LINCOLN ROOM
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY
presented by
Marion D. Pr»tt E«t.«t.P
329.9773
L97P
1886
cop. 2
«/
POLITICS
SPT
POLITICS
POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
ANECDOTES AND INCIDENTS.
A SUCCINCT HISTORY OF THE STATE, 1809-1886.
SECOND EDITION- RE VISED AND ENLARGED,
BY D.'W. LUSK.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS. 1886.
Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1883,
Br D. W. LUSK, In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. D. C.
H. W. ROKKER,
Printer. Stereotyper and Binder.
Springfield. 111.
L
^PREFACE.
In issuing the second edition of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, revised and enlarged, the writer has involved a comprehensive history of the State — its men and measures, its progress in population, wealth and intelligence— from the Territorial times of 1809 to its Statehood, a period of 77 years. It is illustrated with steel portraits of many of its distin- guished citizens of the various political parties, and enlivenedi throughout with pleasing incidents and anecdotes. In the collation of facts, the official records of the State and thre official publications of the National Government have been consulted with the utmost care, and from these, together with a personal observation of thirty years, the writer has produced a volume that is deemed authentic in every detail. In dealing with men and political parties, he has observed rigid impartiality, seeking only the truth of history, and he rests in the belief that POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS will be accepted as a valuable contribution to the history of the State.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, JULY, 1886.
CONTENTS AND INDEX.
Page. CHAPTER I-Political Parties 1-10
Formation of parties, 1. First election of Washington without political significance, 1. Election of John Adams as a Federalist, 1. Jefferson elected as a Republican, 1. Madison as a Republi- can, 1. Monroe as a Republican, 2. John Quincy Adams as a Coalitionist, 2. Jackson as a Democrat. 2. Van Buren as a Dem- ocrat, 2. Harrison as a Whig, 2. Polk as a Democrat, 2. Taylor as a Whig, 2. Pierce as a Democrat, 2. Luchanan as a Demo- crat, '2. Only Presidents elected by the House of Representa- tives, 2. National Conventions, 2. Federal Party, 3. Demo- cratic, 3. National Republican, 3. Whig, 3. Abolition, 3. Free Soil, 3. Know-Nothing, 3. Native American, 3. Republican, 5. Slavery Question, 7. Election of Bissell, 6. Dred Scott Decision, 7. Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 9. Attempt to make Kan- sas a slave State, 9.
CHAPTER II— Slavery Agitation 10-31
Why a New Party was Necessary, 10. Missouri Compromise of 1820,12. Compromise Measures of 1850. 16. Repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820. 21. Douglas Denied the Right of Free Speech in Chicago, 24. Organization of the Republican Party, 25. Three Branches of the Government Pro-Slavery, 29. Giowth of the Re- publican Party, 30. Caucus at Williamsviile, 30. First Republi- can Convention at Cairo, 30. First Republican caucus at Metrop- olis, 31.
CHAPTER III— State Campaign of 1856 32-35.
First Republican State Ticket, 33. Democratic, 33. Native Amer- ican, 33. Republican Success, 33. Aggregate Vote for State Offi- cers, 33. Members of Congress, 34. Electoral Tickets, 35.
CHAPTER IV— State Government, 1857 36-42
Twentieth General Assembly, 36. Closing Words of Matteson's last Annual Message, 38. Extracts from Gov. Bissell's Inaugural Address, 39-40.
CHAPTER V— State Campaign of 1858 42-45
Three Tickets: Republican, 43. Democrat, 43. Buchanan Demo- crat, 43. Aggregate Vote for State Officers, 43. Aggregate Vote by Districts for Members of Congress, 44.
VI CONTENTS AND INDEX.
Pago.
CHAPTER VI— Douglas and Lincoln— 1858 45-94
Lincoln's Challenge of Douglas for a Joint Debate, 49. Douglas' Reply. 49. Lincoln's Rejoinder. 51. Debate at Freeport, 53.
CHAPTER VH-State Government— 1859 94-98
Twenty-first General Assembly, 94. Closing words of Governor Bissell's Message on National Affairs, 97.
CHAPTER VIII-State;Campaign of 1860 99-110
Four State Tickets, 99. Four Electoral Tickets, 103. Aggregate Vote for State Offleers, 101. Aggregate Vote for Congressmen, by Dis- tricts, 102. Aggregate Vote for Electors, 103. How Lovejoy Con- quered Prejudice, 105. An Attempt to Kidnap Richard Yates, 106. How Lovejoy Helped the -Democrats, 108. Yates and the Ken- tucky Colonel. 109. "It Made Our Very Hair Frizzle. " 109.
CHAPTER IX-State Government-1861 110-121
Twenty-second General Assembly, 110. Yates' Message, 113. Special Session, 117. Yates' Message, 118.
CH APTE R X— Secession— Prosecution of the War 122-131
Speech of Lyman Trumbull, 122. Speech of John A. McClernand. 126. Speech of Owen Lovejoy, 127. Speech of John F. Farns- worth, 129. Speech of Isaac N. Arnold. 130.
CHAPTER XI— Before the Conflict 131-136
Lincoln's Departure for Washington, 132. Farewell Words at Springfield. 133. Speech at Cincinnati, 133. Inaugural Message, 134. Resignation of Southern Senators and Representatives, 136. Vulgar Cartoon of Lincoln by Harper's Weekly, 135.
CHAPTER XII— Stephen A. Douglas 136-142
Douglas* Prophecy, 186. Avows His Determination to Standby President Lincoln, 137. His Patriotic Address at Springfield, 138. Speech at Chicago, 139. Death at Chicago, 141. Monument to His Memory. 142.
CHAPTER XIII— Constitutional Convention of 1862 142-144
Assumed Powers not Delegated, 143. Rejection of the Constitu- tion, 144. Adoption of Article Relating to Negroes and Mulat- toes, 144.
CHAPTER XIV— State Campaign of 1862 145-147
CHAPTER XV— State Government— 1863... 147-162
Stirring Message of Governor Yates. 150. Peace Resolutions, 151. Counter Resolutions, 155. Vote on the Minority and Majority Re- ports, 158. Senator Funk, 159. Prorogation, 161. Decision of Supreme Court. 162.
CHAPTER XVI— State Campaign of 1864 162-16*;
CHAPTER XVII- State Government— 1865 167-170
Twenty-fourth General Assembly. 167.
CHAPTER XVIII— Illinois and the War 171-174
Number of Soldiers Furnished by Counties, 172. Allen 0. Fuller, 173.
CONTENTS AND INDEX. VU j
Page.
CHAPTER XIX— John A. Logan 174-181
A Slander Refuted, 174. Declination to Become a Candidate for Congressman-at-Large In 1862, 176.! Patriotic Address to his Command in 1863, 177. When McPherson Pell, 178. Sherman's Official Account of Logan's Gallantry, 178.
CHAPTER XX— Abraham Lincoln-... 181-198
An account of his early manhood as written by himself, 181. Speech at Philadelphia, 183. First Inaugural, 184. Speech at Gettysburg, 186. Kentucky Letter, 187. Second Inaugural, 189. Last Speech, 190. Assassination. 195. How Lincoln came to Challenge Douglas, 195. Never |an Abolitionist, 196. " I have never kept liquor in my house and will not begin now," 197. A One-Idea Court, 197.
CHAPTER XXI— State Campaign of 1866 198-209
CHAPTER XXII— State Government-1867 200-204
Twenty-fifth General Assembly, 201.
CHAPTER XXIII— State Campaigner 1868 204-208
CHAPTER XXIV— State Government— 1869 208-213
Twenty-sixth General Assembly, 208.
CHAPTER XXV-Constitutional Convention of 1869-70 213-215
CHAPTER XXVI-Sfcate Campaign of 1870 215-217
CHAPTER XXVII-Pidelity of State Officers 217-220
* Canal Scrip Fraud, 218. Letter of ex-Gov. Matteson to the Com- mittee of Investigation, 218. Mortgage of his Property to Secure the Payment of $250, 000, 219. Macallister & Stebbins Bonds Fraud. 220. Gov. Bissell's Emphatic Denial of any Knowledge of the Fraud, 220. CHAPTER XXVIII— State Government— 1871 221-226
Twenty-seventh General Assembly, 221.
\
CHAPTER XXIX— State Campaign— 1872... 226-234
Formation of the Liberal Republican Party, 226. Great Defection in the Republican Party, 227. Yates' Cabinet Deserts the Re- publican Party, 228. fates Stands by the " Silent Soldier, " 228. Lippincott True to the Republican Party, 228. Dissolution of the New Party, 229. No Democratic Tickets, 230. State Campaign. 230. Aggregate Vote for State Officers, Members of Congress and Presidential Electors, 231.
CHAPTER XXX-State Government— 1873 235-242
Twenty-eighth General Assembly, 235. Closing Words of Gov.
Palmer's Message, 239.
CHAPTER XXXI-State Campaign of 1874 242-244
CHAPTER XXXII-State Government— 1875 245-248
Twenty-ninth General Assembly, 245. CHAPTER XXXIII— A Vision of War 249-251
Speech of Robert G. Ingersoll, 249.
Till CONTENTS AND INDEX.
Page. CHAPTER XXXIY— State Campaign of 1876 251-257
CHAPTER XXXY— State Government— 1877 257-262
Thirtieth General Assembly, 257.
CHAPTER XXXVI— State Campaign of 1878 263-266
CHAPTER XXXVH— Sidney Breese 266-270
He Is the Projector of the Illinois Central Railroad, 266. His Won- derful Prediction Regarding the Growth and Magnitude of Rail- ways in the United States, 269.
CHAPTER XXXVIII— State Government— 1879 . 270-274
Thirty-first General Assembly, 270. CHAPTER XXXIX— State Campaign of 1880 274-280
CHAPTER XL— Ulysses 8. Grant 280-28»
How he first entered the Army in the War for the Union, 281. His Correspondence with Lee, 284. An Insult to the President and the Nation, 287.
CHAPTER XLI— State Government— 1881 290-29*
Thirty-second General Assembly, 290.
CHAPTER XLII-O. H.Browning 294-300.
Unpublished Correspondence between Browning and Lincoln, 296. Browning's personal friendship for Lincoln, and his abso- lute Loyalty to his Government, 299.
CHAPTER XLIII— State Campaign of 1882 301-305
CHAPTER XUV-Oeneral Logan Challenged 305-316-
General Logan Challenged, 305. Correspondence, 306-308. Letter of General Logan, 309. An Exciting Incident, 309. Cilley and Graves Duel, 310. Last Time General Grant Appeared in Public, :m. Conspiracy to Defraud the Government of the Tax on Spirits, Letter from General Grant on the Subject, 313. Public Charities, 314, Negro Slave Marriages, 315. Santa Anna's Cork Leg, 316.
CHAPTER XLV— State Government— 1883., 316-325
Thirty-third General Assembly, 316. Gov. Cullom's Message, 321. Gov. Hamilton's Veto Message of "House Bill No. 504," 323. Gov. Hamilton on Mob Law, 325.
CHAPTER XLVI- John Dement 326-328
CHAPTER XLVII— About Colored People 329-353
Gov. Coles fined $2,000 under the Black Laws, 329. Why Black Laws were enacted, 330. Black Laws approved. 333. Vote of the State in 1862 on article prohibiting colored emigration, 334. Vote of soldiers on prohibition of colored emigration, 334. What Connecticut did, 335. What Massachusetts did, 337. What the Nation did, 338. Transition from Slavery to Freedom, 339. Whip- ped and ordered from the State, 342. A case of kidnapping, 343. Tribulations of free negroes, 344. A free colored boy's expe- rience. 346. Last attempt to return a fugitive slave, 347. Trials of contrabands, 347. Mobbed on account of his vote, 350. First colored school, 350. Blood hounds, 351. Colored jurors. 351. Adoption of amendments, 351 . First colored vote cast in Cairo, 352^
CONTENTS AND INDEi. IX*
Page.
CHAPTER XLVIII-About Women 353-360
Mrs. Juliet C. Raum, 353. Mrs. Catherine Wilson. 354. Mrs. Mary Todd Lincoln, 355. Mrs. Mary S. Logan, 357. Women Lawyers, 358. Women School Officers, 359. Women Notaries Public, 359. How long will it be before they can vote? 360.
CHAPTER XLIX-Illinois National Guard 360-361
CHAPTER L— Green B. Raum 362-371
CHAPTER Li-Whisky Frauds 371-37*
CHAPTER LII— Bureau of Labor Statistics 374-375-
CHAPTER LIII— Governors of Illinois 375-3W
CHAPTER LIV— Illinois in Congress 377-391
Delegates in Congress from 1811-1818, 377. Representatives from 1818-1885, 377. Senators from 1818-1889, 387.
CHAPTER LV— State Funds 391-397
Disbursement of State Funds December 1, 1839, to October 1, 1882, 397. Legislative— Executive— Judicial— Debt for Public Works- Educational— Internal improvement Debt— Miscellaneous— Total —State Debt— Its Payment, 397.
CHAPTER LVI— Speech of Robert G. Ingersoll, Nominating Elaine. . . 398-400
CHAPTER LVII— Illinois and the National Government 400-40*
Positions held in the National Government— Commissioner of the Land Office— Clerk of the Lower House of Congress— Presidency —Marshal of the District of Columbia— Associate Justice of the Supreme Court — Secretary of the Interior— Assistant, Attorney- General—Secretary of War— Commander of the Armies— Lieuten- ant-General and General— Secretary of State— Assistant Post- master-General—Solicitor of the Treasury— Commissioner of In- ternal Revenue— Assistant Secretary of the Treasury— Assistant Secretary of the Interior— Vice-Presidency— Public Printer.
CHAPTER LVIII— Speech of Roscoe Conkling, Nominating Grant... 403-407
CHAPTER LIX— Our State Banks 407
What the People lost when they went into liquidation, 408.
CHAPTER LX— What Owen Lovejoy Could Not Do— Law-Making
Under the Constitution of 1848 408,409-
CHAPTER LXI— Temperance Legislation 409-412
A Petition Signed by Eighty Thousand Voters and One Hundred Thousand Women, 411. Miss Francis Willard Addresses the Illi- nois General Assembly, 411. Passage of the High License Bill, 412.
CHAPTER LXH-Incidente and Anecdotes 413-426
Owen Lovejoy Egged in Bloomington, 413. "Will the Sheriff call Mr. Pffrimmer."414. Wentworth and Browning. 414. "Till he was Conscripted, "415. U. F.Linder and the "Little Doctor, "415. "Celes- tial Meridian of 36° 30'," 417. "Not according to Jefferson, but the Gentleman from Jefferson," 417. "I thought I would let you make a Water-Dog of him." 418. How Col. Reuben Loomis was Killed, 419.
I CONTENTS AND INDEX.
How Pinckney H. Walker became a Justice of the Supreme Court. 420. An Exciting Political Episode. 421. "He knew him before the Flood," 421. "There is no use of this Investigation," 422. "I was born a Barefooted Boy," 422. "Tom Needles and John Bunn Know too D— n Much to Play Governor," 423. "Wonderful Moral Reform- ation." 424. "Tell Old Hilliard to Come and See Me Devilish Quick," 424. "If they will let me out with as Good Character as I had," 425.
CHAPTER LXJH— "Lake Front" 426-454
"Lake Front."— A remarkable Incident, 430. First Legislative Quorum Broken in Illinois, 433. How the Constitution of 1848 was Evaded, 436. Women as Journalists, 452. How Ebon C. Ingersoll was Defeated for Congress in the Lovejoy District, 438. Farmers' Strike, 445. Women as Workers in Potters' Clay, 453.
CHAPTER LXIV— Corporations in the Courts 464-166
Public Warehouses, 455. Railway Charges, 458. Taxing National Bank Stock, 461. Taxing Franchises, 463.
CHAPTER LXV— Campaign of 1884 466-486
Conventions, State and National, 466. Electoral Vote of the States, 470. Appointments by the President from Illinois, 471. Statement of the United States Treasurer, 472. Official Vote, 472. Election Frauds, 477. Trial and Conviction of Joseph C. Mackin, 479.
CHAPTER LXVI— State Government, 1885 1 486-623
Thirty-fourth General Assembly, 487. Contest for Speaker, 491. Action of the Senate over the Leman-Brand Resolution Censuring Governor Hamilton, 496. Contest for United States Senator, 500. Work of the Session, 514. State House, 520.
CHAPTER LXVII— Labor Troubles of 1886 523-528
Blot at East St Louis, 523. Militia Called Out, 523. Anarchist Riot at Chicago, 524. Dynamite Bomb— Sixty-six Policemen Wounded, Seven of Whom Died— Gallant Conduct of Policemen— Anarchists Routed— Their Arms and Dynamite Captured— Liberal Subscrip- tion of Money— Arrest of the Leaders— Charge of Judge Rogers to the Grand Jury, 525. Ten of the Anarchists Indicted for Murder, 527.
CHAPTER LXVni— Biographical 529-548
Owen Lovejoy, 529. His Trial for Harboring Runaway Slaves, 530. Exciting Scene in Congress, 534. His Death,. Leonard Swett, 537. Thomas S. Ridgway, 537. William Bross, 639. A. J. Streeter. 540. John H. Bryant, 541. John C. Smith, 542. Richard S. Tuthill. 543. W. A. J. Sparks, 544. L, D. Whiting, 546. John M. Scott, 646. H. W. Blodgett. 648.
APPENDIX.
Page.
CHAPTER I— Illinois 549-555
Formation into a Territory, 549. Formation of Legislative Dis- tricts, 551. First Territorial Legislature, 551. Second Territorial Legislature, 552. Third Territorial Legislature, 553. Monument to Menard, 554. Daniel P. Cook, 555.
CHAPTER H— Admission as a State 555-557
Constitutional Convention, 555. Peculiarities of the Constitution, 556. Negroes and Mulattoes, 556. Boundaries of the State, 556.
CHAPTER DI— State Government— 1818-22 557-559
First General Assembly— 1818-20, 557. First Election of United States Senators, 559.
CHAPTER IV— Capitals 559-561
Kaskaskia— Vandalia— Springfield— Population of Kaskaskia in 182D— Population now— An Island of the Mississippi— Towns which wanted the Capital— When removed from Vandalia.
CHAPTER V— Second General Asssembly— 1820-22 561-562
Gov. Bond's Administration— Monument to Gov. Bond.
CHAPTER VI— Our First Banking 562-565
Bank at Shawneetown with capital of $300,000, 562. Bank with $4,000,000 capital, 562. Final result of the system, 563. First Can- vass before the People for Governor, 565. Total Vote of the State, 6,309, 565. Election of GoV. Coles by a Plurality of 50, 565.
CHAPTER VH— State Government— 1822-26 566
Slavery Agitation, 566
CHAPTER Vm— Early Salt Making 567
Gov. Coles on Titles, 569. Gen. Lafayette's visit to Illinois, 569. Shawneetown in 1817, 570.
CHAPTER IX— Tenth General Assembly— 1824-26 571-577
Retirement of Gov. Coles, 572
CHAPTER X— Slavery in Illinois 572-577
When and how slaves were held in Illinois, 572. Gallatin County made an Exception in the Constitution, 573. An attempt in 1822 to make Illinois a Slave State, 574. Vote of the House of Representa- tives on the Question, 575. A hot Campaign before the people, 576. Vote of the State against Slavery, 577.
3.11 CONTENTS AND INDEX.
CHAPTER XI— State Government— 1826-30 ....................... ...... :.;;
William S. Hamilton, 578.
CHAPTER XH— Cairo in 1818, 578. Peoria in 1824, 580.
CHAPTER Xm— Sixth General Assembly— 1828-30 ....................... 581-582
Governor Edwards, 581.
CHAPTER XIV— Alton as a Rival to St. Louis, 582. Massacre at Mas- sac, 583. One of the Landmarks of 1837, 584.
