. 4.

4 Coloss. 2. 20. » Reuel. n. 7.

6 Verse 8. " Printed at Venice. Anno 1562.

' 2. Chro. 34. 14.

A PREMONITION 139

yet commonly practised : nay he professeth, he commeth not to correct but to
destroy them, controlling and calling euery place of Scripture Heretical, that
disagreeth from their Traditions (with almost as many foule words and railing
epithetes, as the Cardinal bestoweth on my Apologie) not ruling, nor interpreting
Scripture by Scripture, but making their Traditions to be such a touchstone for
it, as he condemneth of Heresie, not onely those places of Scripture that he citeth,
but layeth the same general condemnation vpon al other the like places where-
soeuer they be written in the Scriptures. And yet (praised be God) we beginne
now with our eyes, as our predecessors haue done in some aages before, to see
these Witnesses rise againe,1 and shine in their former glory: GOD, as it were,
setting them vp againe vpon their feete, and raising them to the Heauens in a tri-
umphall cloud of glory,2 like Elias his fiery chariot. Which exalting of the Gospel
againe, hath bred such an earthquake 3 and alteration amongst many Nations: as
a tenth part, or a good portion of these that were in subiection to that Great Citie,
to wit, Babylon, are fallen from her; seuen thousand, that is, many thousands
hauing bene killed vpon the occasion of that great alteration; and many other
conuerted to the feare of GOD, and giuing glory to the God of heauen. This now is
one of the wayes, by which (I thinke) this place of Scripture may be lawfully and
probably interpreted.

The other is more common, and seemeth more literally to agree with the Text.
And this is to interpret, not the word of God, but the Preachers thereof to bee meant
by these Witnesses. Few they were that first began to reueale the man of Sinne,
and discouer his corruptions; and therefore well described by the number of two
Witnesses : 4 Nam in ore duorum aut trium testium stabit omne verbum. And in no
greater number were they that began this worke, then the greatnesse of the errand
did necessarily require. They prophesied in sackecloth,5 for they preached re-
pentance. That diuers of them were put to cruell deaths, is notorious to the
world: And likewise that (in the persons of their Successours in doctrine) 6 they
rose againe; and that in such power and efficacie, as is more then miraculous:
For where it is accounted in the Scriptures a miraculous worke of GOD wrought by
his holy Spirit,7 When the Apostle Saint Peter, conuerted about three thousand
in one day; 8 these Witnesses I speak of, by the force of the same Spirit, conuerted
many mightie Nations in few yeeres, who still continue praising GOD, that hee
hath deliuered vs from the tyrannic of Antichrist, that reigneth ouer that great
Citie; and with a full crie proclaiming, Goe out of her my people, lest yee bee partaker
of her sinnes and of her plagues.9 Let therefore these Miracle-mongers that surfeit
the world, and raise the price of paper daily, with setting foorth old, though new
gilded Miracles and Legends of lies; Let such (I say) consider of this great and
wonderfull Miracle indeed, and to their shame, compare it with their paultry
wares. Thus hauing in two fashions deliuered my coniecture, what I take to bee

1 Verse n. 4 Deut. 19. 15. ' Verse u.

1 "• ' Reuel. ii. 3. • Actes 2. 41.

' 13- ' Sanguis Martyrum est semen Ecclesiae. » Reuel. 18. 4.

I4o THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

meant by these two Witnesses in the xj. of the Apocalyps, there beeing no great
difference betweene them: In the one, taking it to bee the Word of GOD it selfe;
In the other, the Word of God too, but in the mouthes of his Preachers : It resteth
now that I come to the third point of the description of Antichrist; which is
anent his Person.

That by the Whore of Babylon that rideth vpon the Beast, is meant a Seate of
an Empire, and a successiue number of men sitting thereupon, and not any one
man; doeth well appeare by the forme of the description of the Antichrist thorow-
out all the said Booke. For in the last verse l of the xvij. Chapter, the Woman is
expounded to bee, That great Citie that reigneth ouer the Kings of the earth; which
cannot signifie the onely Person of one man, but a successiue number of men (as
I haue already said) whose Seat 2 that great Citie must be : like as in the same
Chapter, The seuen heads of the Beast are two wayes expounded. First, they are
called seuen Hits, which is plaine; and next they are called seuen Kings, which
cannot bee meant by the Kings that shall giue their power to the Beast,3 and bee
subiect vnto her, which is immediatly after expressed by the tenne hornes: 4 But
rather appeareth to be those seuen formes of gouernment of that Seat: fiue of
which had already beene and fallen; As Kings, Consuls, Dictators, Decemuiri and
Tribuni militum. The sixt was in the tune of 5. lohn his writing of this booke,
which was the Gouernement of the Emperour. The seuenth which was not yet
come, and was to last but for a short space, was the Ecclesiasticall gouernment by
Bishops,6 which was not come vpon the translation of the Empire from Rome to
Constantinople; though their gouernment was in a manner substitute to the Em-
perours: For though that forme of Gouernement lasted about the space of 276.
yeeres; yet was it but short in comparison of the long tune of the reigne of the
Antichrist (not yet expired) which succeeded immediatly thereunto. And the
eight, which is the Beast that was and is not, and is to goe to perdition,6 is the ANTI-
CHRIST: the eight forme of Gouernment indeed by his absolutenesse, and yet the
seuenth, because hee seemeth but to succeed to the Bishop in an Ecclesiasticall
forme of Gouernement, though by his greatnesse hee shall make Babylons Empire
in glory, like to that magnificence wherein that great Citie triumphed, when it
most flourished : which in Saint lohns time was much decayed, by the factions of
the great men, the mutinies of the armies, and the vnworthines of the Emperours.
And so that flourishing state of that great Citie or Beast, which it was in before
S. lohns time, and being much 7 decayed was but in a maner in his time, should be
restored vnto it againe by Antichrist: who as he ascendeth out of the bottomless
pit, so must he goe to Destruction. And likewise by that great lamentation that is

1 Cap. xvii. Verse 18. * From the time of Con- • Verse n.

J Verse 9. stantine the Great, his remou- 7 Not in respect of the ex-

' Verse 13. ing of the Empire from Rome tent, and limites of the Em-

4 Verse 12. to Constantinople, till the time pire: but in regard of the gou-

of Bonifacius the third, to wit, ernement thereof, and glory of

about 276 yeeres. the Citie.

A PREMONITION 141

made for the destruction of Babylon in the eighteenth Chapter, both by the Kings,
and by the Merchants of the earth; where it is thrice repeated for aggrauating
the pitie of her desolation, that That great Citie fell in an houre: By that great
lamentation (I say) it well appeareth, That the raigne of Antichrist l must con-
tinue longer then three yeeres and a halfe, or any one mans time: For the Kings
that had committed fornication 2 with her, 6° in delicijs vixerant, behoued to haue
had a longer time for contracting of that great acquaintance: And the Merchants
of the earth 3 set her forth and describe her at great length, as the very staple of
all their riches; which could not be so soone gathered as in one mans time. And
to conclude now this description of the Antichrist; I will set downe vnto you
all that is spoken of him in the Apocalyps in a short methode, for the further
explaining of these three points that I haue already handled.

The Antichrist is foure times (in my opinion) described by lohn in the Apo-
calyps, in foure sundry visions; and a short Compendium of him repeated againe
in the xx. Chapter. He is first described by a pale Horse 4 in the vision of the
Seales in the sixt Chapter: For after that CHRIST had triumphed vpon a white
Horse 6 in the first Scale, by the propagation of the Gospel; and that the red
Horse 6 in the second Scale, is as busie in persecution, as CHRIST is in ouercom-
ming by the constancie of his Martyrs; and that famine and other plagues signi-
fied by the blacke Horse 7 in the third Scale, haue succeeded to these former
persecutions: Then commeth forth the Antichrist vpon a pale horse* in the 4.
Scale, hauing Death for his rider, and Hell for his conuoy ; which rider fitted well
his colour of palenesse : and he had power giuen 9 him ouer the fourth part of the
earth (which is Europe) to kill with the sword, and vse great persecution; as
Ethnick Rome did, figured by the red horse: and to kill with spirituall hunger or
famine of the trew word of God; as the black horse did by corporal famine & with
death, whereby spiritual death is meant. For the Antichrist, signified by this pale
horse, shal afflict the Church both by persecution and temporal death; as also by
alluring the Nations to idolatry, and so to spiritual death : and by the beast of the
earth shall he procure their spiritual death; for he shall send out the Locusts
(ouer whom he is King) mentioned in the 9. Chap, of this booke; and the 3. frogs,
mentioned in the 16. of the same; for intising of al Kings and nations to drinke of
the cup of her abominations. That that description now of Antichrist endeth
there, it is more then plaine: for at the opening of the first Seale, the soules and
blood of the murthered Saints cry for vengeance and hasting of iudgment;10
which in the sixt Seale is granted vnto them by CHRISTS comming at the Latter
day: signified by heauens departing away, like a scroll when it is rolled:11 with a
number of other sentences to the same purpose.

1 Reuel. 18. Ver. 9. & n. • Reuel. cap. 6. 10 Or them, after other Transla-

Ver. 10, 1 6, 19. « Verse 2. tions, whereby is ioyntly vnder-

* Vers. 9. ' Verse 4. stood the said pale horse together

' Verse 12. 8 Verse 5. with his rider and conuoy, Death

4 i. Description of Anti- • Verse 8. and Hell,

christ. u Verse 9; verse 10; verse 12.

I42 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

But because this might seeme a short and obscure description of the Antichrist,
he describeth him much more largely and specifikely, especially in the vision of the
Trumpets l in the 9. Chapter. For there he saith, at the blowing of the first
Trumpet, Heresies being first spread abroad in three of the foure former blasts;
to wit, in the first, third, and fourth blast (for I take temporall persecution to be
onely signified by the second blast) he then saw a starre fall from Heauen, to whom
was giuen the key of the bottomles pit; z which being opened by him, with the smoke
thereof came foorth a number of Locusts? whom hee largely describeth, both by
their craft & their strength; and then telleth the name of this their king, who
brought them out of the bottomles pit, which is, Destroyer* By this starre fallen
from heauen, being signified, as I take it, some person of great dignitie in the
Church, whose duetie being to giue light 6 to the world (as CHRIST saith) doth
contrary thereunto fall away like Lucifer, and set vp a kingdome, by the sending
forth of that noisome packe of craftie cruell vermine, described by Locusts: and
so is the Seat of the Antichrist begun to be erected, whose doctrine is at length
declared in the second woe, after the blast of the sixt Trumpet ;6 where it is said,
That the remnant of men which were not killed by the plagues,"1 repented not of the
workes of their hands, that they should not worship diuels, and idols of gold, and of
siluer 6* of brasse, and of stone, and of wood, which neither can see, heare, nor goe.
(As for worshipping of diuels; looke your great lesuited doctour, Vasques: 8 and
as for all the rest, it is the maine doctrine of the Roman Church.) And then it is
subioyned in this Text, that they repented not of their murther, their sorcerie, their
fornications, nor their theft?

By their murther, their persecution is meant, and bloody massacres. For their
Sorcery consider of their Agnus Dei, that will slocken fire; of the hallowed shirts,
and diuers sorts of Reliques; and also of Prayers that will preserue men from the
violence of shot, of fire, of sword, of thunder, and such like dangers; And iudge,
if this be not very like to Sorcerie and incantation of charmes.

By their Fornication is meant both their spirituall fornication of Idolatry, and
also their corporall fornication; which doth the more abound amongst them, as
well by reason of the restraint of their Churchmen from marriage, as also because
of the many Orders of idle Monastike Hues amongst them, as well for men as
women: And continuall experience prooueth, that idlenesse is euer the greatest
spurre to lecherie. And they are guiltie of Theft, in stealing from GOD the titles
and greatnes of power due to him, and bestowing it vpon their head, the Antichrist:
As also by heaping vp their treasure with their higgling wares and merchandise
of the soules of men, by lubiles, Pardons, Relates and such like strong delusions.

That he endeth this description of Antichrist in the same ninth Chapter may
likewise well appeare, by the Oath that that Mightie Angell sweareth10 in the

1 Reu. Chap. 9. Verse i. • Matth. 5. 14. 8 Lib de Cultu Adoratio. lib. 3 disp. i. cap. 5.

1 Verse 2. ' Verse 13. • Vers. 21.

1 Verse 3. ' Verse 20. 10 Cap. 10. ver. 6.

4 Verse n.

A PREMONITION 143

sixth verse of the tenth Chapter: And after the blast of the sixt Trumpet, that
time shall bee no more, and that when the seuenth Angell 1 shall blow his Trumpet,
the mysterie of GOD shalbe finished, as he had declared it to his seruants the Prophets.
Onely in the eleuenth Chapter he describeth the meanes whereby the Antichrist*
was ouercome, whose raigne he had before described in the ix. Chapter; and
telleth vs that the two witnesses,3 after that they haue beene persecuted by the
Antichrist shall in the end procure his destruction. And in case any should thinke,
that the Antichrist is onely spoken of in the xj. Chapter, and that the Beast
spoken of in the xiij. and xvij. Chapters doth onely signifie Ethnicke Rome; there
needeth no other refutation of that conceit, then to remember them, that the
Antichrist is neuer named in all that xj. Chapter, but where he is called in the
seuenth verse thereof the Beast that commeth foorth of the bottomless pit: 4 which by
the description of the place he commeth out of, prooueth it to be the same Beast
which hath the same originall in the xvij. Chapter, and in the very same words;
so as it is euer but the same Antichrist repeated, and diuersly described in diuers
visions.

Now in the xij. and xiij. Chapters and so foorth till the xvij. he maketh a more
large and ample propheticall description of the state of the Church, and reigne of
the Antichrist: For in the xij. Chap, he figureth the Church by a Woman 5 flying
from the Dragon (the Deuill) to the wildernesse; And when the Dragon seeth hee
cannot otherwise ouer-reach her, hee speweth foorth waters like floods to carry her
away;6 which signifieth many Nations, that were let loose to persecute and vexe
the Church. And in the xxiij. Chapter,7 out of that Sea of Nations that persecuted
her, ariseth that great Citie (Queene of all the Nations, and head of that persecu-
tion) figured by a Beast with seuen heads and tenne homes? like a Leopard;9 as well
for the colour because it was full of spots, that is, defiled with corruptions; as
also vsing a bastard forme of gouernement, in shew spiritual!, but in deed tem-
porall ouer the Kings of the earth; like the Leopard that is a bastard beast be-
twixt a Lion and a Parde: hauing/ee/e like a Beare, to signifie his great strength,
and the mouth of a Lion, to shew his rauenous and cruel! disposition.

This Beast who had his power from the Dragon, and had gotten a deadly wound
in one of his heads,10 or formes of gouernment (by the Gothes and Vandals] and yet
was healed againe; opened his mouth to blasphemies,11 and made wane against the
Saints :n nay, all the world must worship him; which worship Ethnicke Rome
neuer craued of any, being contented to call their neighbour Kings Amid 6*
socij populi Romani. And whether worship or adoration, euen with that same
title, he vsed to Popes at their creation, our Cardinall can best tell you.

But then commeth another beast vp out of the earth,13 hauing indeed a more
firme and setled originall : for she doeth visibly and outwardly succeed to the trew

1 Verse 7. * Chap. xii. Verse 6. • Verse i. " Verse 6.

1 Cap. ii. • Verse 15. • Verse 2. " Verse 7.

' Verse 3. 7 Chap. xiii. M Verse 3. " Verse n.
4 Cap. ii. Verse 7.

144 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Church, and therefore she hath two hornes like the Lambe, in outward shew repre-
senting the spouse of CHRIST, and pretending CHRIST to be her defence: But she
speaketh like the Dragon, teaching damnable and deuilish doctrine. And this
Apostatike (I should say Apostolike) Church, after that she hath made her great
power manifest to the world, by doing all that the first Beast could doe,1 In con-
spectu eius; that is, by shewing the greatnesse of her power, to be nothing in-
feriour to the greatnesse of the former Ethnicke Empire: she then is mooued with
so great a desire to aduance this Beast, now become Antichrist, as she causeth the
earth and all that dwell therein, to worship this former Beast or Roman Monarch;
transferring so, as it were, her owne power in his person. Yea, euen Emperours
and Kings shall be faine to kisse his feet. And for this purpose shall shee worke
great Miracles, wherein she greatly prides her selfe, deceiuing men with lying
wonders and emcacie of lyes, as S. Paul 2 saith. And amongst the rest of her
wonders, she must bring Fire out ofheauen,3 Fulmen excommunication[i}s, which can
dethrone Princes: So that all that will not worship the image of the Beast,* that is,
his vnlimited Supremacie, must be killed and burnt as Heretikes. Yea, so peremp-
tory will this Beast or false Prophet be (so called in the xvj. Chapter of this booke)
for the aduancement of the other Beast or Antichrist; as all sorts and rankes of
people must receiue the marke 5 or name of that Beast in their right hand, or in their
forehead; without the which it should be lawfull to none to buy, or sell: 6 by the Marke
in the forehead, signifying their outward profession and acknowledgement of their
subiection vnto her; and by the Marke in their right hand, signifying their actuall
implicite obedience vnto her, who they thinke cannot erre, though she should
commaund them to rebell against their naturall princes; like that Cceca obedientia
whereunto all the lesuits are sworne: and like those Romish Priests in this Coun-
trey, that haue renounced and forsworne againe that Oath of Allegiance, grounded
vpon their naturall Oath; which though at their taking it, they confessed they
did it out of conscience, and as obliged thereunto by their naturall duetie; yet
now must they forsweare it againe, for obedience to the Popes command; to
whose will their conscience and reason must be blindly captiuated. And who euer
denied this absolute power, might neither buy nor sell; for no man was bound to
keepe any faith, or obserue any ciuill contracts with Heretikes: yea, to a?quiuo-
cate and commit periury towards them, is a lawfull thing in a Catholike.

Now as to the Mysterie anent the Number of his name ; 7 whether it shalbe vnder-
stood by the number composed of the Letters in that Greeke word AATEINOS ;8
which word well sutes with the Romish Church, Romish Faith, and Latine Ser-
uice: Or whether in respect that in the Text it is called the number of the man, ye
will take it for the number or date of the yeere of GOD, wherein that first man
liued, that first tooke the title of the Antichrist vpon him; I leaue it to the Readers
choice. By that first Man, I meane Bonifacius tertius, who first called himselfe

1 Verse 12. « Verse 15. 7 Verse 17.

1 2. Thes. 2. 9. • Verse 17. 8 Irenaeus aduersus Haeres. lib. 5.

' Verse 13. « Verse 16.

A PREMONITION 145

Vniuersall Bishop; which S. Gregorie, that liued till within three yeeres of his
time,1 foretold would be the style of the Antichrist, or his Precursor: for though
he died threescore yeeres before the 666. of CHRIST; yet was that Title but fully
setled vpon his Successors, sixtie yeeres after his time. Or if ye list to count it
from Pompey his spoiling of the Temple, to this same Mans time; it will goe very
neere to make iust vp the said number 666.

Now the raigne of the Antichrist being thus prophetically described in the
xiij. Chapter, his fall is prophecied in the xiiij. First by the ioyfull and triumphall
New song2 of the Saints in heauen: And next by the proclamation of three
Angels; whereof the first hauing an euerlasting Gospel 3 in his hand to preach to all
Nations (the trew armour indeed wherewith the Witnesses fought against the
Antichrist^) The first Angel, I say, proclaimed Feare and glory to GOD, since the
houre of his lodgement was come* And the second proclaimed the fall of Babylon,*
which is the destruction of the Antichrist. And the third prohibited vnder great
paines, euen the paine of eternall damnation, that none should worship the Beast,6
or receiue his Marke. But though that in the rest of this Chapter the Latter day
be againe prophecied, as a thing that shall come shortly after the reuealing of the
man of Sinne: yet in the xv. Chap, he telleth of seuen plagues? vnder the name of
Vials, that shall first fall vpon the Antichrist and his kingdome; which, being
particularly set downe in the xvj. Chapter, he reckoneth among the rest. In the
fift viall* the plague of darkenesse; yea, such darkenesse as the kingdome of
Antichrist shall be obscured. Whereby at the powring foorth of the sixt Viall
the way of the Kings of the East shall be prepared; 9 the man of Sinne being begun
to be reuealed, and so all impediments remooued that might let the inuasion of
that Monarchic: euen as that great riuer Euphrates that runneth by the literall
Babylon, guarded it from the Kings of the East, the Medes and Persians, the tune
of the Babylonian Monarchic, till by the drying thereof, or vnexpected passage
made through it by Cyrus,10 Babylon was wonne, and Baltasar destroyed, and his
Monarchic ouerthrowne, euen while hee was sitting in that literall Babylon,
corporally drunken and quaffing in the vessels ordained for GODS Seruice; and
so sitting as it were in the Temple of GOD, and abusing the holy Mysteries thereof.
For remedy whereof, at the powring forth of the sixt Viall, three mdeane
spirits, like frogs, shall then come foorth out of the mouth of the Dragon, that beast,
and of the false prophet;11 which I take to be as much to say, as that how soone as
the kingdome of Antichrist shall be so obscured, with such a grosse and a palpable
ignorance, as learning shall be almost lost out of the world, and that few of the
very Priests themselues shall be able to reade Latine, much lesse to vnderstand it;
and so a plaine way made for the Destruction of Babylon: Then shall a new sect
of Spirits arise for the defence of that falling Throne, called three in number, by

1 Epist. lib. 6. cap. 30. 5 Verse 8. • Verse 12.

* Chap, xiiij. Verse 3. • Verse 9. 10 Dan. 5. 3.

1 Verse 6. 7 Chap. xv. Verse i. u Verse 13.

« Verse 7. 8 Chap xvi. Verse 10.

146 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

reason of their three-fold direction; being raised and inspired by the Dragon

Sathan, authorized and maintained by the Beast the Antichrist, and instructed by

the false prophet the Apostatike Church, that hath the homes like the Lambe,

but speaketh like the Dragon. These Spirits indeed, thus sent foorth by this

threefold authoritie for the defence of their Triple-crowned Monarch, are well

likened to frogges; for they are Amphibious, and can Hue in either Element, earth

or water: for though they be Churchmen by profession, yet can they vse the trade

of politique Statesmen; going to the Kings of the earth, to gather them to the

battell of that Great day of GOD Almightie.1 What Massacres haue by their per-

swasion bene wrought through many parts of Christendome, and how euilly

Kings haue sped that haue bene counselled by them; all the vnpartiall Histories

of our tune doe beare record. And whatsoeuer King or State will not receiue

them, and follow their aduise, rooted out must that King or State be, euen with

Gunpowder ere it faile. And these frogges had reason indeed to labour to become

learned, thereby to dissipate that grosse mist of ignorance, wherewith the reigne

of Antichrist was plagued before their comming forth.2 Then doeth this Chapter

conclude with the last plague that is powred out of the seuenth Viall vpon the

Antichrist, which is the day of Judgement : for then Babylon (saith he) came in

remembrance before God?

But in the 17. Chapter is the former Vision interpreted and expounded;4 and
there is the Antichrist represented by a Woman, sitting vpon that many-headed
Beast; because as CHRIST his trew Spouse and Church is represented by a Woman
in the twelfth Chapter, so here is the Head of his adulterous spouse or false
Church represented also by a woman, but hauing a cup full of abominations in her
hand:6 as her selfe is called a Whoore* for her spiritual adulterie, hauing seduced
the Kings of the earth to be partakers of her Spirituall fornication:6 And yet won-
derful gorgious and glorious was she in outward shew; but drunken with the blood
of the Saints,7 by a violent persecution of them. And that shee may the better
bee knowen, hee writeth her name vpon her forehead agreeable to her qualities:
A Mysterie? that great Babylon, the Mother of whoredomes and abominations of the
earth. A Mysterie is a name that belongeth vnto her two maner of wayes: One,
as shee taketh it to her selfe; another, as shee deserueth indeed. To her selfe shee
taketh it, in calling herself e the visible Head of the mysticall Body of CHRIST, in
professing her selfe to bee the dispenser of the mysteries of GOD, and by her onely
must they bee expounded: This great God in earth and Head of the Faith, being
a Mystes by his profession; that is, a Priest. And if the obseruation of one be
trew, that hee had of old the word Mysterie written on his Myter; then is this
Prophecie very plainely accomplished. Now that indeed shee deserues that
name, the rest of her Title doeth beare witnesse that sheweth her to bee the Mother

1 Verse 14. < The fourth description. Chap. 17. Verse 3. ' Verse 2.

1 Verse 17. ' Verse 4. « Verse 6.

' Verse 19. • Verse i. » Verse 5.

A PREMONITION 147

of all the whoredomes and abominations of the earth:1 and so is she vnder the pretext
of holinesse, a Mystery indeed of all inquitie and abominations; vnder the maske
of pretended feeding of Soules, deuouring Kingdomes, and making Christendome
swimme in blood.

Now after that this scarlet or bloody Beast and her Rider are described, by
their shape, garments, name and qualities: the Angel doeth next interprete this
vision vnto lohn, expounding vnto him what is signified both by the Beast and her
Rider; telling him, the seuen heads of the Beast are seuen Hilles? meaning by the
situation of that Citie or seat of Empire; and that they are also seuen Kings or
formes of gouernment in the said Citie, whereof I have told you my conceit
already. As for the ten Homes,3 which hee sheweth to be tenne Kings, that shall at
one houre receiue their power and kingdome with the Beast, I take that number of
ten to be Numerus certus pro incerto; euen as the number of seuen heads and ten
homes vpon the Dragon the Deuill, cannot but be an vncertaine number. And
that hee also imitates in those ten homes, the ten homes of the seuen headed
Beast in the seuenth of Daniel: and therefore I take these ten Kings to signifie,
all the Christian Kings, and free Princes and States in generall, euen you whom to
I consecrate these my Labours, and that of vs all he prophesieth, that although
our first becomming absolute and free Princes, should be in one houre with the
Beast : (for great Christian Kingdomes and Monarches did but rise, and receiue
their libertie by the rubies of the Ethnicke Romane Empire, and at the destruction
thereof) and at the very time of the beginning of the planting of the Antichrist
there; and that we should for a long time continue to worship the Beast, hauing
one Catholike or common consenting minde 4 in obeying her, yeelding our power
and authoritie vnto her, and kissing her feete, drinking with her in her cup of
Idolatrie, and fighting with the Lambef in the persecution of his Saints, at her com-
mand that gouerneth so many Nations and people: yet notwithstanding all this,
wee shall in the time appointed by GOD, hauing thus fought with the Lambe, but
being ouercome by him, that is conuerted by his Word, wee shall then (I say) hate
the Whore,6 and make her desolate, and make her naked, by discouering her hypo-
crisie and false pretence of zeale; and shall eate her flesh, and burne her with fire.
And thus shall the way of the Kings of the East bee prepared,1 as ye heard in the
sixteenth Chapter. And then doeth hee subioyne the reason of this strange
change in vs: for (saith hee) GOD hath put it in their hearts to fulfill his will, and
with one consent to giue their Kingdomes to the Beast, till the words of GOD be full
filled* according to that sentence of Solomon; That the hearts of Kings are in the
handes of GOD, to bee turned at his pleasure? And hauing thus interpreted the
Beast or Empire; hee in a word expounds, that by the Woman that rode vpon her,
or Monarch that gouerned her, was meant that great Citie10 that reigned ouer the

1 Verse 5. 4 Verse 13. ' Reuel. 16. 12. • Prou. 21. i.

1 Verse 9. • Verse 14. • Verse 17. 10 Verse 18.

1 Verse 12. • Verse 16.

148 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Kings of the earth: by the Seate of the Empire pointing out the qualitie of the
persons that should sit and domine there.

Then is the greatnesse of her fall, and the great lamentation that both the
Kings and Merchants of the earth shall make for the same, proclaimed by an
other Angel in the eighteenth Chapter. The Kings lamenting her fall,1 because
they lined in pleasure with her; which no Kings could doe with Ethnicke Rome,
who conquered them by her sword: for shee honoured them with Titles, and
dispensed with their lustes and vnlawfull marriages. And the Merchants of the
earth? and all Shipmasters, and traffickers vpon the Sea, shall lament the fall of that
great Citie, which neuer had a fellow, for the losse of their riches and traffique,
which they enioyed by her meanes. And there he describeth all sorts of rich
wares,3 whereof that great Citie was the Staple : for indeed shee hath a necessary
vse for all such rich and glorious wares, as well for ornaments to her Churches and
princely Prelates, as for garments and ornaments to her woodden Saints; for the
blessed Virgin must be dayly clothed and decked in the newest and most curious
fashion, though it should resemble the habit of a Curtizane. And of all those rich
wares, the most precious is last named, which is the Soules of men: 4 for so much
bestowed vpon Masses, and so much doted to this or that Cloyster of Monkes or
Friers, but most of all now to that irregular and incomprehensible order of
lesuites; shal both redeeme his owne Soule, and all his parents to the hundreth
generation, from broyling in the fire of Purgatory. And (I hope) it is no small
merchandise of Soules, when men are so highly deluded by the hopes and promise
of Saluation, as to make a Frier murther his Soueraigne; 6 a yong knaue attempt
the murther of his next Successour; 6 many one to conspire and attempt the like
against the late Queene; and in my time, to attempt the destruction of a whole
Kingdome and State by a blast of Powder: and hereby to play bankerupt with
both the soules mentioned in the Scriptures, Animus 6* Anima.

But notwithstanding of this their great Lamentation, they are commanded
by a voyce from heauen to doe two things: One, to flee from Babylon, lest they bee
partakers of her sinnes,"1 and consequently of her punishment. Which warning I
pray God that yee all, my Beloued Brethren and Cousins, would take heed vnto in
time, humbly beseeching him to open your eyes for this purpose. The other com-
mand is, to reward her as shee hath rewarded you; yea, euen to the double* For as
she did flie but with your feathers, borrowing as well her Titles of greatnesse and
formes of honouring her from you; as also enioying all her Temporall liuing by
your liberalities; so if euery man doe but take his owne againe, she will stand vp 9
naked; and the reason is giuen, because of her pride: For shee glorifieth her selfe
liuing in pleasure, and in her heart saith, shee sitteth as a Queene (outward pro-
speritie being one of their notes of a trew Church) and is no Widow;10 for her

1 Chap. 18. Verse 9. 10. « Henry 4.

1 Verse n, 15, 16, 17, 18. 7 Verse 4. « Verse 6.

3 Verse 12, 13. « Verse 13. • Comicula Aesopica.

' Henry 3. K. of France. 10 Verse 7.

A PREMONITION

149

Spouse CHRIST is bound to her by an inuiolable knot (for he hath sworne neuer to
forsake her) and she shall see no mourning: for she cannot erre, nor the gates of
Hell shall not preuaile against her.

But though the earth and worldly men lament thus for the fall of Babylon in
this eighteenth Chapter, yet in the nineteenth, Heauen and all the Angels and
Saints 1 therein doe sing a triumphall Cantique 2 for ioy of her fall, praising God
for the fall of that great Whore: Great indeed, fof our Cardinatt 3 confesseth, that
it is hard to describe what the Pope is, such is his greatnesse. And in the end of
that Chapter is the obstinacie of that Whore described, who euen fought to the
vttermost against him that sate on the white Horse* and his armie; till the Beast 6
or Antichrist was taken, and the false Prophet, or false Church with him, who by
Miracles, and lying wonders deceiued them that receiued the marke of the Beast; and
both were cast quicke into the burning lake of fire and brimestone; vnde nulla re-
demptio. Like as in the ende of the former Chapter, to describe the fulnesse of
the Antichrists fall (not like to that reparable wound that Ethnicke Rome gate)
it is first compared to a Milstone cast into the sea,6 that can neuer rise and fleete
againe: And next it is expressed by a number of ioyfull things that shall neuer
bee heard there againe, where nothing shall inhabite but desolation.7 But that
the patience and constancie of Sairits on earth, and God his Elected may the
better bee strengthened and confirmed; their persecution in the latter dayes, is
shortly prophesied and repeated againe, after that Satan hath beene bound? or his
furie restrained, by the world enioying of peace for a thousand yeeres, or a great
indefinite time; their persecuters being named Gog and Magog,9 the secret and
reuealed enemies of CHRIST. Whether this be meant of the Pope and the Turke,
or not; (who both began to rise to their greatnesse about one tune) I leaue to bee,
guessed; alwayes their vtter confusion10 is there assuredly promised: and it is
said; that the Dragon, the Beast, and the false Prophet,11 shall all three bee cast in
that lake of fire and brimstone, to be tormented for euer.n And thereafter is the latter
day described againe (which must be hastened for the Elects sake13) and then for the
further comfort of the Elect, and that they may the more constantly and patiently
endure these temporall and finite troubles, limited but to a short space; in the
last two Chapters u are the ioyes of the eternall lerusalem largely described.

Thus hath the Cardinals shamelesse wresting of those two places of Scripture,
Pasce oues meas, and Tibi dabo claues, for proouing of the Popes supreame Tem-
porall authoritie ouer Princes; animated mee to prooue the Pope to bee THE
ANTICHRIST, out of this foresaid booke of Scripture; so to pay him in his owne
money againe. And this opinion no Pope can euer make me to recant; except
they first renounce any further medling with Princes, in any thing belonging to

1 Cap. xix. Verse i.

> Verse 2.

* Bellar. in Res. ad Gerson, con-

sid. ii.
4 Verse 19.

Verse 20.
Cap 18. 21.
Ibidem. Vers. 22. 23.
Cap xx. Verse 2.
Verse 8.

u Verse 9.

11 Verse 10.

11 Verse 11, 12, 13.

15 Matth. 24. 22.

14 Cap. xxj. xxij.

150 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

their Temporall Jurisdiction. And my onely wish shall bee, that if any man shall
haue a fancie to refute this my coniecture of the Antichrist; that hee answere mee
orderly to euery point of my discourse; not contenting him to disprooue my
opinion, except hee set downe some other Methode after his forme for interpreta-
tion of that Booke of the Apocalyps, which may not contradict no part of the
Text, nor conteine no absurdities: Otherwise, it is an easie thing for Momus to
picke quarrels in another mans tale, and tell it worse himself e; it being a more
easie practise to finde faults, then amend them.

Hauing now made this digression anent the Antichrist, which I am sure I can
better fasten vpon the Pope, then Bellarmine can doe his pretended Temporall
Superioritie ouer Kings: I will returne againe to speake of this Answerer; who
(as I haue already told you) so fitteth his matter with his manner of answering,
that as his Style is nothing but a Satyre and heape full of iniurious and reproch-
full speaches, as well against my Person, as my Booke; so is his matter as full of
lyes and falsities indeed, as hee vniustly layeth to my charge: For three lies hee
maketh against the Oath of Alleagiance, conteined and maintained in my Booke;
besides that ordinary repeated lie against my Booke, of his omitting to answere
my lyes, trattles, iniurious speaches and blasphemies. One grosse lye he maketh
euen of the Popes first Breue. One lye of the Puritanes, whom he would gladly
haue to be of his partie. And one also of the Powder-Traitours, anent the occa-
sion that mooued them to vndertake that treasonable practise. Three lies hee
makes of that Acte of Parliament wherein this Oath of Allegiance is conteined.
Hee also maketh one notable lie against his owne Catholike Writers. And two,
of the causes for which two lesuites haue beene put to death in England. And he
either falsifies, denies or wrests fiue sundry Histories and a printed Pamphlet:
besides that impudent lye that hee maketh of my Person; that I was a Puritane
in Scotland, which I haue already refuted. And for the better filling vp of his
booke with such good stuff e; hee hath also fiue so strange and new principles of
Diuinitie therein, as they are either new, or at least allowed by very few of his
owne Religion. All which lyes, with diuers others, and fiue strange, and (as I
thinke) erroneous points of Doctrine, with sundry falsifications of Histories; are
set downe in a Table by themselues in the end of this my Epistle, hauing their
Refutation annexed to euery one of them. .

But as for the particular answering of his booke; it is both vnnecessary and
vncomely for me to make a Reply. Vnnecessary, because (as I haue already told
you) my Booke is neuer yet answered, so farre as belongeth to the maine question
anent the Oath of Allegiance : the picking of aduantages vpon the wrong placing
of the figures in the citations, or such errors in the Print by casuall addition, or
omission of words that make nothing to the Argument; being the greatest weap-
ons wherewith hee assaults my Booke. And vncomely it must needs be (in my
opinion) for a King to fall in altercation with a Cardinal, at least with one no
more nobly descended then he is: That Ecclesiasticall dignitie, though by the

A PREMONITION 151

sloath of Princes (as I said before) it be now come to that height of vsurped
honour, yet being in the trew original! and foundation thereof nothing else, but
the title of the Priests and Deacons of the Parish Churches in the towne of Rome;
at the first, the stile of Cardinals being generally giuen to all Priests and Deacons
of any Cathedral Church, though the multitude of such Cardinal Priests and
Deacons resorting to Rome, was the cause that after bred the restraining of that
title of Cardinall Priests and Deacons, onely to the Parish priests and Deacons of
Rome. And since that it is S. Gregorie, who in his Epistles sixe hundreth yeeres
after CHRIST, maketh the first mention of Cardinals (and so these now Electours
of the Apostolike Sea, beeing long and many hundreth yeeres vnknowen or
vnheard of, after the Apostolik aage ; and yet doeth hee speake of them but in this
sence as I haue now described) I hope the Cardinall, who calleth him the Apostle
of England, cannot blame mee that am King thereof, to acknowledge the Cardinall
in no other degree of honour, then our said Apostle did. But how they should
now become to bee so strangely exalted aboue their first originall institution, that
from Parish-priests and Deacons (Priests inferiours) they should now come to
bee Princes and Peeres to Kings; and from a degree vnder Bishops (as both
Bellarmine 1 and Onuphrius 2 confesse) to bee now the Popes sole Electours,
supplying with him the place of a Generall Councell ; whereby the conuening of
Generall Councels is now vtterly antiquated and abolished; nay, out of their
number onely, the Pope to be elected; who claimeth the absolute Superioritie
ouer all Kings: how this their strange vsurped exaltation (I say) should thus
creepe in and bee suffered, it belongeth to all them in our place and calling to
looke vnto it; who being GOD his Lieutenants in earth, haue good reason to bee
iealous of such vpstart Princes, meane in their originall, come to that height by
their owne creation, and now accounting themselues Kings fellowes. But the
speciall harme they do vs, is by their defrauding vs of our common & Christian
interest in General Councels; they hauing (as I said) vtterly abolished the same,
by rolling it vp, & making as it were a Monopoly thereof, in their Conclaue with
the Pope. Whereas, if euer there were a possibilitie to be expected of reducing all
Christians to an vniformitie of Religion, it must come by the means of a Generall
Councel: the place of their meeting being chosen so indifferent, as all Christian
Princes, either in their owne Persons, or their Deputie Commissioners, and all
Church-men of Christian profession that beleeue and professe all the ancient
grounds of the trew, ancient, Catholike, and Apostolike Faith, might haue tutum
accessum thereunto; All the incendiaries and Nouelist fire-brands on either side
being debarred from the same, as well lesuites as Puritanes.

And therefore hauing resolued not to paine my selfe with making a Replie for
these reasons heere specified, grounded as well vpon the consideration of the
matter, as of the person of the Answerer; I haue thought good to content my selfe

1 Lib. de Clericis, cap. 16.

1 Lib. de Episcopatibus, Titulis & Diaconijs Cardinalium.

152 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

with the reprinting of my Apologie: hauing in a manner corrected nothing but the
Copiers or Printers faults therein, and prefixed this my Epistle of Dedication and
Warning thereunto; that I may yet see, if any thing will be iustly said against it:
Not doubting but enow of my Subiects will replie vpon these Libellers, and an-
swere them sufficiently; wishing Yov deepely to consider, and weigh your com-
mon interest in this Cause. For neither in all my Apologie, nor in his pretended
Refutation thereof, is there any question made anent the Popes power ouer mee
in particular, for the excommunicating or deposing of mee: For in my particular;
the Cardinall doeth mee that grace, that hee saith, The Pope thought it not ex-
pedient at this tune to excommunicate mee by name; our question being onely
generall, Whether the Pope may lawfully pretend any temporall power ouer
Kings, or no ?

That no Church-men can by his rule bee subiect to any Temporall Prince, I
haue already shewed you; And what Obedience any of you may looke for of any
of them de facto, hee plainely forewarneth you of, by the example of Gregory the
Great his obedience to the Emperour Mauritius; not being ashamed to slaunder
that great Personages Christian humilitie and Obedience to the Emperour, with
the title of a constrained and forced obedience, because hee might, or durst doe no
otherwise. Whereby he not onely wrongs the said Gregory in particular, but euen
doeth by that meanes lay on an heauie slaunder and reproach vpon the Christian
humilitie and patience of the whole Primitiue Church, especially in the tune of
persecution: if the whole glory of their Martyrdome and Christian patience shall
bee thus blotted with that vile glosse of their coacted and constrained suffering,
because they could or durst doe no otherwise; like the patience and obedience of
the lewes or Turkish slaues in our time, cleane contrary to Saint Paul 1 and Saint
Peters 2 doctrine of obedience for conscience sake; and as contrary to Tertullians
Apologie for Christians, and all the protestations of the ancient Fathers in that
case. But it was good lucke for the ancient Christians in the dayes of Ethnicke
Emperours, that this prophane and new conceit was then vnknowen among
them: otherwise they would haue beene vtterly destroyed and rooted out in that
time, and no man to haue pitied them, as most dangerous members in a Common-
wealth; who would no longer be obedient, then till they were furnished with
sufficient abilitie and power to resist and rebell.

Thus may ye see, how vpon the one part our Cardinall will haue all Kings and
Monarchs to bee the Popes Vassals; and yet will not on the other side, allow the
meanest of the Pope his vassals, to be subiect to any Christian Prince. But he
not thinking it enough to make the Pope our Superior, hath in a late Treatise of
his (called the Recognition of his bookes of Controuersies} made the people and
Subiects of euery one of vs, our Superiors. For hauing taken occasion to reuisite
againe his bookes of Controuersies, and to correct or explaine what he findeth
amisse or mistaketh in them; in imitation of S. Augustine his retractions (for so he

1 Rom. 13. 5. ' i. Pet. 2. 13.

A PREMONITION 153

saith in his Preface) he doth in place of retracting any of his former errours, or any
matter of substance; not retract, but recant indeed, I meane sing ouer againe, and
obstinatly confirme a number of the grossest of them: Among the which, the
exempting of all Church-men from subiection to any Temporall Prince, and the
setting vp not onely of the Pope, but euen of the People aboue their naturall
King; are two of his maine points.

As for the exemption of the Clerickes; he is so greedy there to proue that
point, as he denieth Casar to haue beede Pauls lawfull ludge: contrary to the
expresse Text, and Pauls plaine Appellation,1 and acknowledging him his ludge;
besides his many times claiming to the Roman priuiledges, and auowing himselfe
a Roman by freedome; 2 and therefore of necessitie a Subiect to the Roman
Emperour. But it is a wonder that these Romane Catholikes, who vaunt them-
selues of the ancientie both of their doctrine and Church, and reproch vs so bitterly
of our Nouelties, should not be ashamed to make such a new inept glosse as this
vpon S. Pauls Text; which as it is directly contrary to the Apostles wordes, so is
it without any warrant, either of any ancient Councell, or of so much as any one
particular Father that euer interprets that place in this sort: Neither was it euer
doubted by any Christian in the Primitiue Church, that the Apostles, or any
other degree of Christians, were subiect to the Emperour.

And as for the setting vp of the People aboue their owne naturall King, he
bringeth in that principle of Sedition, that he may thereby proue, that Kings haue
not their power and authoritie immediatly from God, as the Pope hath his: For
euery King (saith he) is made and chosen by his people; nay, they doe but so
transferre their power in the Kings person, as they doe notwithstanding retaine
their habituall power in their owne hands, which vpon certaine occasions they
may actually take to themselues againe. This, I am sure, is an excellent ground
in Diuinitie for all Rebels and rebellious people, who are hereby allowed to rebell
against their Princes; and assume libertie vnto themselues, when in their discre-
tions they shall thinke it conuenient.

And amongst his other Testimonies for probation, that all Kings are made and
created by the People; he alledgeth the Creation of three Kings in the Scripture,
Saul, Dauid and leroboam; and though hee bee compelled by the expresse words
of the Text, to confesse, that God by his Prophet Samuel annointed both Saul 3
and Dauid;* yet will he, by the post-consent of the people, proue that those
Kings were not immediately made by God, but medially by the people; though
he repeat thrise that word of Lott, by the casting whereof he confesseth that Saul
was chosen. And if the Election by Lott be not an immediate Election from God;
then was not Matthias * who was so chosen and made an Apostle, immediatly
chosen by GOD : and consequently, he that sitteth in the Apostolike Sea cannot
for shame claime to be immediatly chosen by God, if Matthias (that was one of the

1 Acts. 25. 10. ' i. Sam. 10. i. ' Actes i.

1 Acts 22. 28. « i. Sam. 16. 12. 13.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

twelue Apostles, supplying ludas his place) was not so chosen. But as it were a
blasphemous impietie, to doubt that Matthias was immediatly chosen by GOD,
and yet was hee chosen by the casting of Lots, as Saul was: so is it well enough
knowen to some of you (my louing Brethren) by what holy Spirit or casting of
Lots the Popes vse to be elected; the Colledge of Cardinals, his electors, hauing
beene diuided in two mightie factions euer since long before my tune; and in place
of casting of Lotts, great fat pensions beeing cast into some of their greedy
mouthes for the election of the Pope, according to the partiall humours of Princes.
But I doe most of all wonder at the weakenesse of his memorie: for in this place
he maketh the post-consent of the people to be the thing that made both these
Kings, notwithstanding of their preceding inauguration and anoyntment by the
Prophet at GODS commandement; forgetting that in the beginning of this same
little booke of his, answering one that alledgeth a sentence of S. Cyprian, to
prooue that the Bishops were iudged by the people in Cyprians time, he there
confesseth, that by these words, the consent of the people to the Bishops Election
must be onely vnderstood. Nor will he there any wayes be mooued to graunt,
that the peoples power, in consenting to or refusing the Election of a Bishop,
should be so vnderstood, as that thereby they haue power to elect Bishops: And
yet do these words of Cyprian seeme to bee farre stronger, for granting the peoples
power to elect Churchmen, then any words that he alledgeth out of the Scripture
are for the peoples power in electing a King. For the very words of Cyprian l
by himselfe there cited, are, That the very people haue principally the power, either
to chuse such Priests as are worthy, or to refuse such as are vnworthie: And, I hope,
hee can neuer prooue by the Scripture, that it had beene lawfull to the people of
Israel, or that it was left in their choise, to haue admitted or refused Saul or Dauid
at their pleasure, after that the Prophet had anoynted them, and presented them
vnto them.

Thus yee see how little he careth (euen in so little a volume) to contradict
himselfe, so it may make for his purpose; making the consent of the people to
signifie their power of Election in the making of Kings; though in the making of
Bishops, by the peoples consent, their approbation of a deed done by others must
onely be vnderstood. And as for his example of leroboams 2 election to bee King;
hee knoweth well enough, that leroboam was made King in a popular mutinous
tumult and rebellion; onely permitted by God, and that in his wrath, both
against these two Kings and their people. But if he will needs helpe himselfe,
against all rules of Diuinitie, with such an extraordinary example for proofe of a
generall Rule; why is it not as lawfull for vs Kings to oppose hereunto the ex-
ample of lehu3 his Inauguration to the Kingdome; who vpon the Prophets
priuat anointment of him, and that in most secret manner, tooke presently the
Kings office vpon him, without euer crauing any sort of approbation from the
people?

1 Cyprian. lib. i. Epist. 4. « i King. 12. 20. ' 2. King. 9. a, 3.

. A PREMONITION 155

And thus may ye now clearely see, how deepe the claime of the Babylonian
Monarch toucheth vs in all our common interest : for (as I haue already told) the
Pope, nor any of his Vassals, I meane Church-men must be subiect to no Kings
nor Princes: and yet all Kings and their Vassals must not onely be subiect to the
Pope, but euen to their owne people. And now, what a large libertie is by this
doctrine left to Church-men, to hatch or foster any treasonable attempts against
Princes; I leaue it to your considerations, since do what they will, they are ac-
countable to none of vs: nay, all their treasonable practises must be accounted
workes of pietie, and they (being iustly punished for the same) must be presently
inrolled in the list of Martyrs and Saints; like as our new printed Martyrologie
hath put Garnet and Ouldcorne in the Register of English Martyrs abroad, that
were hanged at home for Treason against the Crowne and whole State of England:
so as I may iustly with Isaiah,1 pronounce a Woe to them that speake good of euill,
and euill of good; which put light for darkenesse, and darkenesse for light; which
iuslifie the wicked for a reward, and take away the righteousnes of the righteous from
him? For euen as in the time of the greatest blindnesse in Popery, though a man
should find his wife or his daughter lying a bed in her Confessors armes; yet was
it not lawfull for him so much as to suspect that the Frier had any errand there,
but to Confesse and instruct her: Euen so, though lesuites practising in Treason
be sufficiently verified, and that themselues cannot but confesse it; yet must they
be accounted to suffer Martyrdome for the Faith, and their blood worke miracles,
and frame a stramineum argumentum vpon strawes; when their heads are standing
aloft, withered by the Sunne and the winde, a publike spectacle for the eternall
commemoration of their treacherie. Yea, one of the reasons, that is giuen in the
Printers Epistle of the Colonian edition of the Cardinall or his Chaplains pam-
phlet, why he doth the more willingly print it, is; because that the innocencie of
that most holy and constant man Henry Garnet, is declared and set forth in that
booke; against whom, some (he knew not who) had scattered a false rumour of his
guiltinesse of the English treason.

But, Lord, what an impudencie or wilfull ignorance is this, that he, who was so
publickely and solemnely conuicted and executed, vpon his owne so cleare, vn-
forced and often repeated confession, of his knowledge and concealing of that
horrible Treason, should now be said to haue a certaine rumour spred vpon him
of his guiltinesse, by / know not who ? with so many attributes of godlinesse, con-
stancie and innocencie bestowed vpon him, as if publike Sentences and Execu-
tions of Justice, were rumors of I know not who. Indeed, I must confesse, the
booke it selfe sheweth a great affection to performe, what is thus promised in the
Preface thereof: for in two or three places therein, is there most honorable lying
mention made of that straw-Saint; wherein, though he confesse that Garnet was
vpon the foreknowledge of the Powder-Treason, yet in regard it was (as he saith)
onely vnder the Seale of Confession, he sticketh not to praise him for his conceal-

1 Isai 5. 20. ' Verse 23.

IS6 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

ing thereof, and would gladly giue him the crowne of glory for the same: not
being ashamed to proclaime it as a principall head of Catholique doctrine; That
the secret of Sacramentall confession ought not to be reuealed, not for the eschewing of
whatsoeuer euill. But how damnable this doctrine is, and how dangerously
preiudiciall to all Princes and States; I leaue it to you to iudge, whom all it most
highly concerneth. For although it bee trew, that when the Schoolemen came to
be Doctors in the Church, and to marre the old grounds in Diuinitie by sowing
in among them their Philosophicall distinctions; though they (I say) do main-
taine, That whatsoeuer thing is told a Confessor vnder the vaile of confession,
how dangerous foeuer the matter be, yet he is bound to conceale the parties name :
yet doe none of them, I meane of the old Schoolmen, deny; that if a matter be
reuealed vnto them, the concealing whereof may breed a great or publike danger;
but that in that case the Confessor may disclose the matter, though not the per-
son, and by some indirect means make it come to light, that the danger thereof
may be preuented. But that no treason nor deuilish plot, though it should tend
to the mine or exterminion of a whole Kingdome, must be reuealed, if it be told
vnder Confession, no not the matter so farre indirectly disclosed, as may giue
occasion for preuenting the danger thereof: though it agree with the conceit of
some three or foure new lesuited Doctors, it is such a new and dangerous head
of doctrine, as no King nor State can Hue in securitie where that Position is
maintained.

And now, that I may as well prooue him a lyar in facto, in his narration of this
particular History; as I haue shewed him to be in iure, by this his damnable and
false ground in Diuinity : I will trewly informe you of Garnets case, which is farre
otherwise then this Answerer alleadgeth. For first, it can neuer be accounted a
thing vnder Confession, which he that reueals it doth not discouer with a remorse,
accounting it a shine whereof hee repenteth him; but by the contrary, discouers
it as a good motion, and is therein not dissuaded by his Confessor, nor any pen-
ance enioyned him for the same: and in this forme was this Treason reuealed to
Garnet, as himselfe confessed. And next, though he stood long vpon it, that it was
reuealed vnto him vnder the vaile of Confession, in respect it was done in that
tune, while as the partie was making his Confession vnto him; Yet at the last hee
did freely confesse, that the party reuealed it vnto him as they were walking, and
not in the time of Confession: But (he said) he deliuered it vnto him vnder the
greatest Scale that might bee, and so he tooke that he meant by the Scale of Con-
fession; And it had (as he thought) a relation to Confession, in regard that hee
was that parties Confessor, and had taken his Confession sometimes before, and
was to take it againe within few dayes thereafter. He also said, that he pre-
tended to the partie, that he would not conceale it from his Superior. And further
it is to be noted, that he confessed, that two diuers persons conferred with him
anent this Treason; and that when the one of them which was Catesby, conferred
with him thereupon, it was in the other parties presence and hearing: and what a

A PREMONITION 157

Confession can this be in the hearing of a third person ? And how farre his last
words (whereof our Answerer so much vaunts him) did disproue it to haue bene
vnder Confession, the Earle of Northamptons booke doeth beare witnesse.

Now as to the other parties name, that reuealed the Powder-Treason vnto
him, it was Greenewell the lesuite; and so a lesuite reuealed to a lesuite this
Treasonable plot, the lesuite reuealer not shewing any remorse, and the lesuite
whom-to it was reuealed not so much as enioyning him any penance for the same.
And that ye may know that more lesuits were also vpon the partie, Owldcorne
the other Powder-Martyr, after the misgiuing and discouery of that Treason,
preached consolatory doctrine to his Catholique auditorie; exhorting them not to
faint for the misgiuing of this enterprise, nor to thinke the worse thereof that it
succeeded not; alleadging diuers Presidents of such godly enterprises that mis-
gaue in like maner: especially, one of S. Lewes King of France, who in his second
iourney to the Holy-land died by the way, the greatest part of his armie being
destroyed by the plague; his first iourney hauing likewise misgiuen him by the
Soldans taking of him: exhorting them thereupon not to giue ouer, but still to
hope that GOD would blesse their enterprise at some other time, though this did
faile.

Thus see ye now, with what boldnesse and impudencie hee hath belied the
publiquely knowne veritie in this errand; both in auowing generally that no
lesuite was any wayes guilitie of that Treason, for so he amrmeth in his booke;
and also that Garnet knew nothing thereof, but vnder the Scale of Confession.
But if this were the first lye of the affaires of this State, which my fugitiue Priests
and lesuits haue coyned and spread abroad, I could charme them of it, as the
prouerbe is. But as well the walles of diuers Monasteries and lesuites Colledges
abroad, are filled with the painting of such lying Histories, as also the bookes of
our said fugitiues are farced with such sort of shamelesse stuff e; such are the
innumerable sorts of torments and cruell deathes, that they record their Martyrs
to haue suffred here, some torne at foure Horses; some sowed in Beares skinnes,
and then killed with Dogges; nay, women haue not bene spared (they say) and a
thousand other strange fictions; the vanities of all which I will in two words
discouer vnto you.

First, as for the cause of their punishment, I doe constantly maintaine that
which I haue said in my Apologie: That no man, either in my time, or in the late
Queenes, euer died here for his conscience. For let him be neuer so deuout a Papist,
nay, though he professe the same neuer so constantly, his life is in no danger by
the Law, if hee breake not out into some outward acte expresly against the words
of the Law; or plot not some vnlawfull or dangerous practise or attempt; Priests
and Popish Church-men onely excepted, that receiue Orders beyond the Seas;
who for the manifold treasonable practises that they haue kindled and plotted in
this countrey, are discharged to come home againe vnder paine of Treason, after
their receiuing of the said Orders abroad; and yet, without some other guilt in

158 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

them then their bare home-comming, haue none of them bene euer put to death.
And next, for the cruell torments and strange sorts of death that they say so
many of them haue bene put vnto; if there were no more but the Law and con-
tinually obserued custome of England, these many hundred yeeres, in all criminall
matters, it will sufficiently serue to refute all these monstrous lies: for no tortures
are euer vsed here, but the Manacles or the Racke, and these neuer but in cases of
high Treason; and all sorts of Trai tours die but one maner of death here, whether
they be Papist or Protestant Traitors; Queene Maries time onely excepted. For
then indeed no sorts of cruell deathes were spared vnexecuted vpon men, women
and children professing our Religion: yea, euen against the Lawes of God and
Nature, women with childe were put to cruell death for their profession; and a
liuing childe falling out of the mothers belly, was throwen in the same fire againe
that consumed the mother. But these tyrannous persecutions were done by the
Bishops of that time, vnder the warrant of the Popes authoritie; and therefore
were not subiect to that constant order and formes of execution, which as they are
heere established by our Lawes and customes, so are they accordingly obserued
in the punishment of all criminals: For all Priestes and Popish Traitours here
receiue their ludgements in the temporall Courts, and so doe neuer exceed those
formes of execution which are prescribed by the Law, or approued by continuall
custome. One thing is also to bee marked in this case that strangers are neuer
called in question here for their religion, which is farre otherwise (I hope) in any
place where the Inquisition domines.

But hauing now too much wearied you with this long discourse, whereby I
haue made you plainely see, that the wrong done vnto mee in particular first by
the Popes Breues, and then by these Libellers, doth as deepely interest you all in
generall, that are Kings, free Princes, or States as it doth me in particular: I will
now conclude, with my humble prayers to God, that he will waken vs vp all out
of that Lethargike slumber of Securitie, wherein our Predecessors and wee haue
lien so long; and that wee may first grauely consider, what we are bound in con-
science to doe for the planting and spreading of the trew worship of God, accord-
ing to his reuealed will, in all our Dominions; therein hearing the voice of our
onely Pastor (for his Sheepe will know his Voyce,1 as himselfe sayeth) and not
following the vaine, corrupt and changeable traditions of men. And next, that
we may prouidently looke to the securitie of our owne States, and not suffer this
incroching Babylonian Monarch to winne still ground vpon vs. And if GOD hath
so mercifully dealt with vs, that are his Lieutenants vpon earth, as that he hath
ioyned his cause with our interest, the spirituall libertie of the Gospell with our
temporall freedome: with what zeale and courage may wee then imbrace this
worke: for our labours herein being assured, to receiue at the last the eternall
and inestimable reward of felicitie in the kingdome of Heauen; and hi the meane
time to procure vnto our selues a temporall fecuritie, in our temporall Kingdomes
in this world.

1 lohn 10. 27.

A PREMONITION 159

As for so many of you as are alreadie perswaded of that Trewth which 1 pro-
fesse, though differing among your selues in some particular points; I thinke little
perswasion should moue you to this holy and wise Resolution: Our Greatnesse,
nor our number, praised bee GOD, being not so contemptible, but that wee may
shew good example to our neighbors; since almost the halfe of all Christian people
and of all sorts and degrees, are of our profession; I meane, all gone out of Baby-
lon, euen from Kings and free Princes, to the meanest sort of People. But aboue
all (my louing Brethren and Cosins) keepe fast the vnity of Faith among your
selues; Reiect * questions of Genealogies and Anilesfabulas,2 as Paul saith; Let
not the foolish heate of your Preachers for idle Controuersies or indifferent things,
teare asunder that Mysticall Body, whereof ye are a part, since the very coat of
him whose members wee are was without a seame: And let not our diuision breed
a slander of our faith, and be a word of reproch in the mouthes of our aduersaries,
who make Vnitie to be one of the speciall notes of the trew Church.

And as for you (my louing Bethren and Cosins) whom it hath not yet pleased
GOD to illuminate with the light of his trewth; I can but humbly pray with
Elizeus, that it would please GOD to open your eyes, that yee might see what
innumerable and inuincible armies of Angels are euer prepared and ready to
defend the trewth of GOD : and with S. Paul 3 1 wish, that ye were as I am in this
case; especially that yee would search the Scriptures, and ground your Faith
vpon your owne certaine knowledge, and not vpon the report of others; since
euery Man must bee safe by his owne faith* But, leauing this to GOD his mercifull
prouidence in his due time, I haue good reason to remember you, to maintaine the
ancient liberties of your Crownes and Common- weal thes, not suffering any vnder
GOD to set himself e vp aboue you; and therein to imitate your owne noble prede-
cessors, who (euen in the dayes of greatest blindnesse) did diuers times coura-
giously oppose themselues to the incroaching ambition of Popes. Yea, some of
your Kingdomes haue in all aages maintained, and without any interruption
enioyed your libertie, against the most ambitious Popes. And some haue of very
late had an euident proofe of the Popes ambitious aspiring ouer your Temporall
power; wherein ye haue constantly maintained and defended your lawfull free-
dome, to your immortall honour. And therefore I heartily wish you all, to doe in
this case the Office of godly and iust Kings and earthly Judges: which consisteth
not onely in not wronging or inuading the Liberties of any other person (for to
that will I neuer presse to perswade you) but also in defending and maintaining
these lawfull Liberties wherewith GOD hath indued you: For yee, whom GOD
hath ordained to protect your people from iniuries, should be ashamed to suffer
your selues to be wronged by any. And thus, assuring my selfe, that ye will with a
setled Judgement, free of preiudice, weigh the reasons of this my Discourse, and
accept my plainnesse in good part, gracing this my Apologie with your fauours,

1 i. Tim. i. 4. » Actes. 26. 29.

* Ibid. c. 4. 7. 4 Abac. 2. 4.

160 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

and yet no longer then till it shall be iustly and worthily refuted; I end, with my
earnest prayers to the ALMIGHTIE for your prosperities, and that after your
happie Temporall Raignes in earth, ye may Hue and raigne in Heauen with him
for euer.

A CATALOGVE OF THE LYES OF TORTVS, TOGETHER WITH A BRIEFE

CONFUTATION OF THEM.

4

TORTVS. Edit. Politan. pag. 9.

IN the Oath of Allegiance the Popes power to excommunicate euen Hereticatt
Kings, is expresly denied.

CONFVTATION.

The point touching the Popes power in excommunicating Kings, is neither
treated of, nor denned in the Oath of Allegiance, but was purposely declined.
See the wordes of the Oath, and the Premonition, pag. 292.

TORTVS. pag. 10.

2 For all Catholike writers doe collect from the wordes of Christ, Whatsoeuer thou
shalt loose vpon earth, shall be loosed in heauen, that there appertained to the Popes
authoritie, not onely a power to absoluefrom sinnes, but also from penalties, Censures,
Lawes, Vowes, and Oathes.

CONFVTATION.

That all Roman Catholike writers doe not concurre with this Libeller, in thus
collecting from CHRISTS wordes, Matth. 16. To omit other reasons, it may
appeare by this that many of them doe write, that what CHRIST promised there,
that hee did actually exhibite to his Disciples, lohn 20. when hee said, Whose
sinnes ye remit, they shall be remitted, thereby restraining this power of loosing
formerly promised, vnto loosing from sinnes, not mentioning any absolution
from Lawes, Vowes and Oathes in this place. So doe Theophylact, Anselme, Hugo
Cardin. &• Ferus in Matt. 16. So doe the principall Schoolemen, Alexand. Hales
in Summa. part. 4. q. 79. memb. 5. &° 6. art. 3. Thorn, in 4. dist. 24. q. 3. art. 2.
Scotus in 4. dist. 19. art. i. Pope Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. q. 2. de clauib. pag. 302.
edit. Parisien. anno 1530. who also alledgeth for this interpretation, Augustine
and the interlinear Glosse.

TORTVS. Pag. 18.

3 I abhorre all Parricide, I detest all conspiracies: yet it cannot be denied but oc-
casions of despaire were giuen [to the Powder-plotters.]

CONFVTATION.

That it was not any iust occasion of despaire giuen to the Powder-Traitours,
as this Libeller would beare vs in hand, but the instructions which they had from

A PREMONITION 161

the Jesuits, that caused them to attempt this bloody designe: See the Premonition
pag. 291. &° 335. and the booke intituled, The proceedings against the late Traitours.

TORT/VS. Pag. 26.

4 For not onely the Catholiques, but also the Caluinist puritanes detest the taking
of this Oath.

CONFVTATION.

The Puritanes doe not decline the Oath of Supremacie, but daily doe take it,
neither euer refused it. And the same Supremacie is defended by Caluin himselfe,
Instit. lib. 4. cap. 20.

TORTVS. Pag. 28.

5 First of all the Pope writeth not, that he was grieued at the calamities which the
Catholikes did suffer for the keeping of the Orthodox faith in the time of the late Queene,
or in the beginning of King lames his reigne in England, but for the calamities which
they suffer at this present time.

CONFVTATION.

The onely recitall of the wordes of the Breue will sufficiently confute this
Lye. For thus writeth the Pope, The tribulations and calamities which ye haue
continually susteined for the keeping of the Catholique faith, haue alway afflicted vs
with great grief e of minde. But for asmuch as we vnderstand, that at this time all
things are more grieuous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased.

TORTVS. Page. 28.

6 In the first article [of the Statute] the Lawes of Queene Elizabeth are confirmed.

CONFVTATION.

There is no mention at all made of confirming the Lawes of Queene Elizabeth,
in the first article of that Statute.

TORTVS. Pag. 29.

7 In the 10. Article [of the said Statute] it is added, that if the [Catholicks] refuse
the third time to take the Oath being tendered vnto them, they shall incurre the danger
of loosing their Hues.

CONPVTATION.

There is no mention in this whole Statute either of offering the Oath the third
time, or any indangering of their liues.

TORTVS. Pag. 30.

8 In the 12. Article, it is enacted, that whosoeuer goeth out of the land to serue in
the warres vnder forreine Princes, they shall first of all take this Oath, or els be
accounted for Traitours.

162 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

CONFVTATION.

It is no where said in that Statute, that they which shall thus seme in the
warres vnder forraine Princes, before they haue taken this Oath, shall be ac-
counted for Traitors, but onely for Felons.

TORTVS. Pag. 35.

9 Wee haue already declared, that the [Popes] Apostolique power in binding and
loosing is denied in that [Oath of Alleageance.]

CONFVTATION.

There is no Assertory sentence in that Oath, nor any word but onely con-
ditionall, touching the power of the Pope in binding and loosing.

TORTVS. Pag. 37.

10 The Popes themselues, euen will they, nill they, were constrained to subiecl
themselues to Nero and Diocletian.

CONFVTATION.

That Christians without exception, not vpon constraint but willingly and for
conscience sake, did subiect themselues to the Ethnicke Emperors, it may appeare
by our Apologie, pag. 255, 256. and the Apologetickes of the ancient Fathers.

TORTVS. Pag. 47.

11 In which words [of the Breues of Clement the 8.] not onely lames King of
Scotland, was not excluded, but included rather.

CONFVTATION.

If the Breues [of Clement] did not exclude mee from the Kingdome, but rather
did include me, why did Garnet burne them ? why would he not reserue them
that I might haue seene them, that so hee might haue obteined more fauour at my
hands for him and his Catholikes ?

TORTVS. Pag. 60.

12 Of those 14. Articles [conteined in the Oath of Alleagiance] eleuen of them
concerne the Primacie of the Pope in matters Spirituall.

CONFVTATION.

No one Article of that Oath doeth meddle with the Primacie of the Pope in
matter Spirituall: for to what end should that haue bene, since we haue an
expresse Oath elsewhere against the Popes Primacie in matters Spirituall ?

TORTVS. Pag. 64.

13 Amongst other calumnies this is mentioned, that Bellarmine was priuie to
sundry conspiracies against Q. Elizabeth, if not the author.

A PREMONITION 163

CONFUTATION.

It is no where said [in the Apologie] that Bellarmine was either the Authour,
or priuie to any conspiracies against Queene Elizabeth; but that he was their
principall instructor and teacher, who corrupted their iudgement with such
dangerous positions and principles, that it was an easie matter to reduce the
generals into particulars, and to apply the dictates which hee gaue out of his
chaire, as opportunitie serued, to their seuerall designes.

TORTVS. Pag. 64.

14 For he [Bellarmine] knoweth, that Campian onely conspired against He-
reticall impietie.

CONFVTATION.

That the trew and proper cause of Campians excution, was not for his conspir-
ing against Hereticall impietie, but for conspiring against Queene Elizabeth and
the State of this Kingdome, it was most euident by the iudiciall proceedings
against him.

TORTVS. Pag. 65.

15 Why was H. Garnet, a man incomparable J or learning in all kindes, and ho-
linesse of life, put to death, but because he would not reueale that which he could not
doe with a safe conscience.

CONFVTATION.

That Garnet came to the knowledge of this horrible Plot not onely in confes-
sion as this Libeller would haue it, but by other meanes, neither by the relation
of one alone, but by diuers, so as hee might with safe conscience haue disclosed it;
See the Premonition, pag. 334, 335, &c. and the Earle of Northamptons booke.

TORTVS. Pag. 71.

1 6 Pope Sixtus 5. neither commanded the French King to bee murthered, neither
approoued that fact, as it was done by a priuate person.

CONFVTATION.

The falsehood of this doeth easily appeare by the Oration of Sixtus 5.

TORTVS. Pag. 91.

17 That which is added concerning Stanley his Treason, is neither faithfully
nor trewly related: for the Apologer (as his manner is) doeth miserably depraue it, by
adding many lyes.

CONFVTATION.

That which the Apologie relateth concerning Stanley his Treason, is word for
word recited out of Cardinall Aliens Apologie for Stanleys treason: as it is to be
scene there.

r64 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

TORTVS. Pag. 93.

18 It is very certaine that H. Garnet at his arraignement, did alwayes con-
stantly auouch, thai neither hee nor any lesuite either were authors, or compartners,
or aduisers, or consenting any way [to the Powder-Treason.] And a little after.
The same thing hee protested at his death in a large speach, in the presence of in-
numerable people.

CONFVTATION.

The booke of the proceedings against the late Traitours, and our Premonition,
PaS- 334) 335> &c- doe dearely prooue the contrary of this to bee trew.

TORTVS. Pag. 97.

19 King lames since he is no Catholike, neither is he a Christian.

CONFVTATION.

Contrary: I am a trew Catholike, a professor of the trewly ancient, Catholike,
and Apostolike Faith: and therefore am a trew Christian. See the confession of
my faith in the Premonition, pag. 302, 303. 6*c.

TORTVS. Pag. 98.

20 And if the reports of them which knew him most inwardly, be trew, when hee
was in Scotland, he was a Puritane, and an enemie to Protestants: Now in England
he professeth himself e a Protestant, and an enemie to the Puritans.

CONFVTATION.

Contrary; and what a Puritane I was in Scotland: See my BASIAIKON
AQPON and this my Premonition, pag. 305, 306.

HIS FALSIFICATIONS IN HIS ALLEDGING OF HISTORIES, TOGETHER
WITH A BRIEFE DECLARATION OF THEIR FALSHOOD

THE WORDS OF TORTVS. Pag. 70.
// was certaine that he [Henry 4. the Emperour] died a naturall death.

CONFVTATION.

It was not certaine: since sundry Historians write otherwise, that he died
vpon his imprisonment by his sonne Henry 5. either with the noysomnesse and
loathsomnesse of the prison, or being pined to death by hunger. Read Fasciculus
temporum at the yeere 1094. Laziardus epitom. vniuersal. Histor. c. 198. Paulus
Langius in Chronico Citizensi at the yeere 1105. and lacobus Wimphelingus
epitome Rerum Germanic, c. 28.

A PREMONITION 165

TORTVS. Pag. 83.

2 Henry 4. The Emperour feared indeed, but not any corporall death, but the
censure of Excommunication, from the -which that he might procure absolution, of his
owne accord, he did thus demissely humble himself e [before Gregory 7.]

CONFUTATION.

That Henry 4. thus delected himselfe before the Pope, it was neither of his
owne accord, neither vpon any feare of the Popes Excommunication, which [in
this particular] hee esteemed of no force, but vpon feare of the losse of his King-
dome and life, as the records of antiquitie doe euidently testifie. See Lambertus
Schafnaburg. at the yeere 1077. Abbas Vrspergen. at the yeere 1075. The
Author of the life of Henry 4. Bruno in his History of the Saxon warre. Laziard.
in epitom. miuersal. Histor. c. 193. Cuspinian. in Henr. 4. Sigonius de Regno
Italia lib. 9.

TORTVS. Pag. 83.

3 The trewth of the History [of Alexander 3. treading vpon the necke of Fre-
dericke Barbarossa with his foot] may be iustly doubted of.

CONFVTATION.

But no Historian doubteth of it; and many do auouch it, as Hieronym.
Bard, in victor. Naual. ex Bessarion. Chronico apud Baron, ad an. 1177. num. 5.
Gerson de potestate Ecclesia consid. n. lacob Bergom. in supplem. Chronic, ad an.
1 1 60. Nauclerus Gener. 40 Petrus lustinian. lib. 2. Rerum Venetar. Papirius
Masson. lib. 5. de Episcop. vrbis. who alledgeth for this Gennadius Patriarch of
Constantinople. Besides Alphonsus Ciacconius de vit. Pontif. in Alexand. 3. and
Azorius the lesuite: Instil. Moral, part. lib. 5. c. 43.

TORTVS. Pag. 83.

4 What other thing feared Frederick Barbarossa but excommunication ?

CONFVTATION.

That Frederick feared onely Pope Alexander his Excommunication, no ancient
Historian doth testifie. But many do write, that this submission of his was
principally for feare of loosing his Empire and Dominions. See for this, Martin
Polon. ad an. 1 166. Platina in vita Alexan. 3 Laziard. in epitom. Historic vniuersal.
c. 212. Naucler. General 40. lacobus Wimphelingus in epitom. Rerum Germanic.
0.32.

TORTVS. Pag. 88.

5 Adde heereunto, that Cuspinian. [in relating the history of the Turkes brother
who was poysoned by Alexander 6.] hath not the consent of other writers to witnesse
the trewth of this History.

!66 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

CONFVTATION.

The same History, which is reported by Cuspinian, is recorded also by sundry
other famous Historians. See Francis Guicdardin. lib. 2. Histor. Ital. Paulus
louius lib. 2. Hist, sui temporis. Sabellic. Ennead. 10. lib. g. Continuator
Palmerij, at the yeere. 1494.

THE NOVEL DOCTRINES, WITH A BRIEFE DECLARATION OF

THEIR NOUELTIE.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 9.

IT is agreed vpon amongst all, that the Pope may lawfully depose Hereticall Princes
and free their Subiects from yeelding obedience -onto them.

CONFUTATION.