CHAPTER XV— State Government— 1830-34 ............................... 585
CHAPTER XVI-Progress in Schools ..................................... 585-592.
Novel School Laws, 587. School Tax paid in Produce, 587. Alton the first to establish a Free School, 586. Normal School, 588. Col- leges, 589. State Teachers' Association, 590. Prominent Educa- tors, 591. Superintendents of Public Instruction, 591. School Journals, 591.
CHAPTER XVII-Eighth General Assembly-1832-34 .................... 592-G00>
Governor Reynolds, 593. Mormon war, 593. Killing of Joseph and Hiram Smith, 594. Destruction of the Mormon Temple, 594. Mor- mons decide to seek a home beyond the Rocky Mountains, 594. Expulsion of the Mormons from the State, 594. State Government —1834-38, 594. Adam Snyder— Thomas Mather— Indian Wars, 595. Capture and Death of Red Bird— Capture and Death of Black Hawk— Starved Rock— Tenth General Assembly, 1836-38, 597. Col. Henry D. Baker, 598. Gov. Duncan, 598. First and only Duel in Illinois, 599. State Government— 1838-42, 600.
CHAPTER XVni ........................................................... 601-605.
How a Challenge was avoided, 601. Twelfth General Assembly— 1840-42, 602. Chicago, 603. IFirst Newspaper in Chicago, 603. Chi- cago a part of Pike County, 603. First Railroad— First Mayor, 604. State Government— 1842-46, 605.
CHAPTER XIX— Murder of Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy ...................... 605-615-
Establishment of his Press in St. Louis— Its Removal to Alton— Its Destruction by a Mob — Re-establishment of the Paper— An Attempt to Tar and Feather Lovejoy— Meeting of the Citizens of Alton to Compel him to Abandon the Publication of his Paper— A Brave Speech in Self-Defense—Murder of Lovejoy and Destruction of hisFourth andLast Press— His Funeral— Monument to his Memory.
CHAPTER XX— Fourteenth General Assembly— 1844-46 ................. 616-622
McDougall, 616. Administration of Gov. Ford, 616. Mexican War, 617. State Government— 1846-49, 618. Constitutional Convention, 1847, 61S. Peculiar Featuras of the Constitution, 620. Salaries, 620. State Government— 1849-53, 621.
CONTENTS A.ND INDEX. Xlli
Page.
CHAPTER XXI— Internal Improvement System of 1837 622-627
Appointment of Fund Commissioners— Illinois and Michigan Canal, Board of Public Works— System of Eailroads— Mail Routes— Im- provement of the Rivers— $10,607,000 Appropriated by the General Assembly for Public Improvements— Who Voted for the Bill, 624. Who Voted against the Bill, 624. Bankruptcy — General Assembly 1850-52. 626. Gov. French, 626.
CHAPTER XXII-Our First Railroads 627-634
Gov. Duncan's Opposition to Railroads— Senator Gatewood's Oppo- sition—Report of Committee Favors Canals in Preference to Rail- roads, 629. Number of Milesof Railway— Number of Miles of Canal- Amount of Taxes Paid by Illinois Central Railway— Amount Paid by Other Railways in 1883— Gov. Duncan's Problem Solved, 633. State Government 1853-57. 633. Passage of the Black Laws, 634.
CHAPTER XXm-Printing 634-640
FirstNewspapers in Illinois— First Books Printed— Printing Presses Then and Now— First Daily Papers— Chicago Papers— Papers at the Capital— Weekly Journals— Interior Dailies— Eminent Journal- ists, 640.
CHAPTER XXIV— Nineteenth General Assembly, 1854-56 641-644
Election of Lyman Trumbull to the United States Senate, 641. Why Lincoln was Not Elected— Railroads— Illinois Had but One Railroad in 1841, 64'J. Now She has 56— More Miles of Railway than any State in the Union.
CHAPTER XXV— Physical Resources 645-655
Washington Advocates the Establishment of an Agricultural Bu- reau, 646. Organization of the State Agricultural Society— Lin- coln Signs the Bill, 6U>. Law Authorizing the Organization of the Society, 647. First Fair. 648. Primitive Farming, 645. Pleasing Address by Professor Turner, 648. Wonderful Advancement, 652, Personnel of the State Board of Agriculture, 654.
CHAPTER XXVI— Judiciary 656-668
First Supreme Court— The Chief Justice and Justices Hold the Cir- cuit Courts— First Circuit Judges — Circuit Courts Abolished— The Chief Justice and Justices Again Required to Hold the Circuit Courts— One Circuit Judge Provided for— Supreme Court Again Re- lieved from Holding the Circuit Courts— Circuit Courts Again Abol- ished, and the Chief Justice and Associate Justices Again Required to Hold the Circuit Courts— Constitution of 1848— The Judiciary Elected by the People — A Chief Justice and Two Associate Justices Comprise the Supreme Court— Constitution of 1870— The Elective System Continued— Personnel of the Courts— The Supreme Court Increased from Three Members to Seven— Organization of the Circuit Courts— Creation of the Appellate Court— Clerks of the Su- preme Court— Reporters of the Supreme Court— Illinois Reports,
XIV CONTENTS AND INDEX.
STEEL POETBAITS- 1-Uncoln.
2 — Douglas.
3— Yates.
4— Grant.
5 — Palmer.
6— Logan.
7— Oglesby.
8— Browning.
9— Edwards. 10— Coles— From Wafhburne's Sketch of Coles, by
Jan sen, McClurg & Co., Chicago. n — Owen Lovejoy. 12— Leonard Swett. 1$— Thomas S. Ridgway. ^ 14— William Bross.
15— A. J. Streeter. 16— John H. Bryant 17— John C. Smith. 18-Richard S. Tuthill. 19-W. A. J. Sparks. 20-L. D. Whiting. 21— John M. Scott. 22— Henry W. Blodgett 2»-B. N. Stevens.
HON. STEPHEN-A.DOUGLAS-
POLITICAL F
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Party— Dem Fret
Compromise— Attempt to make Knnsasa Bli
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CHAPTER I. POLITICAL PARTIES,
Formation of Parties— First Election of Washington without Political Sig- nificance—Election of John Adams as a Federalist— Jefferson Elected as a liepublican— Madison as a Republican— Mouroe as a Republican— John Quincy Adams as a Coalitionist— Jackson as a Democrat— Van Buren as a Democrat— Harrison as a Whig— Polk as a Democrat— Taylor as a Whig— Pierce as a Democrat— Buchanan as a Democrat— Only Presi- dents Elected by the House of Representatives— National Conventions- Federal Party— Democratic -National Republican— Whig— Abolition- Free Soil— Know-Nothing—Native American— Republican— Slavery Ques- tion—Election of Bissell— Dred Scott Decision— Repeal of the Missouri Compromise— Attempt to make Kansas a Slave State.
In order to intelligently lay the foundation of our history, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, which begins in 1856 with the campaign in which the Eepublican party was or- ganized, a brief retrospect reference is made to National politics.
Historians are not agreed as to the exact time of the formation of political parties in the United States, but it is accepted that Washington, the first President, was elected in 1789 without political significance, and that at his second election, in 1792, he was denominated a Federalist. In 1796, John Adams, his successor, was elected as a Federal- ist. In 1800, Thomas Jefferson was elected as -a Eepubli- can. There was a tie in the Electoral College between him and Aaron Burr, and the election was carried to the House of Eepresentatives. Jefferson was elected President and Burr Vice-President. In 1804, Jefferson succeeded himself as a Eepublican. In 1808, James Madison was elected as a Eepublican. In 1812, he succeeded himself as a Eepublican.
2 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
In 1816, James Monroe was elected as a Republican,. He succeeded himself in 1820 as a Kepublican. In 1824,. John Quincy Adams was elected as a Coalitionist. There were four candidates, Andrew Jackson, Win. H. Crawford, Henry Clay, and Adams. Jackson received a plurality of the popular vote, but there was no election by the Electoral College, and the issue was carried to the House of Repre- sentatives, where Adams was elected by a coalition. In 1828, Andrew Jackson was elected as a Democrat, and succeeded, himself as such in 1832. In 1836, Martin Van Buren was elected as a Democrat; and as there was no choice in the Electoral College for Vice-President, the Senate of the United States elected E. M. Johnson to that office. In 1840' William Henry Harrison was elected as a Whig. In 1844, James K. Polk was elected as a Democrat. In 1848, Zachary Taylor was elected as a Whig. In 1852, Franklin Pierce was elected as a Democrat, and in 1856, James Buchanan was elected as a Democrat. We have thus- traced the Presidential elections to 1856. Jefferson and Adams were the only Presidents ever elected by the House of Representatives.
The National convention system was not introduced until as late as 1831. Prior to that time candidates for President and Vice-President were nominated by congressional and legislative caucuses. Jackson and Calhoun were nominated in that manner in 1832 for President and Vice-President, but there was much opposition to the nomination of Calhoun, and a National convention was held at Baltimore, in May, to nominate a candidate for that office. Martin Van Buren was nominated, and elected with Jackson. In May, 1835, the Democrats assembled in National convention at Balti- more, and nominated Martin Van Buren for President. In, the same year, December 4, the Whigs held their first National convention, at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, nominat- ing William Henry Harrison for President, and Francis
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Granger for Vice-President. From this time the respective parties have selected their candidates for President and Vice-President through National conventions.
From the time the Government was formed there had been, to 1856, inclusive, nine distinct political parties, which were National in character, and appeared in the order in which we give them here. In 1789, the Federal party was organized. It favored the Federal Alliance or confederation, and claimed to be the preserver of the Union. Those who opposed that party in the time of Washington were known as Anti-Federalists, but afterward took the name of Eepublicans. In 1807, the Democratic party was organized, and although the principles advo- cated by this party changed from time to time, they have studiously held on to the original name. In 1831, the Na- tional Eepublican party was organized, to oppose thfr Democratic party; and in 1834, the Whig party vsas or- ganized in New York, as the continuation of the National Republican party. In 1840, the Abolition party appeared. Its distinctive feature was the advocacy of the abolition of slavery in the States which then held to that institu- tion. In 1848, the Free Soil party was organized. It op- posed the introduction of slavery into the Territories. The Know-Nothing party was formed in 1852 as a secret or- ganization. It announced the doctrine that "Americans should rule America," and for a time was successful in some of the States. In 1856, it was known as the Native American party. In that year the present Republican party was organized, with the avowed purpose of putting an end to the further extension of slavery.
The Abolition party made an incipient effort, in 1840, to run a candidate for President in the person of James G. Birney, of Michigan, nominating him at a convention held at Warsaw, New York, as early as November 13, 1839. He received but 7,059 votes in all the States, and 149 of
4 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS'.
these were cast in Illinois. In 1814, the Abolitionists again presented Birney, nominating him at Buffalo, New York, August 30, 1843. This time he received 62,300 votes. Of these Illinois cast 3,570.
The next anti-slavery candidate was Martin Van Buren, who was nominated by a Free Soil convention held at Buffalo, on the 9th of August, 1848. It was composed chiefly of Free Soil Democrats. His aggregate vote was 291,263, and 15,774 of this number were cast in Illinois. In August, 1852, the Free Soil Democrats assembled at Pittsburgh, and nominated John P. Hale, of New Hamp- shire, as their candidate for President. His vote was not so large as Vau Buren's, it being only 156,149. Illinois •gave him 9,966. But notwithstanding his vote was much less than Van Buren's, it furnished conclusive evidence that the anti-slavery sentiment had taken a strong hold •upon the minds of the people South as well as North, for Free Soil electoral tickets were formed in the slave States of Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and North Carolina.
(See Greeley & Cleveland's Political Text Book, 1860, and Lanman's Biographical Annals of the Civil Govern- ment of the United States, 1876.)
In the midst of these fruitless attempts to elect an anti- slavery man to the Presidency, there was a constant augmentation of the anti-slavery sentiment in all the free States and Territories ; and the nomination of Martin Van Buren was the first outward evidence that the thoughtful, practical men of the country were taking hold of the question. It had evidently become apparent to the minds of the anti-slavery factions of the Democratic and "Whig parties North and South— the men who were not willing to follow their party leaders blindly into error — that the Whig party would ultimately be swallowed up by the Democratic party, which would, in their judgment, result disastrously to the country. But the question was, how
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. O
should they arrest the great storm so visible to them in the political sky. Their numbers were comparatively few. They were fearless of all consequences. To their minds a new party seemed necessary to save the country from an intestine conflict. Martin Van Buren, of whom we have spoken, who had succeeded Andrew Jackson as President of the United States in 1836, and had been the Demo- cratic candidate for President in 1840, against William Henry Harrison, was nominated by them for President as the candidate of the Free Soil party. The result of his nomination was the defeat of Louis Cass, the regular Democratic candidate, and the election of Zachary Taylor. This election seemed only to put off the evil day, for the Democratic party succeeded four years after in electing Franklin Pierce over Winfield Scott, the candidate of the Whig party.
The Free Soil party having announced no principle except that of hostility to the further spread of slavery, did not commend itself to the favor of the people North, South, East and West who did not desire to enlist under the Democratic banner, and many of them united with the Native American party, which came forward in 1856, as the successor of the Whig and Know-Nothing parties, with Millard Fillmore, the Vice-President under Taylor and President after his death, as its candidate for Presi- dent. In the meantime the Free Soil party had abandoned its original name and came forward with a new name — the Eepublican party — a new* platform of principles and new accessions, chiefly from the Democratic party, in all the Eastern and Northwestern States, and John C. Fre- mont was chosen as its candidate for President, under the bold and broad declaration that there should be no fur- ther extension of slavery. The Democrats nominated James Buchanan. The triangular race resulted in the election of Mr. Buchanan, whose aggregate vote was
O POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
1,838,169; Fremont, 1,841,264; Fillmore, 874,534. Mr. Buchanan's plurality in Illinois was 9,159 ; Fremont's vote in Illinois was 96,189, and Fillmore's b7,444. But although Illinois cast her electoral vote for Buchanan, Wm. A. Eichardson, the Democratic candidate for Governor, was beaten b> Wm. H. Bissell, the Eepublican candidate, by a majority of 4.6J7. Mr. Bissell was an able and accom- plished gentleman, who had won popular fame as a soldier in the war with Mexico, and had represented the Belleville district in the Thirty-first, Thirty-second and Thirty-third Congresses.
With Mr. Bissell, there were elected John Wood, Lieu- tenant Governor ; 0. M. Hatch, Secretary of State ; Jesse K. Dubois, Auditor of Public Accounts ; James Miller, Treasurer, and Wm. H. Powell, Superintendent of Public Instruction. This was the first time in the history of Illinois that any person other than a Democrat had been chosen to fill a State office. Several times prior to this the Clay men or Whigs had taken up a Jackson man or Democrat and voted for him for Governor, against the person thought to be the favorite candidate of the lead- ing men of the dominant party, notably among whom was John Eeynolds, in 1830, who was elected over Wm. Kin- ney, then Lieutenant Governor. The election of Joseph Duncan in 1834 was another instance — Kinney being again a candidate. (See Ford's History.) Party lines between the Democrats and Whigs were not radically drawn in this State until about 1836, but the Whig party was always in a hopeless minority. The nearest the Whig party ever came to carrying the State was in the campaign between Harrison and Van Buren. Harrison received 45,537 votes and Van Buren 47,476. Of the formation of the Eepublican party we shall speak more at length in the succeeding chapter.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 7
Under Mr. Buchanan's administration the slave power became more and more aggressive. In fact, the slave power had dictated and dominated the legislation from the first Congress to the administration of Buchanan, in Whig as well as in Democratic administrations ; and in 1852, when the Whig and Democratic parties adopted, in National conventions, platforms which were identical on ihe slavery question, then it was that that question seemed to absorb all others in the National legislature. The •development of the country, the progress and happiness of its people, were lost sight of. Laws repugnant to the character and intelligence of the people of the free States had been passed from time to time, under the impudent threat of Southern senators and representatives that if they were not passed the South would dissolve the Union. -But the most obnoxious and offensive measure was the Fugitive Slave Law, which compelled the citizens of the free States to turn out at the will or command of the United States marshals to aid in the arrest or return of •slaves escaping from their masters into free territory.
And next to this was the assault upon Charles Sumner, & United States senator from the commonwealth of Mas- sachusetts. He had been brutally and murderously assaulted in open day in the United States Senate by Preston L. Brooks, a representative from South Carolina, ior simply expressing his political opinions in debate, and .although Brooks was expelled from that body, his con- stituents promptly re-elected him, as an indorsement of the brutal act.
Not only was the legislation of the National government in the interest of slavery, but the Supreme Court was made to bow to the demands of the power behind it. We refer to the Dred Scott decision. This was rendered in De- cember, 1S56, in a case wherein a colored man, whose name •was Dred Scott, had been taken, together with his wife and
8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
two daughters, by his master, John F. A. Sanford, a resi- dent of the State of Missouri, to Hock Island, Illinois, to reside. Illinois being a free State, these persons, there- fore, became free the moment they were landed on her soil with the intention to remain as residents.
On the return of Sant'ord with Scott and his family to Missouri, Scott sued in the State court for his freedom, and believing that few of our readers will be able to call to mind the true character of this cause, and that they will be interested in knowing the full significance of the decision, we print the substance of it, as reported by Benjamin C. Howard, the official reporter. The case is thus stated by him in the published decisions of that
court :
"This case was brought up, by writ of error from the Circuit Court of the United States for the district of Mis- souri. It was an action vi et armis, instituted in the circuit court by Scott against Sanford. Prior to the institution of the present suit, an action was brought by Scott for his free- dom in the Circuit Court of St. Louis county (State court), where there was a verdict and judgment in his favor. On a writ of error to the Supreme Court of the State, the judgment below was reversed, and the case remanded to- the Circuit Court, where it was continued to await the decision of the case now in question. The declaration of Scott contained three counts : one that Sanford had assaulted the plaintiff ; one that he had assaulted Harriet Scott, his wife, and one that he had assaulted Eliza Scott and Lizzie, his children."
The close of the syllabus of the case, as reported in 19th Howard, and which gives the substance of the longest and most interesting opinion ever rendered by the Supreme Court of the United States, is as follows :
"The plaintiff himself acquired no title to freedom by being taken by his owner to Rock Island in Illinois, and brought back to Missouri. This court has heretofore decided that the status or condition of a person of African descent depended on the laws of the State in which he resided. It has been settled by the decisions by the highest court in Missouri, that by the laws of that State a slave
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
does not become entitled to his freedom where the owner takes him to reside in a State where slavery is not per- mitted, and afterwards brings him back to Missouri.
"Conclusion : It follows that it is apparent upon the record that the cjurt below erred in its judgment in the plea in abatement, and also erred in giving judgment for the defendant when the exception shows that the plain- tiff was not a citizen of the United States. And as the Circuit Court had no jurisdiction either in the case stated hi the plea in abatement, or in the case stated in the exception, its judgment in favor of the defendant is- erroneous and must be reversed."
At that time the Supreme Court of the United States was composed of Chief Justice Taney, Justices Nelson, Grier, Danniel, Campbell, Catron, Wayne, McLean, and Curtis. Chief Justice Taney delivered the opinion, and Justices McLean and Curtis were the only members of the court who dissented.
The repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which had restricted slavery within the territory south of par- allel 36° 30', and which opened up all the Territories to- the spread of slavery, the brutal attempt to stifle free speech in the Senate of the United States, the extraor- dinary decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, and the effort of President Buchanan to force Kan- sas into the Union with a constitution which recognized slavery, were so palpably wrong in themselves, that the great body of the people in the North — Free Soilers, Na- tive Americans, Whigs and Democrats — were one in their denunciation of the aggressive steps of the slave power, and they stood ready with their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor, to do that which would preserve the Government and the Union as they had been handed down to them by Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and all the patriot-fathers.
In that long and exciting debate in Congress over the legislation relating to the admission of Kansas into the Union, Stephen A. Douglas was the only Democratic
10 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Senator, if we except George E. Pugh, of Ohio, who had the moral courage to oppose Buchanan's policy, and to Douglas' good name and great fame be it said he opposed it with manly courage, and with all the ability of his mas- ter mind, and because of this he was ostracised by the followers of the Administration, and its immense patron- age was freely used in Illinois with the hope of destroying Ms power in his own State.
Such was the condition of National politics when we •commence our history of the politics and politicians of Illinois, since which time the politics of Illinois have been the politics of the Nation.
CHAPTER II, SLAVERY AGITATION,
Why a New Party was Necessary— Missouri Compromise of 1820— Compro- mise Measures of 1850— Repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820— Douglas Denied the Right of Free Speech in Chicago— Organization of the Republican Party— Three Branches of the Government Pro-Slavery— Growth of the Republican Party— Caucus at Williamsville— First Repub- lican Convention at Cairo— First Republican Caucus at Metropolis.
WHY A NEW PARTY WAS NECESSARY.
The Republican party, which has had almost complete control of the governments of the State and Nation since 1861, was permanently organized in this State at Bloom- ington, May 29, 1856. Prior to that time the Democratic party had held, with the exception of a few brief inter- vals, the complete control of the government of the Nation since the formation of parties ; and while the Whig party had maintained an organization in the State from 1836
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 11
io the dissolution of the party, yet it had never been able to dispute, successfully, the right of the Democratic party io control the affairs of the State, and in order that the reader may better understand the causes which led to the .formation of the Eepublican party, brief reference is made io the history of the legislation of the National Govern- ment upon the slavery question. Slavery had been transmit- ted to the United States by the British Government, and although most all the early Fathers of the Kepublic were opposed to the institution, yet they were unable to eradi- cate it from a country whose declaration of independence Jiad voiced the doctrine that all men were created equal, aud slavery was thus left as a cancer upon the body politic, and remained the subject of bitter controversy be- tween the people of the North and South. For years prior to 1820, when what is known as the Missouri Com- promise was passed, the question had been assuming an important and alarming position in the public mind, and ever and anon threatened the dissolution of the Union. The States of the North had gotten rid of such negro slaves as they had originally possessed, and had enacted laws forbidding their citizens from owning or bringing within their limits, negroes for purposes of labor. The feeling, in these States, that slavery was sinful, had been pradu- -ally gaining ground, and there were many persons in the South who held the same view. Certain religious bodies in the country had distinctly expressed their belief that it was contrary to the teachings of Christianity to own slaves, and memorials had been presented to the Legislatures of some of the States, and to Congress, praying for the abo- lition of slavery. Though Congress did not hesitate to pass an Ordinance in 1787, dedicating the Northwestern Territory, of which Illinois was a part, to freedom, yet it steadily refused to comply with the demands of the peti- tions presented to it regarding the abolition of slavery
12 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
throughout the Nation. Article six of that Ordinance reads thus :
" There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly con- victed: Provided, always, that any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming; his or her labor or service as aforesaid."
The existence of slavery within the States was recog- nized and protected by the constitution, and Congress held that it had no right to interfere with the domestic rela- tions of the States.
MISSOURI COMPROMISE OF 1820.
In February, 1819, the Territory of Missouri, which was formed out of a part of the Louisiana purchase, asked permission to form a constitution preparatory to being admitted into the Union as a State. When the bill for this purpose was presented to the House of Kepresenta- tives on the 13th of February, Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, proposed to insert a clause providing " that the further introduction of slavery, or involuntary servitude, be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; and that all children born in said State after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be free [at the age of twenty-five years." The announcement of this amendment produced a great sensation in the House, and throughout the country. It was believed by the advocates of slavery that the reso- lutions of the House of Eepresentatives of 1790, in reply to the first petition presented to it for the abolition of slavery, which declared the policy of the Government to be non-interference with slavery in the States, had settled the question of the powers of the Federal government respecting slavery. The bill continued to be the subject
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 13
of a long and angry debate in the House, and finally passed that body by a small majority as amended by Mr. Tallmadge, but it \vas defeated in the Senate.
When Congress re-assembled in December, 1819, the discussion as to the admission of Missouri was again renewed, and again the House passed the bill as amended by Mr. Tallmadge, but when it reached the Senate the -clause prohibiting slavery was stricken out, and an amend- ment, offered by Senator Thomas, of Illinois, was substi- tuted, which was in these words : " Section 8. And be it further enacted, That in all the territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the State con- templated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited : Provided, always, that any per- son escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and con- veyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid." The title of the bill was amended so as to agree with this section when it was sent to the House of Representatives for its concurrence. The House refused to accept the amendment of the Senate, and a committee of conference was appointed by both houses for the purpose of agreeing upon a bill acceptable to both sections of the country.
During the sitting of the conference committee, Thomas Jefferson, who was then living in retirement at Monticello, Virginia, and who was sincerely opposed to slavery, wrote a patriotic letter in opposition to the passage of the bill as amended by Mr. Thomas; he deprecated the thought of establishing a sectional line, and said the mere
14 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
suggestion of such a line sounded to him like a fire-bell' at night, and that its consummation might sound the death- knell of the Union.
After weeks of bitter discussion before the committee of conference, the amendment offered by the Illinois Senator was adopted, and the bill as agreed upon by the com- mittee passed the Senate March 2, 1820, by a vote of 27 ayes to 15 noes, when it was sent to the House for its concurrence. The bill passed that body on the same day by a vote of 134 ayes to 42 noes. Both the Illinois Sena- tors, Edwards and Thomas, and the Eepresentative, Mr. Cook, voted for the bill. (See the House and Senate Journals.)
After the passage of the bill, in a letter under date of April 13, 1820, addressed to Win. Short, Mr. Jefferson said:
"I had laid down a law to myself, never to write, talk or even think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, and therefore had ceased to read newspapers, yet the- Missouri question aroused and filled me with alarm. I have been among the most sanguine in believing that our Union would be of long duration. I now doubt it much. My only comfort and confidence is that I shall not live to see this ; and I envy not the present generation the glory of throwing away the fruits of their fathers' sacrifice of life and fortune, and of rendering desperate the experi- ment which was to decide ultimately whether man was capable of self-government." (See Volume 7 of Jefferson's. Complete Works.)
Notwithstanding the compromise was introduced by Mr, Thomas, Benton tells us in his Thirty Years in the United States Senate, that its adoption was the work of the pro- slavery men.
The constitution under which Missouri applied for admis- sion into the Union sanctioned slavery, and contained a. clause which prohibited the Legislature from interfering: with the question.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 15
There was also a clause in it authorizing the Legislature to prohibit the emigration of free people of color into the State, and this clause was laid hold of in Congress to resist the admission of the State. It was treated as a breach of that clause in the Federal constitution which guarantees equal privileges in all the States to the citi- zens of every State, of which privileges the right of emigration was one ; and free people of color being admitted to citizenship in some of the States, this prohibition of emigration was held to be a violation of that privilege in their persons. Here followed an equally angry discussion over the peculiar features of this constitution, and it did not end until a committee of conference of the two houses had met and agreed upon a resolution favoring the admis- sion of the State upon the condition that her Legislature should first declare that the clause in the constitution relative to the colored emigration into the State should never be construed to authorize the passage of any act by which any citizen of any of the States of the Union should be excluded from the enjoyment of any privilege to which he may be entitled under the Constitution of the United States, and the President of the United States being furnished with a copy of said act, should, by pro- clamation, declare the State to be admitted. This reso- lution was passed in the House by a vote of 86 to 82, and in the Senate by a vote of 28 to 14.
The Legislature of Missouri complied with the require- ments of this resolution, and on the 10th of August, 1821, President Monroe issued a proclamation declaring the admission of Missouri into the Union, in complete accord- ance with law.
In his last message to Congress, President Polk had recommended the extension of the line 36° 30' north latitude to the Pacific, thus leaving it to the people
16 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
south of that line whether they would have slavery or not. This proposition was acceptable to the people of the South, but it did not meet with favor in the North.
COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850.
In 1849, when California applied to be admitted into the Union, with a constitution which prohibited slavery, the sectional controversy was again renewed, with alarm- ing fury, and grave fears were entertained for the safety of the Union. Zachary Taylor was President, and while recognizing, in his first message, the gravity of the situ- ation, and the danger which threatened the country from the sectional controversy, he expressed his determination to faithfully discharge his duties to the whole country, and recommended the admission of California, under the constitution her people had chosen ; and advised that Utah and New Mexico be organized as Territories, with liberty to decide the question of slavery for themselves, when they were ready to enter the Union as States.
Eegarding the preservation of the Union, President Taylor said:
"But attachment to the union of the States should be habitually fostered in every American heart. For more than half a century, during which kingdoms and empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots who formed it have long since descended to the grave ; yet still it remains the proudest monument to their mem- ory, and the object of affection and admiration with every one worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities, and to avert that should be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend our own happiness and that of countless generations to come. Whatever dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it, and maintain it in its integrity, to the full extent of the obligations imposed and the power conferred upon me by the Constitution."
16 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
south of that line whether they would have slavery or not. This proposition was acceptable to the people of the South, but it did not meet with favor in the North.
.
'
country,
• -
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 17
On the question of the admission of California, he was equally frank :
"No civil government having been provided by Congress for California, the people of that Territory, impelled by the necessities of their political condition, recently met in convention, for the purpose of forming a constitution and State government, which the latest advices give me reason to suppose has been accomplished ; and it is believed they will shortly apply for the admission of California into the Union as a sovereign State. Should such be the case, and should their constitution be conformable to the requi- sitions of the Constitution of the United States, I recom- mend their application to the favorable consideration of Congress."
The issue, as then made up between the North and the South, was this : The South opposed the admission of Cal- ifornia as a free State, and demanded the better execution of the fugitive slave law; the North was opposed to the admission of any more slave States; demanded the abo- lition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and was unwilling for the execution of the fugitive slave law within the Northern States. These questions occupied the attention of Congress almost exclusively, and the excitement permeated the entire Union, and repeated threats came from Southern Senators and Kepresenta- tives that if the demands of the South were not ac- ceded to, the Southern States would withdraw from the Union ; and the situation was indeed alarming, when, on the 29th of January, 1850, Henry Clay intro- duced ten resolutions in the Senate, as a compromise, which provided for the admission of California as a free State ; the organization of the Territories of Utah and New Mexico, without reference to slavery; the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the enactment by Congress of a more stringent and effective law for the rendition of fugitive slaves.
The resolution of Mr. Clay, which related to a compro- mise on the slavery question, was as follows:
18 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"Resolved, That as slavery does not exist by law, and' is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory ac- quired by the United States from the Bepublic of Mexico, it is inexpedient for Congress to provide by law either for its introduction into or exclusion from any part of the said territory ; and that appropriate Territorial govern- ments ought to be established by Congress in all of the said territory, not assigned as the boundaries of the pro- posed State of California, without the adoption of any restriction or condition on the subject of slavery."
Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, spoke thus in opposi- tion to the passage of the resolution:
"But, sir, we are called on to receive this as a meas- ure of compromise! Is a measure in which we of the minority are to receive nothing, a measure of compro- mise? I look upon it as but a modest mode of taking, that, the claim to which has been more boldly asserted by others ; and that I may be understood upon this ques- tion, and that my position may go forth to the country in the same columns that convey the sentiments of the Senator from Kentucky, I here assert that never will I take less than the Missouri Compromise line, extended ta the Pacific ocean, with the specific recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below that line ; and that, before such Territories are admitted into the Union as States, slaves may be taken there from any of the United States, at the option of their owners."
Mr. Clay, with no less candor or courage, replied to- Mr. Davis in these words :
"I am extremely sorry to hear the Senator from Mis- sissippi say that he requires, first, the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, and also that he is not satisfied with that, but requires, if I understood him correctly, a positive provision for the admission of slavery south of that line. And, now, sir, coming from a slave State, as I dp, I owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to say that no earthly power could induce me to vote for a specific measure for the intro- duction of slavery where it had not before existed, either South or North of that line. Coming, as I do, from a slave State, it is my solemn, deliberate and well-matured determination that no power, no earthly power, shall compel me to vote for the positive introduction of slavery either south or north of that line. Sir, while you/
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 19
reproach, and justly, too, our British ancestors for the in- troduction of this institution upon the continent of America, I am, for one, unwilling that the posterity of the present inhabitants of California and of New Mexico shall reproach us for doing just what we reproach Great Britain for doing to us. If the citizens of those Territo- ries choose to establish slavery, and if they come here with constitutions establishing slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in their constitutions ; but then it will be their own work, and not ours, and their pos- terity will have to reproach them, and not us, for form- ing constitutions allowing the institution of slavery to ex- ist among them. These are my views, sir, and I choose to express them ; and I care not how extensively or uni- versally they are known."
Mr. Calhoun was an invalid at the time the bill waa presented for the admission of California, and he brought, into the Senate a written speech of great length and care- fully prepared, which he was too weak to deliver, and upom his request it was allowed to be read by his friend, Senator Mason, from Virginia. We give place to the following, extract, as showing the views of the great Senator upon the slavery question, as it presented itself to his mind:
"I have, Senators, believed from the first that the agita- tion of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Enter- taining this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to call the attention of each of the two great parties which divide the country, to adopt some measure to prevent so great a disaster, but without success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no attempt to resist it, until it has reached a period when it can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. You have thus had forced 'upon you the greatest and the gravest question that can ever come under your consideration. How can the Union be preserved? . . . It is time, Senators, that there should be an open and manly avowal on all sides, as to what is intended to be done. If the question is not now settled, it is uncertain whether it ever can hereafter be ; and we, as the repre- sentatives of the States of this Union, regarded as govern- ments, should come to a distinct understanding as to our respective views, in order to ascertain whether the great
20 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
questions at issue can be settled or not. If you, who repre- sent the stronger portion, cannot agree to settle them on the broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and let the States we both represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you are unwilling that we should p irt in peace, tell us so, and we shall know what to do, when you reduce the question to submission or resistance. If you remain silent, you will compel us to infer by your acts what you intend. In that case, California will become the test question. If you admit her under all the difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us from the whole of the acquired Territories, with the intention of destroying irretrievably the equilibrium between the two sections. We would be blind not to perceive, in that case, that your real objects are power and aggrandizement, and infatuated not to act accordingly."
Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, was an earnest advocate of the compromise measure, and made a speech in support of it, which required three days for its delivery, and which produced a profound sensation throughout the country, and exercised a powerful influence in securing the passage of the bill.
During the pendency of the discussion of this bill, Presi- dent Taylor died, and Vice-President Fillmore became President, which, if possible, added new alarm to the situation.
Calhoun died before the bill admitting California came to a vote. It passed the Senate by a vote of 34 ayes to 18 noes. Ten of the Senators who voted against it pre- pared an elaborate protest against the passage of the bill, and asked that it be spread of record upon the journal, the pith of which was in these words :
"But, lastly, we dissent from this bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because, in sanctioning mp as- ures so contrary to former precedent, to obvious policy, to the spirit and intent of the Constitution of the United States, for the purpose of excluding the slave-holding States from the Territory thus to be erected into a State, this government in effect declares, that the exclusion of
POLITICS AND POL1TICIAKS OF ILLINOIS. 21
slavery from the territory of the United States is an object BO high and important as to justify a disregard not only of all the principles of sound policy, but also of the Con- stitution itself. Against this conclusion we must now and forever protest, as it is destructive of the safety and liber- ties of those whose rights have been committed to our care, fatal to the peace and equality of the States which we represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution of that confederacy, in which the slave-holding States have never sought more than equality, and in which they will not be content to remain with less."
The Senate declined to receive the protest, and the bill was sent to the House, where it was promptly passed, and receiving the signature of President Fillmore, Cali- fornia was admitted into the Union.
All this clamor about a dissolution of the Union grew out of the fact that the people of California had framed a constitution which excluded from her territory the barbar- ism of African slavery. This was the height and depth, the length and breadth of her offending.
The other features of Mr. Clay's resolutions of compro- mise continued to be the subject of debate in both branches of Congress, and, in the latter part of September, were formulated into bills which passed both houses, and re- ceiving the approval of the President, became the law of the land. (See Benton's Thirty Years in the United States Senate.)
EEPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE OF 1820.
This restored quiet to the country for a short time, and a short time only ; for in December, 1852, when Mr. Hall, of Missouri, introduced into the House of Representatives a bill to organize the Territory of Platte out of the vast territory which was then denned as the Platte Country, the sectional fires were again rekindled. The bill was referred to the Committee on Territories, which, in Feb- ruary, 1853, reported a bill organizing the Territory of Nebraska. Notwithstanding the Missouri compromise hud
22 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
restricted that country to free labor, the Southern mem- bers hoped to obtain a footing for slavery in at least a part of it; and on the 16th of January, 1854, Senator Dixon, of Kentucky, gave notice that whenever the Nebraska bill should be called up he would move the fol- lowing amendment: "That so much of the eighth section of an act approved March 6, 1820, entitled 'An act to authorize the people of the Missouri Territory to form a constitution and State government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, and to prohibit slavery in certain Terri- tories,' as declares that, 'in all the territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, M hich lies north of 36° 30' north latitude, slavery and in- voluntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be forever prohibited,' shall not be so construed as to apply to the Territory contemplated by this act, or to any other Territory of the United States; but that the citizens of the several States or Territories shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves within any of the Territories or States to be formed therefrom, as if the jsaid act, entitled as aforesaid, had never been passed." This announcement startled the people of the North, for the amendment proposed a reputation of the Missouri Compromise, without seeking its repeal.
Senator Douglas, Chairman of the Committee on Terri- tories, on the 28d of January, 13-54, reported a bill, which provided for the organization of the Platte country into two Territories. The southern portion, which lay directly west of Missouri, stretching to the Eocky Mountains on the west, and extending from the thirty-seventh to the 'fortieth parallel of north latitude, was to be organized .into a distinct Territory, to be called Kansas. The re- ,'mainder was to be called Nebraska, having the line of
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 23
43° 30' for its northern boundary, and Mr. Douglas in- corporated in the bill the main features of Mr. Dixon's amendment. Section 21 provided, "That, in order to avoid misconstruction, it is hereby declared to be the true intent and meaning of this act, so far as the ques- tion of slavery is concerned, to carry into practical opera- •tion the following propositions and principles, established by the compromise measures of one thousand eight hun- dred and fifty, to-wit:
"First. That all questions pertaining to slavery in the Territories, and in the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of the people residing there- in, through their appropriate representatives.
"Second. That all cases involving title to slaves, and questions of personal freedom, are referred to the adjudi- cation of the local tribunals, with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States.
"Third. That the provisions of the constitution and laws of the United States, in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into faithlul execution in all the ''organized Territories' the same as in the States."
The section of the bill which prescribed the qualifica- tions and mode of election of a Delegate from each of the Territories, was as follows: "The Constitution, and all laws of the United States which are not locally inappli- cable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States, except the section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which was superseded by the principles of the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measures, and is declared inoperative."
The bill passed the Senate by a vote of 37 ayes to 14 noes, and the House by 113 ayes to 100 noes; and on the 31st of May, 1854, received the approval of President Pierce. (See House and Senate Journals, 1854.)
24 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
By the passage of this bill all the Territories were opened up to the introduction of slavery, and the abroga- tion of the Missouri Compromise renewed the sectional strife.
RIGHT OF FREE SPEECH DENIED TO DOUGLAS.