Nay, all are so farre from consenting in this point, that it may much more
trewly be auouched, that none entertained that conceit before Hildebrand: since
he was the first brocher of this new doctrine neuer before heard of, as many
learned men of that aage, and the aage next following (to omit others of succeed-
ing aages) haue expresly testified. See for this point, the Epistle of the whole
Clergie of Liege to Pope Paschal the second. See the iudgement of many Bishops
of those times, recorded by Auentine in his historic, lib. 5, fol. 579. Also the
speech vttered by Conrade bishop of Vtretcht, in the said fifth booke of Auentine,
fol. 582. And another by Eberhardus, Archbishop of Saltzburge. Ibid. lib. 7,
p. 684. Also the iudgement of the Archbishop of Triers, in constitut. Imperialib. a
M. Haimensfeldio editis. pag. 47. The Epistle of Walthram Bishop of Megburgh
which is extant in Dodechine his Appendix to the Chronicle of Marianus Scotus,
at the yeere 1090. Benno in the life of Hildebrand. The author of the booke De
imitate Ecclesice, or the Apologie for Henry the fourth. Sigebert in his Chronicle, at
the yeere 1088. Godfrey of Viterbio in his History entituled Pantheon, part. 17.
Ottho Frisingensis, lib. 6. c. 35. &• prcefat. in lib. 7. Frederick Barbarossa. lib. 6.
Gunther. Ligurin. de gestis Frederici. and lib. i. c. 10. of Raduicus de gestis eiusdem
Frederici. Vincentius in specula historiali lib. 15. c. 84. with sundry others.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 51.

2 In our supernaturall birth in Baplisme wee are to conceiue of a secret and im-
plied oath, which we take at our new birth, to yeeld obedience to the spiritual Prince,
which is Christes Vicar.

CONFVTATION.

It is to bee wondered at, whence this fellow had this strange new Diuinitie,
which surely was first framed in his owne fantasticall braine. Else let him make

A PREMONITION 167

vs a Catalogue of his Authors, that hold and teach, that all Christians, whether
infants or of aage, are by vertue of an oath taken in their Baptisme, bound to
yeeld absolute obedience to CHRISTS Vicar the Pope, or baptized in any but in
CHRIST.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 94.

3 But since that Catholike doctrine doeth not permit for the auoidance of any mis-
chief e whatsoeuer, to discouer the secret of Sacramentall confession, he [Garnet] rather
chose to suffer most bitter death, then to violate the seale of so great a Sacrament.

CONFVTATION.

That the secret of Sacramentall confession is by no meanes to bee disclosed,
no not indirectly, or in generall, so the person confessing bee concealed, for
auoydance and preuention of no mischiefe, how great soeuer: Besides that it is a
position most dangerous to all Princes and Common-wealths, as I shew in my
Premonition, pag. 333, 334. It is also a Nouell Assertion, not heard of till of late
dayes in the Christian world : Since the common opinion euen of the Schoolemen
and Canonists both old and new, is vnto the contrary; witnesse these Authors
following: Alexander Hales part. 4. qu. 78. mem. 2. art. 2. Thorn. 4. dist. 21. qu. 3.
art. I. ad. i. Scotus in 4. dist. 21. qu. 2. Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. vbi de Sacramen.
Confes. edit. Paris. 1530. pag. 289. Dominic. Sot. in 4. dist. 18. q. 4. art. 5. Francis,
de victor, summ. de Sacram. n. 189. Nauar. in Enchirid. c. 8. loseph. Angles in
Florib. part i. pag. 247. edit. Antuerp. Petrus Soto lect. n. de confess. The lesuites
also accord hereunto, Suarez. Tom. 4. disp. in 3. part. Thorn, disp. 33. § 3. Gregor.
de Valentia. Tom. 4. disp. 7. q. 13. punct. 3. who saith the common opinion of the
Schoolemen is so.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 102.

4 / dare boldly auow, that the Catholikes haue better reason to refuse the Oath
[of Allegeance] then Eleazar had to refuse the eating of Swines flesh.

CONFVTATION.

This assertion implieth a strange doctrine indeed, that the Popes Breues are
to be preferred before Moses Law: And that Papists are more bound to obey the
Popes decree, then the lewes were to obey the Law of God pronounced by Moses.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 135.

5 Churchmen are exempted from the lurisdiction of secular Princes, and there-
fore are no subiects to Kings: yet ought they to obserue their Lawes concerning mat-
ters temporall, not by vertue of any Law, but by enforcement of reason, that is to
say, not for that they are their Subiects, but because reason will giue it, that such
Lawes are to be kept for the publike good, and the quiet of the Common-wealth.

l68 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

CONFUTATION.

How trew friends the Cardinall and his Chaplen are to Kings that would haue
so many Subiects exempted from their power: See my Premonition, Pag. 296,
297. Also, Pag. 330, 331. &c. But as for this and the like new Aphorismes, I
would haue these cunning Merchants to cease to vent such stuff e for ancient and
Catholikes wares in the Christian world, till they haue disprooued their owne
Venetians, who charge them with Noueltie and forgerie in this point.

A REMONSTRANCE FOR THE RIGHT OF KINGS, AND THE
INDEPENDANCE OF THEIR CROWNES,

AGAINST AN ORATION OR THE MOST ILLVSTRIOVS CARD.

OF PERRON, PRONOVNCED IN THE CHAMBER OF

THE THIRD ESTATE.

IAN. 15. 1615.

THE PREFACE.

/HA VE no humour to play the Curious in a forraine Commonwealth, or, vnre-
quested, to carry any hand in my neighbours affaires. It hath more congruitie
with Royall dignitie, whereof God hath giuen mee the honour, to prescribe Lawes
at home for my Subiects, rather then to furnish forraine Kingdomes and people with
counsels. Howbeit, my late entire affection to K. Henry IV. of happy memorie, my
most honoured brother, and my exceeding sorrow for the most detestable parricide
acted upon the sacred person of a King, so complete in all heroicall and Princely
vertices; as also the remembrance of my owne dangers, incurred by the practise of
conspiracies flowing from the same source, hath wrought mee to sympathize with my
friends in their grieuous occurrents: no doubt so much more dangerous, as they are
lesse apprehended and left of Kings themselues, euen when the danger hangeth ouer
their owne heads. Vpon whom, in case the power and vertue of my aduertisements be
not able effectually to worke, at least many millions of children and people yet vn-
borne, shall beare me witnesse, that in these dangers of the highest nature and straine,
I haue not bene defectiue: and that neither the subuersions of States, nor the murthers
of Kings, which may mhappily betide hereafter, shall haue so free passage in the
world for want of timely aduertisement before. For touching my particular, my rest
is vp, that one of the maynes for which God hath aduanced me -upon the loftie stage of
the supreme Throne, is, that my words vtteredfrom so eminent a place for Gods honour,
most shamefully traduced and vilified in his owne Deputies and Lieutenants, might
with greater facilitie be concerned.

Now touching France, faire was the hope which I concerned of the States assem-
bled in Parliament at Paris: That calling to minde the murthers of their Noble
Kings, and the wanes of the League which followed the Popes fulminations, as when
a great stor me of haile powerth downe after a Thunder-cracke, and a world of writings
addressed to iustifie the parricides, and the dethronings of kings, they would haue
ioyned heads, hearts 6* hands together, to hammer out some apt and wholesome
remedy against so many fearefull attempts and practises. To my hope was added no
little ioy, when I was giuen to understand the third Estate had preferred an Article
or Bill, the tenor and substance whereof was concerning the means whereby the people

169

170 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

might bee vnwitched of this pernicious opinion; That Popes may tosse the French
King his Throne like a tennis ball, and that killing of Kings is an acte meritorious
to the purchase of the crowne of Martyrdome. But in fine, the proiect was en-
countred with successe cleane contrary to Expectation. For this Article of the third
Estate, like a sigh of libertie breathing her last, served only so much the more to in-
thrall the Crowne, and to make the bondage more grieuous and sensible then before.
Euen as those medicines which worke no ease to the patient, doe leaue the disease in
much worse tearmes: so this remedy inuented and tendred by the third Estate, did
onely exasperate the present malady of the State; for so much as the operation and
vertue of the wholesome remedy was ouermatched with peccant humours, then stirred
by the force of thwarting and crossing opposition. Yea much better had it bene, the
matter had not bene stirred at all, then after it was once on foot and in motion, to give
the Trewth leaue to lye gasping and sprawling vnder the violence of a forraine faction.
For the opinion by which the Crownes of Kings are made subiect vnto the Popes will
and power, was then auowed in a most Honourable Assembly, by the auerment of a
Prelate in great authoritie, and of no lesse learning: He did not plead the cause as a
priuate person, but as one by representation that stood for the whole body of the
Clergie; was there applauded, and seconded with approbation of the Nobilitie; no
resolution taken to the contrary, or in bane to his plea. After praises and thankes
from the Pope, followed the printing of his eloquent harangue or Oration, made in
full Parliament: a set discourse, maintaining Kings to be deposeable by the Pope, if
he speake the word. The said Oration was not onely Printed with the Kings priui-
ledge, but was likewise addressed to mee by the Author and Orator himselfe; who
presupposed the reading thereof would forsooth driue me to say, Lord Cardinall, in
this high subiect your Honour hath satisfied me to the full. All this poysed in
the ballance of equall iudgement, why may not I trewly and freely qffirme, the said
Estates assembled in Parliament, haue set Royall Maiestie vpon a doubtfull chance,
or left it resting vpon vncertaine tearmes: and that now if the doctrine there maintained
by the Clergie should beare any pawme, it may lawfully be doubted, who is King in
France ? For I make no question, hee is but a titular King that raigneth onely at an
others discretion, and whose Princely head the Pope hath power to bare of his Regall
Crowne. In temporall matters, how can one be Soueraigne, that may be fleeced of
all his Tempor allies by any superior power? But let men at a neere sight marke
the pith and marrow of the Article proposed by the third Estate, and they shall soone
perceiue the skilfull Architects thereof aymed onely to make their King a trew and
reall King, to bee recognised for Soueraigne within his owne Realme, and that kill-
ing their King might no longer passe the muster of workes acceptable to God.

But by the vehement instance and strong current of the Clergie and Nobles, this
was borne downe as a pernicious Article, as a cause of Schisme, as a gate which
openeth to all sorts of Heresies: yea, there it was maintained tooth and naile, that in
case the doctrine of this Article might goefor currant doctrine, it must follow, that for
many aages past in sequence, the Church hath beene the kingdome of Antichrist, and

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 171

the synagogue of Satan. The Pope vpon so good issue of the cause, had reason, I
trow, to addresse his Letters of triumph vnto the Nobilitie and Clergie, who had so
farre aprrooued themselues faithfull to his Holinesse; and to vaunt withall, that hee
had nipped Christian Kings in the Crowne, that hee had giuen them checke with
mate, through the magnanimous resolution of this courageous Nobilitie, by whose
braue making head, the third Estate had beene so valiantly forced to give ground. In
a scornefull reproach hee qualified the Deputies of the third Estate, nebulones ex
fcece plebis,1 a sort or a number of knaues, the very dregges of the base vulgar,
a packe of people, presuming to personate well affected Subiects, and men of
deepe vnderstanding, and to reade their masters a learned Lecture. Now it is
no wonder, that, in so good an office and loyall cariage towards their King, the third
Estate hath outgone the Clergie. For the Clergie denie themselues to haue any ranke
among the Subiects of the King: they stand for a Soueraigne out of the Kingdome, to
whom as to the Lord Paramount they owe suite and seruice: they are bound to ad-
uance that Monarchic, to the bodie whereof they properly apperteine as parts or mem-
bers, as elsewhere I have written more at large. But for the Nobilitie, the Kings
right arme, to prostitute and set as it were to sale the dignitie of their King, as if the
arme should giue a thrust vnto the head; I say for the Nobilitie to hold and main-
taine euen in Parliament, their King is liable to deposition by any forreine power or
Potentate, may it not passe among the strangest miracles and rarest wonders of the
world? For that once granted, this consequence is good and necessarie; That in case
the King, once lawfully deposed, shall stand vpon the defensiue, and hold out for his
right, he may then lawfully be murthered. Let mee then here freely professe my
opinion, and this it is: That now the French Nobilitie may seeme to haue some
reason to disrobe themselues of their titles, and to transferre them by resignation vnto
the third Estate. For that body of that third Estate alone hath caried a right noble
heart: in as much as they could neither be tickled with promises, nor terrified by
threatnings, from resolute standing to those fundamentall points and reasons of
State, which most concerne the honour of their King, and the securitie of his person.

Of all the Clergie, the man that hath most abandoned, or set his honour to sale, the
man to whom France is least obliged, is the Lord Cardinall of Perron: a man other-
wise inferiour to few in matter of learning, and in the grace of a sweete style. This
man in two seuerall Orations, whereof the one was pronounced before the Nobilitie,
the other had audience before the third Estate, hath set his best wits on worke, to draw
that doctrine into all hatred and infamie, which teacheth Kings to be indeposeable by
the Pope. To this purpose hee termes the same doctrine, a breeder of Schismes, a
gate that openeth to make way, and to giue entrance vnto all heresies; in briefe, a
doctrine to bee held in so high a degree of detestation, that rather then he and his fellow-
Bishops will yeeld to the signing thereof, they will bee contented like Martyrs to
burne at a stake. At which resolution, or obstinacie rather in his opinion, I am in a

1 I haue receiued aduertisement from diuers parts, that in the Popes letters to the Nobitie these
wordes were extant, howsoeuer they haue bin left out in the impression, & rased out of the copies
of the said letters.

172 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

manner antased, more then I can be moouedfor the like brauado in many other: for-
asmuch as hee was many yeeres together, a follower of the late King, euen when the
King followed a contrary Religion, and was deposed by the Pope: as also because not
long before, in a certaine Assemblie holden al the lacobins in Paris, hee withstood
the Popes Nuntio to his face, when the said Nuntio laboured to make this doctrine,
touching the Popes temporall Soueraigntie, passe for an Article of Faith. But in
both Orations, hee singeth a contrary song, and from his owne mouth passeth sentence
of condemnation against his former course and profession. I suppose, not without
sollide iudgement; as one that heerein hath well accommodated himself to the times:
For as in the reigne of the late King, hee durst not o/er to broach this doctrine (such
was his fore-wit;} so now he is bold to proclaime and publish it in Parliament vnder
the reigne of the said Kings sonne; whose tender yeeres and late succession to the
Crowne, doe make him lie the more open to iniuries, and the more facill-to be circum-
uented: Such is now his afterwisedome.

Of these two Orations, that made in presence of the Nobilitie he hath, for feare of
incurring the Popes displeasure, cautelously suppressed. For therein he hath beene
somewhat prodigall in affirming this doctrine maintained by the Clergie, to bee but
problematical ; and in taking vpon him to auouch, that Catholikes of my Kingdome
are bound to yeeld me the honour of obedience: Whereas on the other side, he is not
ignorant, how this doctrine of deposing Princes and Kings, the Pope holdeth for
meerely necessarie, and approoueth not by any means Alleagiance to bee performed
•onto mee by the Catholikes of my Kingdome. Yea if credit may be giuen vnto the
abridgement of his other Oration publisfod, wherein he paralells the Popes power in
receiuing honours in the name of the Church, with the power of the Venetian Duke in
receiuing honours in the name of that most renowned Republike; no marueile that
when this Oration was dispatched to the presse, he commanded the same to be gelded
of this clause and other like, for feare of giuing his Holinesse any ojfensiue distaste.

His pleasure therefore was, and content withall, that his Oration imparted to the
third Estate, should be put in Print, and of his courtesie he vouchsafed to addresse
vnto me a copie of the same. Which after I had perused, I foorthwith well perceiued,
what and how great discrepance there is betweene one man that perorateth from the
ingenuous and sincere disposition of a sound heart, and an other that flaunteth in
nourishing speech with inward checkes of his owne conscience: For euery where he
contradicts himselfe, and seemes to be afraid lest men should picke out his right
meaning.

First, he grants this Question is not hitherto decided by the holy Scriptures, or by
the Decrees of the ancient Church, or by the analogic of other Ecclesiasticall proceed-
ings: and neuerthelesse hee confidently doeth affirme, that whosoeuer maintaine this
doctrine to be wicked and abhominable, that Popes haue no power to put Kings by
their supreame Thrones, they teach men to beleeue, there hath not bene any Church
for many aages past, and that indeed the Church is the very Synagogue of Antichrist.1

1 In 1 2. seuerall passages the L. Card, seemeth to speake against his owne conscience. Pag. 85.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 173

Secondly, he exhorts his hearers to hold this doctrine at least for problematically
and not necessary: and yet herein he calls them to all humble submission vnto the
iudgement of the Pope and Clergie, by whom the cause hath bene already put out of
all question, as out of all hunger and cold.

Thirdly, he doeth auerre, in case this Article be authorized, it makes the Pope in
good consequence to bee the Antichrist: and yet he grants that many of the French are
tolerated by the Pope to dissent in this point from his Holinesse; l prouided, their
doctrine be not proposed as necessary, and materiall to faith; As if the Pope in any
sort gaue toleration to hold any doctrine contrary to his owne, and most of all that
doctrine which by consequence inferres himself e to be the Antichrist.

Fourthly, he protesteth forwardnesse to vndergoe the flames of Martyrdome,
rather then to signe this doctrine, which teacheth Kings Crownes to sit faster on their
heads, then to be stirred by any Papal power whatsoeuer: and yet saith withal, the
Pope winketh at the French, by his toleration to hold this dogmaticall point for prob-
lematicall. And by this meanes, the Martyrdome that hee a/ecteth in this cause, will
prooue but a problematicall Martyrdome, whereof question might grow very well,
whether it were to be mustered with grieuous crimes, or with phreneticall passions of
the braine, or with deserued punishments.

Fiftly, he denounceih Anathema, dischargeth maledictions like haile-shot, against
parricides of Kings: and yet elsewhere hee layes himself e open to speake of Kings
onely so long as they stand Kings. But who doeth not know that a King deposed is
no longer King ? And so that limme of Satan, which murthered Henry the III. then
vn-king'd by the Pope, did not stabbe a King to death.

Sixtly, he doeth not allow a King to be made away by murder: and yet he thinks
it not much out of the way, to take away al meanes whereby he might be able to stand
in defence of his life.

Seuenthly, hee abhorreth killing of Kings by apposted throat-cutting, for feare
lest body and soule should perish in the same instant: and yet he doth not mislike
their killing in a pitcht field, and to haue them slaughtered in a set battaile: For he
presupposeth, no doubt out of his charitable mind, that by this meanes the soule of
a poore King so dispatched out of the way, shall instantly flie vp to heauen?

Eightly, he saith a King deposed, retaineth stil a certaine internal habitude and
politike impression, by vertue and efficacie whereof he may, being once reformed and
become a new man, he restored to the lawfull vse and practise of Regalitie. Whereby
hee would beare vs in hand, that when aforraine Prince hath inuaded and rauenously
seised the kingdome into his hands, he will not onely take pittie of his predecessour to
saue his life, but will also proue so kindhearted, vpon sight of his repentance, to re-
store his kingdome without fraud or guile.

Ninthly, he saith euery where in his Discourse, that he dealeth not in the cause,
otherwise then as a problematicall discourser, and without any resolution one way or
other: and yet with might and maine hee contends for the opinion, that leaues the

1 Pag. 99. * Pag. 95. 97.

174 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

States and Crownes of Kings controulable by the Pope: refutes objections, propounds
the authoritie of Popes and Councils, by name the Later an Councill wider Innocent.
III. as also the consent of the Church. And to crosse the Churches iudgement, is, in
his opinion to bring in schisme, and to leave the world without a Church for many
hundred yeeres together: which (to my -understanding) is to speake with resolution,
and without all hesitation.

Tenthly, he acknowledgeth none other cause of sufficient validitie for the deposing
of a King, besides heresie, apostasie, and infidelitie: neuerthelesse that Popes haue
power to displace Kings for heresie and apostasie, hee proueth by examples of Kings
whom the Pope hath curbed with deposition, not for heresie, but for matrimoniall
causes, for ciuill pretences, and for lacke of capacitie.

Eleuenthly, hee alledgeth euerywhere passages, as well of holy Scripture, as of the
Fathers and moderne histories; but so impertinent, and with so little trewth, as here-
after wee shall cause to appear e, that for a man of his deepe learning and knowledge,
it seemeth not possible so to speake out of his iudgement.

Lastly, whereas all this hath bene hudled and heaped together into one masse, to
currie with the Pope: yet hee suffereth diuers points to Jail from his lips, which may
well distast his Holinesse in the highest degree. As by name, where he prefers the
authoritie of the Councill before that of the Pope, and makes his iudgement inferiour
to the iudgement of the French; as in fit place hereafter shalbe shewed. Againe,
where he representeth to his hearers the decrees of Popes and Councils already passed
concerning this noble subiect; and yet affirmes that he doth not debate the question,
but as a Questionist, and without resolution: As if a Cardinal should be afraid to
be positiue, and to speake in peremptory straines, after Popes and Councils haue
once decided the Question: Or as if a man should perorate vpon hazard, in a cause for
the honour whereof, he would make no difficultie to suffer Martyrdome. Adde here-
unto, that his Lordship hath alwayes taken the contrary part heretofore, and this totall
must needs arose, that before the third Estate, his lips looked one way, and his con-
science another.

All these points, by the discourse which is to follow, and by the ripping vp of his
Oration (which by Gods assistance I will -undertake) tending to the reproch of Kings,
and the subuersion of kingdomes, I confidently speake it, shalbe made manifest.
Yet doe I not conceiue it can any way make for my honour, to enter the lists against
a Cardinall: For I am not ignorant how farre a Cardinals Hat, commeth vnder the
Crowne and Scepter of a King; For well I wot -onto what sublimitie the Scripture
hath exalted Kings, when it styles them Gods; Whereas the dignitie of a Cardinall is
but a late vpstart inuention of man; as I haue elsewhere prooued.1 But I have im-
barqued my selfe in this action, mooued thereunto: First, by the common interest of
Kings in the cause it selfe: Then by the L. Cardinall, who speaketh not in this Ora-
tion as a priuate person, but as one representing the body of the Clergie and Nobilitie
by whom the cause hath bene wonne, and the garland borne away from the third Estate:

1 In the Preface to my Apologie.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 175

Againe, by mine owne particular; because he is pleased to take me vp for a sower of
dissention, and a persecutour, vnder whom the Church is hardly able to fetch her
breath; yea, for one by whom the Catholikes of my Kingdome are compelled to endure
all sorts of punishments; and withal he tearmes this Article of the third Estate, a
monster with a fishes taile that came swimming out of England: Last of all, by the
present state of France; because France being now reduced to so miserable tearmes,
that it is now become a crime for a Frenchman to stand for his King; it is a necessary
duetie of her neighbours to speak in her cause, and to make triall whether they can
put life into the trweth now dying, and ready to be buried by the power of violence,
that it may resound and ring againefrom remote regions. ,

I haue no purpose once to touch many prettie toyes which the ridges of his whole
booke are sowen withall: Such are his allegations of Pericles, Agesilaus, Aristotle,
Minos, the Druides, the French Ladies, Hannibal, Pindarus, and Poeticall fables:
All resembling the red and blew flowers that pester the corne when it standeth in the
fields, where they are more noysome to the growing crop, then beautifull to the behold-
ing eye. Such pettie matters, nothing at all beseemed the dignitie of the Assembly
and of the maine subiect, or of the Orator himself e: For 'it was no Decorum to enter
the Stage with a Pericles in his mouth, but with the sacred Name of God; nor should
hee haue marshalled the passage of a Royall Poet, after the example of an heathen
Oratour.

Neither will I giue any touch to his conceit of the Romane conquests, which the
L. Cardinall * bestoweth in the list of Gods graces and temporall blessings, as a recom-
pence of their zeale to the seruice and worship of Idols: As if God were a recompencer
of wickednes, or as if the forcible electing of Tenants out of their farmes and other
possessions, might be reckoned among the blessings of God.

Nor to that of the Milesian Virgins, dragged stark-naked after they were dead;
which the L. Cardinall drawes into his discourse for an example of the eternall tor-
ments denounced by the Lawes Ecclesiasticall, to be inflicted after this life?

Nor to his exposition of the word Problematical! ;3 where he giueth to under-
stand that by Problematically hee meaneth such things as are of no necessitie to matter
of faith; and in case men shall beleeue the contradictory of the said points, they are
not bound for such beleefe, to vnder goe the solemne curse of the Church, and the losse
of communion: Whereas Aristotle,4 of whom all Schooles haue borrowed their
tearmes, hath taught vs that euery proposition is called a Probleme, when it is pro-
pounded in a formall doubt, though in its proper nature it containes a necessary
trewth, concerning the matter thereof; As for example, to say in forme of question,
Whether is there but one God ? or, Whether is man a creature indued with rea-
son ? By which examples it is plaine, that propositions in problematicall forme,
doe not for goe the necessitie of their nature; and that many times the contradictory

1 Pag. 4. J Pag. 7. & 8. » Pag. 13.

4 Aristot. i. top. cap. 4. [3.] Trpbraaif nal irp6f}\ijna, sound both one thing, A7r6 irbaris yetp irporA-
<r«o)s 7rp6/3X?7^a ;roi^<re«, prouided the word 7r6rtpoi' or vtrum, do stand before, as, Vtrtm homo sit
animal.

176 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

binds the beleeuers thereof to Anathema and losse of communion. There is a con-
fused heape or bundle of other like toyes, which my purpose is to passe ouer in silence,
that I may now come to cast anchor, as it were in the very bottome and substance of
the cause.

A REMONSTRANCE FOR THE RIGHT OF KINGS, AND THE INDEPEN-

DANCE OF THEIR CROWNES. AGAINST AN ORATION OF THE

MOST ILLUSTRIOUS CARDINALL OF PERRON, PRONOUNCED

IN THE CHAMBER OF THE THIRD ESTATE.

THE 15. OF IANUAR. 1615.

THE L. Cardinal! euen in the first passage of his Oration, hath laid a firme foun-
dation, That Ecclesiastics in France are more deepely obliged to the King, then the
Nobilitie, and third Estate: His reason; Because the Clergie doe sweetly enioy
their dignities and promotions, with all their infinite wealth, of the Kings meere
grace, without all danger, and with faire immunities; whereas the other two
Orders hold their offices by a chargeable and burdensome title or tenure, euen
to the great expence of their blood, and of their substance. But see now, how
loose and weake a frame he hath erected and pinned together, vpon his firme and
solide foundation: Ergo, the third Estate is to lay all care to prouide remedies
against apposted cut- throats, vpon the Clergy; and the said remedies (as he
boldly affirms) must be deriued from the laws of conscience, which may carry
an effectual acting or operatiue efficacie vpon the soule, and not from ciuil or
temporall punishments. Now this consequence limpeth like a lame creple after
the premises: For it is no vsuall and common matter, to see men that are deepest
in obligation, performe their duties and couenants with most fidelity. Againe,
were it graunted the Clergie had well hitherto demonstrated their carefull watch-
ing ouer the life and honour of their Prince; yet is it not for spirituall punish-
ments thundered by Ecclesiastics, to bind the hands of the ciuill Magistrate, nor
to stop the current of temporall punishments: which ordinarily doe carrie a
greater force and vertue to the bridling of the wicked, then the apprehension of
Gods iudgement.

The third Estate therefore, by whom all the officers of France are properly
represented, as to whom the administration of iustice and protection of the Kings
rights and Honour doth appertaine, can deserue no blame in carrying so watch-
full an eye, by their wholesome remedie to prouide for the safetie of the King, and
for the dignitie of his Crowne. For if the Clergie shall not stand to their tackle,
but shrinke when it commeth to the push of their duetie; who shall charge them-
selves with carefull foresight and preuention of mischiefes ? Shall not the people?
Now, haue not all the calamities, which the third Estate haue sought prouidently
to preuent; haue they not all sprung from the Clergie, as from their proper and
naturall fountaine ? From whence did the last ciuill warres, wherein a world of

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 177

blood was not more profusely then prodigiously and vnnaturally spilt, and wherein
the parricide of King Henrie III. was impiously and abominably committed ; from
whence did those bloodie warres proceed, but from the deposing of the said King
by the Head of the Church ? Were they not Prelats, Curats, and Confessours;
were they not Ecclesiastics, who partly by seditious preachments, and partly
by secret confessions, powred many a iarre of oyle vpon this flame ? Was not he
that killed the forenamed King, was not he one of the Clergie ? Was not Guignard
a lesuite ? Was not lohn Chastel brought vp in the same schoole ? Did not
Rauaillac that monster of men, vpon interrogatories made at his examination;
among the rest, by whom he had beene so diabolically tempted and stirred vp
to his most execrable attempt and act of extreme horror: did not he referre his
examiners to the Sermons made the Lent next before, where they might be satis-
fied concerning the causes of his abominable vndertaking and execution ? Are
not Bellarmine, Eudamonoiohannes, Suarez, Becanus, Mariana, with such other
monsters, who teach the doctrine of parricides, vphold the craft of lanus-like
Equiuocations in Courts of lustice, and in secret confessions: are they not all
Clerics ? are not all their bookes approoued and allowed, as it were by a corpora-
tion or grosse companie of Doctors, with their signes manuel to the said bookes ?
What were the heads, the chiefe promoters, the complices of the powder-con-
spiracie in my Kingdome ? were they not Ecclesiastics ? Hath not Faux by name,
a confederate of the same damned crew; hath not he stoutly stood to the gun-
ners part, which then he was to act in that most dolefull Tragedie, with asseuera-
tion of a conscience well assured and setled, touching the lawfulnesse of his enter-
prise? Did he not yeild this reason? to wit, because he had bin armed with
instruction of musket proofe hi the case, before he made passage ouer from the
Low Countries ? Is it not also the generall beleefe of that Order, that Clerics
are exempted from the condition of Subiects to the King ? Nay, is it not confessed
by the L. Cardinal! * himselfe, that King-killers haue ingaged themselues to
vndertake the detestable act of parricide vnder a false credence of Religion, as
beeing instructed by their schoolemasters in Religion ? And who were they but
Ecclesiasticall persons ? All this presupposed as matter of trewth, I draw this
conclusion: Howsoeuer no small number of the French Clergie may perhaps
beare the affection of louing Subiects to their King, and may not suffer the Cleri-
call character to deface the impression of naturall allegiance; yet, for so much
as the Order of Clerics is dipped in a deeper die, and beareth a worse tincture of
daungerous practises then the other Orders; the third Estate had beene greatly
wanting to their excellent prouidence and wisedome, if they should haue relin-
quished and transferred the care of designements and proiects for the life of their
King, and the safety of his Crowne, to the Clergie alone. Moreouer, the Clergie
standeth bound to referre the iudgement of all matters of controuersie, to the
sentence of the Pope, in this cause beeing a partie, and one that pretendeth

1 Pag. 7.

178 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Crownes to depend vpon his Mitre. What hope then might the third Estate
conceiue, that his Holinesse would passe against his owne cause, when his iudge-
ment of the controuersie had beene sundrie times before published and testified
to the world ? And whereas the plot or modell of remedies proiected by the
third Estate, and the Kings Officers, hath not prooued sortable in the euent: was
it because the said remedies were not good and lawfull ? No verily: but because
the Clergie refused to become contributors of their duty and meanes to the grand
seruice. Likewise, for that after the burning of bookes, addressed to iustifie re-
bellious people, tray tors, and parricides of Kings; neuerthelesse the authors of
the said bookes are winked at, and backt with fauour. Lastly, for that some
wretched parricides drinke off the cuppe of publike iustice; whereas to the fire-
brands of sedition, the sowers of this abominable doctrine, no man saith so
much as blacke is their eye.

It sufficiently appeareth, as I supose, by the former passage, that his Lordship
exhorting the third Estate to referre the whole care of this Regall cause vnto the
Clergie, hath tacked his frame of weake ioynts and tenons to a very worthy but
wrong foundations. Howbeit, he laboureth1 to fortifie his exhortation with a
more weake and feeble reason: For to make good his proiect he affirmes, that
matters and maximes out of all doubt and question may not be shuffled together
with points in controueresie. Now his rules indubitable are two : The first, It is
not lawfull to murther Kings for any cause whatsoeuer : This he confirmeth by the
example of Saul (as he saith) deposed from his Throne, whose life or limbs Dauid
neuerthelesse durst not once hurt or wrong for his life: Likewise he confirmes
the same by a Decree of the Councill held at Constance : 2 His other point indu-
bitable; The Kings of France are Soueraignes in all Temporall Soueraigntie,
within the French Kingdome, and hold not by fealtie either of the Pope, as hau-
ing received or obliged their Crownes vpon such tenure and condition, or of any
other Prince in the whole world; Which point, neuerthelesse he takes not for
certaine and indubitable, but onely according to humane and historicall certain-
tie. Now a third point he makes to be so full of controuersie, and so farre within
the circle of disputable questions, as it may not be drawne into the ranke of
classical! and authenticall points, for feare of making a certaine point doubtfull,
by shuffling and iumbling therewith some point in controuersie. Now the ques-
tion so disputable, as he pretendeth, is this: A Christian Prince breaks his oath
solemnely taken to God, both to liue and to die in the Catholique Religion:
Say this Prince turnes Arrian, or Mahometan, fals to proclaime open warre, and
to wage battell with lesus Christ: Whether may such a Prince be declared to
haue lost his Kingdome, and who shall declare the Subjects of such a Prince to
be quit of their oath of allegiance ? The L. Cardinall holds the affirmatiue, and
makes no bones to maintaine, that all other parts of the Catholique Church, yea
the French Church, euen from the first birth of her Theologicall Schooles, to

1 Page 9. » Cone. Constan. Sess. 15.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 179

Caluins time and teaching, haue professed that such a Prince may bee lawfully
remooued from his Throne by the Pope, and by the Councill : and suppose the
contrarie doctrine were the very Quintessence or spirit of trewth, yet might it not
in case of faith be vrged and pressed otherwise then by way of problematicall
disceptation. That is the summe of his Lordships ample discourse: The refuting
whereof I am constrained to put off, and referre vnto an other place ; because he
hath serued vs with the same dishes ouer and ouer againe. There we shall see
the L. Cardinall maketh way to the dispatching of Kings after deposition: that
Saul was not deposed, as he hath presumed: that in the Councill of Constance
there is nothing to the purpose of murthering Soueraigne Princes: that his Lord-
ship, supposing the French King may be depriued of his Crowne by a superiour
power, doth not hold his liege Lord to be Soueraine in France: that by the posi-
tion of the French Church from aage to aage, the Kings of France are not subiect
vnto any censure of deposition by the Pope: that his Holinesse hath no iust and
lawfull pretence to produce, that any Christian King holds of him by fealtie, or
is obliged to doe the Pope homage for his Crowne.

Well then, for the purpose; he dwelleth onely vpon the third point pretended
questionable, and this hee amrmeth: If any shall condemne, or wrappe vnder the
solemne curse, the abettours of the Popes power to vn-king lawfull and Soueraigne
Kings; the same shall runne vpon four dangerous rocks of apparent incongruities
and absurdities.

First, he shall offer to force and entangle the consciences of many deuout per-
sons: For he shall binde them to beleeue and sweare that doctrine, the contrary
whereof is beleeued of the whole Church, and hath bene beleeued by their
Predecessors.1

Secondly, he shall ouerturne from top to bottome the sacred authoritie of
holy Church, and shall set open a gate vnto all sorts of heresie, by allowing Lay-
persons a bold libertie to be iudges in causes of Religion and Faith: For what is
that degree of boldnesse, but open vsurping of the Priesthood; what is it but
putting of prophane hands vpon the Arke; what is it but laying of vnholy fingers
vpon the holy Censor for perfumes ?

Thirdly, hee shall make way to a Schisme, not possible to bee put by and
auoyded by any humane prouidence. For this doctrine beeing held and pro-
fessed by all other Catholiques; how can we declare it repugnant vnto Gods
word; how can wee hold it impious; how can wee account it detestable, but wee
shall renounce communion with the Head and other members of the Church;
yea, we shall confesse the Church in all aages to haue bene the Synagogue of
Satan, and the spouse of the Deuill ?

Lastly, by working the establishment of this Article, which worketh an estab-
lishment of Kings Crownes; He shall not onely worke the intended remedy for
the danger of Kings, out of all the vertue and efficacie thereof, by weakening of

1 Pag. 14.

180 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

doctrine out of all controuersie, in packing it vp with a disputable question; but
likewise in stead of securing the life and estate of Kings, he shall draw both into
farre greater hazards, by the traine or sequence of warres, and other calamities,
which vsually waite and attend on Schismes.

The L. Cardinall spends his whole discourse in confirmation of these foure
heads, which wee now intend to sift in order, and demonstratiuely to prooue that
all the said inconueniences are meere nullities, matters of imagination, and built
vpon false presuppositions. But before wee come to the maine, the reader is to
be enformed and aduertised, that his Lordship setteth a false glosse vpon the
question; and propounds the case not onely contrary to the treweth of the sub-
iect in controuersie, but also to the Popes owne minde and meaning: For he
restraines the Popes power to depose Kings, onely to cases of Heresie, Apostasie,
and persecuting of the Church; whereas Popes extend their power to a further
distance. They depose Princes for infringing, or in any sort diminishing the
Priuiledges of Monasteries: witnesse Gregorie the first in the pretended Charter
granted to the Abbey of S. Medard at Soissons; the said Charter beeing annexed
to his Epistles in the rere. The same hee testifieth in his Epistle to Senator, by
name the tenth of the eleuenth booke. They depose for naturall dulnesse and
lacke of capacitie, wether in-bred and trew indeed, or onely pretended and imag-
ined: witnesse the glorious vaunt of Gregory VII. that Childeric King of France
was hoysted out of his Throne by Pope Zachary,1 Not so much for his wicked life,
as for his vnablenesse to beare the iveightie burden of so great a Kingdome. They
depose for collating of Benefices and Prebends: witnesse the great quarrels and
sore contentions betweene Pope Innocent III. and lohn King of England: as
also between Philip the Faire and Boniface VIII. They depose for adulteries and
Matrimoniall suites: witnes Philip I. for the repudiating or casting off his law-
full wife Bertha, and marrying in her place with Bertrade wife to the Earle of
Aniou. Finally, faine would I learne into what Heresie or degree of Apostasie,
either Henry IV. or Frederic Barbarossa, or Frederic II. Emperours were fallen,
when they were smitten with Papall fulminations, euen to the depriuation of
their Imperiall Thrones.2 What ? was it for Heresie or Apostasie, that Pope
Martin TV. bare so hard a hand against Peter King of Arragon, that he acquitted
and released the Aragonnois from their oath of Alleagiance to Peter their lawfull
King ? Was it for Heresie or Apostasie, for Arrianisme or Mahumetisme, that
Lewis XII. so good a King and Father of his Countrey, was put downe by lulius
the II ? Was it for Heresie or Apostasie, that Sixtus V. vsurped a power against
Henrie III. euen so farr as to denounce him unkingd; the issue whereof was the
parricide of that good King, and the most woefull desolation of a most flourish-
ing Kingdome ? But his Lordship best liked to worke vpon that ground, which to
the outward shew and appearance, is the most beautiful! cause that can be al-
leaged for the dishonouring of Kings by the weapon of deposition: making him-
1 Caus. 15. Can Alius. Qu. 6. » Paul Aemil. in Phil. 3.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 181

selfe to beleeue that he acted the part of an Orator before personages not much
acquainted with ancient and moderne histories, and such as little vnderstood the
state of the question then in hand. It had therefore beene a good warrant for
his Lordship, to haue brought some authenticall instrument from the Pope,
whereby the French might haue beene secured, that his Holinesse renounceth all
other causes auouchable for the degrading of Kings ; and that he will henceforth
rest in the case of Heresie, for the turning of Kings out of their Free-hold: as also
that his Holinesse by the same or like instrument might haue certified his pleasure,
that hee will not hereafter make himselfe ludge, whether Kings bee tainted with
damnable Heresie, or free from Hereticall infection. For that were to make him
selfe both Judge and Plaintiffe, that it might be in his power to call that doctrine
Hereticall, which is pure Orthodoxe : and all for this end, to make himselfe master
of the Kingdome, and there to settle a Successour, who receiuing the Crowne of
the Popes free gift and grant, might be tyed thereby to depend altogether vpon
his Holinesse. Hath not Pope Boniface VIII. declared in his proud Letters all
those to be Heretiques, that dare vndertake to afirme, the collating of Prebends
apperteineth to the King ? It was that Popes grosse errour, not in the fact, but
in the right. The like crime forsooth was by Popes imputed to the vnhappy Em-
perour Henrie IV. And what was the issue of the said imputation? The sonne
is instigated thereby to rebell against his father, and to impeach the interrement
of his dead corps, who neuer in his life had beate his braines to trouble the sweet
waters of Theologicall fountaines. • It is recorded by Auentine,1 that Bishop
Virgilius was declared Heretique, for teaching the Position of Antipodes. The
Bull Exurge? marching in the rere of the last Lateran Councel, sets downe this
Position for one of Lulhers heresies, A new life is the best repentance? Among the
crimes which the Councel of Constance 4 charged Pope lohn XXIII. withall, one
was this, that hee denied the immortalitie of the soule, and that so much was pub-
liquely, manifestly, and notoriously knowen. Now if the Pope shall be caried by
the streame of these or the like errours, and in his Hereticall prauitie shall de-
pose a King of the contrary opinion, I shall hardly bee perswaded, the said King
is lawfully deposed.

THE FIRST INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.

THE first inconuenience growing (in the Cardinall his conceit) by entertaining
the Article of the third Estate (whereby the Kings of France are declared to be
indeposeable by any superiour power spirituall or temporall) is this: It ojfereth
force to the conscience, wider the penaltie of Anathema, to condemne a doctrine be-
leeued and practised in the Church, in the continuall current of the last eleuen hun-
dred yeeres. In these words he maketh a secret confession, that in the first fiue
hundred yeeres, the same doctrine was neither apprehended by faith, nor ap-

1 Annul. Boio. Lib. 3. » Optima pcenitentia noua vita.

1 Inuanen. Episcop. * Cone. Constan. Sess. 2.

1 82 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

prooued by practise. Wherein, to my vnderstanding, the L. Cardinall volun-
tarily giueth ouer the suite: For the Church in the time of the Apostles, their
disciples, and successors, for 500. yeeres together, was no more ignorant what
authoritie the Church is to challenge ouer Emperours and Kings, then at any
time since in any succeeding aage ; in which as pride hath still flowed to the height
of a full Sea, so puritie of religion and manners hath kept for the most part at a
lowe water marke. Which point is the rather to be considered, for that during
the first 500. yeeres, the Church groned vnder the heauy burthen, both of heathen
Emperours, and of hereticall Kings; the Visigot Kings in Spaine, and the Vandals
in Africa. Of whose displeasure the Pope had small reason or cause to stand in
any feare, beeing so remote from their dominions, and no way vnder the lee of their
Soueraigntie.

But let vs come to see, what aide the L. Cardinall hath amassed and piled
together out of latter histories: prouided wee still beare in mind, that our ques-
tion is not of popular tumults, nor of the rebellion of subjects making insurrec-
tions out of their owne discontented spirits and brainesicke humors, nor of law-
full Excommunications, nor of Canonicall censures and reprehensions; but onely
of a iuridicall sentence of deposition, pronounced by the Pope, as armed with
ordinary and lawfull power to depose, against a Soueraigne Prince.

Now then, The L. Cardinall l sets on, and giues the first charge with Anasta-
sius the Emperour, whom Euphemius Patriarke of Constantinople would neuer
acknowledge for Emperour: (that is to say, would neuer consent he should be
created Emperour by the helpe of his voice or suffrage) except he would first
subscribe to the Chalcedon Creed: notwithstanding the great Empresse and Sen-
ate sought by violent courses and practises to make him yeeld. And when after-
ward the said Emperour, contrary to his oath taken, played the relaps by falling
into his former heresie, and became a persecutor; he was first admonished, and
then excommunicated by Symntachus Bishop of Rome. To this the L. Cardinall
addes, that when the said Emperour was minded to choppe the poison of his
hereticall assertions into the publique formes of diuine seruice, then the people
of Constantinople made an vproare against Anastasius their Emperour; and one
of his Commanders by force of armes, constrained him to call backe certaine
Bishops whom he had sent into banishment before.

In this first example the L. Cardinall by his good leaue, neither comes close to
the question, nor salutes it a farre off. Euphemius was not Bishop of Rome:
Anastasius was not deposed by Euphemius; the Patriarch onely made no way
to the creating of Anastasius. The suddaine commotion of the base multitude
makes nothing, the rebellion of a Greeke Commaunder makes lesse, for the author-
izing of the Pope to depose a Soueraigne Prince. The Greeke Emperour was ex-
communicated by Pope Symmachus: who knowes whether that be trew or
forged ? For the Pope himselfe is the onely witnesse here produced by the L.
1 Exampl. i. pag. 18 Euag. hist. Eccles. lib. 3. cap. 32.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 183

Cardinal! vpon the point : and who knowes not how false, how supposititious, the
writings and Epistles of the auncient Popes are iustly esteemed ? But graunt it
a trewth; yet Anastasius excommunicated by Pope Symmachus, is not Anastasius
deposed by Pope Symmachus. And to make a full answere, I say further, that
excommunication denounced by a forraine Bishop, against a party not beeing
within the limits of his iurisdiction, or one of his owne flocke, was not any barre
to the party from the communion of the Church, but onely a kind of publication,
that he the said Bishop in his particular, would hold no further communion with
any such party.

For proofe whereof, I produce the Canons of the Councils held at Carthage.
In one of the said Canons it is thus prouided and ordained;1 If any Bishop shall
wilfully absent himselfe from the vsuall and accustomed Synodes, let him not be
admitted to the communion of other Churches, but let him onely vfe the benefit
and libertie of his owne Church. In an other of the same Canons thus ; 2 If a Bishop
shall insinuate himselfe to make a conueiance of his Monasterie, and the ordering
thereof vnto a Monke of any other Cloister; let him be cut off, let him be sepa-
rated from the communion with other Churches and content himselfe to Hue in
the communion of his owne flocke. In the same sense Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers
excommunicated Liberius 3 Bishop of Rome, for subscribing to the Arrian Con-
fession. In the same sense, lohn Bishop of Antioch excommunicated Ccelestine of
Rome, and Cyrill of Alexandria, Bishops; for proceeding to sentence against
Nestorius, without staying his comming to answere in his owne cause. In the
same sense likewise, Victor Bishop of Rome did cut off all the Bishops of the East,
not from the communion of their owne flocke, but from communion with Victor
and the Romane Church. What resemblance, what agreement, what propor-
tion, betweene this course of excommunication, and that way of vniust fulmina-
tion which the Popes of Rome haue vsurped against Kings, but yet certaine long
courses of tune after that auncient course ?

And this may stand for a full answere likewise to the example of Clotharius*
This ancient King of the French, fearing the censures of Pope Agapetus, erected
the Territorie of Yuetot vnto the title of a Kingdome, by way of satisfaction for
murdering of Gualter, Lord of Yuetot. For this example the L. Cardinall hath
ransackt records of 900. yeares antiquitie and vpward; in which times it were
no hard piece of worke to shew, that Popes would not haue any hand, nor so
much as a finger in the affaires and acts of the French Kings. Gregorie of Tours
that liued in the same aage, hath recorded many acts of excesse, and violent
iniuries done against Bishops by their Kings, and namely against Prcetextatus
Bishop of Roan; for any of which iniurious prankes then played, the Bishop of

1 Nomocan. Affric. Can. 77. 'Q<t>tl\fiv TOUS TOWUTOUS r% koivovia. T»js tfias avruiv
\rjffiai.

1 Can. 81. eiusd. Nome. &w6 irtav \otiruv noivovias xt<JP'£fyiSJ'os T§ rov ISiov Xdou
KfaOfi nbvfl.

» Anathema tibi a me Liberi. Faber. in frag. Hilarij. 4 Examp. 2.

1 84 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Rome durst not reprooue the said Kings with due remonstrance. But see heere
the words of Gregorie himselfe to King Chilperic: If any of vs, O King, shall
swarue from the path of Justice, him hast thou power to punish: But in case thou
shall at any time transgresse the lines of equitie, who shall once touch thee with re-
proofe ? To thee wee speake, but are neuer heeded and regarded, except it be thy
pleasure: and bee thou not pleased, who shall challenge thy greatnesse, but hee that
iustly challengeth to bee Justice it selfe ? The good Bishop, notwithstanding these
humble remonstrances, was but roughly entreated, and packt into exile, being
banished into the Isle of Guernsay. But I am not minded to make any deepe
search or inquisition, into the titles of the Lords of Yuetot; whose honourable
priuiledges and titles are the most honourable badges and cognizances of their
Ancestours, and of some remarkeable seruice done to the Crowne of France: so
farre I take them to differ from a satisfaction for sinne: And for the purpose I
onely affirme, that were the credit of this historie beyond all exception, yet makes
it nothing to the present question, Wherein the power of deposing, and not of
excommunicating supreme Kings, is debated. And suppose the King by Charter
granted the said priuiledges for feare of Excommunication; how is it prooued
thereby, that Pope Agapetus had lawfull and ordinary power to depriue him of
his Crowne? Nay, doubtlesse it was rather a meanes to eleuate and aduance the
dignitie of the Crowne of France, and to style the French King, a King of Kings,
as one that was able to giue the qualitie of King, to all the rest of the Nobles and
Gentry of his Kingdome. Doeth not some part of the Spanish Kings greatnesse,
consist in creating of his, great ?

In the next place followeth Gregorie I.1 who in the 10. Epistle of the u. booke,
confirming the priuiledges of the Hospitall at Augustodunum in Bourgongne, pro-
hibiteth all Kings and Prelates whatsoeuer, to infringe or diminish the said
priuiledges, in whole or in part. His formall and expresse words bee these: If
any King, Prelate, ludge, or any other Secular person, informed of this our Constuti-
tion, shall presume to goe or doe contrary thereunto, let him bee cast downe from his
power and dignitie. I answere; the Lord Cardinall heere wrongs himselfe very
much, in taking imprecations for Decrees. Might not euen the meanest of the
people vse the same tenour of words, and say ? If any shall touch the life, or the
most sacred Maiestie of our Kings, be he Emperour, or be he Pope, let him bee
accursed; let him fall from his eminent place of authoritie; let him lose his
dignitie; let him tumble into beggerie, diseases, and all kindes of calamities ?
I forbeare to shew how easie a matter it is for Monkes, to forge titles after their
owne humour, and to their owne liking, for the vpholding and maintaining of
then- priuiledges. As for the purpose, the same Gregorie citeth in the end of his
Epistles another priuiledge, of the like stuffe and stampe to the former, granted
to the Abbey of 5. Medard at Soissons : It is fenced with a like clause to the other;
But of how great vntrewth, and of how little weight it is, the very date that it

1 Examp. 3. pag. 22.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 185

beareth, makes manifest proof e: For it runs, Dated the yeere of our Lords In-
carnation 593. the ii. Indiction; whereas the 10. Indiction agreeth to the yeere
593. Besides, it was not Gregories maner to date his Epistles, according to the
yeere of the Lord. Againe, the said priuiledge was signed by the Bishops of
Alexandria and Carthage, who neuer knew (as may well bee thought) whether
any such Abbey of S. Medard, or citie of Scissions, was euer built in the world.
Moreouer, they signed in the thickest of a crowd as it were of Italian Bishops.
Lastly, hee that shall reade in this Gregories Epistles, with what spirit of reuerence
and humilitie he speaketh of Emperours, will hardly beleeue that euer hee armed
himselfe with authoritie to giue or to take away Kingdomes. Hee styles him-
selfe J The Emperours vnworthie seruant: presuming to speake imto his Lord, when
he knowes himselfe to bee but dust and a very worme: Hee professeth subiection vnto
the Emperours commands, euen to the publishing of a certaine Law of the Emperours
which in his iudgement somewhat iarred and iustled with Gods Law; as elsewhere I
haue spoken more at large.

The L. Cardinall next bringeth vpon the stage lustinian II.2 Hee, being in
some choller with Sergius Bishop of Rome, because hee would not fauour the
erroneous Synode of Constantinople, would haue caused the Bishop to bee ap-
prehended by his Constable Zacharias. But by the Romane Militia, (that is,
the troupes which the Emperour then had in Italic) Zacharias was repulsed and
hindered from his deseigne, euen with opproborius and reproachful! termes. His
Lordship must haue my shallownesse excused, if I reach not his intent by this
Allegation; wherein I see not one word of deposing from the Empire, or of any
sentence pronounced by the Pope.

Heere are now 712. yeeres expired after the birth of lesus Christ: in all which
long tract of time, the L. Cardinal hath not light vpon any instance, which might
make for his purpose with neuer so little shew: For the example of the Emperor
Philippicus 3 by the Cardinal alledged next in sequence, belongeth to the yeere
713. And thus lies the historic: This Emperour Philippicus Bardanes, was a
professed enemie to the worshipping of Images, and commanded them to be
broken in pieces. In that very time the Romane Empire was ouerthrowen in the
West, and sore shaken by the Saracenes in the East. Besides those miseries, the
Emperour was also incumbred with a ciuill and intestine warre. The greatest
part of Italic was then seized by the Lombards, and the Emperour in Italje had
nothing left saue onely the Exarchat of Rauenna, and the Dutchie of Rome, then
halfe abandoned by reason of the Emperours want of forces. Pope Constantine
gripes this occasion whereon to ground his greatnesse, and to shake off the yoke
of the Emperour his Lord, Undertakes against Philippicus the cause of Images:
by a Councel declares the Emperour Heretique: Prohibites his rescripts or coine

1 Epist. 6. 1. 3. Ego autem indignus pietatis tuae seruus. Ego vero haec Dominis meis loquens,
quid sum nisi puluis & vennis ? Ibid. Ego quidem iussioni subiectus, &c. Epist. 61. 1. 2.
1 Examp. 4. » Examp. 5.

1 86 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

to bee receiued, and to goe current in Rome: Forbids his Imperiall statue to bee
set vp in the Temple, according to ancient custome: The tumult groweth to a
height : The Pope is principall promoter of the tumult : In the heate of the tumult
the Exarche of Rauenna loseth his life. Here see now the mutinie of a subiect
against his Prince, to pull from him by force and violence a citie of his Empire.
But who seeth in all this any sentence of deposition from the Imperiall dignitie ?
Nay, the Pope then missed the cushion, and was disappointed vtterly of his pur-
pose: The citie of Rome stood firme, and continued still in their obedience to the
Emperour.

About some 12. yeeres after, the Emperour Leo Isauricus 1 (whom the Lord
of Perron calleth Iconoclast) falles to fight it out at sharpe, and to prosecute
worshippers of Images with all extremitie. Vpon this occasion, Pope Gregory 2.
then treading in the steps of his predecessor, when he perceiued the citie of Rome
to be but weakely prouided of men or munition, and the Emperour to haue his
hands full in other places, found such meanes to make the citie rise in rebellious
armes against the Emperour, that he made himselfe in short tune master thereof.
Thus farre the Lord Cardinall, whereunto my answere for satisfaction is; that
degrading an Emperour from his Imperiall dignitie, and reducing a citie to reuolt
against her Master, that a man at last may carry the piece himselfe, and make
himselfe Lord thereof, are two seuerall actions of speciall difference. If the free-
hold of the citie had beene conueied to some other by the Pope depriuing the
Emperour, as proprietarie thereof, this example might haue challenged some
credit at least in shew: but so to inuade the citie to his owne vse, and so to seize
on the right and authority of another, what is it but open rebellion, and notorious
ambition ? For it is farre from Ecclesiastical! censure, when the spirituall Pastor
of soules forsooth, pulles the cloake of a poore sinner from his backe by violence,
or cuts his purse, and thereby appropriates an other mans goods to his priuate
vse. It is to be obserued withall, that when the Emperours were not of sufficient
strength, and Popes had power to beard and to braue Emperours, then these
Papall practises were first set on foot. This Emperour notwithstanding, turned
head and peckt againe: his Lieutenant entred Rome, and Gregorie 3. successor
to this Gregorie z. was glad to honour the same Emperour with style and title of
his Lord: witnesse two seuerall Epistles of the said Gregorie $? written to Boni-
face, and subscribed in this forme: Dated the tenth Calends of December: In the
raigne of our most pious and religious Lord, Augustus Leo, crowned of God, the
great Emperour, in the tenth yeere of his raigne.

The L. Cardinall with no lesse abuse alleadgeth Pope Zacharie, by whom the
French, as he affirmeth, were absolued of the oath of allegiance, wherein they
stood bound to Childeric their King: And for this instance, he standeth vpon
the testimonie of Paulus Aemilius, and du Tillet, a paire of late writers. But by

1 Examp. 6.

Dat. 10. Cal. Decem Imperante Dom. pijssimo Augusto Leone, a Deo coronato, magno Imp.
anno decimo Imperij eius. Examp. 7.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 187

authors more neere that aage wherin Childeric raigned, it is more trewly testified,
that it was a free and voluntarie act of the French, onely asking the aduise of
Pope Zacharie, but requiring neither leaue nor absolution. Ado Bishop of Vienna,
in his Chronicles hath it after this manner: The French, following the Counsell of
Embassadors, and of Pope, Zachary elected Pepin their King, and established him
in the Kingdome. Trithemius in his abridgement of Annals, thus: Childeric, as
one vnfitfor gouernement, was turned out of his Kingdome, with common consent of
the Estates and Peeres of the Realme, so aduised by Zacharie Pope of Rome, God-
fridus of Viterbe in the 1 7 . part of his Chronicle ; and Guauguin in the life of Pepin,
affirme the same. And was it not an easie matter to worke Pepin by counsell to
lay hold on the Kingdome, when he could not be hindered from fastening on the
Crowne, and had already seizd it in effect, howsoeuer he had not yet attained to
the name of King ? Moreouer, the rudenesse of that Nation, then wanting
knowledge and Schooles either of divinitie, or of Academical! sciences, was a
kind of spurre to make them runne for counsell ouer the mountaines: which
neuerthelesse in a cause of such nature, they required not as necessary, but onely
as decent and for fashion sake. The Pope also for his part was well appaied, by
this meanes to draw Pepin vnto his part; as one that stood in some neede of his
aide against the Lombards; and the more, because his Lord the Emperour of
Constantinople was then brought so low, that hee was not able to send him suf-
ficient aide, for the defence of his territories against his enemies. But had Zacha-
rie (to deale plainely) not stood vpon the respect of his owne commodity, more
then vpon the regard of Gods feare; he would neuer haue giuen counsell vnto the
seruant, vnder the pretended colour of his Masters dull spirit, so to turne rebell
against his Master. The Lawes prouide Gardians, or ouerseers, for such as are
not well in their wits; they neuer depriue and spoile them of their estate: they
punish crimes, but not diseases and infirmities by nature. Yea, in France it is
a very auncient custome, when the King is troubled in his wits to establish a
Regent, who for the time of the Kings disability, may beare the burden of the
Kingdomes affaires. So was the practise of that State in the case of Charles 6.
when hee fell into a phrensie; whom the Pope notwithstanding his most grieuous
and sharpe fits, neuer offered to degrade. And to be short, what reason, what
equity will beare the children to be punished for the fathers debilitie ? Yet such
punishment was laid vpon Childerics whole race and house; who by this practise
were all disinherited of the Kingdome. But shall wee now take some view, of
the L. Cardinals excuse for this exemplarie fact ? The cause of Childerics l de-
posing, (as the L. Cardinall saith) did neerely concerne and touch Religion: For
Childerics imbecillity brought all France into danger, to suffer a most wofull
shipwracke of Christian religion, vpon the barbarous and hostile inuasion of the
Saracens. Admit now this reason had beene of iust weight and value, yet con-
sideration should haue beene taken, whether some one or other of that Royall

1 Pag. 25.

!88 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

stemme, and of the Kings owne successors neerest of blood, was not of better
capacity to rule and mannage that mighty State. The feare of vncertaine and
accidentall mischiefe, should not haue driuen them to flie vnto the certaine mis-
chiefe of actuall and effectuall deposition. They should rather haue set before
their eies the example of Charles M artel, this Pepins father; who in a farre more
eminent danger, when the Saracens had already mastered, and subdued a great
part of France, valiantly encountred, and withall defeated the Saracens; ruled
the Kingdome vnder the title of Steward of the Kings house, the principall Officer
of the Crowne; without affecting or aspiring to the Throne for all that great step
of aduantage, especially when the Saracens were quite broken, and no longer
dreadfull to the French Nation.

In our owne Scotland, the sway of the Kingdome was in the hand of Wattes,
during the tune of Bruse his imprisonment in England, who then was lawfull
heire to the Crowne. This Wattes or Vattas had the whole power of the King-
dome at his becke and command. His Edicts and ordinances to this day stand
in full force. By the deadly hatred of Bruse his mortall enemie, it may be con-
iectured, that he might haue bene prouoked and inflamed with desire to trusse
the Kingdome in his tallants. And notwithstanding all these incitements, he
neuer assumed or vsurped other title to himselfe, then of Gouernour or Adminis-
tratour of the Kingdome. The reason: Hee had not beene brought vp in this
new doctrine and late discipline, whereby the Church is endowed with power to
giue and to take away Crownes. But now (as the L. Cardinall would beare the
world in hand) the state of Kings is brought to a very dead lift. The Pope for-
sooth must send his Physicians, to know by way of inspection or some other course
of Art, whether the Kings braine be cract or sound : and in case there be found any
debilitie of wit and reason in the King, then the Pope must remooue and translate
the Crowne, from the weaker braine to a stronger: and for the acting of the
stratageme, the name of Religion must be pretended. Ho, these Heretikes be-
gin to crawle in the Kingdome: order must bee taken they bee not suffered by
their multitudes and swarmes, like locusts or caterpillers to pester and poison
the whole Realme. Or in a case of Matrimony, thus: Ho, marriage is a Sacra-
ment: touch the Order of Matrimonie, and Religion is wounded. By this deuice
not onely the Kings vices, but likewise his naturall diseases and infirmities are
fetcht into the circle of Religion; and the L. Cardinall hath not done himselfe
right, in restraining the Popes power to depose Kings, vnto the cases of Heresie,
Apostasie, and persecution of the Church.

In the next place followeth Leo III. who by setting the Imperial Crowne vpon
the head of Charles, absolued all the Subiects in the West, of their obedience to
the Greeke Emperours, if the L. of Perron might bee credited in this Example.
But indeed it is crowded among the rest by a slie tricke, and cleane contrary to
the naked trewth of all histories: For it shall neuer be iustified by good historic,
that so much as one single person or man (I say not one Countrey, or one people)

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 189

was then wrought or wonne by the Pope to change his copy and Lord, or from a
subiect of the Greeke Emperours, to turne subiect vnto Charlemaine. Let me
see but one Towne that Charlemaine recouered from the Greeke Emperours, by
his right and title to his Empire in the West: No, the Greeke Emperours had
taken their farewell of the West Empire long before: And therefore to nicke this
vpon the tallie of Pope Leo his Acts, that he tooke away the West from the Greeke
Emperour, it is euen as if one should say, that in this aage the Pope takes the
Dukedome of Milan from the French Kings, or the citie of Rome from the Em-
perours of Germanic, because their Predecessours in former aages had beene right
Lords and gouernours of them both. It is one of the Popes ordinary and solemne
practises to take away, much after the maner of his giuing. For as he giueth
what he hath not in his right and power to giue, or bestoweth vpon others what
is already their owne; euen so he taketh away from Kings and Emperors the
possessions which they haue not in present hold and possession. After this maner
he takes the West from the Greeke Emperors, when they hold nothing in the West,
and lay no claime to any citie or towne of the West Empire. And what shall wee
call this way of depriuation, but spoiling a naked man of his garments, and killing
a man already dead ? Trew it is the Imperiall Crowne was then set on Charle-
maines head by Leo the Pope : did Leo therefore giue him the Empire ? No more
then a Bishop that crownes a King, at his Royall and solemne consecration, doeth
giue him the Kingdome: For shall the Pope himself e take the Popedome from
the Bishop of Ostia as of his gift, because the crowning of the Pope is an Office of
long time peculiar to the Ostian Bishop ? It was the custome of Emperours, to
be crowned Kings of Italy by the hands of the Archbishop of Milan: did he
therefore giue the Kingdome of Italy to the said Emperours ? And to returne
vnto Charlemaine; If the Pope had conueyed the Empire to him by free and
gracious donation, the Pope doubtlesse in the solemnitie of his coronation, would
neuer haue perfourmed vnto his owne creature, an Emperour of his owne making
the dueties of adoration, as A do that liued in the same aage, hath left it on record:
After the solemne prayses ended (saith Ado) the chief e Bishop honoured him with
adoration,1 according to the custome of ancient Princes. The same is likewise put
downe by Auentine? in the 4. booke of his Annals of Bauaria. The like by the
President Fauchet in his Antiquities: and by Monsieur Petau Counsellour in the
Court of Parliament at Paris, in his Preface before the Chronicles of Eusebius,
Hierome, and Sigebert? It was therefore the people of Rome, that called this
Charles the Great vnto the Imperiall dignitie, and cast on him the title of Em-
perour. So testifieth Sigebert vpon the yeere 801. All the Romanes -with one
generall voice and consent, ring out acclamations of Imperiall praises to the Emperour,
they crowne him by the hands of Leo the Pope, they giue him the style of Caesar and

1 Perfectis laudibus, a Pontifice more Principum antiquorum adoratus est.
1 Auentinus Annalium Boiorum, lib. 4.

1 Posthaec ab eodem Pontifice vt caeteri veterum Principum, more maiorum adoratus est Magnus.
Sigeb. ad an. 801.

THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Augustus. Marianus Scotus1 hath as much in effect: Charles was then called
Augustus by the Romanes. And so Platina: 2 After the solemne seruice, Leo de-
clareth and proclaimed Charles Emperour, according to the publike Decree and gen-
erall request of the people of Rome. Auentine,3 and Sigonius in his 4. booke of the
Kingdome of Italie witnesse the same. Neuerthelesse, to gratifie the L. Cardinall;
Suppose Pope Leo dispossessed the Greeke Emperours of the West Empire: What
was the cause? what infamous acte had they done? whatprophane and irreli-
gious crime had they committed ? Nicephorus and Irene, who reigned in the Greeke
Empire in Charlemaines tune, were not reputed by the Pope, or taken for Here-
tikes. How then ? The L. Cardinall helpeth at a pinch, and putteth vs in
minde, that Constantine and Leo, predecessours to the said Emperours, had beene
poysoned with Heresie, and stained with persecution. Here then behold an Or-
thodoxe Prince deposed: For what cause ? for Heresie forsooth, not in himselfe,
but in some of his Predecessors long before. An admirable case: For I am of a
contrary minde, that he was worthy of double honour, in restoring and setting
vp the trewth againe, which vnder his predecessors had endured oppression, and
suffered persecution. Doubtlesse Pope Siluester was greatly ouerseene, and
played not well the Pope, when hee winked at Constantine the Great, and cast
him not downe from his Imperiall Throne, for the strange infidelitie and Pagan-
isme of Diocletian, of Maximian, and Maxentius, whom Constantine succeeded in
the Empire.

From this example the L. of Perron passeth to Fulke Archbishop of Reims: 4
by whom Charles the Simple was threatned with Excommunication, and refusing
to continue any longer in the fidelity and allegiance of a subject. To what pur-
pose is this example ? For who can be ignorant, that all aages haue brought forth
turbulent and stirring spirits, men altogether forgetfull of respect and obseruance
towards their Kings, especially when the world finds them shallow and simple-
witted, like vnto this Prince ? But in this example, where is there so much as one
word of the Pope, or the deposing of Kings ?

Here the L. Cardinall chops in the example of Philip I.8 King of France but
mangled, and strangely disguised, as hereafter shall be shewed.

At last he leadeth vs to Gregory VII.6 surnamed Hildebrand, the scourge of
Emperours, the firebrand of warre, the scorne of his aage. This Pope, after he
had (in the spirit of pride, and in the very height of all audaciousnesse) thundred
the sentence of excommunication and deposition, against the Emperour Henry
IIII, after he had enterprised this act without all precedent example: after he
had rilled all Europe with blood: this Pope, I say, sunke downe vnder the weight
of his affaires, and died as a fugitiue at Salerne, ouerwhelmed with discontent

1 Marianus Scotus lib. 3. Annalium. « Exemp 9. pag. 21.

1 Plat, in vita Leon. 3. 6 Examp. 10. pag. 28.

1 Auent. Annal. Boio. lib. 4. Imperium transferee iure suo • Exam. n. An. 1076.

in Germanos, Carolumque tacito Senatus consulto, ple-

biscitoque; decernunt.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 191

and sorrow of heart: Here lying at the point of giuing vp the ghoast, calling vnto
him (as it is in Sigebert *) a certaine Cardinall whom he much fauoured, He con-
fesselh to God, and Saint Peter, and the whole Church, that he had beene greatly de-
fectiue in the Pastorall charge committed to his care; and that by the Deuils instiga-
tion, he had kindled the fire of Gods wrath and hatred against mankind: Then hee
sent his Confessor to the Emperour, and to the whole Church to pray for his pardon,
because hee perceiued that his life was at an end. Likewise Cardinall Benno that
liued in the said Gregories time, doth testifie, That so soone as he was risen out of
his Chair e to excommunicate the Emperour from his Cathedrall seate: by the will of
God the said Cathedrall seate, new made of strong board or plancke, did cracke and
cleaue into many pieces or parts; to manifest how great and terrible Schismes had
beene sowen against the Church of Christ, by an excommunication of so dangerous
consequence, pronounced by the man that had sit ludge therein. Now to bring and
alleadge the example of such a man, who by attempting an act which neuer any
man had the heart or face to attempt before, hath condemned all his predecessors
of cowardise, or at least of ignorance, what is it else, but euen to send vs to the
schoole of mightie robbers, and to seeke to correct and reforme ancient vertues
by late vices ? Which Otho Frisingensis 2 calling into his owne priuate considera-
tion, hee durst freely professe, that hee had not reade of any Emperour before this
Henry the IIII. excommunicated or driuen out of his Imperiall Throne and King-
dome by the chief e Bishop of Rome. But if this quarrell may be tryed and fought
out with weapons of examples, I leaue any indifferent reader to iudge what ex-
amples ought in the cause to be of chief est authority and weight; whether late
examples of Kings deposed by Popes, for the most part neuer taking the intended
effect; or auncient examples of Popes actually and effectually thrust out of their
thrones by Emperours and Kings.

The Emperour Constantius expelled Liberius Bishop of Rome out of the citie :
banished him as farre as Beroe, and placed Fcdix in his roome.3 Indeed Con-
stantius was an Arrian, and therein vsed no lesse impious then vniust proceeding,
Neuerthelesse, the auncient Fathers of the Church, doe not blame Constantius
for his hard and sharpe dealing with a chief e Bishop, ouer whom hee had no law-
full power, but onely as an enemie to the Orthodoxe faith, and one that raged with
extreame rigour of persecution against innocent beleeuers.

In the raigne of Valentinian the I.4 and yeare of the Lord 367. the contention
betweene Damasus and Vrcisinus competitors for the Bishopricke, filled the citie
of Rome with a bloody sedition, in which were wickedly and cruelly murdered
137. persons. To meet with such turbulent actions, Honorius made a law extant
in the Decreetalls,6 the words whereof be these; // */ shall happen henceforth by
the temeritie of competitors, that any two Bishops be elected to the See, we straitly

1 Sigeb. ad an. 1085. « Ammia. lib. 27.

J Otho Frisingens. in vita Hen. 4. lib. 4. cap 31. • Decret. dist. 79.

* Theo. lib. 2. Hist. cap. 16.

192 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

charge and command that neither of both shall sit in the said See. By vertue of this
Law, the same Honorius in the yeare 420. expelled Bonifacius and Eulalius,1 com-
petitors and Antipopes out of Rome, though not long after he reuoked Bonifacius
and setled him in the Papall See.

Theodoric the Goth King of Italy, sent lohn Bishop of Rome Embassador to
the Emperour lustinian, called him home againe, and clapt him vp in the close
prison, where he starved to death. By the same King, Peter Bishop of Altine
was dispatched to Rome, to heare the cause and examine the processe of Pope
Symmachus, then indited and accused of sundry crimes.2

King Theodatus about the yeare 537. had the sendee of Pope Agapetus, as his
Embassadour to the Emperour lustinian, vpon a treatie of peace. Agapetus
dying in the time of that seruice, Syluerius is made Bishop by Theodatus. Not
long after, Syluerius is driuen out by Belisarius the Emperour his Lieutenant, and
sent into banishment. After Syluerius next succeedeth Vigilius, who with cur-
rant coine purchased the Popedome of Belisarius. The Emperour lustinian
sends for Vigilius to Constantinpole, and receiues him there with great honour.
Soone after, the Emperour takes offence at his freenesse hi speaking his mind,
commands him to bee beaten with stripes in manner to death, and with a roape
about his necke to be drawne through the city like a thiefe, as Platina relates the
historic. Nicephorus in his 26. booke, and 17. chapter, comes very neere the same
relation.3

The Emperour Constantius, in the yeere 654. caused Pope Martin to be bound
with chaines, and banished him into Chersonesus, where he ended his life. The
Popes in that aage writing to the Emperours, vsed none but submissiue tearmes,
by way of most humble supplications; made profession of bowing the knee be-
fore their sacred Maiesties, and of executing their commaunds with entire obedi-
ence; payed to the Emperours twenty pound weight of gold for their Inuestiture;
which tribute was afterward released and remitted, by Constantine the Bearded,
to Pope Agatho, in the yeere 679. as I haue obserued in an other place.4

Nay further, euen when the power and riches of the Popes was growne to
great height, by the most profuse and immense munificence of Charlemayne and
Lewis his sonne; the Emperours of the West did not relinquish and giue ouer the
making and vnmaking of Popes, as they saw cause. Pope Adrian i. willingly
submitted his necke to this yoke: and made this Law to be passed in a Councill,
that in Charlemayne should rest a right and power for the Popes election, and
for the gouernement of the Papall See. This Constitution is incerted in the De-
cretals, Distinct. 63. Can.6 Hadrianus, and was confirmed by the practise of
many yeeres.

1 Platina. Sigebertus. « Note that in the same Dist. the Can. of

1 Anastatius. Platina. Lib. Pontifi. Diaconus. Greg. 4. beginning with Cum Hadrianus

Platina. Baronius. Sigebertus. 2. is false, and supposititious, because

4 lustin. Authent. 123. cap. 3. Gregorie 4. was Pope long beforeHadr. 2.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 193

In the yeere of the Lord 963. the Emperour Otho tooke away the Popedome
from lohn 13. and placed Leo 8. in his roume. In like maner, lohn 14. Gregory 5.
and Sttuester 2. were seated in the Papall Throne by the Othos.

The Emperour Henrie 2. in the yeere 1007. deposed three Popes, namely,
Bendict 9. Sttuester 3. and Gregorie 6. whom Platina doeth not sticke to call, three
most detestable and vile monsters.1 This custome continued, this practise stood
in force for diuers aages, euen vntill the times of Gregorie 7. by whom the whole
West was tossed and turmoiled with lamentable warres, which plagued the world,
and the Empire by name with intolerable troubles and mischiefes. For after the
said Gregorian warres, the Empire fell from bad to worse, and so went on to decay,
till Emperours at last were driuen to beg, and receiue the Imperiall Crowne of
the Pope.

The Kingdome of France met not with so rude entreatie, but was dealt withall
by courses of a milder temper. Gregorie 4. about the yeere of the Lord, 832, was the
first Pope that perswaded himselfe to vse the censure of Excommunication against
a King of France. This Pope hauing a hand in the troublesome factions of the
Realme, was nothing backward to side with the sonnes of Lewis surnamed the
Courteous, by wicked conspiracie entring into a desperate course and complot
against Lewis their owne father; as witnesseth Sigebert in these words, Pope
Gregorie camming into France, ioyned himselfe to the sonnes against the Emperour
their Father. But Annals 2 of the very same times, and hee that furbushed Aimo-
nius, a Religious of S. Benedicts Order, doe testifie, that all the Bishops of France
fell vpon this resolution; by no means to rest in the Popes pleasure, or to giue
any place vnto his designe : and contrariwise, In case the Pope should proceed to
Excommunication of their King, hee should returne out of France to Rome an ex-
communicate person himselfe. The Chronicle of S. Denis hath words in this forme :
The Lord Apostolicall returned answere, that hee was not come into France, for any
other purpose, but onely to excommunicate the King and his Bishops, if they would
bee in any sort opposite vnto the sonnes of Lewis, or disobedient vnto the will and
pleasure of his Holinesse: The Prelates enf armed heereof, made answere, that in this
case they would neuer yeeld obedience to the Excommiuncation of the said Bishops;
because it was contrary to the authoritie and aduise of the ancient Canons.

After these times, Pope Nicolas i. depriued King Lotharius of Communion
(for in those times not a word of deposing) to make him repudiate or quit Val-
drada, and to resume or take againe Thetherga his former wife. The Articles
framed by the French vpon this point, are to bee found in the writing of Hincma-
rus, Archibishop of Reims, and are of this purport; that in the iudgement of men
both learned and wise, it is an ouerruled case, that as the King whatsoeuer hee
shall doe, ought not by his owne Bishops to be excommunicated, euen so no for-
reine Bishop hath power to sit for his ludge: because the King is to be subject
onely vnto God, and his Imperiall authoritie, who alone had the all-sufficient
1 Tria teterrima monstra. » Bochel. Decret. Eccles. Gallican. lib. 2. tit. 16.

I94 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

power to settle him in his Kingdome. Moreouer, the Clergie addressed letters of
answere vnto the same Pope, full of stinging and bitter termes, with speaches
of great scorne and contempt, as they are set downe by Auentine,1 in his Annals
of Bauaria, not forbearing to call him thief e, wolfe, and tyrant.

When Pope Hadrian tooke vpon him like a Lord, to command Charles the
Bald vpon paine of interdiction, that hee should suffer the Kingdome of Lotharius
to bee fully and entirely conueyed and conferred vpon Lewis his sonne; the same
Hincmarus, a man of great authoritie and estimation in that aage, sent his
letters conteining sundry remonstrances touching that subject: Among other
matters thus he writeth, The Ecclesiastics and Seculars of the Kingdome assembled
at Reims, haue affirmed and now doe affirme by way of reproach, "upbraiding, and ex-
probation, that neuer was the like Mandate sent before from the See of Rome to any
of our predecessours. And a little after: The chief e Bishops of the Apostolike See,
or any other Bishops of the greatest authoritie and holinesse, neuer withdrew them-
selues from the presence, from the reuerend salutation, or from the conference of
Emperours and Kings, whether Heretikes, or Schismatikes and Tyrants: as Con-
stantius the Arrian, lulianus the Apostata, and Maximus the Tyrant. And yet a
little after; Wherefore if the Apostolike Lord bee minded to seeke peace, let him seeke
it so, that he stirre no brawles, and breed no quarrels: For we are no such babes to
beleeue, that we can or euer shall attaine to Gods Kingdome, unlesse wee receiue him
for our King in earth, whom God himself e recommendeth to vs from heauen. It is
added by Hincmarus in the same place, that by the said Bishops and Lords Tem-
porall, such threatning words were blowen forth, as hee is afraid once to speake
and vtter. As for the King himself e, what reckoning hee made of the Popes
mandates, it appeareth by the Kings owne letters addressed to Pope Hadrianus,
as we may reade euery where in the Epistles of Hincmarus. For there, after King
Charles hath taxed and challenged the Pope of pride, and hit him in the teeth
with a spirit of vsurpation, hee breaketh out into these words: What Hell hath
cast vp this law so crosse and preposterous ? what infernall gulph hath disgorged
this law out of the darkest and obscurest dennes ? a law quite contrary, and altogether
repugnant vnto the beaten way shewed vs in the holy Scriptures, &°c. Yea, he flatly
and peremptorily forbids the Pope, except he meane or desire to be recompensed
with dishonour and contempt, to send any more the like Mandates, either to
himselfe, or to his Bishops.

Vnder the reigne of Hugo Capetus and Robert his sonne, a Councell now extant
in all mens hands, was held and celebrated at Reims by the Kings authoritie.
There Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans, then Prolocutor and Speaker of the Councel,
calls the Pope Antichrist, and lets not also to paint him forth like a monster: as
well for the deformed and vgly vices of that vnholy See, which then were in
their exaltation, as also because the Pope then wonne with presents, and namely
with certaine goodly horses, then presented to his Holinesse, tooke part against

1 Annal. Boio. lib. 4.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 195

the King, with Arnulphus Bishop of Reims, then dispossessed of his Pastoral!
charge.

When Philip i. had repudiated his wife Bertha, daughter to the Earle of Hol-
land; and in her place had also taken to wife Bertrade the wife of Fulco Earle
of Aniou yet being aliue ; hee was excommunicated, and his Kingdome interdicted
by Vrbanus then Pope, (though he was then bearded with an Antipope) as the L.
Cardinal here giueth vs to vnderstand. But his Lordship hath skipt ouer two
principall points recorded in the historie. The first is, that Philip, was not de-
posed by the Pope : whereupon it is to be inferred, that in this passage there is
nothing materiall to make for the Popes power against a Kings Throne and Scep-
ter. The other point is, that by the censures of the Pope, the course of obedience
due to the King before was not interrupted, nor the King disauowed, refused, or
disclaimed : but on the contrary, that luo of Charytres taking Pope Vrbanus part,
was punished for his presumption, dispoyled of his estate, and kept in prison:
whereof he makes complaint himselfe in his 19. and 20. Epistles. The L. Cardinall
besides, in my vnderstanding for his Masters honour, should haue made no words
of interdicting the whole Kingdome. For when the Pope, to giue a King chastise-
ment, doeth interdict his Kingdome, hee makes the people to beare the punish-
ment of the Kings offence: For during the tune of interdiction, the Church doores
through the whole Kingdome are kept continually shut and lockt vp: publike
service is intermitted in all places: bels euery where silent: Sacraments not ad-
ministred to the people: bodies of the dead so prostituted and abandoned, that
none dares burie the said bodies in holy ground. More, it is beleeued, that a man
dying vnder the curse of the interdict (without some speciall indulgence or priui-
ledge) is for euer damned and adiudged to eternall punishments, as one that dyeth
out of the communion of the Church. Put case then the interdict holdeth and
continueth for many yeares together; alas, how many millions of poore soules
are damned, and goe to hell for an others offence ? For what can, or what may the
faltlesse and innocent people doe withall, if the King will repudiate his wife, and
she yet liuing, ioyne himselfe in matrimonie to an other ?

The Lord Cardinall after Philip the i. produceth Philippus Augustus* who
hauing renounced his wife Ingeberga daughter to the King of Denmarke, and
marrying with Agnes daughter to the Duke of Morauia, was by Pope Innocent
the third interdicted himselfe and his whole Kingdome. But his Lordshippe was
not pleased to insert withall, what is auerred in the Chronicle of Saint Denis:
that Pope Ccdestinus 3. sent forth two Legats at once vpon this errand: 2 Who
being come into the assemblie and generall Council of all the French Prelats, became
like dumbe dogs that can not barke, so as they could not bring the seruice which they
had undertaken to any good passe, because they stood in a bodily feare of their owne
hydes. Not long after, the Cardinall of Capua was in the like taking: For hee durst
nor bring the Realme within the limits of the interdict, before hee was got out of the

1 Examp. 12. » Bochel. pag. 320.

196 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

limits of the Kingdome. The King herewith incensed, thrust all the Prelates that had
giuen consent "onto these proceedings out of their Sees, confiscated their goods, &*c.
To the same effect is that which wee reade in Matthew Paris. After the Pope had
giuen his Maiestie to vnderstand by the Cardinal of Anagnia, that his kingdome
should be interdicted, vnlesse he would be reconciled to the King of England;
the King returned the Pope this answere, that he was not in any sort afraid of
the Popes sentence, for as much as it could not be grounded vpon any equitie
of the cause: and added withall, that it did no way appertaine vnto the Church of
Rome to sentence Kings, especially the King of France. And this was done, saith
Johannes Tilius Register in Court of Parliament of Paris, by the counsell of the
French Barons.

Most notable is the example of Philip thefaire, and hits the bird in the right
eye. In the yeere 1032. the Pope dispatched the Archbishop of Narbona with
mandates into France, commanding the King to release the Bishop of Apamia
then detained in prison, for contumelious words tending to the Kings defamation,
and spoken to the Kings owne head. In very deed this Pope had concerned a
secret grudge, and no light displeasure against King Philip before: namely, be-
cause the King had taken vpon him the collation of Benefices, and other Eccle-
siastical dignities. Vpon which occasion the Pope sent letters to the King of this
tenour and style : Feare God, and keepe his Commandements: Wee would haue thee
know, that in Spirituall and Temporall causes thou art subiect vnto our selfe: that
collating of Benefices and Prebends, doeth not in any sort appertaine to thy office
and place: that, in case as keeper of the Spiritualties, thou haue the custodie of
Benefices and Prebends in thy hand when they become voyd, thou shall by sequestra-
tion reserue the fruits of the same, to the vse and benefit of the next Incumbents and
successors: and in case thou hast heretofore collated any, we ordaine the said colla-
tions to be meerely void: and so farre as herein thou hast proceeded to the fact, we
reuoke the said collations. We hold them for hereticks whosoeuer are not of this
belief e. A Legate comes to Paris, and brings these brauing letters: By some of
the Kings faithfull seruants they are violently snatched and pulled out of the
Legates hands: by the Earle of Artois they are cast into the fire. The good
King answeres the Pope, and payes him in as good coyne as he had sent. Philip
by the grace of God King of the French, to Boniface calling and bearing himself e the
Soueraigne Bishop, little greeting or none at all. May thy exceeding sottishnesse
vnderstand, that in Temporall causes we are not subiect vnto any mortall and earthly
creature: that collating of Benefices and Prebends, by Regall right appertained to
our office and place: that appropriating their fruits when they become void, belongeth
to our selfe alone during their vacancie: that all collations by vs heretofore made, or
to bee made hereafter, shall stand in force: that in the validitie and vertue of the said
collations, wee will euer couragiously defend and maintaine, all Incumbents and
possessors of Benefices and Prebends so by vs collated. We hold them all for sots and
senselesse, whosoeuer are not of this belief e. The Pope incensed herewith, excom-

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 197

municates the King: but no man dares publish that censure, or become bearer
thereof. The King notwithstanding the said proceedings of the Pope, assembles
his Prelates, Barons, and Knights at Paris: askes the whole assembly, of whom
they hold their Fees, with al other the Temporalties of the Church. They make
answere with one voice, that in the said matters they disclaime the Pope, and
know none other Lord beside his Maiestie. Meane while the Pope worketh with
Germainie and the Low Countreis, to stirre them vp against France. But Philip
sendeth William of Nogaret into Italy. William by the direction and aide of
Sciarra Columnensis, takes the Pope at Anagnia, mounts him vpon a leane ill-
fauoured iade, caries him prisoner to Rome; where ouercome with choller, anguish
and great indignation, he takes his last leaue of the Popedome and his life. All
this notwithstanding, the King presently after, from the successours of Boniface
receiues very ample and gratious Bulls, in which the memorie of all the former
passages and actions is vtterly abolished. Witnesse the Epistle of Clement 5.*
wherein this King is honoured with praises, for a pious and religious Prince, and
his Kingdome is restored to the former estate. In that aage the French Nobilitie
caried other maner of spirits, then the moderne and present Nobilitie doe: I
meane those by whom the L. Cardinal was applauded and assisted in his Oration.
Yea, in those former times the Prelates of the Realme stood better affected
towards their King, then the L. Cardinal himselfe now standeth: who could
finde none other way to dally with, and to shift off this pregnant example, but
by plaine glosing, that heresie and Apostasie was no ground of that question, or
subiect of that controuersie. Wherein hee not onely condemnes the Pope, as one
that proceeded against Philip without a iust cause & good ground, but likewise
giues the Pope the Lie, who in his goodly letters but a little aboue recited, hath
enrowled Philip, in the list of heretiques. Hee saith moreouer, that indeed the
knot of the question was touching the Popes pretence, in challenging to himselfe
the temporall Soueraigntie of France, that is to say, in qualifying himselfe King
of France: But indeed and indeed no such matter to be found. His whole pre-
tence was the collating of Benefices, and to pearch aboue the King, to crow ouer
his Crowne in Temporall causes. At which pretence his Holinesse yet aimeth, still
attributing and challenging to himselfe plenarie power to depose the King. Now
if the L. Cardinal shall yet proceed to cauill, that Boniface the eighth was taken
by the French for an vsurper, and no lawfull Pope, but for one that crept into the
Papacie by fraud and symonie; he must be pleased to set downe positiuely who
was Pope, seeing that Boniface then sate not in the Papall chaire. To conclude,
If hee that creepeth and stealeth into the Papacie by symonie, by canuases or
labouring of suffrages vnder hand, or by bribery, be not lawfull Pope; I dare be
bold to professe, there will hardly be found two lawfull Popes in the three last
aages.

1 Extrauag. Meruit.

198 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Pope Benedict in the yeere 1408. being in choller with Charles the sixt,1 be-
cause Charles had bridled and curbed the gainefull exactions and extorsions of
the Popes Court, by which the Realme of France had bene exhausted of their
treasure, sent an excommunicatorie Bull into France, against Charles the King,
and all his Princes. The Vnuiersitie of Paris made request or motion that his
Bull might be mangled, and Pope Benedict himselfe, by some called Petrus de
Luna, might be declared heretike, schismatike, and perturber of the peace. The said
Bull 2 was mangled and rent in pieces, according to the petition of the Vniuersitie,
by Decree of Court vpon the tenth of lune, 1408. Tenne dayes after, the Court
rising at eleuen in the morning, two Bui-bearers of the said excommunicatorie
censure vnderwent ignominious punishment vpon the Palace or great Hal staires.
From thence were led to the Louure in such maner as they had bene brought from
thence before: drawne in two tumbrels, clad in coates of painted linnen, wore
paper-mytres on their heads, were proclaimed with sound of Trumpet, and euery
where disgraced with publike derision: So litle reckoning was made of the Popes
thundering canons in those dayes. And what would they haue done, if the said
Buls had imported sentence of deposition against King Charles?

The French Church assembled at Tours in the yeere 1510. decreed that Lewis
XII. might with safe conscience contemne the abusiue Butts, and vniust censures
of Pope lulius the II. and by armes might withstand the Popes vsurpations, in
case hee should proceed to excommunicate or depose the King. More, by a
Councill holden at Pisa, this Lewis declared the Pope to bee fallen from the Pope-
dome, and coyned crownes with a stampe of this inscription, / will destroy the
name of Babylon. To this the L. of Perron makes answere, that all this was done
by the French, as acknowledging these iars to haue sprung not from the fountaine
of Religion, but from passion of state. Wherein he condemneth Pope lulius, for
giuing so great scope vnto his publike censures, as to serue his ambition, and not
rather to aduance Religion. He secretly teacheth vs besides, that when the Pope
vndertakes to depose the King of France, then the French are to sit as ludges
concerning the lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse of the cause; and in case they shall
finde the cause to be vnlawfull, then to disanull his iudgements, and to scoffe at
his thunderbolts.

lohn d'Albret King of Nauarre, whose Realme was giuen by the foresaid Pope
to Ferdinand King of Arragon, was also wrapped and entangled with strict bands
of deposition. Now if the French had bene touched with no better feeling of
affection to their King, then the subiects of Nauarre were to the Nauarrois;
doubtlesse France had sought a new Lord, by vertue of the Popes (as the L. Car-
dinall himselfe doeth acknowledge and confesse) vniust sentence. But behold,
to make the said sentence against lohn d'Albret seeme the lesse contrary to equitie,

1 See the treatise of Charles du Moulin contra paruas Datas, wherein he reporteth a notable
Decree of the Court vnder Charles 6.

* Theodoric. Niemens in nemore vnion. Tract. 6. & somnium viridarij.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 199

the L. Cardinal! pretends, the Popes donation was not indeed the principal! cause,1
howsoeuer Ferdinand himselfe made it his pretence. But his Lo. giues this for
the principal! cause: that lohn d'Albret had quitted his alliance made with con-
dition; that in case the Kings of Nauarre should infringe the said alliance, and
breake the league, then the kingdome of Nauarre should returne to the Crowne
of Arragon. This condition, betweene Kings neuer made, and without all shew
of probabilitie, serueth to none other purpose from the Cardinals mouth, but
onely to insinuate and worke a perswasion in his King, that he hath no right nor
lawful! pretension to the Crowne of Nauarre : and whatsoeuer hee now holdeth
in the said kingdome of Nauarre, is none of his owne, but by vsurpation and vn-
lawfull possession. Thus his Lordship French-borne, makes himselfe an Aduo-
cate for the Spanish King, against his owne King, and King of the French: who
shalbe faine, as hee ought (if this Aduocats plea may take place) to draw his title
and style of King of Nauarre out of his Royall titles, and to acknowledge that all
the great endeuours of his predecessors to recouer the said Kingdome, were dis-
honourable and vniust. Is it possible, that in the very heart and head Citie of
France, a spirit and tongue so licentious can be brooked ? What, shall so great
blasphemie (as it were) of the Kings freehold, bee powred foorth in so honourable
an assembly, without punishment or fine ? What, without any contradiction for
the Kings right, and on the Kings behalf e ? I may perhaps confesse the indignitie
might bee the better borne, and the pretence alledged might passe for a poore
excuse, if it serued his purpose neuer so little. For how doeth all this touch or
come neere the question ? in which the Popes vsurpation in the deposing of
Kings, and the resolution of the French in resisting this tyrannicall practise, is
the proper issue of the cause : both which points are neuer a whit more of the lesse
consequence and inportance, howsoeuer Ferdinand in his owne iustification stood
vpon the foresaid pretence. Thus much is confessed, and wee aske no more:
Pope lulius tooke the Kingdome from the one, and gaue it vnto the other: the
French thereupon resisted the Pope, and declared him to be fallen from the
Papacie.

This noble spirit and courage of the French, in maintayning the dignitie and
honour of their Kings Crownes, bred those ancient customes, which in the se-
quence of many aages haue bene obserued and kept in vse. This for one : That
no Legate of the Pope, nor any of his rescripts nor mandates? are admitted and
receiued in France, without licence from the King: and vnlesse the Legate impart
his faculties to the Kings Atturney Generall, to be perused and verified in Court of
Parliament: where they are to be tyed by certaine modifications and restrictions,
vnto such points as are not derogatorie from the Kings right, from the liberties
of the Church, and from the ordinances of the Kingdome. When Cardinal
,3 contrary to this ancient forme, entred France in the yeere 1484. and there

1 Pag. 51. » Bochellus.

1 Pag. 26. Nisi de consensu Regis Christianissimi.

200 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

without leaue of the King did execute the office, & speed certaine Acts of the
Popes Legate; the Court vpon motion made by the Kings Atturney Generall,
decreed a Commission, to be informed against him by two Councellors of the
the said Court, and inhibited his further proceeding to vse any facultie or power
of the Popes Legate, vpon paine of beeing proclamied rebell.

In the yeere 1561. lohannes Tanquerellus Batchelour in Diuinitie, by order of
the Court was condemned to make open confession, that hee had indiscreetly and
rashly1 without consideration defended this proposition, The Pope is the Vicar of
Christ, a Monarke that hath power both Spirituall and Secular, and he may depriue
Princes, which rebell against his commandements, of their dignities. Which pro-
position, howsoeuer he protested that he had propounded the same onely to be
argued, and not iudicially to be determined2 in the affirmatiue, Tanquerellus neuer-
thelesse was compelled openly to recant. Here the L. Cardinall answeres; The
historic of Tanquerellus is from the matter, because his proposition treateth
neither of Heresie nor of Infidelitie : but I answere, The said proposition treateth
of both, forasmuch as it maketh mention of disobedience to the Pope. For I
suppose hee will not denie, that whosoeuer shall stand out in Heresie, contrary
to the Popes monitorie proceedings, he shal shew but poore and simple obedience
to the Pope. Moreouer, the case is cleare by the former examples, that no Pope
will suffer his power to cast downe Kings, to be restrained vnto the cause of
Heresie and Infidelitie.

In the heate of the last warres, raised by that holy-prophane League, admoni-
tory Bulls were sent by Pope Gregorie 14. from Rome, Anno 1 591 . By these Bulls
King Henrie 4. as an Heretike and relapse, was declared incapable of the Crowne
of France, and his Kingdome was exposed to hauocke and spoile. The Court of
Parliament being assembled at Tours the 5. of August, decreed the said admoni-
torie Bulls to bee cancelled, torne in pieces, and cast into a great fire by the hand
of the publike executioner. The Arrest it selfe or Decree is of this tenour: The
Court duely pondering and approoying the concluding and unanswerable reasons of
Kings Attorney Generall, hath declared, and by these present doeth declare, the ad-
monitorie Bulls giuen at Rome the i. of March 1591. to be of no validitie, abusiue,
seditious, damnable, full of impietie and impostures, contrary to the holy decrees,
rights, franchises, and liberties of the French Church: doeth ordeine the Copies of the
said Bulls, sealed with the seale of Marsilius Landrianus, and signed Septilius
Lamprius, to bee rent in pieces by the publike executioner, and by him to be burnt in
a great fire to be made for such purpose, before the great gates of the common Hall or
Palace, &c. Then, euen then the L. of Perron was firme for the better part, and
stood for his King against Gregorie the Pope, notwithstanding the crime of
heresie pretended against Henrie his Lord.

All the former examples by vs alledged, are drawen out of the times after
Schooles of Diuinitie were established in France: For I thought good to bound my

1 Indiscrete ac inconsiderate. » Doctrinaliter lantum fir non iuridicl.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 2OI

selfe within those dooles and limits of time, which the L. Cardinal himselfe hath
set. Who goeth not sincerely to worke and in good earnest, where he telleth vs
there be three instances (as if wee had no more) obiected against Papall power, to
remooue Kings out of their chaires of State: by name, the example of Philip the
Fa-ire,1 of Lewis XII. and of Tanquerellus : For in very trewth all the former
examples by vs produced, are no lesse pregnant and euident, howsoeuer the L.
Cardinall hath bene pleased to conceale them all for feare of hurting his cause.

Nay, France euen in the dayes of her sorest seruitude, was neuer vnfurnished
of great Diuines, by whom this vsurped power of the Pope, ouer the Temporalties
and Crownes of Kings, hath beene vtterly misliked and condemned.

Robert Earle of Flanders was commanded by Pope Paschal 2. to persecute
with fire and sword the Clergie of Liege, who then adhered and stood to the cause
of the Emperour Henrie 4. whom the Pope had ignominiously deposed. Robert
by the Popes order and command, was to handle the Clergie of Liege in like sort
as before hee had serued the Clergie of Cambray, who by the said Earle had beene
cruelly stript both of goods and life : The Pope promised the said Earle and his
army pardon of their sinnes for the said execution. The Clergie of Liege addressed
answere to the Pope at large: They cried out vpon the Church of Rome, and
called her Babylon: Told the Pope home, that God had commanded to giue vnto
CcRsar that which is Casars: that euery soule must bee subiect vnto the superiour
powers: that no man is exempted out of this precept: and that euery oath of
alleagiance is to be kept inuiolable; yea, that hereof they themselues are not
ignorant, in as much as they by a new Schisme, and new traditions, making a
separation and rent of the Priesthood from the Kingdome, doe promise to absolue
of periurie, such as haue perfidiously forsworne themselues against their King.
And whereas by way of despight and in opprobrious maner, they were excom-
municated by the Pope, they gaue his Holinesse to vnderstand, that Dauids heart
had littered a good matter, but Paschals heart had spewed vp sordid and railing words,
like old bawdes and spinsters or websters of linnen, when they scold and brawle one
with another. Finally, they reiected his Papal excommunication, as a sentence
giuen without discretion. This was the voyce and free speach of that Clergie,
in the life tune of their noble Emperour: But after hee was thrust out of the Em-
pire by the rebellion of his owne sonne, instigated and stirred vp thereunto by the
Popes perswasion and practise, and was brought vnto a miserable death; it is
no matter of wonder, that for the safegard of their life, the said Clergie were
driuen to sue vnto the Pope for their pardon.

Hildebert* Bishop of Ccenomanum vpon the riuer of Sartre, liuing vnder the
reigne of King Philip the first, affirmeth in his Epistles 40. and 75. that Kings
are to bee admonished and instructed, rather then punished: to be dealt with by counsell
rather then by command, by doctrine and instruction, rather then by correction:
For no such sword belongeth to the Church, because the sword of the Church is Ec-
1 Page 47. « Bibliotheca Patrum. Tom. 3.

202 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

desisticall discipline, and nothing else. Bernard 1 writeth to Pope Eugenius after
this manner : Whosoeuer they bee that are of this mind and opinion, shall neuer be
able to make proofe, that anyone of the Apostles did euer sit in qualitie of ludge or
Diuider of lands. I reade where they haue stood to bee iudged, but neuer where they
sate downe to giue iudgement. Againe, Your authoritie stretcheth vnto crimes, not
•onto possessions: because you haue receiued the keies of the kingdome of heauen,
not in regard of possessions, but of crimes, to keepe all that pleade by couin or collu-
sion, and not lawfull possessors, out of the heauenly kingdome. A little after: These
base things of the earth are iudged by the Kings and Princes of this world: wherefore
doe you thrust your sickle into an others haruest? wherefore doe you incroach and
intrude vpon an others limits? Elsewhere: The Apostles are directly forbid to make
themselues Lords and rulers. Goe thou then, and beeing a Lord iisurpe Apostleship,
or beeing an Apostle vsurpe Lordship. If thou needs wilt haue both, doubtlesse thou
shalt haue neither?

lohannes Maior Doctor of Paris: 3 The Soueraugne Bishop hath no temporall
authoritie ouer Kings. The reason: Because it followes (the contrarie being once
granted} that Kings are the Popes vassals. Now let other men iudge, whether he
that hath power to dispossesse Kings of all their Temporalties, hath not like-
wise authoritie ouer their Temporalties.

The same Author:4 The Pope hath no manner of title ouer the French or Spanish
Kings in temporall matters. Where it is further added, That Pope Innocent 3.
hath beene pleased to testifie, that Kings of France in Temporall causes doe
acknowledge no superiour: For so the Pope excused himself e to a certaine Lord
of Montpellier, who in stead of suing to the King, had petitioned to the Pope for
a dispensation for his bastard. But perhaps (as he speaketh) it will be alledged out
of the glosse, that hee acknowledgeth no superiour by fact, and yet ought by right. But
I tell you the glosse is an Aurelian glosse, which manes the text. Amongst other
arguments, Maior brings this for one: This opinion ministreth matter vnto Popes,
to take away an others Empire by force and violence: which the Pope shall neuer
bring to passe, as we reade of Boniface 8. against Philip the Faire: Saith besides,
That from hence proceede warres, in time of which many outragious mischief es are
done, and that Gerson calls them egregious flatterers by whom such opinion is main-
tained. In the same place Maior denies that Childeric was deposed by Pope
Zacharie: The word, Hee deposed, saith Maior, is not so to bee vnderstood, as it is
taken at the first blush or sight; but hee deposed, is thus expounded in the glosse, Hee
gaue his consent vnto those by whom he was deposed.

lohn of Paris: 6 Were it graunted that Christ was armed with Temporall power,
yet he committed no such power to Peter. A little after: The power of Kings is the
highest power vpon earth: in Temporall causes it hath no superiour power aboue it
selfe, no more then the Pope hath in spirituall matters. This author saith indeede,

De consider, lib. i. cap. 6. * Comment in 1. 4. Sent. Dist. 24 fol. 214.

1 Lib. 2. cap. 6. ' De potest. Regia & Papali cap. 10.

1 Dist. 24. quest. 3.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 203

the Pope hath power to excommunicate the King; but he speaketh not of any
power in the Pope to put downe the King from his regall dignity and authority:
He onely saith, When a Prince is once excommunicated, hee may accidentally
or by occasion be deposed: because his precedent excommunication, incites the
people to disarme him of all secular dignity and power. The same lohn on the
other side holdeth opinion; that in the Emperour there is inmsted a power to de-
pose the Pope, in case the Pope shall abuse his power.

Almainus1 Doctor of the Sorbonic schoole: It is essentiall in the Lay-power
to inflict ciuill punishment, as death, banishment, and priuation or losse of goods.
But according to diuine institution, the power Ecclesiasticall can lay no such punish-
ment vpon delinquents: nay more, not lay in prison, as to some Doctors it seemeth
probable: but stretcheth and reacheth onely to spirituall punishment, as namely to
excommunication: all other punishments inflicted by the spirituall power, are meerely
by the Lawe positiue? If then Ecclesiasticall power by Gods Lawe hath no au-
thoritie to depriue any priuate man of his goods; how dares the Pope and his
flatterers build their power to depriue Kings of their scepters vpon the word of
God?

The same author in an other place:3 Bee it graunted that Constantine had
power to giue the Empire vnto the Pope; yet is it not hereupon to bee inferred, that
Popes haue authority ouer the Kingdome of France, because that Kingdome was neuer
subiect vnto Constantine: For the King of France neuer had any superiour in Tem-
porall matters. A little after: It is not in any place to bee found, that God hath
giuen the Pope power to make and unmake Temporall Kings.

He maintaineth elsewhere,4 that Zacharie did not depose Childeric, but onely
consented to his deposing; and so deposed him not as by authoritie. In the same
booke,6 taking vp the words of Occam, whom he styles the Doctor: The Em-
perour is the Popes Lord in things Temporall, and the Pope calls him Lord, as it is
witnessed in the body of the Text.6 The Lord Cardinall hath dissembled and con-
cealed these words of Doctor Almainus, with many like places : and hath beene
pleased to alledge Almainus reciting Occams authoritie, in stead of quoting Al-
mainus himselfe in those passages, where he speaketh as out of his owne opinion,
and in his owne words. A notable piece of slie and cunning conueiance: For
what heresie may not be fathered and fastened vpon S. Augustine, or S. Hierome,
if they should be deemed to approoue all the passages which they alledge out of
other authors ? And that is the reason wherefore the L. Cardinall doeth not al-
ledge his testimonies whole and perfect, as they are couched in their proper texts,
but dipt and curtaild. Thus he dealeth euen in the first passage or testimonie of

1 Almain. de potest. Eccl.& Laica Quest. 2. * Quaest. 2. c. 8. & sic non deposuit autori-

cap. 8. tatiue.

1 De dominio natural! ciuil & Eccl. 5. vlt. ' Quae. 3. c. 2.

pars. • Quaest. n. can. Sacerd.
* Quaest. i. de potest. Eccles. & laic. c. 12

&I4.

204 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Almainus; he brings it in mangled and pared: he hides and conceales the words
added by Almainus, to contradict and crosse the words going before: For Al-
mainus makes this addition and supply; Howsoeuer some other Doctors doe stand
for the negatiue, and teach the Pope hath power onely to declare that Kings and Princes
are to be deposed. And so much appeareth by this reason; because this ample
and Soueraigne power of the Pope, might giue him occasion to be puft vp with
great pride, and the same fulnesse of power might prooue extremely hurtfull to
the subiects, &c.

The same Almainus l brings in Occams opinion in expresse tearmes deciding
the question, and there ioynes his owne opinion with Occams. The Doctors opin-
ion, saith Almainus, doeth simply carrie the most probabilitie; that a Pope hath no
power, neither by excommunication, nor by any other meanes, to depose a Prince
from his Imperiall and Royall dignitie. And a little before 2 hauing maintained
the Greeke Empire was neuer transported by the Pope to the Germaines, and
that when the Pope crownes the Emperour, he doeth not giue him the Empire,
no more then the Archbishop of Reims when he crownes the king of France, doth
giue him the kingdome; he drawes this conclusion according to Occams opinion:
I denie that an Emperour is bound by oath to promise the Pope allegiance. On the
other side, if the Pope hold any Temporall possessions, hee is bound to sweare alle-
giance vnto the Emperour, and to pay him tribute. The said Occam alledged by
Almainus doeth further auerre, that lustinian was acknowledged by the Pope
for his superiour in Temporall causes: for as much as diuers Lawes which the
Pope is bound to keepe and obserue, were enacted by lustinian; as by name the
Law of prescription for an hundred yeeres: which Law standeth yet in force
against the Bishop of Rome. And to the end that all men may clearely see, how
great distance there is betweene Occams opinion and the L. Cardinals, who to-
wards the end of his Oration, exhorts his hearers at no hand to dissent from the
Pope; take you here a view of Occams owne words, as they are alledged by Al-
mainus: 3 The Doctor assoyles the arguments of Pope Innocent, by which the Pope
would prooue out of these words of CHRIST, Whatsoeuer thou shall binde, 6*c. that
fulnesse of power in Temporall matters, belongeth to the Soueraigne Bishop: For
Innocent saith, Whatsoeuer, excepteth nothing: But Occam assoyles Innocents
authoritie, as not onely false, but also hereticall; and saith withall, that many things
are spoken by Innocent, which by his leaue sauour and smell of heresie, &c.

The L. Cardinall 4 with lesse fidelitie alledgeth two places out of Thomas his
Summe. The first, in the second of his second, Quest. 10. Art. 10. in the body of
the Article; In which place (let it bee narrowly examined) Thomas will easily bee
found to speake, not of the subiection of beleeuing Subiects vnder Infidel Kings,
as the Lord Cardinall pretendeth, but of beleeuing seruants that liue vnder Mas-
ters, whether lewes or Infidels: As when a lew keepeth seruants which professe

1 Quasst. 2. de potest. Eccl. & Laic. cap. 12. J Quest, i. cap. 14.

1 In cap. 9. 10. & ii. * Pag. 40.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 205

lesus Christ; or as when some of the faithfull kept in Caesars house; who are not
considered by Thomas as they were subiects of the Empire, but as they were
seruants of the family. The other place is taken out of Quest, n. and 2. Art. in
the body of the article: where no such matter as the L. Cardinal alledgeth can
be found.

With like fidelitie he taketh Gerson in hand:1 who indeed in his booke of Ec-
clesiasticall power, and 12. Consider, doeth affirme, When the abuse of Secular
power redoundeth to manifest impugning of the faith, and blaspheming of the Creator,
then shall it not bee amisse to haue recourse vnto the last branch of this 12. Con-
sider, where, in such case as aforesaid, a certaine regitiue, directiue, regulative, and
ordainatiue authoritie is committed to the Ecclesiasticall power. His very words:
which make no mention at all of deposing, or of any compulsiue power ouer
Soueraigne Princes: For that forme of rule and gouernment whereof Gerson
speaketh, is exercised by Ecclesiasticall censures and excommunications; not
by losse of goods, of Kingdomes, or of Empires. This place then is wrested by the
L. Cardinall to a contrary sense. Neither should his Lordship haue omitted,
that Gerson, in the question of Kings subiection in Temporall matters, or of the
dependance of their Crownes vpon the Popes power, excepteth alwayes the King
of France : witnesse that which Gerson a little before the place alleadged by the
Cardinall, hath plainely affirmed: Now since Peters time, saith Gerson, all Im-
periall, Regall, and Secular power is not immediatly to draw vertue and strength
from the Soueraigne Bishop: as in this maner the most Christian King of France
hath no Superiour, nor acknowledgeth any such vpon the face of the earth. Now
here need no great sharpenesse of wit for the searching out of this deepe mysterie;
that if the Pope hath power to giue or take away Crowns for any cause or any
pretended occasion whatsoeuer, the Crowne of France must needs depend vpon
the Pope.

But for as much as we are now hit in with Gerson, we will examine the L. Cardi-
nals allegations 2 towards the end of his Oration, taken out of Gersons famous
Oration made before Charles the 6. for the Vniuersitie of Paris: where he brings
in Gerson to affirme, That killing a Tyrant is a sacrifice acceptable to God. But
Gerson (let it be diligently noted) there speaketh not in his owne person: he there
brings in sedition speaking the words : Of which wordes vttered by sedition, and
other like speeches, you shall now heare what iudgement Gerson himselfe hath
giuen. When sedition had spoken with such a furious voyce, I turned away my face
as if I had bene smitten with death, to shew that I was not able to endure her madnesse
any longer. And indeed when dissimulation on the one side, and sedition on the
other, had suggested the deuises of two contrary extremes, hee brings foorth
Discretion as a ludge, keeping the meane betweene both extremes, and vttering
those words which the L. Cardinall alledgeth against himselfe. // the head, (saith

1 Pag. 44-

1 Pag. 108. 109. 119. where the Card, takes Char. 7. for Charl. 6.

206 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Gerson) or some other member of the ciuill body, should grow to so desperate a passe,
that it would gulpe and swallow downe the deadly poyson of tyrannic; euery member
in his place, with all power possible for him to raise by expedient meanes, and such
as might preuent a greater inconuenience, should set himselfe against so madde a
purpose, and so deadly practise: For if the head be grieued with some light paine, it is
not fit for the hand to smite the head: no that were but a foolish and a mad part: Nor
is the hand forthwith to chop o/ or separate the head from the body, but rather to cure
the head with good speach and other meanes, like a skilfull and wise Physitian: Yea
nothing would be more cruel or more voyd of reason, then to seeke to stop the strong
and violent streame of tyrannic by sedition. These words, me thinke, doe make
very strongly and expresly against butchering euen of Tyrannical Kings. And
whereas a little after the said passage, he teacheth to expell Tyrannic, he hath not
a word of expelling the Tyrant, but onely of breaking and shaking off the yoke of
Tyrannic. Yet for all that, he would not haue the remedies for the repressing of
Tyrannic, to be fetcht from the Pope, who presumeth to degrade Kings, but from
Philosophers, Lawyers, Dtuines, and personages of good conuersation. It appeareth
now by all that hath bin said before, that whereas Gerson in the 7. Considerat.
against Flatterers, doeth affirme: Whensoeuer the Prince doeth manifestly pursue
and prosecute his naturall subiects, and shew himselfe obstinately bent with notorious
iniustice, to vexe them of set purpose, and with full consent, so farre as to the fact;
then this rule and law of Nature doeth take place, It is lawfull to resist and repell
force by force; and the sentence of Seneca, There is no sacrifice more acceptable to
God, then a tyrant o/ered in sacrifice; the words, doeth take place, are so to be
vnderstood, as he speaketh in another passage, to wit, with or amongst seditious
persons. Or else the words, doeth take place, doe onely signifie, is put in practise.
And so Gerson there speaketh not as out of his owne iudgement.

His Lordship also should not haue balked and left out Sigebertus, who with
more reason might haue passed for French, then Thomas and Occam, whom hee
putteth vpon vs for French. Sigebertus in his Chronicle vpon the yeere 1088.
speaking of the Emperours deposing by the Pope, hath words of this tenour: This
Heresie was not crept out of the shell in those dayes, that his Priests, who hath said to
the King Apostata, and maketh an hypocrite to rule for the sinnes of the people,
should teach the people they owe no subiection -onto "wicked Kings, nor any alleagiance,
notwithstanding they haue taken the oath of alleagiance.

Now after the L. Cardinall hath coursed in this maner through the histories
of the last aages (which in case they all made for his purpose, doe lacke the weight
of authority) in stead of searching the will of God in the sacred Oracles of his
word and standing vpon examples of the ancient Church; at last, leauing the
troupe of his owne allegations, he betakes himselfe to the sharpening and rebating
of the points of his aduersaries weapons.

For the purpose, he brings in his aduersaries, the champions of Kings Crownes,
& makes them to speake out of his own mouth (for his Lordship saith it will be

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 207

obiected) after this manner: x It may come to passe, that Popes either caried with
passion, or misled by sinister information, may without lust cause fasten vpon Kings
the imputation of heresie or apostasie. Then for King-deposers he frames this
answere : That by heresie they understand notorious heresie, and formerly condemned
by sentence of the Church. Moreouer, in case the Pope hath erred in the fact, it is the
Clergies part adhering to their King, to make remonstrances -onto the Pope, and to
require the cause may be referred to the iudgement of a full Councel, the French Church
then and there being present. Now in this answere, the L. Cardinall is of another
mind then Bellarmine his brother Cardinall: For hee goes thus farre,2 That a
Prince condemned by vniust sentence of the Pope, ought neuerthelesse to quit
his Kingdome, and that his Pastors vniust sentence shall not redound to his
detriment; prouided that hee giue way to the said sentence, and shew himselfe
not refractarie, but stay the time in patience, vntil the holy Father shall renounce
his error, and reuoke his foresaid vniust sentence. In which case these two
material points are to be presupposed: The one, That he who now hath seized
the kingdome of the Prince displaced, wil forthwith (if the Pope shall sollicit and
intercede) returne the Kingdome to the hand of the late possessor: The other,
That in the interim the Prince vniustly deposed, shall not need to feare the bloody
murderers mercilesse blade and weapon. But on the other side, the Popes power
of so large a size, as Bellarmine hath shaped, is no whit pleasing to the L. Cardi-
nals eye. For in case the King should be vniustly deposed by the Pope not well
informed, he is not of the minde the Kingdome should stoupe to the Popes behests,
but will rather haue the Kingdome to deale by remonstrance, and to referre the
cause unto the Council : Wherein he makes the Council to be of more absolute and
supreme authority then the Pope; a straine to which the holy father will neuer
lend his eare. And yet doubtlesse, the Council required in this case must be
vniuersall; wherein the French, for so much as they stand firme for the King and
his cause, can be no ludges: and in that regard the L. Cardinal requireth onely
the presence of the French Church. Who seeth not here into what pickle the
French cause is brought by this meanes ? The Bishops of Italic forsooth, of
Spaine, of Sicilie, of Germanie, the subiects of Soueraignes many tunes at pro-
fessed or priuie enemitie with France, shall haue the cause compremitted and
referred to their iudgement, whether the Kingdome of France shall driue out her
Kings, and shall kindle the flames of seditious troubles, in the very heart and
bowels of the Realme. But is it not possible, that a King may lacke the loue of
his owne subiects, and they taking the vantage of that occasion, may put him to
his trumps in his owne Kingdome ? Is it not possible, that calumniations whereby
a credulous Pope hath beene seduced, may in like maner deceiue some part of a
credulous people ? Is it not possible that one part of the people may cleaue to the
Popes Faction, another may hold and stand out for the Kings rightfull cause, and
ciuill warres may be kindled by the splene of these two sides ? Is it not possible,

1 Pag. 52. & sequeptibus. * Aduers. Barclaium.

208 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

that his Holinesse will not rest in the remonstrances of the French, and will no
further pursue his cause ? And whereas now a dayes a Generall Councill cannot
be held, except it be called and assembled by the Popes authority; is it credible,
the Pope will take order for the conuocation of a Council, by whom he shall be
iudged ? And how can the Pope be President in a Councill, where himselfe is the
party impleaded ? and to whom the sifting of his owne sentence is referred, as it
were to Committies, to examine whether it was denounced according to Law, or
against Justice ? But in the meane time, whilest all these remonstrances and
addresses of the Council are on foot; behold, the Royall Maiestie of the King
hangeth as it were by loose gimmals, and must stay the iudgement of the
Council to whom it is referred. Well: what if the Councill should happe to be
two or three yeeres in assembling, and to continue or hold eighteene yeeres, like
the Councill of Trent; should not poore France, I beseech you, be reduced to a
very bad plight ? should she not be in a very wise and warme taking ? To be
short; His Lordships whole speach for the vntying of this knot, not onely sur-
mounteth possiblitie, but is stuft with ridiculous toyes. This I make manifest by
his addition in the same passage. // the Pope deceiued in fact, shall rashly and
vniustly declare the King to be an heretike; then the Popes declaration shall not be
seconded with actual deposition, vnles the Realme shall consent vnto the Kings depos-
ing. What needes any man to bee instructed in this doctrine ? Who doth not
knowe, that a King, so long as he is vpheld and maintained in his Kingdome by
his people, cannot actually and effectually be deposed from his Throne ? Hee
that speaketh such language and phrase, in effect saith, and saith no more then
this: A King is neuer depriued of his Crowne, so long as he can keepe his Crowne
on his head: a King is neuer turned and stript naked, so long as he can keepe his
cloathes on his backe: a King is neuer deposed, so long as he can make the
stronger partie and side against his enemies: in briefe, a King is King, and shall
still remaine King, so long as he can hold the possession of his Kingdome, and
sit fast in his Chaire of Estate. Howbeit, let vs here by the way, take notice of
these words vttered by his Lordship : That for the deposing of a King, the consent of
the people must be obtained: For by these words the people are exalted aboue the
King, and are made the Judges of the Kings deposing.

But here is yet a greater matter: For that Popes may erre in faith, it is ac-
knowledged by Popes themselues: 1 For some of them haue condemned Pope
Honorius for a Monothelite: S. Hierome, and S. Hilarius, and S. Athanasius doe
testifie, that Pope Liberius started aside, and subscribed to Arrianisme: Pope
lohn 23. was condemned in the Councill of Constance, for maintaining there is
neither hell not heauen: Diuerse other Popes haue been tainted with errour in
faith. If therefore any Pope hereticall in himselfe, shall depose an Orthodoxe
King for heresie; can it be imagined, that he which boasts himselfe to beare all

1 Can. Si Papa, Dist. 40. Nisi sit a fide deuius.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 209

diuine and humane lawes in the priuy coffer or casket of his breast,1 will stoope to
the remonstrances of the French, and vayle to the reasons which they shall pro-
pound, though neuer so iustifiable, and of neuer so great validitie ? And how
can he, that may be infected with damnable heresie (when himselfe is not alwayes
free from heresie) be a iudge of heresie in a King ? In this question some are of
opinion, that as a man, the Pope may fall into error, but not as Pope. Very good :
I demand then vpon the matter, wherefore the Pope doth not instruct and re-
forme the man ? or wherefore the man doth not require the Popes instructions ?
But whether a King be deposed by that man the Pope, or by that Pope the man,
is it not all one ? is he not deposed ? Others affirme, the Pope may erre in a ques-
tion of the fact, but not in a question of the right. An egregious gullery and im-
posture: For if he may be ignorant whether lesus Christ died for our sinnes,
doubtles he may also be to seeke, whether we should repose all our trust and
assured confidence in the death of Christ. Consider with me the Prophets of
olde: They were all inspired and taught of God, to admonish and reprooue the
Kings of ludah and Israel: they neither erred in matter of fact, nor in point Of
right: they were as farre from being blinded and fetcht ouer by deceitfull calum-
niations, as from beeing seduced by the painted shew of corrupt and false doctrine :
As they neuer trode awry in matter of faith : so they neuer whetted the edge of
their tongue or style against the faultlesse. Had it not beene a trimme deuice in
their times, to say, that as Esay and as Daniel they might haue sunke into heresie,
but not as Prophets ? For doubtlesse in this case, that Esay would haue taken
councell of the Prophet which was himselfe. To be short; If Kings are onely so
long to be taken for Kings, vntill they shall be declared heretikes, and shall be
deposed by the Pope; they continually stand in extreame danger, to vndergoe a
very heauy and vniust sentence. Their safeth way were to know nothing, and to
beleeue by proxie; least, if they should happen to talke of God, or to thinke of
religion, they should be drawne for heretikes into the Popes Inquisition.

All the examples hitherto produced by the Lord Cardinall on a rowe, are of a
latter date, they lacke weight, are drawne from the time of bondage, and make the
Popes themselues witnesses in their owne cause: They descant not vpon the
point of deposition, but onely strike out and sound the notes of excommunication
and interdiction, which make nothing at all to the musicke of the question. And
therefore hee telleth vs (in kindnesse as I take it) more oftentimes then once or
twice, that hee speaketh onely of the fact; as one that doeth acknowledge him-
selfe to bee out of the right: Hee relates things done, but neuer what should bee
done: which, as the ludicious know, is to teach nothing.

1 Omnia jura in scrinio pectoris.

210 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

THE SECOND INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.

THE second Inconuenience like to grow, (as the Lord Cardinal! seemeth to be
halfe afraid) l if the Article of the third Estate might haue passed with approba-
tion, is couched in these words: Lay-men shall by authorise bee strengthened with
power, to iudge in matters of Religion; as also to determine the doctrine comprised
in the said Article to haue requisite conformitie with Gods word: yea they shall haue
it in their hands to compell Ecclesiastics by necessitie, to sweare, preach, and teach
the opinion of the one side, as also by Sermons and publike writings to impugne the
other. This inconuenience he aggrauateth with swelling words, and breaketh out
into these vehement exclamations: O reproach, O scandall, O gate set open to a
world of heresies. He therefore laboureth both by reasons, and by authorities of
holy Scripture, to make such vsurped power of Laics, a fowle, shameful, and
odious practise. In the whole, his Lordship toyles himselfe in vaine, & maketh
suppositions of castles in the aire. For in preferring this Article, the third Estate
haue born themselues not as iudges or vmpires, but altogether as petitioners: re-
questing the said Article might be received into the number of the Parliament
bookes to bee presented vnto the King and his Counsell, vnto whom in all humili-
tie they referred the iudgment of the said Article; conceiuing all good hope the
Clergie and Nobilitie would be pleased to ioyne for the furtherance of their
humble petition. They were not so ignorant of State-matters, or so vnmindfull
of their owne places and charges, to beare themselues in hand, that a petition put
vp and preferred by the third Estate, can carry the force of a Law or Statute, so
long as the other two Orders withstand the same, and so long as the King himselfe
holds backe his Royall consent. Besides, the said Article was not propounded as
a point of Religious doctrine; but for euer after to remaine and continue a funda-
mentall Law of the Common-wealth and State it selfe, the due care whereof was
put into their handes, and committed to their trust. If the King had ratified the
said Article with Royall consent, and had commanded the Clergie to put in execu-
tion the contents thereof; it had bene their duetie to see the Kings will and
pleasure fulfilled, as they are subiects bound to giue him aide in all things, which
may any way serue to procure the safetie of his life, and the tranquilitie of his
Kingdome: Which if the Clergie had performed to the vttermost of their power,
they had not shewed obedience as vnderlings, vnto the third Estate, but vnto the
King alone; by whom such command had bene imposed, vpon suggestion of his
faithfull subiects, made the more watchfull by the negligence of the Clergie;
whom they perceiue to be lincked with stricter bandes vnto the Pope, then they
are vnto their King. Here then the Cardinall fights with meere shadowes, and
mooues a doubt whereof his aduersaries haue not so much as once thought in a
dreame: But yet, according to his great dexteritie and nimblenesse of spirit, by
this deuice he cunningly takes vpon him to giue the King a lesson with more

1 Pag. 86.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 211

libertie; making semblance to direct his masked Oration to the Deputies of the
people, when hee shooteth in effect, and pricketh at his King, the Princes also and
Lords of his Counsell, whom the Cardinall compriseth vnder the name of Laics;
whose iudgment (it is not vnlikely) was apprehended much better by the Clergie,
then the iudgement of the third Estate. Now these are the men whom he tearmes
intruders into other mens charges, and such as open a gate for I wot not how many
legions of heresies, to rush into the Church: For if it be proper to the Clergie and
their Head, to iudge in this cause of the Right of Kings; then the King himself e,
his Princes, and Nobilitie, are debarred and wiped of all iudgement in the same
cause, no lesse then the representatiue body of the people.

Well then, the L. Cardinall 1 showres downe like haile sundry places and
testimonies of Scripture, where the people are commanded to haue their Pastors in
singular loue, and to beare them all respects of due obseruance. Be it so; yet are
the said passages of Scripture no barre to the people, for their vigilant circum-
spection, to preserue the life and Crowne of their Prince, against all the wicked
enterprises of men stirred vp by the Clergie, who haue their Head out of the King-
dome, and hold themselues to be none of the Kings subiects: a thing neuer spoken
by the sacrificing Priests and Prelates, mentioned in the passages alleadged by the
Lord Cardinal. He likewise produceth two Christian Emperours,2 Constantine and
Valentinian by name ; the first refusing to meddle with iudgement in Episcopall
causes: the other forbearing to iudge of subtile Questions in Diuinity, with
protestation, that Hee would neuer bee so curious, to diue into the streames, or sound
the bottome of so deepe matters. But who doth not know, that working and prouid-
ing for the Kings indemnitie and safetie, is neither Episcopall cause, nor matter of
curious and subtile inquisition ? The same answere meets with all the rest of the
places produced by the L. Cardinal out of the Fathers. And that one for example,
out of Gregory Nazianzenus? is not cited by the Cardinall with faire dealing. For
Gregory doeth not boord the Emperour himselfe, but his Deputy or L. President,
on this maner : For we also are in authoritie and place of a Ruler, we haue command
aswett as your selfe:4 wheras the L. Cardinal with foule play, turnes the place
in these termes, We also are Emperours. Which words can beare no such inter-
pretation, as well because he to whom the Bishop then spake, was not of
Imperiall dignitie; as also because if the Bishop himselfe, a Bishop of so small a
citie as Nazianzum, had qualified himselfe Emperour, hee should haue passed all
the bounds of modestie, and had shewed himselfe arrogant aboue measure. For
as touching subiection due to Christian Emperours, hee freely acknowledgeth a
little before, that himselfe and his people are subiect -onto the superiour powers,6 yea
bound to pay them tribute. The historic of the same Gregories life doeth testifie,
that he was drawen by the Arrians before the Consuls iudgement seate, and from
thence returned acquitted, without either stripes or any other kinde of con-

1 Pag. 61. ' Orat. ad dues timore perculsos. • UTroTeXeTs 4>6pov.

* Pag. 68. * apxoptv yap Kal adrol.

212 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

tumelious entreatie and vse: yet now at last vp starts a Prelate, who dares make
this good Father vaunt himselfe to be an Emperour. It is willingly granted, that
Emperours neuer challenged, neuer arrogated, to bee Soueraigne Judges in con-
trouersies of doctrine and faith; neuerthelesse it is clearer then the Sunnes light
at high noone, that for moderation at Synods, for determinations and orders
established in Councils, and for the discipline of the Church, they haue made a
good and a full vse of their Imperiall authoritie. The first Council * held at Con-
stantinople, beares this title or inscription; The dedication of the holy Synode to the
most religious Emperour Theodosius the Great, to whose will and pleasure they haue
submitted these Canons by them addressed and established in Councill. And there
they also beseech the Emperour, to confirme and approue the said Canons. The
like hath bene done by the Council of Trullo, by whom the Canons of the fift and
sixt Councils were put foorth and published. This was not done, because Em-
perours tooke vpon them to bee infallible Judges of doctrine; but onely that
Emperours might see and iudge, whether Bishops (who feele the pricke of am-
bition as other men doe) did propound nothing in their Conuocations and Con-
sultations, but most of all in their Determinations, to vndermine the Emperours
authoritie, to disturbe the tranquilitie of the Common-wealth, and to crosse the
determinations of precedent Councils. Now to take the cognizance of such
matters out of the Kings hand or power; what is it but euen to transforme the
King into a standing Image, to wring and wrest him out of all care of himselfe
and his Kingly Charge, yea to bring him downe to this basest condition, to be-
come onely an executioner, and (which I scorne to speake) the vnhappy hangman
of the Clergies will, without any further cognizance, not so much as of matters
which most neerely touch himselfe, and his Royall estate ?

I grant it is for Diuinitie Scholes, to iudge how farre the power of the Keyes
doth stretch : I grant againe, that Clerics both may, and ought also to display
the colours and ensignes of their censures against Princes, who violating their
publike and solemne oath, doe raise and make open warre against lesus Christ:
I grant yet againe, that in this case they need not admit Laics to be of their coun-
sell, nor allow them any scope or libertie of iudgement. Yet all this makes no
barre to Clerics, for extending the power of their keyes, many times a whole
degree further then they ought; and when they are pleased, to make vse of their
said power, to depriue the people of their goods, or the Prince of his Crowne: all
this doeth not hinder Prince or people from taking care for the preseruation of
their owne rights and estates, nor from requiring Clerics to shew their cards, and
produce their Charts, and to make demonstration by Scripture, that such power
as they assume and challenge, is giuen them from God. For to leaue the Pope
absolute Iudge in the same cause, wherein hee is a partie, and (which is the
strongest rampier and bulwarke, yea the most glorious and eminent point of his
domination) to arme him with power to vnhorse Kings out of their seates; what

1 Vide Canones Graecos a Tilio editos.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 213

is it else but euen to draw them into a state of despaire for euer winning the day,
or preuailing in their honourable and rightful cause ?

It is moreouer granted, if a King shall command any thing directly contrary
to Gods word, and tending to the subuerting of the Church; that Clerics in this
case ought not onely to dispense with subiects for their obedience, but also ex-
presly to forbid their obedience : For it is alwayes better to obey God then man.
Howbeit in all other matters, whereby the glory and maiestie of God is not
impeached or impaired, it is the duety of Clerics to plie the people with wholesome
exhortation to constant obedience, and to auert by earnest disswasions the said
people from tumultuous reuolt and seditious insurrection. This practise vnder the
Pagan Emperours, was held and followed by the ancient Christians; by whose
godly zeale and patience in bearing the yoke, the Church in times past grew
and flourished in her happy and plentifull increase, farre greater then Poperie
shall euer purchase and attaine vnto by all her cunning deuices and sleights:
as namely by degrading of Kings, by interdicting of Kingdoms, by apposted
murders, and by Diabolicall traines of Gunne-powder-mines.

The places of Scripture alleadged in order by the Cardinal, in fauour of those
that stand for the Popes claime of power and authoritie to depose Kings, are
cited with no more sincerity then the former: They alledge (these are his words)
that Samuel deposed King Saul, or declared him to bee deposed, because hee had
violated the Lawes of the lewes Religion: 1 His Lordship auoucheth elsewere, that
Saul was deposed, because he had sought prophanely to vsurpe the holy Priest-
hood. Both false and contrary to the tenour of trewth in the sacred history:
For Saul was neuer deposed according to the sense of the word (I meane, depose)
in the present question; to wit, as deposing is taken for despoiling the King of his
royall dignitie, and reducing the King to the condition of a priuate person: But
Saul 2 held the title of King, and continued in possession of his Kingdome, euen to
his dying day. Yea, the Scripture styles him King, euen to the periodicall and
last day of his life, by the testimony of Dauid himself e, who both by Gods promise,
and by precedent vriction, was then heire apparant as it were to the Crown, in a
maner then ready to gird and adorne the temples of his head. For if Samuel, by
Gods commandement, had then actually remooued Saul from his Throne, doubt-
lesse the whole Church of Israel had committed a grosse errour, in taking and
honouring Saul for their King, after such deposition: 'doubtlesse the Prophet
Samuel himselfe, making knowen the Lords Ordinance vnto the people, would
haue enioyned them by strict prohibition to call him no longer the King of Israel:
Doubtlesse, Dauid would neuer haue held his hand from the throat of Saul, for
this respect and consideration, because he was the Lords Anointed.3 For if Saul
had lost his Kingly authority, from that instant when Samuel gaue him knowl-
edge of his reiection; then Dauid, lest otherwise the Body of the Kingdome
should want a Royall Head, was to beginne his Reigne, and to beare the Royall

1 Pag 66. * i. Sam. 23. 20. & 24. 15. & 2. Sam. 2. 5. • i. Sam. 26. n.

214 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

scepter in the very same instant: which were to charge the holy Scriptures with
vntrewth, in as much as the sacred historic begins the computation of the yeeres
of Dauids Reigne, from the day of Sauls death. Trew it is, that in the i. Sam.
cap. 15. Saul was denounced by Gods owne sentence, a man reiected, and as it
were excommunicated out of the Kingdome, that hee should not rule and reigne
any longer as King ouer Israel; neuerthelesse, the said sentence was not put in
execution, before the day when God, executing vpon Saul an exemplarie Judge-
ment, did strike him with death. From whence it is manifest and cleare, that
when Dauid was annointed King by Samuel, that action was onely a promise,1
and a testimony of the choice, which God had made of Dauid for succession
immediately after Saul; and not a present establishment, inuestment, or install-
ment of Dauid in the Kingdome. Wee reade the like in i. King. cap. 19. where
God commandeth Elias the Prophet, to annoint Hasael King of Syria: For can
any man bee so blinde and ignorant in the sacred historie, to beleeue the Prophets
of Israel established, or sacred the Kings of Syria ? For this cause, when Dauid
was actually established in the Kingdome, hee was annointed the second time.2

In the next place he brings in the Popes champions vsing these words;3
Rehoboam was deposed by Ahiah the Prophet, from his Royall right ouer the tenne
Tribes of Israel, because his father Salomon had played the Apostala, in falling from
the Law of God. This I say also is more, then the trewth of the sacred history
doeth afoard: For Ahiah neuer spake to Rehoboam (for ought we reade,) nor
brought vnto him any message from the Lord; As for the passage quoted by the
L. Cardinal out of 3. Reg. chap. n. it hath not reference to the time of Rehoboams
raigne, but rather indeed to Salomons tune: nor doeth it carry the face of a
iudicatorie sentence for the Kings deposing, but rather of a Propheticall predic-
tion: For how could Rehoboam, before hee was made King, be depriued of the
Kingdome ? Last of all, but worst of all; to alleadge this passage for an example
of a iust sentence in matter of deposing a King, is to approoue the disloyall
treacherie of a seruant against his master, and the rebellion of leroboam branded
in Scripture with a marke of perpetuall infamie for his wickednesse and impietie.

He goes on with an other example of no more trewth;4 King Achab was deposed
by Elias the Prophet, because he imbraced false religion, and worshipped false gods.
False too like the former; King Achab lost his crowne and his life both together.
The Scripture, that speaketh not according to mans fancie, but according to the
trewth, doeth extend and number the yeeres of Achabs raigne, to the time of his
death. Predictions of a Kings mine, are no sentences of deposition. Elias neuer
gaue the subiects of Achab absolution from their oath of obedience; neuer gaue
them the least inckling of any such absolution; neuer set vp, or placed any other
King in Achabs throne.

That of the L. Cardinall 6 a little after, is no lesse vntrew: That King Vzziah
was driuenfrom the conuersation of the people by Azarias the Priest, and thereby the
1 i. Sam. 16. 23. » 2. Sam. 2. 4. » r. King. 12. « i. King. 19. * Pag. 68.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 215

administration of his Kingdoms was left no longer in his power. Not so : For when
God had smitten Vzziah with leprosie in his forehead, he withdrew himselfe,1 or
went out into an house apart, for feare of infecting such as were whole by his con-
tagious disease. The high Priest smote him not with any sentence of deposition,
or denounced him suspended from the administration of his Kingdome. No: the
dayes of his raigne are numbred in Scripture, to the day of his death. And
whereas the Priest, according to the Law in the 13. of Leuit. iudged the King to be
vncleane; he gaue sentence against him, not as against a criminal person, and
thereby within the compasse of deposition; but as against a diseased body: For
the Law inflicteth punishments, not vpon diseases, but vpon crimes. Hereupon,
whereas it is recorded by losephus 2 in his Antiquities, that Vzziah led a priuate,
and in a maner, a solitarie life; the said author doeth not meane, that Vzziah was
deposed, but onely that he disburdened himselfe of care to mannage the publique
affaires.

The example of Mattathias,3 by whom the lewes were stirred vp to rebel
against Antiochus, is no better worth: For in that example we finde no sentence
of deposition, but onely an heartning and commotion of a people then grieuously
afflicted and oppressed. He that makes himselfe the ringleader of conspiracie
against a King, doeth not foorthwith assume the person, or take vp the office and
charge of a ludge, in forme of Law, and Juridically to depriue a King of his Regall
rights, and Royall prerogatiues. Mattathias was chiefe of that conspiracie, not in
qualitie of Priest, but of cheiftaine, or leader in warre and a man the best qualified
of all the people. Things acted by the suddaine violence of the base vulgar, muste
not stand for Lawes, nor yet for proofes and arguments of ordinarie power, such
as the Pope challengeth to himselfe, and appropriateth to his triple-Crowne.

These be our solide answeres: we disclaime the light armour which the L.
Cardinall 4 is pleased to furnish vs withall, forsooth to recreate himselfe, in rebat-
ing the points of such weapons, as hee hath vouchsafed to put into our hands.
Now it wil be worth our labour to beate by his thrusts, fetch from the ordinary
mission of the New Testament, from leprosie, stones, and locks of wooll : A leach
no doubt of admirable skill, one that for subiecting the Crownes of Kings vnto the
Pope, is able to extract arguments out of stones; yea, out of the leprosie, and the
drie scab, onely forsooth because heresie is a kind of leprosie, and an heretike
hath some affinitie with a leper. But may not his Quoniam, bee as fitly applyed to
any contagious and inueterate vice of the minde beside heresie ? His warning-
piece 6 therefore is discharged to purpose, whereby hee notifies that hee pretendeth
to handle nothing with resolution: For indeed vpon so weake arguments, a
resolution is but ill-fauouredly and weakely grounded.

His bulwarkes thus beaten downe, let vs now view the strength of our owne.
First, he makes vs to fortifie on this maner: They that are for the negatiue, doe

1 2. Chro. 26. ' Pag. 69. • Page 66.

1 Antiq. 1. 9. cap. n. 4 Page 67.

216 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

alleadge the authoritie of S. Paul; Let euery soule bee suUect -onto the higher powers:
For whosoeuer resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And likewise that
of S. Peter; Submit your selues, whether it be vnto the King, as vnto the superiour, or
mto gouernours, &c. Vpon these passages, and the like, they in ferre, that the
obedience is due to Kings by the Law of God, and not dispensable by any Spirituall or
Temporall authoritie.1 Thus he brings vs in with our first weapon. But here the
very chiefe sinew and strength of our argument, hee doeth wittingly balke, and of
purpose conceale: To wit; That all the Emperors of whom the said holy Apostles
haue made any mention in their diuine Epistles, were professed enemies to
CHRIST, Pagans, Infidels, fearefull and bloody Tyrants: to whom notwithstand-
ing euery soule, and therefore the Bishop of Rome for one, is commanded to sub-
mit himselfe, and to professe subiection. Thus much Chrysostome hath expresly
taught in his Horn. 23. vpon the Epistle to the Romanes; The Apostle giues this
commandement vnto all: euen to Priests also, and cloistered Monkes not onely to
Secular: be thou an Apostle, an Euangelist, a Prophet, &°c. Besides, it is here
worthy to be noted, that howsoeuer the Apostles rule is generall, and therefore
bindeth all the faithfull in equall bands; yet is it particularly, directly, and of
purpose addressed to the Church of Rome by S. Paul, as by one who in the spirit
of an Apostle did foresee, that rebellion against Princes was to rise and spring
from the citie of Rome. Now in case the Head of that Church by warrant of any
priuiledge, contained in the most holy Register of Gods holy word, is exempted
from the binding power of this generall precept or rule; did it not become his Lord-
ship to shew by the booke, that it is a booke case, and to lay it foorth before that
honourable assembly, who no doubt expected and waited to heare when it might
fall from his learned lips ? But in stead of any such authenticall and canonicall
confirmation, he flieth to a sleight shift, and with a cauill is bold to affirme the
foundation, laid by those of our side, doeth no way touch the knot of the con-
trouersie. Let vs heare him speake: It is not in controuersie, whether obedience be
due to kings by Gods Law, so long as they are kings, or acknowledged for Kings, but
our point controuerted, is whether by Gods Law it be required, that hee who hath bene
once recognised and receiuedfor King by the body of Estates, can at any time be taken
and reputed as no King, that is to say can doe no maner of acte whereby hee may loose
his right, and so cease to be saluted King. This answere of the L. Cardinall is the
rare deuise, euasion, and starting hole of the lesuites: In whose eares of delicate
and tender touch, King-killing soundeth very harsh; but forsooth to vn-king a
King first, and then to giue him the stab, that is a point of iust and trew descant:
For to kill a King, once vnking'd by deposition, is not killing of a King: For the
present, I haue one of that lesuiticall Order in prison, who hath face enough to
speake this language of Ashdod, and to maintaine this doctrine of the lesuites
Colledges. The L. Cardinall harpes vpon the same string; He can like subiection
and obedience to the King, whilest he sitteth King: but his Holinesse must haue

1 Page 69.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 217

all power, and giue order withall, to hoyst him out of his Royall Seat. I therefore
now answer, that in very deed the former passages of S. Paid and S. Peter should
come nothing neere the question, if the state of the question were such as he
brings it, made and forged in his owne shop. But certes the states of the ques-
tion is not, whether a King may doe some acte, by reason whereof hee may fall
from his right, or may not any longer be acknowledged for King: For all our
contention is, concerning the Popes power to vn-authorize Princes; whereas in
the question framed and fitted by the L. Cardinal, not a word of the Pope. For
were it granted and agreed on both sides, that a King by election might fal from
his Kingdom, yet stil the knot of the question would hold, whether he can be dis-
possessed of his Regal authoritie, by any power in the Pope, & whether the Pope
hath such fulnes of power, to strip a King of those Royall robes, rights, and
reuenewes of the Crowne, which were neuer giuen him by the Pope; as also by
what authoritie of holy Scripture, the Pope is able to beare out himselfe in this
power, and to make it good.

But here the L. Card.1 stoutly saith in his owne defence by way of reioinder;
.<4s one text hath, Let euery soule be subiect vnto the higher powers; in like manner
an other text hath, Obey your Prelates, and be subiect vnto your Pastors: for they
watch ouer your soules, as men that shall giue an accompt for your soules. This
reason is void of reason, and makes against himselfe: For may not Prelates be
obeyed and honoured, without Kings be deposed ? If Prelates preach the doc-
trine of the Gospell, will they in the pulpit stirre vp subiects to rebell against
Kings ? Moreouer, whereas the vniuersall Church in these daies is diuided into
so many discrepant parts, that now Prelates neither doe nor can draw all one way;
is it not exceeding hard, keeping our obedience towards God, to honour them all
at once with due obedience ? Nay; is not here offered vnto me a dart out -of the
L. Cardinals armorie, to cast at himselfe ? For as God chargeth all men with
obedience to Kings, and yet from that commaundement of God, the L. Cardinall
would not haue it inferred, that Kings haue power to degrade Ecclesiasticall
Prelates: euen so God giueth charge to obey Prelates, yet doeth it not follow
from hence, that Prelates haue power to depose Kings. These two degrees of
obedience agree well together, and are each of them bounded with peculiar and
proper limits.

But for so much as in this point, we haue on our side the whole auncient
Church, which, albeit she liued and groned for many aages together vnder
heathen Emperours, heretikes, and persecuters, did neuer so much as whisper a
word about rebelling and falling from their Soueraigne Lords, and was neuer by any
mortall creature freed from the oath of allegiance to the Emperour; the Cardinall
is not vnwilling to graunt, that ancient Christians in those times were bound to
performe such fidelity and allegiance, for as much as the Church (the Cardinall
for shame durst not say the Pope) then had not absolued them of their oath.

1 Page 71.

218 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

No doubt a pleasant dreame, or a merry conceit rather, to imagine the Bishop of
Rome was armed with power to take away the Empire of the world from Nero, or
Claudius, or Domitianus; to whom it was not knowen, whether the citie of Rome
had any Bishop at all. Is it not a master-iest, of a straine most ridiculous, to pre-
suppose the Grand-masters and absolute Lords of the whole world, had a sent so
dull, that the were not able to smell out, and to nose things vnder their owne
noses ? that they saw so little with other mens eies and their owne, that within
their capitall citie, they could not spie that Soueraigne armed with ordinary and
lawfull authority to degrade, and to turne them out of their renowned Empire ?
Doubtlesse the said Emperours, vassals belike of the Popes Empire, are to be held
excused for not acknowledging and honouring the Pope in quality of their Lord,
as became his vassals; because they did not know there was any such power in
the world, as aftertimes haue magnified and adored vnder the qualitie of Pope:
For the Bishops of Rome in those times, were of no greater authoritie, power, and
means, then some of the Bishops are in these daies within my Kingdomes.

But certes those Popes of that primitiue aage, thought it not expedient in the
said times to draw their swords: they exercised their power in a more mild and
soft kind of carriage toward those miserable Emperours, for three seuerall reasons
alledged by the L. Cardinall.