It would seem strange that to the Senators of the free State of Illinois should be left the task of furnishing the legislation which was to extend the boundary of slavery, or gratify the extravagant demands of the pro-slavery men of the South. No special notice seems ever to have been taken in Illinois of the amendment offered by Senator Thomas, which formed the basis of the Missouri Compro- mise, but Douglas was denounced all through the North by the anti-slavery men — Democrats as well as Whigs — and was denied the right of free speech on his return to his home in Chicago, in Sept, 1854. He had caused the announcement to be made previous to his arrival that he would address his fellow-citizens at North Market Hall, in vindication of his course in Congress on the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and when the hour had arrived for the meeting, thousands upon thousands of persons thronged the place with no other motive than to prevent him from speaking, and for four long hours did he stand facing the mob, and at every lull of the tumult ventur- ing to address them, but at last he was forced to leave the stand without making himself heard, intelligibly, even for a moment.
During the discussion which preceded the passage of this bill, emigrant aid societies had been formed in the New England States for the purpose of aiding emigration to Kansas, and in view of the fact that emigration from the Southern States was slow, it became apparent to the pro-slavery men that if something was not done to coun- teract the Northern emigration, Kansas would become a free State, and in order to do this hundreds of pro-slavery
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 25
men from Missouri were sent over to take charge of the affairs of the Territory. On their arrival, formal notice was given to the free- State men to leave the Terri- tory and never return to it, but this they declined to dor and the result was that an intestine war prevailed for a long time, during which many free-State men were mur- dered in cold blood, while others were driven out of the- Territory with the loss of their property, many of whom were from Illinois ; and as a climax to these great wrongs, the pro-slavery men framed, through fraud, a constitution recognizing slavery, and attempted, by the aid of the Ad- ministration of President Buchanan, to force Kansas into- the Union under that constitution, and here the power and greatness of Douglas shone forth in their brightest splendor, for to his masterly opposition, more than to all other causes, was this outrage upon the character and intelligence of the people of Kansas averted, and thosa who had denounced him for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise now applauded him with a fervor that was as- boundless as the denunciation had been.
ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Here is the state of facts which impelled anti-slavery Democrats, anti-slavery Whigs and anti-slavery Americans to form a new party, with the hope of arresting the ag- gressive steps of the slave power in the National Govern- ment; and it was this that moved the anti-slavery men of Illinois to aid in the organization of the new party, .and one of the first meetings which took place in the State, for this purpose, was held in Jacksonville in 1853, at which there were only seven persons, namely, JOB. • 0. King, Elihu Wolcott, Charles Chappel, James Johnsonr John Mathers, William Harrison and Anderson Foreman^ A resolution was adopted pledging themselves to use all honorable means to prevent the further spread of slavery ~ In 1854, similar meetings were held in various counties of
-6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Central and Northern Illinois, and a State convention met at Springfield in October, and nominated John E. McClun, of McLean county, as a candidate for Treasurer, but the name of James Miller, of the same county, was after- wards substituted, and he made the race as an anti-Kan- sas-Nebraska man against John Moore, the Democratic candidate, but he failed of election.
The anti-slavery men were, for a long time, at a loss for an acceptable name for a new party. The first suggestion of Eepublican party, was made at the convention of Whigs held in Bloomington, in 1854, which nominated Jesse O. Norton for Congress, by Jesse Lynch, who introduced a resolution, which was seconded by John Cusey, which proposed to call the new organization the Eepublican party.
The anti-slavery movement continued to grow in magni- tude, and in the spring of 1856 the sentiment was ripe for the organization of a new party, and at the suggestion of the Jacksonville Journal, then a weekly newspaper, edited by Paul Selby, the present editor of the Illinois State Journal, a meeting of the anti-Kansas-Nebraska edi- tors was held at Decatur, February 22, for the purpose of outlining a political policy. There were present at this meeting V. Y. Ealston, Quincy Whig ; C. H. Eay, Chicago Tribune; 0. P. Wharton, Eock Island Advertiser', T. J. Pickett, Peoria Republican; George Schneider, Chicago Staats-Zeitung ; Charles Faxon, Princeton Post ; A. N. Ford, Lacon Gazette; B. F. Shaw, Dixon Telegraph; W. J. Usrey, Decatur Chronicle; Paul Selby, Jacksonville Jour- nal. A resolution was adopted recommending that a State convention be called to meet at Bloomington, May 29, and a committee consisting of one from each Congressional district, and two from the State at large, was selected for that purpose. The committee was as follows: W. B. Ogden, Chicago; S. M. Church, Eockford ; G. D. A. Parks,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 27
Joliet ; T. J. Pickett, Peoria ; E. A. Dudley, Quincy ; Wm. H. Herndon, Springfield ; E. J. Oglesby, Decatur ; Joseph Gillespie, Edwardsville ; D. L. Phillips, Jonesboro, and Gustavus Koarner and Ira 0. Wilkinson, from the State .at large.
Agreeably to the recommendation of the editorial con- vention, a State convention met at Bloomington, May 29. Many of the counties were unrepresented, but this did not •deter the convention from organizing, and John M. Palmer was chosen permanent President, with J. A. Davis, of .Stephenson, William Boss, of Pike, James McKee, of Cook, J. H. Bryant, of Bureau, A. C. Harding, of Warren, Rich- .ard Yates, of Morgan, H. 0. Jones, of Piatt, D. L. Phil- lips, of Union, George Smith, of Madison, J. H. Marshall, of Coles, J. M. Buggies, of Mason, G. D. A. Parks, of Will, and John Clark, of Schuyler, as Vice- Presidents. H. S. Baker, of Madison, C. L. Wilson, of Cook, John Tdson, of Adams, W. Bushnell, of LaSalle, and B. J. F. Jlanna, of KandoJph, were elected Secretaries.
After the usual forms and ceremonies, William H. Bis- :sell, of St. Clair, was nominated for Governor ; Francis A. Hoffman, for Lieut. -Governor, but subsequently the name of John Wood, of Adams, was substituted; 0. M. Hatch, of Pike, for Secretary of State ; Jesse K. Dubois, of Law- :rence, for Auditor; James Miller, of McLean, for Treas- urer, and W. H. Powell, of Peoria, for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
J. C. Conkling, of Sangamon, Asahel Gridley, of McLean, B. C. Cook, of LaSalle, C. H. Bay and N. B. Judd, of Cook, were constituted the State Central Committee.
Abraham Lincoln, 0. H. Browning, Bichard Yates, John
M. Palmer, Owen Lovejoy, Lyman Trumbull and John
Wentworth, were the minds which directed the destiny of
ithe new party, and its platform was so framed as to have
ano uncertain sound regarding the further extension of
28 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS- OF ILLINOIS.
slavery, nor was there any want of devotion to the Union of the States. Here are the resolutions which related to the National questions :
"Resolved, That we hold, in accordance with the opin- ions and practices of all the great statesmen of all parties- for the first sixty years of the administration of the gov- ernment, that under the constitution Congress possesses the power to prohibit slavery in the Territories ; and that whilst we will maintain all constitutional rights of the South r we also hold that justice, humanity, the principles of free- dom, as expressed in our Declaration of Independence and our National Constitution, and the purity and perpetuity of our government, require that that power should be exerted to prevent the extension of slavery into Territories hereto- fore free.
"Resolved, That the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was unwise, unjust and injurious ; an open and aggravated violation of the plighted faith of the States, and that the attempt of the present administration to force slavery into Kansas against the known wishes of the legal voters of that Territory, is an arbitrary and tyrannous violation of the rights of the people to govern themselves, and that we will strive by all constitutional means to secure to Kansas and Nebraska the legal guaranty against slavery of which they were deprived at the cost of the violation of the plighted faith of the Nation.
"Resolved, That we are devoted to the Union, and will, to the last extremity, defend it against the efforts now being made by the disunibnists of this administration to- compass its dissolution, and that we will support the Con- stitution of the United States in all its provisions, regard- ing it as the sacred bond of our union, and the only safe- guard for the preservation of the rights of ourselves and our posterity."
Upon this platform, as the fundamental principles of the new party, its standard bearers went forth to battle. It was the Presidential year. James Buchanan was the Dem- ocratic candidate for President ; Millard Fillmore the Native American ; and June 17, the anti-slavery Democrats and Whigs of the North met afc Philadelphia and organized the National Eepublican party, thus adopting the name which had been assumed by the new party in Illinois, and nom- inated John C. Fremont for President. Thus stimulated,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 29
the Kepublican party of Illinois went boldly forward to secure the election of their State ticket, and while Buchanan carried the State by a plurality of 9,160 over Fremont, the Republican State ticket was elected throughout. Bis- eell's majority over W. A. Kichardson, the Democratic candidate for Governor, was 4,697.
THREE BRANCHES OF THE GOVERNMENT PRO-SLAVERY. It is worthy of remark here, that when the Republican party carried the Presidential election in 1860, the pro- slavery men held control of three branches of the National •Government — both houses of Congress and the Supreme Court — and added to this was a voluntary avowal by the incoming President that their domestic institutions would in no wise be disturbed by the change made in political rulers. Notwithstanding this, they abandoned their places in Congress and attempted to establish an independent government with slavery as its chief corner stone, and when the government at Washington refused to acknowl- edge their independence, they made war on the Union, the result of which is known to all who read history.
PARTY AFFILIATIONS.
More than a quarter of a century has elapsed since the formation of the Republican party, and radical changes have taken place in the governments of the State and Nation, and with the change of issues a corresponding change in political affiliation. Many of the great leaders who took a prominent part in the formation of the Repub- lican party are numbered with the silent dead. Some of those who gave it character, courage and power in its infancy are now affiliating with the Democratic party, and many of the Democratic leaders who were then pro-slavery in sentiment, now make their political home with the Re- publican party.
30 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
GROWTH OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
The Republican party bad a very small beginning inc Sangamon county. When the Whig party dissolved, its- members became Native Americans or Democrats. One of the first Republican caucuses held in Sangamon county was at Williamsville, in the spring of 1856, and the only Republicans present were S. H. Jones, more familiarly known as Sam Jones, and Jacob Beck. Mr. Jones occu- pied the chair, and Mr. Beck made the speech of the occasion. The meeting had been called at their instance, and although the house was full of spectators, there was no one outside of these gentlemen who dared to announce their adhesion to the new party. Jones was made the dele- gate to the county convention which met at Springfield, in the law office of Lincoln & Herndon. There were only about a dozen, in all, present. Lincoln was the leading spirit, and pointed out the way to victory. At the following No- vember election, Williamsville cast fifteen votes for John C. Fremont ; and in 1880, there were some three hundred votes polled for Garfield, and the Republican majority was seventy-five, which shows that the seed of the new party was sown in good ground.
The first Republican convention held in Cairo was in the spring of 1858. This Was called to appoint delegates to the State convention at Springfield, which nominated Abraham Lincoln for United States Senator, in opposition to Douglas. The convention had been thoroughly adver- tised, and the house was well filled with people anxious to see how the new anti-slavery party progressed. Re- publicanism was by no means popular in that section at that time ; and there were just four representatives in the convention, namely, D. J. Baker, John C. White, James Summerville and C. C. Brown, now a member of the well-known law firm of Stuart, Edwards & Bixmn. White was elected chairman and Baker secretary. While the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 81
committee on resolutions, which consisted of Summerville and Baker, was out, Mr. Brown entertained the audience in a speech of some length, on the purpose and hope of the party; and next day the Chicago Tribune appeared with an extended account of the convention, entitling it the "First Gun from Egypt."
In 1859, when the Republican party was in its very infancy in Southern Illinois, William H. Green, then a Representative in the Twenty-first General Assembly, in- vited to his office, in Metropolis, a few prominent Demo- crats, for the purpose of consulting as to the best interests of the party. "Gentlemen," said he, "you may think this meeting unnecessary, or it may look to you like a farce, but I tell you now that the time is coming when the Democratic party of this State will have to thoroughly organize, if they wish to hold political supremacy; and I may say, that even in this county the Republican party will test our strength to the utmost." The Republicans of that county were not long in working out a literal ful- fillment of Mr. Green's prediction. The first Republican organization in Massac county took place at Metropolis, in the spring of 18JO. There were just five persons pre- sent—W. R. Brown, R. A. Peter, L. P, Stalcup, Tillman Robey and Thos. Moore. Mr. Brown was made chairman and Mr. Stalcup secretary. The vote in that county at the Presidential election was 940 for Douglas and John- son, 122 for Lincoln and Hamlin, 82 for Bell and Everett, and 4 for Breckmridge and Lane. But how marvelous the revolution in public sentiment. Massac county now gives a Republican majority, ranging from 300 to 700, and the same can be said of many other counties in Southern Illinois, the stronghold of Democracy.
32 POLITICO AND POLITIC. AN S OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER III. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1856,
J'irst Republican State Ticket— Democratic— Native American— Republican Success— Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Members of Congress- Electoral Tickets.
The political contest opened up early in the year ; that being the year of the Presidential election, the State con- ventions were necessarily early. There were three parties to claim the suffrages of the people. The Democrats held their convention at Springfield, May 1 ; the Native Ameri- cans, at the same place, May 6, and the Eepublicans at Bloomington, May 29, when this party was first organized of which we speak at length in the preceding chapter.
The State tickets, for the most part, were made up of able, eminent men, and on the electoral tickets the reader will observe such names as Abraham Lincoln, Henry P. H. Bromwell, David L. Phillips, John A. Logan, Orlando B. Ficklin, Wm. A. J. Sparks, Joseph Gillespie, Shelby M. Cullom and Wm. H. Parrish.
Heretofore the Democratic party had encountered little •or no opposition in the State or Presidential elections, but the formation of the Kepublican party, which was •composed largely of anti-slavery Democrats, had induced the belief that the party was in danger of losing its power in the State, and the campaign was therefore the more active and earnest on their part, and their activity created a corresponding industry on the part of the other parties, and the result was, that for five months the people in all
r^
32
POLITICS AND POLITIC. A.NS OF ILLINOIS.
AFTER III. .IGN OF
BUI r .
•
•
'
I p
.
•
I I
' • •
-
tion, the State con- arties
"INLAND MONTHLY"
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 83
parts of the State were kept in attendance night and day upon meetings of one or the other of the parties, and agreeably to the fears of far-seeing Democrats, the Democratic party lost the State election, notwithstanding its candidate for President carried it by a plurality of 9,150 over Fremont, while the Eepublican State ticket was elected througliout by a plurality over the Democratic ticket ranging from 4,697, to 8,191 and the Republican candidate for Treasurer had a majority of 20,213 over his Democratic competitor. The following is the aggregate vote for State officers, members of Congress, and Presidential electors:
GOVERNOB.
Wm. H. Bissell, R 111,466
Wm. A. Kichardson, D 1C6,<69
Buckner S. Morris, N. A 19,068
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR.
John Wood, R 110,603
R. J. Hamilton, D lul,^ J j
Parmenus 13ond, N. A 19,^^.6
SECRETARY OP STATE.
0. M. Hatch, R 115.-91
Wm. H. Siiyder, D 106,;00
Wm. H. Young, W. A 13,992
AUDITOR.
Jesse K. Dubois, R 109,:-17
Samuel K. Casey, D 106, -b >
Hiram Barber, N. A 10,05 1
TREASURER.
James Miller, R 1-27,715
John Moore, D 10<502
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
Wm. H. Powell, R 108 53 1
John H. St. Matthew, D 105 36i)
Ezra Jenkins, N. A 2J,5/iii
84 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
MEMBEES OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
Elihu B. Washtmrne, B ......................... 18,07O
Bichard S. Malony, D .......................... 6,227
B. D. Eastman, N. A ......................... 251
SECOND DISTRICT.
John F. Farnsworth, B ......................... 21,518.
John Yan Nortwick, D .......................... 9,814
B. F. James, N. A ...........................
THIRD DISTRICT.
Owen Lovejoy, B ............................... 19,068;
Uri Osgood, D .................................. 18,007
FOURTH DISTRICT.
Wm. Pitt Kellogg, B .......................... 16,175-
Jas. W. Davidson, D ........................... 14,474
A. H. Griffith, N. A ............................ 987
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Jackson Grimshaw, B ........................... 10,294
Isaac N. Morris, D ............................. 12,059
James S. Irwin, N. A .......................... 109*
SIXTH DISTRICT.
John Williams, B .............................. 12,077
Thomas L. Harris, D ........................... 14,196
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Henry P. H. Bromwell, B ...................... 9,878
Aaron Shaw, D ................................. 12,994
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
James D. Lansing, B .......................... 7,512
Bobert Smith, D ............................... 11;299'
NINTH DISTRICT.
Benjamin L. Wiley, B .......................... 3,419
.Samuel S. Marshall, D ......................... 15,96ft
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
35
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTOKS — FREMONT.
Abraham Lincoln
Frederick Hecker
Elijah P. Terry
Jerome J. Beardsley
William Fithian
T. Judson Hale '}-
Abraham Jonas
"Wm. H. Herndon . . . ,
Henry P. H. Bromwell '
Friend S. Eutherford \
David L. Phillips J
BUCHANAN.
Augustus M. Herrington
Chas. H. Constable
Merritt L. Joslyn
Hugh Maher
Milton T. Peters
Robert Holloway }•
John P. Richmond
Samuel W. Moulton
Orlando B. Ficklin
Wm. A. J. Sparks
John A. Logan
FlLLMORE.
Joseph Gillespie ^
Wm. N. Danenhower \
Orvil Miller, Jr
Levi D. Boone
Josiah Snow
John Durham }• . . . .*37,521
James Irwin
Shelby M. Cullom
John Coffer
Joseph H. Sloss
Wm. H. Parrish..
*The records at the office of the Secretary of State show only these fig- ures, and it is presumed that they represent the highest number of votes cast for the respective electoral tickets.
36 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER IV, STATE GOVERNMENT-1857,
Governor— William H. Bissell.
Lieutenant- Governor — John Wood.
Secretary of State— 0. M. Hatch.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Jesse K. Dubois.
Treasurer — William 13 u tier.
Superintendent of Public Instruction— Wm. H. Powell.
TWENTIETH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twentieth General Assembly convened January 5, and consisted of the following members:
SENATE.
Norman B. Judd, Cook. L. E. Worcester, Greene.
George Gage, MoHenry. C. W. Vanderen, Sangamon.
Waite Talcott, Winnebago. Joel S. Post, Macon.
J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Sam'l W. Fuller, Tazewell.
Augustus Adams, Kane. Wm. D. Watson, Coles.
G. D. A. Parks, Will. Mortimer O'Kean, Jasper.
B. C. Cook, LaSalle. Silas L. Bryan, Marion.
J. D. Arnold, Peoria. Joseph Gillespie, Madison.
T. J Henderson, Stark. Wm. H. Underwood. St.Clair.
Wm. C. Gjudy. Fulton. Sam'l H. Martin, White.
H.nim Rose, Henderson. E. C. Coffey, Washington.
Wm. H. Carlin, Adams. A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson. Hugh L. Sutphin, Pike.
HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES.
John Dougherty, Union. E. C. Ingersoll, Gallatin. Wesley Sloan, Pope. John A. Logan, Jackson.
Thomas Jones, Johnson. Jas. H. Watt, Randolph.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
37
H. S. Osborn, Washington. John A. "Wilson, Hamilton. W. B. Anderson, Jefferson. John E. Whiting, White. Charles P. Burns, Wayne. Wm. K. Morrison, Monroe. "Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. Wm. W. Koman, St. Clair. Wm. A. J. Sparks, Clinton. Lewis Ricks, Madison. Aaron P. Mason, Madison. •Daniel Gregory, Fayette. F. D. Preston, Eichland. Isaac Wilkins, Crawford. Nathan Willard, Clark. S. W. Moulton, Shelby. Calvin Goudy, Christian. B. T. Burke, Macoupin. Wright Casey, Jersey. John W. Huitt,' Greene. Sam'l Connelly, Edgar. Jas. E. Wyche, Coles. Jas. J. Megredy, Sangamon. S. M. Cullom, Sangamon. Cyrus Epler, Morgan, E. B. Hitt, Scott. John L. Grimes, Pike. King Kerley, Brown. Samuel Holmes, Adams. M. M. Bane, Adams. L. 1). Erwin, Schuyler. Wm. Tyner, Hancock. George Hire, McDonough. Joseph Dyckes, Fulton. James H. Stipp, Fulton.