The first: because the Bishops then durst not by their censures whet and
prouoke those Emperours, for feare of plunging the Church in a Sea of persecu-
tions. But if I be not cleane voide of common sense, this reason serueth to charge
not onely the Bishops of Rome, but all the auncient professors of Christ besides,
with deepe dissimulation and hypocrisie: For it is all one as if he had professed,
that all their obedience to their Soueraignes, was but counterfeit, and extorted,
or wrong out of them by force; that all the submissiue supplications of the
auncient Fathers, the assured testimonies and pledges of their allegiance, humili-
tie, and patience, were but certaine formes of disguised speech, proceeding not
freely from the suggestions of fidelity, but faintly and fainedly, or at least from
the strong twitches and violent conuulsions of feare. Whereupon it followes,
that all their torments and punishments, euen to the death, are wrongfully hon-
oured with the title, and crowned with the crowne of Martyrdome; because their
patience proceeded not from their owne free choice and election, but was taught
by the force of necessitie, as by compulsion: and whereas they had not mu-
tinously and rebelliously risen in armes, to asswage the scorching heat and burn-
ing flames of tyrannicall persecuters, it was not for want of will, but for lacke of
power. Which false and forged imputation, the Fathers haue cleared themselues of
in their writings. Tertullian1 in his Apologet: All places are full of Christians, the
cities, isles, castles, burroughs, armies, &c. If we that are so infinite a power, and
multitude of men, had broken from you into some remote nooke or corner of the world,
the cities no doubt had become naked and solitarie: there had beene a dreadfull and
1 Tert. Apol. cap. 37. Hesterni sumus & omnia vestra impleuimus.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 219

horrible silence ouer the face of the whole Empire: the great Emperours had beene
driuen to seeke out new cities, and to discouer newe nations, ouer whom to beare
Soueragine sway and rule; there had remained more enemies to the State, then subiects
and friends. Cyprian J also against Demetrianus: None ofvs all howsoeuer we are
a people mighty and without number, haue made resistance against any of your
vniust and wrongfull actions, executed with all violence; neither haue sought by rebel-
lious armes, or by any other sinister practices, to crie quittance with you at any time
for the righting of our selues. Certaine it is, that vnder lulianus, the whole Em-
pire in a manner professed the Christian Religion; yea, that his Leif tenants and
great Commanders, as louinianus, and Valentinianus by name, professed Christ:
Which two Princes not long after attained to the Imperiall dignitie, but might
haue solicited the Pope sooner to degrade lulianus from the Imperiall Throne.
For say that lulians whole army had renounced the Christian Religion: (as the
L. Cardinall against all shew and appearance of trewth would beare vs in hand,
and contrary to the generall voice of the said whole army, making this profession
with one consent when lulian was dead, Wee are all Christians :) yet Italie then
persisting in the faith of Christ, and the army of lulian then lying quartered in
Persia, the vtmost limit of the Empire to the East,2 the Bishop of Rome had fit
opportunitie to draw the sword of his authoritie (if hee had then any such sword
hanging at his Pontifical! side) to make lulian feele the sharpe edge of his weapon,
and thereby to pull him downe from the stately pearch of the Romane Empire.
I say moreouer, that by this generall and sudden profession of the whole Casarwn
armie, Wee are all Christians, it is clearly testified, that if his armie or souldiers
were then addicted to Paganisme, it was wrought by compulsion, and cleane con-
trary to their setled perswasion before: and then it followes, that with greater
patience they would haue borne the deposing of lulian, then if hee had suffered
them to vse the libertie of their conscience. To bee short in the matter; S. Augus-
tine 3 makes all whole, and by his testimony doeth euince, that lulians armie per-
seuered in the faith of Christ. The souldiers of Christ serued a Heathen Emperour:
But when the cause of Christ was called in question, they acknowledged none but Christ
in heauen: When the Emperour would haue them to serue, and to perfume his idols
with frankincense, they gaue obedience to God, rather then to the Emperour. After
which words, the very same words alleadged by the L. Cardinall 4 against himself e
doe follow; They did then distinguish betweene the Lord Eternal, and the Lord
temporall: neuerthelesse, they were subiect vnto the Lord temporall, for the Lord
Eternall. It was therefore to pay God his duetie of obedience, and not for feare
to incense the Emperour, or to draw persecution vpon the Church (as the L.
Cardinal would made vs beleeue) that Christians of the Primitiue Church, and
Bishops by their censures, durst not anger and prouoke their Emperours. But
his Lordship by his coloured pretences doeth manifestly prouoke and stirre vp the

1 Cypr. cont. Demetr. ' August, in Psal. 124.

1 Socr. lib. 3. cap. 19. Theod. lib. 4. cap. i. * Page 82.

Sozom. lib. 6. cap. i.

220 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

people to rebellion, so soone as they know their own strength to beare out a re-
bellious practise: Whereupon it followes, that in case their conspiracie shall take
no good effect, all the blame and fault must lie, not in their disloyalty and treason,
but in the bad choice of their times for the best aduantage, and in the want of
taking a trew sight of their owne weakenesse. Let stirring spirits be trained vp
in such practicall precepts, let desperate wits be seasoned with such rules of dis-
cipline; and what need we, or how can wee wonder they contriue Powder-con-
spiracies, and practise the damnable art of parricides ?

After lulian, his Lordship falles vpon Valentinian the younger, who maintain-
ing Arrianisme with great and open violence, might haue bene deposed by the
Christians from his Empire, and yet (say wee) they neuer dream'd of any such
practise. Heere the L. Cardinall 1 maketh answere: The Christians mooued with
respect mto the fresh memory both of the brother and father, as also wto the weake
estate of the sonnes young yeeres, abstained from all counsels and courses of sharper
effect and operation. To which answere I replie : these are but f riuolous coniec-
tures, deuised and framed to tide his owne fancie: For had Valentinianus the
younger beene the sonne of an Arrian, and had then also attained to threescore
yeeres of aage, they would neuer haue borne themselues in other fashion then they
did, towards their Emperour. Then the Cardinall goeth on: The people would
not abandon the factious and seditious party, but were so firme or obstinate
rather for the faction, that Valentinian for feare of the tumultuous vproares was
constrained to giue way, and was threatened by the souldiers, that except hee
would adhere vnto the Catholikes, they would yeeld him no assistance, nor
stand for his partie. Now this answere of the L. Cardinall makes nothing to the
purpose, concerning the Popes power to pull downe Kings from their stately nest.
Let vs take notice of his proper consequence. Valentinian was afraid of the popu-
lar tumult at Milan; the Pope therefore hath power to curbe Hereticall Kings by
deposition. Now marke what distance is betweene Rome and Milan, what dif-
ference betweene the people of Milan, and the Bishop of Rome; betweene a
popular tumult, and a iudicatorie sentence; betweene fact and right, things done
by the people or souldiers of Milan, and things to be done according to right and
law by the Bishop of Rome; the same distance, the same difference (if not farre
greater) is betweene the L. Cardinals antecedent and his consequent, betweene
his reason, and the maine cause or argument which we haue in hand. The mad
commotion of the people was not heere so much to bee regarded, as the sad in-
struction of the Pastour, of their good and godly Pastour S. Ambrose, so farre from
hartening the people of Milan to rebel, that being Bishop of Milan, he offered
himself to suffer Martydome: // the Emperour abuse his Imperiall authority, (for
so Theodoret hath recited his words) to tyrannize thereby, heere am I ready to suffer
death. And what resistance he made against his L. Emperor, was onely by way of
supplication in these termes; Wee beseech thee, O Augustus, as humble suppliants;

1 Pag. 82.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 221

we o/er no resistance: we are not infeare, but we file to supplication. Againe, // my
patrimony be your marke, enter vpon my patrimony if my body I wil goe and meet my
torments. Shall I be drag'd to prison or to death ? I will take delight in both. Item,
in his Oration to Auxentius; I can afflict my soule with sorrow, I can lament, I can
send forth grieuous groans: My weapons against either of both, souldiers or Goths, are
teares: A Priest hath none other weapons of defence: I neither can resist, nor ought
in any other maner to make resistance.1

lustinian the Emperour in his old aage fell into the heresie of the Aphtharto-
docites. Against lustinian, though few they were that fauoured him in that
heresie, the Bishop of Rome neuer darted with violence any sentence of excom-
munication, interdiction, or deposition.

The Ostrogot Kings in Italic, the Visigot in Spaine, the Vandal in Africa were
all addicted to the Arrian impietie, and some of them cruelly persecuted the trew
professours. The Visigot and Vandall were no neighbours to Italic. The Pope
thereby had the lesse cause to feare the stings of those waspes, if they had bene
angred. The Pope for all that neuer had the humour to wrestle or iustle with any
of the said Kings in the cause of deposing them from their Thrones. But espe-
cially the times when the Vandals in A/ricke, and the Goths in Italie by Belisarius
and Narses, professours of the Orthodoxe Faith, were tyred with long warres, and
at last were vtterly defeated in bloody battels, are to bee considered. Then were
the tunes or neuer, for the Pope to vnsheath his weapons, and to vncase his ar-
rowes of deposition; then were the times to draw them out of his quiuer, and to
shoot at all such Arrian heads; then were the times by dispensations to release
their subiects of their oathes, by that peremptorie meanes to aide and strengthen
the Catholique cause: But in that aage the said weapons were not knowne to
haue bene hammered in the Pontificall forge.

Gregorie the I. made his boasts, that he was able to ruine the Lombards, (for
many yeeres together sworne enemies to the Bishops of Rome) their state present,
and the hope of all their future prosperitie. But he telleth vs, that by the feare
of God before his eyes and in his heart, he was bridled and restrained from any
such intent ; as elsewhere we haue obserued : 2 // 1 would haue medled with practis-
ing and procuring the death of the Lombards, the whole nation of the Lombards at this
day had bene robbed of their Kings, Dukes, Earles, they had bene reduced to the
tearmes of extreame confusion. He might at least haue deposed their King, (if the
credit of the L. Cardinals iudgement be currant) without polluting or stayning his
owne conscience.

What can we tearme this assertion of the L. Cardinal, but open charging the
most ancient Bishops of Rome with crueltie, when they would not succour the
Church of CHRIST oppressed by tyrants, whose oppression they had power to
represse by deposing the oppressors. Is it credible, that IESVS CHRIST hath giuen

1 Epist. lib. s- Epist. 33. Epist. lib. 5.

1 In Apol. pro iurain. fidel. His owne words lib. 7. Epist. I.

222 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

a Commission to S. Peter and his successors for so many aages, without any power
to execute their Commission, or to make any vse thereof by practise ? Is it
credible, that hee hath giuen them a sword to bee kept in the scabbard, without
drawing once in a thousand yeeres ? Is it credible, that in the times when Popes
were most deboshed, abandoning themselues to all sorts of corrupt and vitious
courses, as is testified by their owne flatterers and best affected seruants; it is
credible that in those times they began to vnderstand the vertue & strength of
their Commission ? For if either feare or lacke of power, was the cause of holding
their hands, and voluntarie binding of themselues to the Peace or good behauiour:
wherefore is not some one Pope at least produced, who hath complained that he
was hindered from executing the power that CHRIST had conferred vpon his
Pontificall See ? Wherefore is not some one of the ancient and holy Fathers
alledged, by whom the Pope hath bene aduised and exhorted to take courage, to
stand vpon the vigor and sinewes of his Papall Office, to vnsheath and vncase his
bolts of thunder against vngodly Princes, and grieuous enemies to the Church ?
wherefore liuing vnder Christian and gracious Emperours, haue they not made
knowne the reasons, why they were hindred from drawing the pretended sword;
lest long custome of not vsing the sword so many aages, might make it so to rust
in the scabbard, that when there should be occasion to vse the said sword, it
could not be drawne at all; and lest so long custome of not vsing the same, should
confirme prescription to their greater preiudice ? If weakenesse be a iust let, how
is it come to passe, that Popes haue enterprised to depose Philip the Fa^re, Lewis
the XII, and ELIZABETH my predecessor of happy memorie; (to let passe others)
in whom experience hath well proued, how great inequalitie was betweene their
strengths ? Yea, for the most part from thence grow most grieuous troubles and
warres, which iustly recoile and light vpon his owne head; as happened to
Gregorie the VII. and Boniface the VIII. This no doubt is the reason, wherefore
the Pope neuer sets in (for feare of such inconueniences) to blast a King with
lightning and thunder of deposition, but when hee perceiues the troubled waters
of the Kingdome by some strong faction setled in his Estate; or when the King
is confined and bordered by some Prince more potent, who thirsteth after the
prey, and is euer gaping for some occasion to picke a quarrell. The King standing
in such estate, is it not as easie for the Pope to pull him downe, as it is for a man
with one hand to thrust downe a tottering wall, when the groundsill is rotten, the
studdes vnpind and nodding or bending towards the ground ? But if the King
shall beare downe and breake the faction within the Reahne; if hee shall get
withall the vpper hand of his enemies out of the Kingdome; then the holy Father
presents him with pardons neuer sued for, neuer asked; and in a fathers indul-
gence forsooth, giues him leaue still to hold the Kingdome, that hee was not able
by all his force to wrest and wring out of his hand, no more then the club of Her-
cules out of his fist. How many worthy Princes, incensed by the Pope, to conspire
against Soueraigne Lords their Masters, and by open rebellion to worke some

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 223

change in their Estates, haue miscarried in the action, with losse of life, or honour,
or both ? For example; Rodulphus Duke of Sueuia was eg'd on by the Pope,
against Henry 1III. of that name Emperour. How many massacres, how many
desolations of Cities and townes, how many bloody battels ensued thereupon ?
Let histories bee searched, let iust accompts be taken, and besides sieges layde to
Cities, it will appeare by trew computation, that Henry the IIII. and Frederic the
first, fought aboue threescore battels, in defence of their owne right against
enemies of the Empire, stirred vp to armes by the Pope of Rome. How much
Christian blood was then spilt in these bloody battels, it passeth mans wit, penne,
or tongue to expresse. And to giue a little touch vnto matters at home; doeth not
his Holinesse vnderstand right well the weakenesse of Papists in my Kingdome ?
Doeth not his Holinesse neuerthelesse animate my Papists to rebellion, and forbid
my Papists to take the Oath of Allegiance ? Doeth not his Holinesse by this
meanes draw (so much as in him lyeth) persecution vpon the backes of my Papists
as vpon rebels, and expose their life as it were vpon the open stall, to be sold at a
very easie price ? All these examples, either ioynt or seuerall, are manifest and
euident proofes, that feare to draw mischiefe and persecution vpon the Church,
hath not barred the Popes from thundering against Emperours and Kings, when-
soeuer they conceiued any hope, by their fulminations to aduance their greatnesse.

Last of all; I referred the matter to the most possessed with preiudice, euen
the very aduersaries, whether this doctrine, by which people are trained vp in
subiection vnto Infidel or hereticall Kings, vntill the subiects be of sufficient
strength to mate their Kings, to expell their Kings, and to depose them from their
Kingdomes, doth not incense the Turkish Emperours and other Infidell Princes
to roote out all the Christians that drawe in their yoke, as people that waite onely
for a fit occasion to rebell, and to take themselues ingaged for obedience to their
Lords, onely by constraint and seruile feare. Let vs therefore now conclude with
Ozius,1 in that famous Epistle speaking to Constantius an Arrian heretike: As hee
that by secret practise or open violence would bereaue thee of thy Empire, should
violate Gods ordinance: so bee thou touched with feare, least, by usurping authoritie
ouer Church matters, thou tumble not headlong into some hainous crime. Where this
holy Bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the L. Cardinals excep-
tion; to wit, the right of the Church alwaies excepted and saued, when she shall
be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of Emperours. Neither speaks the
same holy Bishop of priuate persons alone, or men of some particular condition
and calling; but hee setteth downe a generall rule for all degrees, neuer to impeach
imperial Maiesties upon any pretext whatsoever.

As his Lordships first reason drawne from weakenesse is exceeding weake: so is
that which the L. Cardinall2 takes vp in the next place : He telleth vs there is very great
difference betweene Pagan Emperours, and Christian Princes: Pagan Emperours who
neuer did homage to Christ, who neuer were by their subiects receiued, with condition

1 Apud Athan. in Epist. ad solitar. vitam agentes. * Pag. 77.

224 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

to acknowledge perpetuall subiection mto the Empire of Christ; who neuer were bound
by oath and mutuall contract between Prince and subiect. Christian Princes who
slide backe by Apostasie, degenerate by Arrianisme, or fall away by Mahometisme.
Touching the latter of these two, (as his Lordshippe saith) // they shall as it were
take an oath, and make a vowe contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken
when they were installed, and contrary to the condition vnder which they receiued the
Scepter of their Fathers; if they withall shall turne persecutors of the Catholike re-
ligion; touching these I say, the L. Cardinal holds, that without question they
may bee remooued from their Kingdomes: He telleth vs not by whom, but euery
where he meaneth by the Pope. Touching Kings deposed bf the Pope vnder
pretence of stupidity, as Childeric; or of matrimoniall causes, as Philip I. or for
collating of benefices, as Philip the Faire; not one word: By that point he easily
glideth, and shuffles it vp in silence, for feare of distasting the Pope on the one side,
or his auditors on the other.

Now in alledging this reason, his Lordship makes all the world a witnes, that
in deposing of Kings, the Pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and securitie
of the Church: For such Princes as neuer suckt other milke then that of Infidelitie
and persecution of Religion, are no lesse noisome and pernicious vermin to the
Church, then if they had sucked of the Churches breasts. And as for the great-
nesse of the sinne or offence, it seemes to me there is very little difference in the
matter. For a Prince that neuer did sweare any religious obedience to IESUS
Christ, is bound no lesse to such obedience, then if he had taken a solemne oath:
As the sonne that rebelliously stands vp against his father, is in equall degree
of sinne, whether he hath sworne or not sworne obedience to his father; because
he is bound to such obedience, not by any voluntarie contract or couenant, but
by the law of Nature. The commaundement of God to kisse the Sonne, whom the
Father hath confirmed and ratified King of Kings, doeth equally bind all Kings,
as well Pagans as Christians. On the other side, who denies, who doubts, that
Constantius Emperour at his first steppe or entrance into the Empire, did not
sweare and bind himselfe by solemne vowe, to keepe the rules and to maintaine
the precepts of the Orthodox faith, or that he did not receiue his fathers Empire
vpon such condition ? This notwithstanding, the Bishop of Rome pulled not
Constantius from his Imperiall throne, but Constantius remooued the Bishop of
Rome from his Papall See. And were it so, that an oath taken by a King at his
consecration, and after violated, is a sufficient cause for the Pope to depose an
Apostate or hereticall Prince; then by good consequence the Pope may in like
sort depose a King, who beeing neither dead in Apostasie, nor sicke of Heresie,
doeth neglect onely the due administration of iustice to his loyall subiects: For
his oath taken at consecration importeth likewise, that he shall minister iustice
to his people. A point wherein the holy Father is held short by the L. Cardinall,
who dares prescribe new lawes to the Pope, and presumes to limit hisfulnesse of
power, within certaine meeres and head-lands, extending the Popes power only

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 225

to the deposing of Christian Kings, when they turne Apostats forsaking the
Catholike faith; and not such Princes as neuer breathed any thing but pure
Paganisme, and neuer serued vnder the colours of lesus Christ. Meanewhile his
Lordship forgets, that King Attabaliba was deposed by the Pope from his King-
dome of Peru, and the said Kingdome was conferred vpon the King of Spaine,
though the said King of Peru never forsook his heathen superstition; and
though the turning of him out of his terrestriall Kingdome was no way to conuert
him vnto the faith of Christ. Yea his Lordship 1 a little after telleth vs himselfe,
that Be the Turkes possession in the conquests that he maketh ouer Christians neuer
so auncient, yet by no long tract of time whatsoeuer, can he gaine so much as a thumbes
breadth of prescription: that is to say, the Turke for all that is but a disseisor, one
that violently and wilfully keeps an other man from his owne, and by good right
may be dispossessed of the same: whereas notwithstanding the Turkish Em-
perours neuer fauoured nor sauoured Christianitie. Let vs runne ouer the ex-
amples of Kings whom the Pope hath dared and presumed to depose; and hardly
will any one be found, of whom it may be trewly auouched, that he hath taken an
oath contrary to his oath of subiection to lesus Christ, or that he hath wilfully cast
himselfe into Apostaticall defection.

And certes to any man that weighs the matter with due consideration, it wil
be found apparently false, that Kings of France haue bene receiued of their sub-
iects at any time, with condition to serue IESVS CHRIST. They were actually
Kings before they came forth to the solemnitie of their sacring, before they vsed
any stipulation or promise to their subjects. For in hereditary kingdoms,
(nothing more certaine, nothing more vncontrouleable) the Kings death in-
stantly maketh liuery and seisin of the Royaltie, to his next successour. Nor is it
materiall to replie, that a King succeeding by right of inheritance, takes an oath
in the person of his predecessor. For euery oath is personall, proper to the person
by whom it is taken: and to God no liuing creature can sweare, that his owne
sonne or his heire shall proue an honest man. Well may the father, and with
great solemnitie, promise that he will exhort his heire apparant with all his power
and the best of his endeauours, to feare God and to practise piety. If the fathers
oath be agreeable to the dueties of godlinesse, the spnne is bound thereby, whether
he take an oath, or take none. On the other side, if the fathers oath come from
the puddles of impietie, the sonne is bound thereby to goe the contrary way. If
the fathers oath concerne things of indifferent nature, and such as by the variety
or change of times, become either pernicious or impossible; then it is free for the
Kings next successor and heire, prudently to fit and proportion his Lawes vnto the
times present, and to the best benefit of the Common-wealth.

When I call these things to mind with some attention, I am out of all doubt,
his Lordship is very much to seeke, in the right sense and nature of his Kings
oath taken at his Coronation, to defend the Church, and to perseuere in the

1 Pag. 77-

226 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Catholike faith: For what is more vnlike and lesse credible then this conceit, that
after Clouis had reigned 15. yeeres in the state of Paganisme, and then receiued
holy Baptisme, he should become Christian vpon this condition, That in case hee
should afterward reuolt from the Faith, it should then bee in the power of the
Church, to turne him out of his Kingdome ? But had any such conditionall
stipulation beene made by Clouis, in very good earnest and trewth; yet would
hee neuer haue intended, that his deposing should bee the acte of the Romane
Bishop, but rather of those (whether Peeres or people, or whole body of the State)
by whom he had bene aduanced to the Kingdome. Let vs heare the trewth, and
this is the trewth : It is farre from the customary vse in France, for their Kings
to take any such oath, or to vse any such stipulation with their subiects. If any
King or Prince wheresoeuer, doth vse an oath or solemne promise in these ex-
presse termes, Let me lose my Kingdome, or my life, be that day my last both for life
and reigne, when I shall first reuolt from the Christian Religion: By these words he
calleth vpon God for vengeance, hee vseth imprecation against his owne head:
but hee makes not his Crowne to stoupe by this meanes to any power in the Pope,
or in the Church, or in the people.

And touching inscriptions vpon coynes, of which point his Lordship speaketh
by the way; verely the nature of the money or coine (the stamping and minting
whereof is one of the marks of the Prince his dignity and Soueraignty) is not
changed by bearing the letters of Christ Name on the reuerse or on the front.
Such characters of Christs Name, are aduertisements and instructions to the
people, that in shewing and yeelding obedience vnto the King, they are obedient
vnto the King, they are obedient vnto Christ; & those Princes likewise, who are
so wel aduised, to haue the most sacred Names inscribed and printed in their
coines, doe take and acknowledge lesus Christ for supreme King of Kings. The
said holy characters are no representation or profession, that any Kings Crowne
dependeth vpon the Church, or can be taken away by the Pope. The L. Cardinal
indeed so beareth vs in hand. But he inuerts the words of lesus Christ, and wrings
them out of the right ioynt: For Christ without all ambiguitie and circum-
locution, by the image and inscription of the money, doeth directly and expressely
prooue Casar to bee free from s.ubiection, and entirely Soueraigne. Now if such a
supreme and Soueraigne Prince, at any time shall bandie and combine against
God, and thereby shall become a rebellious and perfidious Prince; doubtless for
such disloyaltie he shall deserue, that God would take from him all hope of life
eternall: and yet hereby neither Pope nor people hath reason to bee puft vp, in
their power to depriue him of his temporall Kingdome.

The L. Cardinal! 1 saith besides; The champions of the Popes power to depose
Kings, doe expound that commandement of S. Paul, whereby euery soule is made sub-
iect vnto the superiour powers, to bee a prouisionall precept or caution accommodated
to the times; and to stand in force, onely vntitt the Church were growen in strength vn-

1 Page 76.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 227

to such a scantling, that it might be in the power of the faithfull, without shaking the
pillars of Christian state, to stand in the breach, and cautelosly to prouide that none but
Christian Princes might be receiued; according to the Law in Deut. Thou shall make
thee a King from among thy brethren. The reason whereupon they ground, is this:
Because Paul saith, It is a shame for Christians to be iudged wider vniust Infidels, in
matters or businesse, which they had one against another: For which inconuenience,
lustinian after prouided by Law; when hee ordeined that no Infidel nor Heretike
might be admitted to the administration of iustice in the Common-wealth.

In which words of the Cardinal!, the word Receiued, is to bee obserued espe-
cially and aboue the rest: For by chopping in that word, hee doeth nimbly and
with a tricke of Legier demain, transforme or change the very state of the ques-
tion. For the question or issue of the cause, is not about receiuing, establishing,
or choosing a Prince; (as in those Nations where the Kingdome goes by election)
but about doing homage to the Prince, when God hath setled him in the King-
dome, and hath cast it vpon a Prince by hereditary succession: For that which is
written, Thou shall make thee a King, doeth no way concerne and touch the people
of France in these dayes: because the making of their King hath not of long time
been tyed to their election. The passage therefore in Deuter. makes nothing to
the purpose; no more then doth lustinians law: For it is our free and voluntary
confession, that a Christian Prince is to haue speciall care of the Lawes, and to
prouide that no vnbeleeuer be made Lord Chiefe-Iustice of the Land, that no
Infidel be put in trust with administration of Iustice to the people. But here the
issue doeth not direct vs to speake of Delegates, of subordinate Magistrates, and
such as are in Commission from the Prince, but of the supreame Prince himselfe,
the Soueraigne Magistrate ordained by nature, and confirmed by succession. Our
question is, whether such a Prince can be vnthroned by the Pope, by whom he was
not placed in the Throne ; and whether the Pope can despoile such a Prince, of that
Royaltie which was neuer giuen him by the Pope, vnder any pretended colour
and imputation of heresie, of stupiditie, or infringing the priuiledges of Monaste-
ries, or transgressing the Lawes and lines of holy Matrimonie.

Now that S. Pauls commandement which bindeth euery soule in the bands of
subiection vnto the higher powers, is no precept giuen by way of prouiso, and
onely to serue the times, but a standing and a perpetuall rule, it is hereby more
than manifest. S. Paul hath grounded this commandement vpon certaine rea-
sons, not onely constant and permanent by their proper nature, but likewise
necessary for euery state, condition, and reuolution of the times. His reasons;
Because all powers are ordained of God: because resisting of powers is resisting the
ordinance of God: because the Magistrate beares the sword to execute iustice: because
obedience and subiection to the Magistrate is necessary, not onely for feare of his
wrath, or feare of punishment, but also for conscience sake. It is therefore a case
grounded vpon conscience, it is not a Law deuised by humane wisedome; it is not
fashionable to the qualities of the times. Apostolicall instructions for the right

228 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

informing of maners, are not changeable according to times and seasons. To vse
the L. Cardinals language, and to follow his fancie in the matter, is to make way
for two pestiferous mischiefes: First, let it be free and lawfull for Christians, to
hold the commanding rules of GOD for prouisionall cautions, and what followes ?
Men are ledde into the broad way of impietie, and the whole Scripture is wiped of
all authoritie. Then againe, for the other mischiefe : The glorious triumphes of
most blessed Martyrs in their vnspeakable torments and sufferings, by the L. Car-
dinals position shall bee iudged vnworthy to weare the title and Crowne of Mar-
tyrdome. How so ? Because (according to his new fiction) they haue giuen place
to the violence and furie of heathen Magistrates, not in obedience to the necessary
and certaine Commandement of God, but rather to a prouisionall direction, ac-
commodated to the humours of the times. And therfore the L. Cardinal hath
vsed none other clay wherewith to dawbe ouer his deuise, but plaine falsification
of holy Scripture: For he makes the Apostle say to the Corinthians, // is a shame
for Christians to bee iudged wider vnbeleeuing Magistrates; whereas in that whole
context of Paul, there is no such matter. For when the Apostle saith, I speake it
euen to your shame; 1 he doeth not say it is a shame for a beleeuer to be iudged
vnder an Infidel, but he makes them ashamed of their vngodly course, and vn-
christian practise, that in suing and impleading one another, they layd their
actions of contention in the Courts of vnbeleeuing ludges. The shame was not in
bearing that yoke which God had charged their necks withall, but in deuouring
and eating vp one an other with Writs of habeas corpus, and with other Processes;
as also in vncouering the shame, in laying open the shamefull parts and prankes
played by Christians, before Infidels, to the great scandall of the Church. Here
I say the L. Cardinall is taken in a tricke of manifest falsification. If therefore a
King when he falls to play the heretike, deserueth to be deposed; why should not
a Cardinall when he falls to play the iuggler with holy Scripture, deserue to be
disrobed ?

Meane while the indifferent Reader is to consider, how greatly this doctrine is
prejudicial, and how full of danger, to Christians liuing vnder hereticall or Pagan
Princes. For make it once knowne to the Emperour of Turkes, let him once get
neuer so little a smacke of this doctrine; that Christians liuing vnder his Empire
doe take Gods commandement, for obedience to Princes whom they count In-
fidels, to be onely a prouisional precept for a time, and wait euery houre for all
occasions to shake off the yoke of his bondage ; doubtlesse he will neuer spare with
all speed to roote the whole stocke, with all the armes and branches of Christians
out of his dominions. Adde hereunto the L. Cardinals former determination;
that possession kept neuer so long by the Turke in his Conquests ouer Christians,
gaines him not by so long tract of time one inch of prescription; and it will
appear, that his Lordship puts the Turkish Emperour in minde, and by his in-
struction leades the said Emperour as it were by the hand, to haue no maner of

1 wpfa tvrpoirtiv X£yo>.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 229

affiance in his Christian subiects; and withall to afflict his poore Christians with
all sorts of most grieuous and cruell torments. In this regard the poore Christians
of Grsecia and Syria, must needs be very little beholden to his Lordship. As for
my selfe, and my Popish Subiects, to whom 1 am no lesse then an heretike for-
sooth am not I by this doctrine of the Cardinall, pricked and whetted against my
naturall inclination, to turne clemencie into rigour; seeing that by his doctrine
my subiects are made to beleeue, they owe me subjection onely by way of prouiso,
and with waiting the occasion to worke my vtter destruction and finall ruine; the
rather, because Turkes, miscreants, and heretikes are marshalled by the Cardinall
in the same ranke; and heretikes are counted worse, yea more iustly deposeable,
then Turkes and Infidels, as irreligious breakers and violaters of their oath ?
Who seeth not here how great indignitie is offered to me a Christian King, paral-
leled with Infidels, reputed worse then a Turke, taken for an vsurper of my King-
domes, reckoned a Prince, to whom subiects owe a forced obedience by way of
prouision, vntill they shall haue meanes to shake off the yoke, and to bare my
temples of the Crowne, which neuer can be pulled from the sacred Head, but with
losse of the head it selfe ?

Touching the warres vndertaken by the French, English, and Germaines, in
their expedition for lerusalem, it appeares by the issue and euent of the said
warres, that God approoued them not for honourable. That expedition was a
deuise and inuention of the Pope, whereby he might come to be infeoffed in the
Kingdomes of Christian Princes. For then all such of the French, English, or
Germaines, as vndertooke the Croisade, became the Popes meere vassals. Then
all robbers by the high way side, adulterers, cutthroats, and base bankerupts,
were exempted from the Secular and Ciuill power, their causes were sped in Con-
sistorian Courts, so soone as they had gotten the Crosse on their cassocks or coat-
armours, and had vowed to serue in the expedition for the Leuant. Then for the
Popes pleasure and at his commaundement, whole countryes were emptied of
their Nobles and common souldiers. Then they made long marches into the
Leuant: For what purpose ? Onely to die vpon the points of the Saracens pikes,
or by the edge of their barbarous courtelasses, battle-axes, fauchions, and other
weapons, without any benefit and aduantage to themselues or others. Then the
Nobles were driuen to sell their goodly Mannors, and auncient demaines to the
Church-men, at vnder prises and low rates; the very roote from which a great
part of the Church and Church-mens reuenewes hath sprung and growne to so
great height. Then, to be short, his most bountifull Holiness T gaue to any of the
riffe-raffe-rank, that would vndertake this expedition into the Holy land, a free
and full pardon for all his sinnes, besides a degree of glory aboue the vulgar in the
Celestial Paradise. Military vertue, I confesse, is commendable and honourable;
prouided it bee employed for iustice, and that generous noblenesse of valiant
spirits bee not vnder a colour and shadow of piety, fetcht ouer with some casts or
deuises of Italian cunning.

1 See the Bull of Innoc. 3. at the end of the Latter. Cone.

230 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Now let vs obserue the wisedome of the Lord Cardinal! through this whole
discourse. His Lordship is pleased in his Oration, to cite certaine few passages of
Scripture, culls and picks them out for the most gracefull in shewe: leues out of
his whole troupes of honourable witnesses, vpon whose testimonie, the Popes
themselues and their principall adherents doe build his power to depose Kings,
and to giue order for all Temporall causes. Take a sight of their best and most
honourable witnesses. Peter said to Christ, See here two swords; and Christ
answered, // is sufficient. Christ said to Peter, Put vp thy sword into thy sheath.
God said to leremie,1 1 haue established thee ouer Nations and Kingdomes. Paul2
said to the Corinthians, The spiritual man discerneth all things. Christ said to his
Apostles, Whatsoeuer yee shall loose vpon earth: by which words the Pope hath
power forsooth to loose the oath of allegiance. Moses said, In the beginning God
created the heauen and the earth. Vpon these passages, Pope Boniface 8. grapling
and tugging with Philip the Faire, doth build his Temporall power.3 Other Popes
and Papists auouch the like authorities. Christ said of himself, All things are
giuen to me of my Father, and all power is giuen vnto me in heauen and in earth. The
Deuils said, // thou cast vs out, send vs into this herd of swine. Christ said to his
Disciples, Yee shall finde the colt of an asse bound, loose it and bring it vnto me. By
these places the aduersaries prooue, that Christ disposed of Temporall matters;
and inferre thereupon, why not Christs Vicar as well as Christ himselfe. The
places and testimonies now following are very expresse: In stead of thy fathers
shall be thy children: thou shall make them Princes through all the earth* Item, lesus
Christ not onely commaunded Peter to feed his lambs; but said also to Peter,
Arise, kill, and eat : 5 the pleasant glosse, the rare inuention of the L. Cardinall
Baronius. Christ said to the people, // / were lift vp from the earth, I will draw all
things vnto me. Who lets, what hinders this place from fitting the Pope ? Paul
said to the Corinthians, Know ye not that we shall iudge the Angels ? how much
more then the things that pertaine vnto this life ? A little after, Haue not we power to
eate ? These are the chiefe passages, on which as vpon maine arches, the roofe of
Papall Monarchic, concerning Temporall causes, hath rested for three or foure
aages past. And yet his Lordship durst not repose any confidence in their firme
standing to beare vp the said roofe of Temporall Monarchic, for feare of making
his auditors to burst with laughter. A wise part without question, if his Lordship
hath not defiled his lips before, with a more ridiculous argument drawne from the
leprosie and drie scab.

Let vs now by way of comparison behold lesus Christ paying tribute vnto
Casar, and the Pope making Casar to pay him tribute: lesus Christ perswading
the lewes to pay tribute vnto an heathen Emperour, and the Pope dispending
with subiects for their obedience to Christian Emperours: lesus Christ refusing
to arbitrate a controuersie of inheritance partable betweene two priuate parties,
and the Pope thrusting in himselfe without warrant or Commission to bee absolute

1 ler. i. « i. Cor. 21. « Extrauag. Vnam Sanctam. * Psal. 45. • loh. 12 [21].

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 231

ludge in the deposing of Kings: lesus Christ professing that his Kingdome is not
of this world, and the Pope establishing himselfe in a terrene Empire. In like
manner the Apostles forsaking all their goods to followe Christ, and the Pope
robbing Christians of their goods; the Apostles persecuted by Pagan Emperours,
and the Pope now setting his foote on the very throate of Christian Emperours,
then proudly treading Imperiall Crownes vnder his feete. By this comparison,
the L. Cardinalls allegation of Scripture in fauour of his Master the Pope, is but a
kind of puppet-play, to make lesus Christ a mocking stocke, rather then to
satisfie his auditors with any sound precepts and wholesome instructions. Hereof
he seemeth to giue some inckling himselfe: For after he hath beene plentifull in
citing authorities of Scripture, and of newe Doctors, which make for the Popes
power to depose Kings; at last he comes in with a faire and open confession,1
that neither bydiuine Oracles, nor by honourable antiquitie,this controuersie hath
beene yet determined: and so pulls downe in a word with one hand, the frame of
worke that he had built and set vp before with an other; discouering withall, the
reluctation and priuie checkes of his owne conscience.

There yet remaineth one obiection, the knot whereof the L. Cardinall in a
maner sweateth to vntie. His words be these: 2 The champions for the negatiue
flie to the analogic of other proceedings and practises in the Church: They affirme that
priuate persons, masters or owners of goods and possesions among the common people,
are not depriued of their goods for Heresie; and consequently that Princes much more
should not for the same crime bee depriued of their estates. For answere to this
reason, he brings in the defendants of deposition, speaking after this maner; In
the Kingdome of France the strict execution of lawes decreed in Court against Here-
tikes, isfauourably suspended and stopped, for the preseruation of peace and publike
tranquilitie. He saith elsewhere; Conniuence is vsed towards these Heretikes in
regard of their multitude, because a notable part of the French Nation and State is made
all of Heretikes. I suppose that out of speciall charitie, he would haue those Here-
tikes of his owne making, forewarned what courteous vse and entreaty they are to
expect; when he affirmeth that execution of the lawes is but suspended: For
indeed suspensions hold but for a time. But in a cause of that nature and impor-
tance, I dare promise my self e, that my most honoured brother the King of France,
will make vse of other counsel! : will rather seeke the amitie of his neighbour
Princes, and the peace of his Kingdome: will beare in mind the great and faithfull
sendee of those, who in matter of religion dissent from his Maiestie, as of the onely
men that haue preserued and saued the Crowne for the King his father, of most
glorious memorie. I am perswaded my brother of France wil beleeue, that his
liege people pretended by the L. Cardinall to bee heretikes, are not halfe so bad as
my Romane Catholike subiects, who by secret practises vndermine my life, serue
a forreine Souereigne, are discharged by his Bulls of their obedience due to me
their naturall Souereigne, are bound (by the maximes and rules published and

1 Pag. 85. » Page 84.

232 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

maintained in fauour of the Pope, before this full and famous assemblie of the
Estate at Paris; if the said maximes be of any weight and authoritie) to hold meet
for no lawfull King, are there taught and instructed, that Pauls commande-
ment concerning subiection vnto the higher Powers, aduerse to their professed
religion, is onely a prouisionall precept, framed to the times, and watching for the
opportunitie to shake off the yoake. All which notwithstanding, I deale with
such Romane-Catholikes by the rules and wayes of Princely clemencie; their
heinous and pernicious error, in effect no lesse then the capitall crime of high
treason, I vse to call some disease or distemper of the mind. Last of all, I beleeue
my said brother of France will set downe in his tables, as in record, how little hee
standeth ingaged to the L. Cardinall in this behalfe: For those of the reformed
Religion professe and proclaime, that next vnder God, they owe their preseruation
and safetie to the wisedome and benignity of their Kings. But now comes the
Cardinall, and he seekes to steale this perswasion out of their hearts: He tells
them in open Parliament, and without any going about bushes, that all their wel-
fare and securitie standeth in their multitude, and in the feare which others con-
ceiue to trouble the State, by the strict execution of lawes against Heretikes.

He addeth moreouer, that In case a third Sect should peepe out and growe vp in
France, the professors thereof should suffer confiscation of their goods, with losse of
life it selfe; as hath bene practised at Geneua against Seruetus, and in England
against Arians. My answer is this, That punishments for heretikes, duely and
according to Law conuicted, are set downe by decrees of the ciuill Magistrate,
bearing rule in the countrey where the said heretikes inhabite, and not by any
ordinances of the Pope. I say withall, the L. Cardinall hath no reason to match
and parallell the reformed Churches with Seruetus and the Arians: For those
heretikes were powerfully conuicted by Gods word, and lawfully condemned by
the ancient Generall Councils, where they were permitted and admitted to plead
their owne cause in person. But as for the trewth professed by me, and those of
the reformed Religion, it was neuer yet hissed out of the Schooles, nor cast out of
any Council, (like some Parliament bills) where both sides haue bene heard with
like indifferencie. Yea, what Council soeuer hath bene offered vnto vs in these
latter times, it hath bene proposed with certaine presuppositions: as, That his
Holinesse (beeing a partie in the cause, and consequently to come vnder iudge-
ment as it were to the barre vpon his triall) shall be the ludge of Assize with
Commission of Oyer and Determiner: it shall been celebrated in a citie of no safe
accesse, without safe conduct or conuoy to come or goe at pleasure, and without
danger: it shall be assembled of such persons with free suffrage and voyce, as
vphold this rule, (which they haue already put in practise against lohn Hus and
Hierome of Prage) that faith giuen, and oath taken to an Heretike, must not be
obserued.

Now then to resume our former matter; If the Pope hitherto hath neuer pre-
sumed, for pretended heresie to confiscate by sentence, either the lands or the

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 233

goods of priuate persons, or common people of the French Nation, wherefore
should hee dare to dispossesse Kings of their Royall thrones ? wherefore takes he
more vpon him ouer Kings, then ouer priuate persons; wherefore shall the sacred
heads of Kings be more churlishly, vnciuilly, and rigorously handled, then the
hoods of the meanest people ? Here the L. Cardinal in stead of a direct answer,
breakes out of the lists, alledging cleane from the purpose examples of heretikes
punished, not by the Pope, but by the ciuill Magistrate of the Countrey: But
Bdlarmine speakes to the point with a more free and open heart: hee is absolute
and resolute in this opinion, that his Holinesse hath plenary power to dispose all
Temporall estates and matters in the whole world; I am confident (saith Bellar-
mine x) and I speake it with assurance, that our Lard lesus Christ in the dayes of his
mortalitie, had power to dispose of all Temporall things yea, to strip Souereigne
Kings and absolute Lords of their Kingdomes and Seignories: and without all doubt
hath granted and left euen the same power vnto his Vicar, to make vse thereof when-
soeuer hee shall thinke it necessary for the saluation of soules. And so his Lordship
speaketh without exception of any thing at all: For who doth not know, that
lesus Christ had power to dispose no lesse of priuate mens possessions, then of
whole Realmes and Kingdomes at his pleasure, if it had beene his pleasure to
display the ensignes of his power ? The same fulnesse of power is likewise in the
Pope. In good time : belike his Holinesse is the sole heire of Christ, in whole and
in part. The last Lateran Council 2 fineth a Laic that speaketh blasphemie, for
the first offence (if he be a gentleman) at 25. ducats, and at 50. for the second.
It presupposeth and taketh it for graunted, that the Church may rifle and ran-
sacke the purses of priuate men, and cast lots for their goods. The Councill of
Trent diggeth as deepe for the same veine of gold and siluer. It ordaines; 3 That
Emperours, Kings, Dukes, Princes, and Lords of cities, castles, and territories hold-
ing of the Church, in case they shall assigne any place within their limits or liberties
for the duett betweene two Christians, shall be depriued of the said citie, castle, or
place, where such duett shall be performed, they holding the said place of the Church
by any kind of tenure: that all other Estates held in fee where the like offence shall be
committed, shall forthwith fall and become forfeited to their immediate and next Lords:
that all goods, possessions, and estates, as well of the combatants themselues, as of
their seconds shall bee confiscate. This Councill doeth necessarily presuppose, it
lieth in the hand and power of the Church, to dispose of all the lands and estates,
held in fee throughout all Christendome; (because the Church forsooth can take
from one, and giue vnto an other all estates held in fee whatsoeuer, as well such as
hold of the Church, as of secular Lords) and to make ordinances for the confisca-
tion of all priuate persons goods. By this Canon the Kingdome of Naples hath
need to looke well vnto it selfe. For one duell it may fall into the Exchecquer of
the Romane Church; because that Kingdome payeth a Relief e to the Church,
as a Royaltie or Seignorie that holdeth in fee of the said Church. And in France

1 Contr. Barclaium, cap. 27. » Sess. 9. * Sess. 25. cap. 19.

234 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

there is not one Lordship, not one Manner, not one farme which the Pope by this
meanes cannot shift ouer to a new Lord. His Lordship therefore had carried him-
selfe and the cause much better, if in stead of seeking such idle shifts, he had by a
more large assertion maintained the Popes power to dispose of priuate mens
possessions, with no lesse right and authoritie then of Kingdomes: For what
colour of reason can bee giuen, for making the Pope Lord of the whole, and not of
the parts ? for making him Lord of the forrest in grosse, and not of the trees in
parcell ? for making him Lord of the whole house, and not of the parlour or the
dining chamber ?

His Lordship alleadgeth yet an other reason, but of no better weight: Betweene
the power of priuate owners ouer their goods, and the power of Kings ouer their
estates, there is no little difference: For the goods of priuate persons are ordained for
their owners, and Princes for the benefit of their Common-wealths. Heare me now
answere. If this Cardinal-reason hath any force to inferre, that a King may law-
fully be depriued of his Kingdome for heresie, but a priuate person cannot for the
same crime be turned out of his mansion house; then it shall follow by the same
reason, that a Father for the same cause may bee depriued of all power ouer his
children, but a priuate owner cannot be depriued of his goods in the Like case:
because goods are ordeined for the benefit and comfort of their owners, but
fathers are ordeined for the good and benefit of their children : But most certain
it is, that Kings representing the image of God in earth and Gods place, haue
better and closer seate in their chaires of Estate, then any priuate persons haue in
the saddle of their inheritances and patrimonies, which are dayly seene for sleight
causes, to flit and to fall into the hands of new Lords: Whereas a Prince being the
Head, cannot bee loosed in the proper ioynt, not dismounted; like a cannon when
the carriage thereof is vnlockt, without a sore shaking and a most grieuous disloca-
tion of all the members, yea, without subuerting the whole bodie of the State,
whereby priuate persons without number are inwrapped together in the same
mine; euen as the lower shrubs and other brush-wood are crushed in pieces alto-
gether by the fall of a great oake. But suppose his Lordships reason were some-
what ponderous and solide withall, yet a King (which would not bee forgotten) is
endowed not onely with the Kingdome, but also with the ancient Desmenes and
Crowne-lands, for which none can be so simple to say, The King was ordeined and
created King; which neuerthelesse he loseth when hee loseth his Crowne. Admit
againe this reason were of some pith, to make mighty Kings more easily de-
poseable then priuate persons from their patrimonies; yet all this makes nothing
for the deriuing and fetching of deposition from the Popes Consistorie. What hee
neuer conferred, by what right or power can he claime to take away ?

But see heere no doubt a sharpe and subtile difference put by the L. Cardinall
betweene a Kingdome, and the goods of priuate persons. Goods, as his Lordship
saith, are without life: they can be constrained by no force, by no example, by no
inducement of their owners to lose eternall life: Subiects by their Princes may. Now

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 235

I am of the contrary beliefe, That an hereticall owner, or master of a family, hath
greater power and meanes withall, to seduce his owne seruants and children, then
a Prince hath to peruert his own subiects; and yet for the contagion of Heresie,
and for corrupt religion, children are not remoued from their parents, nor seruants
are taken away from their masters. Histories abound with examples of most
flourishing Churches, vnder a Prince of contrary religion. And if things without
life or soule are with lesse danger left in an heretikes hands; why then shall not
an hereticall King with more facilitie and lesse danger keepe his Crowne, his
Royall charge, his lands, his customes, his imposts, &c ? For will any man,
except he bee out of his wits, affirme these things to haue any life or soule ? Or
why shall it bee counted folly to leaue a sword in the hand of a mad Bedlam ? Is
not a sword also without life and soule ? For my part, I should rather be of this
minde; that possession of things without reason, is more dangerous and pernicious
in the hands of an euill master, then the possession of things endued with life and
reason: For things without life lacke both reason and iudgment, how to exempt
and free themselues from being instruments in euill and wicked actions, from
being emploied to vngodly and abominable vses. I will not deny, that an hereti-
call Prince is a plague, a pernicious and mortall sickenesse to the soules of his
subiects: But a breach made by one mischiefe, must not bee filled vp with a
greater inconuenience: An errour must not be shocked and shouldered with
disloialtie, not heresie with periurie, not impietie with sedition and armed rebel-
lion against GOD and the King. GOD, who vseth to try and to schoole his Church,
will neuer forsake his Church; nor hath need to protect his Church by any pro-
ditorious and prodigious practises of perfidious Christians: For he makes his
Church to be like the burning bush : In the middest of the fire and flames of per-
secutions, hee will prouide that she shall not be consumed, because hee standeth
in the midst of his Church. And suppose there may be some iust cause for the
French, to play the rebels against their King; yet will it not follow, that such
rebellious motions are to be raised by the bellowes of the Romane Bishop, to
whose Pastorall charge and office it is nothing proper, to intermeddle in the ciuill
affaires of forraine Kingdomes.

Here is the summe and substance of the L. Cardinals whole discourse, touching
his pretence of the second inconuenience. Which discourse hee hath closed with a
remarkeable confession: to wit, that neither by the authoritie of holy Scripture,
nor by the the testimonie and verdict of the Primitiue Church, there hath bene
any full decision of this question. In regard whereof he falleth into admiration,
that Lay-people haue gone so farre in audaciousnesse, as to labour that a doubt-
full doctrine might for euer passe currant, and be taken for a new article of faith.
What a shame, what a reproach is this ? how full of scandall ? for so his Lordship is
pleased to cry out. This breakes into the seueralls and inclosures of the Churche:
this lets in whole herds of heresies to grase in her greene and sweet pastures. On the
other side, without any such Rhetoricall outcries, I simply affirme: It is a re-

236 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

proach, a scandall, a crime of rebellion, for a subiect hauing his full charge and
bade of benefits, in the new spring of his Kings tender aage, his King-fathers
blood yet reeking, and vpon the point of an addresse for a double match with
Spaine; in so honourable an assembly, to seeke the thraldome of his Kings
Crowne, to play the captious in cauilling about causes of his Kings deposing, to
giue his former life the Lye with shame enough in his old aage, and to make him-
selfe a common by-word, vnder the name of a Problematicall Martyr; one that
offers himselfe to fagot and fire, for a point of doctrine but problematically
handled, that is, distrustfully and onely by way of doubtfull and questionable dis-
course: yea for a point of doctrine, in which the French (as he pretendeth) are
permitted to thwart and crosse his Holines in Judgement, prouided they speake in
it as in a point, not certaine and necessary, but onely doubtfull and probable.

THE THIRD INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.

THE third Inconuenience pretended by the L. Cardinall J to grow by admitting
this Article of the third Estate, is flourished in these colours: It would breed
and bring foorth an open and vnauoydeable schisme against his Holinesse, and the
rest of the whole Ecclesiasticall body: For thereby the doctrine long approued and
ratified by the Pope and the rest of the Church, should now be taxed and condemned of
impious and most detestable consequence; yea the Pope and the Church, euen in faith
and in points of saluation, should be reputed and beleeued to be erroniously per-
swaded. Hereupon his Lordship giues himselfe a large scope of the raines, to
frame his elegant amplifications against schismes and schismatikes.

Now to mount so high, and to flie in such place vpon the wings of amplifica-
tion for this Inconuenience, what is it else but magnifically to report and imagine
a mischiefe by many degrees greater then the mischief e is ? The L. Cardinal is in
a great errour, if hee make himselfe beleeue, that other nations wil make a rent or
separation from the communion of the French, because the French stand to it
tooth and naile, that French Crownes are not liable or obnoxious to Papall de-
position; howsoeuer there is no schisme that importeth not separation of com-
munion. The most illustrious Republike of Venice, hath imbarked hereselfe in
this quarrell against his Holinesse, hath played her prize, and caried away the
weapons with great honour. Doeth she, notwithstanding her triumph in the
cause, forbeare to participate with all her neighbours in the same Sacraments ?
doeth she liue in schisme with all the rest of the Romane Church ? No such
matter. When the L. Cardinal himselfe not many yeeres past, maintained the
Kings cause, and stood honourably for the Kings right against the Popes Tem-
porall vsurpations, did he then take other Churches to be schismaticall, or the
rotten members of Antichrist ? Beleeue it who list, I beleeue my Creed. Nay
his Lordship telleth vs himselfe a little after, that his Holinesse giues the French

1 Pag. 87.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 237

free scope, to maintaine either the affimatiue or negatiue of this question. And
will his Holinesse hold them schismatikes, that dissent from his opinion and
iudgement in a subiect or cause esteemed problematicall ? Farre be it from his
Holinesse. The King of Spaine, reputed the Popes right arme, neuer gaue the
Pope cause by any acte or other declaration, to conceiue that he acknowledged
himselfe deposeable by the Pope for heresie, or Tyrannic, or stupiditie. But
being well assured the Pope standeth in greater feare of his arme, then hee doeth
of the Popes head and shoulders, he neuer troubles his owne head about our
question. More, when the booke of Cardinal! Baronius was come foorth, in
which booke the Kingdome of Naples is descried and publiquely discredited (like
false money) touching the qualitie of a Kingdome, and attributed to the King of
Spaine, not as trew proprietary thereof, but onely as an Estate held in fee of the
Romane Church; the King made no bones to condemne and to banish the said
booke out of his dominions. The holy Father was contented to put vp his Catho-
like sonnes proceeding to the Cardinals disgrace, neuer opened his mouth against
the King, neuer declared or noted the King to be schismaticall. He waits perhaps
for some fitter opportunitie; when the Kingdome of Spaine groaning vnder the
burthens of intestine dissentions and troubles, hee may without any danger to
himselfe giue the Catholike King a Bishops mate. Yea, the L. Cardinal himselfe
is better scene in the humors and inclinations of the Christian world, then to be
grosly perswaded, that in the Kingdome of Spaine, and in the very heart of Rome
it selfe there be not many, which either make it but a ieast, or else take it in fowle
scorne, to heare the Popes power ouer the Crownes of Kings once named : espe-
cially since the Venetian Republic hath put his Holinesse to the worse in the same
cause, and cast him in Law.

What needed the L. Cardinall then, by casting vp such mounts and trenches,
by heaping one amplification vpon an other, to make schisme looke with such
a terrible and hideous aspect ? Who knowes not how great an offence, how
heinous a crime it is to quarter not IESVS CHRISTS coat, but his body, which is the
Church ? And what needed such terrifying of the Church with vglinesse of
schisme, whereof there is neither colourable shew, nor possibilitie ?

The next vgly monster, after schisme, shaped by the L. Cardinall * in the third
supposed and pretended inconuenience, is heresie. His Lordship saith for the
purpose: By this Article we are cast headlong into a manifest heresie, as binding vs
to confesse, that for many aages past, the Catholike Church hath bene banished out of
the whole world. For if the champions of the doctrine contrary to this Article, doe
hold an impious and a detestable opinion, repugnant vnto Gods word, then doubtlesse
the Pope for so many hundred yeeres expired, hath not bene the head of the Church,
but an heretike and the Antichrist. He addeth moreouer; That the Church long agoe
hath lost her name of Catholike, and that in France there hath no Church flourished,
nor so much as appeared these many and more then many yeeres: for as much as all

1 Pag. 89.

238 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the French doctors for many yeeres together, haue stood for the contrary opinion. We
can erect and set vp no trophey more honor able for heretikes in token of their victory,
then to auow that Christs visible Kingdom is perished from the face of the earth, and
that for so many hundred yeres that there hath not beene any Temple of God, nor any
spouse of Christ, but euery "where, and all the world ouer, the kingdom of Antichrist,
the synagogue of Satan, the spouse of the diuel, hath mightily preuailed and borne all
the sway. Lastly, what stronger engines can these heretikes wish or desire, for the
battering and the demolishing of transubstantiation, of auricular confession, and
other like towers of our Catholike Religion, then if it should bee granted the Church
hath decided the said points without any authoritie ? 6*c.

Mee thinkes the L. Cardinal in the whole draught and course of these words
doeth seeke not a little to blemish the honour of his Church, and to marke his
religion with a blacke coale: For the whole frame of his Mother-Church is very
easie to be shaken, if by the establishing of this Article she shall come to finall
ruine, and shall become the Synagogue of Satan. Likewise, Kings are brought
into a very miserable state and condition, if their Souereigntie shall not stand, if
they shall not bee without danger of deposition, but by the totall ruine of the
Church, and by holding the Pope, whom they serue, to be Antichrist. The L.
Cardinall himselfe (let him be well sifted) herein doeth not credit his owne words :
For doeth not his Lordship tell vs plaine, that neither by Diuine testimony, nor
by any sentence of the ancient Church, the knot of this controuersie hath bene
vntied? againe, that some of the French, by the Popes fauourable indulgence,
are licensed or tolerated to say their mind, to deliuer their opinion of this
question, though contrary to the iudgement of his Holinesse; prouided they
hold it onely as problematical!, and not as necessary ? What ? Can there be
any assurance for the Pope, that hee is not Antichrist; for the Church of Rome,
that she is not a Synagogue of Satan, when a mans assurance is grounded vpon
wauering and wilde vncertainties, without Canon of Scripture, without consent
or countenance of antiquitie, and in a cause which the Pope by good leaue
suffereth some to tosse with winds of problematical! opinion ? It hath beene
shewed before, that by Gods word, whereof small reckoning perhaps is made,
by venerable antiquitie, and by the French Church in those tunes when the
Popes power was mounted aloft, the doctrine which teacheth deposing of Kings by
the Pope, hath bene checked and countermanded. What, did the French in those
dayes beleeue the Church was then swallowed vp, and no where visible or extant
in the world ? No verely; Those that make the Pope of Soueraigne authoritie
for matters of Faith, are not perswaded that in this cause they are bound ab-
solutely to beleeue and credit his doctrine. Why so ? Because they take it not
for any decree or determination of Faith; but for a point perteining to the mys-
teries of State, and a pillar of the Popes Temporall Monarchie; who hath not
receiued any promise from God, that in causes of this nature hee shall not erre:
For they hold, that errour by no meanes can crawle or scramble vp to the Papall

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 239

See, so highly mounted; but grant ambition can scale the highest walls, and
climbe the loftiest pinacles of the same See. They hold withall, that in case of so
speciall aduantage to the Pope, whereby he is made King of Kings, and as it were
the pay-master or distributer of Crownes, it is against all reason that hee should
sit as ludge, to carue out Kingdomes for his owne share. To bee short, let his
Lordship be assured that he meeteth with notorious blockeheads, more blunt-
witted then a whetstone, when they are drawne to beleeue by his perswasion, that
whosoeuer beleeues the Pope hath no right nor power to put Kings beside their
Thrones, to giue and take away Crownes, are all excluded and barred out of the
heauenly Kingdome.

But now followes a worse matter: For they whom the Cardinall reproachfully
calls heretikes, haue wrought and wonne his Lordship (as to mee seemeth) to
plead their cause at the barre, and to betray his owne cause to these heretikes :
For what is it in his Lordship, but plaine playing the Praeuaricator, when he
crieth so lowd, that by admitting and establishing of this Article, the doctrine of
Cake-incarnation and priuie Confession to a Priest, is vtterly subuerted ? Let vs
heare his reason, and willingly accept the trewth from his lips. The Articles (as
his Lordship granteth) of Transubstantiation, auricular Confession, and the
Popes power to depose Kings, are all grounded alike vpon the same authoritie.
Now he hath acknowledged the Article of the Popes power to depose Kings, is not
decided by the Scripture, not by the ancient Church, but within the compasse of
certaine aages past, by the authoritie of Popes and Councils. Then he goes on
well, and inferres with good reason, that in case the point of the Popes power be
weakened, then the other two points must needs bee shaken, and easily ouer-
throwen : So that hee doeth confesse the monstrous birth of the breaden-God, and
the blind Sacrament or vaine fantasie of auricular confession, are no more con-
ueyed into the Church by pipes from the springs of sacred Scripture, or from the
riuers of the ancient Church, then that other point of the Popes power ouer Kings
and their Crownes. Very good : For were they indeed deriued from either of those
two heads, that is to say, were they grounded vpon the foundation of the first or
second authoritie ; then they could neuer bee shaken by the downefall of the Popes
power to depose Kings. I am well assured, that for vsing so good a reason, the
world will hold his Lordship in suspicion, that he still hath some smacke of his
fathers discipline and instruction, who in tunes past had the honour to be a
Minister of the holy Gospel.

Howbeit he playeth not faire, nor vseth sincere dealing in his proceeding
against such as he calls heretikes; when hee casts in their dish, and beares them
in hand they frowardly wrangle for the inuisibilitie of the Church in earth: For
indeed the matter is nothing so. They freely acknowledge a visible Church: For
howsoeuer the assembly of Gods elect, doth make a body not discerneable by
mans eye; yet we assuredly beleeue, and gladly professe, there neuer wanted a
visible Church in the world; yet onely visible to such as make a part of the same.

240 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

All that are without, see no more but men, they doe not see the said men to be the
trew Church. Wee beleeue moreouer of the vniuersall Church visible, that it is
composed of many particular Churches, whereof some are better fined and more
cleane from lees and dregs then other: and withall, we denie the purest Churches
to be alwayes the greatest and most visible.

THE FOVRTH AND LAST INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.

THE Lord Cardinall before he looketh into the last Inconuenience, vseth a cer-
taine preamble of his owne life past, and seruices done to the Kings, Henry the
III. and IIII. Touching the latter of which two Kings, his Lordship saith in a
straine of boasting, after this manner: I, by the grace of God, or the grace of God by
mee rather, reduced him to the Catholike religion. I obtained at Rome his absolution
of Pope Clement 8. I reconciled him to the holy See. Touching the first of these
points; I say the time, the occasions, and the foresaid Kings necessary affaires doe
sufficiently testifie, that he was induced to change his mind, and to alter his
religion, vpon the strength of other manner of arguments then Theological
schooles, or the perswasions of the L. Cardinals fluent Rhetoricke, doe vsually
afford, or could possibly suggest. Moreouer, who doeth not know, that in affaires
of so high nature and consequence, resolutions once taken, Princes are to pro-
ceede with instructions by a formal course ? As for the Kings absolution, pre-
tended to bee purchased of Clement 8. by the L. Cardinals good seruice; it had
beene the part of so great a Cardinall, for the honour of his King, of the Realme,
and of his owne place, to haue buried that piece of his notable seruice in perpetuall
silence, and in the darke night of eternall obliuion : For in this matter of reconcile-
ment, it is not vnknowne to the world, how shamefully and basely hee prostituted
the inuiolable dignity of his King, when his Lordship representing the person of
his King, and couching on the ground by way of sufficient penance, was glad (as I
haue noted in the Preface to my Apologie) to haue his venerable shoulders grace-
fully saluted with stripes, and reuerently worshipped with bastonados of a Ponti-
ficiall cudgell. Which gracefull, or disgracefull blemish rather, it pleased Pope
Clement of his rare clemencie, to grace yet with a higher degree of spirituall graces;
in giuing the L. Cardinall then Bishop of Eureux, a certaine quantity of holy
graines, crosses, and medals, or little plates of siluer, or some other mettall, to hang
about the necke, or to bee borne about against some euill: Which treasures of the
Popes grace, whosoeuer should graciously and reuerently kisse, they should with-
out faile purchase vnto themselues a pardon for one hundred yeeres. These feate
and prety gugawes for children, were nor doubt a speciall comfort vnto the good
Kings heart, after his Maiestie had beene handsomely basted vpon the L. Bishops
backe. But with what face can his Lordship brag, that he preuailed with Pope
Clement for the Kings absolution ? The late Duke of Neuers, not long before had
solicited his Holines, with all earnest and humble instance to the same purpose;

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 241

howsoeuer, the Kings affaires then seeming desperate in the Popes eye, he was
licensed to depart for France, without any due and gracious respect vnto his
errand. But so soone as the Pope receiued intelligence, of the Kings fortunes
growing to the full, and the affaires of the League to be in the wane, and the prin-
cipall cities, the strongest places of garrison through all France to strike tops and
tops gallant, and to hale the King; then the holy Ghost in good time inspired the
holy Father with a holy desire and tender affection, to receiue this poore wandring
sheep againe into the flocke of Christ, and bosome of holy Church. His Holinesse
had reason : For he feared by his obstinate seuerity to prouoke the patience of the
French, and to driue that Nation (as they had many times threatned before) then
to put in execution their auncient designe; which was, to shake off the Pope, and
to set vp some of their owne tribes or kinreds for Patriarch ouer the French
Church. But let his Lordshippe vouchsafe to search the secret of his owne
bosome, and no doubt he wil not sticke to acknowledge, that before he stirred one
foote out of France, he had good assurance of the good successe and issue of his
honourable embassage.

Now the hearers thus prepared by his Preface, the L. Cardinall proceedeth in
his purpose; namely to make proof e, how this Article of the third Estate, wherein
doubtfull and questionable matters are mingled and confounded with certaine
and indubitable principles, doth so debilitate and weaken the sinewes and vertue
of any remedy intended for the danger of Kings, as it maketh all remedies and
receipts prescribed for that purpose, to become altogether vnprofitable, and with-
out effect. He yeelds this reason, (take it forsooth vpon my warrant) a reason full
of pith and substance: The onely remedie against parricides, is to thunder the
solemne curses of the Church, and the punishments to be inflicted after death:
which points, if they be not grounded vpon infallible authoritie, will neuer be
setled in mens perswasions with any certaine assurance. Now in the solemne
curses of the Church, no man can attaine to the said assurance, if things not
denied be mingled with points not graunted, and not consented vnto by the
Vniuersall Church. By a thing not denied and not contested, the L. Cardinall
meanes prohibiting and condemning of King-killing: and by points contested, he
meanes denying of the Popes power to depose Kings.

In this whole discourse, I find neither pith of argument, nor course of proof e;
but onely a cast of the L. Cardinalls office by way of counsell: whereunto I make
this answere. If there be in this Article of the third Estate any point, wherein all
are not of one mind and the same iudgement; in whom lieth all the blame, from
whence rises the doubt, but from the Popes and Popish parasites, by whom the
certaintie of the said point hath bin cunningly remooued and conueied away, and
must be restored againe by publike authority ? Now the way to restore certainty
vnto a point, which against reason is called into doubt and question, is to make it
vp in one masse, or to tie it vp hi the same bundle, with other certaine points of
the same nature.

242 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Here I am forced to summon the consciences of men, to make some stand or
stay vpon this point, and with me to enter into deepe consideration, how great
and vnuanquishable force is euer found in the trewth: For these two questions,
Whether Kings may lawfully be made away by assassins waged and hired for the
act; and Whether the Pope hath lawfull power to chase Kings out of their
Thrones, are by the L. Cardinals owne confession, in so full aspect of coniunction,
that if either bee brought vnder any degree of doubt, the other also is fetcht
within the same compasse. In which words he directly pointeth as with a finger
to the very trew source of the maine mischiefe, and to the basilique and liuer
veine, infected with pestilential blood, inflamed to the destruction of Basilicall
Princes by detestable parricide: For whosoeuer shall confidently beleeue that
Popes are not armed with power to depose Kings ; will beleeue with no lesse con-
fidence and assurance, it is not lawful by sudden assaults to flie at their throats.
For are not all desperate villaines perswaded, when they are hired to murder
Kings, that in doing so damnable a feate, they doe it for a piece of notable and
extraordinary sendee to the Pope ? This maxime therefore is to be held for a
principle vnmooueable and indubitable; that, If subiects desire the life of their
Kings to bee secured ; they must not yeeld the Pope one inch of power, to depriue
their Kings of their Thrones and Crownes, by deposing their Kings.

The Lord Cardinall testifieth no lesse himself e in these words : // those monsters
of men, and furies of hell, by whom the life-blood of our two last Kings was let out
had euer beene acquainted with Lawes Ecdesiasticall, they might haue read them-
selues adiudged by the Councill of Constance to expresse damnation. For in these
words, the L. Cardinall preferreth a bill of inditement to cast his Holinesse; who,
vpon the commencing of the Leaguers warres, in stead of giuing order for the
publishing of the said Ecdesiasticall Lawes for the restraining of all parricidicall
practises and attempts, fell to the terrour of his fulminations, which not long after
were seconded and ratified by the most audatious and bloody murder of King
Henry III. In like manner, the whole Clergy of France are wrapped vp by the L.
Cardinals words, and inuolued in the perill of the said inditement: For in stead
of preaching the said Ecdesiasticall Lawes, by which all King-killing is inhibited;
the Priests taught, vented, and published nothing but rebellion; and when the
people in great deuotion came to powre their confessions into the Priests eares;
then the Priests, with a kind of counterbuffe in the second place when their turne
was come, and with great deuotion, powred blood into the eares of the people;
out of which roote grewe the terrour of those cruell warres, and the horrible
parricide of that good King.

But let vs here take some neere sight of these Ecdesiasticall Lawes, whereby
subiects are inhibited to kill, or desperately to dispatch their Kings out of the way.
The Lord Cardinall, for full payment of all scores vpon this reckoning, layeth
downe the credit of the Councill at Constance, which neuerthelesse affoardeth not
one myte of trew and currant payment. The trewth of the history may bee

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 243

taken from this briefe relation. lohn Duke of Burgundy, procured Lewis Duke
of Orleans to be murthered in Paris : To iustifie and make good this bloody acte,
he produced a certaine petimaster, one called by the name of lohn Petit. This
little lohn caused nine propositions to be giuen foorth or set vp, to bee discussed
in the famous Vniuersitie of Paris : The summe of all to this purpose ; It is lawfull,
iust, and honourable, for euery subiect or priuate person either by open force and
violence, or by deceit and secret lying in waite, or by some wittie stratagem, or by
any other way of fact, to kil a Tyrant practising against his King, and other
higher powers; yea the King ought in reason, to giue him a pension or stipend,
that hath killed any person disloyal to his Prince. The words of Petits first pro-
position be these:1 It is lawfull for euery subiect, without any command or com-
mission from the higher powers by all the Lawes of nature, of man, and of God him-
self e, to kill or cause to be killed any Tyrant, who either by a couetous and greedie
desire, or by fraud, by diuination vpon casting of Lots, by double and treacherous
dealing, doeth plot or practise against his Kings corporall health, or the health of his
higher powers. In the third proposition : It is lawfull for euery subiect honourable
and meritorious, to kill the said Tyrant, or cause him to be killed as a Traitor, dis-
loyall and trecherous to his King. In the sixt proposition : The King is to appoint
a salarie and recommence for him that hath killed such a Tyrant, or hath caused him
to bee killed. These propositions of lohannes Paruus, were condemned by the
Councill of Constance, as impious, and tending to the scandall of the Church.
Now then, whereas the said Councill no doubt vnderstood the name or word
Tyrant in the same sense, wherein it was taken by lohannes Paruus; certaine it
is, the Councill was not of any such iudgement or mind, to condemne one that
should kill a King or Soueraigne Prince; but one that by treason, and without
commandement should kill a subiect, rebelling and practising against his King.
For lohn Petit had vndertaken to iustifie the making away of the Duke of Orleans
to be a lawfull acte, and calls that Duke a Tyrant, albeit hee was no Soueraigne
Prince; as all the aboue recited words of lohn Petit doe testifie, that he speaketh
of such a Tyrant, as being in state of subiection, rebelleth against his free and
absolute Prince: So that whosoeuer shall narrowly search and looke into the
mind and meaning of the said Council, shal easily perceiue, that by their decrees
the safetie of Kings was not confirmed but weakened, not augmented but dimin-
ished; for as much as they inhibited priuate persons to kill a Subiect, attempting
by wicked counsels and practises to make away his King.

But be it granted, the Councill of Constance is flat and altogether direct
against King-killers; For I am not vnwilling to be perswaded, that had the ques-
tion then touched the murdering of Soueraigne Princes, the said Councill would
haue passed a sound and holy decree: But, I say, this granted, what shield of
defence is hereby reached to Kings, to ward or beat off the thrust of a murderers
weapon, and to saue or secure their life ? seeing the L. Cardinall, building vpon

1 Gerson.

244 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the subtile deuise and shift of the lesuites, hath taught vs out of their Schooles,
that by Kings are vnderstood Kings in esse, not yet fallen from the supreame de-
gree of Soueraigne Royaltie: For being once deposed by the Pope, (say the
lesuites) they are no longer Kings, but are fallen from the rights of Soueraigne
dignitie; and consequently to make strip and wast of their blood, is not forsooth
to make strip and wast of Royall blood. The lesuiticall masters, in the file of thire
words are so supple and so limber, that by leauing still in their speech some
starting hole or other, they are able by the same, as by a posterne or backdoore,
to make an escape.

Meane while the Readers are here to note (for well they may) a tricke of
monstrous and most wicked cunning. The L. Cardinall contends for the bridling
and hampering of King-killers by the Lawes Ecclesiasticall. Now it might be
presumed, that so reuerend and learned a Cardinal intending to make vse of
Ecclesiasticall Lawes, by vertue whereof the life of Kings may be secured, would
fill his mouth and garnish the point with diuine Oracles, that wee might the more
gladly and willingly giue him the hearing, when hee speakes as one furnished with
sufficient weight and authoritie of sacred Scripture. But behold, in stead of the
authenticall and most ancient word, hee propounds the decree of a lateborne
Councill at Constance, neither for the Popes tooth, nor any way comming neere
the point in controuersie. And suppose it were pertinent vnto the purpose, the
L. Cardinall beareth in his hand a forke of distinction, with two tines or teeth to
beare off, nay to shift off and to auoid the matter with meere dalliance. The
shortest and neerest way (in some sort of respects) to establish a false opinion, is
to charge or set vpon it with false and with ridiculous reasons. The like way to
worke the ouerthrow of trew doctrine, is to rest or ground it vpon friuolous rea-
sons or authorities of stubble-weight. For example; if we should thus argue for
the immortalitie of the soule with Plato: l The swan singeth before her death;
ergo, the soule is immortall. Or thus with certaine seduced Christians: The
Pope hath ordained the word of God to be authenticall: ergo, all credit must be
giuen to diuine Scripture. Vpon the spurkies or hookes of such ridiculous argu-
ments and friuolous reasons, the L. Cardinall hangs the life and safetie of Kings.

With like artificiall deuises hee pretendeth to haue the infamous murders, and
apposted cutting of Kings throats in extreame detestation; and yet by deposing
them from their Princely dignities, by degrading them from their supreame and
Soueraigne authorities, hee brings their sacred heads to the butchers blocke: For
a King deposed by the Pope, (let no man doubt) will not leaue any stone vnre-
mooued, nor any meanes and wayes vnattempted, nor any forces or powers of
men vnleuied or vnhired, to defend himselfe and his Regall dignitie, to represse
and bring vnder his rebellious people, by the Pope discharged of their alleagiance.
In this perplexitie of the publike affaires, in these tempestuous perturbations of
the State, with what perils is the King not besieged and assaulted ? His head is

1 In Phaedone.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 245

exposed to the chances of warre; his life a faire marke to the insidious practises
of a thousand trai tours; his Royall person obuious to the dreadfull storme of
angry fortune, to the deadly malice, to the fatall and mortall weapons of his
enemies. The reason: He is presupposed to be lawfully and orderly stripped of
his Kingdome. Wil he yet hold the sterne of his Royall estate ? Then is he
necessarily taken for a Tyrant, reputed an vsurper, and his life is exposed to the
spoiler For the publike lawes make it lawful and free, for any priuate person to
enterprise against an vsurper of the Kingdome: Euery man, saith Tertullian,1 is a
souldier, to beare armes against all traitors and publike enemies. Take from a King
the title of lawfull King, you take from him the warrant of his life, and the weap-
ons whereby he is maintained in greater securitie, then by his Royall Guard armed
with swords and halberds, through whose wards and ranks, a desperate villaine
will make himselfe an easie passage, being master of another mans life, because
he is prodigall and carelesse of his owne. Such therefore as pretend so much pity
towards Kings, to abhorre the bloody opening of their liuer-veine, and yet withall,
to approoue their hoysting out of the Royall dignity, are iust in the veine and
humour of those that say, Let vs not kill the King, but let vs disarme the King
that he may die a violent death: let vs not depriue him of life, but of the meanes
to defend his life: let vs not strangle the King and stop his vitall breath, so long as
he remaineth King; O that were impious, O that were horrible and abominable;
but let him be deposed, and then whosoeuer shall runne him through the body
with a weapon vp to the very hilts, shall not beare the guilt of a King-killer. All
this must be vnderstood to be spoken of Kings, who after they are despoiled of
Regalitie, by sentence of deposition giuen by the Pope, are able to arme them-
selues, and by valiant armes doe defend their Soueraigne rights. But in case the
King, blasted with Romane lightning, and stricken with Papall thunder, shall
actually and speedily bee smitten downe from his high Throne of Regality, with
present losse of his Kingdome; I beleeue it is almost impossible for him to war-
rant his owne life, who was not able to warrant his owne Kingdome. Let a cat be
throwen from a high roofe to the bottom of a cellour or vault, she lighteth on her
feet, and runneth away without taking any harme. A King is not like a cat, how-
soeuer a cat may looke vpon a King: he cannot fall from the loftie pinacle of
Royalty, to light on his feet vpon the hard pauement of a priuate state, without
crushing all his bones in pieces. It hath bene the lot of very few Emperors and
Kings, to outliue their Empire: For men ascend to the loftie Throne of Kings,
with a soft and easie pace, by certaine steps and degrees; there be no stately
staires to come downe, they tumble head and heeles together when they fall. He
that hath once griped anothers Kingdome, thinks himselfe in little safetie, so long
as he shall of his courtesie suffer his disseised predecessour to draw his breath.
And say that some Princes, after their fall from their Thrones, haue escaped both
point and edge of the Tyrants weapon; yet haue they wandred like miserable

1 In reos Maiestatis, publicos hostes omnis homo miles est. Tertul. apol. cap. 2.

246 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

fugitiues in forreine countreys, or else haue bene condemned like captiues to
perpetuall imprisonment at home, a thousand-fold worse and more lamentable
then death it selfe. Dionysius the Tyrant of Syracusa, from a great King in
Sicilie tur'nd Schoolemaster in Corinth. It was the onely calling and kind of life,
that as he thought bearing some resemblance of rule and gouernment, might
recreate his mind, as an image or picture of his former Soueraigntie ouer men.
This Dionysius was the onely man (to my knowledge) that had a humour to
laugh after the losse of a Kingdome, and in the state of a Pedant or gouernour of
children, merily to ieast and to scorne his former state and condition of a King.
In this my Kingdome of England, sundry Kings haue seene the walls as it were of
their Princely fortresse dismantled, razed, and beaten downe. By name, Edward
and Richard, both II. and Henrie the VI. all which Kings were most cruelly
murdered in prison. In the reigne of Edward III. by Acte of Parliament, Who-
soeuer shall imagine, (that is the very word of the Statute) or machinate the Kings
death, are declared guiltie of Rebellion and high Treason. The learned ludges of the
Land, grounding vpon this Law of Edward the third, haue euer since reputed and
iudged them traitors according to Law, that haue dared only to whisper or talke
softly betweene the teeth, of deposing the King: For they count it a cleare case,
that no Crowne can be taken from a Kings head, without losse of Head and
Crowne together, sooner or later.

The L. Cardinal 1 therefore in this most weightie and serious point doth
meerely dally and flowt after a sort, when hee tells vs, The Church doeth not inter-
meddle with releasing of subiects, and knock-ing ojj their yrons of obedience, but onely
before the Ecclesiasticall tribunall seat; and that besides this double censure, of absolu-
tion to subiects, and excommunication to the Prince, the Church imposeth none other
penaltie. Vnder pretence of which two censures, sofarre is the Church (as the L. Car-
dinall pretendeth)/rotw consenting that any man so censured should bee touched for his
life, that she utterly abhorreth all murder whatsoeuer; but especially all sudden and vnpre-
penced murders for feare of casting away both body and soule; which often in sudden
murders goe both one way. It hath bene made manifest before, that all such pro-
scription and setting forth of Kings to port-sale, hath alwaies for the traine
thereof, either some violent and bloody death, or some other mischiefe more
intolerable then death it selfe. What are we the better, that parricides of Kings
are neither set on, nor approued by the Church in their abominable actions;
when shee layeth such plots, and taketh such courses, as necessarily doe inferre
the cutting of their throates ? In the next place be it noted, that his Lordship
against all reason, reckons the absoluing of subiects from the oath of alleagiance,
in the ranke of penalties awarded and enioyned before the Ecclesiasticall tri-
bunall seate: For this penaltie is not Ecclesiasticall, but Ciuill, and consequently
not triable in Ecclesiasticall Courts, without vsurping vpon the Ciuill Magistrate.
But I wonder with what face the L. Cardinall can say, The Church neuer con-

1 Page 95.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 247

senteth to any practise against his life, whom she hath once chastised with seuere
censures: For can his Lordship be ignorant, what is written by Pope Vrbanus,1
Can. Excommunicatorum. Wee take them not in any wise to bee man-slayers, who
in a certaine heat of zeale towards the Catholike Church their Mother, shall happen to
kill an excommunicate person. More, if the Pope doth not approoue and like the
practice of King-killing, wherefore hath not his Holinesse imposed some seuere
censure vpon the booke of Mariana the lesuite (by whom parricides are com-
mended, nay highly extolled) when his Holinesse hath beene pleased to take the
paines to censure and call in some other of Mariana's bookes ? Againe, wherefore
did his Holinesse aduise himselfe to censure the Decree of the Court of Parlia-
ment in Paris against lohn Chastell ? Wherefore did hee suffer Garnet and Old-
corne my powder-miners, both by bookes and pictures vendible vnder his nose in
Rome, to be inrowled in the Canon of holy Martyrs ? And when hee saw two
great Kings murdered one after another, wherefore by some publike declaration
did not his Holinesse testifie to all Christendome, his inward sense and trew ap-
prehension of so great misfortune, as all Europe had iust cause to lament on the
behalfe of France ? Wherefore did not his Holinesse publish some Law or Pon-
tificiall Decree, to prouide for the securitie of Kings in time to come ? Trew it is,
that he censured Becanus his booke: But wherefore ? That by a captious and
sleight censure, he might preuent a more exact and rigorous Decree of the Sorbone
Schoole: For the Popes checke to Becanus, was onely a generall censure and
touch, without any particular specification of matter touching the life of Kings.
About some two moneths after, the said booke was printed againe, with a dedica-
tion to the Popes Nuntio in Germany; yet without any alteration, saue onely of
two articles conteining the absolute power of the people ouer Kings. In recom-
pence and for a counterchecke whereof, three or foure articles were inserted into
the said booke, touching the Popes power ouer Kings; articles no lesse wicked &
iniurious to Regall rights; nay more iniurious then any of the other clauses,
whereof iust cause of exception and complaint had bene giuen before. If I would
collect and heape vp examples of ancient Emperours, (as of Henrie IV. whose
dead corps felt the rage and furie of the Pope; or of Frederic II. against whom the
Pope was not ashamed to whet and kindle the Sultane; or of Queene Elizabeth
our Predecessour, of glorious memorie, whose life was diuers times assaulted by
priuie murderers, expresly dispatched from Rome for that holy seruice) if I would
gather vp other examples of the same stampe, which I haue layd forth in my
Apologie for the oath of alleagiance; I could make it more cleare then day-light,
how farre the L. Cardinals words are discrepant from the trewth, where his Lord-
ship 2 out of most rare confidence is bold to auow, That neuer any Pope went so
farre, as to giue consent or counsell for the desperate murdering of Princes. That
which already hath bene alleadged may suffice to conuince his Lordship : I meane,
that his Holinesse by deposing of Kings, doeth lead them directly to their graues
and tombes.

1 Can. excom. Caus. 23. Quaest. 6. l Page 97.

248 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

The Cardinall 1 himselfe seemeth to take some notice hereof. The Church (as
he speaketh) abborreth sudden and vnprepensed murders aboue the rest. Doth not
his Lordship in this phrase of speech acknowledge, that murders committed by
open force, are not so much disauowed or disclaimed by the Church ? A little
after he speakes not in the teeth, as before, but with full and open mouth; that
hee doeth not dislike a King once deposed by the Pope, should be pursued with
open warre: Whereupon it followes, that in warre the King may be lawfully
slaine. No doubt a remarkable degree of his Lordships clemencie. A King shall
bee better entreated and more mildly dealt withal, if he be slaine by the shot of an
harquebuse or caleeuer in the field, then if hee bee stabd by the stroke or thrust of
a knife in his chamber: or if at a siege of some city hee be blowne vp with a
myne, then by a myne made, and a traine of gunpowder laid vnder his Palace or
Parliament house in time of peace. His reason: Forsooth, because in sudden
murders, oftentimes the soule and the body perish both together. O singular
bountie, and rare clemencie! prouokers, instigators, strong puffers and blowers of
parricides, in mercifull compassion of the soule, become vnmercifull and shamefull
murderers of the body. This deuice may well claime and challenge kinred of
Mariana the lesuites inuention: For he liketh not at any hand the poisoning of a
Tyrant by his meat or drinke; for feare lest he taking the poison with his owne
hand, and swallowing or gulping it downe in his meate or drinke so taken, should
be found felo de se, (as the common Lawyer speaketh) or culpable of his owne
death. But Mariana likes better, to haue a Tyrant poysoned by his chaire, or by
his apparell and robes, after the example of the Mauritanian Kings; that being
so poysoned onely by sent, or by contact, he may not be found guiltie of selfe-
fellonie, and the soule of the poore Tyrant in her flight out of the body may be
innocent. O hel-hounds, O diabolical wretches, O inf email monsters! Did they
onely suspect and imagine, that either in Kings there is any remainder of Kingly
courage, or in their subiects any sparke left of ancient libertie; they durst as
soone eat their nailes, or teare their owne flesh from the bones, as once broach the
vessell of this diabolicall deuice. How long then, how long shall Kings whom the
Lord hath called his Anointed, Kings the breathing Images of God vpon earth;
Kings that with a wry or frowning looke, are able to crush these earth-wormes in
pieces; how long shall they suffer this viperous brood, scotfree and without
punishment, to spit in their faces ? how long, the Maiestie of GOD in their person
and Royall Maiestie, to be so notoriously vilified, so dishonourably trampled
vnder foot ?

The L. Cardinall boards vs with a like manifest ieast, and notably trifles; first,
distinguishing betweene Tyrants by administration, and Tyrants by vsurpation;
then shewing that he by no means doeth approue those prophane and heathenish
Lawes, whereby secret practises and conspiracies against a Tyrant by administra-
tion are permitted. His reason; Because after deposition there is a certaine habitude

1 Pag. 95.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 249

to Royall dignitie, and as it were a kinde of politicke Character inherent in Kings, by
which they are discerned from persons meerely priuate, or the common sort of people;
and the obstacle, crosse-barre, or sparre once remooued and taken out of the way, the
said Kings deposed are at length reinvested and endowed againe with lawfull vse of
Royall dignitie, and with lawfull administration of the Kingdome. Is it possible
that his Lordship can speake and vtter these words according to the inward per-
swasion of his heart ? I beleeue it not. For admit a King cast out of his King-
dome were sure to escape with life; yet being once reduced to a priuate state of
life, after hee hath wound or wrought himselfe out of deadly danger, so farre he is
from holding or retayning any remainder of dignity or politike impression, that
on the contrary he falleth into greater contempt and misery, then if he had bene
a very peasant by birth, and had neuer held or gouerned the sterne of Royall estate.
What fowle is more beautifull then the peacocke? Let her be plumed and
bereft of her feathers; what owle, what iacke-daw more ridiculous, more without
all pleasant fashion ? The homely sowter, the infamous catchpol, the base
tincker, the rude artificer, the pack-horse porter, then liuing in Rome with libertie,
when Valentinian was detain'd captiue by Saporas the Persian King, was more
happie then that Romane Emperour. And in case the L. Cardinall himselfe
should bee so happie (I should say so vnfortunate) to be stript of all his dignities
and Ecclesiasticall promotions; would it not redound to his Lordships wonderfull
consolation, that in his greatest extremity, in the lowest of his barenesse and
nakednesse, he still retaineth a certaine habituall right and character of a Car-
dinall, whereby to recouer the losse of his former dignities and honours ? when
hee beholds these prints and impressions of his foresaid honours; would it not
make him the more willing and glad, to forsake the backe of his venerable mule, to
vse his Cardinals foot-cloath no longer, but euer after like a Cardinall in print
and character, to walke on foot ?

But let vs examine his Lordships consolation of Kings, thrust out of their
kingdomes by the Pope for heresie. The obstacle (as the L. Cardinall speaketh)
being taken away; that is to say, when the King shall be reformed; this habituall
right and character yet inherent in the person of a King, restores him to the Lawfull
administration of his Kingdome. I take this to be but a cold comfort: For here
his Lordship doeth onely presuppose, and not prooue, that after a King is thrust
out of his Throne, when hee shall repent and turne trew Romane Catholike, the
other by whom he hath bene cast out, and by force disseised, will recall him to the
Royall seat, and faithfully settle him againe in his ancient right, as one that
reioyceth for the recouery of such a lost sheepe. But I should rather feare, the
new King would presse and stand vpon other termes; as a terme of yeeres for a
triall, whether the repentance of the King displaced be trew & sound to the coare,
or counterfeit, dissembled, and painted holines; for the words, the sorrowfull and
heauie lookes, the sad and formall gestures, of men pretending repentance, are
not alwayes to bee taken, to be respected, to be credited. Againe, I should feare

250 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the afflicted King might be charged and borne downe too, that albeit hee hath
renounced his former heresie, hee hath stumbled since at an other stone, and
runne the ship of his faith against some other rocke of new hereticall prauitie. Or
I should yet feare, he might be made to beleeue that heresie maketh a deeper im-
pression, and a character more indeleble in the person, then is the other politike
character of Regal Maiestie. Alas, good Kings! in how hard, in how miserable a
state doe they stand ? Once deposed, and euer barred of repentance: As if the
scapes and errors of Kings, were all sinnes against the Holy Ghost, or sinnes vnto
death, for which it is not lawfull to pray. Falls a priuate person ? he may be set
vp, and new established. Falls a King ? is a King deposed ? his repentance is
euer fruitlesse, euer vnprofitable. Hath a priuate person a traine of seruants ?
He can not be depriued of any one without his priuitie and consent. Hath a King
millions of subiects ? He may be depriued by the Pope of a third part, when his
Holinesse will haue them turne Clerics or enter Cloisters, without asking the King
leaue: and so of subiects they may be made non-subiects.

But I question yet further. A King falling into heresie, is deposed by the
Pope, his sonne stands pure Catholike : The Regal seat is empty. Who shall suc-
ceed in the deposed Kings place ? Shall a stranger be preferred by the Pope ?
That were to doe the innocent sonne egregious and notorious wrong. Shall the
sonne himself e ? That were a more iniurious part in the sonne against his father:
For if the sonne bee touched with any feare of God, or mooued with any reuerence
towards his father, hee will diligently and seriously take heed, that hee put not his
father by the Kingdome by whose meanes he himselfe is borne to a Kingdome.
Nor will hee tread in the steps of Henry the V. Emperour, who by the Popes
instigation, expelled and chased his aaged father out of the Imperiall dignitie.
Much lesse wil he hearken to the voice and aduise of Doctor Snares * the lesuite;
who, in his booke written against my selfe, a booke applauded and approoued of
many Doctours, after hee hath like a Doctour of the chaire, pronounced, That a
King deposed by the Pope, cannot bee lawfully expelled or kitted, but onely by such as
the Pope hath charged with such execution: f alleth to adde a little after : // the Pope
shall declare a King to bee an heretike, and fallen from the Kingdome, without making
further declaration touching execution; that is to say, without giuing expresse
charge vnto any to make away the King: then the lawfull successour being a
Catholike, hath power to doe thefeate; and if he shall refuse, or if there shall be none
such, then it appertaineth to the comminaltie or body of the Kingdome. A most
detestable sentence: For in hereditarie Kingdomes, who is the Kings lawfull suc-
cessour, but his sonne ? The sonne then by this doctrine, shall imbrew his hands
in his owne fathers blood, so soone as he shall be deposed by the Pope. A matter
so much the neerer and more deepely to bee apprehended, because the said most
outragious booke flyeth like a furious mastiffe directly at my throat, and withall

1 Lib. 6. cap. 4. Si Papa Regem deponat, ab illis tantum poterit, expelli vel interfici, quibus ipse
id commiserit.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 251

instilleth such precepts into the tender disposition of my sonne, as if hereafter hee
shall become a Romane Catholike, so soone as the Pope shall giue me the lift out
of my Throne, shall bind him forthwith to make effusion of his owne fathers
blood. Such is the religion of these reuerend Fathers, the pillars of the Pontificiall
Monarchic: In comparison of whose religion and holinesse, all the impietie
that euer was among the Infidels, and all the barbarous crueltie that euer was
among the Canibals, may passe hencefoorth in the Christian world for pure
clemencie and humanitie. These things ought his Lordship to haue pondered,
rather then to babble of habitudes and politike characters, which to the common
people are like the Bergamasque or the wilde-Irish forme of speach, and passe
their vnderstanding.

All these things are nothing in a maner, if we compare them with the last
clause, which is the closer, and as it were the vpshot of his Lordships discourse:
For therein he laboureth to perswade concerning this Article, framed to bridle the
Popes tyrannicall power ouer Kings, if it should receiue gracious entertainement,
and generall approbation; That it would breed great danger, and worke effects of
pernicious consequence vnto Kings. The reason: because it would prooue an in-
troduction to schisme; and schisme would stirre vp ciuil warres, contempt of Kings,
distempered inclinations and motions to intrap their life; and which is worst of all,
the fierce wrath of God, inflicting all sorts of calamities. An admirable paradoxe,
and able to strike men stone-blind: that his Holinesse must haue power to de-
pose Kings, for the better security and safegard of their life; that when their
Crownes are made subiect vnto anothers will and pleasure, then they are come to
the highest altitude and eleuation of honour; that for the onely warrant of their
life, their supreme and absolute greatnesse must be depressed; that for the longer
keeping of their Crownes, another must plucke the Crowne from their heads. As
if it should be said, Would they not be stript naked by another ? the best way is,
for themselues to vntrusse, for themselues to put off all, and to goe naked of their
owne accord. Wil they keepe their Souereigntie in safetie for euer ? The best
way is to let another haue their Soueraigne authoritie and supreme Estate in his
power. But I haue bene euer of this mind, that when my goods are at no mans
command or disposing but mine own, then they are trewly and certainly mine
owne. It may be this error is growen vpon me and other Princes for lacke of
braines: whereupon it may be feared, or at least coniectured, the Pope meanes to
shaue our crownes, and thrust vs into some cloister, there to hold ranke in the
brotherhood of good King Childeric. Forasmuch then as my dull capacitie doeth
not serue mee to reach or comprehend the pith of this admirable reason, I haue
thought good to seeke and to vse the instruction of old and learned experience,
which teacheth no such matter: by name, that ciuill warres and fearefull per-
turbations of State in any nation of the world, haue at any tune growen from this
faithful credulity of subiects, that Popes in right haue no power to wrest and lift
Kings out of their dignities and possessions. On the other side, by establishing

252 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the contrary maximes, to yoke and hamper the people with Pontificiall tyrannic,
what rebellious troubles and stirres, what extreme desolations hath England bene
forced to feare and feele, in the Reigne of my Predecessours Henrie II. lohn and
Henrie III ? These be the maximes and principles, which vnder the Emperour
Henrie IV. and Frederic the I. made all Europe flowe with channels and streames
of blood, like a riuer with water, while the Saracens by their incursions and victo-
ries ouerflowed, and in a manner drowned the honour of the Christian name in the
East. These be the maximes and principles, which made way for the warres of
the last League into France; by which the very bowels of that most famous and
flourishing Kingdome were set on such a combustion, that France her selfe was
brought within two fingers breadth of bondage to another Nation, and the death
of her two last Kings most villenously and traiterously accomplished. The L.
Cardinall then giuing these diabolicall maximes for meanes to secure the life and
Estate of Kings, speaketh as if he would giue men counsell to dry themselues in the
riuer, when they come as wet as a water spaniell out of a pond; or to warme
themselues by the light of the Moone, when they are stark-naked, and well neere
frozen to death.

THE CONCLVSION OF THE LORD OF PERRON EXAMINED.

AFTER the L. Cardinal hath stoutly shewed the strength of his arme, and the
deepe skill of his head in fortification; at last he leaues his loftie scaffolds, and
falls to worke neerer the ground, with more easie tooles of humble praiers and
gentle exhortations. The summe of the whole is this: He adiures his auditors
neuer to forge remedies, neuer so to prouide for the temporall safetie of Kings, as
thereby to worke their finall falling from eternall saluation: neuer to make any rent
or rupture in the mitie of the Church, in this corrupt aage infected with pestilent
Heresies, which already hauing made so great a breach in the wattes of France, will
no doubt double their strength by the dissentions, diuisions, and schismes of Catholikes.
If this infectious plague shall still increase and grow to a carbuncle, it can by no
meanes poyson Religion, without bringing Kings to their winding sheetes and wofull
hearses. The first rowlers of that stone of offence, aimed at no other marke, then to
make an ignominious and lamentable rent in the Church. Hee thinks the Deputies of
the third Estate, had neither head nor first hand in contriuing this Article; but holds
it rather a new deuice and subtile inuention, suggested by persons, which beeing
already cut o/ by their owne practises from the body of the Romane Church, haue
likewise inueigled and insnared some that beare the name of Catholiks, with some
other Ecclesiastics; and vnder afaire pretence and goodly cloake, by name, the seruice
of the King, haue surprised and played -upon their simplicitie. These men (as the
Cardinall saith) doe imitate lulian the Apostata, who to bring the Christians to
idolatrous worship of false gods, commaunded the idols of lupiter and Venus to be
intermingled with Imperiall statues, and other Images of Christian Emperours, &°c.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 253

Then after certaine Rhetorical! flourishes, his Lordship fals to prosecute his
former course, and cries out of this Article; A monster hauing the tayle of a fish,
as if it came cutting the narrow Seas out of England : For in full effect it is downright
the English oath; sauing that indeed the oath of England runneth in a more mild
forme, and a more moderate straine. And here he suddenly takes occasion to make
some digression: For out of the way, and cleane from the matter, he entreth into
some purpose of my praise and commendation: He courteously forsooth is pleased
to grace mee with knowledge of learning, and with ciuill iiertues: He seemeth chiefly
to reioyce in his owne behalfe, and to giue me thanks, that I haue done him the
honour to enter the lists of Theologicall dispute against his Lordship. Howbeit he
twitches and carpes at me withall, as at one that soweth seeds of dissension and
schisme amongst Romane Catholiks: And yet he would seeme to qualifie the
matter, and to make all whole againe, by saying, That in so doing I am perswaded
I doe no more then my duetie requires. But now (as his Lordship followes the point)
it standeth neither with godlinesse, nor with equity, nor with reason, that Acts made,
that Statutes, Decrees, and Ordinances ratified for the State and Gouernement of Eng-
land, should be thrust for binding Laws vpon the Kingdome of France: nor that
Catholikes, and much lesse that Ecclesiastics, to the ende they may Hue in safetie, and
freely enioy their priuiledges or immunities in France, should be forced to beleeue, and
by oath to seale the same points, which English Catholikes to the end they may pur-
chase libertie onely to breath, nay sorrowfully to sigh rather, are constrained to allow
and to aduow besides. And whereas in England there is no small number of Catho-
likes, that lacke not constant and resolute minds to endure all sorts of punishment,
rather then to take that oath of allegiance; will there not be found an other manner of
number in France, armed with no lesse constancie and Christian resolution ? There
will, most honourable Auditors, there will without all doubt: and we all that are of
Episcopall dignity will sooner suffer Martyrdome in the cause. Then out of the
super-abundance and ouer-weight of his Lordships goodnes, he closely coucheth
and conuayeth a certaine distastfull opposition betweene mee and his King; with
praises and thanks to God, that his King is not delighted, & takes no pleasure to
make Martyrs.

All this Artificiall and swelling discourse like vnto puffe-past, if it be viewed at
a neere distance, will be found like a bladder full of wind, without any soliditie of
substantiall matter. For the Deputies of the third Estate were neuer so voide of
understanding, to beleeue that by prouiding for the life and safety of their King,
they should thrust him headlong into eternall damnation. Their braines were
neuer so much blasted, so farre benummed, to dreame the soule of their King
cannot mount vp to heauen, except he be dismounted from his Princely Throne
vpon earth, whensoeuer the Pope shall hold vp his finger.

And whereas he is bold to pronounce, that heretikes of France doe make their
benefit and aduantage of this diuision; that speech is grounded vpon this proposi-
tion; That professors of the Christian Religion reformed (which is to say, purged

254 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

and cleansed of all Popish dregs) are heretikes in fact, and ought so to bee reputed
in right : Which proposition his Lordship will neuer soundly and sufficiently make
good, before his Holinesse hath compiled an other Gospell, or hath forged an
other Bible at his Pontificiall anuile. The L. Cardinall vndertooke to reade mee a
lecture vpon that argument; but euer since hath played Mum-budget, and hath
put himselfe to silence, like one at a Non-plus in his enterprise. There be three
yeeres already gone and past, since his Lordship beganne to shape some answere
to a certaine writing dispatched by mee in few daies: With forming and reform-
ing, with filing and polishing, with labouring and licking his answere ouer and
ouer againe, with reiterated extractions and calcinations, it may be coniectured
that all his Lordships labour and cost is long since evaporated and vanished in the
aire. Howbeit, as well the friendly conference of a King, (for I will not call it a
contention) as also the dignitie, excellencie, and importance of the matter, long
since deserued, and as long since required the publishing of some or other an-
swere. His Lordships long silence will neuer be imputed to lacke of capacity,
wherewith who knoweth not how abundantly he is furnished; but rather to well
aduised agnition of his owne working and building vpon a weake foundation.

But let vs returne vnto these heretikes, that make so great gaine by the dis-
agreement of Catholikes. It is no part of their dutie to aime at sowing of dissen-
tions ; but rather to intend and attend their f aithfull performance of seruice to their
King. If some be pleased, and others offended, when so good and loyall duties are
sincerely discharged; it is for all good subiects to grieue and to be sory, that when
they speake for the safetie of their King & honour of the trewth, it is their hard
hap to leaue any at all vnsatisfied. But suppose the said heretiks were the
Authors of this article preferred by the third Estate: What need they to conceale
their names in that regard ? What need they to disclaime the credit of such a
worthy act ? Would it not redound to their perpetuall honour, to be the onely
subiects that kept watch ouer the Kings life and Crowne, that stood centinell,
and walked the rounds for the presentation of his Princely diademe, when all
other had no more touch, no more feeling thereof then so many stones ? And
what neede the Deputies for the third Estate, to receiue instructions from for-
raine Kingdomes, concerning a cause of that nature; when there was no want
of domesticall examples, and the French histories were plentiful! in that argu-
ment ? What neede they to gape for this reformed doctrine, to come swimming
with a fishes tayle out of an Island to the mayne continent, when they had before
their eyes the murders of two Kings, with diuerse ciuill warres, and many Arrests
of Court, all tending to insinuate and suggest the introduction of the same
remedy ? Suggestions are needlesse from abroad, when the mischiefe is felt at
home. It seemes to me that his Lordship in smoothing and tickling the Deputies
for the third Estate, doth no lesse then wring and wrong their great sufficiencie
with contumely and outragious abuse; as if they were not furnished with suffi-
cient foresight, and with loyall affection towards their King, for the preseruation

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 255

of his life and honour, if the remedie were not beaten into their heads by those of
the Religion, reputed heretikes.

Touching my selfe, ranged by his Lordship in the same ranke with sowers of
dissention; I take my God to witnes, and my owne conscience, that I neuer
dream'd of any such vnchristian proiect. It hath beene hitherto my ordinary
course to follow honest counsells, and to walke in open waies. I neuer wonted my
selfe to holes and corners, to crafty shifts, but euermore to plaine and open de-
signes. I neede not hide mine intentions for feare of any mortall man, that
puffeth breath of life out of his nostrils. Nor in any sort doe I purpose, to set
lulian the Apostata before mine eyes, as a patterne for me to follow. lulian of a
Christian became a Pagan: I professe the same faith of Christ still, which I haue
euer professed: lulian went about his designes with crafty conueiances; I neuer
with any of his captious and cunning sleights: lulian forced his subiects to in-
fidelitie against lesus Christ; I labour to induce my subiects vnto such tearmes
of loyalty towards my selfe, as lesus Christ hath prescribed and taught in his
word. But how farre I differ from lulian, it is to be seene more at large in my
answere to Bellarmines Epistles written to Blackwell; from whence the Lord
Cardinall borrowing this example, it might well haue beseemed his Lordship to
borrow likewise my answere from the same place.

Now as it mooues me nothing at all, to be drawne by his Lordship into suspi-
tions of this nature and qualitie: so by the prayses, that he rockes me withall, I
will neuer be lulled asleepe. To commend a man for his knowledge, and withall
to take from him the feare of God, is to admire a souldier for his goodly head of
haire or his curled locks, and withall to call him base coward, faint-hearted and
fresh-water souldier. Knowledge, wit, and learning in an hereticke, are of none
other vse and seruice, but only to make him the more culpable, & consequently
obnoxious to the more grieuous punishments. All vertues turne to vices, when
they become the seruants of impietie. The hand-maids which the Soueraigne
Lady Wisedome calleth to be of her traine in the 9. Prouerb. are morall vertues,
and humane sciences; which then become pernicious, when they run away from
their Soueraigne Lady-Mistris, and put ouer themselues in seruice to the deuill.
What difference is betweene two men, both alike wanting the knowledge of God;
the one furnished with arts and ciuill vertues, the other brutishly barbarous and
of a deformed life, or of prophane maners ? What is the difference betweene these
two ? I make this the onely difference : the first goeth to hell with a better grace,
and falleth into perdition with more facilitie, then the second: But hee becom-
meth exceedingly wicked, euen threefold and fourefold abominable, if he wast his
treasure and stocke of ciuill vertues in persecuting the Church of CHRIST: and if
that may be layd in his dish which was cast in Caesars teeth, that in plaine sobernes
and well-setled temper, he attempts the mine of the Common-wealth, which
from a drunken sot might receiue perhaps a more easie fall. In briefe, I scorne all
garlands of praises, which are not euer greene; but being dry and withered for

256 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

want of sap and radicall moysture, doe flagge about barbarous Princes browes. I
dene and renounce those praises, which fit mee no more then they fit a Ma-
humetane King of Marocco. I contest against all praises which grace me with
petie accessories, but rob me of the principall, that one thing necessary; namely,
the feare and knowledge of my GOD: vnto whose Maiestie alone, I haue deuoted
my Scepter, my sword, my penne, my whole industrie, my whole selfe, with all
that is mine in whole and in part. I doe it, I doe it in all humble acknowledge-
ment of his vnspeakable mercie and fauour, who hath vouchsafed to deliuer me
from the erroneous way of this aage, to deliuer my Kingdome from the Popes
tyrannicall yoke, vnder which it hath lyen in times past most grieuously op-
pressed: My Kingdom where God is now purely serued, and called vpon in a
tongue which all the vulgar understand: My Kingdome, where the people may
now reade the Scriptures without any special priuiledge from the Apostolike See,
and with no lesse libertie then the people of Ephesus, of Rome, and of Corinth did
reade the holy Epistles, written to their Churches by 5. Paul: My Kingdome,
where the people now pay no longer any tribute by the poll for Papall indulgences,
as they did about an hundred yeeres past, and are no longer compelled to the
mart, for pardons beyond the Seas and mountaines, but haue them now freely
offered from God, by the doctrine of the Gospel preached at home within their
owne seuerall parishes and iurisdictions.1 If the Churches of my Kingdome, in the
L. Cardinals accompt, bee miserable for these causes and the like; let him
dreame on, and talke his pleasure: for my part I will euer auow, that more
worth is our misery then all his felicitie. For the rest, it shal by Gods grace be
my daily endeauour and serious care, to passe my daies in shaping to my selfe
such a course of life, that without shamefull calumniating of my person, it shall
not rest in the tip of any tongue, to touch my life with iust reprehension or blame.
Nor am I so priuie to mine owne guiltinesse, as to thinke my state so desperate,
so deplorable, as Popes haue made their owne: For some of them haue bene so
open-hearted and so tongue-free, to pronounce that Popes themselues, the key-
bearers of Heauen and hell, cannot be saued. Two Popes, reckoned among the
best of the whole bunch or packe, namely, Adrian the IV. and Marcelline 2 the II.
haue both sung one and the same note; that in their vnderstanding they could
not conceiue any reason why, or any meanes how those that sway the Popedome
can be partakers of saluation; But for my particular, grounding my faith vpon
the promises of God contained in the Gospel, I doe confidently and assuredly
beleeue, that repenting me of my sinnes, and reposing my whole trust in the merits
of IESVS CHRIST, I shall obtaine forgiuenesse of my sinnes through his Name.
Nor doe I feare, that I am now, or shall be hereafter cast out of the Churches lap
and bosome; that I now haue or hereafter shall haue no right to the Church as a

1 Aliquot annis post, Apostolicas sedis nuncius * Onup. de vitis Pontif. in vit. Mar. 2. doeth
in Angliam ad colligendum S. Petri vectigal testifie, that Marcel, also after Adrian the 4.

missus. Onuphri. in vit. Paul. 4. Vide & vsed these words: Non video quo modoqui

Math. Paris. locum hunc altiss. tenent, saluari possint.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 257

putrified member thereof, so long as I do or shall cleaue to CHRIST IESVS, the
Head of the Church: the appellation and name whereof, serueth in this corrupt
aage, as a cloake to couer a thousand new inuentions; and now no longer sig-
nifies the assembly of the faithfull or such as beleeue in IESVS CHRIST according
to his word, but a certaine glorious ostentation and temporall Monarchic, whereof
the Pope forsooth is the supreame head.

But if the L. Cardinall by assured and certaine knowledge (as perhaps he may
by common fame) did vnderstand the horrible conspiracies that haue bin plotted
and contriued, not against my person and life alone, but also against my whole
stocke: if he rightly knew & were inly perswaded, of how many fowle periuries &
wicked treasons, diuers Ecclesiastical persons haue bene lawfully conuicted: in
stead of charging me with false imputations, that / suffer not my Catholiks to fetch
a sigh, or to draw their breath; and that I thrust my Catholikes vpon the sharpe edge of
punishment in euery kinde; he would, and might well, rather wonder, how I my
selfe, after so many dangers run, after so many proditorious snares escaped, do
yet fetch my owne breath, and yet practise Princely clemencie towards the said
Catholiks, notorious transgressors of diuine & humane lawes. If the French king
in the heart of his kingdom, should nourish and foster such a nest of stinging
hornets and busie wasps, I meane such a pack of subiects, denying his absolute
Soueraignty, as many Romane Catholiks of my Kingdome do mine : It may wel
be doubted, whether the L. Cardinal would aduise his king stil to feather the nest
of the said Catholiks, stil to keep them warme, stil to beare them with an easie
and gentle hand: It may wel be doubted, whether his Lordship would extol their
constancie, that would haue the courage to sheath vp their swords in his Kings
bowels, or blow vp his King with gun-powder, into the neather station of the
lowest region: It may wel be doubted, whether he would indure that Orator,
who (like as himselfe hath done) should stir vp others to suffer Martyrdome after
such examples, and to imitate parricides & traitors in their constancy. The
scope then of the L. Cardinall, in striking the sweet strings, and sounding the
pleasant notes of praises, which faine he would fil mine eares withal; is only by
his excellent skil in the musick of Oratory, to bewitch the harts of my subiects, to
infatuate their minds, to settle them in a resolution to depriue me of my life. The
reason: Because the plotters and practisers against my life, are honoured and
rewarded with a glorious name of Martyrs: their constancie (what els ?) is
admired, when they suffer death for treason. Wheras hitherto during the time
of my whole raigne to this day, (I speake it in the word of a King, and trewth it
selfe shall make good the Kings word) no man hath lost his life, no man hath in-
dured the Racke, no man hath suffered corporall punishment in other kinds,
meerely or simply, or in any degree of respect, for his conscience in matter of
religion; but for wicked conspiring against my life, or Estate, or Royall dignitie;
or els for some notorious crime, or some obstinate and wilfull disobedience: Of
which traiterous and viperous brood, I commanded one to be hanged by the

258 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

necke of late in Scotland; a lesuite of intolerable impudencie, who at his arraign-
ment and publike triall, stiffely maintained, that I haue robbed the Pope of his
right, and haue no manner of right in the possession of my Kingdome. His
Lordship therefore in offering himselfe to Martyrdome, after the rare example of
Catholiks, as he saith, suffering all sort of punishment in my Kingdome, doeth
plainely professe himselfe a follower of traytors and parricides. These be the
Worthies, these the heroicall spirits, these the honourable Captaines and Coronels,
whose vertuous parts neuer sufficiently magnified and praysed, his Lordshippe
propoundeth for imitation to the French Bishops. O the name of Martyrs, in
olde tunes a sacred name! how is it now derided and scoffed ? how is it in these
daies filthily prophaned ? O you the whole quire and holy company of Apostles,
who haue sealed the trewth with your dearest blood! how much are you dis-
paraged ? how vnfitly are you paragoned and matched, when traytors, bloody
butchers, and King-killers are made your assistants, and of the same Quorum;
or to speake in milder tearmes, when you are coupled with Martyrs that suffer for
maintaining the Temporall rites of the Popes Empire ? with Bishops that offer
themselues to a Problematicall Martyrdome, for a point decided neither by the
authorities of your Spirit-inspired pens, not by the auncient and venerable
testimonie of the Primitiue Church ? for a point which they dare not vndertake
to teach, otherwise then by a doubtfull, cold, fearefull way of discourse, and alto-
gether without resolution. In good sooth, I take the Cardinall for a personage of
a quicker spirit and clearer sight, (let his Lordship hold mee excused) then to
perswade my selfe, that in these matters his tongue and his heart, his pen and his
inward iudgement, haue any concord or correspondence one with another: For
beeing very much against his minde (as hee doeth confesse) thrust into the office
of an Aduocate to pleade this cause; he suffered himselfe to bee carried (after his
engagement) with some heat, to vtter some things against his conscience, mur-
muring and grumbling the contrary within; and to affirme some other things
with confidence, whereof hee had not beene otherwise informed, then onely by
vaine and lying report. Of which ranke is that bold assertion of his Lordship;
That many Catholiks in England, rather then they would subscribe to the oath
of allegiance in the forme thereof, haue vndergone all sorts of punishment: For in
England (as we haue trewly giuen the whole Christian world to vnderstand in our
Preface to the Apologie) there is but one forme or kind of punishment ordained
for all sorts of traytors.

Hath not his Lordship now graced me with goodly testimonialls of prayse and
commendation ? Am I not by his prayses proclaimed a Tyrant, as it were ine-
briated with blood of the Saints, and a famous Enginer of torments for my Catho-
likes ? To this exhortation for the suffering of Martyrdome, in imitation of my
English traytors and parricides, if wee shall adde; how craftily and subtilly hee
makes the Kings of England to holde of the Pope by fealty, and their kingdome in
bondage to the Pope by Temporall recognizance, it shall easily appeare, that his

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 259

holy-water of prayses wherewith I am so reuerently besprinkled, is a composition
extracted out of a dram of hony and a pound of gall, first steeped in a strong decoc-
tion of bitter wormewood, or of the wild gourd called Coloquintida: For after he
hath in the beginning of his Oration,1 spoken of Kings that owe fealtie to the Pope
and are not Soueraignes in the highest degree of Temporall supremacie within
their Kingdomes; to explaine his mind and meaning the better, he marshals the
Kings of England a little after in the same ranke. His words be these; When
King lohn of England, not yet bound in any temporall recognizance to the Pope, had
expelled his Bishops, &c. His Lordship means, that King lohn became so bound
to the Pope not long after. And what may this meaning be, but in plaine tearmes
and broad speach, to call me vsurper and vnlawfull King? For the feudatarie, or
he that holdeth a Manner by fealty, when he doeth not his homage, with all suit
and seruice that he owes to the Lord Paramount, doeth fall from the propertie
of his fee. This reproach of the L. Cardinals, is seconded with an other of Bellar-
mines his brother Cardinall; That Ireland was giuen to the Kings of England by
the Pope. The best is that his most reuerend Lordship hath not shewed, who it
was that gaue Ireland to the Pope.

And touching lohn King of England, thus in briefe stands the whole matter.
Betweene Henry 2. and the Pope had passed sundry bickerments, about collating
of Ecclesiasticall dignities. lohn the sonne, after his fathers death, reneweth,
vndertaketh, and pursueth the same quarrell: Driueth certaine English Bishops
out of the Kingdome, for defending the Popes insolent vsurpation vpon his
Royall prerogatiue, and Regall rights; Sheweth such Princely courage and resolu-
tion in those times, when all that stood and suffered for the Popes Temporall
pretensions against Kings, were enrowled Martyrs or Confessors. The Pope
takes the matter in fowle scorne, and great indignation; shuts the King by his
excommunicatory Bulls out of the Church; stirres vp his Barons, for other causes
the Kings heauy friends, to rise in armes; giues the Kingdome of England (like
a masterlesse man turned ouer to a new master) to Philippus Augustus King of
France; bindes Philip to make a conquest of England by the sword, or else no
bargaine, or else no gift; promises Philip, in recompence of his trauell and Royall
expences in that conquest, full absolution and a generall pardon at large for all
his sinnes: to bee short, cuts King lohn out so much worke, and makes him keep
so many yrons in the fire for his worke, that he had none other way, none other
meanes to pacifie the Popes high displeasure, to correct or qualifie the malignitie
of the Popes cholericke humour, by whom he was then so entangled in the Popes
toyles, but by yeelding himselfe to become the Popes vassal, and his Kingdome
feudatary, or to hold by fealty of the Papall See. By this meanes his Crowne is
made tributary, all his people liable to payment of taxes by the poll for a certaine
yeerely tribute, and he is blessed with a pardon for all his sinnes. Whether King
lohn was mooued to doe this dishonourable act vpon any deuotion, or inflamed

1 Page. 10.

260 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

with any zeale of Religion; or inforced by the vnresistable weapons of necessitie,
who can be so blind, that he doeth not well see and clearely perceiue ? For to
purchase his owne freedome from this bondage to the Pope; what could he bee
vnwilling to doe, that was willing to bring his Kingdome vnder the yoake of
Amirales Murmelinus a Mahumetan Prince, then King of Granado and Barbaria ?
The Pope after that, sent a Legat into England: The King now the Popes vassall,
and holding his Crowne of the Pope, like a man that holds his land of another by
Knights seruice, or by homage and fealtie, doeth faire homage for his Crowne to
the Popes Legat, and layeth downe at his feet a great masse of the purest gold in
coyne. The reuerend Legat, in token of his Masters Soueraigntie, with more
then vsuall pride falls to kicking and spurning the treasure, no doubt with a paire
of most holy feet: Not onely so; but likewise at solemne feasts is easily entreated
to take the Kings chaire of Estate. Heere I would faine know the Lord Cardinals
opinion; whether these actions of the Pope were iust or vniust, lawfull or vnlaw-
full, according to right or against all right and reason. If he will say against right ;
it is then cleare, that against right his Lordship hath made way to this example:
if according to right, let him then make it knowen, from whence or from whom
this power was deriued and conueyed to the Pope, whereby hee makes himselfe
Souereigne Lord of Temporalties in that Kingdome, where neither he nor any of
his prececessours euer pretended any right, or layd any claime to Temporall
matters before. Are such prankes to be played by the Pontificiall Bishop ? Is
this an act of Holinesse, to set a Kingdome on fire by the flaming brands of sedi-
tion ? to dismember and quarter a Kingdome with intestine warres; onely to
this end, that a King once reduced to the lowest degree of miserie, might be lifted
by his Holinesse out of his Royall prerogatiue, the very soule and life of his
Royall Estate ? When began this Papall power ? In what aage began the Pope
to practise this power? What! haue the ancient Canons, (for the Scripture in this
question beareth no pawme) haue the Canons of the ancient Church imposed any
such satisfaction vpon a sinner, that of a Souereigne and free King, he should
become vassall to his ghostly Father; that he should make himselfe together with
all his people and subiects tributaries to a Bishop, that shall rifle a whole Nation
of their coine, that shall receiue homage of a King, and make a King his vassall ?
What! Shall not a sinner be quitted of his faults, except his Pastor turne robber,
and one that goeth about to get a booty ? except hee make his Pastour a Feoffee
in his whole Estate, and suffer himselfe vnder a shadow of penance to freeze
naked, to be turned out of all his goods and possessions of inheritance ? But be it
granted, admit his Holinesse robs one Prince of his rights and reuenewes, to con-
ferre the same vpon another: were it not an high degree of tyrannic to finger
another mans estate, and to giue that away to a third, which the second hath no
right, no lawfull authoritie to giue ? Well, if the Pope then shall become his owne
caruer in the rights of another; if he shall make his owne coffers to swell with
anothers reuenewes, if he shall decke and aray his owne backe in the spoiles of a

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 261

sinner, with whom in absolution he maketh peace, and taketh truce; what can
this be else, but running into further degrees of wickednesse and mischiefe ?
what can this be else, but heaping of robbery vpon fraud, and impietie vpon rob-
bery ? For by such deceitfull, craftie, and cunning practises, the nature of the
Pontificiall See, meerely spirituall, is changed into the Kings-bench-Court,
meerely temporall: the Bishops chaire is changed into a Monarchs Throne. And
not onely so ; but besides, the sinners repentance is changed into a snare or pit-
fall of cousening deceit; and S. Peters net is changed into a casting-net or a flew,
to fish for all the wealth of most flourishing Kingdomes. Moreouer, the King (a
hard case) is driuen by such wiles and subtilities, to worke impossibilities, to acte
more then is lawfull or within the compasse of his power to practise: For the
King neither may in right, nor can by power trans-nature his Crowne, impaire
the Maiestie of his Kingdome, or leaue his Royal dignitie lesse free to his heire
apparant, or next successor, then he receiued the same of his predecessour : Much
lesse, by any dishonourable capitulations, by any vnworthy contracts, degrade
his posteritie, bring his people vnder the grieuous burden of tributes and taxes
to a forreine Prince: Least of all, make them tributary to a Priest; vnto whom it
on way apperteineth to haue any hand in the ciuill affaires of Kings, or to distaine,
and vnhallow their Crownes. And therefore when the Pope dispatched his
Nuntio to Philippus Augustus, requesting the King to auert Lewis his sonne from
laying any claime to the Kingdome of England; Philip answered the Legat (as
we haue it in Matth. Paris;} No King, no Prince can alienate or giue away his
Kingdom, but by consent of his Barons, bound by Knights seruice to defend the said
Kingdome: and in case the Pope shall stand for the contrary error, his Holiness shall
giue to Kingdomes a most pernicious example. By the same Author it is testified,
that King lohn became odious to his subiects, for such dishonourable and vn-
worthy inthralling of his Crowne, and Kingdome. Therefore the Popes right
pretended to the Crowne of England, which is nothing else but a ridiculous vsurpa-
tion, hath long agoe vanished into smoake, and required not so much as the draw-
ing of one sword to snatch and pull it by violence out of his hands : For the Popes
power lying altogether in a certaine wilde and wandring conceit or opinion of men,
and being onely an imaginary castle in the ayre, built by pride, and vnderpropped
by superstition, is very speedily dispersed vpon the first rising and appearing of
the trewth in her glorious brightnesse. There is none so very a dolt or block-
head to deny, that in case this right of the Pope ouer England, is grounded vpon
Gods word, then his Holinesse may challenge the like right ouer all other King-
domes: because all other Kingdomes, Crownes, and Scepters are subiect alike to
Gods word : For what priuiledge, what charter, what euidence can France fetch out
of the Rolles, or any other treasurie of her monuments or records, to shew that
she oweth lesse subiection to God then England ? Or was this yoke of bondage
then brought vpon the English Nation; was it a prerogatiue, whereby they might
more easily come to the libertie of the sonnes of God ? Of were the people of

262 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

England perswaded, that for all their substance, wealth, and life bestowed on the
Pope, his Holinesse by way of exchange returned them better weight and measure
of spirituall graces ? It is ridiculous, onely to conceiue these toyes in thought;
and yet with such ridiculous, with such toyes in conceit, his Lordship feeds and
entertaines his auditors.

From this point hee falleth to another bowt and fling at his heretikes, with
whom he played no f aire play before : * There is not one Synode of ministers (as he
saith) which would willingly subscribe to this Article, whereunto wee should bee
bound to sweare. But herein his Lordship shooteth farre from the marke. This
Article is approoued and preached by the Ministers of my Kingdome: It is like-
wise preached by those of France, and if need bee (I asssure my selfe) will bee
signed by all the Ministers of the French Church.

The L. Cardinall proceedeth, (for hee meaneth not so soone to giue ouer these
heretikes:) All their Consistories beleeue it as their Creed; that if Catholike Princes
at any time shall offer force vnto their conscience, then they are dispensed withall for
their oath of alleagiance. Hence are these modifications and restrictions, tossed so
much in their mouthes; Prouided the King force vs not in our conscience. Hence are
these exceptions in the profession of their faith; Prouided the Soueraigne power and
authoritie of God, bee not in any sort violated or infringed. In am not able to con-
ceiue what engine can bee framed of these materialls, for the bearing of Kings out
of their eminent seates, by any lawfull authoritie or power in the Pope: For say,
those of the Religion should be tainted with some like errour; how can that be
any shelter of excuse for those of the Romish Church, to vndermine or to digge vp
the Thrones of their Kings ? But in this allegation of the L. Cardinall, there is
nothing at all, which doeth not iumpe iust and accord to a haire with the Article of
the third Estate, and with obedience due to the King: For they doe not professe,
that in case the King shall commaund them to doe any act contrarie to their con-
science, they would flie at his throat, would make any attempt against his life,
would refuse to pay their taxations, or to defend him in the warres : They make
no profession of deposing the King, or discharging the people from the oath of
allegiance tendred to .the King: which is the very point or issue of the matter in
controuersie, and the maine mischiefe, against which the third Estate hath bin
most worthily carefull to prouide a wholesome remedie by this Article. There is a
world of difference betweene the termes of disobedience, and of deposition. It is
one thing to disobey the Kings commaund in matters prohibited by diuine lawes,
and yet in all other matters to perf orme full subiection vnto the King. It is another
thing of a farre higher degree or straine of disloyaltie, to bare the King of his
Royall robes, throne, and scepter, and when he is thus farre disgraced, to degrade
him and to put him from his degree and place of a King. If the holy Father
should charge the L. Cardinal to doe some act repugnant in his owne knowledge
to the Law of God, I will religiously, and according to the rule of charitie pre-

** Pag. 105.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 263

sume, that his Lordship in this case would stand out against his Holinesse, and
notwithstanding would still acknowledge him to be Pope.

His Lordship yet prosecutes and followes his former purpose: Hence are those
armes which they haue oftentimes borne against Kings, when Kings practised to take
away the libertie of their conscience and Religion. Hence are those turbulent Com-
motions and seditions by them raised, as well in the Low-countryes against the King
of Spaine, as in Swethland against the Catholike King of Polonia. Besides, he
casteth lunius Brutus, Buchananus, Barclaius, and Gerson in our teeth. To what
end all this ? I see not how it can bee auaileable to authorize the deposing of
Kings, especially the Popes power to depose. And yet his Lordship here doth
outface (by his leaue) and beare downe the trewth: For I could neuer yet learne
by any good and trew intelligence, that in France those of the Religion tooke
armes at any time against their King : In the first ciuill warres they stood onely
vpon their guard: they stood onely to their lawfull wards and locks of defence:
they armed not, nor tooke the field before they were pursued with fire and sword,
burnt vp and slaughtred. Besides, Religion was neither the root nor the rynde of
those intestine troubles. The trew ground of the quarrell was this: During the
minority of King Francis II. the Protestants of France were a refuge and succour
to the Princes of the blood, when they were kept from the Kings presence, and by
the ouer powring power of their enemies, were no better then plaine driuen and
chased from the Court. I meane, the Grand-father of the King now raigning, and
the Grand-father of the Prince of Conde, when they had no place of safe retreate.
In regard of which worthy and honourable seruice, it may seeme the French King
hath reason to haue the Protestants in his gracious remembrance. With other
commotion or insurrection, the Protestants are not iustly to be charged. But on
the contrary, certaine it is that King Henry III. raysed and sent forth seuerall
armies against the Protestants, to mine and roote them out of the Kingdome:
howbeit, so soone as they perceiued the said King was brought into dangerous
tearms, they ranne with great speed and speciall fidelitie to the Kings rescue and
succour, in the present danger. Certaine it is, that by their good seruice the said
King was deliuered, from a most extreame and imminent perill of his life in the
city of Tours. Certaine it is, they neuer abandoned that Henry 3. nor his next
successor Henry 4. in all the heat of reuolts and rebellions, raised hi the greatest
part of the Kingdome by the Pope, and the more part of the Clergie; but stood
to the said Kings in all their battels, to beare' vp the Crowne then tottering and
ready to fall. Certaine it is, that euen the heads and principal's of those by whom
the late King deceased was pursued with all extremities, at this day doe enioy the
fruit of all the good sendees done to the King by the said Protestants: And they
are now disgraced, kept vnder, exposed to publike hatred. What, for kindling
coales of questions and controuersies about Religion ? Forsooth, not so; but
because if they might haue equall and indifferent dealing, if credit might be giuen
to their faithfull aduertisements, the Crowne of their Kings should bee no longer

264 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

pinned to the Popes flic-flap; in France there should bee no French exempted
from subiection to the French King; causes of benefices or of matrimonie, should
bee no longer citable and summonable to the Romish Court; and the Kingdome
should bee no longer tributarie vnder the colour of annats, the first fruits of
Benefices after the remooue or death of the Incumbent, and other like impositions.

But why doe I speake so much in the behalfe of the French Protestants ? The
Lord Cardinall himselfe quittes them of this blame, when he telleth vs this doc-
trine for the deposing of Kings by the Popes mace or verge, had credit and
authoritie through all France, vntill Caluins time. Doth not his Lordship vnder-
hand confesse by these words, that Kings had beene alwaies before Caluins time,
the more dishonoured, and the worse serued ? Item, that Protestants, whom his
Lordship calls heretikes, by the light of holy Scripture made the world then and
euer since to see the right of Kings, oppressed so long before ? As for those of the
Low Countries, and the subiects of Swethland, I haue little to say of their case,
because it is not within ordinary compasse, and indeed serueth nothing to the pur-
pose. These Nations, besides the cause of Religion, doe stand vpon certaine
reasons of State, which I will not here take vpon me like a ludge to determine or
to sift.

lunius Brutus, Whom the Lord Cardinall obiecteth, is an author vnknowne;
and perhaps of purpose patcht vp by some Romanist, with a wyly deceit to draw
the reformed Religion into hatred with Christian Princes.

Buchanan I reckon and ranke among Poets, not among Diuines, classicall or
common. If the man hath burst out here and there into some tearmes of excesse,
or speach of bad temper; that must be imputed to the violence of his humour, and,
heate of his spirit, not in any wise to the rules and conclusions of trew Religion,
rightly by him concerned before.

Bar claim alledged by the Cardinall, meddles not with deposing of Kings; but
deals with disavowing them for Kings, when they shal renounce the right of
Royalty, and of their owne accord giue ouer the Kingdome. Now he that leaues
it in the Kings choice, either to hold or to giue ouer his Crowne, leaues it not in
the Popes power to take away the Kingdome.

Of Gerson obtruded by the Cardinal, we haue spoken sufficiently before,
Where it hath beene shewed how Gerson is disguised, masked, and peruerted by
his Lordship. In briefe, I take not vpon me to iustifie and make good all the say-
ings of particular authors : We glory (and well we may) that our religion aff ordeth
no rules of rebellion; nor any dispensation to subiects for the oath of their alle-
giance; and that none of our Churches giue entertainement vnto such monstrous
and abhominable principles of disloyaltie.

If any of the French,1 otherwise perswaded in former times, now hauing
altered and changed his iudgement, doth contend for the Soueraignty of Kings
against Papall vsurpation : He doubtles, for winding himselfe out of the Laborinth

1 Richerius.

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 265

of an error so intricate & pernicious, deserueth great honour and speciall praise:
He is worthy to hold a place of dignity aboue the L. Cardinal! ; who hath quitted
and betrayed his former iudgement, which was holy and iust : Their motions are
contrary, their markes are opposite: The one reclineth from euill to good, the
other declineth from good to euill.

At last his Lordship commeth to the close of his Oration, and bindes vp his whole
harangue with a feate wreath of praises, proper to his King. He styles the King
the eldest Sonne of the Church, a young shoot of the lilly, which King Salomon
in all his Royaltie was not able to match. He leades vs by the hand into the plea-
sant meadowes of Histories, there to learne vpon the very first sight and view,
That so long, so oft as the Kings of France embraced vnion, and kept good tearmes
of concord with Popes and the Apostolike See ; so long as the spouse of the Church
was pastured and fed among the lillies, all sorts of spirituall and temporall graces
abundantly showred vpon their Crownes, and vpon their people: On the con-
trary, when they made any rent or separation from the most holy See; then the
lillies were pricked and almost choaked with sharpe thornes; they beganne to
droope, to stoope, and to beare their beautifull heads downe to the very ground,
vnder the strong flawes and gusts of boystrous windes and tempests.

My answere to this flourishing close and vpshot, shall be no lesse apert then
apt. It sauours not of good and faithfull seruice, to smooth and stroake the Kings
head with a soft hand of oyled speech, and in the meane time to take away the
Crowne from his head, and to defile it with dirt. But let us try the cause by
euidence of Historic, yea by the voice and verdict of experience; to see whether
the glorious beauty of the French lillies hath beene at any time blasted, and
thereupon hath faded, by starting aside, and making separation from the holy
See. Vnder the raigne of King Philip the Faire, France was blessed with peace
and prosperity, notwithstanding some outragious acts done against the Papall
See, and contumelious crying quittance by King Philip with the Pope. Lewis 12.
in ranged battell defeated the armies of Pope lulius 2. and his Confederates:
proclaimed the said Pope to be fallen from the Popedome: stamped certaine
coynes and pieces of gold with a dishonourable mot, euen to Rome it selfe, Rome
is Babylon: yet so much was Lewis loued and honoured of his people, that by a
peculiar title he was called, the Father of the Country. Greater blessings of God,
greater outward peace and plenty, greater inward peace with spirituall and
celestiall treasures, were neuer heaped vpon my Great Brittaine, then haue beene
since my Great Britaine became Great in the greatest and chief est respect of all;
to wit, since my Great Brittaine hath shaken off the Popes yoke; since she hath
refused to receiue and to entertaine the Popes Legats, employed to collect S. Peters
tribute or Peter-pence; since the Kings of England, my Great Brittaine, haue not
beene the Popes vassals to doe him homage for their Crowne, and haue no more
felt the lashings, the scourgings of base and beggarly Monkes. Of Holland, Ze-
land, and Friseland, what neede I speake ? yet a word and no more. Were they

266 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

not a kinde of naked and bare people, of small value, before God lighted the torch
of the Gospel, and aduanced it in those Nations ? were they not an ill fedde and
scragged people, in comparison of the inestimable wealth and prosperity (both in
all military actions and mechanicall trades, in trafficke as merchants, in marting
as men of warre, in long navigation for discouerie) to which they are now raysed
and mounted by the mercifull blessing of God, since the darknes of Poperie hath
beene scattered, and the bright Sunne of the Gospel hath shined in those Coun-
tryes ? Behold the Venetian Republique: Hath shee now lesse beautie, lesse
glory, lesse peace and prosperitie, since she lately fell to bicker and contend with
the Pope ? since she hath wrung out of the Popes hand, the one of his two
swords ? : since she hath plumed and shaked his Temporall dominion ? On the
contrarie; after the French Kings had honoured the Popes, with munificent
graunts and gifts of all the cities and territories, lands and possessions, which they
now hold in Italy, and the auncient Earledome of Auignon in France for an ouer-
plus; were they not rudely recompenced, and homely handled by their most
ingratefull fee-farmers and copy-holders ? Haue not Popes forged a donation of
Constantine, of purpose to blot out all memory of Pepins and Charlemaignes dona-
tion ? Haue they not vexed and troubled the State ? haue they not whetted the
sonnes of Lewis the Courteous against their owne Father, whose life was a pat-
terne and example of innocencie ? Haue they not by their infinite exactions,
robbed and scoured the Kingdome of all their treasure ? Were not the Kings of
France, driuen to stoppe their violent courses by the pragmaticall sanction ? Did
they not sundry times interdict the Kingdome, degrade the Kings, solicite the
neighbour-Princes to inuade and lay hold on the Kingdome, and stirre vp the
people against the King, whereby a gate was opened to a world of troubles and
parricides ? Did not Rauaillac render this reason for his monstrous and horrible
attempt, That King Henry had a designe to warre with God, because he had a
designe to take armes against his Holinesse, who is God ? This makes me to
wonder, what mooued the L. Cardinall to marshall the last ciuill warres and
motions in France, in the ranke of examples of vnhappy separation from the Pope,
when the Pope himselfe was the trumpeter of the same troublesome motions. If
the Pope had bene wronged and offended by the French King, or his people, and
the Kingdome of France had been scourged with pestilence, or famine, or some
other calamitie by forraine enemies; it might haue beene taken in probabililtie,
as a vengeance of God for some iniurie done vnto his Vicar: But his Holiness
being the roote, the ground, the master-workeman and artificer of all these mis-
chief es; how can it be said, that God punisheth any iniurie done to the Pope ? but
rather that his Holinesse doth reuenge his owne quarrell; and which is worst of
all, when his Holinesse hath no iust cause of quarrell or offence. Now then; to
exhort a Nation (as the L. Cardinall hath done) by the remembrance of former
calamities, to curry fauour with the Pope, and to hold a strict vnion with his Holi-
nesse, is no exhortation to beare the Pope any respect of loue, or of reuerence, but

A DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS 267

rather a rubbing of memory, and a calling to minde of those grieuous calamities,
whereof the Pope hath been the only occasion. It is also a threatning and obtrud-
ing of the Popes terrible thunder-bolts, which neuer scorched nor parched any
skinne, (except crauens and meticulous bodies) and haue brought many great
showres of blessings vpon my Kingdome.

As for France, if she hath enioyed prosperity in the times of her good agree-
ment with Popes, it is because the Pope seekes the amity of Princes that are in
prosperitie, haue the meanes to curbe his pretensions, and to put him to some
plunge. Kings are not in prosperity, because the Pope holds ami tie with Kings;
but his Holinesse vseth all deuises, & seeketh all meanes to haue amitie with
Kings, because he sees them flourish & sayle with prosperous winds. The swallow
is no cause, but a companion of the spring: the Pope is no worker of a Kingdoms
felicity, but a wooer of kings when they sit in felicities lap : he is no founder, but a
follower of their good fortunes. On the other side: let a Kingdome fall into some
grieuous disaster or calamitie, let ciuill warres boile in the bowels of the King-
dome; ciuill wars no lesse dangerous to the State, then fearefull and grieuous to
the people ; who riseth sooner then the Pope, who rusheth sooner into the troubled
streames then the Pope, who thrusteth himselfe sooner into the heate of the
quarrell then the Pope, who runneth sooner to raise his gaine by the publike
wrack then the Pope, and all'vnder colour of a heart wounded and bleeding for the
saluation of soules ? If the lawfull King happen to be foyled, to be oppressed, and
thereupon the State by his fall to get a new master by the Popes practise; then
the said new master must hold the Kingdome as of the Popes free gift, and rule or
guide the sterne of the State at his becke, and by his instruction. If the first and
right Lord, in despite of all the Popes fulminations and fire-workes, shall get the
honourable day, and vpper hand of his enemies; then the holy Father with a
cheerfull and pleasant grace, yea with fatherly gratulation, opens the rich cabinet
of his iewells, I meane the treasurie of his indulgences, and falls now to dandle and
cocker the King in his fatherly lap, whose throat if he could, he would haue cut
not long before.

This pestilent mischiefe hath now a long time taken roote, and is growne to a
great head in the Christian world, through the secret, but iust iudgement of God;
by whom Christian Kings haue beene smitten with a spirit of dizzinesse: Chris-
tian Kings, who for many aages past haue liued in ignorance, without any sound
instruction, without any trew sense and right feeling of their owne right and
power, whilest vnder a shadow of Religion and false cloake of pietie, their King-
domes haue beene ouer-burdened, yea ouer-borne with tributes, and their Crownes
made to stoope euen to miserable bondage. That God in whose hand the hearts
of Kings are poised, and at his pleasure turned as the water-courses; that mighty
God alone, in his good tune, is able to rouze them out of so deepe a slumber, and
to take order (their drowzy fits once ouer and shaken off with heroicall spirits)
that Popes hereafter shall play no more vpon their patience, nor presume to put

268 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

bits and snaffles in their noble mouthes, to the binding vp of their power with
weake scruples, like mighty buls lead about by litle children with a small twisted
thred. To that God, that King of Kings I deuote my scepter; at his feet in all
humblenes I lay downe my Crowne; to his holy decrees and commaunds I will
euer be a faithfull seruant, and in his battels a faithfull champion. To conclude;
in this iust cause and quarrell, I dare send the challenge, and will require no
second, to maintaine as a defendant of honour, that my brother-Princes and my
selfe, whom God hath aduanced vpon the Throne of Soueraigne Maiestie and
supreame dignity, doe hold the Royall dignitie of his Maiestie alone; to whose
seruice, as a most humble homager and vassal!, I consecrate all the glory, honour,
splendor, and lustre of my earthly Kingdomes.

A SPEACH, AS IT WAS DELIVERED IN THE VPPER HOVSE OF

THE PARLIAMENT TO THE LORDS SPIRITVALL AND

TEMPORALL, AND TO THE KNIGHTS, CITIZENS

AND BURGESSES THERE ASSEMBLED,

ON MVNDAY THE XIX. DAY OF MARCH 1603. BEING THE FIRST DAY OF

THE FIRST PARLIAMENT.

IT did no sooner please God to lighten his hand, and relent the violence of his
deuouring Angel against the poore people of this Citie, but as soone did I
resolue to call this Parliament, and that for three_chiefe and principall reasons:
The first whereof is, (and which of it selfe, although there were no more, is not
onely a sufficient, but a most full and necessary ground and reason for conuening
of this Assembly) -<rhis first reason I say is, That you^who are here presently £
assembled to represent the Body of this whole Kingdome, and of all sorts of
people within the same,<inay with your owne eares heare, and that I out of mine
owne mouth may deliuer vnto you the assurance of my due thankefulnes for your
so ioyfull and generall applause to the declaring and receiuing of mee in this
Seate (which GOD by my Birthright and lineall descent had in the fulnesse of "^
time prouided for me)Vnd that, immediatly after it pleased God to call your late
Soueraigne of famous memory, full of dayes, but fuller of immortall trophes of
Honour, out of this transitorie life. Not that I am able to expresse by wordes, or
vtter by eloquence the viue Image of mine inward thankfulnes, but onely that s
out of mine owne mouth you may rest assured to expect that measure of thanke-
fulnes at my hands, which is according to the infinitenes of your deserts, and to
my inclination and abilitie for requitall of the same. Shall I euer ? nay, can I
euer be able, or rather so vnable in memorie, as to forget your vnexpected readi-
nesse and alacritie, your euer memorable resolution, and your most wonderfull
conjunction and harmonic of your hearts in declaring and embracing mee as your
vndoubted and lawfull King and Gouernour ? Or shall it euer bee blotted out of
my minde, how at my first entrie into this Kingdome, the people of all sorts rid
and ran, nay rather flew to meet mee ? their eyes flaming nothing but sparkles of
affection, their mouthes and tongues vttering nothing but sounds of ioy, their
hands, feete, and all the rest of their members in their gestures discouering a pas-
sionate longing, and earnestnesse to meete and embrace their new Soueraigne.
Quid ergo retribuam ? Shall I allow in my selfe, that which I could neuer beare \S
with in another ? No I must plainely and freely confesse here in all your au-
diences, that I did euer naturally so farre mislike a tongue to smoothe, and diligent
in paying their creditors with lip payment and verball thankes, as I euer sus-
pected that sort of people meant not to pay their debtors in more substantial!

169

270 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

sort of coyne. And therefore for expressing of my thankefulnesse, I must resort
vnto the other two reasons of my conuening of this Parliament, by them in action
to vtter my thankefulnesse : Both the said reasons hauing but one ground, which
is the deedes, whereby all the dayes of my life, I am by Gods grace to expresse my
said thankfulnesse towards you, but diuided in this, That in the first of these
two, mine actions of thankes, are so inseparably conioyned with my Person, as
they are in a maner become indiuidually annexed to the same : In the other reason,
mine actions are such, as I may either doe them, or leaue them vndone, although
by Gods grace I hope neuer to be weary of the doing of them^

As to the first : It is the blessings which God hath in my Person bestowed vpon
you all, wherein I protest, I doe more glorie at the same for your weale, then for
any particular respect of mine owne reputation, or aduantage therein.

The first then of these blessings, which God hath ioyntly with my Person sent
vnto you, is outward Peace: that is, peace abroad with all forreine neighbours:
for I thanke God I may iustly say, that neuer since I was a King, I either receiued
wrong of any other Christian Prince or State, or did wrong to any : I haue euer, I
praise God, yet kept Peace and amitie with all, which hath bene so farre tyed to
my person, as at my comming here you are witnesses I found the State embar-
qued in a great and tedious warre, and onely by mine arriuall here, and by the
Peace in my Person, is now amitie kept, where warre was before, which is no smal
blessing to a Christian Common-wealth: for by Peace abroad with their neigh-
bours the Townes flourish, the Merchants become rich, the Trade doeth encrease,
and the people of all sorts of the Land enioy free libertie to exercise themselues hi
then: seuerall vocations without perill or disturbance. Not that I thinke this out-
ward Peace so vnseparably tyed to my Person, as I dare assuredly promise to my
selfe and to you, the certaine continuance thereof: but thus farre I can very well
assure you, and in the word of a King promise vnto you, That I shall neuer giue
the first occasion of the breach thereof, neither shall I euer be moued for any par-
ticular or priuate passion of mind to interrupt your publique Peace, except I be
forced thereunto, either for reparation of the honour of the Kingdom, or else by
necessitie for the weale and preseruation of the same : In which case, a secure and
honourable warre must be preferred to an vnsecure and dishonourable Peace:
yet doe I hope by my experience of the by-past blessings of Peace, which God
hath so long euer since my Birth bestowed vpon mee, that hee wil not be weary
to continue the same, nor repent him of his grace towards me, transferring that
sentence of King Dauids vpon his by-past victories of warre, to mine of Peace,
That, that God who presented me from the deuouring iawes of the Beare and of the
Lion, and ddiuered them into my hands, shall also now grant me victory ouer that
vncircumcised Philistine.

SPEECH OF 1603 271

But although outward Peace be a great blessing; yet is it as farre inferiour to
peace within, as Ciuill warres are more cruell and vnnaturall then warres abroad,
And therefore the second great blessing that GOD hath with my Person sent vnto
you, is Peace within, and that in a double forme. First, by my descent lineally
out of the loynes of Henry the seuenth, is reunited and confirmed in mee the Vnion
of the two Princely Roses of the two Houses of LANCASTER and YORKE, whereof
that King of happy memorie was the first Vniter, as he was also the first ground-
layer of the other Peace. The lamentable and miserable euents by the Ciuill and
bloody dissention betwixt these two Houses was so great and so late, as it need
not be renewed vnto your memories: which, as it was first setled and vnited in
him, so is it now reunited and confirmed in me, being iustly and lineally descended,
not onely of that happie coniunction, but of both the Branches thereof many
times before. But the Vnion of these two princely Houses, is nothing comparable
to the Vnion of two ancient and famous Kingdomes, which is the other inward
Peace annexed to my Person.

And here I must craue your patiences for a little space, to giue me leaue to dis-
course more particularly of the benefits that doe arise of that Vnion which is made
in my blood, being a matter that most properly belongeth to me to speake of, as
the head wherein that great Body is vnited. And first, if we were to looke no
higher then to naturall and Physicall reasons, we may easily be perswaded of the
great benefits that by that Vnion do redound to the whole Island: for if twentie
thousand men be a strong Armie, is not the double thereof, fourtie thousand, a
double the stronger Armie ? If a Baron enricheth himselfe with double as many
lands as hee had before, is he not double the greater ? Nature teacheth vs, that
Mountaines are made of Motes, and that at the first, Kingdomes being diuided,
and euery particular Towne or little Countie, as Tyrants or Vsurpers could ob-
taine the possession, a Segniorie apart, many of these little Kingdomes are now in
processe of time, by the ordinance of God, ioyned into great Monarchies, whereby
they are become powerfull within themselues to defend themselues from all out-
ward inuasions, and their head and gouernour thereby enabled to redeeme them
from forreine assaults, and punish priuate transgressions within. Do we not yet
remember, that this Kingdome was diuided into seuen little Kingdomes, besides
Wales ? And is it not now the stronger by their vnion ? And hath not the vnion
of Wales to England added a greater strength thereto ? Which though it was a
great Principalitie, was nothing comparable in greatnesse and power to the
ancient and famous Kingdome of Scotland. But what should we sticke vpon any
naturall appearance, when it is manifest that God by his Almightie prouidence
hath preordained it so to be ? Hath not God first vnited these two Kingdomes
both in Language, Religion, and similitude of maners ? Yea, hath hee not made
vs all in one Island, compassed with one Sea, and of it selfe by nature so indiuisible,

272 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

as almost those that were borderers themselues on the late Borders, cannot
distinguish, nor know, or discerne their owne limits ? These two Countries being
separated neither by Sea, nor great Riuer, Mountaine, nor other strength of
nature, but onely by little small brookes, or demolished little walles, so as rather
they were diuided in apprehension, then in effect; And now in the end and ful-
nesse of time vnited, the right and title of both in my Person, alike lineally
descended of both the Crownes, whereby it is now become like a little World
within it selfe, being intrenched and fortified round about with a naturall, and
yet admirable strong pond or ditch, whereby all the former feares of this Nation
are now quite cut off: The other part of the Island being euer before now not
onely the place of landing to all strangers, that was to make inuasion here, but
likewise moued by the enemies of this State by vntimely incursions, to make
inforced diuersion from their Conquests, for defending themselues at home, and
keeping sure their backe-doore, as then it was called, which was the greatest
hinderance and let that euer my Predecessors of this Nation gat in disturbing them
from their many famous and glorious conquests abroad: What God hath con-
ioyned then, let no man separate. I am the Husband, and all the whole Isle is my
lawfull Wife; I am the Head, and it is my Body; I am the Shepherd, and it is my
flocke: I hope therefore no man will be so vnreasonable as to thinke that I that
am a Christian King vnder the Gospel, should be a Polygamist and husband to
two wiues; that I being the Head, should haue a diuided and monstrous Body;
or that being the Shepheard to so faire a Flocke (whose fold hath no wall to
hedge it but the foure Seas) should haue my Flocke parted in two. But as I am
assured, that no honest Subiect of whatsoeuer degree within my whole dominions,
is lesse glad of this ioyfull Vnion then I am; So may the friuolous obiection of any
that would bee hinderers of this worke, which God hath in my Person already
established, bee easily answered, which can be none, except such as are either
blinded with Ignorance, or els transported with Malice, being vnable to liue in a
well gouerned Commonwealth, and onely delighting to fish in troubled waters.
For if they would stand vpon their reputation and priuiledges of any of the King-
domes, I pray you was not both the Kingdomes Monarchies from the beginning,
and consequently could euer the Body bee counted without the Head, which was
euer vnseparably ioyned thereunto ? So that as Honour and Priuiledges of any
of the Kingdomes could not be diuided from their Soueraigne; So are they now
confounded & ioyned in my Person, who am equall and alike kindly Head to you
both. When this Kingdome of England was diuided into so many little King-
doms as I told you before; one of them behooued to eate vp another, till they
were all vnited in one. And yet can Wiltshire or Deuonshire, which were of the
West Saxons, although their Kingdome was of longest durance, and did by Con-
quest ouercome diuers of the rest of the little Kingdomes, make claime to Prioritie
of Place or Honour before Sussex, Essex, or other Shires which were conquered by
them ? And haue we not the like experience in the Kingdome of France, being

SPEECH OF 1603 273

composed of diuers Dutchies, and one after another conquered by the sword ?
For euen as little brookes lose their names by their running and fall into great
Riuers, and the very name and memorie of the great Riuers swallowed vp in the
Ocean: so by the coniunction of diuers little Kingdomes in one, are all these
priuate differences and questions swallowed vp. And since the successe was
happie of the Saxons Kingdomes being conquered by the speare of Bellona; 1
How much greater reason haue wee to expect a happie issue of this greater Vnion,
which is only fastened and bound vp by the wedding Ring of Astrea ? 2 And as
God hath made Scotland the one halfe of this Isle to enioy my Birth, and the first
and most vnperfect halfe of my life, and you heere to enioy the perfect and the
last halfe thereof; so can I not thinke that any would be so iniurious to me, no
not in their thoughts and wishes, as to cut asunder the one halfe of me from the
other. But in this matter I haue farre enough insisted, resting assured that in
your hearts and mindes you all applaud this my discourse.