The Democrats had a majority in both houses. Lieut. Gov. John Wood was the presiding officer of the Senate, and Ben. Bond was elected Secretary over E. T. Bridges, by a vote of 13 to 10.
Samuel Holmes was elected Speaker of the House over Isaac N. Arnold, by a vote of 36 to 28, and Charles Lieb was elected Clerk over E. T. Bridges, by a vote of 38 to 29.
Samuel Christy, Cass. A. W. Morgan, Logan. Jerome E. Gorin, Macon. Oliver L. Davis, Vermilion. J. H. Wickizer, McLean. Daniel Trail, Tazewell. A. V. T. Gilbert, Warren. M. Shallenberger, Stark. John T. Lindsey, Peoria. Eobert Boal, Marshall. Elmer Baldwin, LaSalle. Jas. N. Eeading, Grundy. John M. Crothers, Kendall. Truman W. Smith, Will. Franklin Blades, Iroquois. W. A. Chattield, Kankakee. David M. Kelsey, DeKalb. Wm. E. Parker, Kane. Geo. W. Eadcliffe, Bureau. H. G. Little, Henry. John V. Eustace, Lee. Dan'l J. Pinckney, Ogle. C. B. Denio, JoDaviess. Eollin Wheeler, Carroll. John A. Davis, Stephenson. Wm. Lathrop, Winnebago. L. S. Church, McHenry. L. W. Lawrence, Boone. W. M. Burbank, Lake. John H. Dunham, Cook. George W. Morris, Cook. Isaac N. Arnold, Cook. A. F. C. Mueller, Cook. David H. Frisbie, Knox.
38 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Of the prominent men, or those to attain prominence, of the two houses, there were : Judd, Cook, Henderson, Bryan, Gillespie, Underwood, Kuykendall, Dougherty, Sloan, Ingersoll, Logan, Anderson, Morrison, Sparks, Moulton, Cullom, Epler, 0. L. Davis, Blades, Lathrop, Isaac N. Arnold.
The message of Mr. Matteson, the retiring Governor, was submitted to the two houses on the 6th of January. Referring to the condition of the people, he said :
" Even in the midst of adverse elements, the hand of abundance has been opened upon the harvests of the husbandman. The firesides of the humble have been pro- tected and happy, and everywhere throughout the State labor is reaping a rich reward.
" With these sentiments, and a deep sense of thankful- ness towards a generous people for the confidence so freely extended, I am now about to surrender, with cheer- fulness, to my successor and to you, the trusts which have •engaged my attention for the last four years. I do this the more cheerfully because I recognize in you and my successor agents appointed by the people to receive them, and eminently qualified to keep and discharge them faithfully. I sunder the last official connections with her councils with emotions of no ordinary character. Having very great confidence in the patriotism and capacity of the distinguished individual elected to become my suc- cessor, I invoke for you and him harmony in council and patriotism of purpose."
The exhibit relating to the State debt made in his mes- sage showed that there had been paid during Mr. Matte- son's administration, of principal and interest, $7,079,198.42, leaving a debt of $12,834,144.85.
The revenue of the Illinois and Michigan Canal was estimated at $150,000 for the year 1857.
In closing his message, Mr. Matteson said:
"I lay down the cares of office with cheerfulness, and surrender the responsible interests of the State into the hands of my successor and yourselves, with the prayer upon my heart that her progress may continue, and her people, for a long time in the future, live in the enjoy- ment of republican freedom, prosperity and happiness."
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 89
Gov. Matteson's administration had been eminently pop- ular, the people had become prosperous and happy, and ihe State debt had been placed in course of ultimate and «asy extinction.
Owing to the physical disability of Gov. Bissell, caused by an attack of paralysis, the two houses repaired to the Executive Mansion on the 12th of January, and in their presence he took the oath of office, and at his request his message was read to the two houses on the same day by I. E. Diller. Mr. Bissell recommended the erection of a new penitentiary ; the revision of the school law ; friendly legislation in the interest of the Illinois Central Eailroad, and paid a fitting compliment to the men who had been foremost in the inception of that great enterprise, in these words :
"It is but reasonable, perhaps, that I should here avail myself of the opportunity of distinguishing certain indi- viduals who were prominent in the inception of this great enterprise. To Morris Ketchum, George Griswold, David A. Neal and Jonathan Sturges, are we mainly indebted for the successful carrying out of this great project. Mr. Ketchum, -especially, was as active as he was efficient in organizing the company, and in devising ways and means for the prose- cution of the work. In these things he was ably sustained by the other gentlemen named. And on more than one occasion, when the prospects of the enterprise were shrouded in gloom and doubt, and when nothing but the most bold and skillful policy could have saved it, these gentlemen risked their own private means to an extent which, had the enterprise failed, would have involved some of them, at least, in irretrievable ruin. I take pleasure, therefore, in placing these gentlemen before the State in the light which I know is proper to them, that our people in future may never forget to whom they are mostly indebted for the great work of the Central Eailroad."
The agitation of the slavery question was then the sub- ject which occupied the attention of the people of the State more than all others, and Mr. Bissell, having been elected on the Eepublican ticket as an anti-Nebraska Dem- ocrat, alluded to the question in these terms :
40 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"The question of the extension of slavery into our new National territory, although not forming any part of State politics, was, nevertheless, so prominent a feature in the late canvass, as to create the expectation, perhaps, that I should, on this occasion, say something concerning it.
" Up to the time of the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise, I had ever considered the existence of slavery within the United States as an anomaly in our republican sys- tem, tolerated by a necessity springing from the actual presence of the institution among us when our Constitu- tion was adopted.
" The provisions in the Constitution for a slave basis of representation, and for the reclamation of fugitives from labor, I had supposed, and still suppose, were admitted there upon that necessity. And that such were also the views of a vast majority of the American people, both North and South, I had, until the introduction of the Kan- sas-Nebraska bill, never doubted.
"But the introduction, progress and passage of that measure, together with the course of argument made to sustain it, forced me reluctantly to the conclusion that, if finally successful, slavery is no longer to be considered or treated as anomalous in our system, but is rather, thenceforward, to be a leading and favorite element of society, to be politically recognized as such, and to which all else must bend and conform. This conclusion is strengthened, not a little, by the subsequent administration of the measure, in the same hands which originated and matured it. Considering that we are intelligent people, living in an enlightened age, and professing the peaceful doctrines of Christianity, and a love of liberty above all things earthly, it may "well be doubted whether, when the world's history shall have been written to its close, it will contain a more extraordinary page than that which shall record the history of Kansas in 1855 and 1856.
"Forced to the conclusion stated, a large portion of our fellow- citizens, myself among them, have resisted the con- summation as we best could; and believing that not the fate of the negro alone, but the liberties of the white man, of all men, are involved in the issue, we shall con- tinue to resist according to our best ability.
"In doing this we shall ever be careful neither to forget nor disregard the value of the Union, the obligations of the Constitution, nor even the courtesies due our brethren of the South."
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 41
The legislation of this session was mainly directed in the interest of the several towns or local communities, but among the more important laws enacted were the acts to establish and maintain free schools ; to establish and main- tain a normal university at Bloomington; to amend the banking law; to provide for a general system of railroad incorporations ; to provide for the incorporation of county agricultural societies; to fund the arrears of interest accrued and unpaid on the public debt ; to lease the pen- itentiary to Samuel K. Casey for five years, and to build an additional penitentiary, in which David Y. Bridges, Chauncey L. Higbee and Nelson D. Edwards were consti- tuted commissioners, with full power and authority to- select and obtain, by purchase, a suitable site for the same.
The topics which claimed the time of the House and elicited the attention of the people in general, was the discussion of the motion to print 20,000 copies of Gov. Bissell's message for the use of the House, and a resolu- tion to repeal the "black laws." There had been a unani- mous vote in favor of printing 20,000 copies of Matteson's message, in English, and a vote of 65 ayes to 4 noes, in favor of printing 5,000 copies in German, but when it was- proposed to print 20,000 copies of Bissell's message, a motion was made to reduce the number to 10,000. The House being Democratic, and Mr. Bissell having been elected as a Eepublican, there was a strong disposition to circumscribe the publication of his message, and the motion to print 10,000 instead of 20,000 copies continued the subject of an angry debate for over a week, when, on the 20th of January, the resolution passed in that form by a vote of 41 ayes to 32 noes.
On the 10th of February, Mr. Kelsey presented a peti- tion of the citizens of Illinois, praying for the repeal of certain black laws, which was referred to a select committee
42 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
of three, consisting of Messrs. Kelsey, Pinckney and Wyche. February 16, Mr. Wyche, from a minority of the com- mittee to which the petition had been referred, made a report, which, on motion of Mr. Jarrot, was laid on the table by a vote of 28 ayes to 42 noes, which ended the discussion on that subject.
A sine die adjournment was taken on February 19.
CHAPTER V. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1858,
Three Tickets: ^Republican — Democrat— Buchanan Democrat— Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Aggregate Vote by Districts for Members of Con-
The Democrats were the first to nominate a State ticket to be voted for at the ensuing November election. The convention was held at Springfield, on the 21st of April. W. B. Fondey was nominated for Treasurer, and ex-Gov. August C. French for Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion ; and although Stephen A. Douglas was the very idol of the intelligent portion of the party, yet the conven- tion did not, in unmistaken terms, condemn the admin- istration of Buchanan for its attempt to force Kansas into the Union as a slave State, in opposition to the expressed will of a majority of the people of the Territory, nor did it indorse Douglas for re-election to the United States Sen- ate for his manly resistance to this great wrong, but left him to make the canvass as best he could. But that por- tion of the party best known as the office-holders, were not willing that he should have the race to himself, or
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 43
that the men nominated should be accepted as the can- didates of the National Democratic party. They accord- ingly held an opposition convention in Springfield, on the Dth of May, and nominated John Dougherty for Treasurer, and ex-Gov. John Keynolds for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The Eepublicans met at the same place, on the 15th of June, and nominated James Miller for Treasurer, and JNewton Bateman for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The State was thoroughly canvassed by all the candi- dates, but it was apparent, from the first, that the prime object of the Buchanan faction was to break down Douglas. They vigorously and bitterly assaulted him from the one side, while Lincoln pursued him with great power and in- imitable ability on the other; but, notwithstanding this two-fold attack, a legislature favorable to Douglas' re-elec- tion was chosen, although the Eepublicans elected their State ticket by a vote of 125,430, as against 121,609 for the regular Democratic ticket. The so-called Nationals received frut 5,071 votes. Not a single Buchanan Democrat was elected to either house, which rendered the vindication of Douglas before the people the more gratifying to his friends.
The aggregate vote for State officers and Congressmen, "by districts, is as follows:
TREASURER.
James Miller, E 125,430
Wm. B. Fondey, D 121,609
John Dougherty, B. D 5,071
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
Newton Bateman, E 124,556
August C. French, D 122,413
John Eeynolds, B. D 5,173
44 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
Eliim B. Washburne, E 15,811
Hiram Bright 6,457
Eichard H. Jackson 870'
Scattering 7
SECOND DISTRICT.
John F. Farnsworth, E 21,797
Thomas Dyer 13,198
B. F. Blackburn 701
Scattering 3>
THIRD DISTRICT.
Owen Lovejoy, E 22,313
George W. Armstrong 14,988
David Leroy 1,328
Scattering 14
FOURTH DISTRICT.
William Kellogg, E 19,487
James W. Davidson 16,860
Jacob Gale -. 553
Scattering 1
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Isaac N. Morris, D 13,529
Jackson Grimshaw 11,643
Jacob C. Davis 504
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Thomas L. Harris, D 16,193
James H. Matheny 11,646
John L. McConnel 275
Scattering 3*
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
James C. Eobinson, D 13,588
Richard J. Oglesby 11,760
S. G. Baldwin 37
Scattering 1
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 45
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
iPhfflip B. Fouke, D 11,490
Jehu Baker 8,410
Thomas M. Hope 198
NINTH DISTRICT.
John A. Logan, D 15.878
David L. Phillips 2,796
Wm. K. Parrish 144
CHAPTER VI, DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN-1858,
Lincoln's Challenge of Douglas for a Joint Debate— Douglas* Reply— Lin- coln's Rejoinder— Debate at Freeport.
The campaign between Douglas and Lincoln for a seat in the United States Senate, was the most noted in the annals of the history of any of the States; and we have given precedence to the name of Douglas for the reason that at that time he was regarded as the foremost states- man in the land; while the reputation of Lincoln was confined chiefly to his own State. The character of the two men as regards their prominence in the public mind may be better understood by quoting briefly from a speech made by Mr. Lincoln, in Springfield, on the evening of the 28th of July, which is taken from a report printed in ihe State Register of the following day. Referring to Douglas, he said: "All the anxious politicians of his party have been looking to him as certainly at no very distant
46 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
day to be the President of the United States. They have- seen in his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land- offices, marshalships, and cabinet appointments, charge- ships and foreign missions bursting and spouting out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so long, they cannot, in the little dis- traction that has taken place in the party, bring them- selves to quite give up the charming hope; but with greedier anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, give him marches, triumphal entries and receptions beyond what even in the days of his highest prosperity they could have brought about in his favor. On the contrary, no- body has ever expected me to be President." Although there is some sarcasm mixed with this allusion to Doug- las, yet it is evident that Mr. Lincoln felt that his adver- sary possessed an advantage over him by reason of his National reputation ; and it is doubtful if Lincoln himself, or any of his warmest admirers, had the slighest hope that he would ever rise to the exalted position in which Douglas was held in the eyes of his countrymen.
The Democratic party was divided. There was the Buchanan Democracy, and the Douglas Democracy. The Administration of Buchanan had sought to force Kansas into the union of States with a constitution which pro- tected slavery. Douglas had opposed this unjust policy with manly courage, and the issue was carried to Illinois,, and on it he made his campaign for re-election to the United States Senate. The office-holders were opposed to him, but the untrammeled masses of his party were almost to a man in favor of his re-election, notwithstand- ing the State convention had given him only a half- hearted endorsement. Lincoln, on the other hand, had been chosen by a State convention of the Eepublican party as their candidate for United States Senator, with
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 47
the unqualified avowal that he was opposed to the further extension of slavery. At the convention which nominated him for that distinguished trust, which was held in Spring- field, that year, Mr. Lincoln, in the course of an address- to that body, gave utterance to these memorable words: "If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could then better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not cased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall— but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or, its advocates will put it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. Have we no tendency to the latter condition?" Mr. Lincoln had evi- dently been deeply impressed with the National situation upon the question of slavery, and while his party had no well defined theory as to what ought to be done in the premises, or what would be the final outcome of the mo- mentous issue, yet he believed in his own mind that the slavery question could not long continue to agitate the public mind in the form it then presented itself, but that sooner or later a crisis would come which would forever remove the subject from controversy between the people
48 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
of the North and South, and these words were as pro- phetic as they were significant, and showed conclusively that Lincoln thought more of the true interests of his country than 'he did of his personal advancement polit- ically.
On the 24th of July, Lincoln challenged Douglas to a joint discussion of the issues between the two parties, and after some circumlocution on the part of the great Sena- tor, he accepted the challenge, suggesting seven meetings, naming Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, Gales- burg, Quincy and Alton, reserving for himself four openings and closings. Lincoln accepted the proposition without delay and without ceremony. The debates were attended by thousands upon thousands of people, many of whom came from neighboring States, traveling hundreds of miles to witness the intellectual conflict between these great men. Indeed, the contest attracted the attention of the people of every State in the Union, and from that time to this our State has really been the central figure in National politics. This discussion even surpassed the cam- paign of Henry A. Wise against Native Americanism in Virginia. While it lasted, many people turned aside from their daily pursuits, and employed their time in watching and reading the progress of this most wonderful and excit- ing contest, which opened at Ottawa on the 21st of August, and closed at Alton on the 15th of October, occupying a period of fifty-six days. The debates were produced in book-form under the direction of their respective short- hand reporters, and we deem it but fit that we should reproduce one of their joint discussions in full, that the reader may form a better idea of the mental character of these grand men as they appeared before the country. We have selected the meeting which took place at Free- port on the 27th of August as the one which shall best serve that purpose, it being their second joint debate.
48
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
of the North and South, and these words were as pro- phetic as they were significant, and showed conclusively that Lincoln thought more of the true interests of his nnnntry tha.n'hfi did of his -personal advancement polit-
Q tbe 24fch ef las to a
and
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 49
'The interrogatories put to Douglas on that occasion by Lincoln undoubtedly had the effect to return Douglas to the Senate, and make Lincoln President.
Here is the correspondence which passed between them in relation to the joint debate:
MB. LINCOLN TO MR. DOUGLAS.
"CHICAGO, ILL.,. July 24, 1858.
"HoN. S. A. DOUGLAS — My Dear Kir: "Will it be agree- able to you to make an arrangement for you and myself to divide time, and address the same audiences the pres- ent canvass? Mr. Judd, who will hand you this, is author- ized to receive your answer; and, if agreeable to you, to enter into the terms of such agreement.
"Your obedient servant,
" A. LINCOLN."
MR. DOUGLAS TO MR. LINCOLN.
" CHICAGO, ILL., July 21, 1858.
" HON. A. LINCOLN — pear Sir: Your note of this date, in which you inquire if it would be agreeable to me to make an arrangement to divide the time and address the same audiences during the present canvass, was handed me by Mr. Judd. Recent events have interposed difficulties in the way of such an arrangement.
"I went to Springfield last week for the purpose of con- ferring with the Democratic State Central Committee upon the mode of conducting the canvass, and with them, and under their advice, made a list of appointments covering the en ire period until late in October. The people of the several localities have been notified of the times and places of the meetings. Those appointments have all been made for Democratic meetings, and arrangements hnve been made by which the Democratic candidates for Congress, for the Legislature, and other offices, will be present and address ihe people. It is evident, therefore, that these various candidates, in connection with myself, will occupy the whole time of the day and evening, and leave no opportunity for other speeches.
"Besides, there is another consideration which should be kept in mind. It has been suggested recently that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candi- date for the United States Senate, who, with yourself,
50 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
should canvass the State in opposition to me, with no> other purpose than to insure my defeat, by dividing the Democratic party for your benefit. If I should make this arrangement with you, it is more than probable that this- other candidate, who has a common object with you, would desire to become a party to it, and claim the right to speak from the same stand; so that he and you, in concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case.
" I cannot refrain from expressing my surprise, if it was your original intention to invite such an ammgtrcent, that you should have waited until after I had made my appoint- ments, inasmuch as we were both here in Chicsgo together for several days after my arrival, arid again at BJooming- ton, Atlanta, Lincoln and Springfield, where it vas well known I went for the purpose of consulting with the State Central Committee, and agreeing upon the plan of the campaign.
" While, under these circumstances, I do not feel at liberty to make any arrangements which would deprive the Demo- cratic candidates for Congress, State offices, and the Legis- lature from participating in the discussion at the various meetings designated by the Democratic State Central Com- mittee, I will, in order to accommodate you as far as it is in my power to do so, take the responsibility of making an arrangement with you for a discussion between .us at one prominent point in each Congressional District in the State, except the second and sixth districts, where we have both spoken, and in each of which cases you had the con- cluding speech. If agreeable to you, I will indicate the following places as those most suitable in the several Con- gressional Districts at which we should speak, to- wit:. Freeport, Ottawa, Galesburg, Quincy, Alton, Jonesboro and Charleston. I will confer with you at the earliest con- venient opportunity in regard to the mode of conducting the debate, the times of meeting at the several places, subject to the condition, that where appointments have already been made by the Democratic State Central Com- mittee at any of those places, I must insist upon you> meeting me at the times specified.