3

Now although these blessings before rehearsed of Inward and Outward peace,
be great : yet seeing that in all good things, a great part of their goodnesse and
estimation is lost, if they haue not appearance of perpetuity or long continuance;
so hath it pleased Almighty God to accompany my person also with that fauour,
hauing healthful and hopefull Issue of my body, whereof some are here present,
for continuance and propagation of that vndoubted right which is in my Person;
vnder whom I doubt not but it will please God to prosper and continue for many
yeeres this Vnion, and all other blessings of Inward and outward Peace, which I
haue brought with me.

4

Bvt neither Peace outward, nor Peace inward, nor any other blessings that
can follow thereupon, nor appearance of the perpetuitie thereof, by propagation
in the posteritie, is but a weake pillar and a rotten reed to leane vnto, if God doe
not strengthen and by the staffe of his blessing make them durable: For in
vaine doeth the Watchman watch the Citie, if the Lord be not the principall
defence thereof: In vaine doeth the builder build the house, if God giue not the
successe: And in vaine (as Paul saith) doeth Paul plant and Apollo water, if God
giue not the increase : For all worldly blessings are but like swift passing shadowes,
fading flowers, or chaffe blowen before the wind, if by the profession of trew
Religion, and works according thereunto, God be not moued to maintaine and
settle the Thrones of Princes. And although that since mine entry into this
Kingdome, I haue both by meeting with diuers of the Ecclesiastical Estate, and
likewise by diuers Proclamations clearely declared my minde in points of Re-
ligion, yet doe I not thinke it amisse in this so solemne an Audience, I should now

1 Mars. * Loue and Peace.

274 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

take occasion to discouer somewhat of the secrets of my heart in that matter:
For I shall neuer (with Gods grace) bee ashamed to make publike profession
thereof at all occasions, lest God should bee ashamed to professe and allow mee
before men and Angels, especially lest that at this time men might presume
further vpon the misknowledge of my meaning to trouble this Parliament of ours
then were conuenient. At my first comming, although I found but one Religion,
and that which by my selfe is professed, publikely allowed, and by the Law
maintained: Yet found I another sort of Religion, besides a priuate Sect, lurking
within the bowels of this Nation. The first is the trew Religion, which by me is
professed, and by the Law is established: The second is the falsly called Catho-
likes, but trewly Papists: The third, which I call a sect rather then Religion, is
the Puritanes and Nouelists, who doe not so farre differ from vs in points of Re-
ligion, as in their confused forme of Policie and Paritie, being euer discontented
with the present gouernment, & impatient to suffer any superiority, which maketh
their sect vnable to be suffred in any wel gouerned Commonwealth. But as for
my course toward them, I remit it to my Proclamations made vpon that Subiect.
And now for the Papists, I must put a difference betwixt mine owne priuate pro-
fession of mine owne saluation, and my politike gouernment of the Realme for
the weale and quietnes thereof. As for mine owne profession, you haue me your
Head now amongst you of the same Religion that the body is of. As I am no
stranger to you in blood, no more am I a stranger to you in Faith, or in the mat-
ters concerning the house of God. And although this my profession be according
to mine education, wherein (I thanke God) I sucked the milke of Gods trewth,
with the milke of my Nurse: yet do I here protest vnto you, that I would neuer
for such a conceit of constancy or other preiudicate opinion, haue so firmly kept
my first profession, if I had not found it agreeable to all reason, and to the rule
of my Conscience. But I was neuer violent nor vnreasonable in my profession:
I acknowledge the Romane Church to be our Mother Church, although defiled
with some infirmities and corruptions, as the lewes were when they crucified
Christ: And as I am none enemie to the life of a sicke man, because I would haue
his bodie purged of ill humours; no more am I enemie to their Church, because I
would haue them reforme their errors, not wishing the downethrowing of the
Temple, but that it might be purged and cleansed from corruption: otherwise
how can they wish vs to enter, if their house be not first made cleane ? But as I
would be loather to dispense in the least point of mine owne Conscience for any
worldly respect, then the foolishest Precisian of them all; so would I bee as sory
to straight the politique Gouernement of the bodies and mindes of all my Sub-
iectes to my priuate opinions: Nay, my minde was euer so free from persecution,
or thralling of my Subiects in matters of Conscience, as I hope that those of that
profession within this Kingdome haue a proofe since my comming, that I was so
farre from encreasing their burdens with Rehoboam, as I haue so much as either
time, occasion, or law could permit, lightened them. And euen now at this time

SPEECH OF 1603 275

haue I bene carefull to reuise and consider deepely vpon the Lawes made against
them, that some ouerture may be proponed to the present Parliament for clearing
these Lawes by reason (which is the soule of the Law) in case they haue bene in
times past further, or more rigorously extended by Judges, then the meaning of
the Law was, or might tend to the hurt aswell of the innocent as of guiltie per-
sons. And as to the persons of my Subiects which are of that profession, I must
diuide them into two rankes, Clerickes and Layickes; for the part of the Layicks,
certainely I euer thought them farre more excusable then the other sort, because
that sort of Religion containeth such an ignorant, doubtfull, and implicit kinde
of faith in the Layickes grounded vpon their Church, as except they doe generally
beleeue whatsoeuer their Teachers please to affirme, they cannot be thought
guilty of these particular points of heresies and corruptions, which their Teachers
doe so wilfully professe. And againe I must subdiuide the same Layickes into two
rankes, that is, either quiet and well minded men, peaceable Subiects, who either
being old, haue retayned their first drunken in liquor vpon a certaine shamefast-
nesse to be thought curious or changeable: Or being young men, through euill
education haue neuer bene nursed or brought vp, but vpon such venim in place of
wholesome nutriment. And that sort of people I would be sorry to punish their
bodies for the errour of their minds, the reformation whereof must onely come of
God and the trew Spirit. But the other ranke of Layicks, who either through
Curiositie, affectation of Noueltie, or discontentment in their priuat humours,
haue changed their coates, onely to be factious stirrers of Sedition, and Perturb-
ers of the common wealth, their backwardnesse in their Religion giueth a ground
to me the Magistrate, to take the better heed to their proceeding, and to correct
their obstinacie. But for the part of the Clerickes, I must directly say and
affirme, that as long as they maintaine one speciall point of their doctrine, and
another point of their practise, they are no way sufferable to remaine in this
Kingdome. Their point of doctrine is that arrogant and ambitious Supremacie
of their Head the Pope, whereby he not onely claimes to bee Spirituall head of all
Christians, but also to haue an Imperiall ciuill power ouer all Kings and Em-
perors, dethroning and decrowning Princes with his foot as pleaseth him, and
dispensing and disposing of all Kingdomes and Empires at his appetite. The
other point which they obserue in continuall practise, is the assassinates and
murthers of Kings, thinking it no sinne, but rather a matter of saluation, to doe
all actions of rebellion and hostilitie against their naturall Soueraigne Lord, if he
be once cursed, his subiects discharged of their fidelitie, and his Kingdome giuen
a prey by that three crowned Monarch, or rather Monster their Head. And in
this point, I haue no occasion to speake further here, sauing that I could wish
from my heart, that it would please God to make me one of the members of such
a generall Christian vnion in Religion, as laying wilfulnesse aside on both hands,
wee might meete in the middest, which is the Center and perfection of all things.
For if they would leaue, and be ashamed of such new and grosse Corruptions of

276 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

theirs, as themselues cannot maintaine, nor denie to bee worthy of reformation,
I would for mine owne part be content to meete them in the mid-way, so that all
nouelties might be renounced on either side. For as my faith is the Trew, Ancient
Catholike and Apostolike faith, grounded vpon the Scriptures and expresse word
of God: so will I euer yeeld all reuerence to antiquitie in the points of Ecclesiasti-
call pollicy; and by that meanes shall I euer with Gods grace keepe my selfe
from either being an hereticke in Faith, or schismatick in matters of Pollicie.
But of one thing would I haue the Papists of this Land to bee admonished, That
they presume not so much vpon my Lenitie (because I would be loath to be
thought a Persecuter) as thereupon to thinke it lawfull for them dayly to en-
crease their number and strength in this Kingdome, whereby if not in my time,
at least in the tune of my posteritie, they might be in hope to erect their Religion
againe. No, let them assure themselues, that as I am a friend to their persons
if they be good subiects: so am I a vowed enemie, and doe denounce mortall
warre to their errors: And that as I would be sory to bee driuen by their ill
behauiour from the protection and conseruation of their bodies and Hues; So
will I neuer cease as farre as I can, to tread downe their errors and wrong opinions.
For I could not permit the encrease and growing of their Religion, without first
betraying of my selfe, and mine owne conscience: Secondly, this whole Isle,
aswell the part I am come from, as the part I remaine in, in betraying their Liber-
ties, and reducing them to the former slauish yoke, which both had casten off,
before I came amongst them: And thirdly, the libertie of the Crowne in my
posteritie, which I should leaue againe vnder a new slauery, hauing found it left
free to me by my Predecessors. And therefore would I wish all good Subiects
that are deceiued with that corruption, first if they find any beginning of instinc-
tion in themselues of knowledge and loue to the Trewth, to foster the same by all
lawfull meanes, and to beware of quenching the spirit that worketh within them;
And if they can find as yet no motion tending that way, to be studious to reade
and conferre with learned men, and to vse all such meanes as may further their
Resolution, assuring themselues, that as long as they are disconformable in Re-
ligion from vs, they cannot bee but halfe my Subiects, bee able to doe but halfe
seruice, and I to want the best halfe of them, which is their soules. And here
haue I occasion to speake to you my Lords the Bishops: For as you, my Lord of
Durham, said very learnedly to day in your Sermon, Correction without instruc-
tion, is but a Tyrannic: So ought you, and all the Clergie vnder you, to be more
carefull, vigilant, and diligent then you haue bene, to winne Soules to God, aswell
by your exemplary life, as doctrine. And since you see how carefull they are,
sparing neither labour, paines, nor extreme perill of their persons to diuert, (the
Deuill is so busie a Bishop) yee should bee the more carefull and wakefull in your
charges. Follow the rule prescribed you by S. Paid, Bee carefull to exhort and to
instruct in season, and out of season: and where you haue beene any way sluggish
before, now waken your selues vp againe with a new diligence in this point, re-

SPEECH OF 1603 277

mitting the successe to God, who calling them either at the second, third, tenth
or twelfth houre, as they are alike welcome to him, so shall they bee to mee his
Lieutenant here.

The third reason of my conuening of you at this time, which conteineth such
actions of my thankefulnesse toward you, as I may either doe, or leaue vndone,
yet shall with Gods grace euer presse to performe all the dayes of my life: It
consists in these two points; In making of Lawes at certaine times, which is
onely at such times as this in Parliament; or in the carefull execution thereof at
all other times. As for the making of them, I will thus farre faithfully promise
vnto you, That I will euer preferre the weale of the body and of the whole Com-
mon-wealth, in making of good Lawes and constitutions, to any particular or
priuate ends of mine, thinking euer the wealth and weale of the Common-wealth
to bee my greatest weale and worldly felicitie: A point wherein a lawfull King
doeth directly differ from a Tyrant. But at this time I am onely thus farre to
forewarne you in that point, That you beware to seeke the making of too many
Lawes, for two especiall reasons: First, because In corruptissima Republica
plurima leges; and the execution of good Lawes is farre more profitable in a
Common-wealth, then to burden mens memories with the making of too many of
them. And next, because the making of too many Lawes in one Parliament, will
bring in confusion, for lacke of leisure wisely to deliberate before you conclude:
For the Bishop said well to day, That to Deliberation would a large time be giuen,
but to Execution a greater promptnesse was required. As for the execution of
good Lawes, it hath bene very wisely and honourably foreseene and ordered by
my predecessours in this Kingdome, in planting such a number of ludges, and all
sorts of Magistrates in conuenient places for the execution of the same: And
therefore must I now turne mee to you that are ludges and Magistrates vnder
mee, as mine Eyes and Eares in this case. I can say none otherwise to you, then
as Ezekias the good King of luda said to their ludges, Remember that the Thrones
that you sit on are Gods, and neither yours nor mine: And that as you must be
answerable to mee, so must both you and I be answerable to GOD, for the due
execution of our Offices. That place is no place for you to vtter your affections
in, you must not there hate your foe nor loue your friend, feare the offence of the
greater partie or pity the miserie of the meaner; yee must be blinde and not see
distinctions of persons, handlesse, not to receiue bribes; but keepe that iust
temper and mid-course in all your proceedings, that like a iust ballance ye may
neither sway to the right nor left hand. Three principall qualities are required
in you; Knowledge, Courage, and Sinceritie: that you may discerne with knowl-
edge, execute with courage, and doe both in vpright sinceritie. And as for my
part, I doe vow and protest here in the presence of God, and of this honourable
Audience, I neuer shall be wearie, nor omit no occasion, wherein I may shew my
carefulnesse of the execution of good Lawes. And as I wish you that are ludges
not to be weary in your Office in doing of it; so shall I neuer be wearie, with Gods
grace, to take account of you, which is properly my calling.

278 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

And thus hauing tolde you the three causes of my conuening of this Parlia-
ment, all three tending onely to vtter my thankefulnesse, but in diuers formes, the
first by word, the other two by action; I doe confesse that when I haue done and
performed all that in this Speech I haue promised, Inutilis seruus sum: Inutile,
because the meaning of the word Inutilis in that place of Scripture is vnderstood,
that in doing all the seruice which wee can to God, it is but our due, and wee doe
nothing to God but that which wee are bound to doe. And in like maner, when I
haue done all that I can for you, I doe nothing but that which I am bound to do,
and am accomptable to God vpon the contrary : For I doe acknowledge, that the
speciall and greatest point of difference that is betwixt a rightfull King and an
vsurping Tyrant is in this; That whereas the proude and ambitious Tyrant doeth
thinke his Kingdome and people are onely ordeined for satisfaction of his desires
and vnreasonable appetites; The righteous and iust King doeth by the contrary
acknowledge himselfe to bee ordeined for the procuring of the wealth and pros-
peritie of his people, and that his greatest and principall worldly felicitie must
consist in their prosperitie. If you bee rich I cannot bee poore, if you bee happy
I cannot but bee fortunate, and I protest that your welfare shall euer be my
greatest care and contentment: And that I am a Seruant it is most trew, that as I
am Head and Gouernour of all the people in my Dominion who are my naturall
vassals and Subiects, considering them in numbers and distinct Rankes; So if
wee will take the whole People as one body and Masse, then as the Head is
ordeined for the body and not the Body for the Head; so must a righteous King
know himselfe to bee ordeined for his people, and not his people for him: For
although a King and people be Relata; yet can hee be no King if he want people
and Subiects. But there be many people in the world that lacke a Head, where-
fore I will neuer bee ashamed to confesse it my principall Honour to bee the great
Seruant of the Common-wealth, and euer thinke the prosperitie thereof to be my
greatest felicitie, as I haue already said.

But as it was the whole Body of this Kingdome, with an vniforme assent and
harmonic, as I told you in the beginning of my Speech, which did so farre oblige
me in good will and thankefulnesse of requitall by their alacritie and readinesse
in declaring and receiuing mee to that place which God had prouided for mee,
and not any particular persons: (for then it had not bene the body) So is my
thankefulnesse due to the whole State. For euen as in matter of faults, Quod a
multis peccatur, impune peccatur: Euen so in the matter of vertuous and good
deedes, what is done by the willing consent and harmonic of the whole body, no
particular person can iustly claime thankes as proper to him for the same. And
therefore I must heere make a little Apologie for my selfe, in that I could not
satisfie the particular humours of euery person, that looked for some aduance-
ment or reward at my hand since my entrie into this Kingdome. Three kinde of
things were craued of mee: Aduancement to honour, Preferment to place of
Credit about my Person, and Reward in matters of land or profit. If I had

SPEECH OF 1603 279

bestowed Honour vpon all, no man could haue beene aduanced to Honour: for
the degrees of Honour doe consist in perferring some aboue their fellowes. If
euery man had the like accesse to my Priuy or Bed-chamber, then no man could
haue it, because it cannot containe all. And if I had bestowed Lands and Re-
wards vpon euery man, the fountaine of my liberalise would be so exhausted and
dried, as I would lacke meanes to bee liberall to any man. And yet was I not so
sparing, but I may without vaunting affirme that I haue enlarged my fauour in
all the three degrees, towards as many and more then euer King of England did
in so short a space: No, I rather craue your pardon that I haue beene so bounti-
full: for if the meanes of the Crowne bee wasted, I behoued then to haue recourse
to you my Subiects, and bee burdensome to you, which I would bee lothest to bee
of any King aliue. For as it is trew, that as I haue already said, it was a whole
Body which did deserue so well at my hand, and not euery particular person of
the people: yet were there some who by reason of their Office, credit with the
people or otherwise, tooke occasion both before, and at the time of my comming
amongst you, to giue proof e of their loue and affection towards me. Not that I
am any way in doubt, that if other of my Subiects had beene in their places, and
had had the like occasion, but they would haue vttered the like good effects, (so
generall and so great were the loue and affection of you all towards mee:) But yet
this hauing beene performed by some speciall persons, I could not without vn-
thankfulnesse but requite them accordingly. And therefore had I iust occasion to
aduance some in Honour, some to places of seruice about mee, and by rewarding
to enable some who had deserued well of mee, and were not otherwise able to
maintaine the rankes I thought them capable of, and others who although they
had not particularly deserued before, yet I found them capable and worthy of
place of preferment and credit, and not able to sustaine those places for which
I thought them fit, without my helpe. Two especiall causes moued mee to be so
open handed: whereof the one was reasonable and honourable; but the other
I will not bee ashamed to confesse vnto you, proceeded of mine owne infirmitie.
That which was iust and honourable, was : That being so farre beholding to the
body of the whole State, I thought I could not refuse to let runne some small
brookes out of the fountaine of my thankefulnesse to the whole, for refreshing of
particular persons that were members of that multitude. The other which pro-
ceeded out of mine owne infirmitie, was the multitude and importunitie of
Sutors. But although reason come by infusion in a maner, yet experience groweth
with time and labour: And therefore doe I not doubt, but experience in time com-
ming will both teach the particular Subiects of this Kingdome, not to be so im-
portune and vndiscreete in crauing: And mee not to be so easily and lightly
mooued, in granting that which may be harmefull to my Estate, and consequently
to the whole Kingdome.

And thus hauing at length declared vnto you my minde in all the points, for
the which I called this Parliament: My conclusion shall onely now be to excuse

28o THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

my selfe, in case you haue not found such Eloquence in my Speech, as peraduen-
ture you might haue looked for at my hands. I might, if I list, alledge the great
weight of my Affaires and my continuall businesse and distraction, that I could
neuer haue leasure to thinke vpon what I was to speake, before I came to the
place where I was to speak: And I might also alledge that my first sight of this
so famous and Honourable an Assembly, might likewise breede some impedi-
ment. But leauing these excuses, I will plainely and freely in my maner tell you
the trew cause of it, which is; That it becommeth a King, in my opinion, to vse
no other Eloquence then plainnesse and sinceritie. By plainenesse I meane, that
his Speeches should be so cleare and voyd of all ambiguitie, that they may not be
throwne, nor rent asunder in contrary sences like the old Oracles of the Pagan
gods. And by sinceritie, I vnderstand that vprightnsse and honestie which
ought to be in a Kings whole Speeches and actions: That as farre as a King is in
Honour erected aboue any of his Subiects, so farre should he striue in sinceritie
to be aboue them all, and that his tongue should be euer the trew Messenger of
his heart: and this sort of Eloquence may you euer assuredly looke for at my
hands.

A SPEACH IN THE PARLIAMENT HOVSE, AS NEERE
THE VERY WORDS AS COVLD BE GATHERED AT

THE INSTANT.

MY Lords Spiritual! and Temporall, and you the Knights and Burgesses of
this Parliament, It was farre from my thoughts till very lately before my
comming to this place, that this Subiect should haue bene minis tred vnto mee,
whereupon I am now to speake. But now it so falleth out, That whereas in the
preceding Session of this Parliament, the principall occasion of my Speach was,
to thanke and congratulate all you of this House, and in you, all the whole Com-
mon-wealth (as being the representatiue body of the State) for your so willing,
and louing receiuing and embracing of mee in that place, which GOD and Nature
by descent of blood, had in his owne time prouided for me : So now my Subiect
is to speake of a farre greater Thankesgiuing then before I gaue to you, being to a
farre greater person, which is to GOD, for the great and miraculous Deliuery he
hath at this time granted to me, and to you all, and consequently to the whole
body of this Estate.

I must therefore begin with this old and most approued Sentence of DiuinitiCi
Misericordia Dei supra omnia opera eius. For Almightie God did not furnish
so great matter to his glory by the Creation of this great World, as he did by the
Redemption of the same. Neither did his generation of the little world in our
old & first Adam, so much set forth the praises of God in his lustice and Mercy,
as did our Regeneration in the last & second Adam.

And now I must craue a little pardon of you, That since Kings are in the word
of GOD it selfe called Gods, as being his Lieutenants and Vice-gerents on earth,
and so adorned and furnished with some sparkles of the Diuinitie; to compare
some of the workes of GOD the great KING, towards the whole and generall world,
to some of his workes towards mee, and this little world of my Dominions, com-
passed and seuered by the Sea from the rest of the earth. For as GOD for the iust
punishment of the first great sinnes in the originall world, when the sonnes of
GOD went in to the daughters of men, and the cup of their inquities of all sorts
was filled, and heaped vp to the full, did by a generall deluge and ouerflowing of
waters, baptize the world to a generall destruction, and not to a generall purga-
tion (onely excepted NOAH and his family, who did repent and beleeue the threat-
nings of GODS iudgement:) So now when the world shall waxe old as a garment,
and that all the impieties and sinnes that can be deuised against both the first and
second Table, haue and shall bee committed to the full measure; GOD is to punish
the world the second time by fire, to the generall destruction and not purgation

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282 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

thereof. Although as was done in the former to NOAH and his family by the
waters; So shall all we that beleeue be likewise purged, and not destroyed by the
fire. In the like sort, I say, I may iustly compare these two great and fearefull
Domes-dayes, wherewith GOD threatned to destroy mee and all you of this little
world that haue interest in me. For although I confesse, as all mankinde, so
chiefly Kings, as being in the higher places like the high Trees, or stayest Moun-
taines, and steepest Rockes, are most subiect to the dayly tempest of innumerable
dangers; and I amongst all other Kings haue euer bene subiect vnto them, not
onely euer since my birth, but euen as I may iustly say, before my birth: and
while I was yet in my mothers belly : yet haue I bene exposed to two more speciall
and greater dangers then all the rest.

The first of them, in the Kingdome where I was borne, and passed the first
part of my life: And the last of them here, which is the greatest. In the former
I should haue bene baptized in blood, and in my destruction not onely the King-
dom wherein I then was, but ye also by your future interest, should haue tasted
of my mine: Yet it pleased GOD to deliuer mee, as it were from the very brinke
of death, from the point of the dagger, and so to purge me by my thankefull
acknowledgement of so great a benefite. But in this, which did so lately fall out,
and which was a destruction prepared not for me alone, but for you all that are
here present, and wherein no ranke, aage, nor sexe should haue bene spared; This
was not a crying sinne of blood, as the former, but it may well bee called a roaring,
nay a thundring sinne of fire and brimstone, from the which GOD hath so miracu-
lously deliuered vs all. What I can speake of this, I know not: Nay rather, what
can I not speake of it ? And therefore I must for horror say with the Poet,
Voxfaucibus hceret.

In this great and horrible attempt, whereof the like was neuer either heard or
read, I obserue three wonderfull, or rather miraculous euents.

First, in the crueltie of the Plot it selfe, wherein cannot be enough admired the
horrible and fearefull crueltie of their deuice, which was not onely for the destruc-
tion of my Person, nor of my Wife and posteritie onely, but of the whole body of
the State in generall; wherein should neither haue bene spared, or distinction
made of yong nor of old, of great nor of small, of man nor of woman: The whole
Nobilitie, the whole reuerend Clergie, Bishops, and most part of the good
Preachers, the most part of the Knights and Gentrie; yea, and if that any in
this Societie were fauourers of their profession, they should all haue gone one way:
The whole ludges of the land, with the most of the Lawyers, and the whole
Clerkes: And as the wretch himselfe which is in the Tower, doeth confesse, it was
purposely deuised by them, and concluded to be done in this house; That where
the cruell Lawes (as they say) were made against their Religion, both place and
persons should all be destroyed and blowne vp at once. And then consider there-

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withall the cruel fourme of that practise: for by three different sorts in general!
may mankinde be put to death.

The first, by other men, and reasonable creatures, which is least cruell: for
then both defence of men against men may be expected, and likewise who
knoweth what pitie God may stirre vp in the hearts of the Actors at the verye
instant ? besides the many wayes and meanes, whereby men may escape in such
a present furie.

And the second way more cruell then that, is by Animal and vnreasonable
creatures : for as they haue lesse pitie then men, so is it a greater horror and more
vnnaturall for men to deale with them: But yet with them both resistance may
auaile, and also some pitie may be had, as was in the Lions, in whose denne
Daniel was throwne; or that thankefull Lion, that had the Romane in his mercie.

But the third, which is most cruel and vnmercifull of all, is the destruction by
insensible and inanimate things, and amongst them all, the most cruell are the
two Elements of Water and Fire; and of those two, the fire most raging and
mercilesse.

2

Secondly, how wonderfull it is when you shall thinke vpon the small, or rather
no ground, whereupon the practisers were entised to inuent this Tragedie. For
if these Conspirators had onely bene bankrupt persons, or discontented vpon
occasion of any disgraces done vnto them; this might haue seemed to haue bene
but a worke of reuenge. But for my owne part, as I scarcely euer knew any of
them, so cannot they alledge so much as a pretended cause of grief e: And the
wretch himselfe in hands doeth confesse, That there was no cause moouing him
or them, but meerely and only Religion. And specially that Christian men, at
least so called, Englishmen, borne within the Countrey, and one of the specials
of them my sworne Seruant in an Honourable place, should practise the destruc-
tion of their King, his Posterity, their Countrey and all: Wherein their following
obstinacie is so ioyned to their former malice, as the fellow himselfe that is in
hand,-cannot be moued to discouer any signes or notes of repentance, except onely
that he doeth not yet stand to auow, that he repents for not being able to performe
his intent.

3

Thirdly, the discouery hereof is not a little wonderfull, which would bee
thought the more miraculous by you all, if you were aswell acquainted with my
naturall disposition, as those are who be neere about me: For as I euer did hold
Suspition to be the sicknes of a Tyrant, so was I so farre vpon the other extremity,
as I rather contemned all aduertisements, or apprehensions of practises. And
yet now at this time was I so farre contrary to my selfe, as when the Letter was
shewed to me by my Secretary, wherein a generall obscure aduertisement was
giuen of some dangerous blow at this time, I did vpon the instant interpret and
apprehend some darke phrases therein, contrary to the ordinary Grammer con-

284 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

struction of them, (and in an other sort then I am sure any Diuine, or Lawyer in
any Vniuersitie would haue taken them) to be meant by this horrible forme of
blowing vs vp all by Powder; And thereupon ordered that search to be made,
whereby the matter was discouered, and the man apprehended: whereas if I had
apprehended or interpreted it to any other sort of danger, no worldly prouision
or preuention could haue made vs escape our vtter destruction.

And in that also was there a wonderfull prouidence of God, that when the party
himselfe was taken, he was but new come out of his house from working, hauing
his Fireworke for kindling ready in his pocket, wherewith as he confesseth, if he
had bene taken but immediatly before when he was in the House, he was resolued
to haue blowen vp himselfe with his Takers.

One thing for mine owne part haue I cause to thanke GOD in, That if GOD
for our sinnes had suffered their wicked intents to haue preuailed, it should neuer
haue bene spoken nor written in aages succeeding, that I had died ingloriously
in an Ale-house, a Stews, or such vile place, but mine end should haue bene with
the most Honourable and best company, and in that most Honourable and fittest
place for a King to be in, for doing the turnes most proper to his Office. And the
more haue We all cause to thanke and magnifie GOD for this his mercifull De-
liuery; And specially I for my part, that he hath giuen me yet once leaue, what-
soeuer should come of me hereafter, to assemble you in this Honourable place;
And here in this place, where our generall destruction should haue bene, to
magnifie and praise him for Our generall deliuery : That I may iustly now say of
mine Enemies and yours, as Dauid doeth often say in the Psalme, Inciderunt in
foueam quam fecemnt. And since Scipio an Ethnick, led onely by the light of
Nature, That day when he was accused by the Tribunes of the people of Rome for
mispending and wasting in his Punick warres the Cities Treasure, even vpon the
sudden brake out with that diuersion of them from that matter, calling them to
remembrance how that day, was the day of the yeere, wherein God had giuen
them so great a victory against Hannibal, therefore it was fitter for them all,
leauing other matters, to runne to the Temple to praise God for that so great
deliuery, which the people did all follow with one applause: How much more
cause haue we that are Christians to bestow this time in this place for Thankes-
giuing to God for his great Mercy, though we had had no other errant of assem-
bling here at this time ? wherein if I haue spoken more like a Diuine then would
seeme to belong to this place, the matter it selfe must plead for mine excuse : For
being here commen to thanke God for a diuine worke of his Mercy, how can I
speake of this deliuerance of vs from so hellish a practise, so well as in language of
Diuinitie, which is the direct opposite to so damnable an intention ? And there-
for may I iustly end this purpose, as I did begin it with this Sentence, The Mercie
of God is aboue all his workes.

It resteth now that I should shortly informe you what is to bee done hereafter
vpon the occasion of this horrible and strange accident. As for your part that

SPEECH OF 1605 285

are my faithfull and louing Subiects of all degrees, I know that your hearts are
so burnt vp with zeale in this errant, and your tongues so ready to vtter your
duetifull affections, and your hands and feete so bent to concurre in the execution
thereof, (for which as I neede not to spurre you, so can I not but praise you for
the same:) As it may very well be possible that the zeale of your hearts shall
make some of you in your speaches rashly to blame such as may bee innocent of
this attempt; But vpon the other part I wish you to consider, That I would be
sorie that any being innocent of this practise, either domesticall or forraine,
should receiue blame or harme for the same. For although it cannot be denied,
That it was the onely blinde superstition of their errors in Religion, that led them
to this desperate deuice; yet doth it not follow, That all professing that Romish
religion were guiltie of the same. For as it is trew, That no other sect of here-
tiques, not excepting Turke, lew, nor Pagan, no not euen those of Calicute, who
adore the deuill, did euer maintaine by the grounds of their religion, That it was
lawfull, or rather meritorious (as the Romish Catholickes call it) to murther
Princes or people for quarrell of Religion. And although particular men of all
professions of Religion haue beene some Theeues, some Murtherers, some
Traitors, yet euer when they came to their end and iust punishment, they con-
fessed their fault to bee in their nature, and not in their profession, (These
Romish Catholicks onely excepted:) Yet it is trew on the other side, that many
honest men blinded peraduenture with some opinions of Popery, as if they be not
found in the questions of the Reall presence, or in the number of the Sacraments, or
some such Schoole question: yet doe they either not know, or at least not beleeue
all the trew grounds of Popery, which is in deed The mysterie of iniquitie. And
therefore doe we iustly confesse, that many Papists, especially our forefathers,
laying their onely trust vpon CHRIST and his Merits at their last breath, may be,
and often times are saued; detesting in that point, and thinking the crueltie of
Puritanes worthy of fire, that will admit no saluation to any Papist. I therefore
thus doe conclude this point, That as vpon the one part many honest men, se-
duced with some errors of Popery, may yet remaine good and faithfull Subiects:
So vpon the other part, none of those that trewly know and beleeue the whole
grounds, and Schoole conclusions of their doctrine, can euer proue either good
Christians, or faithfull Subiects. And for the part of forraine Princes and States,
I may so much the more acquite them, and their Ministers of their knowledge
and consent to any such villanie, as I may iustly say, that in that point I better
know all Christian Kings by my selfe, That no King nor Prince of Honour will
euer abase himselfe so much, as to thinke a good thought of so base and dis-
honourable a Treachery, wishing you therefore, that as God hath giuen me an
happie Peace and Amitie, with all other Christian Princes my neighbours (as
was euen now very grauely told you by my L. Chancellor) that so you will
reuerently iudge and speak of them in this case. And for my part I would wish
with those ancient Philosophers, that there were a Christall window in my brest,

286 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

wherein all my people might see the secretest thoughts of my heart, for then
might you all see no alteration in my minde for this accident, further then in these
two points. The first, Caution and warinesse in gouernment, to discouer and
search out the mysteries of this wickednesse as farre as may be: The other, after
due triall, Seueritie of punishment vpon those that shall bee found guilty of so
detestable and vnheard of villanie. And now in this matter if I haue troubled
your eares with an abrupt speach, vndigested in any good methode or order; you
haue to consider that an abrupt, and vnaduised speach doeth best become in the
relation of so abrupt and vnorderly an accident.

And although I haue ordained the proroguing of this Parliament vntil after
Christmas vpon two necessary respects: whereof the first is, that neither I nor
my Councell can haue leisure at this time both to take order for the Apprehension
and triall of these Conspiratours, and also to wait vpon the dayly affaires of the
Parliament, as the Councell must doe: And the other reason is, the necessitie at
this time of diuers of your presences in your Shires that haue Charges and Com-
mandements there. For as these wretches thought to haue blowen vp in a maner
the whole world of this Island, euery man being now commen vp here, either for
publike causes of Parliament, or else for their owne piruate causes in Law, or
otherwise: So these Rebels that now wander through the Countrey, could neuer
haue gotten so fit a time of safetie in their passage, or whatsoeuer vnlawfull
Actions, as now when the Countrey by the foresaid occasions is in a maner left
desolate, and waste vnto them. Besides that, it may be that I shall desire you
at your next Session, to take vpon you the ludgement of this Crime: For as so
extraordinary a Fact deserues extraordinary ludgement, So can there not I
thinke (following euen their owne Rule) be a fitter ludgement for them, then that
they should be measured with the same measure wherewith they thought to
measure vs: And that the same place and persons, whom they thought to destroy,
should be the iust auengers of their so vnnaturall a Parricide : Yet not knowing
that I will haue occasion to meete with you my selfe in this place at the beginning
of the next Session of this Parliament, (because if it had not been for deliuering of
the Articles agreed vpon by the Commissioners of the Vnion, which was thought
most conuenient to be done in my presence, where both Head and Members of
the Parliament were met together, my presence had not otherwise been requisite
here at this time:) I haue therefore thought good for conclusion of this Meeting,
to discourse to you somewhat anent the trew nature and definition of a Parlia-
ment, which I will remit to your memories till your next sitting downe, that you
may then make vse of it as occasion shall bee ministred.

For albeit it be trew, that at the first Session of my first Parliament, which was
not long after mine Entrie into this Kingdome, It could not become me to in-
forme you of any thing belonging to Law or State heere: (for all knowledge must
either bee infused or acquired, and seeing the former sort thereof is now with
Prophecie ceased in the world, it could not be possible for me at my first Entry

SPEECH OF 1605 287

here, before Experience had taught it me, to be able to vnderstand the particular
mysteries of this State :) yet now that I haue reigned almost three yeeres amongst
you, and haue beene carefull to obserue those things that belong to the office of a
King, albeit that Time be but a short time for experience in others, yet in a King
may it be thought a reasonable long time, especially in me, who, although I be but
in a maner a new King heere, yet haue bene long acquainted with the office of a
King in such another Kingdome, as doeth neerest of all others agree with the
Lawes and customes of this State. Remitting to your consideration to iudge of
that which hath beene concluded by the Commissioners of the Vnion, wherein I
am at this time to signifie vnto you, That as I can beare witnesse to the foresaid
Commissioners, that they haue not agreed nor concluded therein any thing
wherein they haue not foreseen as well the weale and commodity of the one
Countrey, as of the other; So can they all beare mee record, that I was so farre
from pressing them to agree to any thing, which might bring with it any pre-
judice to this people; as by the contrary I did euer admonish them, neuer to
conclude vpon any such Vnion, as might cary hurt or grudge with it to either of
the said Nations: for the leauing of any such thing, could not but be the greatest
hindrance that might be to such an Action, which God by the lawes of Nature had
prouided to be in his owne time, and hath now in effect perfected in my Person,
to which purpose my Lord Chancellour hath better spoken, then I am able to
relate.

And as to the nature of this high Court of Parliament, It is nothing else but the
Kings great Councell, which the King doeth assemble either vpon occasion of
interpreting, or abrogating old Lawes, or making of new, according as ill maners
shall deserue, or for the publike punishment of notorious euill doers, or the praise
and reward of the vertuous and well deseruers; wherein these foure things are to
be considered.

First, whereof this Court is composed.

Secondly, what matters are proper for it.

Thirdly, to what end it is ordeined.

And fourthly, what are the meanes and wayes whereby this end should bee
brought to passe.

As for the thing it selfe, It is composed of a Head and a Body: The Head is
the King, the Body are the members of the Parliament. This Body againe is
subdiuided into two parts; The Vpper and Lower House: The Vpper com-
pounded partly of Nobility, Temporall men, who are heritable Councellors to the
high Court of Parliament by the honour of their Creation and Lands: And partly
of Bishops, Spirituall men, who are likewise by the vertue of their place and
dignitie Councellours, Life Renters, or Ad vitam of this Court. The other House
is composed of Knights for the Shire; and Gentry, and Burgesses for the Townes.
But because the number would be infinite for all the Gentlemen and Burgesses
to bee present at euery Parliament, Therefore a certaine number is selected and

288 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

chosen out of that great Body, seruing onely for that Parliament, where their
persons are the representation of that Body.

Now the matters whereof they are to treate ought therefore to be generall,
and rather of such matters as cannot well bee performed without the assembling
of that generall Body, and no more of these generals neither, then necessity shall
require: for as in Corruptissima Republica sunt plurima leges: So doeth the life
and strength of the Law consist not in heaping vp infinite and confused numbers of
Lawes, but in the right interpreation and good execution of good and wholesome
Lawes. If this be so then, neither is this a place on the one side for euery rash
and harebrained fellow to propone new Lawes of his owne inuention: nay rather
I could wish these busie heads to remember that Law of the Lacedemonians,
That whosoeuer came to propone a new Law to the people, behooued publikely
to present himselfe with a rope about his necke, that in case the Law were not
allowed, he should be hanged therewith. So wane should men be of proponing
Nouelties, but most of all not to propone any bitter or seditious Laws, which can
produce nothing but grudges and discontentment betweene the Prince and his
people: Nor yet is it on the other side a conuenient place for priuate men vnder
the colour of general Lawes, to propone nothing but their owne particular gaine,
either to the hurt of their priuate neighbours, or to the hurt of the whole State in
generall, which many times vnder faire and pleasing Titles, are smoothly passed
ouer, and so by stealth procure without consideration, that the piruate meaning
of them tendeth to nothing but either to the wrecke of a particular partie, or else
vnder colour of publike benefite to pill the poore people and serue as it were for a
generall Impost vpon them for filling the purses of some priuate persons.

And as to the end for which the Parliament is ordeined, being only for the
aduancement of Gods glory, and the establishment and wealth of the King and
his people: It is no place then for particular men to vtter there their priuate
conceipts, not for satisfaction of their curiosities, and least of all to make shew of
their eloquence by tyning the time with long studied and eloquent Orations: No,
the reuerence of God, their King, and their Countrey being well setled in their
hearts, will make them ashamed of such toyes, and remember that they are there
as sworne Councellours to their King, to giue their best aduise for the further-
ance of his Seruice, and the florishing Weale of his Estate.

And lastly, if you will rightly consider the meanes and wayes how to bring
all your labours to a good end, you must remember, That you are heere as-
sembled by your lawful! King to giue him your best aduises, in the matters
proposed by him vnto you, being of that nature, which I haue already told,
wherein you are grauely to deliberate, and vpon your consciences plainely to
determine how farre those things propounded doe agree with the weale, both of
your King and of your Countrey, whose weales cannot be separated. And as for
my selfe, the world shall euer beare mee witnesse, That I neuer shall propone any
thing vnto you, which shall not as well tend to the weale publike, as to any

SPEECH OF 1605 289

benefite for me : So shall I neuer oppone my selfe to that, which may tend to the
good of the Common-wealth, for the which I am ordeined, as I haue often said.
And as you are to giue your aduise in such things as shall by your King be pro-
posed: So is it on your part your dueties to propone any thing that you can after
mature deliberation iudge to be needefull, either for these ends already spoken of,
or otherwise for the discouery of any latent euill in the Kingdome, which per-
aduenture may not haue commen to the Kings eare. If this then ought to bee
your graue maner of proceeding in this place, Men should bee ashamed to make
shew of the quicknesse of their wits here, either in taunting, scoffing, or detracting
the Prince or State in any point, or yet in breaking iests vpon their fellowes, for
which the Ordinaries or Ale-houses are fitter places, then this Honourable and
high Court of Parliament.

In conclusion then since you are to break vp, for the reasons I haue already
told you, I wish such of you as haue any charges in your Countreys, to hasten
you home for the repressing of the insolencies of these Rebels, and apprehension
of their persons, wherein as I heartily pray to the Almightie for your prosperous
successe : So doe I not doubt, but we shall shortly heare the good newes of the
same; And that you shall haue an happie returne, and meeting here to all our
comforts.

Here the Lord Chancellor spake touching the proroguing of the Parliament: And
hauing done, his Maiestie rose againe, and said,

Since it pleased God to graunt mee two such notable Deliueries vpon one day
of the weeke, which was Tuesday, and likewise one day of the Moneth, which was
the fifth; Thereby to teach mee, That as it was the same deuill that still per-
secuted mee; So it was one and the same GOD that still mightily deliuered mee:
I thought it therefore not amisse, That the one and twentieth day of lanuary,
which fell to be vpon Tuesday, should bee the day of meeting of this next Session
of Parliament, hoping and assuring my selfe, that the same GOD, who hath now
granted me and you all so notable and gracious a deliuerie, shall prosper all our
affaires at that next Session, and bring them to an happie conclusion. And now
I consider GOD hath well prouided it, that the ending of this Parliament hath
bene so long continued : For as for my owne part, I neuer had any other inten-
tion, but onely to seeke so farre my weale, and prosperitie, as might coniunctly
stand with the flourishing State of the whole Common-wealth, as I haue often
told you; So on the other part I confesse, if I had bene in your places at the
beginning of this Parliament, (which was so soone after mine entry into this
Kingdome, wherein ye could not possibly haue so perfect a knowledge of mine
inclination, as experience since hath taught you,) I could not but haue suspected,
and mis-interpreted diuers things, In the trying whereof, now I hope, by your
experience of my behauiour and forme of gouernment, you are well ynough
cleared, and resolued.

A SPEACH TO BOTH THE HOVSES OF PARLIAMENT,

DELIVERED IN THE GREAT CHAMBER AT

WHITE-HALL,

THE LAST DAY OF MARCH 1607.

MY Lords of the higher House, and you Knights and Burgesses of the Lower
house, All men at the beginning of a Feast bring foorth good Wine first, and
after, worse. This was the saying of the Gouernour of the Feast at Cana in Galile,
where CHRIST wrought his first miracle by changing water into Wine. But in this
case now whereof I am to speake vnto you, I must follow that Gouernours rule,
and not CHRISTS example, in guing you the worst and sowrest Wine last. For all
the time of this long Session of the Parliament you haue bene so fed and cloy'd,
(specially you of the Lower house) with such banquets, and choise of delicate
speeches, and your eares so seasoned with the sweetnesse of long precogitate
Orations; as this my Speach now in the breaking vp of this Assembly, cannot but
appeare vnto your taste as the worst Wine proposed in the end of the Banquet,
since I am onely to deliuer now vnto you matter without curious forme, substance
without ceremonie, trewth in all sinceritie. Yet considering the Person that
speaketh, the parties to whom I speake, the matter whereof I meane to speake; it
fits better to vtter matter, rather then wordes, in regard of the greatnesse of my
place who am to speak to you, the grauitie of you the Auditorie, which is the high
Court of Parliament; the weight of the matter, which concernes the securitie
and establishment of this whole Empire, and litle world. Studied Orations and
much eloquence vpon little matter is fit for the Vniuersities, where not the Subiect
which is spoken of, but the triall of his wit that speaketh, is most commendable:
but on the contrary, hi all great Councels of Parliaments, fewest wordes with
most matter doeth become best, where the dispatch of the great errands in hand,
and not the praise of the person is most to bee looked vnto: like the garment of a
chaste woman, who is onely set forth by her naturall beautie, which is properly
her owne: other deckings are but ensignes of an harlot that flies with borrowed
feathers. And besides the conueniencie, I am forced hereunto by necessitie, my
place calling me to action, and not leauing me to the libertie of contemplation,
hauing alwayes my thoughts busied with the publique care of you all, where
euery one of you hauing but himselfe, and his owne priuate to thinke of, are at
more leisure to make studied speeches. And therefore the matter which I deliuer
you confusedly as in a sacke, I leaue it to you when you are in your chambers, and
haue better leysure then I can haue, to ranke them in order, euery one in their
owne place.

290

SPEECH OF 1607 291

Thus much by way of Preface. But I proceed to the matter: Whereof I
might say with S. Paul, I could speake in as many tongues as you all, but I had
rather speake three wordes to edification, then talke all day without vnderstand-
ing. In vaine (saith the Psalmist) doeth the builder build the house, or the watch-
man watch the Citie, vnlesse the Lord giue his blessing thereunto. And in the
New Testament S. Paul saith, That hee may plant, Apollo may water, but it is
GOD onely that must giue the increase. This I speake, because of the long time
which hath bene spent about the Treatie of the Vnion. For my selfe, I protest
vnto you all, When I first propounded the Vnion, I then though there could haue
bene no more question of it, then of your declaration and acknowledgement of
my right vnto this Crowne, and that as two Twinnes, they would haue growne vp
together. The errour was my mistaking; I knew mine owne ende, but not others
feares : But now finding many crossings, long disputations, strange questions, and
nothing done; I must needs thinke it proceeds either of mistaking of the errand,
or else from some iealousie of me the Propounder, that you so adde delay vnto
delay, searching out as it were the very bowels of Curiositie, and conclude nothing.
Neither can I condemne you for being yet in some iealousie of my intention in this
matter, hauing not yet had so great experience of my behauiour and inclination
in these few yeeres past, as you may peraduenture haue in a longer time hereafter
and not hauing occasion to consult dayly with my selfe, and heare mine owne
opinion in all those particulars which are debated among you.

But here I pray you now mistake mee not at the first, when as I seeme to finde
fault with your delayes and curiositie, as if I would haue you to resolue in an
houres time, that which will take a moneths aduisement: for you all know, that
Rex est lex loquens; And you haue oft heard mee say, That the Kings will and
intention being the speaking Law, ought to bee Luce clarius: and I hope you of
the Lower house haue the proof e of this my clearnesse by a Bil sent you downe
from the Vpper house within these few dayes, or rather few houres: wherein may
well appeare vnto you the care I haue to put my Subiects in good securitie of their
possessions for all posterities to come. And therefore that you may clearely
vnderstand my meaning in that point, I doe freely confesse, you had reason to
aduise at leasure vpon so great a cause : for great matters doe euer require great
deliberation before they be well concluded. Deliberandum est diu quod statuendum
est semel. Consultations must proceed lento pede, but the execution of a sentence
vpon the resolution would be speedie. If you will goe on, it matters not though
you goe with leaden feet, so you make still some progresse, and that there be no
let or needlesse delay, and doe not Nodum in scirpo quarere. I am euer for the
Medium in euery thing. Betweene foolish rashnesse and extreame length, there
is a middle way. Search all that is reasonable, but omit that which is idle, curious
and vnnecessary; otherwise there can neuer be a resolution or end in any good
worke.

292 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

And now from the generall I wil descend to particulars, and wil onely for the
ease of your memories diuide the matter that I am to speake of, into foure heads,
by opening vnto you, First, what I craue: Secondly, in what maner I desire it:
Thirdly, what commodities will ensue to both the Kingdomes by it: Fourthly,
what the supposed inconueniencie may be that giues impediments thereunto.

For the first, what I craue, I protest before GOD who knowes my heart, and
to you my people before whom it were a shame to lie, that I claime nothing but
with acknowledgement of my Bond to you; that as yee owe to me subiection and
obedience : So my Soueraigntie obligeth mee to yeeld to you loue, gouernment and
protection: Neither did I euer wish any happinesse to my selfe, which was not
conioyned with the happinesse of my people. I desire a perfect Vnion of Lawes
and persons, and such a Naturalizing as may make one body of both Kingdomes
vnder mee your King, That I and my posteritie (if it so please God) may rule
ouer you to the worlds ende; Such an Vnion as was of the Scots and Pictes in
Scotland, and of the Heptarchie here in England. And for Scotland I auow such
an Vnion, as if you had got it by Conquest, but such a Conquest as may be ce-
mented by loue, the onely sure bond of subiection or friendship : that as there is
ouer both but vnus Rex, so there may be in both but vnus Grex &° vna Lex : For no
more possible is it for one King to gouerne two Countreys Contiguous, the one a
great, the other a lesse, a richer and a poorer, the greater drawing like an Ada-
mant the lesser to the Commodities thereof, then for one head to gouerne two
bodies, or one man to be husband of two wiues, whereof Christ himselfe said,
Ab initio nonfuit sic.

But in the generall Vnion you must obserue two things: for I will discouer my
thoughts plainly vnto you; I study clearenes, not eloquence, And therefore with
the olde Philosophers, I would heartily wish my brest were a transparent glasse
for you all to see through, that you might looke into my heart, and then would
you be satisfied of my meaning. For when I speake of a perfect Vnion, I meane
not confusion of all things: you must not take from Scotland those particular
Priuiledges that may stand as well with this Vnion, as in England many particular
customes in particular Shires, (as the Customes of Kent, and the Royalties of the
Countie Palatine of Chester) do with the Common Law of the Kingdome: for
euery particular Shire almost, and much more euery Countie, haue some particu-
lar customes that are as it were naturally most fit for that people. But I meane
of such a generall Vnion of Lawes as may reduce the whole Hand, that as they
liue already vnder one Monarch, so they may all bee gouerned by one Law: For
I must needs confesse by that little experience I haue had since my comming
hither, and I thinke I am able to prooue it, that the grounds of the Common Law
of England, are the best of any Law in the world, either Ciuil or Municipall, and
the fittest for this people. But as euery Law would be cleare and full, so the
obscuritie in some points of this our written Law, and want of fulnesse in others,
the variation of Cases and mens curiositie, breeding euery day new questions,

SPEECH OF 1607 293

hath enforced the ludges to iudge in many Cases here, by Cases and presidents,
wherein I hope Lawyers themselues will not denie but that there must be a great
vncertaintie, and I am sure all the rest of you that are Gentlemen of other pro-
fessions were long agoe wearie of it, if you could haue had it amended: For
where there is varietie and vncertaintie although a iust Iudge may do rightly,
yet an ill Iudge may take aduantage to doe wrong; and then are all honest men
that succeede him, tied in a maner to his vniust and partiall conclusions. Where-
fore, leaue not the Law to the pleasure of the Iudge, but let your Lawes be looked
into : for I desire not the abolishing of the Lawes, but onely the clearing and the
sweeping off the rust of them, and that by Parliament our Lawes might be cleared
and made knowen to all the Subiects. Yea rather it were lesse hurt, that all the
approued Cases were set downe and allowed by Parliament for standing Lawes in
all time to come : For although some of them peraduenture may bee vniust as set
downe by corrupt ludges; yet better it is to haue a certaine Law with some spots
in it, nor Hue vnder such an vncertaine and arbitrarie Law, since as the prouerbe
is, It is lesse harme to suffer an inconuenience then a mischiefe. And now may
you haue faire occasion of amending and polishing your Lawes, when Scotland is
to bee vnited with you vnder them : for who can blame Scotland to say, If you
will take away our owne Lawes, I pray you giue vs a better and cleerer in place
thereof.

But this is not possible to bee done without a fit preparation. Hee that
buildeth a Ship, must first prouide the timber; and as Christ himself e said, No
man will build an house, but he will first prouide the materials: nor a wise King
will not make warre against another, without he first make prouision of money:
and all great workes must haue their preparation : and that was my end in causing
the Instrument of the Vnion to be made. Vnion is a mariage: would he not bee
thought absurd that for furthering of a mariage betweene two friends of his,
would make his first motion to haue the two parties be laid in bedde together, and
performe the other turnes of mariage ? must there not precede the mutuall sight
and acquaintance of the parties one with another, the conditions of the contract,
and loincture to be talked of and agreed vpon by their friends, and such other
things as in order ought to goe before the ending of such a worke ? The vnion is
an eternall agreement and reconciliation of many long bloody warres that haue
beene betweene these two ancient Kingdomes. Is it the readiest way to agree a
priuate quarell betweene two, to bring them at the first to shake hands, and ate it
were kisse other, and lie vnder one roofe or rather in one bedde together, before
that first the ground of their quarell be communed vpon, their mindes mitigated,
their affections prepared, and all other circumstances first vsed, that ought to be
vsed to proceed to such a finall agreement ? Euery honest man desireth a perfect
Vnion, but they that say so, and admit no preparation thereto, haue mel in ore,
fel in corde. If after your so long talke of Vnion in all this long Session of Parlia-
ment, yee rise without agreeing vpon any particular; what will the neighbour

294 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Princes iudge, whose eyes are all fixed vpon the conclusion of this Action, but that
the King is refused in his desire, whereby the Nation should bee taxed, and the
King disgraced ? And what an ill preparation is it for the mindes of Scotland
toward the Vnion, when they shall heare that ill is spoken of their whole Nation,
but nothing is done nor aduanced in the matter of the Vnion it selfe ? But this I
am glad was but the fault of one, and one is no number : yet haue your neighbours
of Scotland this aduantage of you, that none of them haue spoken ill of you (nor
shall as long as I am King) in Parliament, or any such publique place of Judica-
ture. Consider therefore well, if the mindes of Scotland had not neede to be well
prepared to perswade their mutuall consent, seeing you here haue all the great
aduantage by the Vnion. Is not here the personall residence of the King, his
whole Court and family ? Is not here the seate of lustice, and the fountaine of
Gouernment ? must they not be subiected to the Lawes of England, and so with
time become but as Cumberland and Northumberland, and those other remote
and Northerne Shires ? you are to be the husband, they the wife: you con-
querours, they as conquered, though not by the sword, but by the sweet and sure
bond. Besides that, they as other Northerne Countreys will be seldome scene
and saluted by their King, and that as it were but in a posting or hunting iourney.
How little cause then they may haue of such a change of so ancient a Mon-
archic into the case of priuate Shires, iudge rightly herein. And that you may be
the more vpright ludges, suppose your selues the Patients of whom such sentence
should be giuen. But what preparation is it which I craue ? onely such as by the
entrance may shew something is done, yet more is intended. There is a conceipt
intertained, and a double iealousie possesseth many, wherein I am misiudged.

First, that this Vnion will be the Crisis to the ouerthrow of England, and set-
ting vp of Scotland: England will then bee ouerwhelmed by the swarming of the
Scots, who if the Vnion were effected, would raigne and rule all.

The second is, my profuse liberalitie to the Scottish men more then the English,
and that with this Vnion all things shalbe giuen to them, and you turned out of
all: To you shall bee left the sweat and labour, to them shall bee giuen the fruite
and sweet; and that my forbearance is but till this Vnion may be gained. How
agreeable this is to the trewth, Iudge you; And that not by my wordes,but by my
Actions. Doe I craue the Vnion without exceptions ? doe I not offer to binde
my selfe and to reserue to you, as in the Instrument, all places of Judicature ?
doe I intend any thing which standeth not with the equall good of both Nations ?
I could then haue done it, and not spoken of it: For all men of vnderstanding
must agree, that I might dispose without assent of Parliament, Offices of ludica-
ture, and others, both Ecclesiastical and Temporall: But herein I did volun-
tarily offer by my Letters from Royston to the Commissioners, to bind my
Prerogatiue.

Some thinke that I will draw the Scottish Nation hither, talking idlely of
transporting of Trees out of a barren ground into a better, and of leane cattell out

SPEECH OF 1607 295

of bad pasture into a more fertile soile. Can any man displant you, vnlesse you
will ? or can any man thinke that Scotland is so strong to pull you out of your
houses ? or doe you not thinke I know England hath more people, Scotland more
wast ground ? So that there is roumth in Scotland rather to plant your idle
people that swarme in London streets, and other Townes, and disburden you of
them, then to bring more vnto you; And in cases of Justice, if I bee partiall to
either side, let my owne mouth condemne me, as vnworthy to be your King.

I appeale to your selues, if in fauour or Justice I haue beene partiall: Nay, my
intention was euer, you should then haue most cause to praise my discretion,
when you saw I had most power. If hitherto I haue done nothing to your pre-
iudice, much lesse meane I hereafter. If when I might haue done it without any
breach of promise; Thinke so of mee, that much lesse I will doe it, when a Law is
to restraine me. I owe no more to the Scottish men then to the English. I was
borne there, and sworne here, and now raigne ouer both. Such particular persons
of the Scottish Nation, as might claime any extraordinary merit at my handes,
I haue already reasonably rewarded, and I can assure you that there is none left,
whom for I meane extraordinary to straine myself e further, then in such ordinary
benefit as I may equall bestow without mine owne great hurt, vpon any Subiect
of either Nation; In which case no Kings handes can euer be fully closed. To
both I owe lustice and protection, which with Gods grace I shall euer equally
ballance.

For my Liberalitie, I haue told you of it heretofore: my three first yeeres were
to me as a Christmas, I could not then be miserable: should I haue bene ouer-
sparing to them ? they might haue thought Joseph had forgotten his brethren,
or that the King had beene drunke with his new Kingdome. But Suites goe not
now so cheape as they were wont, neither are there so many fees taken in the
Hamper and Pettibagge for the great Scale as hath beene. And if I did respect
the English when I came first, of whom I was receiued with ioy, and came as in a
hunting iourney, what might the Scottish haue iustly said, if I had not in some
measure dealt bountifully with them that so long had serued me, so farre ad-
uentured themselues with me, and beene so faithfull to mee. I haue giuen you
now foure yeeres proofe since my comming, and what I might haue done more to
haue raised the Scottish nation you all know, and the longer I Hue, the lesse
cause haue I to be acquainted with them, and so the lesse hope of extraordinary
fauour towards them : For since my comming from them I doe not alreadie know
the one halfe of them by face, most of the youth being now risen vp to bee men,
who were but children when I was there, and more are borne since my comming
thence.

Now for my lands and reuenues of my Crowne which you may thinke I haue
diminished, They are not yet so farre diminished, but that I thinke no prince of
Christendome hath fairer possessions to his Crowne then yet I haue: and in
token of my care to preserue the same to my posteritie for euer, the intaile of my

296 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

lands to the Crowne hath beene long agoe offered vnto you: and that it is not
yet done, is not my fault as you know. My Treasurer here knoweth my care, and
hath already in part declared it, and if I did not hope to treble my Reuenue more
then I haue empaired it, I should neuer rest quietly in my bed. But notwith-
standing my comming to the Crowne, with that extraordinarie applause which
you all know, and that I had two Nations to bee the obiects of my liberalitie,
which neuer any Prince had here before; will you compare my gifts out of mine
inheritance with some Princes here that had onely this Nation to respect, and
whose whole time of reigne was litle longer then mine hath bene already ? It will
be found that their gifts haue farre surpassed mine, albeit as I haue already said,
they had nothing so great cause of vsing their liberalitie.

For the maner of the Vnion presently desired, It standeth in 3. parts: The
first, taking away of hostile Lawes: for since there can bee now no Warres be-
twixt you, is it not reason hostile Lawes should cease ? For, deficiente causa
deficit effectus. The King of England now cannot haue warres with the King of
Scotland, therefore this failes of it selfe. The second is communitie of Com-
merce. I am no stranger vnto you: for you all know I came from the loynes of
your ancient Kings. They of Scotland be my Subiects as you are. But how can I
bee naturall Liege Lord to you both, and you strangers one to the other ? Shall
they which be of one alleagance with you, be no better respected of you, nor
freer amongst you, then Frenchmen and Spaniards ? Since I am Soueraigne ouer
both, you as Subiects to one King, it must needes follow that you conuerse and
haue Commerce together. There is a rumour of some ill dealings that should be
vsed by the Commissioners, Merchants of Scotland. They be heere in England
and shall remaine till your next meeting, and abide triall, to prooue themselues
either honest men or knaues.

For the third point, of Naturalization, All you agree that they are no Aliens,
and yet will not allow them to bee naturall. What kinde of prerogatiue will you
make ? But for the Post nati, your owne Lawyers and ludges at my first com-
ming to this Crowne, informed me, there was a difference betweene the Ante and
the Post nati of each Kingdome, which caused mee to publish a Proclamation,
that the Post nati were Naturalized (Ipso facto) by my Accession to this Crowne.
I doe not denie but ludges may erre as men, and therefore I doe not presse you
here to sweare to all their reasons. I onely vrge at this time the conueniencie for
both Kingdomes, neither pressing you to iudge nor to be iudged. But remember
also it is as possible and likely your owne Lawyers may erre as the ludges : There-
fore as I wish you to proceede herein so farre as may tend to the weale of both
Nations; So would I haue you on the other part to beware to disgrace either my
Proclamations or the ludges, who when the Parliament is done, haue power to
trie your lands and Hues, for so you may disgrace both your King and your Lawes.
For the doing of any acte that may procure lesse reuerence to the ludges, cannot
but breede a loosenesse in the Gouernement, and a disgrace to the whole Nation.

SPEECH OF 1607 297

The reason that most mooues mee for ought I haue yet heard, that there cannot
but bee a difference betweene the Ante nati and the Post nati, and that in the
fauour of the last, is that they must bee neerer vnto you being borne vnder the
present Gouernement and common Allegiance: but in point of conueniencie,
there is no question but the Post nati are more to bee respected: For if you would
haue a perfect and perpetuall Vnion, that cannot be in the Ante nati, who are but
few in comparison of those that shall be in all aages succeeding, and cannot Hue
long. But in the Post nati shall the Vnion be continued and Hue euer aage after
aage, which wanting a difference cannot but leaue a perpetuall marke of separa-
tion in the worke of the Vnion: as also that argument of iealousie will be so farre
remooued in the case of the Post nati which are to reape the benefit in all succeed-
ing aages, as by the contrary there will then rise Pharaos which neuer knew
loseph. The Kings my Successours, who beeing borne and bred heere, can neuer
haue more occasion of acquaintance with the Scottish Nation in generall, then
any other English King that was before my time. Bee not therefore abused with
the flattering speeches of such as would haue the Ante nati preferred, alleadging
their merit in my Seruice, and such other reasons which indeed are but Soph-
ismes: For, my rewarding out of my Liberalitie of any particular men, hath
nothing adoe with the generall acte of the Vnion, which must not regard the
deserts of priuate persons, but the generall weale and conioyning of the Nations.
Besides that, the actuall Naturalizing, which is the onely point that is in your
handes, is already graunted to by your selues to the most part of such particular
persons as can haue any vse of it heere : and if any other well deseruing men were
to sue for it hereafter, I doubt not but there would neuer bee question mooued
among you for the granting of it. And therefore it is most euident, that such dis-
courses haue mel in ore, f el in corde, as I said before; carrying an outward appear-
ance of loue to the Vnion, but indeed a contrary resolution in their hearts. And
as for limitations and restrictions, such as shall by me be agreed vpon to be rea-
sonable and necessary after you haue fully debated vpon them, you may assure
your selues I will with indifferencie grant what is requisite without partiall
respect of Scotland. I am, as I haue often said, borne and sworne King ouer both
Kingdomes; onely this farre let me entreat you, in debating the point at your
next meeting. That yee be as ready to resolue doubts as to mooue them, and to be
satisfied when doubts are cleered.

And as for Commodities that come by the Vnion of these Kingdoms, they are
great and euident; Peace, Plentie, Loue, free Intercourse and common Societie
of two great Nations. All forreigne Kings that haue sent their Ambassadours to
congratulate with me since my comming, haue saluted me as Monarch of the
whole Isle, and with much more respect of my greatnesse, then if I were King
alone of one of these Realmes: and with what comfort doe your selues behold
Irish, Scottish, Welsh, and English, diuers in Nation, yet all walking as Subiects
and seruants within my Court, and all liuing vnder the allegiance of your King,

298 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

besides the honour and lustre that the encrease of gallant men in the Court of
diuers Nations carries in the eyes of all strangers that repaire hither ? Those
confining places which were the Borders of the two Kingdomes, where heretofore
much blood was shed, and many of your ancestours lost their Hues; yea, that lay
waste and desolate, and were habitations but for runnagates, are now become the
Nauell or Vmbilick of both Kingdomes, planted and peopled with Ciuilitie and
riches: their Churches begin to bee planted, their doores stand now open, they
feare neither robbing nor spoiling: and where there was nothing before heard nor
seene in those parts but bloodshed, oppressions, complaints and outcries, they
now Hue euery man peaceably vnder his owne figgetree, and all their former
cryes and complaints turned onely into prayer to God for their King, vnder whom
they enioy such ease and happy quietnesse. The Marches beyond and on this
side Twede, are as fruitfull and as peaceable as most parts of England : If after all
this there shall be a Scissure, what inconuenience will follow, iudge you.

And as for the inconueniences that are feared on Englands part, It is alleadged,
that the Scots are a populous Nation, they shall be harboured in our nests, they
shall be planted and flourish in our good Soile, they shall eate our commons bare,
and make vs leane : These are foolish and idle surmises. That which you possesse,
they are not to enioy; by Law they cannot, nor by my partialitie they shall not:
for set apart conscience and honour, (which if I should set apart indeed, I had
rather wish my selfe to bee set apart and out of all being) can any man conclude
either out of common reason or good policie, that I will preferre those which
perhaps I shall neuer see, or but by poste for a moneth, before those with whom I
must alwayes dwell ? Can they conquer or ouercome you with swarmes of people
as the Goths and the Vandals did Italy ? Surely the world knowes they are
nothing so populous as you are : and although they haue had the honour and good
fortune neuer to be conquered, yet were they euer but vpon the defensiue part,
and may in a part thanke their hilles and inaccessible passages that preserued
them from an vtter ouerthrow at the handes of all that pretended to conquer
them. Or are they so very poore and miserable in their owne habitations, that
necessitie should force them all to make incursions among you ?

And for my part, when I haue two Nations vnder my gouernment, can you
imagine I will respect the lesser, and neglect the greater ? would I not thinke it a
lesse euill and hazard to mee that the plague were at Northampton or Barwicke,
then at London, so neere Westminister, the Seat of my habitation, and of my
wife and children ? will not a man bee more carefull to quench the fire taken in
his neerest neighbours house, then if a whole Towne were a fire farre from him ?
You know that I am carefull to preserue the woods and game through all England,
nay, through all the Isle: yet none of you doubts, but that I would be more
offended with any disorder in the Forrest of Waltham, for stealing of a Stagge
there, which lieth as it were vnder my nose, and in a maner ioyneth with my
garden, then with cutting of timber, or steaHng of a Deare in any Forest of the

SPEECH OF 1607 299

North parts of Yorkeshire or the Bishopricke. Thinke you that I will preferre
them that be absent, lesse powerfull, and farther off to doe me good or hurt,
before you, with whom my security and liuing must be, and where I desire to
plant my posterity ? If I might by any such fauours raise my selfe to a great-
nesse, it might bee probable : All I cannot draw, and to lose a whole state here to
please a few there, were madnesse. I neede speake no more of this with pro-
testations. Speake but of wit, it is not likely: and to doubt of my intention in
this, were more then deuilish.

For mine owne part, I offer more then I receiue, and conueniencie I preferre
before law, in this point. For, three parts, wherein I might hurt this Nation, by
partiality to the Scots, you know doe absolutely lie in my hands and power: for
either in disposition of rents, or whatsoeuer benefit, or in the preferring of them
to any dignitie or office, ciuill or Ecclesiasticall, or in calling them to the Parlia-
ment, it doeth all fully and onely lie within the compasse of my Prerogatiue,
which are the parts wherein the Scottish men can receiue either benefite or pre-
ferment by the Vnion, and wherein for the care I haue of this people, I am content
to binde my selfe with some reasonable restrictions.

As for the fourth part, the Naturalizing, which onely lieth in your hands; It
is the point wherein they receiue least benefit of any: for in that they can obteine
nothing, but what they buy by their purse, or acquire by the selfe same meanes
that you doe. And as for the point of naturalizing, which is the point thought so
fit, and so precisely belonging to Parliament; not to speake of the Common law,
wherein as yet I can professe no great knowledge, but in the Ciuill law wherein
I am a little better versed, and which in the point of Coniunction of Nations
should beare a great sway, it being the Law of Nations; I will mainteine two
principles in it, which no learned and graue Ciuilian will deny, as being clearely to
be proued, both out of the text it selfe in many places, and also out of the best
approued Doctours and interpreters of that law; The one, that it is a speciall
point of the Kings owne Prerogatiue, to make Aliens Citizens, and donare Ciuitate;
The other, that in any case wherein the Law is thought not to be cleare (as some
of your selues doe doubt, that in this case of the post nati, the Law of England
doth not clearely determine) then in such a question wherein no positiue Law is
resolute, Rex est ludex, for he is Lex loquens, and is to supply the Law, where the
Law wants, and if many famous histories be to be beleeued, they giue the example
for mainteining of this Law in the persons of the Kings of England and France
especially, whose speciall Prerogatiue they alleadge it to be. But this I speake
onely as knowing what belongeth to a King, although in this case I presse no
further then that which may agree with your loues, and stand with the weale and
conueniencie of both Nations.

And whereas some may thinke this Vnion will bring preiudice to some Townes
and Corporations within England; It may bee, a Merchant or two of Bristow, or
Yarmouth, may haue an hundred pounds lesse in his packe: But if the Empire

300 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

gaine, and become the greater, it is no matter: You see one Corporation is euer
against another, and no priuate Companie can be set vp, but with some losse to
another.

For the supposed inconueniences rising from Scotland, they are three. First,
that there is an euill affection in the Scottish Nation to the Vnion. Next, the
Vnion is incompatible betweene two such Nations. Thirdly, that the gaine is
smal or none. If this be so, to what end do we talke of an Vnion ? For proofe of
the first point, there is alleadged an auersenesse in the Scottish Nation expressed
in the Instrument, both in the preface and body of their Acte; In the preface,
where they declare, That they will remaine an absolute and free Monarchie; And
in the body of the Acte, where they make an exception of the ancient funda-
mentall Lawes of that Kingdome. And first for the generall of their auersenes,
All the maine current in your Lower-house ranne this whole Session of Parlia-
ment with that opinion, That Scotland was so greedy of this Vnion, and appre-
hended that they should receiue so much benefit by it, as they cared not for the
strictnesse of any conditions, so they might attaine to the substance: And yet
you now say, they are backwards and auerse from the Vnion. This is a direct
contradiction in adiecto: For how can they both be beggers and backwards, in
one and the selfe same thing, at the same time ?

But for answere to the particulars, It is an old Schoole point, Eius est explicare,
cuius est condere. You cannot interpret their Lawes, nor they yours; I that
made them with their assent, can best expound them.

And first I confesse, that the English Parliaments are so long, and the Scottish
so short, that a meane betweene them would doe well : For the shortnesse of their
continuing together, was the cause of their hastie mistaking, by setting these
wordes of exception of fundamental! Lawes hi the body of the Acte, which they
onely did in pressing to imitate word by word the English Instrument, wherein
the same wordes be conteined in your Preface. And as to their meaning and in-
terpretation of that word, I will not onely diliuer it vnto you out of mine owne
conceipt, but as it was deliuered vnto mee by the best Lawyers of Scotland, both
Counsellours and other Lawyers, who were at the making thereof in Scotland,
and were Commissioners here for performance of the same.

Their meaning in the word of Fundamentall Lawes, you shall perceiue more
fully hereafter, when I handle the obiection of the difference of Lawes: For they
intend thereby onely those Lawes whereby confusion is auoyded, and their Kings
descent mainteined, and the heritage of the succession and Monarchie, which
hath bene a Kingdome, to which I am in descent, three hundreth yeeres before
CHRIST: Not meaning it as you doe, of their Common Law, for they haue none,
but that which is called Ivs REGIS: and their desire of continuing a free Mon-
archie, was onely meant, That all such particular Priuiledges (whereof I spake
before) should not bee so confounded, as for want either of Magistrate, Law, or
Order, they might fall in such a confusion, as to become like a naked Prouince,

SPEECH OF 1607 301

without Law or libertie vnder this Kingdome. I hope you meane not I should
set Garrisons ouer them, as the Spaniards doe ouer Sicily and Naples, or gouerne
them by Commissioners, which are seldome found succeedingly all wise and
honest men.

This I must say for Scotland, and I may trewly vaunt it; Here I sit and
gouerne it with my Pen, I write and it is done, and by a Clearke of the Councell I
gouerne Scotland now, which others could not doe by the sword. And for their
auersenesse in their heart against the Vnion, It is trew indeede, I protest they did
neuer craue this Vnion of me, nor sought it either in priuate, or the State by let-
ters, nor euer once did any of that Nation presse mee forward or wish mee to
accelerate that businesse. But on the other part, they offered alwayes to obey
mee when it should come to them, and all honest men that desire my greatnesse
haue beene thus minded, for the personall reuerence and regard they beare vnto
my Person, and any of my reasonable and iust desires.

I know there are many Piggots amongst them, I meane a number of seditious
and discontented particular persons, as must be in all Common-wealths, that
where they dare, may peraduenture talke lewdly enough: but no Scottish man
euer spake dishonourably of England in Parliament. For here must I note vnto
you the difference of the two Parliaments in these two Kingdomes, for there they
must not speake without the Chauncellors leaue, and if any man doe propound
or vtter any seditious or vncomely speeches, he is straight interrupted and silenced
by the Chauncellors authoritie : where as here, the libertie for any man to speake
what hee list, and as long as he list, was the onely cause he was not interrupted.

It hath bin obiected that there is a great Antipathy of the Lawes and Cus-
tomes of these two Nations. It is much mistaken: for Scotland hath no Common
Law as here, but the Law they haue is of three sorts.

All the Lawe of Scotland for Tenures, Wards and Liueries, Seigniories and
Lands, are drawen out of the Chauncerie of England, and for matters of equitie
and in many things else, differs from you but in certaine termes: lames the first,
bred here in England, brought the Lawes thither in a written hand. The second
is Statute Lawes, which be their Acts of Parliament, wherein they haue power as
you, to make and altar Lawes: and those may be looked into by you, for I hope
you shall be no more strangers to that Nation. And the principall worke of this
Vnion will be, to reconcile the Statute Lawes of both Kingdomes. The third is
the Ciuill Law : lames the fif t brought it out of France by establishing the Session
there, according to the forme of the Court of Parliament of Fraunce, which he had
scene in the tune of his being there: who occupie there the place of Ciuill ludges
in all matters of Plee or controuersie, yet not to gouerne absolutely by the Ciuill
Law as in Fraunce. For if a man plead that the Law of the Nation is otherwise,
it is a barre to the Ciuill, .and a good Chauncellor or President, will oftentimes
repell and put to silence an Argument that the Lawyers bring out of the Ciuill
Law, where they haue a cleare solution in their owne Law. So as the Ciuill Law

302 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

in Scotland is admitted in no other cases, but to supply such cases wherein the
Municipall Law is defectiue. Then may you see it is not so hard a matter as is
thought, to reduce that Countrey to bee vnited with you vnder this Law, which
neither are subiect to the Ciuill Lawe, nor yet haue any olde Common Law of their
owne, but such as in effect is borrowed from yours. And for their Statute Lawes
in Parliament, you may alter and change them as oft as occasion shall require,
as you doe here. It hath likewise beene objected as an other impediment, that in
the Parliament of Scotland the King hath not a negatiue voice, but must passe all
the Lawes agreed on by the Lords and Commons. Of this I can best resolue you:
for I am the eldest Parliament man in Scotland, and haue sit in more Parliaments
then any of my Predecessors. I can assure you, that the forme of Parliament
there, is nothing inclined to popularitie. About a twentie dayes or such a tune
before the Parliament, Proclamation is made throughout the Kingdome, to deliuer
in to the Kings Clearke of Register (whom you heere call the Master of the Rolles)
all Bills to be exhibited that Session before a certaine day. Then are they brought
vnto the King, and perused and considered by him, and onely such as I allowe of
are put into the Chancellors handes to bee propounded to the Parliament, and
none others: And if any man in Parliament speake of any other matter then is in
this forme first allowed by mee, The Chancellor tells him there is no such Bill
allowed by the King.

Besides, when they haue passed them for lawes, they are presented vnto me,
and I with my Scepter put into my hand by the Chancellor, must say, I ratifie
and approue all things done in this present Parliament. And if there bee any thing
that I dislike, they rase it out before. If this may bee called a negatiue voyce,
then I haue one I am sure in that Parliament.

The last impediment is the French liberties: which is thought so great, as
except the Scots forsake Fraunce England cannot bee vnited to them. If the
Scottish Nation would bee so vnwilling to leaue them as is said, it would not lye
in their hands: For the League was neuer made betweene the people, as is mis-
taken, but betwixt the Princes onely and their Crownes. The beginning was by a
Message from a King of Fraunce, Charlemaine I take it (but I cannot certainely
remember) vnto a King of Scotland, for a League defensiue and offensiue betweene
vs and them against England, Fraunce being at that time in Warres with England.

The like at that time was then desired by England against Fraunce who also
sent their Ambassadours to Scotland. At the first, the Disputation was long
maintained in fauour of England, that they being our neerest Neighbours ioyned
in one continent, and a strong and powerfull Nation, it was more fitte for the
weale and securitie of the State of Scotland, to be in League and Amitie with
them, then with a Countrey, though neuer so strong, yet diuided by Sea from vs:
especially England lying betwixt vs and them, where we might be sure of a sud-
daine mischiefe, but behooued to abide the hazard of wind and weather, and other
accidents that might hinder our reliefe.

SPEECH OF 1607 303

But after, when the contrary part of the Argument was maintained: wherein
allegation was made, that England euer sought to conquer Scotland, and there-
fore in regarde of their pretended interest in the Kingdome, would neuer keepe
any sound Amitie with them longer, then they saw their aduantage; whereas
France lying more remote and clayming no interest in the Kingdome, would
therefore bee found a more constant and faithfull friend: It was vnhappily con-
cluded in fauour of the last partie, through which occasion Scotland gate many
mischiefes after: And it is by the very tenour thereof ordered, to bee renewed and
confirmed from King to King successiuely, which accordingly was euer per-
formed by the mediation of their Ambassadours, and therefore meerely personall,
and so was it renewed in the Queene my mothers time, onely betweene the two
Kings, and not by assent of Parliament or conuention of the three Estates, which
it could neuer haue wanted if it had beene a League betweene the people. And in
my time when it came to be ratified, because it appeared to be in odium tertii,
it was by me left vnrenewed or confirmed as a thing incompatible to my Person,
in consideration of my Title to this Crowne. Some Priuiledges indeede in the
Merchants fauour for point of Commerce, were renewed and confirmed in my
time: wherein for my part of it, there was scarce three Counsellours more then
my Secretarie, to whose place it belonged, that medled in that matter.

It is trew, that it behooued to be enterteined, as they call it, in the Court of
Parliament of Paris: but that onely serues for publication, and not to giue it
Authoritie : That Parliament (as you know) being but a ludiciall Seate of ludges
and Lawyers, and nothing agreeing with the definition or office of our Parlia-
ments in this Isle. And therefore that any fruites or Priuiledges possessed by the
League with Fraunce is able now to remaine in Scotland, is impossible: For ye
may be sure, that the French King stayes onely vpon the sight of the ending of
this Vnion, to cut it off himself e. Otherwise when this great worke were at an
end, I would be forced for the generall care I owe to all my Subiects, to craue of
France like Priuiledges to them all as Scotland alreadie enioyes, seeing the per-
sonall friendship remaines as great betweene vs as betweene our Progenitors; and
all my Subiects must be alike deare vnto me: which either hee will neuer grant,
and so all will fall to the ground; or else it will turne to the benefite of the whole
Island: and so the Scottish Priuiledges cannot hold longer then my League with
France lasteth.

And for another Argument to prooue that this league is only betweene the
Kings, and not betweene the people: They which haue Pensions, or are priuie
Intelligence giuers in France without my leaue, are in no better case by the Law
of Scotland, then if they were Pensioners to Spaine.

As for the Scottish Guard in France, the beginning thereof was, when an Earle
of Boghan was sent in aide of the French with tenne thousand men, and there
being made Constable, and hauing obtained a victorie, was murthered with the
most of the Scottish Armie. In recompense whereof, and for a future securitie to

304 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

the Scottish Nation, the Scottish Guard was ordeined to haue the priuiledge and
prerogatiue before all other Guards in guarding the Kings person.

And as for the last point of this subdiuision concerning the gaine that England
may make by this Vnion, I thinke no wise nor honest man will aske any such
question. For who is so ignorant, that doeth not know the gaine will bee great ?
Doe you not gaine by the Vnion of Wales ? And is not Scotland greater then
Wales ? Shall not your Dominions bee encreased of Landes, Seas, and persons
added to your greatnesse ? And are not your Landes and Seas adioyning ? For
who can set downe the limits of Borders, but as a Mathematicall line or Idcea ?
Then will that backe doore bee shut, and those portes of lanus be for euer closed:
you shall haue them that were your enemies to molest you, a sure backe to defend
you: their bodies shall bee your aides, and they must bee partners in all your
quarrels: Two snow-balls put together, make one the greater: Two houses
ioyned, and make one the larger: two Castle walles made in one, makes one as
thicke and strong as both. And doe you not see in the Low countreys how
auaileable the English and the Scottish are being ioyned together ? This is a
point so plaine, as no man that hath wit or honestie, but must acknowledge it
feelingly.

And where it is obiected that the Scottishmen are not tyed to the seruice of the
King in the warres aboue forty dayes; It is an ignorant mistaking. For the
trewth is, That in respect the Kings of Scotland did not so abound in Treasure
and money to take vp an Armie vnder pay, as the Kings of England did; There-
fore was the Scottish Army wont to be raysed onely by Proclamation, vpon the
penal tie of their breach of alleageance; So as they were all forced to come to the
Warre like Snailes who carry their house about with them; Euery Nobleman and
Gentleman bringing with him then- Tents, money, prouision for their house,
victuals of all sorts, and all other necessaries, the King supplying them of nothing:
Necessitie thereupon enforcing a warning to be giuen by the Proclamation of the
space of their attendance, without which they could not make their prouision
accordingly, especially as long as they were within the bounds of Scotland, where
it was not lawfull for them to helpe themselues by the spoile or wasting of the
Countrey. But neither is there any Law Prescribing precisely such a certaine
number of dayes, nor yet is it without the limits of the Kings power to keepe them
together, as many more dayes as hee list, to renew his Proclamations from tune
to time some reasonable number of dayes, before the expiring of the former, they
being euer bound to serue and waite vpon him, though it were an hundreth yeere
if need were.

Now to conclude, I am glad of this occasion, that I might Liberare animam
tneam; You are now to recede: when you meete againe, remember I pray you,
the trewth and sincerity of my meaning, which in seeking Vnion, is onely to
aduance the greatnesse of your Empire seated here in England; And yet with
such caution I wish it, as may stand with the weale of both States. What is now

SPEECH OF 1607 305

desired, hath oft before bene sought when it could not bee obteined: To refuse it
now then, were double iniquitie. Strengthen your owne felicitie, London must bee
the Seate of your King, and Scotland ioyned to this kingdome by a Golden con-
quest, but cymented with loue, (as I said before) which within will make you
strong against all Ciuill and intestine Rebellion, as without wee will bee com-
passed and guarded with our walles of brasse. ludge mee charitably, since in
this I seeke your equall good, that so both of you might bee made fearefull to
your Enemies, powerfull in your selues, and auaileable to your friendes. Studie
therefore hereafter to make a good Conclusion, auoyd all delayes, cut off all vaine
questions, that your King may haue his lawfull desire, and be not disgraced in his
iust endes. And for your securitie in such reasonable points of restrictions,
whereunto I am to agree, yee need neuer doubt of my inclination: For I will not
say anything which I will not promise, nor promise any thing which I will not
sweare; What I sweare I will signe, and what I signe, I shall with GODS grace euer
performe.

A SPEACH TO THE LORDS AND COMMONS OF THE
PARLIAMENT AT WHITE-HALL,

ON WEDNESDAY THE XXI. OF MARCH. ANNO 1609.

WE being now in the middest of this season appointed for penitence and
prayer, it hath so fallen out, that these two last dayes haue bene spent in a
farre other sort of exercise, I meane in Eucharisticke Sacrifice, and gratulation of
thankes, persented vnto mee by both the parts of this body of Parliament: and
therefore to make vp the number of three, (which is the number of Trinitie, and
perfection) I haue thought good to make this the third Day, to be spent in this
exercise.

As ye made mee a faire Present indeed in presenting your thankes and louing
dueties vnto mee: So haue I now called you here, to recompence you againe with
a great and a rare Present, which is a faire and a Christall Mirror; Not such a
Mirror wherein you may see your owne faces, or shadowes; but such a Mirror, or
Christall, as through the transparantnesse thereof, you may see the heart of your
King. The Philosophers wish, That euery mans breast were a Christall, where-
through his heart might be seene, is vulgarly knowne, and I touched it in one of
my former Speaches vnto you: But though that were impossible in the generall,
yet will I now performe this for my part, That as it is a trew Axiome in Diuinitie,
That Cor Regis is in manu Domini, So wil I now set Cor Regis in oculis populi. I
know that I can say nothing at this time, whereof some of you that are here, haue
not at one time or other, heard me say the like already: Yet as corporall food
nourisheth and mainteineth the body, so doeth Reminiscentia nourish and
mainteine memory.

I will reduce to three generall and maine grounds, the principall things that
haue bene agitated in this Parliament, and whereof I will now speake.

First, the Arrand for which you were called by me; And that was, for support-
ing of my state, and necessities.

The second is, that which the people are to mooue vnto the King : To represent
vnto him such things, whereby the Subiects are vexed, or wherein the state of
the Commonwealth is to be redressed: And that is the thing which you call
grieuances.

The third ground that hath bene handled amongst you, and not onely in talke
amongst you in the Parliament, but euen in many other peoples mouthes, aswell
within, as without the Parliament, is of a higher nature then any of the former
(though it be but an Incident ?) and the reason is, because it concernes a higher
point; And this is a doubt, which hath bene in the heads of some, of my Intention
in two things.

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SPEECH OF 1609 307

First, whether I was resolued in the general!, to continue still my gouernment
according to the ancient forme of this State, and the Lawes of this Kingdome:
Or if I had an intention not to limit my selfe within those bounds, but to alter the
same when I thought conuenient, by the absolute power of a King.

The other branch is anent the Common Law, which some had a conceit I dis-
liked, and (in respect that I was borne where another forme of Law was estab-
lished) that I would haue wished the Ciuill Law to haue bene put in place of the
Common Law for gouernment of this people. And the complaint made amongst
you of a booke written by doctour Cowell, was a part of the occasion of this
incident: But as touching my censure of that booke, I made it already to bee
deliuered vnto you by the Treasurer here sitting, which he did out of my owne
directions and notes; and what he said in my name, that had he directly from
me: But what hee spake of himselfe therein without my direction, I shal alwayes
make good; for you may be sure I will be loth to make so honest a man a Iyer, or
deceiue your expectations: alwayes within very few dayes my Edict shall come
forth anent that matter, which shall fully discouer my meaning.

There was neuer any reason to mooue men to thinke, that I could like of such
grounds: For there are two qualities principally, or rather priuations that make
Kings subiect to flatterie; Credulitie and Ignorance; and I hope none of them can
bee iustly obiected to mee: For if Alexander the great, for all his learning, had
bene wise in that point to haue considered the state of his owne naturall body and
disposition, hee would, neuer haue thought himselfe a god. And now to the mat-
ter. As it is a Christian duety in euery man, Reddere rationem fidei, and not to be
ashamed to giue an account of his proession before men, and Angels, as oft as
occasion shall require: So did I euer hold it a necessitie of honour in a iust and
wise King, though not to giue an account to his people of his actions, yet clearely
to deliuer his heart and intention vnto them vpon euery occasion. But I must
inuert my order, and begin first with that incident which was last in my diuision
(though highest of nature) and so goe backward.

^The State of MONARCHIC is the supremest thing vpon earth: For Kings are
not onely GODS Lieutenants vpon earth, and sit vpon GODS throne, but euen by
GOD himselfe they are called Gods. There bee three principall similitudes that
illustrates the state of MONARCHIC: One taken out of the word of GOD; and the
two other out of the grounds of Policie and Philosophic. In the Scriptures Kings
are called Gods, and so their power after a certaine relation compared to the
Diuine power. Kings are also compared to Fathers of families: for a King is
trewly Parens patria, the politique father of his people. And lastly, Kings are
compared to the head of this Microcosme of the body of man.

Kings are iustly called Gods, for that they exercise a manner or resemblance
of Diuine power vpon earth: For if you wil consider the Attributes to God, you
shall see how they agree in the person of a King. God hath power to create, or
destroy, make, or vnmake at his pleasure, to giue life, or send death, to iudge all,

3o8 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

and to be iudged nor accomptable to none : To raise low things, and to make high
things low at his pleasure, and to God are both soule and body due3 And the
like power haue Kings: they make and vnmake their subiects: they haue power
of raising, and casting downe : of life, and of death : ludges ouer all their subiects,
and in all causes, and yet accomptable to none but God onely. They haue power
to exalt low things, and abase high things, and make of their subiects like men at
the Chesse; A pawne to take a Bishop or a Knight, and to cry vp, or downe any
of their subiects, as they do their money. And to the King is due both the affec-
tion of the soule, and the seruice of the body of his subiects: And therefore that
reuerend Bishop here amongst you, though I heare that by diuers he was mistaken
or not wel vnderstood, yet did he preach both learnedly and trewly annent this
point concerning the power of a King: For what he spake of a Kings power in
Abstracto, is most trew in Diuinitie: For to Emperors, or Kings that are Mon-
arches, their Subiects bodies & goods are due for their defence and maintenance.
But if I had bene in his place, I would only haue added two words, which would
haue cleared all: For after I had told as a Diuine, what was due by the Subiects
to their Kings in general, I would then haue concluded as an Englishman, shewing
this people, That as in generall all Subiects were bound to relieue their King ; So
to exhort them, that as wee liued in a setled state of a Kingdome which was
gouerned by his owne fundamentall Lawes and Orders, that according thereunto,
they were now (being assembled for this purpose in Parliament) to consider how
to helpe such a King as now they had; And that according to the ancient forme,
and order established in this Kingdome: putting so, a difference betweene the
generall power of a King in Diuinity, and the settled and established State of this
Crowne, and Kingdome. And I am sure that the Bishop meant to haue done the
same, if hee had not bene straited by time, which in respect of the greatnesse of
the presence preaching before me, and such an Auditory, he durst not presume
vpon.

As for the Father of a familie, they had of olde ynder the Law of Nature
Patriam potestatem, which was Potestatem vita 6* necis, ouer their children or
familie (I meane such Fathers of families as were the lineall heires of those
families whereof Kings did originally come:) For Kings had their first originall
from them, who planted and spread themselues in Colonies through the world.
Now a Father may dispose of his Inheritance to his children, at his pleasure : yea,
euen disinherite the eldest vpon iust occasions, and preferre the youngest, accord-
ing to his liking; make them beggers, or rich at his pleasure; restraine, or banish
out of his presence, as hee findes them giue cause of offence, or restore them in
fauour againe with the penitent sinner: So may the King deale with his Subiects.

And lastly, as for the head of the naturall body, the head hath the power of
directing all the members of the body to that vse which the iudgement in the head
thinkes most conuenient. It may apply sharpe cures, or cut off corrupt members,
let blood in what proportion it thinkes fit, and as the body may spare, but yet is

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all this power ordeined by God Ad (zdificationem, non ad destructionem. For
although God haue power aswell of destruction, as of creation or maintenance;
yet will it not agree with the wisdome of God, to exercise his power in the destruc-
tion of nature, and ouerturning the whole frame of things, since his creatures
were made, that his glory might thereby be the better expressed: So were hee a
foolish father that would disinherite or destroy his children without a cause, or
leaue off the carefull education of them; And it were an idle head that would
in place of phisicke so poyson or phlebotomize the body as might breede a
dangerous distemper or destruction thereof.

But now in these our times we are to distinguish betweene the state of Kings
in their first originall, and betweene the state of setled Kings and Monarches,
that doe at this time gouerne in ciuill Kingdomes: For euen as God, during the
time of the olde Testament, spake by Oracles, and wrought by Miracles; yet
how soone it pleased him to setle a Church which was bought, and redeemed by the
blood of his onely Sonne Christ, then was there a cessation of both; Hee euer after
gouerning his people and Church within the limits of his reueiled will. So in the
first originall of Kings, whereof some had their beginning by Conquest, and some
by election of the people, their wills at that time serued for Law; Yet how soone
Kingdomes began to be setled in ciuilitie and policie, then did Kings set downe
their minds by Lawes, which are properly made by the King onely; but at the
rogation of the people, the Kings grant being obteined thereunto. And so the
King became to be Lex loquens, after a sort, binding himselfe by a double oath to
the obseruation of the fundamentall Lawes of his kingdome: Tacitly, as by being
a King, and so bound to protect aswell the people, as the Lawes of his Kingdome;
And Expresely, by his oath at his Coronation: So as euery iust King in a setled
Kingdome is bound to obserue that paction made to his people by his Lawes, in
framing his gouernment agreeable thereunto, according to that paction which
God made with Noe after the deluge, Here after Seed-time, and Earnest, Cold and
Heate, Summer and Winter, and Day and Night shall not cease, so long as the earth
remaines. And therefore a King gouerning in a setled Kingdome, leaues to be a
King, and degenerates into a Tyrant, assoone as he leaues off to rule according to
his Lawes. In which case the Kings conscience may speake vnto him, as the
poore widow said to Philip of Macedon ; Either gouerne according to your Law,
Aut ne Rex sis. And though no Christian man ought to allow any rebellion of
people against their Prince, yet doeth God neuer leaue Kings vnpunished when
they transgresse these limits: For in that same Psalme where God saith to Kings,
Vos Dij estis, hee immediately thereafter concludes, But ye shall die like men.
The higher wee are placed, the greater shall our fall be. Vt casus sic dolor: the
taller the trees be, the more in danger of the winde; and the tempest beats sorest
vpon the highest mountaines. Therefore all Kings that are not tyrants, or
periured, wil be glad to bound themselues within the limits of their Lawes; and
they that perswade them the contrary, are vipers, and pests, both against them

3io THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

and the Commonwealth. For it is a great difference betweene a Kings gouern-
ment in a setled State, and what Kings in their originall power might doe in
Indiuiduo vago. As for my part, I thanke God, I haue euer giuen good proofe,
that I neuer had intention to the contrary: And I am sure to goe to my graue
with that reputation and comfort, that neuer King was in all his time more care-
full to haue his Lawes duely obserued, and himselfe to gouerne thereafter, then I.

I conclude then this point touching the power of Kings, with this Axiome of
Diuinitie, That as to dispute what God may doe, is Blasphemie; but quid vult
Deus, that Diuines may lawfully, and doe ordinarily dispute and discusse; for to
dispute A Posse ad Esse is both against Logicke and Diuinitie: So is it sedition in
Subiects, to dispute what a King may do in the height of his power: But iust
Kings wil euer be willing to declare what they wil do, if they wil not incurre the
curse of God. I wil not be content that my power be disputed vpon : but I shall
euer be willing to make the reason appeare of all my doings, and rule my actions
according to my Lawes.

The other branch of this incident is concerning the Common Law, being con-
ceiued by some, that I contemned it, and preferred the Ciuil Law thereunto. As
I haue already said, Kings Actions (euen in the secretest places) are as the actions
of those that are set vpon the Stages, or on the tops of houses: and I hope neuer
to speake that in priuate, which I shall not auow in publique, and Print it if need
be (as I said in my BASILICON DORON.) For it is trew, that within these few
dayes I spake freely my minde touching the Common Law in my Priuie Chamber,
at the time of my dinner, which is come to all your eares; and the same was like-
wise related vnto you by my Treasurer, and now I will againe repeate and con-
firme the same my selfe vnto you. First, as a King I haue least cause of any man
to dislike the Common Law: For no Law can bee more fauourable and aduan-
tagious for a King, and extendeth further his Prerogaiue, then it doeth: And for
a King of England to despise the Common Law, it is to neglect his owne Crowne.
It is trew, that I doe greatly esteeme the Ciuill Law, the profession thereof seruing
more for generall learning and being most necessary for matters of Treatie with all
forreine Nations: And I thinke that if it should bee taken away, it would make an
entrie to Barbarisme in this Kingdome, and would blemish the honour of Eng-
land: For it is in a maner LEX GENTIVM, and maintaineth Intercourse with all
forreine Nations: but I onely allow it to haue course here, according to those
limits of lurisdiction, which the Common Law it selfe doeth allow it: And there-
fore though it bee not fit for the generall gouernment of the people here; it doeth
not follow, it should be extinct, no more, then because the Latine tongue is not the
Mother or Radicall Language of any Nation in the world at this time, that there-
fore the English tongue should onely now be learned in this Kingdome, which
were to bring in Barbarisme. My meaning therefore is not to preferre the Ciuill
Law before the Common Law; but onely that it should not be extinguished, and
yet so bounded, (I meane to such Courts and Causes) as haue beene hi ancient vse;

SPEECH OF 1609 311

As the Ecclesiastical! Courts, Court of Admiraltie, Court of Requests, and such
like, reseruing euer to the Common Law to meddle with the fundamentall Lawes
of this Kingdome, either concerning the Kings Prerogatiue, or the possessions of
Subiects, in any questions, either betweene the King, and any of them, or amongst
themselues, in the points of Meum &* tuum. For it is trew, that there is no King-
dome in the world, not onely Scotland, but not France, nor Spaine, nor any other
Kingdome gouerned meerely by the Ciuill Law, but euery one of them hath their
owne municipall Lawes agreeable to their Customes, as this Kingdome hath the
Common Law: Nay, I am so farre from disallowing the Common Law, as I pro-
test, that if it were in my hand to chuse a new Law for this Kingdome, I would not
onely preferre it before any other Nationall Law, but euen before the very
ludiciall Law of Moyses: and yet I speake no blasphemie in preferring it for
conueniencie to this Kingdome, and at this time, to the very Law of God: For
God gouerned his selected people by these three Lawes, Ceremoniall, Morall, and
ludiciall: The ludiciall, being onely fit for a certaine people, and a certaine time,
which could not serue for the generall of all other people and times. As for ex-
ample, If the Law of hanging for Theft, were turned here to restitution of treble
or quadruple, as it was in the Law of Moyses, what would become of all the middle
Shires, and all the Irishrie and Highlanders ? But the maine point is, That if the
fundamentall Lawes of any Kingdome should be altered, who should discerne
what is Meum &• tuum, or how should a King gouerne ? It would be like the
Gregorian Calender, which destroyes the old, and yet doeth this new trouble all the
debts and Accompts of Traffiques and Merchandizes : Nay by that accompt I can
neuer tell mine owne aage; for now is my Birth-day remooued by the space of ten
dayes neerer me then it was before the change. But vpon the other part, though
I haue in one point preferred our Common Law, concerning our vse to the very
Law of GOD; yet in another respect I must say, both our Law and all Lawes else
are farre inferiour to that ludiciall Law of GOD; for no booke nor Law is perfect
nor free from corruption, except onely the booke and Law of GOD. And therefore
I could wish some three things specially to be purged & cleared in the Common
Law; but alwayes by the aduise of Parliament: For the King with his Parlia-
ment here are absolute, (as I vnderstand) in making or forming of any sort of
Lawes.

First I could wish that it were written in our vulgar Language: for now it is in
an old, mixt, and corrupt Language, onely vnderstood by Lawyers: whereas
euery Subiect ought to vnderstand the Law vnder which he liues: For since it is
our plea against the Papists, that the language in GODS Seruice ought not to be in
an vnknowne tongue, according to the rule in the Law of Moyses, That the Law
should be written in the fringes of the Priests garment, and should be publikely
read in the eares of all the people: so mee thinkes ought our Law to be made as
plaine as can be to the people, that the excuse of ignorance may be taken from
them, for conforming themselues thereunto.

3I2 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Next, our Common Law hath not a setled Text in all Cases, being chiefly
grounded either vpon old Customes, or else vpon the Reports and Cases of Judges,
which ye call Responsa Prudentum. The like whereof is in all other Lawes: for
they are much ruled by Presidents (saue onely in Denmarke and Norway, where
the letter of the Law resolues all doubts without any trouble to the ludge,) But
though it be trew, that no Text of Law can be so certaine, wherein the circum-
stances will not make a variation in the Case, (for in this aage, mens wits increase
so much by ciuilitie, that the circumstances of euery particular case varies so
much from the general Text of Law, as in the Ciuill Law it selfe, there are there-
fore so many Doctors that comment vpon the Text, & neuer a one almost agrees
with another; Otherwise there needed no Judges, but the bare letter of the Law.)
Yet could I wish that some more certaintie were set downe in this case by Parlia-
ment: for since the very Reports themselues are not alwayes so binding, but that
diuers times Judges doe disclaime them, and recede from the Judgment of their
predecessors; it were good, that vpon a mature deliberation, the exposition of the
Law were set downe by Acte of Parliament, and such reports therein confirmed,
as were thought fit to serue for Law in all times hereafter, and so the people
should not depend vpon the bare opinions of Judges, and vncertaine Reports.

And lastly, there be in the Common Law diuers contrary Reports, and Presi-
dents: and this corruption doeth likewise concerne the Statutes and Acts of
Parliament, in respect there are diuers crosse and cuffing Statutes, and some so
penned, as they may be taken in diuers, yea contrary sences. And therefore
would I wish both those Statutes and Reports, aswell in the Parliament as Com-
mon Law, to be once maturely reuiewed, and reconciled; And that not onely all
contrarieties should be scraped out of our Bookes, but euen that such penall
Statutes as were made, but for the vse of the tune (from breach whereof no man
can be free) which doe not now agree with the condition of this our time, might
likewise be left out of our bookes, which vnder a tyrannous or auaritious King
could not be endured. And this reformation might (me thinkes) bee made a
worthy worke, and well deserues a Parliament to be set of purpose for it.

I know now that being vpon this point of the Common Law, you looke to
heare my opinion concerning Prohibitions; and I am not ignorant that I haue
bene thought to be an enemie to all Prohibitions, and an vtter stayer of them:
But I will shortly now informe you what hath bene my course in proceeding
therein. It is trew that in respect of diuers honorable Courts, and Jurisdictions
planted in this Kingdome, I haue often wished that euery Court had his owne
trew limit, and iurisdiction clearely set downe, and certainly knowne; which if it
be exceeded by any of them, or that any of them encroch one vpon another, then I
grant that a Prohibition in that case is to goe out of the Kings Bench, but chiefliest
out of the Chancery; for other Benches I am not yet so well resolued of their
Jurisdiction in that point. And for my part, I was neuer against Prohibitions of
this nature, nor the trew vse of them, which is indeed to keepe euery Riuer within

SPEECH OF 1609 313

his owne banks and channels. But when I saw the swelling and ouerflowing of
Prohibitions in a farre greater abundance then euer before, euery Court striuing
to bring in most moulture to their owne Mill, by multitudes of Causes, which is a
disease very naturall to all Courts and Jurisdictions in the world; Then dealt I
with this Cause, and that at two seuerall times, once in the middest of Winter,
and againe in the middest of the next following Summer; At euery of which times
I spent three whole daies in that labour. And then after a large hearing, I told
them as Christ said concerning Mariage, Ab initio nonfuit sic. For as God con-
teins the Sea within his owne bounds and marches (as it is in the Psalmes,) So is it
my office to make euery Court conteine himselfe within his own limits; And
therefore I gaue admonitions to both sides: To the other Courts, that they should
be carefull hereafter euery of them, to conteine themselues within the bounds of
their owne lurisdictions ; and to the Courts of Common Law, that they should
not bee so forward, and prodigall in multiplying their Prohibitions. Two cautions
I willed them to obserue in graunting their Prohibitions : First, that they should
be graunted in a right and lawfull forme : And next, that they should not grant
them, but vpon a iust and reasonable cause. As to the forme, it was, That none
should be graunted by any one particular ludge, or in time of Vacation, or in any
other place, but openly in Court. And to this the ludges themselues gaue their
willing assent. And as to the Cause, That they should not be granted vpon euery
sleight surmise, or information of the partie, but alwayes that a due and graue
examination should first precede. Otherwise if Prohibitions should rashly, and
headily be granted, then no man is the more secure of his owne, though hee hath
gotten a Sentence with him: For as good haue no Law, or Sentence, as to haue no
execution thereof. A poore Minister with much labour and expense, hauing ex-
hausted his poore meanes, and being forced to forbeare his studie, and to become
non resident from his flocke, obtaines a Sentence, and then when hee lookes to
enioy the fruits thereof, he is defrauded of all by a Prohibition, according to the
parable of Christ, That night when hee thinkes himselfe most happy, shall his
soule be taken from him: And so is he tortured like Tantalus, who when he hath
the Apple at his mouth, and that he is gaping and opening his mouth to receiue it,
then must it be pulled from him by a Prohibition, and he not suffered to taste
thereof. So as to conclude this point, I put a difference betweene the trew vse of
Prohibitions, and the superabounding abuse thereof: for as a thing which is good,
ought not therefore bee abused; so ought not the lawfull vse of a good thing be
forborne, because of the abuse thereof.

Now the second generall ground whereof I am to speake, concernes the matter
of Grieuances: There are two speciall causes of the peoples presenting Grievances
to their King in tune of Parliament. First, for that the King cannot at other
tunes be so well informed of all the Grieuances of his people, as in time of Parlia-
ment, which is the representatiue body of the whole |Realme. Secondly, the

314 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Parliament is the highest Court of Justice, and therefore the fittest place where
diuers natures of Grieuances may haue their proper remedie, by the establishment
of good and wholsome Lawes. But though my Speech was before directed to the
whole Body of Parliament; yet in this case I must addresse my Speech in speciall
to you of the Lower House.

I am now then to recommend vnto your considerations the matter and manner
of your handling and presenting of Grieuances. As for the manner, though I will
not denie, but that yee, representing the Body of the people, may as it were both
opportune and inopportune (I meane either in Parliament as a Body, or out of
Parliament as priuate men) present your Grieuances vnto mee; yet would I haue
you to vse this caution in your behauiour in this point: which is, that your Grie-
uances be not as it were greedily sought out by you, or taken vp in the streetes
(as one said) thereby to shew a willingnesse that you would haue a shew made,
that there are many abuses in the gouernment, and many causes of complaint:
but that according to your first institution, ye should only meddle with such
Grieuances, as your selues doe know had neede of reformation, or had informations
thereof in your countreys for which you serue, and not so to multiply them, as
might make it noised amongst the people, that all things in the gouernment were
amisse and out of frame: For euen at the beginning of this very Session of Parlia-
ment, the generall name of Grieuances being mentioned among you, such a con-
ceipt came in the heads of many, that you had a desire to multiply and make a
great muster of them, as euery one exhibited what his particular spleene stirred
him vnto. In deed there fell out an accident vpon this occasion, for which I haue
reason to thanke you of the Lower house, I meane for your fire worke, wherein I
confesse you did Honour to me, and right to your selues: For hauing one after-
noone found many Grieuances closely presented in papers, and so all thrust vp in
sacke together, (rather like Pasquils, then any lawfull Complaints) farre against
your owne Orders, and diuers of them proceeding from grudging and murmuring
spirits; you, vpon the hearing read two or three of the first lines of diuers of
them, were not content with a publique consent to comdemne them, and to dis-
charge any further reading of them, but you also made a publique bonefire of
them. In this, I say, you shewed your care and ielousie of my Honour, and I sent
you thankes for it by the Chancellour of the Exchequer, a member of your owne
House, who by your appointment, that same night acquainted me with your
proceedings; And by him also I promised at that time, that you should heare
more of my thankes for the same at the first occasion; And now I tell you it my
selfe, that you may know how kindely I take your duetifull behauiour in this case.
But since this was a good effect of an euill cause, I must not omit also to admonish
you vpon the other part, to take a course amongst your selues, to preuent the like
accident in all times hereafter: otherwise the Lower house may become a place
for Pasquils, and at another time such Grieuances may be cast in amongst you,
as may conteine Treason or scandal against Me, or my Posterity. Therefore in

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this case, looke ouer your ancient Orders, & follow them, and suffer not hereafter
any petitions or Grieuances to be deliuered obscurely or in the darke, but openly
and auowedly in your Publique house, and there to be presented to the Speaker.
And as to the matter of your Grieuances, I wish you here now to vnderstand me
rightly. And because I see many writing and noting, I will craue your pardons,
to holde you a little longer by speaking the more distinctly, for feare of mistaking.

First then, I am not to finde fault that you informe your selues of the partic-
ular iust Grieuances of the people, Nay, I must tell you, ye can neither be iust nor
faithfull to me, or to your Countreys that trust and imploy you, if you doe it not:
For true Plaints proceede not from the persons imployed, but from the Body re-
presented, which is the people. And it may very well bee, that many Directions
and Commissions iustly giuen forth by me, may be abused in the Execution
thereof, vpon the people: and yet I neuer to receiue information, except it come
by your meanes, at such a tune as this is; (as in the case of Stephen Procter). But
I would wish you to be carefull to auoide three things in the matter of Grieuances.

First, that you doe not meddle with the maine points of Gouernment; that is
my craft: tractent fabrilia fabri; to meddle with that, were to lesson me: I am now
an old King; for sixe and thirtie yeeres haue I gouerned in Scotland personally,
and now haue I accomplished my apprenticeship of seuen yeeres heere; and seuen
yeeres is a great tune for a Kings experience in Gouernment: Therefore there
would not bee too many Phormios to teach Hannibal : I must not be taught my
Office.

Secondly, I would not haue you meedle with such ancient Rights of mine, as I
haue receiued from my Predecessors, possessing them, More Maiorum: such
things I would bee sorie should bee accounted for Grieuances. All nouelties are
dangerous as well in a politique as in a naturall Body: And therefore I would be
loth to be quarrelled in my ancient Rights and possessions: for that were to iudge
mee vnworthly of that which my Predecessors had and left me.

And lastly, I pray you beware to exhibit for Grieuance any thing that is estab-
lished by a setled Law, and whereunto (as you haue already had a proofe) you
know I will neuer giue a plausible answere : For it is an vndutif ull part in Subiects
to presse their King, wherein they know beforehand he will refuse them. Now, if
any Law or Statute be not conuenient, let it be amended by Parliament, but in the
meane time terme it not a Grieuance: for to be grieued with the Law, is to be
grieued with the King, who is sworne to bee the Patron and mainteiner thereof.
But as all men are flesh, and may erre in the execution of Lawes; So may ye iustly
make a Grieuance of any abuse of the Law, distinguishing wisely betweene the
faults of the person, and the thing it selfe. As for example, Complaints may be
made vnto you of the high Commissioners : If so be, trie the abuse, and spare not
to complaine vpon it, but say not there shall be no Commission; For that were to
abridge the power that is in me: and I will plainely tell you, That something I
haue with my selfe resolued annent that point, which I meane euer to keepe,

3i6 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

except I see other great cause: which is, That in regard the high Commission is of
so high a nature, from which there is no appellation to any other Court, I haue
thought good to restraine it onely to the two Archbishops, where before it was
common amongst a great part of the Bishops in England. This Law I haue set to
my selfe, and therefore you may be assured, that I will neuer finde fault with any
man, nor thinke him the more Puritane, that will complaine to me out of Parlia-
ment, aswell as in Parliament, of any error in execution thereof, so that hee prooue
it; Otherwise it were but a calumnie. Onely I would bee loath that any man
should grieue at the Commission it selfe, as I haue already said. Yee haue heard
(I am sure) of the paines I tooke both in the causes of the Admiralty, and of the
Prohibitions: If any man therefore will bring me any iust complaints vpon any
matters of so high a nature as this is, yee may assure your selues that I will not
spare my labour in hearing it. In faith you neuer had a more painefull King, or
that will be readier in his person to determine causes that are fit for his hearing.
And when euer any of you shall make experience of me in this point, ye may be
sure neuer to want accesse, nor ye shall neuer come wrong to me, in, or out of
Parliament.

And now to conclude this purpose of Grievances, I haue one general! grieuance
to commend vnto you, and that in the behalfe of the Countreys from whence ye
come. And this is, to pray you to beware that your Grieuances sauour not of
particular mens thoughts, but of the generall griefes rising out of the mindes of the
people, and not out of the humour of the propounder. And therefore I would
wish you to take heede carefully, and consider of the partie that propounds the
grieuance: for ye may (if ye list) easily discerne whether it bee his owne passion,
or the peoples griefe, that makes him to speake: for many a man will in your
house propound a Grieuance out of his owne humour, because (peraduenture) he
accounts highly of that matter: and yet the contrey that imployes him, may per-
haps either be of a contrary minde, or (at least) little care for it. As for example, I
assure you, I can very well smell betweene a Petition that mooues from a generall
Grieuance, or such a one as comes from the spleene of some particular person,
either against Ecclesiasticall gouernment in generall, or the person of any one
Noble man, or Commissioner in particular.

And now the third point remaines to bee spoken of; which is the cause of my
calling of this Parliament. And in this I haue done but as I vse ^o doe in all my
life, which is to leaue mine owne errand hindmost.

It may bee you did wonder that I did not speake vnto you publikely at the
beginning of this Session of Parliament, to tell you the cause of your calling, as I
did (if I bee rightly remembred) in euery Session before. But the trewth is, that
because I call you at this time for my particular Errand, I thought it fitter to bee
opened vnto you by my Treasurer, who is my publike and most principal! Officer
in matters of that nature, then that I should doe it my selfe: for I confesse I am

SPEECH OF 1609 317

lesse naturally eloquent, and haue greater cause to distrust mine elocution in
matters of this nature, then in any other thing. I haue made my Treasurer
already to giue you a very cleere and trew accompt both of my hauing, and ex-
penses: A fauour I confesse, that Kings doe seldome bestow vpon their Subjects,
in making them so particularly acquainted with their state. If I had not more
then cause, you may be sure I would be loth to trouble you: But what he hath
affirmed in this, vpon the honour of a Gentleman, (whom you neuer had cause to
distrust for his honestie,) that doe I now confirme and auow to be trew in the
word and honour of a King; And therein you are bound to beleeue me. Duetie I
may iustly claime of you as my Subiects; and one of the branches of duetie which
Subiects owe to their Soueraigne, is Supply: but in what quantitie, and at what
tune, that must come of your loues. I am not now therefore to dispute of a Kings
power, but to tell you what I may iustly craue, and expect with your good wills.
I was euer against all extremes; and in this case I will likewise wish you to auoyd
them on both sides. For if you faile in the one, I might haue great cause to blame
you as Parliament men, being called by me for my Errands : And if you fall into
the other extreme, by supply of my necessities without respectiue care to auoyd
oppression or partialitie in the Leuie, both I and the Countrey will haue cause to
blame you.

When I thinke vpon the composition of this body of Parliament, I doe well
consider that the Vpper house is composed of the Secular Nobilitie, who are
hereditary Lords of Parliament; and of Bishops, that are liue Renter Barons of
the same: And therefore what is giuen by the Vpper house, is giuen onely from
the trew body of that House, and out of their owne purposes that doe giue it;
whereas the Lower house is but the representatiue body of the Commons, and so
what you giue, you giue it aswell for others, as for your selues: and therefore you
haue the more reason to eschew both the extreames. On the one part, ye may the
more easily be liberall, since it comes not all from your selues; and yet vpon the
other part, if yee giue more then is fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld vpon
such necessary occasions, yee abuse the King, and hurt the people; And such a
gift I will neuer accept : For in such a case you might deceiue a King, in giuing
your flattering consent to that which you know might moue the people generally
to grudge and murmure at it, and so should the King find himself e deceiued in his
Calcule, and the people likewise grieued in their hearts; the loue and possession
of which (I protest) I did, and euer will accompt the greatest earthly securitie (next
the fauour of GOD) to any wise or iust King. For though it was vainely saide by
one of your House, That yee had need to beware, that by giuing mee too much,
your throats were not in danger of cutting at your comming home: yet may ye
assure your selues, that I will euer bee lothe to presse you to doe that which may
wrong the people, and make you iustly to beare the blame thereof. But that yee
may the better be acquainted with my inclination, I will appeale to a number of
my Priuie Councell here present, if that before the calling of this Parliament, and

3i8 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

when I found that the necessitie of my estate required so great a supply, they
found me more desirous to obtaine that which I was forced to seeke, then carefull
that the people might yeeld me a supply in so great a measure as my necessities
required, without their too great losse. And you all that are Parliament men, and
here present of both Houses can beare me witnesse, if euer I burthened or im-
ployed any of you for any particular Subsidies, or summes by name, further then
my laying open the particular necessities of my state, or yet if euer I spake to any
Priuie Councellour, or any of my learned Councell, to labour voyces for me to this
end; I euer detested the hunting for Emendicata Suffragia. A King that will rule
and gouerne iustly, must haue regard to Conscience, Honour and Judgement, in all
his great Actions, (as your selfe M. Speaker remembred the other day.) And
therefore ye may assure your selues, That I euer limit all my great Actions within
that compasse. But as vpon the one side, I doe not desire you should yeeld to
that extreame, in giuing me more then (as I said formerly) vpon such necessary
occasions are fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld; For that were to giue me a
purse with a knife: So on the other side, I hope you will not make vaine pretences
of wants, out of causelesse apprehensions, or idle excuses, neither cloake your
owne humours (when your selues are vnwilling) by alledging the pouertie of the
people. For although I will be no lesse iust, as a King, to such persons, then any
other: (For my Justice with Gods grace, shalbe alike open to all) yet ye must
thinke I haue no reason to thanke them, or gratifie them with any suits or matters
of grace, when their errand shall come in my way; And yet no man can say, that
euer I quarrelled any man for refusing mee a Subsidie, if hee did it in a moderate
fashion, and with good reasons. For him that denies a good Law, I will not spare
to quarrell: But for graunting or denying money, it is but an effect of loue: And
therefore for the point of my necessities, I onely desire that I be not refused in that
which of duety I ought to haue: For I know if it were propounded in the generall
amongst you, whether the Kings wants ought to be relieued or not, there is not
one of you, that would make question of it. And though in a sort this may seeme
to be my particular; yet it can not bee diuided from the generall good of the
Common wealth; For the King that is Par ens Patrice, telles you of his wants.
Nay, Patria ipsa by him speakes vnto you. For if the King want, the State
wants, and therefore the strengthening of the King is the preseruation and the
standing of the State; And woe be to him that diuides the weale of the King
from the weale of the Kingdome. And as that King is miserable (how rich soeuer
he bee) that raines ouer a poore people, (for the hearts and riches of the people,
are the Kings greatest treasure;) So is that Kingdome not able to subsist, how
rich and potent soeuer the people be, if their King wants meanes to maintaine his
State: for the meanes of your King are the sinewes of the kingdome both in warre
and peace: for in peace I must minister Justice vnto you, and in warre I must
defend you by Armes: but neither of these can I do without sufficient meanes,
which must come from your Aide and Supply. I confesse it is farre against my

SPEECH OF 1609 319

nature to be burthensome to my people: for it cannot but grieue me to craue of
others, that was borne to be begged of. It is trew, I craue more then euer King of
England did; but I haue farre greater and iuster cause and reason to craue, then
euer King of England had. And though my Treasurer hath at length declared the
reasons vnto you of my necessities, and of a large supply that he craued for the
same, wherein he omitted no arguments that can be vsed for that purpose; yet
will I my selfe now shortly remember you some of the weightiest reasons that come
in my head, to proue the equitie of my demaund.

First, ye all know, that by the accession of more Crownes, which in my Person
I haue brought vnto you, my charge must be the greater in all reason: For the
greater your King be, both in his dominion and number of Subiects, he cannot but
be forced thereby to be at the more charge, and it is the more your honour, so to
haue it.

Next, that posteritie and issue which it hath pleased God to send me for your
vse, cannot but bring necessarily with it a greater proportion of charge. You all
know that the late Queene of famous memory (notwithstanding her orbitie) had
much giuen vnto her, and more then euer any of her predecessors had before her.

Thirdly, the time of creation of my Sonne doeth now draw neere, which I
chuse for the greater honour to bee done in this tune of Parliament. As for him I
say no more; the sight of himself e here speakes for him.

Fourthly, it is trew I haue spent much; but yet if I had spared any of those
things, which caused a great part of my expense, I should haue dishonored the
kingdome, my selfe, and the late Queene. Should I haue spared the funerall of
the late Queene ? or the solemnitie of mine and my wiues entrie into this King-
dome, in some honourable sort ? or should I haue spared our entrie into London,
or our Coronation ? And when most of the Monarches, and great Princes in
Christendome sent their Ambassadours to congratulate my comming hither, and
some of them came in person, was I not bound, both for my owne honour, and the
honour of the Kingdome, to giue them good entertainement ? But in case it
might be obiected by some, that it is onely vpon occasions of warre, that Kings
obtaine great Supplies from their Subiects: notwithstanding my interne Peace,
I am yet in a kinde of warre, which if it bee without, the more is your safetie: For
(as the Treasurer tolde you at large) I am now forced both in respects of State,
and my promise, and for the general cause of Religion, to send a Supply of forces
to Cleues, and how long that occasion may last, or what greater supply the neces-
sitie of that Errand may draw mee vnto, no man can yet tell. Besides that, al-
though I haue put downe that forme of warlike keeping of Barwicke; yet are all
those commaunders my pensioners that were the late Queenes souldiers. And I
hope I sustaine a prettie Seminarie of Souldiers in my Forts within this King-
dome, besides the two cautionary Townes in the Low-countreys, Flushing and
Brill. And as for Ireland, yee all know how vncertaine my charges are euer
there, that people being so easily stirred, partly through their barbaritie, and

320 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

want of ciuilitie, and partly through their corruption in Religion to breake foorth
in rebellions. Yee know, how vnlooked for a Rebellion brake foorth there the last
yeere, which could not but put mee to extraordinary charges. Besides I doe
maintaine there continually an Armie, which is a goodly Seminarie of expert and
old Souldiers. And I dare neuer suffer the same to be diminished, till this Planta-
tion take effect, which (no doubt) is the greatest moate that euer came in the
Rebels eyes: and it is to be looked for, that if euer they will bee able to make any
stirre, they will presse at it by all meanes, for the preuenting and discouraging this
Plantation. Now it is trew, that besides all these honourable and necessary occa-
sions of my charge, I haue spent much in liberalitie: but yet I hope you will con-
sider, that what I haue giuen, hath bene giuen amongst you ; and so what comes in
from you, goes out againe amongst you. But it may be thought that I haue giuen
much amongst Scottishmen. Indeed if I had not beene liberall in rewarding some
of my old seruants of that Nation, ye could neuer haue had reason to expect my
thankefulnesse towards any of you that are more lately become my Subiects, if I
had beene ingrate to the old: And yet yee will find, that I haue dealt twice as
much amongst English men as I haue done to Scottishmen. And therefore he
that in your House was not ashamed to affirme, that the siluer and gold did so
abound in Edenburgh, was very farre mistaken; but I wish him no worse punish-
ment, then that hee should onely Hue vpon such profit of the money there. But I
hope you will neuer mislike me for my liberalitie, since I can looke very few of you
this day in the face, that haue not made suits to mee, at least for some thing,
either of honour or profit. It is trew, a Kings liberalitie must neuer be dried vp
altogether: for then he can neuer maintaine nor oblige his seruants and well
deseruing Subiects: But that vastnesse of my expence is past, which I vsed the
first two or three yeeres after my comming hither: And, as I oft vsed to say, that
Christmas and open tide is ended: For at my first comming here, partly ignorance
of this State (which no man can acquire but by time and experience) and partly
the forme of my comming being so honourable and miraculous, enforced me to
extend my liberalitie so much the more at the beginning. Ye saw I made Knights
then by hundredths, and Barons in great numbers: but I hope you find I doe not
so now, nor minde not to doe so hereafter: For to conclude this point anent ex-
pences, I hold that a Kings expence must alwayes bee honourable, though not
wasteful!, and the charges of your King in maintaining those ancient honourable
formes of liuing that the former Kings of England my Predecessours haue done,
and his liuing to bee ruled according to the proportion of his greatnesse, is aswell
for the honour of your Kingdome, as of your King. Now this cannot be supplied
out of the ayre or liquid elements, but must come from the people. And for re-
mouing of that diffidence which men may haue, that I minde not to liue in any
wastefull sort hereafter, will you but looke vpon my selfe and my posterities and
if there were no more but that, it will teach you that if I were but a naturall man,
I must needs bee carefull of my expences: For as for my owne person, I hope none

SPEECH OF 1609 321

that knowes me well, can thinke me but as little inclined to any prodigall humours
of vnnecessary things, as any other reasonable man of a farre meaner estate.
Therefore since (as I haue said) I cannot be helped but from the people; I assure
my selfe that you will allow mee such measure of Supplie, as the people may
beare, and support him with more Honourable meanes then others haue had, that
(as I may say without vaunting) hath brought you more Honour then euer you
had : For I hope there are no good Subiects either within, or out of the Parliament
House, that would not be content for setting streight once and selling the Honour-
able State of their King, to spare so much euery one of them out of their purses,
which peraduenture they would in one night throw away at Dice or Cards, or
bestow vpon a horse for their fancies, that might breake his necke or his legge the
next morning: Nay I am sure euery good Subiect would rather chuse to Hue more
sparingly vpon his owne, then that his Kings State should be in want.

For conclusion then of this purpose, I wish you now to put a speedie end to
your businesse. Freenesse in giuing graceth the gift, Bis dat, qui citb dat; The
longer I want helpe, the greater will my debt still rise: and so must I looke for the
greater helpes. And now I would pray you to turne your eyes with mee from
home, and looke vpon forreine States. Consider that the eyes of all forreine
States are vpon this affaire, and in expectation what the successe thereof will be;
And what can they thinke, if ye depart without relieuing mee in that proportion
that make me able to maintaine my State, but that either ye are vnwilling to
helpe mee, thinking me vnworthy thereof, or at least that my State is so desperat,
as it cannot be repaired, and so that the Parliament parts in disgrace with the
King, and the King in distaste with the Parliament, which cannot but weaken my
reputation both at home and abroad ? For of this you may be assured, that for-
reine Princes care the more one for an other, if they may haue reason to expect
that they may bee able to doe them good or harme in Retribution. And ye know,
that if a King fall to be contemned with his neighbours, that cannot but bring an
oppression and warre by them vpon him, and then will it be too late to support
the King, when the cure is almost desperate. Things foreseene and preuented,
are euer easliest remedied: And therefore I would aduise you now so to settle
your businesse, as ye may not take in hand so many things at once, as may both
crosse my errand, and euery one of them crosse another. Yee remember the
French Prouerbe, Qui trap embrasse, rien estreint; We are not in this Parliament
to make our Testament, as if wee should neuer meete againe, and that all things
that were to be done in any Parliament, were to be done at this time: and yet for
filling vp of your vacant houres, I will recommend to your consideration such
nature of things, as are to bee specially thought vpon in these tunes. First I will
beginne at GOD : for the beginning with him makes all other actions to bee blessed :
And this I meane by the cause of Religion. Next I will speake of some things that
concerne the Common-wealth. And thirdly, matters of Pleasure and ornament
to the Kingdome.

322 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

As for Religion, we haue all great cause to take heed vnto it; Papists are waxed
as proud at this time as euer they were, which makes many to think they haue
some new plot in hand. And although the poorest sort of them bee (God be
thanked) much decreased, yet doeth the greater sort of them dayly increase,
especially among the fceminine Sexe; nay they are waxed so proud, that some say,
no man dare present them, nor Judges meddle with them, they are so backed and
vpholden by diuers great Courtiers. It is a surer and better way to remooue the
materials of fire before they bee kindled, then to quench the fire when once it is

Nam leuius ladit quicquid prasuidimus ante.

I doe not meane by this to mooue you to make stronger Lawes then are already
made, but see those Lawes may bee well executed that are in force; otherwise
they cannot but fall into contempt and become rustic. I neuer found, that blood
and too much seueritie did good in matters of Religion: for, besides that it is a
sure rule in Diuinitie, that God neuer loues to plant his Church by violence and
bloodshed; naturall reason may euen perswade vs, and dayly experience prooues
it trew, That when men are seuerely persecuted for Religion, the gallantnesse of
many mens spirits, and the wilfulnes of their humours, rather then the iustnesse
of the cause, makes them to take a pride boldly to endure any torments, or death
it selfe, to gaine thereby the reputation of Martyrdome, though but in a false
shadow.

Some doubts haue beene concerned anent the vsing of the Oath of Allegiance,
and that part of the Acte which ordaines the taking thereof, is thought so obscure,
that no man can tell who ought to bee pressed therewith. For I my selfe, when
vpon a time I called the ludges before mee at their going to their Circuits, I
mooued this question vnto them; wherein, as I thought they could not resolutely
answere me: And therefore if there bee any scruple touching the ministring of it,
I would wish it now to bee cleared. And since I haue with my owne pen brought
the Popes quarell vpon mee, and proclaimed publique defiance to Babylon in
maintaining it; should it now sleepe, and should I seeme (as it were) to steale
from it againe ?

As for Recusants, let them bee all duely presented without exception: for in
times past there hath beene too great a conniuence, and forbearing of them,
especially of great mens wiues, and their kinne and followers. None ought to be
spared from being brought vnder the danger of Law, and then it is my part to vse
mercie, as I thinke conuenient. To winke at faults, and not to suffer them to bee
discouered, is no Honour, nor Mercy in a King, neither is he euer thanked for it;
It onely argues his dulnesse: But to forgiue faults after they are confessed, or
tried, is Mercie. And now I must turne me in this case to you, my Lords the
Bishops, and euen exhort you earnestly, to be more carefull, then you haue bene,
that your Officers may more duely present Recusants, then heretofore they haue
done, without exception of persons; That although it must be the worke of GOD

SPEECH OF 1609 323

that must make their mindes to bee altered, yet at least by this course they may be
stayed from increasing, or insulting vpon vs.

And that yee all may know the trewth of my heart in this case, I diuide all my
Subiects that are Papists, into two rankes: either olde Papists, that were so
brought vp in times of Poperie, like old Queene Mary Priests, and those, that
though they bee younger in yeeres, yet haue neuer drunke in other milke, but
beene still nusled in that blindnesse : Or else such as doe become Apostats ; hauing
once beene of our Profession, and haue forsaken the trewth, either vpon discon-
tent, or practise, or else vpon a light vaine humour of Noueltie, making no more
scruple to seeke out new formes of Religion, then if it were but a new forme of
Garment, or a new cut or courtsey after the French fashion.

For the former sort, I pitie them; but if they bee good and quiet Subiects, I
hate not their persons; and if I were a priuate man, I could well keepe a ciuill
friendship and conuersation with some of them: But as for those Apostates, who,
I know, must be greatest haters of their owne Sect, I confesse I can neuer shew
any fauourable countenance toward them, and they may all of them be sure
without exception, that they shall neuer finde any more fauour of mee, further
then I must needs in Justice afford them. And these would I haue the Law to
strike seuereliest vpon, and you carefullest to discouer. Yee know there hath
beene great stirre kept for begging Concealements these yeeres past; and I pray
you, let mee begge this concealment both of the Bishops, and Judges, That Papists
be no longer concealed.

Next, as concerning the Common wealth, I doe speciall recommend vnto you
the framing of some new Statute for preseruation of woods. In the end of the last
Session of Parliament, ye had a Bill amongst you of that subiect; but because you
found some faults therein, you cast out the whole Bil: But I could haue rather
wished that yee had either mended it, or made a new one; For to cast out the
whole Bill because of some faults, was euen as if a man, that had a new garment
brought him, would chuse rather to go naked, then haue his garment made fit for
him: But on my conscience, I cannot imagine why you should so lightly haue
esteemed a thing, so necessary for the Common wealth, if it were not out of a litle
frowardnesse amongst you at that time, that what I then recommended earnestly
vnto you, it was the worse liked of. The maintenance of woods is a thing so neces-
sary for this Kingdome, as it cannot stand, nor be a Kingdome without it: For it
concernes you both in your Esse, Bene esse, and in pleasures. Your Esse: for
without it you want the vse of one of the most necessarie Elements (which is Fire
and fewell to dresse your meate with; for neither can the people liue in these
colde Countries, if they want fire altogether, nor yet can you dresse your meate
without it ; and I thinke you will ill liue like the Cannibals vpon raw flesh : for the
education of this people is farre from that. As to your bene esse; The decay of
woods will necessarily bring the decay of Shipping, which both is the security of
this Kingdome; since God hath by nature made the Sea to bee the wall of this

324 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Iland; and the rather now, since God hath vnited it all in my Person and Crowne ;
As also by the decay of Shipping will you loose both all your forraine commodities
that are fit for this contrey, and the venting of our owne, which is the losse of
Trade, that is a maine pillar of this Kingdome. And as for Pleasure, yee know my
delight in Hunting and Hawking, and many of your selues are of the same minde;
and all this must needes decay, by the decay of Woods : Ye haue reason therefore
to prouide a good Law vpon this Subiect.

Now as to the last point concerning matters of Pleasure, it consists in the pre-
seruing of Game, which is now almost vtterly destroyed through all the King-
dome. And if you offer not now a better Law for this, then was made in the last
Session of Parliament, I will neuer thanke you for it: For as for your Law anent
Partridge and Phesant, you haue giuen leaue to euery man how poore a Farmour
that euer hee bee, to take and destroy them in his owne ground how he list. But
I pray you, how can the Game bee maintained, if Gentlemen that haue great
Lordships shall breed and preserue them there, and so soone as euer they shall but
flie ouer the hedge and light in a poore fellowes Close, they shall all be destroyed ?
Surely I know no remedie for perseruing the Game that breedes in my grounds,
except I cast a roof e ouer all the ground, or else put veruels to the Partridges feet
with my Armes vpon them, as my Hawkes haue : otherwise I know not how they
shall bee knowen to be the Kings Partridges, when they light in a Farmours Close.

And by your Lawe against stealing of Deere or Conies, after a long discourse
and prohibition of stealing them, you conclude in the end with a restriction, that
all this punishment shall bee vnderstood to bee vsed against them that steale the
Game in the night: Which hath much encouraged all the looser sort of people,
that it was no fault to steale Deere, for they doe it not like theeues in the night.
As was that Law of the Lacedemonians against theft, that did not forbid theft, but
onely taught them to doe it cunningly, and without discouerie: Whereupon a
foolish boy suffered a Foxe to gnaw his heart through his breast. And this doc-
trine is like that Lesson of the Cannon Law, Si non caste, tamen caute. I knowe
you thinke that I speake partially in this case like a Hunter; But there is neuer a
one of you that heares mee, that cares the least for the sport, for perseruation of
the Game, but he would be as glad to haue a pastie of Venison if you might get it,
as the best Hunter would: And if the Game be not presented, you can eate no
Venison. As for Partridge and Phesant, I doe not denie that Gentlemen should
haue their sport, and specially vpon their owne ground. But first I doe not
thinke such Game and pleasures should be free to base people. And next I would
euen wish that Gentlemen should vse it in a Gentlemanlike fashion, and not with
Nets, or Gunnes, or such other vngentlemanlike fashions that seme but for vtter
destruction of all Game, nor yet to kill them at vnseasonable times, as to kill the
Phesant and Partridges when they are no bigger then Mice, when as for euer one
their Hawkes kill, ten will be destroyed with their Dogs and Horse feet; besides
the great and intolerable hanne they doe to Corne in that season.

SPEECH OF 1609 325

And now in the end of all this faschious Speach, I must conclude like a Grey
Frier, in speaking for my self e at last. At the beginning of this Session of Parlia-
ment, when the Treasourer opened my necessities vnto you, then my Purse onely
laboured; But now that word is spread both at home and abroad of the de-
maunds I haue made vnto you; my Reputation laboureth aswell as my Purse:
For if you part without the repairing of my State in some reasonable sort, what
can the world thinke, but that the euill will my Subiects beare vnto mee, hath
bred a refuse ? And yee can neuer part so, without apprehending that I am dis-
tasted with your behauiour, and yet to be in feare of my displeasure. But I
assure and promise my selfe farre otherwise.

Thus haue I now performed my promise, in presenting vnto you the Christall
of your Kings heart.

Yee know that principally by three wayes yee may wrong a Mirrour.

First, I pray you, looke not vpon my Mirrour with a false light : which yee doe,
if ye mistake, or mis-vnderstand my Speach, and so alter the sence thereof.

But secondly, I pray you beware to soile it with a foule breath, and vncleane
hands: I meane, that yee peruert not my words by any corrupt affections, turning
them to an ill meaning, like one, who when hee heares the tolling of a Bell, fancies
to himselfe, that it speakes those words which are most in his minde.

And lastly, (which is worst of all) beware to let it fall or breake: (for glasse is
brittle) which ye doe, if ye lightly esteeme it, and by contemning it, conforme not
your selues to my perswasions.

To conclude then: As all these three days of lubile haue fallen in the midst of
this season of penitence, wherein you haue presented your thanks to me, and I the
like againe to you: So doe I wish and hope, that the end of this Parliament will
bee such, as wee may all haue cause (both I your Head, and yee the Body) to ioyne
in Eucharisticke Thanks and Praises vnto God, for our so good and happie an end.

A SPEACH IN THE STARRE-CH AMBER,
THE XX. OF JVNE. ANNO 1616.

GIVE THY IVDGEMENTS To THE KING, O GOD, AND THY RIGHTEOVSNES To
THE KINGS SONNE.

These be the first words of one of the Psalmes of the Kingly Prophet Dauid,
whereof the literall sense runnes vpon him, and his sonne Salomon, and the
mysticall sense vpon GOD and CHRIST his eternall Sonne: but they are both so
wouen together, as some parts are, and can onely bee properly applied vnto GOD
and CHRIST, and other parts vnto Dauid and Salomon, as this Verse, due thy
Judgements to the King, O God, and thy Righteousnesse to the Kings Sonne, cannot
be properly spoken of any, but of Dauid and his sonne; because it is said, due thy
Judgements, &c. Now God cannot giue to himselfe. In another part of the same
Psalme, where it is said, that Righteousness shall flourish, and abundance of Peace,
as long as the Moone endureth, it signifieth eternitie, and cannot be properly applied
but to GOD and CHRIST: But both senses, aswell literall as mysticall, serue to
Kings for imitation, and especially to Christian Kings: for Kings sit in the
Throne of GOD, and they themselues are called Gods.

And therefore all good Kings in their gouernment, must imitate GOD and his
Christ, in being iust and righteous ; Dauid and Salomon, in being godly and wise :
To be wise, is vnderstood, able to discerne, able to iudge others: To be godly is,
that the fountaine be pure whence the streames proceed: for what auailes it
though all his workes be godly, if they proceed not from godlinesse: To bee
righteous, is to a mans selfe : To bee iust, is towards others. But lustice in a King
auailes not, vnlesse it be with a cleane heart: for except he bee Righteous aswell
as lust, he is no good King; and whatsoeuer iustice he doeth; except he doeth it
for lustice sake, and out of the purenesse of his owne heart, neither from priuate
ends, vaine-glory, or any other by-respects of his owne, all such lustice is vn-
righteousnesse, and no trew lustice. From this imitation of GOD and CHRIST, in
whose Throne wee sit, the gouernment of all Common-wealths, and especially
Monarchies, hath bene from the beginning setled and established. Kings are
properly ludges, and ludgement properly belongs to them from GOD: for Kings
sit in the Throne of GOD, and thence all ludgement is deriued.

In all well setled Monarchies, where Law is established formerly and orderly,
there ludgement is deferred from the King to his subordinate Magistrates; not
that the King takes it from himselfe, but giues it vnto them: So it comes not to
them Priuatiue, but cumulatiue, as the Shoolemen speake. The ground is ancient,
euer sithence that Counsell which lethro gaue to Moses: for after that Moses had

3*6

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 327

gouerned a long time, in his owne person, the burthen grew so great, hauing none
to helpe him, as his father in law comming to visite him, found him so cumbred
with ministring of Justice, that neither the people were satisfied, not he well able
to performe it; Therefore by his aduice, ludges were deputed for easier questions,
and the greater and more profound were left to Moses : And according to this estab-
lishement, all Kings that haue had a formall gouernement, especially Christian
Kings in all aages haue gouerned their people, though after a diuers maner.

This Deputation is after one manner in France, after another here, and euen
my owne Kingdomes differ in this point of gouernment : for Scotland differs both
from France and England herein; but all agree in this, (I speake of such King-
domes or States where the formalitie of Law hath place) that the King that sits
in Gods Throne, onely deputes subalterne ludges, and he deputes not one but a
number (for no one subalterne ludges mouth makes Law) and their office is to
interprete Law, and administer lustice. But as to the number of them, the
forme of gouernement, the maner of interpretation, the distinction of Benches, the
diuersitie of Courts; these varie according to the varietie of gouernment, and
institution of diuers Kings: So this ground I lay, that the seate of Judgement is
properly Gods, and Kings are Gods Vicegerents; and by Kings ludges are
deputed vnder them, to beare the burden of gouernement, according to the first
example of Moses by the aduice of lethro, and sithence practised by Dauid and
Salomon, the wisest Kings that euer were; which is in this Psalme so interlaced,
that as the first verse cannot be applied properly but to Dauid and Salomon, in the
words, Giue thy Judgments to the King, &c. So the other place in the same Psalm
Righteousness shall flourish, and abundance of peace shall remaine as long as the
Moone endureth, properly signifieth the eternitie of CHRIST. This I speake, to
shew what a neere coniunction there is betweene God and the King vpward, and
the King and his ludges downewards : for the same coniunction that is betweene
God and the King vpward; the same coniunction is betweene the King and his
ludges downewards.

As Kings borrow their power from God, so ludges from Kings: And as Kings
are to accompt to God, so ludges vnto God and Kings; and both Kings and
ludges by imitation, haue two qualities from God and his Christ, and two qualities
from Dauid and his Salomon: Judgement and Righteousnesse, from God and
Christ : Godlinesse and Wisedome from Dauid and Salomon. And as no King can
discharge his accompt to God, vnlesse he make conscience not to alter, but to
declare and establish the will of God: So ludges cannot discharge their accompts
to Kings, vnlesse they take the like care, not to take vpon them to make Law, but
ioyned together after a deliberate consultation, to declare what the Law is; For
as Kings are subiect vnto Gods Law, so they to mans Law. It is the Kings Office
to protect and settle the trew interpretation of the Law of God within his Do-
minions: And it is the ludges Office to interprete the Law of the King, whereto
themselues are also subiect.

328 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

Hauing now perfourmed this ancient Prouerbe, A loue principium; which
though it was spoken by a Pagan, yet it is good and holy : I am now to come to my
particular Errand, for which I am heere this day; wherein I must handle two
parts: First, the reason why I haue not these fourteene yeeres, sithence my Coro-
nation vntill now, satisfied a great many of my louing subiects, who I know haue
had a great expectation, and as it were a longing, like them that are with child, to
heare mee speake in this place, where my Predecessors haue often sitten, and
especially King Henry the seuenth, from whom, as diuers wayes before, I am
lineally descended, and that doubly to this Crowne; and as I am neerest de-
scended of him, so doe I desire to follow him in his best actions.

The next part is the reason, Why I am now come: The cause that made mee
abstaine, was this: When I came into England, although I was an old King, past
middle aage, and practised in gouernment euer sithence I was twelue yeeres olde;
yet being heere a stranger in gouernement, though not in blood, because my breed-
ing was in another Kingdome; I resolued therefore with Pythagoras to keepe
silence seuen yeeres, and learne my selfe the Lawes of this Kingdome, before I
would take vpon mee to teach them vnto others: When this Apprentiship was
ended, then another impediment came, which was in the choice of that cause, that
should first bring me hither. I expected some great cause to make my first entry
vpon: For I thought that hauing abstained so long, it should be a worthy matter
that should bring mee hither. Now euery cause must be great or small : In small
causes I thought it disgracefull to come, hauing beene so long absent: In great
causes, they must be either betwixt the King and some of his Subiects, or betwixt
Subiect and Subiect.

In a cause where my selfe was concerned, I was loath to come, because men
should not thinke I did come for my owne priuate, either Prerogatiue or profit;
or for any other by-respect: And in that case I will alwayes abide the trial! of
men and Angels, neuer to haue had any particular end, in that which is the Maine
of all things, lustice.

- In a great cause also betweene partie and partie, great in respect either of the
question, or value of the thing, my comming might seeme, as it were obliquely, to
be in fauour of one partie, and for that cause this Counsellour, or that Courtier
might be thought to mooue me to come hither; And a meane cause was not
worthy of mee, especially for my first entrance : So lacke of choice in both respects
kept mee off till now: And now hauing passed a double apprentiship of twice
seuen yeeres, I am come hither to speake vnto you. And next as to the reasons of
my comming at this time, they are these.

I haue obserued in the time of my whole Reigne here, and my double Appren-
tiship, diuers things fallen out in the ludicatures here at Westminster Hall, that I
thought required and vrged a reformation at my hands; whereupon I resolued
with my selfe, that I could not more fitly begin a reformation, then here to make
an open declaration of my meaning. I remember Christs saying, My sheepe heare

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 329

my voyce, and so I assure my selfe, my people will most willingly heare the voyce
of me, their owne Shepheard and King; whereupon I tooke this occasion in mine
owne person here in this Seate of Judgement, not iudicially, but declaratory and
openly to giue those directions, which, at other times, by piece-meale, I haue
deliuered to some of you in diuers lesse publike places ; but now will put it vp in all
your audience, where I hope it shall bee trewly carried, and cannot be mistaken,
as it might haue bene when it was spoken more priuately: I will for order sake
take mee to the methode of the number of Three, the number of perfection, and
vpon that number distribute all I haue to declare to you.

First, I am to giue a charge to my selfe: for a King, or ludge vnder a King,
that first giues not a good charge to himselfe, will neuer be able to giue a good
charge to his inferiours; for as I haue said, Good riuers cannot flow but from good
springs; if the fountaine be impure, so must the riuers be.

Secondly, to the Judges: And thirdly, to the Auditory, and the rest of the
inferiour ministers of lustice.

First, I protest to you all, in all your audience, heere sitting in the seate of
lustice, belonging vnto GOD, and now by right fallen vnto mee, that I haue re-
solued, as Confirmation in Maioritie followeth Baptisme in minoritie; so now
after many yeeres, to renew my promise and Oath made at my Coronation con-
cerning lustice, and the promise therein for maintenance of the Law of the Land.
And I protest in GODS presence, my care hath euer beene to keepe my conscience
cleare in all the points of my Oath, taken at my Coronation, so farre as humane
frailitie may permit mee, or my knowledge enforme mee, I speake in point of
lustice and Law; For Religion, I hope I am reasonably well knowen already: I
meane therefore of Lawe and lustice; and for Law, I meane the Common Law of
the Land, according to which the King gouernes, and by which the people are
gouerned. For the Common Law, you can all beare mee witnesse, I neuer pressed
alteration of it in Parliament; but on the contrary, when I endeauoured most an
Vnion reall, as was already in my person, my desire was to conforme the Lawes of
Scotland to the Law of England, and not the Law of England to the Law of Scot-
land; and so the prophecie to be trew of my wise Grandfather Henry the seuenth,
who foretold that the lesser Kingdome by marriage, would follow the greater, and
not the greater the lesser; And therefore married his eldest daughter Margaret to
lames the fourth, my great Grandfather.