"Very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
"S. A. DOUGLAS."
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 51
MR. LINCOLN TO MR. DOUGLAS.
" SPRINGFIELD, July 29, 1858.
"HoN. S. A. DOUGLAS — Dear Sir: Yours of the 24th im relation to an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audiences, is received: and, in apology for not sooner replying, allow me to say, that when I sat by you at din- ner yesterday, I was not aware that you had answered my note, nor, certainly, that my own note had been presented to you. An hour after, I saw a copy of your answer im the Chicago Times, and, reaching home, I found the orig- inal awaiting me. Protesting that your insinuations of attempted unfairness on my part are unjust, and with the hope that you did not very considerately make them, I proceed to reply. To your statement that 'It has been sug- gested, recently, that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition, to me,' etc., I can only say that such suggestion must have been made by yourself, for certainly none such has been made by or to me, or otherwise, to my knowledge.. Surely you did not deliberately conclude, as you insinuate, that I was expecting to draw you into an arrangement of terms, to be agreed on by yourself, by which a third can- didate and myself, 'in concert, might be able to take the- opening and closing speech in every case.' •"As to your surprise that I did not sooner make the proposal to divide time with you, I can only say, I made it as soon as I resolved to make it. I did not know but that such proposal would come from you. 1 waited, re- spectlully, to see. It may have been well known to you that you went to Springfield for the purpose of agreeing on the plan of campaign ; but it was not so known to me. When your appointments were announced in the papers,, extending only to the 2Ist of August, I, for the first time, considered it certain, that you would make no proposal to- me, and then resolved that, if my friends concurred, I would make one to you. As soon thereafter as I could see and consult with friends satisfactorily, I did make the proposal. It did not occur to me that the proposed ar- rangement could derange your plans after the latest of your appointments already made. After that, there was,, before the election, largely over two months of clear time..
" For you to state that we have already spoken at Chicago] and Springfield, and that on both occasions I had the con- cluding speech, is hardly a fair statement. The truth,'
52 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
rather, is this : At Chicago, July 9th, you made a care- fully prepared conclusion on my speech of June 16th. Twenty-four hours after, I made a hasty conclusion on yours of the 9th. You had six days to prepare, and con- cluded on me again at Bloomington on the 16th. Twenty- four hours after, I concluded again on you at Springfield. In the meantime, you had made another conclusion on me at Springfield, which I did not hear, and of the contents of which I knew nothing when I spoke ; so that your speech made in daylight, and mine at night, of the 17th, at Spring- field, were both made in perfect independence of each other. The dates of making all these speeches will show, I think, that in the matter of time for preparation, the advantage has all been on your side, and that none of the external circumstances have stood to my advantage.
" I agree to an arrangement for us to speak at the seven places you have named, and at your own times, provided you name the times at once, so that I, as well as you, can have myself the time not covered by the ar- rangement. As to the other details, I wish perfect reci- procity, and no more. I wish as much time as you, and that conclusions shall alternate. That is ah1. "Your obedient servant,
"A. LINCOLN."
"P. S. As matters now stand, I shall be at no more of your exclusive meetings ; and for about a week from to-day a letter from you will reach me at Springfield.
"A. L."
MR. DOUGLAS TO MB. LINCOLN.
"BEMENT, PIATT Co., ILL., July 30. 1P58. "Dear Sir: Your letter, dated yesterday, accepting my proposition for a joint discussion at one prominent point in each Congressional District, as stated in my previous letter, was received this morning.
"The times and places designated are as follows : Ottawa, LaSalle county, August 21st, 1858. Freeport, Stephenson county, August 27th, 1858. Jonesboro, Union county, September 15th, " Charleston, Coles county, 18th, "
Galesburg, Knox county, October 7th. " Qnincy, Adams county, 13th, "
Alton, Madison county, 15th, "
/"I agree to your suggestion that we shall alternately open and close the discussion. I will speak at Ottawa
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 53
one hour, you can reply, occupying an hour and a half, and I will then follow for half an hour. At Freeport you shall open the discussion, and speak one hour, I will fol- low for an hour and a half, and you can then reply for half an hour. We will alternate in like manner in each successive place.
" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"S. A. DOUGLAS." "HoN. A. LINCOLN, Springfield, 111."
MB. LINCOLN TO MB. DOUGLAS.
" SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 31, 1858. "HoN. S. A. DOUGLAS — Dear Sir: Yours of yesterday, naming places, times and terms, for joint discussions be- tween us, was received this morning. Although, by the terms, as you propose, you take four openings and closings, to my three, I accede, and thus close the arrangement. I diiect this to you at Hillsboro, and shall try to have both your letter and this appear in the Journal and Register of Monday morning.
"Your obedient servant,
"A. LINCOLN."
SECOND JOINT DEBATE AT FBEEPOBT, AUGUST 27, 1858. MB. LINCOLN'S SPEECH.
".LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: On Saturday last, Judge Douglas and myself first met in public discussion. He spoke one hour, I an hour and a half, and he replied for half an hour. The order is now reversed. I am to speak an hour, he an hour and a half, and then I am to reply for half an hour. I propose to devote myself during the first hour to the scope of what was brought within the range of his half hour's speech at Ottawa. Of course there was brought within the scope in that half hour's speech something of his own opening speech. In the course of that opening argument Judge Douglas proposed to me seven distinct interrogatories. In my speech of an hour and a half, I attended to some other parts of his speech, and incidentally, as I thought, answered one of the inter- rogatories then. I then distinctly intimated to him that I would answer the rest of his interrogatories on condi- tion only that he should agree to answer as many for me.
54 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
He made no intimation at the time of the proposition, nor did he in his reply allude at all to that suggestion of mine. I do him no injustice in saying that he occu- pied at least half of his reply in dealing with me as though I had refused to answer his interrogatories. I now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, upon condition that he will answer questions from me not ex- ceeding the same number. I give him an opportunity to respond. The Judge remains silent. I now say that I will answer his interrogatories, whether he answers mine or not; and that after I have done so, I shall propound mine to him.
" I have supposed myself, since the organization of the Republican party at Bloomington, in May, 1856. bound, as a party man, by the platforms of the party, then and since. If, in any interrogatories which I shall answer, 1 go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but my- self. Having said this much, I will take up the Judge's interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times, and answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the interroga- tories in writing, and also my answers to them. The first one of these interrogatories is in these words : "
Question 1. " I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law?"
Answer. "I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.''
Q. 2. "I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them?"
A. "I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union."
Q. 3. " I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make?"
A. "I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make."
Q. 4. "I want to know whether he stands to-day, pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Col- umbia?"
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 55
A. "I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia."
Q. 5. "I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the •different States ? "
A. "I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the ;slave-trade between the different States."
Q. 6. "I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, north as well as south of the Missouri Compromise line ? "
A. "I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the United States Territories. "
Q. 7. " I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any new territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein."
A. "1 am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of ierritory ; and, in any given case, I would or would not oppose such acquisition, accordingly as I might think such acquisition would or would not aggravate the slavery ques- tion among ourselves."
" Now, my friends, it will be perceived, upon an exam- ination of these questions and answers, that, so far, I have •only answered that I was not pledged to this, that or the other. The Judge has not framed his interrogatories to ask me anything more than this, and I have answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered truly that I am not pledged at all upon any of the points to which I have answered. But I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatory. I am, rather, disposed to take up at least some of these questions, and state what I ically think upon them.
" As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive Slave Law, I have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesi- tate to say, that I think, under the Constitution of the United States, the people of the Southern States are en- titled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave Law. Having said that, I have had nothing to say in regard to the existing Fugi- tive Slave Law, further than that I think it should have been framed so as to be free from some of the objections that pertain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regard to an alteration or modification of that law, I would not be the man to introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery.
56 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
" In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged? to the admission 01 any more slave States into the Union,. I state to you very frankly that I Would be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in a position of having to pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another slave State admitted into the "Union ; but, I must add, that if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the con- stitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union.
"The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the second, it being, as I conceive, the same as the second.
" The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. In relation to that 1 have my mind distinctly made up. I should be exceedingly glad to see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to- abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions : First, that the abolition should be gradual ; second, that it should be on a vote of the ma- jority of qualified voters in the District; and third, that compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and, in the language of Henry Clay, ' sweep- from our capital that foul blot upon our Nation.'
"In regard to the fifth interrogatory, 1 must say here, that as to the question of the abolition of the slave-trade between the different States, I can truly answer, as I have, that i am pledged to nothing about it. It is a subject to which I have not given that mature consideration that would make me feel authorized to state a position so as to hold myself entirely bound by it. In other words, that question has never been prominently enough before me to induce me to investigate whether we really have the con- stitutional power to do it. I could investigate it, if I had sufficient time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject; but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, and to Judge Douglas. I must say, however, that if I should be of opinion that Congress does possess-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 57
the constitutional power to abolish the slave-trade among the different States, I should still not be in favor of the exercise of that power, unless upon some conservative principle, as I conceive it akin to what I have said in relation to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.
"My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be prohibited in all the Territories of the United States, is full and explicit within itself, and cannot be made clearer by any comments of mine. So, I suppose, in regard to the question, whether I am opposed to the acquisition of any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein, my answer is such that I could add nothing by way of illustration, or making myself better understood, than the answer which I have placed in writing.
"Now, in all this the Judge has me, and he has me on the record. I suppose he had flattered himself that I waa really entertaining one set of opinions for one place and another set for another place — that I was afraid to say at one place what I uttered at another. What I am say- ing here, I suppose I say to a vast audience as strongly tending to Abolitionism as any audience in the State of Illinois, and I believe I am saying that which, if it would be offensive to any persons and render them enemies to- myself, would be offensive to persons in this audience.
"I now proceed to propound to the Judge the interroga- tories, so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward a new installment when I get them ready. I will bring them forward now, only reaching to number four. The first one is :
"Question 1. If the people of Kansas shall, by means, entirely unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a State constitution, and ask admission into the Union under it, before they have the requisite number of inhabitants, according to the English bill — some ninety-three thousand — will you vote to admit them?
"Q. 2. Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution?
"Q. 3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting and following such decision as a rule of political action?
-68 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
" Q. 4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard of how such acquisition may affect the Nation on the slavery question?
"As introductory to these interrogatories which Judge Douglas propounded to me at Ottawa, he read a set of resolutions which he said Judge Trumbull and myself had participated in adopting, in the first liepublican State Con- vention, held at Springrield, in October, 1854. He insisted that I and Judge Trumbull, and perhaps the entire Itepub- Jican party, were responsible for the doctrines contained in the set of resolutions which he read, and I understand ihat it was from that set of resolutions that he deduced the interrogatories which he propounded to me, ueirg these resolutions as a sort of authority for propounding those questions to me. Now, I say here to-day, that I do not answer his interrogatories because of their springing at all from that set of resolutions which he read. I answered them because Judge Douglas thought fit to ask them. I do not now, nor never did, recognize any responsibility upon myself in that set of resolutions. When I replied to him on that occasion, I assured him that I never had anything to do with them. I repeat here to-day, that I never, in any possible form, had anything to do with that set of resolutions. It turns out, I believe, that those res- olutions were never passed in any convention held in Springfield. It turns out that they were never passed at any convention or any public meeting that I had any part in. I believe it turns out, in addition to all this, that there was not, in the fall of 1854, any convention holding a session in Springfield, calling itself a Kepublican State Convention, yet it is true there was a convention, or assemblage of men calling themselves a convention, at Springfield, that did pass some resolutions. But so little did I really know of the proceedings of that convention, or what set of resolutions they had passed, though having a, general knowledge that there had been such an assem- blage of men there, that when Judge Douglas read the resolutions, I really did not know but they had been the resolutions passed then and there. I did not question ihat tbey were the resolutions adopted. For I could not bring myself to suppose that Judge Douglas could say "what he did upon this subject without knowing that it was true. I contented myself, on that occasion, with denying, as I truly could, all connection with them, not denying or affirming whether they were passed at Springfield. Now, it turns out, that he had got hold of some resolutions
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 59
"passed at some convention or public meeting in Kane Bounty. I uish to say here, that I don't conceive that, in any fair and just mind, this discovery relieves me at all. I had just as much to do with the convention in Kane county as that at Springfield. I am just as much responsible for the resolutions at Kane county as those at Springfield, — the amount of the responsibility being exactly nothing in either case, — no more than there would be in regard to a set of resolutions passed in the moon.
"I allude to this extraordinary matter in this canvass for some further purpose than anthing yet advanced. •Judge Douglas did not make his statement upon that occa- sion as matters that he believed to be true, but he stated them roundly as being trve, in such form as to pledge his veracity for their truth. When the whole matter turns out as it does, and when we consider who Judge Douglas is — that he is a distinguished Senator of the United States — that he has served nearly twelve years as such, that his character is not at all limited as an ordinary Senator of the United States, but that his name has become of world-wide renown, it is most extraordinary that he should so far forget all the suggestions of justice to an adversary, or of prudence to himself, as to venture upon the asser- tion of that which the slightest investigation would have .shown him to be wholly false. I can only account for his iaving done so, upon the supposition that that evil genius which has attended him through his life, giving to him an apparent astounding prosperity, such as to lead very many good men to doubt there being any advantage in "virtue over vice, — I say I can only account for it on the supposition that that evil genius has at last made up its mind to forsake him.
"And I may add, that another extraordinary feature of ihe Judge's conduct in this canvass — made more extraor- dinary by this incident — is, that he is in the habit, in almost all the speeches he makes, of charging falsehood upon his adversaries, myself and others. I now ask whether he is able to find in anything that Judge Trumbull, for instance, has said, or in anything that I have said, a justification at all compared with what we have, in this instance, shown him capable of, for that sort of vulgarity.
"1 have been in the habit of charging, as a matter of belief on my part, that, in the introduction of the Ne- braska bill into Congress, there was a conspiracy to make slavery perpetual and National. I have arranged, from lime to time, the evidence which establishes and proves
60 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the truth of this charge. I recurred to this charge at Ottawa. I shall not now have time to dwell upon it at any very great length; but, inasmuch as Judge Douglas, in his reply of half an hour, made some points upon me in relation to it, I propose noticing a few of them. The Judge insists that in the first speech I made, in which I very distinctly made that charge, he thought for a good while t was in fun ! — that I was playful — that I was not sincere about it — and that he only grew angry and some- what excited when he found that I insisted upon it as a- matter of earnestness. He says he characterized it as a. falsehood as far as I implicated his moral character in that- transaction. Well, I did not know, till he presented that view, that I had implicated his moral character. He is very much in the habit, when he argues me up into a position I never thought of occupying, of very cursorily say- ing he has no doubt Lincoln is 'conscientious' in saying- so. He should remember that I did not know but what he was ALTOGETHER 'CONSCIENTIOUS' in the matter. I can conceive it possible for men to conspire to do a good thing, and I really find nothing in Judge Douglas' course or arguments that is contrary to or inconsistent with his- belief of a conspiracy to nationalize and spread slavery as being a good and blessed .thing, and so I hope he will understand that I do not at all question but that in all this matter he is entirely 'conscientious.'
"But to draw your attention to one of the points I made in this case, beginning at the beginning period when the Nebraska bill was introduced, or a short time after- ward, by an amendment, I believe, it was provided that it must be considered 'the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any State or Terri- tory, or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.' I have called his attention to the fact that when he and some others began arguing that they were favoring an increased degree of liberty to the people in the Territories over and above what they formerly had on the question of slavery, a ques- tion was raised whether the law was -enacted to give such unconditional liberty to the people, and to test the sin- cerity of this mode of argument, Mr. Chase, of Ohio, introduced an amendment, in which he made the law — if the amendment was adopted — expressly declare that the- people of the Territory should have the power to exclude
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 61
slavery if they saw fit. I have asked attention, also, to the fact that Judge Douglas, and those who acted with him, voted that amendment down, notwithstanding it expressed exactly the thing they said was the true intent and meaning of the law. I have called attention to the fact that in subsequent times, a decision of the Supreme <Jourt has been made, in which it has been declared that a Territorial Legislature has no constitutional right to exclude slavery. And I have argued and said that to men who did intend that the people of the Territory should have the right to exclude slavery absolutely and unconditionally, the voting down of Chase's amendment is wholly inexplicable; it is a puzzle — -a riddle. But I have said that with men who did not look forward to such a decision, or vho had it in contemplation that such a •decision of the Supreme Court would or might be made, the voting down of that amendment would be perfectly rational and intelligible. It would keep Congress from •coming in collision with the decision when it was made. Anybody can conceive that if there was an intention or •expectation that such a decision was to follow, it would be a very undesirable party attitude to get into, for the Supreme Court — all, or nearly all, its members belong- ing to the same party — to decide one way, when the party in Congress had decided the other way. Hence it would be very rational for men expecting such a decision, to keep the niche in that law clear for it. After pointing this out, I tell Judge Douglas that it looks to me as though here was the reason why Chase's amendment was voted down. I tell him that as he did it, and knows why he did it, if it was done for a reason different from this, he knows what that reason was, and can tell us what it was. I tell him, also, it will be vastly more satisfactory to the country for him to give some other plausible, intelligible reason wliy it was voted down, than to stand upon his dignity and call people liars. Well, on Saturday he did make his answer, and what do you think it was? He says if I had only taken upon myself to tell the whole truth about that amendment of Chase's, no explanation would have been necessary on his part -or words to that •effect. Now, I say here, that I am quite unconscious of having suppressed anything material to the case, and I am very frank to admit if there is any sound reason other than that which appeared to me material, it is quite fair for him to present it. What reason does he propose? That when Chase came forward with his amendment
62 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery from the limits of every Territory, Gen. Cass proposed to Chase, if he (Chase) would add to this amendment that the peo- ple should have the power to introduce or exclude, they would let it go. This is substantially all of his reply. And because Chase would not do that, they voted his amendment down. Well, it turns out, I believe, upon examination, that Gen. Cass took some part in the little running debate upon that amendment, and then ran away and did not vote on it at all. Is not that the fact? So confident, as I think, was Gen. Cass that there was a snake somewhere about, he chose to run away from the whole thing. This is an inference I draw from the fact that, though he took part in the debate, his name does not appear in the ayes and noes. But does Judge Doug- las' reply amount to a satisfactory answer? (Cries of "yes!" "yes!" and "no!" "no!") There is some lit- tle difference of opinion here. But I ask attention to a few more views bearing on the question of whether it amounts to a satisfactory answer. The men who were determined that that amendment should not get into the bill and spoil the place where the Dred Scott decision was to come in, sought an excuse to get rid of it some- where. One of these ways — one of these excuses — was to ask Chase to add to his proposed amendment a provision that the people might introduce slavery if they wanted to. They very well knew Chase would do no such thing — that Mr. Chase was one of the men differing from them on the broad principle of his insisting that freedom was bet- ter than slavery, — a man who would not corisent to enact a law, penned with his own hand, by which he was made to recognize slavery on the one hand and liberty on the other, as precisely equal-, and when they insisted on his doing this they very well knew they insisted on that which he would not for a moment think of doing, and that they were only bluffing him. I believe (I have not, since he made his answer, had a chance to examine the journals or Congressional Globe, and therefore speak from memory) — I believe the state of the bill at that time, according to parliamentary rules, was such that no mem- ber could propose an additional amendment to Chase's amendment. I rather think this is the truth — the Judge shakes his head. Very well. I would like to know, then, if they wanted Chase's amendment fixed over, why somebody else could not have offered to do it? If they wanted it amended, why did they not offer the amendment? Why
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 63
did they stand there taunting and quibbling at Chase? Why did they not put it in themselves ! But to put it on the other ground : suppose that there was such an amend- ment offered, and Chase's was an amendment to an amendment; until one is disposed of by parliamentary law you can not pile another on. Then all these gentle- men had to do was to vote Chase's on, and then in the amended form in which the whole stood add their own amendment to it, if they wanted to put it in that shape.. This was all they were obliged to do, and the ayes and noes show that there were thirty-six who voted it down, against ten who voted in favor of it. The thirty-six held entire sway and control. They could, in some form or other, have put that bill in the exact shape they wanted. If there was a rule preventing their amending it at the time, they could pass that, and then, Chase's amendment being merged, put it in the shape they wanted. They did not choose to do so, but they went into a quibble with Chase to get him to add what they knew he would not add, and because he would not, they stood upon that flimsy pretext for voting down what they argued was the meaning and intent of their own bill. They left room thereby for this Dred Scott decision, which goes very far to make slavery national throughout the United (States, "i pass one or two points I have because my time will very soon expire, but I must be allowed to say that Judge Douglas recurs again, as he did upon one or two other occasions, to the enormity of Lincoln — an insignificant indi- vidual like Lincoln — upon his ipse dixit charging a con- spiracy upon a large number of members of Congress, the Supreme Court and two Presidents, to nationalize slavery ! I want to say that, in the first place, I have made no charge of this sort upon my ipse dixit. I have only arrayed the evidence tending to prove it, and presented it to the understanding of others, saying what I think it proves, but giving you the means of judging whether it proves it or not. This is precisely what I have done. I have not placed it upon my ipse dixit at all. On this occasion, I wish to recall his attention to a piece of evi- dence which I brought forward at Ottawa on Saturday, showing that he made substantially the same charge against substantially the same persons, excluding his clear self from the category. I ask him to give some attention to the evidence which I brought forward, that he himself had discovered a 'fatal blow being struck' against the right of the people to exclude slavery from their limits,.