It was a foolish Querke of some ludges, who held that the Parliament of Eng-
land, could not vnite Scotland and England by the name of Great Britaine, but that
it would make an alteration of the Lawes, though I am since come to that knowl-
edge, that an Acte of Parliament can doe greater wonders : And that old wise man
the Treasourer Burghley was wont to say, Hee knew not what an Acte of Parlia-
ment could not doe in England; For my intention was alwayes to effect vnion by
vniting Scotland to England, and not England to Scotland: For I euer meant,

330 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

being euer resolued, that this Law should continue in this Kingdome, and two
things mooued mee thereunto; One is, that in matter of Policie and State, you
shall neuer see any thing anciently and maturely established, but by Innouation
or alteration it is worse then it was, I meane not by purging of it from corruptions,
and restoring it to the ancient integritie; Another reason was, I was sworne to
maintaine the Law of the Land, and therefore I had beene periured if I had altered
it; And this I speake to root out the conceit and misapprehension, if it be in any
heart, that I would change, damnific, vilifie or suppresse the Law of this Land:
GOD is my ludge I neuer meant it; And this confirmation I make before you all.

To this I ioyne the point of Justice, which I call Vnicuique suum tribuere. All my
Councell, and Judges dead and aliue, can, and could beare mee witnesse, how
vnpartiall I haue beene in declaring of Law. And where it hath concerned mee in
my owne inheritance, I haue as willingly submitted my interest to the Lawe, as
any my Subjects could doe; and it becomes mee so to doe, to giue example to
others: much lesse then will I be partiall to others, where I am not to my selfe.
And so resolue your selues, Justice with mee may bee moderated in point of
clemencie: for no Justice can be without mercie. But in matters of Justice to
giue euery man his owne, to be blinde without eyes of partialitie; This is my full
resolution.

I vsed to say when I was in Scotland, if any man mooued mee to delay Justice,
that it was against the Office of a King so to doe; But when any made suite to
hasten Justice, I told them I had rather grant fourtie of these suits, then one of the
other: This was alwayes my custome and shall be euer, with Gods leaue.

Now what I haue spoken of Law and Justice, I meane by the Lawe kept in her
owne bounds: For I vnderstand the inheritance of the King, and Subiects in this
land, must bee determined by the Common Law, &c; and that is, by the Law set
downe in our forefathers time, expounded by learned men diuers times after in the
declaratory Comments, called Responsa Prudentum; Or else by Statute Law set
downe by Acte of Parliament, as occasion serues: By this I doe not seclude all
other Lawes of England; but this is the Law of inheritance in this Kingdome.

There is another Law, of all Lawes free and supreame, which is GODS LAW:
And by this all Common and municipall Lawes must be gouerned: And except
they haue dependance vpon this Law, they are vniust and unlawfull.

When I speake of that Law, I onely giue this touch, That that Law in this King-
dome hath beene too much neglected, and Churchmen too much had in contempt;
I must speake trewth, Great men, Lords, Judges, and people of all degrees from
the highest to the lowest, haue too much contemned them: And God will not
blesse vs in our owne Lawes, if wee doe not reuerence and obey GODS LAW;
which cannot bee, except the interpreters of it be respected and reuerenced.

And it is a signe of the latter dayes drawing on; euen the contempt of the
Church, and of the Gouernours and Teachers thereof now in the Church of ENG-
LAND, which I say in my Conscience, of any Church that euer I read or knew of,

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 331

present or past, is most pure, and neerest the Primitiue and Apostolicall Church
in Doctrine and Discipline, and is sureliest founded vpon the word of God, of any
Church in Christendome.

Next vnto this Law is the Law of Nations, which God forbid should bee barred,
and that for two causes: One, because it is a Law to satisfie Strangers, which will
not so well hold themselues satisfied with other municipall Lawes: Another, to
satisfie our owne Subiects in matters of Piracie, Marriage, Wills, and things of
like nature: That Law I diuide into Ciuil and Canon; And this Law hath bene so
much encroched vpon, sithence my comming to the Crowne, and so had in con-
tempt, that young men are discouraged from studying, and the rest wearie of
their liues that doe professe it, and would be glad to seeke any other craft.

So, speaking of the Common Law, I meane the Common Law kept within her
owne limits, and not derogating from these other Lawes, which by longer cus-
tome haue beene rooted here; first, the Law of GOD and his Church; and next,
the Law Ciuill and Canon, which in many cases cannot be wanting.

To conclude this charge which I giue my selfe, I professe to maintaine all the
points of mine Oath, especially in Lawes, and of Lawes, especially the Common
Law.

And as to maintaine it, so to purge it; for else it cannot bee maintained: and
especially to purge it from two corruptions, Incertaintie and Noueltie: Incer-
taintie is found in the Law it selfe, wherein I will bee painefull to cleare it to the
people; and this is properly to bee done in Parliament by aduice of the Judges.

The other corruption is introduced by the Judges themselues, by Nicities that
are vsed, where it may be said, Ab initio nonfuit sic.

Nothing in the world is more likely to be permanent to our eyes then yron or
steele, yet the rust corrupts it, if it bee not kept cleane: which sheweth, nothing
is permanent here in this world, if it be not purged; So I cannot discharge my
conscience in maintaining the Lawes, if I keepe them, not cleane from corruption.

And now that I may bee like the Pastor, that first takes the Sacrament him-
selfe, and then giues it to the people: So I haue first taken my owne charge vpon
me. before I giue you your Charge, lest it might be said,

Turpe est doctori, cum citlpa redarguit ipsum.

Now my Lords the ludges for your parts, the Charge I haue to giue you,
consists likewise in three parts.

First in generall, that you doe Justice vprightly, as you shall answere to GOD
and mee : For as I haue onely GOD to answere to, and to expect punishment at his
hands, if I offend; So you are to answere both to GOD and to mee, and expect
punishment at GODS hands and mine, if you be found in fault.

Secondly, to doe Justice indifferently betweene Subiect and Subiect, betweene
King and Subiect, without delay, partialitie, feare or bribery, with stout and
vpright hearts, with cleane and vncorrupt hands.

332 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

When I bid you doe Justice boldly, yet I bid you doe it f carefully; f carefully
in this, to vtter your owne conceites, and not the trew meaning of the Law: And
remember you are no makers of Law, but Interpretours of Law, according to the
trew sence thereof; for your Office is lus dicer e, and not lus dare: And that you
are so farre from making Law, that euen in the higher house of Parliament, you
haue no voyce in making of a Law, but onely to giue your aduice when you are
required.

And though the Laws be in many places obscure, and not so wel knowen to the
multitude as to you ; and that there are many parts that come not into ordinary
practice, which are knowen to you, because you can finde out the reason thereof
by bookes and presidents; yet know this, that your interpretations must be
alwayes subiect to common sense and reason.

For I will neuer trust any Interpretation, that agreeth not with my common
sense and reason, and trew Logicke: for Ratio est anima Legis in all humane
Lawes, without exception; it must not be Sophistrie or straines of wit that must
interprete, but either cleare Law, or solide reason.

But in Countreys where the formalitie of Law hath no place, as in Denmarke,
which I may trewly report, as hauing my selfe beene an eye-witnesse thereof; all
their State is gouerned onely by a written Law; there is no Aduocate or Proctour
admitted to plead, onely the parties themselues plead their owne cause, and then
a man stands vp and reads the Law, and there is an end, for the very Law-booke
it selfe is their onely ludge. Happy were all Kingdomes if they could be so: But
heere, curious wits, various conceits, different actions, and varietie of examples
breed questions in Law: And therefore when you heare the questions if they be
plaine, there is a plaine way in it selfe; if they be such as are not plaine (for mens
inuentions dayly abound) then are you to interprete according to common sense,
and draw a good and certaine Minor of naturall reason, out of the Maior of direct
Lawe, and thereupon to make a right and trew Conclusion.

For though the Common Law be a mystery and skill best knowen vnto your
selues, yet if your interpretation be such, as other men which haue Logicke and
common sense vnderstand not the reason, I will neuer trust such an Interpretation.

Remember also you are ludges, and not a ludge, and diuided into Benches,
which sheweth that what you doe, that you should doe with aduice and delibera-
tion, not hastily and rashly, before you well study the case, and conferre together ;
debating it duely, not giuing single opinions, per emendicata suffragia; and so to
giue your ludgement, as you will answer to God and me.

Now hauing spoken of your Office in generall, I am next to come to the limits
wherein you are to bound your selues, which likewise are three. First, Incroach not
vpon the Prerogatiue of the Crowne: If there fall out a question that concernes
my Prerogatiue or mystery of State, deale not with it, till you consult with the
King or his Councell, or both: for they are transcendent matters, and must not be
sliberely caried with ouer-rash wilfulnesse; for so may you wound the King

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 333

through the sides of a priuate person: and this I commend vnto your special!
care, as some of you of late haue done very well, to blunt the sharpe edge and
vaine popular humour of some Lawyers at the Barre, that thinke they are not
eloquent and bold spirited enough, except they meddle with the Kings Prero-
gatiue: But doe not you suffer this; for certainely if this liberty be suffered, the
Kings Prerogatiue, the Crowne, and I, shall bee as much wounded by their plead-
ing, as if you resolued what they disputed: That which concernes the mysterie of
the Kings power, is not lawfull to be disputed; for that is to wade into the weak-
nesse of Princes, and to take away the mysticall reuerence, that belongs vnto
them that sit in the Throne of God.

Secondly, That you keepe your selues within your owne Benches, not to
inuade other Jurisdictions, which is vnfit, and an vnlawful thing; In this I must
inlarge my selfe. Besides the Courts of Common Law, there is the Court of Re-
quests; the Admiral tie Court; the Court of the President and Councell of Wales,
the President and Councell of the North; High Commission Courts, euery
Bishop in his owne Court.

These Courts ought to keepe their owne limits and boundes of their Commis-
sion and Instructions, according to the ancient Presidents: And like as I declare
that my pleasure is, that euery of these shall keepe their owne limits and boundes;
So the Courts of Common Lawe are not to encroach vpon them, no more then it
is my pleasure that they should encroach vpon the Common Law. And this is a
thing Regall, and proper to a King, to keepe euery Court within his owne bounds.

In Westminster Hall there are foure Courts: Two that handle causes Ciuill,
which are the Common-pleas, and the Exchequer: Two that determine causes
Criminall, which are the Kings-Bench, and the Starre-Chamber, where now I sit.
The Common-Pleas is a part and branch of the Kings-Bench; for it was first all
one Court; and then the Common-Pleas being extracted, it was called Common-
Pleas; because it medled with the Pleas of Priuate persons, and that which re-
mained, the King-Bench. The other of the Courts for ciuill Causes, is the Ex-
chequer, which was ordeined for the Kings Reuenew: That is the principall
Institution of that Court, and ought to be their chiefe studie; and as other things
come orderly thither by occasion of the former, they may be handled, and lustice
there administred.

Keepe you therefore all in your owne bounds, and for my part, I desire you to
giue me no more right in my priuate Prerogatiue, then you giue to any Subiect;
and therein I will be acquiescent: As for the absolute Prerogatiue of the Crowne,
that is no Subiect for the tongue of a Lawyer, nor is lawfull to be disputed.

It is^Athiesme and blasphemie to dispute what God can doe: good Christians <
content themselues with his will reuealed in his word, so, it is presumption and
high contempt in a Subiect, to dispute what a King can doe, or say that a King
cannot doe this, or that; but rest in that which is the Kings reuealed will in his
Law.

334 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

The Kings-Bench is the principall Court for criminall causes, and in some
respects it deales with Ciuill causes.

Then is there a Chancerie Court; this is a Court of Equitie, and hath power to
deale likewise in Ciuill causes: It is called the dispenser of the Kings Conscience,
following alwayes the intention of Law and lustice; not altering the Law, not
making that blacke which other Courts made white, nor e conuerso; But in this
it exceeds other Courts, mixing Mercie with lustice, where other Courts proceed
onely according to the strict rules of Law: And where the rigour of the Law in
many cases will vndoe a Subiect, there the Chancerie tempers the Law with
equitie, and so mixeth Mercy with lustice, as it preserues men from destruction.

And thus (as before I told you) is the Kings Throne established by Mercy and
lustice.

The Chancerie is vndependant of any other Court, and is onely vnder the
King: There it is written Teste meipso; from that Court there is no Appeale.
And as I am bound in my Conscience to maintaine euery Courts lurisdiction, so
especially this, and not suffer it to sustaine wrong yet so to maintaine it, as to
keepe it within the owne limits, and free from corruption. My Chancellour that
now is, I found him Keeper of the Seale, the same place in substance, although I
gaue him the Stile of Chancellour, and God hath kept him in it till now; and I
pray God he may hold it long; and so I hope he will. He will beare mee witnesse,
I neuer gaue him other warrant, then to goe on in his Court according to Presi-
dents, warranted by Law in the time of the best gouerning Kings, and most
learned Chancellours: These were the limits I gaue vnto him; beyond the same
limits he hath promised me he will neuer goe.

And as he hath promised me to take no other lurisdiction to himselfe, so is it
my promise euer to maintaine this lurisdiction in that Court: Therefore I speake
this to vindicate that Court from misconceipt and contempt.

It is the duetie of ludges to punish those that seeke to depraue the proceedings
of any the Kings Courts, and not to encourage them any way: And I must con-
fesse I thought it an odious and inept speach, and it grieued me very much, that
it should be said in Westminster Hall, that a Premunire lay against the Court of
the Chancery and Officers there: How can the King grant a Premunire against
himselfe ?

It was a foolish, inept, and presumptuous attempt, and fitter for the time of
some vnworthy King: vnderstand mee aright; I meane not, the Chancerie
should exceed his limite; but on the other part, the King onely is to correct
it, and none else: And therefore I was greatly abused in that attempt: For
if any was wronged there, the complaint should haue come to mee. None of
you but will confesse you haue a King of reasonable vnderstanding, and
willing to reforme; why then should you spare to complaine to me, that being
the high way, and not goe the other way, and backe-way, in contempt of our
Authoritie ?

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 335

And therefore sitting heere in a seat of Judgement, I declare and command,
that no man hereafter presume to sue a Premunire against the Chancery ; which I
may the more easily doe, because no Premunire can be sued but at my Suit : And
I may iustly barre my selfe at mine owne pleasure.

As all inundations come with ouerflowing the bankes, and neuer come without
great inconuenience, and are thought prodigious by Astrologers in things to come :
So is this ouerflowing the bankes of your Jurisdiction in it selfe inconuenient, and
may proue prodigious to the State.

Remember therefore, that hereafter you keepe within your limits and Jurisdic-
tions. It is a speciall point of my Office to procure and command, that amongst
Courts there bee a concordance, and musicall accord; and it is your parts to obey,
and see this kept : And, as you are to obserue the ancient Lawes and customes of
England; so are you to keepe your selues within the bound of direct Law, or
Presidents; and of those, not euery snatched President, carped now here, now
there, as it were running by the way; but such as haue neuer beene controuerted,
but by the contrary, approued by common vsage, in times of best Kings, and by
most learned Judges.

The Starr e-Chamber Court hath bene likewise shaken of late, and the last yeere
it had receiued a sore blow, if it had not bene assisted and caried by a few voyces;
The very name of Starre-Chamber, seemeth to procure a reuerence to the Court.

I will not play the Criticke to descant on the name; It hath a name from
heauen, a Starre placed in it ; and a Starre is a glorious creature, and seated in a
glorious place, next vnto the Angels. The Starre-Chamber is also glorious in sub-
stance: for in the composition, it is of foure sorts of persons: The first two are
Priuie Counsellours and Judges, the one by wisedome in matters of State; the
other, by learning in matters of Law, to direct and order all things both according
to Law and State: The other two sorts are Peeres of the Realme, and Bishops:
The Peeres are there by reason of their greatnesse, to giue authority to that Court :
The Bishops because of their learning in Diuinitie, and the interest they haue in
the good gouernment of the Church: And so, both the learning of both Diuine
and humane Law, and experience and practise in Gouernment, are conioyned
together in the proceedings of this Court.

There is no Kingdome but hath a Court of Equitie, either by it selfe, as is
heere in England, or else mixed, and incorporate in their Office that are ludges in
the Law, as it is in Scotland: But the order of England is much more perfect,
where they are diuided. And as in case of Equitie, where the Law determines not
clearly, there the Chancerie doeth determine, hauing Equitie belonging to it,
which doeth belong to no other Court : So the Starre-Chamber hath that belong-
ing to it, which belongs to no other Court: For in this Court Attempts are
punishable, where other Courts punish onely facts; And also where the Law
punisheth facts easily, as in case of Riots or Combates, there the Starre-Chamber
punisheth in a higher degree; And also all combinations of practises and con-

336 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

spiracies; And if the King be dishonoured or contemned in his Prerogatiue, it
belongeth most properly to the Peeres and Judges of this Court to punish it: So
then this Court being instituted for so great causes, it is great reason it should
haue great honour.

Remember now how I haue taught you brotherly loue one toward another:
For you know well, that as you are ludges, you are all brethren, and your Courts
are sisters. I pray you therefore, labour to keepe that sweete harmonie, which is
amongst those sisters the Muses. What greater miserie can there bee to the
Law, then contempt of the Law ? and what readier way to contempt, then when
questions come, what shall bee determined in this Court, and what in that ?
Whereupon two euils doe arise; The one, that men come not now to Courts of
iustice, to heare matters of right pleaded, and Decrees giuen accordingly, but
• onely out of a curiositie, to heare questions of the Jurisdictions of Courts dispu-
ted, and to see the euent, what Court is like to preuaile aboue the other; And the
other is, that the Pleas are turned from Court to Court in an endlesse circular
motion, as vpon Ixions wheele: And this was the reason why I found iust fault
with that multitude of Prohibitions: For when a poore Minister had with long
labour, and great expence of charge and time, gotten a sentence for his Tithes,
then comes a Prohibition, and turnes him round from Court to Court, and so
makes his cause immortall and endlesse: for by this vncertaintie of Jurisdiction
amongst Courts, causes are scourged from Court to Court, and this makes the
fruit of Suits like Tantalus fruite, still neere the Suiters lips, but can neuer come to
taste it. And this in deed is a great delay of Justice, and makes causes endlesse:
Therefore the onely way to auoyd this, is for you to keepe your owne bounds, and
nourish not the people in contempt of other Courts, but teach them reuerence to
Courts in your publique speaches, both in your Benches, and in your Circuits;
so shall you bring them to a reuerence, both of GOD, and of the King.

Keepe therefore your owne limits towards the King, towards other Courts,
and towards other Lawes, bounding your selues within your owne Law, and
make not new Law. Remember, as I said before, that you are ludges, to declare,
and not to make Law: For when you make a Decree neuer heard of before, you
are Law-giuers, and not Law-tellers.

I haue laboured to gather some Articles, like an Index expurgatorius, of nouel-
ties new crept into the Law, and I haue it ready to bee considered of: Looke to
Plowdens Cases, and your old Responsa prudentum; if you finde it not there, then
(ab initio nonfuit sic) I must say with CHRIST, Away with the new polygamie, and
maintaine the ancient Law pure and vndefiled, as it was before.

To the Auditory I haue but little to say, yet that little will not bee ill bestowed
to be said at this time.

Since I haue now renewed and confirmed my resolution to maintaine my Oath,
the Law and Justice of the Land; So doe I expect, that you my Subiects doe sub-
mit your selues as you ought, to the obseruance of that Law.

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 337

And as I haue diuided the two former parts of my Charge; So will I diuide
this your submission into three parts; for orderly diuisions and methode, cause
things better to be remembred.

First in generall, that you giue due reuerence to the Law; and this generall 0 '
diuides it selfe into three.

First, not to sue, but vpon iust cause.

Secondly, beeing sued, and Judgement passed against you, Acquiesce in the
ludgement, and doe not tumultuate against it; and take example from mee,
whom you haue heard here protest, that when, euer any Decree shall be giuen
against me in my priuate right, betweene me and a Subiect, I will as humbly
acquiesce as the meanest man in the Land. Imitate me in this, for in euery Plea
there are two parties, and ludgement can be but for one, and against the other;
so one must alwayes be displeased.

Thirdly, doe not complaine and importune mee against ludgements; for I
hold this Paradoxe to bee a good rule in Gouernment, that it is better for a King
to maintaine an vniust Decree, then to question euery Decree and ludgement,
after the giuing of a sentence, for then Suites shall neuer haue end: Therefore as
you come gaping to the Law for lustice, so bee satisfied and contented when
ludgement is past against you, and trouble not mee; but if you finde briberie or
corruption, then come boldly: but when I say boldly, beware of comming to com-
plaine, except you bee very sure to prooue the iustice of your cause: Otherwise
looke for Lex Talionis to bee executed vpon you; for your accusing of an vpright
ludge, deserues double punishment, in that you seeke to lay infamie vpon a
worthy person of that reuerent calling.

And be not tild on with your own Lawyers tales, that say the cause is iust for
their owne gaine; but beleeue the ludges that haue no hire but of me.

Secondly, in your Pleas, persume not to meddle with things against the Kings ^
Prerogatiue, or Honour: Some Gentlemen of late haue beene too bold this wayes;
If you vse it, the ludges will punish you; and if they suffer it, I must punish both
them and you. Plead not vpon new Puritanicall straines, that make all things
popular; but keepe you within the ancient Limits of Pleas.

Thirdly, make not many changes from Court to Court: for hee that changeth C^)
Courts, shewes to mistrust the iustnesse of the cause. Goe to the right place, and
the Court that is proper for your cause; change not thence, and submit your
selues to the ludgement giuen there.

Thus hauing finished the Charge to my selfe, the ludges and the Auditorie,
I am to craue your pardon if I haue forgotten any thing, or beene inforced to break
my Methode; for you must remember, I come not hither with a written Sermon:
I haue no Bookes to read it out of, and a long speach, manifold businesse, and a
little leasure may well pleade pardon for any fault of memorie; and trewly I
know not if I haue forgotten any thing or not.

338 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

And now haue I deliuered, First my excuse, why I came not till now: Next,
the reasons why I came now: Thirdly, my charge, and that to my selfe, to you my
Lords the Judges, and to the Auditory.

I haue also an ordinary charge that I vse to deliuer to the ludges before my
Councell, when they goe their Circuits; and seeing I am come to this place, you
shall haue that also, and so I will make the old saying trew, Combe seldome, combe
sore, I meane by my long deteining you at this time, which will bee so much the
more profitable in this Auditorie; because a number of the Auditorie will be
informed here, who may relate it to their fellow lustices in the countrey.

My Lords the ludges, you know very well, that as you are ludges with mee
when you sit here; so are you ludges vnder mee, and my Substitutes in the
Circuits, where you are ludges Itinerant to doe lustice to my people.

It is an ancient and laudable custome in this Kingdome, that the ludges goe
thorow the Kingdome in Circuits, easing the people thereby of great charges, who
must otherwise come from all the remote parts of the Kingdome to Westminister
Hall, for the finding out and punishing of offences past, and preuenting the
offences that may arise.

I can giue you no other charge in effect, but onely to remember you againe of
the same in substance which I deliuered to you this time Twelue-moneth.

First, Remember that when you goe your Circuits, you goe not onely to punish
and preuent offences, but you are to take care for the good gouernment in gen-
erall of the parts where you trauell, as well as to doe lustice in particular betwixt
party and party, in causes criminall and ciuill.

You haue charges to giue to lustices of peace, that they doe their dueties when
you are absent, aswell as present: Take an accompt of them, and report their
seruice to me at your returne.

As none of you will hold it sufficient to giue a charge, except in taking the ac-
compt, you finde the fruit of it: So I say to you, it will not bee sufficient for you,
to heare my charge, if at your returne you bring not an accompt to the haruest of
my sowing, which cannot be done in generall, but in making to me a particular
report what you haue done.

For, a King hath two Offices.

First, to direct things to be done:

Secondly, to take an accompt how they are fulfilled; for what is it the better
for me to direct as an Angel, if I take not accompt of your doings.

I know not whether misunderstanding, or slacknesse bred this, that I had no
accompt but in generall, of that I gaue you in particular in charge the last yeere:
Therefore I now charge you againe, that at your next returne, you repaire to my
Chancellour, and bring your accompts to him in writing, of those things which in
particular 1 haue giuen you in charge : And then when I haue scene your accompts
as occasion shall serue, it may bee I will call for some of you, to be informed of the
state of that part of the countrey where your Circuit lay.

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 339

Of these two parts of your seruice, I know the ordinary Legall part of Nisi
prius is the more profitable to you : But the other part of Justice is more neces-
sary for my seruice. Therefore as CHRIST said to the Pharises, Hoc agite, as the
most principall: yet I will say, Et illud non omittite: which, that you may the
better doe, I haue allowed you a day more in your Circuits, then my Predeces-
sours haue done.

And this you shall finde, that euen as a King, (let him be neuer so godly, wise,
righteous, and iust) yet if the subalterne Magistrates doe not their parts vnder
him, the Kingdome must needes suffer: So let the Judges bee neuer so carefull
and industrious, if the lustices of Peace vnder them, put not to their helping
hands, in vaine is all your labour: For they are the Kings eyes and eares in the
countrey. It was an ancient custome, that all the ludges both immediately before
their going to their Circuits, and immediately vpon their returne, repaired to the
Lord Chancellour of England, both to receiue what directions it should please the
King by his mouth to giue vnto them; as also to giue him an accompt of their
labours, who was to acquaint the King therewith: And this good ancient cus-
tome hath likewise beene too much slacked of late; And therefore first of all, I am
to exhort and command you, that you be carefull to giue a good accompt to me
and my Chancellour, of the dueties performed by all lustices of Peace in your
Circuits : Which gouernment by lustices, is so laudable and so highly esteemed by
mee, that I haue made Scotland to bee gouerned by lustices and Constables, as
England is. And let not Gentlemen be ashamed of this Place; for it is a place of
high Honour, and great reputation, to be made a Minister of the Kings lustice, in
seruice of the Common-wealth.

Of these there are two sorts, as there is of all Companies, especially where
there is a great number; that is, good and bad lustices: For the good, you are to
enforme me of them, that I may know them, thanke them, and reward them, as
occasion serues: For I hold a good lustice of Peace in his Countrey, to doe mee as
good seruice, as hee that waites vpon mee in my Priuie Chamber, and as ready
will I be to reward him; For I accompt him as capable of any Honour, Office, or
preferment about my Person, or for any place of Councell or State, as well as any
Courteour that is neere about mee, or any that haue deserued well of me in for-
reine employments: Yea, I esteeme the seruice done me by a good lustice of
Peace, three hundred miles, yea sixe hundred miles out of my sight, as well as the
seruice done me in my presence: For as God hath giuen me large limits, so must I
be carefull that my prouidence may reach to the farthest parts of them: And as
Law cannot be honoured, except Honour be giuen to ludges: so without due
respect to lustices of Peace, what regard will be had of the seruice ?

Therefore let none be ashamed of this Office, or be discouraged in being a
lustice of Peace, if he serue worthily in it.

The Chancellour vnder me, makes lustices, and puts them out; but neither I,
nor he can tell what they are : Therefore wee must bee informed by you ludges,

340 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

who can onely tell, who doe well, and who doe ill; without which, how can the
good be cherished and maintained, and the rest put out ? The good lustices are
carefull to attend the seruice of the King and countrey, for thanks onely of the
King, and loue to their countrey, and for no other respect.

The bad are either idle Slowbellies, that abide alwayes at home, giuen to a life
of ease and delight, liker Ladies then men; and thinke it is enough to contem-
plate Justice, when as Virtus in actione consistit: contemplatiue Justice is no
iustice, and comtemplatiue lustices are fit to be put. out.

Another sort of lustices are busie-bodies, and will haue all men dance after
their pipe, and follow their greatnesse, or else will not be content; A sort of men,
Qui se primos omnium esse putant, nee sunt tamen: these proud spirits must know,
that the countrey is ordained to obey and follow GOD and the King, and not
them.

Another sort are they, that goe seldome to the Kings seruice, but when it is to
helpe some of their kindred or alliance; So as when they come, it is to helpe their
friends, or hurt their enemies, making Justice to serue for a shadow to Faction,
and tumultuating the countrey.

Another sort are Gentlemen of great worth in their owne conceit, and cannot
be content with the present forme of Gouernement, but must haue a kind of
libertie in the people, and must be gracious Lords, and Redeemers of their libertie;
and in euery cause that concernes Prerogatiue, giue a snatch against a Mon-
archic, through their Puritanicall itching after Popularitie: Some of them haue
shewed themselues too bold of late in the lower house of Parliament : And when
all is done, if there were not a King, they would be lesse cared for then other
men.

And now hauing spoken of the qualities of the lustices of Peace, I am next to
speake of their number. As I euer held the midway in all things to be the way of
Vertue, in eschewing both extremities: So doe I in this: for vpon the one part, a
multitude of lustices of Peace in the countrey more then is necessary, breeds but
confusion: for although it be an old Prouerbe, that Many handes make light
worke; yet too many make slight worke; and too great a number of lustices of
Peace, will make the businesse of the countrey to be the more neglected, euery one
trusting to another, so as nothing shall bee well done; besides the breeding of
great corruption: for where there is a great number, it can hardly bee, but some
will bee corrupted. And vpon the other part, too few lustices of Peace, will not
be able to vndergoe the burthen of the seruice ; And therefore I would neither haue
too few, not too many, but as many in euery countrey, as may, according to the
proportion of that countrey, bee necessary for the performing of the seruice there,
and no more.

As to the Charge you are to giue to the lustices, I can but repeat what formerly
I haue told you; yet in so good a businesse,

Lectio lecta placet, decies repetita placebit.

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 341

And as I began with fulfilling the Prouerbe, A loue principium; so will I begin
this Charge you are to giue to the Justices with Church-matters: for GOD will
blesse euery good business the better, that he and his Church haue the preced-
ence. That which I am now to speake, is anent Recusants and Papists. You
neuer returned from any Circuit, but by your accompt made vnto me, I both
conceiued great comfort and great griefe: Comfort, when I heard a number of
Recusants in some Circuits to be diminished: Griefe to my heart and soule, when
I heard a number of Recusants to be in other Circuits increased.

I protest vnto you, nothing in the earth can grieue mee so much, as mens fall-
ing away from Religion in my dayes; And nothing so much ioyes mee, as when
that Religion increaseth vnder mee. GOD is my witnesse, I speak nothing for
vaine-glory; but speake it againe; My heart is grieued when I heare Recusants
increase: Therefore I wish you Judges, to take it to heart, as I doe, and preuent
it as you can; and make me knowen to my people, as I am.

There are three sorts of Recusants: The first are they that for themselues will
bee no Recusants, but their wiues and their families are; and they themselues doe
come to Church, but once or twice in a yeere, inforced by Law, or for fashion
sake; These may be formall to the Law, but more false to GOD then the other
sort.

The second sort are they that are Recusants and haue their conscience misse-
led, and therefore refuse to come to Church, but otherwise liue as peaceable
Subjects.

The third sort are practising Recusants: These force all their seruants to bee
Recusants with them; they will suffer none of their Tenants, but they must bee
Recusants; and their neighbours if they liue by them in peace, must be Recusants
also.

These you may finde out as a foxe by the foule smell, a great way round about
his hole; This is a high pride and presumption, that they for whose soules I must
answere to GOD, and who enioy their Hues and liberties vnder mee, will not onely
be Recusants themselues, but infect and draw others after them.

As I haue said in Parliament house, I can loue the person of a Papist, being
otherwise a good man and honestly bred, neuer hauing knowen any other Re-
ligion: but the person of an Apostate Papist, I hate. And surely for those Poly-
pragmaticke Papists, I would you would studie out some seuere punishment for
them: for they keepe not infection in their owne hearts onely, but also infect
others our good Subiects. And that which I say for Recusants, the same I say for
Priests: I confesse I am loath to hang a Priest onely for Religion sake, and saying
Masse; but if he refuse the Oath of Alleagiance (which, let the Pope and all
the deuils in Hell say what they will) yet (as you finde by my booke and by
diuers others, is meerely Ciuill) those that so refuse the Oath, and are Poly-
pragmaticke Recusants; I leaue them to the Law; it is no persecution, but
good lustice.

342 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

And those Priests also, that out of my Grace and Mercy haue beene let goe out
of prisons, and banished, vpon condition not to returne ; aske mee no questions
touching these, quit me of them, and let mee not heare of them: And to them I
ioyne those that breake prison; for such Priests as the prison will not hold, it is a
plaine signe nothing will hold them but a halter: Such are no Martyrs that refuse
to suffer for their conscience. Paul, notwithstanding the doores were open,
would not come foorth: And Peter came not out of the prison till led by the Angel
of God: But these will goe forth though with the angel of the Diuell.

I haue giuen order to my Lord of Canterbury, and my Lord of London for the
distinction, &c. of the degrees of Priests; and when I haue an accompt from them,
then will I giue you another charge concerning them.

Another thing that offendeth the Realme, is abundance of Ale-houses; and
therefore to auoyd the giuing occasion of euill, and to take away the root, and
punish the example of vice, I would haue the infamous Ale houses pulled downe,
and a command to all Justices of Peace that this be done.

I may complaine of Ale-houses, for receipt of Stealers of my Deere; but the
countrey may complaine for stealing their horses, oxen, and sheepe; for murder,
cutting of purses, and such like offences; for these are their haunts. Deuouring
beasts, as Lyons and Beares, will not bee where they haue no dennes nor couert;
So there would be no theeues, if they had not their receipts, and these Ale-houses
as their dennes.

Another sort, are a kinde of Alehouses, which are houses of haunt and receipt
for debaushed rogues and vagabonds, and idle sturdie fellowes; and these are not
properly Ale-houses, but base victuallers, such as haue nothing else to Hue by, but
keeping houses of receipt for such kinde of customers. I haue discouered a
strange packe of late, That within tenne or twelue miles of London, there are ten
or twelue persons that Hue in spight of mee, going with Pistols, and walking vp
and downe from harbour to harbour killing my Deere, and so shift from hold to
hold, that they cannot be apprehended.

For Rogues, you haue many good Acts of Parliament: Edward the sixt,
though hee were a child, yet for this, he in his time gaue better order then many
Kings did in their aage: You must take order for these Beggars and Rogues; for
they so swarme in euery place, that a man cannot goe in the streetes, nor in the
high wayes, nor any where for them.

Looke to your houses of Correction, and remember that in the chiefe Justice
Pophams time, there was not a wandering begger to bee found in all Somersetshire,
being his natiue countrey.

Haue a care also to suppresse the building of Cottages vpon Commons, which
are as bad as Alehouses, and the dwellers in them doe commonly steale Deere,
Conies, sheepe, oxen, horses; breake houses, and doe all maner of villanies. It is
trew, some ill lustices make gaine of these base things: take an accompt of the
Justices of Peace, that they may know they doe these things against the will of
the King.

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 343

I am likewise to commend vnto you a thing very necessarie, Highwayes and
Bridges; because no Common-weale can bee without passage: I protest, that as
my heart doeth ioy in the erection of Schooles and Hospitals, which haue beene
more in my time, then in many aages of my predecessours; so it grieues mee, and
it is wonderfull to see the decay of charitie in this; how scant men are in contri-
buting towards the amendment of High- way es and Bridges: Therefore take a
care of this, for that is done to day with a penie, that will not bee done hereafter
with an hundred pounds, and that will be mended now in a day, which hereafter
will not be mended in a yeere; and that in a yeere, which will not bee done in our
time, as we may see by Pauls Steeple.

Another thing to be cared for, is, the new Buildings here about the Citie of
London: concerning which my Proclamations haue gone foorth, and by the chiefe
Justice here, and his Predecessor Popham, it hath bene resolued to be a generall
nusans to the whole Kingdome: And this is that, which is like the Spleene in the
body, which in measure as it ouergrowes, the body wastes. For it is possible but
the Countrey must diminish, if London doe so increase, and all sorts of people doe
come to London ? and where doeth this increase appeare ? not in the heart of the
Citie, but in the suburbes; not giuing wealth or profit to the Citie, but bringing
miserie and surcharge both to Citie and Court; causing dearth and scarsitie
through the great prouision of victuals and fewel, that must be for such a multi-
tude of people: And these buildings serue likewise to harbour the worst sort of
people, as Alehouses and Cottages doe. I remember, that before Christmas was
Twelue-moneth I made a Proclamation for this cause, That all Gentlemen of
qualitie should depart to their owne countreys and houses, to maintaine Hos-
pitalitie amongst their neighbours; which was equiuocally taken by some, as
that it was meant onely for that Christmas: But my will and meaning was, and
here I declare that my meaning was, that it should alwayes continue.

One of the greatest causes of all Gentlemens desire, that haue no calling or
errand, to dwell in London, is apparently the pride of the women: For if they bee
wiues, then their husbands; and if they be maydes, then their fathers must bring
them vp to London; because the new fashion is to bee had no where but in Lon-
don: and here, if they be vnmarried, they marre their marriages, and if they be
married, they loose their reputations, and rob their husbands purses. It is the
fashion of Italy, especially of Naples, (which is one of the richest parts of it) that
all the Gentry dwell in the principall Townes, and so the whole countrey is emptie:
Euen so now in England, all the countrey is gotten into London; so as with time,
England will onely be London, and the whole countrey be left waste: For as wee
now doe imitate the French fashion, in fashion of Clothes, and Lackeys to follow
euery man; So haue wee got vp the Italian fashion, in liuing miserably in our
houses, and dwelling all in the Citie: but let vs in Gods Name leaue these idle
forreine toyes, and keepe the old fashion of England: For it was wont to be the
honour and reputation of the English Nobilitie and Gentry, to Hue in the coun-

\

344 THE POLITICAL WORKS OF JAMES I

trey, and keepe hospital! tie; for which we were famous aboue all the coun treys
in the world; which wee may the better doe, hauing a soile abundantly fertile to
Hue in.

And now out of my owne mouth I declare vnto you, (which being in this place,
is equall to a Proclamation, which I intend likewise shortly hereafter to haue
publikely proclaimed,) that the Courtiers, Citizens, and Lawyers, and those that
belong vnto them, and others as haue Pleas in Terme time, are onely necessary
persons to remaine about this Citie; others must get them into the Countrey;
For beside the hauing of the countrey desolate, when the Gentrie dwell thus in
London, diuers other mischiefes arise vpon it: First, if insurrections should fall
out (as was lately scene by the Leuellers gathering together) what order can bee
taken with it, when the country is vnfurnished of Gentlemen to take order with
it ? Next, the poore want reliefe for fault of the Gentlemens hospitalitie at home :
Thirdly, my seruice is neglected, and the good gouernment of the countrey for
lacke of the principall Gentlemens presence, that should performe it: And lastly,
the Gentlemen lose their owne thrift, for lacke of their owne presence, in seeing
to their owne businesse at home. Therefore as euery fish liues in his owne place,
some in the fresh, some in the salt, some in the mud: so let euery one Hue in his
owne place, some at Court, some in the Citie, some in the Countrey; especially at
Festiuall times, as Christmas and Easter, and the rest.

And for the decrease of new Buildings heere, I would haue the builders re-
strained, and committed to prison; and if the builders cannot be found, then the
workemen to be imprisoned; and not this onely, but likewise the buildings to bee
cast downe; I meane such buildings as may be ouerthrowen without inconuen-
ience, and therefore that to be done by order and direction.

There may be many other abuses that I know not of; take you care my Lords
the Judges of these, and of all other; for it is your part to looke vnto them. I
heare say, robbery begins to abound more then heretofore, and that some of you
are too mercifull; I pray you remember, that mercy is the Kings, not yours, and
you are to doe lustice where trew cause is: And take this for a rule of Policie,
That what vice most abounds in a Common-wealth, that must be most seuerely
punished, for that is trew gouernment.

And now I will conclude my Speach with GOD, as I began. First, that in all
your behauiours, aswell in your Circuits as in your Benches, you giue due reuer-
ence to GOD; I meane, let not the Church nor Churchmen bee disgraced in your
Charges, nor Papists nor Puritanes countenanced: Countenance and encourage
the good Church-men, and teach the people by your example to reuerence them:
for, if they be good, they are worthy of double honour for their Office sake; if they
be faultie, it is not your place to admonish them; they haue another Forum to
answere to for their misbehauiour.

Next, procure reuerence to the King and the Law, enforme my people trewly of
mee, how zealous I am for Religion, how I desire Law may bee maintained and

SPEECH IN STAR CHAMBER, 1616 345

flourish; that euery Court should haue his owne Jurisdiction; that euery Subiect
should submit himself e to Law; So may you liue a happie people vnder a iust
KING, freely enioying the fruite of PEACE and IVSTICE, as such a people should
doe.

Now I confesse, it is but a Tandem aliquando, as they say in the Schooles, that
I am come hither: Yet though this bee the first, it shall not, with the grace of
GOD, bee the last time of my comming, now my choice is taken away; for hauing
once bene here, a meaner occasion may bring mee againe: And I hope I haue
euer caried my selfe so, and by GODS grace euer will, as none will euer suspect,
that my comming here will be to any partiall end; for I will euer bee carefull in
point of Justice, to keepe my selfe vnspotted all the dayes of my life. And vpon
this my generall protestation, I hope the world will know, that I came hither this
day to maintaine the Law, and doe Justice according to my Oath.

INDEX

INDEX

Abbot, Robert, xxxvi, Ixxvii,
xcv.

Acton, John Emerich Dalberg-
Acton, xcv.

Agapetus, Pope, 183 f., 192.

Aikin, Lucy, Ixi, Ixxxviii, xcv.

Alexander III, Pope, 95, 165.

Allegiance, oath of, xxxvii, xlix,
Ivi ff., Ixv, Ixx, s6ff., 7i,72flF.,
77,8i,88f.,9i, tuff., 115 f.,
144, 15°, 160,166 £.,178,217,
223.

Allen, William, xxviiif., xxx,
xxxi, xcv, 96, 163.

Almainus, Doctor, 203 f.

Ambrose, St., 78, 220 f .

Ames, Joseph, xcv.

Ames, William, xxiv, xcv.

Anabaptists, xci, 7.

Anastatius, Emperor, 182 f.

Andrewes, Lancelot, xxiv, xxxi,
xlvii, xlix, Iviii, Ixi, Ixii, Ixiii,
Ixxviii, xcv.

Antichrist, xxxi, xlvii, bdv, brv,
Ixviii, Ixxvii, Ixxxi, 94 f., 102,
120-133, 135, 130-150, 172 f.,
238-

Anti-Colon, ou Refutation de la
Lettre dedaratoire du Pere
Colon, xcv.

Apocrypha, 123, 137.

APOLOGIE FOR THE OATH OF
ALLEGIANCE, lii, lix, Ix, Ixiv,
civ; powder plot, 71-73;
Pope Paul V to English Cath-
olics, 73-75; answer to first
breve, 75-80; Pope Paul V's
2d breve, 80-8 1; answer to
ad breve, 81-82; Bellarmine
to Blackwell, 82-85; answer
to the Cardinal's letter, 85-
100; no, 113, 116, 118, 152,
157, 159, 163, 247.

Apostasy, 122, 174, 180, 224.

Aquinas, Thomas, St., 204 ff.

Aristotle, 175.

Articles of Religion, xlvi.

Arts and Sciences, liberal, study
of, 40.

Augustine, St., 123, 135, 152 f.,
203.

Augustine, of Canterbury, 101.

Aylmer, John, xcv.

Backer, Aloys de, Ixii, Ixiii, brv,
Ixx, xcv.

Bacon, Francis, xcv.

Bale, John, xcv.

Bancroft, Richard, xxvi, li, lix,
xcvi.

Baptism, 122, 166 f.

Barbarossa, Frederick (see
Frederick I).

Barbier, A. A., Ixiv, xcvi.

Barclay, John, xlix, Ixx, Ixxii,
xcvi.

Barclay, William, xvii f., xlix,
Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxiii, Ixxxiv, xcvi,
263 f.

Barlow, William, Ixii, xcvi.

Baronius, Card., 100, 117.

Barret, William, Ixxvi, xcvi.

Barton, Elizabeth, 105.

Basil, St., too.

BASILIKON DORON, xxxv,
xxxvii, xliii, xliv, xlv, Ixiv, xc,
ciii; address to son, 3; to
reader, 4-11; a king's duty
towards God, 12-18; in of-
fice, 18-42; behaviour in in-
different things, 43-52 ; cited,
in, 126.

Bayle, xcvi.

Bayly, Thomas, xcvi.

Becan, Martin, Iviii, Ixiii, Ixiv,
Ixxiii, xcvi, 177, 247.

Becket, Thomas a, 96.

Bekinsau, John, Ixxxv, xcvi.

Belisarius, 192, 221.

Bellarmine, Robert, xviii, xxii-
xxiv, xxvi, xxx, xxxiv, xlix,
liii, lix-Ixiv, Ixvi, Ixx-lxxiii,
Ixxvi, Ixxvii, bcxviii, Ixxx,
lxxxiiif.,lxxxvi, xcvi; letter to
George Blackwell, 82-85;
answer, 80-109; in, 113,
115, 118, 123, 124 ff., 133,

150, 177, 233, 251-

Benedict IX, Pope, 119, 193.

BIBLIOGRAPHY, Appendix E, xcv.

Bilson, Thomas, xxxiii, xcvii.

Birch, Thomas, Ixii, xcvii.

Birkhead, Archpriest, Ixxi.

Bishops, 126 f., 151, 154.

Blackwell, George, lix, be; letter
to, from Card. Bellarmine,
82 ff., 90, 99, 113, 255, 257.

349

Blackwood, Adam, xliv, xcvii.
Blondel, David, xcvii.
Boderie, Antoine de la, Ix, xcvii.
Bodin, xv f., xcvii.
Boniface III, Pope, 144 f.
Boniface VIII, Pope, 119, 180 f.,

196 f., 2O2, 222.

Bossuet, J. B., box, xcvii.
Bozius, F., xlix, xcvii.
Brady, Robert, xciv, xcvii.
Brightman, Thomas, Ixxvii,

xcvii.

Bruce, John, xcvii.
Brunei, Jacques-Charles, xcvii.
Buchanan, George, xvif., bdv,

xcvii, 263 f.

Buckeridge, John, Ixxviii, xcvii.
Bunny, Francis, Ixxxvi, xcvii.
BurhUl, Robert, Ixiii, Ixxviii,,

xcvii.

Burnet, Gilbert, xcvii.
Butler, Charles, Ivf., Ivii, lix,

Ixix.

Calixtus, Pope, 120.
Calvin, John, xviii, 161, 179.
Calvinists, xviii ff.
Camm, Dom Bede, xcviii.
Campanella, Thomas, xxvii,.

xcviii.

Capellus, F. M. A., bdv, xcviii.
Capital punishment, xxxix, xlv,.

xlviii, 158.

Cardwell, Edward, xcviii.
Carerius, Alex., xlix, xcviii.
Carleton, Dudley, Ixii.
Carleton, George, xcviii.
Carlyle, R. W. and A. J., xxi,

xcviii.
Casaubon, Isaac, Iviii, Ixii, Ixvi,.

Ixxviii, xcviii.
CATALOGUE OF THE LYES or

TORTUS, A., civ, 150, 160.
Catholics, xxviii, xxxi, xlv,

xlviii f., liii, liv f., bdv, Ixviii,

71, 76, 112, ii6f., 156, 161,

167, 177, 257, 274, 276, 285.
Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh,.

xxviii-xxx, xcviii, 329.
Challoner, Richard, xcviii.
Chamberlain, John, Ixii.
Charlemagne, Emperor, 118,

189, 266.

350

INDEX

Charles VI, King of France, 198,

205.

Chastell, John, 177, 247.
Cheke, Sir John, xcviii.
Childeric, King of France, 180,

i86f., 203, 224, 251.
Chilperic, King, 184.
Christianity, Latin, Spanish,

Teutonic, xxvii.
Christopherson, Michael, Ixxvii,

xcviii.

Chrysostom, 102.
Church, xxi, xlix, liii, Ixxiv, 22 f.,

39, 127, 217 ff.
Church of England, xv-xxxiv,

23-

Clergy, Ixxxiiif., 177 f., 201,253.
Clovis, 226.

Coeffeteau, Nicholas, Ixv, xcviii.
Coke, Sir Edward, Ixxxviii f.,

xcviii, 121.

Collins, Samuel, Ixxviii, xcviii.
Common law, xli, Ixxxvii, 39,

3ioff.
Commonwealth, xv, Ixxiv, 66 f.,

323-

" CONFERENCE ABOUT THE

NEXT SUCCESSION TO THE

CROWN OF ENGLAND, A,"

AND OTHER BOOKS BY ROB-

ERT PARSONS, Appendix D,

xcii.
Conscience, 16 ff., 60 f., 85, 113,

177, 274.
Constantine, Emperor, 108, 211,

266.

Constantine, Pope, 185.
Constantius, Emperor, 191 f.,

224.

Coquaeus, bdv, xcviii.
Coronation Oath, xxxix, 55,

68 f., 225 f., 329.
Cosin, Richard, xxxi, xcix.
Colon, Pierre, xxvii, Iviii, Ixv,

Ixvi, xcix.

Cotton, Sir Robert, xcix.
Couderc, J. B., xcix.
Council, secret, how managed,

39 f-
Councils, Church, 87 ff., 101,

103 f., 120, 127, 174, iSiff.,

185, 208, 212, 243.
Counter-Revolution, history of,

xxii, xxiv f., xxx, xxxii, xlix f.,

Ixxx.

Court, government of, 30.
Courts, xlii, 312 f., 333 ff.
Cowell, John, xli, Ixxxvii, xcix,

307-

COWELL'S " INTERPRETER,"

Appendix B, Ixxxvii.
Craig, Thomas, xxxvi, xcii,

xciii, xciv, xcix.
Cristanovic, Stanislaus, xcix.
Crown, xxxv f., xxxvii, 69, 170,

173-

Crusades, 229.
Cyprian, St., 154, 219.

David, King, 153, 213 f.

Declaration against Vorstius,
xlv, xlvii, xci, civ.

DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF
KINGS, xl, xlvii, lii, Ixx; pref-
ace, 169-176; reply to oration
of Card, du Perron, 176; first
inconvenience examined, 181-
209; second inconvenience
examined, 210-236; third
inconvenience examined, 236-
252; conclusion of Card, du
Perron examined, 252-268.

Defender of the Faith, xlv, xlvi.

De Jure Magislratuum, xcix.

Dempster, Thomas, Ixiii, xcix.

Descent, 21, 269, 271, 328f.

Destombes, xcix.

Dictionary of National Biog-
raphy, liv, Iv, Ixiii, Ixx, Ixxiii,
Ixxvi, xciii, xcix.

Dionysius, of Syracuse, 246.

Divine Right of Kings, xxvi f.,
xxxiii, xxxvf., xxxviii f., xliff.,
269, 272 f.

Dodd, Charles, lii, liv, Iv, Ivi,
lix, Ixxi, Ixxvi, xcix.

Dollinger, J. J. I. von, xcix.

Dominis, Marcus Antonius de,
Ixiv, Ixxvi, xcix.

Dominium and imperium, xxxix.

Donne, John, lix, Ixxvii, xcix.

Douarche, Aristides, Ivii, xcix.

Downame, George, Ixxvii, xcix.

Duality of divine authority,
theory of the, xxi, xxv.

Due, Fronton du, Iviii, lxvi,lxxix.

Dudley Edmund, xcix.

Dunning, W. A., Ivii, xcix.

Edward I, of England, 120.

Edward II, of England, 121.

Edward III, of England, 121.

Eleazar, 98 f., 167.

Elizabeth, Queen, xxiv, xxviii,
xxix, xxxi f., xxxiii, xxxix,
xlv, 1, box, Ixxix, Ixxxvi, xciii,
xciv, 75 f., 96, 105, 114, 122,

157, l6l, 163, 222, 247, 269.

Equivocation, 74, 88, 91.

Eudaemon-Johannes, Iviii, Ixv,
Ixvi, Ixxviii, xcix, 177.

Eudoxius, Bishop of Constanti-
nople, ICO.

Euphemius, Patriarch of Con-
stantinople, 182 f.

Faith, xlvi, liv, Ixiv, Ixviii, Ixxiii,

15, 123-125, 128, 159, 172,

212, 238, 274, 276.
Feckenham, John, Ixxxvi, c.
Feret, P., Ixx, c.
Figgis, John Neville, xv, xxi,

xxii, xxiv, xxx, xxxiii, Ixxix,

Ixxxv, xciv, c.
Filmer, Sir Robert, xliv, c.
Fitzherbert, Thomas, Ixiii, Ixxvi,

Ixxviii, c.
Floyd, John, c.
Foley, Henry, c.
Fortescue, Sir John, xx, Ixi.
Foulis, Henry, Ixv, Ixxiii, Ixxvi,

xciv, c.

Fox, Edward, Ixxxii, c.
Franck, A., ci.
Frederick I, 95, 165, 180.
Freedom of speech, xli f.
Frere, W. H., c.
Froude, J. A., ci.
Fuller, Thomas, xlviii, Ixxxviii,

ci.

Game, 324.

Gardiner, S. R., ci.

Gardiner, Stephen, Ixxxv,

Ixxxviii, ci.
Garnet, Henry, 112, 155 ff.,

163 f., 167, 247.
Garter, Bernard, ci.
Gelasius, Pope, doctrine of, xxi.
Gerson, Jean, 119 f., 202, 205 f.,

263 f.

Gifford, William, 120.
Gilby, Anthony, xviii f., xxix,

ci.

Gillow, Joseph, Ixiii, ci.
Goldast, Melchior, ci.
Gooch, G. P., xvii, xix, Ivii,

xciv, ci.
Goodman, Christopher, xix,

Ixiv, ci.

Gordon, John, Ixxviii, ci.
Gosse, Edmund, Ixxvii, ci.
Gosselin, M., ci.
Government, democratic, 23.
Graser, Conrad, Ixiii, ci.
Gregory, Nazianzenus, 211.
Gregory of Tours, 183.

INDEX

351

Gregory I, Pope, 101 ff., 145,

151 f., 180, 184 f., 221.
Gregory II, Pope, 186.
Gregory IV, Pope, 193.
Gregory VI, Pope, 193.
Gregory VII, Pope, 165, 180,

100 f., 193, 222.

Gretser, J., Ixiv, Ixxiii, ci.
Grievances, 313-321.
Grotius, Hugo, xv, ci.
Guignard, 177.
Guilday, Peter, ci.
Gunpowder plot, Iv, Ivii, 71 ff.,

85, 96, 112, 160, 2826.
Gwatkin, H. M., ci.

Haile, Martin, cii.
Hales, John, xxxvi, cii.
Hallam, Henry, xix, xxviii, Ivii,

cii.

Harbin, George, xxxvi, cii.
Harding, Thomas, Ixxxvi.
Harleian Miscellany, The, xxviii,

cii.

Harris, Richard, Ixiv, cii.
Harris, William, cii.
Hayward, Sir John, xxxv, xciii,

cii.
Headship of the Church, the

King's, xviii ff., xx f ., xxviii ff.,

xlv, xlvii, liiif., Ixiv, Ixxiif.,

Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, 83, 105, 106 ff.,

126-129.

Heath, Nicholas, Ixxxiv.
Henry I, King of England, 120.
Henry II, King of England, 96,

259-
Henry III, King of France,

xviii, 93, 173, 177, 240, 263.
Henry III, Emperor, 119.
Henry IV, Emperor, 164 f., 181,

190 f., 201, 223.
Henry IV, King of England,

xxxv.
Henry IV, King of France, Ixv,

169, 240 ff., 247.
Henry VIII, King of England,

xviii ff., xxx, Ixxxv; successor

of St. Peter, 83, 92.
Henry, son of James I, xlii,

xliv f., xc, 3.
Heresy, xxix, xxxi, xlvii f., liii,

Ivii, Ixi, Ixviii, Ixxi, Ixxv,

Ixxxii, xci, 122 f., 128, 139,

166, 170, 174, 180, 190, 201,

206 f., 209, 210, 215, 231 ff.,

235 f-, 237 f-
Higden, William, cii.
High Commission, Ixxxiv.

Highways and bridges, 343.
Hilarius, Bishop, 183, 208.
Hildebert, Bishop, 201 f.
Hincmarus, 193 f.
History, study of, 40.
History of the Political Theories

of James I, xxxv-lxxx, c.
Hobbes, Thomas, xx, cii.
Honorius, Emperor, 191 f.
Honorius, Pope, 208.
Hooker, Richard, cii.
Home, Robert, Ixxxvi, cii.
Hotman, Francis, xxvi, cii.
Howard, Sir William, Ixiii, cii.
Howell, liv, cii.
Hume, M. A. S., cii.
Hunt, Thomas, cii.
Huss, John, 232.

Images, worship of, 124 f.

Imperium and dominium, con-
fusion of, xxxix.

Important Considerations, xcii,
ciii.

Indulgences, papal, 256, 267.

Ingram, David, ciii.

Innocent III, Pope, 180.

Irenaeus, 135.

Irving, David, Ixv, ciii.

JAMES AND THE PURITANES,
Appendix C, xc.

James I, Works of, xxxv, xxxvii,
xxxviii, xxxix, xl, xli-xlviii,
lii-lv, lix, Ix, Ixi, Ixii, Ixxii,
Ixxv, ciii.

Janet, Paul, xxiv, Ivii, civ.

Jardine, David, civ.

Jehu, 154.

Jeroboam, 153 f., 214.

Jessopp, Augustus, Ixxvii, civ.

Jesuits, xxii, xxiv, xxviiff.,
xxxi ff., xlvii, xlix, Ivi, Ivii f.,
Ixiv, Ixv, Ixvi, Ixxii, Ixxiii,
Ixxvii, Ixxxvi, xc, xci, xciv,
90, 96, 123, 126, 144, 150 f.,
155, 157, 161, 244, 258.

Jesus and the Pope contrasted,
230 ff.

Jewell, John, cv.

John, Bishop of Antioch, 183.

John, Bishop of Palermo, 101 f.

John d'Albret, King of Navarre,
198 f.

John, King of England, 180, 259.

John of Paris, 202 f .

John XXIII, Pope, 181, 208.

John, St., 130 ff., 135, 137, 140-
150-

John, the Baptist, 133.
Josephus, 215.

Judges, civil, xlii, xliv, 3265.
Julian, Emperor, 97 f., 116,

219 f., 255.

Julius II, Pope, 198 f., 265.
Jus coronae, xxxviii.
Jus regis, xxxviii.
Jus regni, xxxviii.
Justice, xxviii, 37 ff., 326, 328,

329, 330, 345-

Justices and constables, 339 ff.
Justin Martyr, 78.
Justinian II, 185, 204, 221.

Kellison, Matthew, Ixiii, cv.

King(s), xxxv, xxxviii, xliii,
xlivff., 3, 12, 18, 19 f., 20, 28,
38 f., 54, 55 f., 60 ff., 61 f.,
62 f., 64 ff., 70, 95 ff., 107 f.,
117, 128, 153, 158 f., 169 f.,
170, 173 f., 180, 181, 202 f.,
207, 225, 242ff., 244ff., 248ff.,
263,278, 281, 287, 291, 307 ff.,
338.

Klein, A. J., cv.

Knox, John, xix, xxi, Ixiv,
Ixxxiv, cv.

Knox, T. F., xliv, cv.

Krebs, Richard, Ivii, Ixiii, Ixx,
cv.

Laski, H. J., xxii, cv.
Laud, William, Ixxxvii, cv.
Law, T. G., xxv, Iv, xciv, cv.
Laws, ecclesiastical, 175, 200-

205.
Law(s), xxxviii, 18 f., 39 ff.,

62 f., 277, 282, 288, 292 f.,

300 ff., 307, 3296-, 345-
Lea, Henry C., cv.
Leech, Humphry, Ixiii, cv.
Leedes, Edward, Ixiii, cv.
Legitimism, doctrine of, xxxvii,

li, xciii, 21, 268, 271, 328 f.
Leo III, Pope, 103, 188 f.
Lessius, L., Ixv, cv.
Levellers, xliv.
Lex Parliamenti, violations of

the, xli.
Lex regia, xvi.

Leycester's Commonwealth, cv.
Liberius, Bishop, 183, 191, 208.
Liege, clergy of, 201.
Ligueurs, French, xxvii.
Lingard, John, Iv, Ivi, be, Ixi, cv.
Locke, John, xx, cv.
Longland, John, cv.
Lessen, Max, xvii, Ivii, cv.

352

INDEX

Louis IX, King of France,

119.
Louis XI, King of France,

119.
Louis XII, King of France, 180,

2OI, 222, 265.

Loyola, Ignatius, xxvii.
Luitprandus, 118.
Luther, Martin, xlv, 181.

Mcllwain, C. H., xl, cv.
MacKenzie, Sir George, xvii,

xxxvi, xli, Ixxxviii, xciii, cv.
Maitland, F. W., xlvi, Ixxxviii,

cvi.

Maitland, Thomas, xvii.
Majestas, xvi.
Malachi, 133 f.
Marcellinus, Pope, 100 f.
Mariana, Juan de, xvii f., xxvii,

Iviii, cvi, 177, 247.
Marriage, 33 ff.
Marshall, William, cvi.
Martel, Charles, 188.
Martin IV, Pope, 180, 192.
Martyrdom, 82, 84, 90, 104,

106 f., 155, 158, 171, 173, 220,

258.
Mary of Scots, Queen, xxviii,

122.
Mary Tudor, Queen of England,

xiv, xxii, 158.
Masses, private, 124.
Matthias, 153.
Melville, Andrew, xxi.
Merchants, 26, 270.
Mercure Frangois, Ivi-lxix, cvi.
Meyer, Arnold Oskar, cvi.
Milton, John, cvi.
Mocket, Richard, cvi.
Mohl, Robert von, cvi.
Monarchy, 54 ff., 307.
Monitory Preface, xxxi, xlvi,

xlviii, lii, Ix, Ixi, xci, civ, iio-

168.
More, Sir Thomas, xx, xxxi,

Ixxxi f., Ixxxv, cvi, 84, 105 f.
Morris, John, cvi.
Morton, Thomas, Ixii, cvi.
Moulin, Pierre du, Ixv, Ixx, cvi.

Newman, J. H., cvi.
Nicholson, William, cvi.
Nicolas I, Pope, 193.
Nobility, 24 ff., 210, 313.
Nouvette, Biographic Generate,

cvi.

Numa Pompilius, 109.
Nye, Philip, cvi.

Occam, 203 f., 206.
Oppression, king's duty as to,

21.
Ossat, Arnaud, Cardinal d', 1,

cvi.

Otho, Emperor, 118.
Ottley, R. L., Ixii, cvii.
Overall, John, xxxiv, xxxv,

xliv, Ixxvii, Ixxxiv, cvii.
Owen, David, cvii.
Ozius, Bishop, 223.

Pacenius, B., cvii.
Panzani, G., cvii.
Papacy, Ivi, Ixi, Ixii, Ixiv,

Ixxvii, Ixxxi, Ixxxiii, Ixxxv f.,

92, xooff., 120, 126, 160,

212 ff., 285.

Parents, honor due, 21.
Pareus, David, cvii.
Paris, Matthew, 196, 261.
Parity, liv, 23 f., 275.
Parkman, Francis, Ixv.
Parliament, xli, 287 ff.
Parliamentary History, xli,

Ixxxi, Ixxxviii, cvii.
Parsons, Robert, xxxii, xxxvi,

xlvii, 1, Ixii, Lxiii, xcii, xciii,

xciv, cvii, 112, 121.
Paschal II, Pope, 201.
Patriarchs, 1 26 f .
Pattison, Mark, Ivi, Iviii, Ixii,

Ixxix, cvii.
Paul, Father, 101.
Paul V, Pope, lix, Ix; first breve

to English Catholics, 73 ff . ;

second breve, 80 f .
Paul, St., 124, 127 f., 152 f.,

159, 216 f., 227 f., 230, 232,

256, 291.

Pelletier, M., Ixv, cvii.
Felling, Edward, xciii, cvii.
Pepin, King of France, 187, 266.
Perron, Jacques Davy, Cardinal

du, Iviii, Ixv, Ixvii, Ixx, Ixxiii,

Ixxx, cviii, 177-268.
Peter, King of Aragon, 180.
Peter, St., 83, 91 f., 100, 103,

125, 127 f., 139, 216 f., 222,

230.

Petit, John, 243.
Philip and Mary, reign of, xix.
Philip Augustus, King of

France, 195, 259.
Philip I, King of France, 190,

195, 224.
Philip, the Fair, King of France,

119, 180, 196 f., 201 f., 221,

224, 265.

Philippicus, Emperor, 185.

Pius II, Pope, 119.

Pius V, Pope, 122.

Platina, 118, 192, 193.

Pole, Reginald, xxi, Ixxxii,
Ixxxv, cviii.

Political thought, history of, xv,
xxv, xxxv ff . , xl, xli. (See His-
tory of the Political Theories
of James I.)

Pollen, J. H., cviii.

Pontifex Maximus, 109.

Pope, authority of, xviii ff., xxi,
xxvii, xlviii, liii, liv, lix, Ixiv,
Ixviii, Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxii, Ixxiii,
Ixxiv, Ixxxi, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv,
Ixxxvi, 74-77, 83, 86 ff., 95 ff.,
98, TOO ff., 103, 105, 109,
n6f., n8ff., i2of., 152,
160, 162, 166, 170, 177, 179,
iSoff., 184, 193 f., 196 f.,
198 f., 200 ff., 207, 211, 213,

217, 220 ff., 224 ff., 227, 231,
233 f-, 238 ff., 250 f., 260 ff.,
266 ff.

Pope, election of, 154.

Popes and Emperors, struggle
for supremacy, xxf., Ixxi. (See
DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT OF
KINGS, 182-236.)

Power, indirect, of Pope (see
Pope, authority of; Papacy;
Barclay, William ; Bellar-
mine).

Power, temporal, of Pope (see
Pope, authority of; Papacy;
Barclay, William; Perron,
Cardinal).

Poynet, John, xix.

Prat, P. J. M., Ixi, Ixiv, cviii.

Prayer Book, The, xliv.

Prayers to saints, 124.

PREMONITION, A, xxii, xxxi, Ixi,
Ixv, civ; address, iio-in;
reasons and discourses in de-
fence of the oath of allegiance,
111-122; no apostate, 122;
no heretic, 122-126; as to the
head of the church, 126-129;
as to Antichrist, 129-150;
further answer to card. Bel-
larmine, 150-158; conclusion,
158-160; a catalogue of the
lies of Tortus, 160-168.

Prerogative, xxxvi, xxxixf., 3d,
xlv, Ixxxvii, Ixxxix, 108, 294,

332 ff-

Presbyterianism, xxii, xlviii,
Ixxxiv, xc, xciv.

INDEX

353

Preston, Thomas (Roger Wid-

drington), Ixxiii-lxxvi, Ixxxiv,

cxi.

Prideaux, John, cviii.
Primacy of Apostolic See, 103,

109, 116, 118, 126, 162.
Princes, 28, 37.
Prohibitions, 312 f.
Protestantism, before 1564, xv;

James as leader or protector

of, Ixxx.

Protestants, xxxi, xlvi, 263 f.
Protestant Union, Ixxx.
Prothero, G. W., xv, xxx,

Ixxxvii, cviii.

Prynne, William, xcii, cviii.
Purgatory, 125.
Puritans, xxii, xlviii, Ixii, xcf.,

xciv, 6ff., 15, 24, 126, 151,

161, 285, 344.

Raleigh, Sir Walter, cviii.

Ravaillac, 177, 266.

Recusants, 322, 341.

Reformation, xvii, xviii, xxx,
Ixxx, xci, 23, 254 f.

Relics of saints, 124, 142.

Religion, xxxi, xlvff., liiif.,
Ixxx, 6, 13, 112, 116, 122 f.,
128, 150, 164, 187, 273 f., 322,

329-
REMONSTRANCE FOR THE RIGHT

OF KINGS, A., civ, 160-268.

(See DEFENCE OF THE RIGHT

OF KINGS.)
Renaissance, after effects of the,

xvii.

Reusch, F. H., Ivii, cviii.
Richard II, of England, 121.
Richer, E., Ixvi, cviii.
Roman Empire, shadow of in

England, xv.

Roman law, xl, Ixxxvii, xciii, 39.
Rudolph II, Emperor elect, no.
Rushworth, John, cviii.
Rymer, Thomas, Ixxix, cviii.

St. Denis, The Chronicle of,

193, 195-
Saint German, Christopher, xx,

lix, Ixxxi.
Saints, 123.

Sampson, Richard, Ixxxii, cix.
Sanders, Nicholas, cix, 84, 93,

105.

Saul, King, 99, 1 53, 213 f.
Scaliger, Joseph, Iviii, Ixxviii.
Schism, Ixviii, Ixix, 124, 170,

179 f., 191, 201, 236 ff.

Schulkenius, A. (Bellarmine ?),
Ixiv, Ixxiii, cix.

Scioppius, G., Iviii, Ixv, cix.

Scriptures, xliii, 12 f., 39, 56 ff.,
77, 123, 136 ff., 139, 174, 217,
228, 230 f., 256.

Seaton, A. A., cix.

Seeley, Sir J. R., xxvii, cix.

Selden, John, cix.

Sergius, Bishop of Rome, 185.

Servants, choice of, 30 f.

Servetus, 232.

Serviere, Joseph de la, Ivii, Ix f.,
Ixii, Ixiv, Ixv, Ixxvi, cix.

Several Speeches Delivered at
a Conference concerning the
Power of Parliament, to pro-
ceed against their King for
Misgovernment, cix.

Sheldon, Richard, Ixxi, Ixxvi,
ex.

Sigebert, 118, 189 f., 191, 193,
206.

Silvester III, Pope, 119, 193.

Sixtus V, Pope, 163.

Sparrow, Anthony, Ixxxiv, ex.

SPEECH OF 1603, liv, civ; first
address to Parliament, 269-
280.

SPEECH OF 1605, xli, xlii, Iv, civ;
on occasion of discovery of
gunpowder plot, 281-289.

SPEECH OF 1607, xli, xlii, civ; an
address touching the Scottish
Union and matters relating
thereto, 290-305.

SPEECH OF 1609, xli, Iv, civ; an
address on (i) government
and law, 306-313; (2) griev-
ances, 3 13-316; (3) the king's
need of a subsidy, 316-325.

SPEECH OF 1616, xl, xliv, lii, Iv,
civ; an address in the Star
Chamber, 326-345.

Stapleton, Thomas, xix, Ixxxvi,
ex.

Starkey, Thomas, Ixxxiii, ex.

Statutes of the Realm, ex.

Stuarts, The, xxviii, xxxi, xxxiv,
xxxvi, liv, Ixxix.

Suarez, F., xlix, Ixiv, Ixxiii, ex,
177, 250.

Subject(s), xxxix, xliii, 19, 77 ff.,
114, 116, 117, 152, i66ff.,
177, 211, 225, 242, 246, 275,
279, 3°8, 323.

Subsidy, Ixxxvii f., 316-321.

Supremacy, papal, 8, 83, 98,
102 f., 105, ii7f.

Supremacy Act or Oath, xx,
xxviii, Ixxxiv f., 85 ff., 98 f.,
106, 118.

Supreme Governor, xlv ff.,
xlviii, liii ff., xc, 86.

Symmachus, Pope, 182 f.

Tanner, Thomas, ex.

Tanquerelle, John, 200 f.

Taunton, E. L., xxii, xcii, xciv,
ex.

Tertullian, 135, 152, 218 f., 245.

Testament, the king's, 4.

The Canons, xlvi.

Theodoric, King of Italy, 192.

Thirty-nine Articles, The, xlvi.

Thomson, Richard, Ixiii, ex.

Thurstan, Archbishop Elect of
York, 1 20.

Tierney, A. M., liv, lix, Ix, xcii.

Toleration, religious, xvii, xlviii,
xlix, liii, Ixxii, Ixxix, xciv.

Tooker, William, Ixiii, Ixxxv, ex.

Tortus, Matthaeus, 1141., 150.

Trent, Council of, xv, xlvi,
Ixxxvi, 208, 233.

Treumann, Rudolph, xviii, Ivii,
ex.

Trevelyan, G. M., xxxi, ex.

TREW LAW OF FREE MON-
ARCHIES, THE, xxxvi,
xxxviiif., xl, xli, xliii, ciii;
advertisement to reader, 53;
grounds of duty and alle-
giance betwixt subjects and
absolute monarch, 53-70.

TUDOR LITERATURE ON CHURCH
AND STATE, THE, Appendix A,
Ixxxi.

Tunstall, Cuthbert, xlvii, Ixxxv,
ex.

Twysden, Roger, ex.

Tyndale, William, xx f., Ixxxi,
ex.

Tyrannicide, xvi, li, Ivii, Iviii f.,
Ixvi, xcii, ex, 59 ff., 65 f., 87,
89, 95 ff., 177, 200 ff., 213,
219, 242 ff. (See Buchanan,
George; Vindiciae Contra Ty-
rannos; Lossen, Max; Dou-
arche, Aristides; SPEECH OF
1605.)

Uniformity Act, xlvi f.

Union, England with Scotland,

271 ff., 287, 292-305, 329.
Urbanus, Pope, 195, 247.
Usher, R. G., xxvi, Iv, lix,

Ixxxviii, ex.

354

Valens, Emperor, 99 f .
Valentinian, Emperor, 211, 219,

249.
Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos, xvi,

xc, xdi.

Virgilius, Bishop, 181.
Virgin Mary, 123 f.
Virtues to be cultivated, 41 f.

Walker, Clement, xcii, ex.
Wallace, William, 188.
Walton, Isaac, Ixxvii, ex.
War, precepts of, 28 f.

INDEX

Warmington, William, Ixxvi,

cxi.
Watson, William, xxvi, xxxii,

xxxiii, xciv, cxi.
Watt, Robert, cxi.
Weller, Emil, Ixiv, cxi.
Welwood, James, xxxv, xxxvi,

cxi.

Weston, Edward, Ixiii, cxi.
Whitaker, William, Ixxvii, cxi.
White Hill, battle of, Ixxx. (See

Figgis, John Neville.)
Whittingham, William, xix, cxi.

Widdrington, Roger (Thomas
Preston), Ixiii, Ixiv, Ixxiii-
Ixxvi, Ixxxiv, cxi.

Wilkins, David, Ixxxiv f., cxi.

Wilson, Arthur, Ixxxvii, cxi.

Winwood, Sir Ralph, Ix, cxi.

Wordsworth, Christopher,
Ixxvii, cxi,

Wright, William, Ixiii, cxi.

Wycliffe, John, xx, Ixxvii.

Zachary, Pope, 180, 186 f., 203.
Zwingli, Ulrich, Ixiv.

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James I, King of Great Britain
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