€4 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS
which fatal blow he assumed as evidence in an article in the Washington Union, published ' by authority.' I ask by whose authority ? He discovered a similar or identical provision in the Lecompton constitution. Made by whom '? The 1'ramers of that constitution. Advocated by whom? By all the members of the party in the Nation, who advocated the introduction of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton constitution.
"I have asked his attention to the evidence that he arrayed to prove that such a fatal blow was being struck, and to the facts which he brought forward in support of that charge — being identical with the one which Le thinks so villainous in me. He pointed it not at a newspaper •editor merely, but at the President and his Cabinet and the members of Congress advocating the Lecompton con- stitution and those framing that instrument. I must again be permitted to remind him, that although my ipse dixit may not be as great as his, yet it some\\hat reduces the force of his calling my attention to the enormity of rny making a like charge against him.
" Go on, Judge Douglas."
MB. DOUGLAS' SPEECH.
"LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: The silence with which you have listened to Mr. Lincoln during his hour is creditable to this vast audience, composed of men of various po- litical parties. Nothing is more honorable to any large iriass of people assembled for the purpose of a fair discus- sion, than that kind and respectful attention that is yielded not only to your political friends, but to those who are opposed to you in politics.
" I am glad that at last I have brought Mr. Lincoln to the conclusion that he had better define his position on certain political questions to which I called his atten- tion at Ottawa. He there showed no disposition, no in- clination to answer them. I did not present idle questions for him to answer merely for my gratification. I laid the foundation for those interrogatories by showing that they constituted the platform of the party whose nominee he is for the Senate. I did not presume that I had the right to catechise him as I saw proper, unless I showed that his party, or a majority of it, stood upon the plat- foim, and were in favor of the propositions upon which my questions were based. I desired simply to know, in- asmuch as he had been nominated as the first, last and
64 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS
•which fatal blow he assumed as evidence in an article in the Washington Union, published ' bv authnrit.v ' T ~~i- ivp -i,v,~. tbority?
- '
i
I -
bei
/ .
- -.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 65
only choice of his party, whether he concurred in the platfoiin which that party had adopted for its govern- ment. In a few moments I will proceed to review the answers which he has given to these interrogatories; but in order to relieve his anxiety, I will first respond to these which he has presented to me. Mark you, he has not presented interrogatories which have ever received the sanction of the party with \\hich I am acting, and hence he has no other foundation for them than his own curiosity.
"First, he desires to know if the people of Kansas shall form a constitution by means entirely proper and unob- jectionable and ask admission into the Union as a Slate, before they have the requisite population for a member of Congress, whether I will vote for that admission. Well, now, I regret exceedingly that he did not answer that inter- rogatory himself before he put it to me, in order that we might understand, and riot be left to infer, on which side he is. Mr. Trumbull, during the last session of Congress, vo'ed from the beginning to the end against the admission of Oregon, 'although a free State, because she had not the requisite population for a member of Congress. Mr. Trum- bull would not consent, under any circumstances, to let a State, free or slave, come into the Union until it had the requisite population. As Mr. Trumbull is in the field, fighting for Mr. Lincoln, I would like to have Mr. Lincoln answer his own question and tell me whether he is fight- ing Trumbull on that issue or not. But I will answer his question. In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion, that as she has population enough to constitute a slave State, she has population enough for a free State. I will not make Kansas an exceptional case to the other States of the Union. I hold it to be a sound rule of universal appli- cation to require a Territory to contain the requisite pop- ulation for a member of Congress, before it is admitted as a State into the Union. I made that proposition in the Senate in 18£6, and I renewed it during the last session, in a bill providing that no Territory of the United States should form a constitution and apply for admission until it had the requisite population. On another occasion I proposed that neilher Kansas, or any other Territory, should l>e admitted until it had the requisite population. Con- gress did not adopt any of my propositions containing this general rule, but did make an exception of Kansas. I will stand by that exception. Either Kansas must come in as a fiee State, with whatever population she may have, — 5
66 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
or the rule must be applied to all the other Territories alike. I therefore answer at once, that it having been decided that Kansas has population enough for a slave State, I hold that she has enough for a free State. I hope Mr. Lincoln is satisfied with my answer ; and now I would like to get his answer to his own interrogatory — whether or not he will vote to admit Kansas before she has the requisite population. I want to know whether he will vote to admit Oregon before that Territory has the requisite population. Mr. Trumbull will not, and the same reason that commits Mr. Trumbull against the admission of Oregon, commits him against Kansas, even if she should, apply for admission as a free State. If there is any sin- cerity, any truth, in the argument of Mr. Trumbull in the Senate, against the admission of Oregon because she had not 93,420 people, although her population was larger than that of Kansas, he stands pledged against the admis- sion of both Oregon and Kansas until they have £3,420 inhabitants. I would like Mr. Lincoln to answer this ques- tion. I would like him to take his own medicine. If he differs with Mr. Trumbull, let him answer his argument against the admission of Oregon, instead of poking ques- tions at me.
" The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln is, can the people of a Territory, in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State constitution? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times from every stump in Illinois, that, in my opinion, the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State constitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had answered that question over and over again. He heard me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, and he has no excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to- my position on that question. It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into a Ter- ritory under the constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it, as they please, for the reason that slavery can not exist a day, or an hour, any- where, unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery they will elect representatives to that body who will, by
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 67
unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave Territory or a free Territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satisfactory on that point.
" In this connection, I will notice the charge which he has introduced in relation to Mr. Chase's amendment. I thought I had chased that amendment out of Mr. Lin- coln's brain at Ottawa; but it seems that still haunts his imagination, and he is not yet satisfied. I had supposed that he would be ashamed to press that question further.. He is a lawyer, and has been a member of Congress, and has occupied his time and amused you by telling you about parliamentary proceedings. He ought to have known/, better than to try to palm off his miserable impositions upon this intelligent audience. The Nebraska bill provided; thar. the legislative power and authority of the said Terri- tory should extend to all rightful subjects olj legislation consistent with the organic act and the Constitution of the United States. It did not make any exception as to. slavery, but gave all the power that it was possible for Congress to give, without violating the Constitution, to the Territorial Legislature, with no exception or limitation om the subject of slavery at all. The language of that bill, which I have quoted, gave the full power and the full authority over the subject of slavery, affirmatively and negatively, to introduce it or exclude it, so far as the Con- stitution of the United States would permit. What more could Mr. Chase give by his amendment? Nothing. He offered his amendment for the identical purpose for which Mr. Lincoln is using it — to enable demagogues in the country to try and deceive the people.
"His amendment was to this effect: It provided that the Legislature should have the power to exclude slavery ; and Gen. Cass suggested, 'Why not give the power to introduce as well as exclude?' The answer was, they have the power already in the bill to do both. Chase was afraid his amendment would be adopted if he put the alterna- tive proposition and so make it fair both ways, but would not yield._ He offered it for the purpose of having it re- jected. He offered it, as he has himself avowed over and over again, simply to make capital out of it for the stump. He expected that it would be capital for small politicians
68 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
>in the country, and that they would make an effort to 'deceive the people with it, and he was not mistaken, for ^Lincoln is carrying out the plan admirably. Lincoln :knews that the Nebraska bill, without Chase's atnun-l- iment, gave all the power which the Constitution would ipermit. Could Congress confer any more? Could Con- ,gress go beyond the Constitution of the country? We gave all a full grant, with no exception in regard to slavery one way or the other. We left that question as we left^all others, to be decided by the people for thera- selve3, just as they pleased. I will not occupy my time on this question. I have argued it before all over Illi- nois. I have argued it in this beautiful city of Freeport ; I have argued it in the North, the South, the East, and rHie \Vest, avowing the same sentiments and the same > principles. I have not been afraid to avow my sentiments i up here for fear I would be trotted down into Egypt.
" The third question which Mr. Lincoln presented is, if the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that a State of this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that Lincoln should ask such a question. ('A school-boy knows better.') Yes, a school-boy does know better. Mr. Lin- coln's object is to cast an imputation upon the Supreme Court. He knows that there never was but one man in America claiming any degree of intelligence or decency, who ever for a moment pretended such a thing. It is tone that the Washington Union, in an article published on the 17th of last December, did put forth that doctrine, and I denounced the article on the floor of the Senate, in a speech which Mr. Lincoln now pretends was agiinst the President. The Union had claimed that slavery had a right to go into the free States, and that any provision in the Constitution or laws of the free States to the con- trary were null and void. I denounced it in the Sen ite, -as I said before, and I was the first man who did. Lin- coln's friends, Trumbull, and Seward, and Hale, and Wil- son, and the whole Black Kepubdcan side of the Senate, were silent. They left it to me to denounce it, and what was the reply made to me on that occasion? Mr. Toom')s, of Georgia, got up and undertook to lecture me on the ground that I ought not to have deemed the article worthy of notice, and ought not to have replied to it ; that there was not one man, woman or child south of the Potom tc, in any slave State, who did not repudiate any such pre- tension. Mr. Lincoln knows that that reply was made
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 69
on the spot, and yet now he asks this question. He might as well ask me, suppose Mr. Lincoln should steal a horse, would I sanction it; and it would be as genteel in me to ask him, in the event he stole a horse, what ought to be done with him. He casts an imputation upon the Supreme Court of the United States, by supposing that they would violate the Constitution of the United States. I tell him that such a thing is not possible. It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln himself would never, in his partisan feelings, so far forget what was right as to be guilty of such an act. The fourth question of Mr. Lincoln is, are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard as to how such acquisition may affect the Union on the slavery question? This question is very ingeniously and cunningly put.
" The Black Republican creed lays it down expressly, that under no circumstances shall we acquire any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited in the country. I ask Mr. Lincoln whether he is in favor of that propo- sition. Are you (addressing Mr. Lincoln) opposed to the acquisition of any more territory, under any circumstances, unless slavery is prohibited ih it? That he does not like to answer. When I ask him whether he stands up to that article in the platform of his party, he turns, Yankee fashion, and without answering it, asks me whether I am in favor of acquiring territory without regard to how it may affect the Union on the slavery question. I answer, that whenever it becomes necessary, in our growth and progress, to acquire more territory, that I am in favor of it, without reference to the question of slavery, and when we have acquired it I will leave the people free to do as they please, either to make it slave or free territory, as they prefer. It is idle to tell me or you that we have territory enough. Our fathers supposed that we had enough when our territory extended to the Mississippi river, but a few years' growth and expansion satisfied them that we needed more, and the Louisiana territory, from the west branch of the Mississippi to the British possessions, was acquired. Then we acquired Oregon, then California and New Mexico. We have enough now for the present, but this is a young and growing Nation. It swarms as often as a, hive of bees, and as new swarms are turned out each year, there must be hives in which they can gather and make their honey. In less than fifteen years, if the same progress that has distinguished this country for the
70 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
last fifteen years continues, every foot of vacant land be- tween this and the Pacific ocean, owned by the United States, will be occupied. Will you not continue to increase at the end of fifteen years as well as now? I tell you, increase, and multiply, and expand, is the law of this Nation's existence. You cannot limit this great Republic by mere boundary lines, saying, 'thus far shalt thou go and no farther.' Any one of you gentlemen might as well «ay to a son twelve years old that he is big enough, and must not grow any larger, and in order to prevent his growth put a hoop around him to keep him to his present size. What would be the result? Either the hoop must burst and be rent asunder, or the child must die. So it would be with this great Nation. With our natural in- •crease, growing with a rapidity unknown in any other part •of the globe, with the tide of emigration that is fleeing Irom despotism in the old world to seek refuge in our own, there is a constant torrent pouring into this country that requires more land, more territory upon which to settle, .and just as fast as our interests and our destiny require Additional territory in the North, in the South, or on the islands of the ocean, I am for it; and when we acquire it, will leave the people, according to the Nebraska bill, free to do as they please on the subject of slavery and. •every other question.
" I trust now that Mr. Lincoln will deem himself Answered on his four points. He racked his brain so much in devising these four questions that he exhausted him- .self, and had not strength enough to invent others. As .soon as he is able to hold a counsel with his advisers— Lovejoy, Farnsworth, and Fred. Douglass, he will frame and propound others. ('Good, good.') You Black Re- publicans who say good, I have no doubt think that they are all good men. I have reason to recollect that some people in this country think that Fred. Douglass is a very good man. The last time I came here to make a speech, while talking from the stand to you people of Freeport, as I am doing to-day, I saw a carriage, and a magnifi- cent one it was, drive up and take a position on the out- side of the crowd, a beautiful young lady was sitting' on the box-seat, whilst Fred. Douglass and the lady's mother reclined inside, and the owner of the carriage acted as driver. I saw this in your own town. ('W7hat of it?') All I have to say of it is this, that if you Black Repub- licans think that the negro ought to be on a social •equality with your wives and daughters, and ride in a
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 71
carriage with your wife whilst you drive the team, you have a perfect right to do so. I am told that one of JFred. Douglass' kinsmen, another rich black negro, is DOW traveling hi this part of the State making speeches for his friend Lincoln as the champion of the black men. ('What have you to say against it?') All I have to say •on that subject is, that those of you who believe that the negro is your equal and ought to be on an equality with .you socially, politically and legally, have a right to enter- tain those opinions, and, of course, will vote for Mr. Lincoln.
"I have a word to say on Mr. Lincoln's answer to the interrogatories contained in my speech at Ottawa, and which he has pretended to reply to here to-day. Mr. Lincoln makes a great parade of the fact that I quoted ;a platform as having been adopted by the Black Kepub- lican party at Springfield, in 1854, which, it turns put, was adopted at another place. Mr. Lincoln loses sight -of the thing itself in his ecstacies over the mistake I made in stating the place where it was done. He thinks that that platform was not adopted on the right 'spot.'
"When I put the direct question to Mr. Lincoln, to ^ascertain whether he now stands pledged to that creed — to the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, a refusal to admit any more slave States into the Union, •even if the people want them, a determination to apply the Wilmot Proviso, not only to all the territory we now have, bat all that we may hereafter acquire — he refused to answer, and his followers say, in excuse, that the reso- lutions upon which I based my interrogatories were not adopted at the 'right spot.' Lincoln and his political friends are great on 'spots.' In Congress, as a represent- ative of this State, he declared the Mexican war to be unjust and infamous, and would not support it, or ac- knowledge his own country to be right in the contest, because, he said, that American blood was not shed on American soil in the 'right spot.' And now he cannot .answer the questions I put to him at Ottawa because the resolutions 1 read were not adopted at the 'right spot.' It may be possible that I was led into an error as to the spot on which the resolutions I then read were proclaimed, tout I was not and am not in error as to the fact of their forming the basis of the creed of the Eepublican party, "when that party was first organized. I will state to you the evidence I had, and upon which I relied for my state- ment that the resolutions in question were adopted at
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Springfield, on the 5th of October, 1854. Although I was aware that such resolutions had been passed in this dis- trict, and nearly all the northern Congressional districts, and county conventions, I had not noticed whether or not they had been adopted by any State convention. In 1856, a debate arose in Congress between Major Thomas L. Harris, of the Springfield district, and Mr. Norton, of the Joliet district, on political matters connected with our State, in the course of which Major Harris quoted those resolutions as having been passed by the first Republican State Convention that ever assembled in Illinois. I knew that Major Harris was remarkable for his accuracy, that he was a very conscientious and sincere man, and I also noticed that Norton did not question the accuracy of this statement. I therefore took it for granted that it was so, and the other day, when I concluded to use the resolu- tions at Ottawa, I wrote to Charles H. Lanphier, editor of the State Register, at Springfield, calling his attention to them, telling him that I had been informed that Ma- jor Harris was lying sick at Springfield, and desiring him. to call upon him and ascertain all the facts concerning: the resolutions, the time and the place where they were adopted. In reply, Mr. Lauphier sent to me two copies of his paper, which I have here. The first is a copy of the State Register, published at Springfield, Mr. Lincoln's own town, on the 16th of October, 1854, only eleven days after the adjournment of the convention, from which I desire to read the following:
" 'During the late discussions in this city, Lincoln made a speech, to which Judge Douglas replied. In Lincoln's- speech he took the broad ground that, according to the Declaration of Independence, the whites and blacks are equal. From this he drew the conclusion, which he several times repeated, that the white man had no right to pass laws for the government of the black man with- out the nigger's consent. This speech of Lincoln's was heard and applauded by all the Abolitionists assembled in Springfield. So soon as Mr. Lincoln was done speak- ing, Mr. Codding arose, and requested all the delegates to the Black Republican Convention to withdraw into the Senate chamber. They did so, and after long delibera- tion, they laid down the following Abolition platform as the platform on which they stood. We call the attention of all our readers to it.'
"Then follows the identical platform, word for word, which I read at Ottawa. Now, that was published in Mr..
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 7$
Lincoln's own town, eleven days after the convention was- held, and it has remained on record up to this day, never contradicted.
"When I quoted the resolutions at Ottawa, and ques- tioned Mr. Lincoln in relation to them, he said that his- name was on the committee that reported them, but he did not serve, nor did he think he served, because he was, or thought he was, in Tazewell county at the time the convention was in session. He did not deny that the res- olutions were passed by the Springfield convention. He did not know better, and, evidently, thought they were, but afterwards his friends declared that they had discov- ered that they varied in some respects from the resolutions passed by that convention. I have shown you that I had good evidence for believing that the resolutions had been passed at Springfield. Mr. Lincoln ought to have known better ; but not a word is said about his ignorance on the subject, whilst I, notwithstanding the circumstances, am accused of forgery.
"Now, I will show you that if I had made a mistake as- to the place where these resolutions were adopted— and when I get down to Springfield I will investigate the mat- ter and see whether or not I have — that the principles they enunciate were adopted as to the Black Eepublican platform ('white, white,') in the various counties and con- gressional districts throughout the north end of the State, in 1854. This platform was adopted in nearly every county that gave a Black Republican majority for the Legislature in that year, and here is a man (pointing to Mr. Denio, who sat on the stand near Deacon Bross) who knows as- well as any living man that it was the creed of the Black Eepublican party at that time. I would be willing to call Denio as a witness, or any other honest man belonging" to that party. I will now read the resolutions adopted at the Rockford convention on the 30th of August, 1854, which nominated Washburne, for Congress. You elected him on the following platform :
" 'Resolved, That the continued and increasing aggressions- of slavery in our country are destructive of the best rights of a free people, and that such aggressions cannot be successfully resisted without the united political action of all good men.
"'Resolved, That the citizens of the United States hold within their hands peaceful, constitutional and efficient remedies against the encroachment of the slave power, the
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ballot-box, and, if that remedy is boldly and wisely ap- plied, the principles of liberty and eternal justice will be established.
"'Resolved, That we accept this issue forced upon us by the slave power, and in defense of freedom will co-operate and be known as ^Republicans, pledged to the accomplish- ment of the following purposes :
"'To bring the administration of the government back to the control of first principles ; to restore Kansas and Ne- braska to the position of free Territories; to repeal and entirely abrogate the Fugitive Slave Law; to restrict sla- very to those States in which it exists ; to prohibit the admission of any more slave States into the Union; to exclude slavery from all the Territories over which the •General Government has exclusive jurisdiction, and to resist the acquisition of any more Territories, unless the introduction of slavery therein forever shall have been prohibited.
"'Resolved, That in the furtherance of these principles •we will use such constitutional and lawful means as shall seem best to their accomplishment, and that we will sup- port no man for office under the general or State govern- ment who is not positively committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal character and conduct is not a guaranty that he is reliable, and shall abjure all party allegiance and ties.
" 'Resolved, That we cordially invite persons of all former political parties, whatever, in favor of the object •expressed in the above resolutions, to unite with us in carrying them into effect.'
"Well, you think that is a very good platform, do you not? If you do, if you approve it now, and think it is all right, you will not join with those men who say that I libel you by calling these your principles, will you? Now, Mr. Lincoln complains ; Mr. Lincoln charges that I did you and him injustice by saying that this was the plat- form of your party. I am told that Mr. Washburne made a speech in Galena last night, in which he abused me awfully for bringing to light this platform, on which he was elected to Congress. He thought that you had for- gotten it, as he and Mr. Lincoln desires to. He did not •deny but that you had adopted it, and that he had sub- scribed to and -was pledged by it, but he did not think it was fair to call it up and remind the people that it was their platform.
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"But I am glad to find that you are more honest in ;your Abolitionism than your leaders, by avowing that it is your platform, and right in your opinion.
"In the adoption of that platform, you not only declare that you would resist the admission of any more slave States, and work for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, but you pledged yourselves not to vote for any man for State •or Federal offices who was not committed to these princi- ples. You were thus committed. Similar resolutions to those were adopted in your county convention here, and now with your admissions that they are your platform and embody your sentiments now as they did then, what do you think of Mr. Lincoln, your candidate for the United States Senate, who is attempting to dodge the responsi- bility of this platform because it was not adopted in the Tight spot. I thought it was adopted in Springfield, but it turns out it was not, that it was adopted at Eockford, and in the various counties which comprised this Congres- sional district. When I get into the next district I will show that the same platform was adopted there, and so on through the State, until I nail the responsibility of it upon the back of the Black Eepublican party throughout -the State.
"A voice — 'Couldn't you modify and call it brown?'
Mr. Douglas — " Not a bit. I thought that you were be- coming a little brown when your members in Congress voted for the Crittenden-Montgomery bill, but since- you have backed out from that position and gone back to abolitionism, you are black and not brown.
"Gentlemen, I have shown you what your platform was in 1854. You still adhere to it. The same platform was .adopted by nearly all the counties where the Black Eepub- lican party had a majority in 1854. I wish now to call your attention to the action of your Eepresentatives in the Legislature, when they assembled together at Spring- field. In the first place, you must remember that this was the organization of a new party. It is so declared in the resolutions themselves, which say that you are going to dissolve all old party ties, and call the new party Ee- publican. The old Whig party was to have its throat cut from ear to ear, and the Democratic party was to be anni- hilated and blotted out of existence, while in lieu of these parties the Black Eepublican party was to be organized •on this Abolition platform. You know who the chief leaders were in breaking up and destroying these two great par- ties. Lincoln on the one hand, and Trumbull on the
76 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
other, being disappointed politicians, and having retired or been driven to obscurity by an outraged constituency, because of their political sins, formed a scheme to abo- litionize the two parties, and lead the old line Whigs and old line Democrats captive, bound hand and foot, into the Abolition camp. Giddings, Chase, Fred. Douglass and Love- joy were here to christen them whenever they were brought in. Lincoln went to work to dissolve the old line Whig party. Clay was dead, and although the sod was not yet green on his grave, this man undertook to bring into dis- repute those great compromise measures of 1850, with which Clay and Webster were identified. Up to 185 i, the old Whig party and the Democratic party had stood on a common platform, so far as this slavery question was con- cerned. You Whigs and we Democrats differed about the bank, Ihe tariff distribution, the specie circular and the subtreasury, but we' agreed on this slavery question, and the true mode of preserving the peace and harmony of the Union. The compromise measures of 185U were intro- duced by Clay, were defended by Webster, and supported by Cass, and were approved by Fillmore, and sanctioned by the National men of both parties. They constituted a. common plank upon which both Whigs and Democrats stood. In 1852, the Whig party, in its last National Con- vention at Baltimore, endorsed and approved these meas- ures of Clay, and so did the National Convention of the Democratic party, held that same year. Thus, the old line Whigs and the old line Democrats stood pledged to the great principle of self-government, which guarantees to the people of each Territory the right to decide the slavery question for themselves. In 1854, after the death of Clay and Webster, Mr. Lincoln, on the part of the Whigs, undertook to abolitionize the Whig party, by dis- solving it, transferring the members into the Abolition camp, and making them train under Giddings, Fred. Douglass, Lovejoy, Chase, Farnsworth and other Abo ition leaders. Trumbull undertook to dissolve the Democratic party by taking them into the Abolition camp. Mr. Lin- coln was aided in his efforts by many leading Whigs throughout the State. Your member of Congress, Mr. Washburne, being one of the most active. Trumbull was aided by many renegades from the Democratic party, among whom were John Wentworth, Tom Turner, and others, with whom you are familiar.
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(Mr. Turner, who was one of the moderators, here inter- posed and said that he had drawn the resolutions which Senator Douglas had read.)
Mr. Douglas — " Yes, and Turner says that he drew these resolutions." ('Hurrah for Turner,' 'Hurrah for Doug- las.') " That is right, give Turner cheers for drawing the resolutions if you approve them. If he drew those reso- lu'ions he will not deny that they are the creed of the Ulack Eepublican party."
Mr. Turner — "They are our creed exactly." Mr. Douglas — "And yet Lincoln denies that he stands •on them. Mr. Turner says that the creed of the Black Eepublican party is the admission of no more slave States, And yet Mr. Lincoln declares that he would not like to be placed in a position where he would have to vote for them. All 1 have to say to friend Lincoln is, that I do not think there is much danger of his being placed in such a posi- tion. As Mr. Lincoln would be very sorry to be placed in such an embarrassing position as to be obliged to vote on the admission of any more slave States, I propose, out •of sheer kindness, to relieve him from any such necessity. " When the bargain between Lincoln and Trumbull was ^completed for abolitionizmg the Whig and Democratic p ir- ties, they 'spread' over the State, Lincoln pretending to be an old line Whig, in oider to 'rope in' the Whigs, and Trumbull pretending to be as good a Democrat as he ever was, in order to coax the Democrats over into the Aboli- tion ranks. They played the part that ' decoy ducks ' play down on the Potomac river. In that part of the country they make artificial ducks, and put them on the water in places where the wild ducks are to be found, for the pur- pose of decoying them. Well, Lincoln and Trumbull played the part of these ' decoy ducks,' and deceived enough old line Whigs and old line Democrats to elect a Black Eepub- lican Legislature. When that Legislature met, the first thing it did was to elect as Speaker of the House the very man who is now boasting that he wrote the Abolition platform on which Lincoln will not stand. I want to know of Mr. Turner whether or not, when he was elected, he was a good embodiment of Eepublican principles?" Mr. Turner — " I hope I was then and am now." Mr. Douglas — " He answers that he hopes he was then and is now. He wrote that Black Eepublican platform, and is satisfied with it now. I admire and acknowledge Turner's honesty. Every man of you know that what he
78 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
says about these resolutions being the platform of the- Black ^Republican party is true, and you also know that each one of these men, who are shuffling and trying to deny it, are only trying to cheat the people out of their votes, for the purpose of deceiving them still more after the election. 1 propose to trace this thing a little further, in order that you can see what additional evidence there is to fasten this revolutionary platform upon the Black Bepublican party. When the Legislature assembled, there was an United States Senator to elect in the place of Gen. Shields, and before they proceeded to ballot, Lovejoy in- sisted on laying down certain principles by which to gov- ern the party. It has been published to the world, and satisfactorily proven, that there was, at the time the alli- ance was made between Trumbull and Lincoln to aboli- tionize the two parties, an agreement that Lincoln should take Shields' place in the United States Senate, and Trum- bull should have mine so soon as they could convenieptly get rid of me. When Lincoln was beaten for Shields' place, in a manner I will refer to in a few minutes, he felt very sore and restive ; his friends grumbled, and some of them came out and charged that the most infamous treachery had been practiced against him ; that the bar- gain was that Lincoln was to have had Shields' place, and Trumbull was to have waited for mine, but that Trum- bull, having the control of a few abolitionized Democrats, he prevented them from voting for Lincoln, thus keeping him within a few votes of an election until he succeeded in forcing the party to drop him and elect Trumbull. Well, Trumbull having cheated Lincoln, his friends made a fuss, and in order to keep them and Lincoln quiet, the party were obliged to come forward, in advance, at the last State election, and make a pledge that they would go for Lincoln and nobody else. Lincoln could not be silenced in any other way.
"Now, there are a great many Black Kepublicans of you who do not know this thing was done. ('White, white,' and great clamor.) I wish to remind you, that while Mr. Lincoln was speaking there was not a Democrat vulgar and blackguard enough to interrupt him. But I know that the shoe is pinching you. I am clinching Lincoln now, and you are scared to death for the result. I have seen this thing before. I have seen men make appoint- ments for joint discussions, and the moment their man has been heard, try to interrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the other side. I have seen your mobs before, and defy
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 7{>
your wrath. My friends, do not cheer, for I need my whole time. The object of the opposition is to occupy my attention, in order to prevent me from giving the whole evidence and nailing this double dealing on the Black Republican party. As I have before said, Lovejoy de- manded a declaration of principles on the part of the Black Republicans of the Legislature before going- into an election for United States Senator. He offered the follow- ing preamble and resolutions, which I hold in my hand.
"'WHEREAS, Human slavery is a violation of the prin- ciples of natural and revealed rights ; and whereas, the fathers of the revolution, fully imbued with the spirit of these principles, declared freedom to be the inalienable birthright of all men; and whereas, the preamble to the Constitution of the United States avers that that instru- ment was ordained to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity; and whereas, in futherance of the above principles, slavery was forever prohibited in the old Northwest territory, and more recently in all that territory lying west and north of the State of Missouri, by the act of the Federal Gov- ernment; and whereas, the repeal of the prohibition last referred to was contrary to the wishes of the people of Illinois, a violation of an implied compact, long deemed sacred by the citizens of the United States, and a wide departure from the uniform action of the General Govern- ment in relation to the extension of slavery ; therefore,
" ' Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring therein, That our Senators in Congress be in- structed, and Representatives requested, to introduce, if not otherwise introduced, and to vote for, a bill to restore such prohibition to the aforesaid Territories, and also to extend a similar prohibition to all territory which now belongs to the United States, or which may hereafter come under their jurisdiction.
" ' Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested, to vote against the ad- mission of any State into the Union, the constitution of which does not prohibit slavery, whether the territory out of which such State may have been formed shall have been acquired by conquest, treaty, purchase, or from orig- inal territory of the United States.
" ' Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested, to introduce and vote for a bill to repeal an act entitled 'an act respecting fugi- tives from justice and persons escaping from the service
80 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
of their masters,' and, failing in that, for such a modifi- cation of it as shall secure the right of habeas corpus and trial by jury before the regularly constituted authorities of the State, to all persons claimed as owing service or labor.
"Those resolutions were introduced by Mr. Lovejoy immediately preceding the election of Senator. They de- clared first, that the VVilmot Proviso must be applied to all territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. Secondly, that it must be applied to all territory south of 36 deg. 30 min. Thirdly, that it must be applied to all the territory now owned by the United States, and finally, that it must be applied to all territory hereafter to be acquired by the United States. The next resolution declares that no more slave States shall be admitted into this Union under any oircumstances whatever, no matter whether they are formed out of territory now owned by us or that we may here- after acquire, by treaty, by Congress, or in any manner whatever. The next resolution demands the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, although its uncondi- iional repeal would leave no provision for carrying out that clause of the Constitution of the United States which guarantees the surrender of fugitives. If they could not get an unconditional repeal, they demanded that that law should be so modified as to make it as nearly useless as possible. Now, I want to show you. who voted for these resolutions. When the vote was taken on the first reso- lution it was decided in the affirmative — yeas 41, nays 32. You will find that this is a strict party vote, between the Democrats on the one hand, and the Black Republicans on the other. (Cries of 'white, white,' and clamor.) I know your name, and always call things by their right name. The point I wish to call your attention to is this, that these resolutions were adopted on the 7th day of February, and that on the 8th they went into an election for a United States Senator, and that day every man who voted for these resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted for Lincoln for the United States Senate. ('Give us their names.') I will read the names over to you if you want them, but I believe your object is to occupy my time.
"On the next resolution the vote stood, yeas 33, nays 40, and on the third resolution, yeas 35, nays 47. I wish to impress upon you, that every man who voted for those resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted on the next day for Lincoln for United States Senator. Bear in mind that the members who thus voted for Lincoln were elected to the Legislature pledged to vote for no man for office
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 81
under the State or Federal Government who was not com- mitted to this Black Republican platform. They were all so pledged. Mr. Turner, who stands by me, and who then represented you, and who says that he wrote those resolu- tions, voted for Lincoln, when he was pledged not to do so unless Lincoln was in favor of those resolutions. I now ask Mr. Turner, (turning to Mr. Turner,) did you violate your pledge in voting for Mr. Lincoln, or did he commit himself to your platform before you cast your vote for him?
"I could go through the whole list of names here and show you that all the Black Republicans in the Legisla- ture, who voted for Mr. Lincoln, had voted on the day previous for these resolutions. For instance, here are the names of Sargent and Little of JoDaviess and Car- roll, Thomas J. Turner of Stephenspn, Lawrence of Boone and McHenry, Swan of Lake, Pinckney of Ogle and Lyman of Winnebago counties. Thus you see that every member from your Congressional district voted for Mr. Lincoln, and they were pledged not to vote for him un- less he committed himself to the doctrine of no more slave States, and the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. Mr. Lincoln tells you to-day that he is not pledged to .any such doctrine. Either Mr. Lincoln was then com- mitted to those propositions, or Mr. Turner violated his pledges to you when he voted for him. Either Lincoln was pledged to each one of those propositions, or else every Black Republican Representative from this Congressional district violated his pledge of honor to his constituents by voting for him. I ask you which horn of the dilemma will you take? Will you hold Lincoln up to the plat- form of his party, or will you accuse every Representative you had in the Legislature of violating his pledge of honor to his constituents? There is no escape for you. Either Mr. Lincoln was committed to those propositions, or your members violated their faith. Take either horn of the dilemma you choose. There is no dodging the question; I want Lincoln's answer. He says he was not pledged to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, that he does not quite like to do it ; he will not introduce a law to repeal it, but thinks there ought to be some law, — he does not tell what it ought to be ; upon the whole, he is altogether undecided, and don't know what to think or do. That is the substance of his answer upon the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. I put the question to him distinctly,
—6
82 POLITICS AND POLITIC;ANS OF ILLINOIS.
whether he endorsed that part of the Black Kepublicart; platform which calls for the entire abrogation and repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. He answers, no ! That he does not endorse that, but he does not tell us what he is for or what he will vote for. His answer is. in fact,. no answer at all. Why can not he speak out and say what he is for and what he will do?
"In regard to there being no more slave States, he is not pledged to that. He would not like, he says, to be put in a position where he would have to vote one way or another upon that question. I pray you, do not put him, in a position that would embarrass him so much. Gen- tlemen, if he goes to the Senate, he may be put in that, position, and then which way will he vote?
A voice — "How will you vote?"
Mr. Douglas — "I will vote for the admission of just such a State as by the form of their Constitution the people show they want; if they want slavery, they shall have it; if they prohibit it, it shall be prohibited. They can form their institutions to please themselves, subject only to the Constitution ; and I for one stand ready to receive them into the Union. Why can not your Black Eepublican candidates talk out as plain as that when they are ques- tioned ?
" I do not want to cheat any man out of his vote. No' man is deceived in regard to my principles, if I have the power to express myself in terms explicit enough to con- vey my ideas.
"Mr. Lincoln made a speech when he was nominated for the United States Senate which covers all the Aboli- tion platforms. He there lays down a proposition so broad in its abolitionism as to cover the whole ground.
" 'In my opinion it (the slavery agitation) will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself can not stand.' I believe this Government can not endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do ex- pect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States — old as well as new, North as well as South.' "
" There you find that Mr. Lincoln lays down the doc- trine that this Union can not endure divided as our fathers-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 8&'
made it, with free and slave States. He says they mustj all become one thing, or all the other ; that they must alt« be free or all slave, or else the Union can not continue to<. exist. It being his opinion that to admit any more slave^ States — to continue to divide the Union into, free and' slave States — will dissolve it, I want to know of Mr. Lin- coln whether he will vote for the admission of another slave State.
" He tells you the Union can not exist unless the States. are all free or all slave; he tells you that he is opposed; to making them all slave, and hence he is for making; them all free, in order that the Union may exist ; and yet he will not say that he will not vote against another slave State, knowing that the Union must be dissolved if he votes for it. I ask you if that is fair dealing? The true intent and inevitable conclusion to be drawn from his first Springfield speech is, that he is opposed to the admission, of any more slave States under any circumstances. Iff he is so opposed, why not say so? If he believes this. Union can not endure divided into free and slave States, , that they must all become free in order to save the Union, . he is bound, as an honest man, to vote against any more ; slave States. If he believes it, he is bound to do it. Show me that it is my duty, in order to save the Union, to do« a particular act, and I will do it if the Constitution does; not prohibit it. I am not for the dissolution of the Union under any circumstances. I will pursue no course of con- duct that will give just cause for the dissolution of the Union. The hope of the friends of freedom throughout the world rests upon the perpetuity of this Union. The-| down-trodden and oppressed people who are suffering under- European despotism all look with hope and anxiety to the- American Union as the only resting place and permanent home of freedom and self-government.
" Mr. Lincoln says that he believes that this Union can not continue to endure with slave States in it, and yet he will not tell you distinctly whether he will vote for or against; the admission of any more slave States, but says he would not like to be put to the test. I do not think he will be! put to the test. I do not think that the people of Illinois; desire a man to represent them who would not like to be, put to the test on the performance of a high constitutional1 duty. I will retire in shame from the Senate of the United] States when I am not willing to be put to the test in the; performance of my duty. I have been put to severe testa.'
84 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
I have stood by my principles in fair weather and in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. I have defended the great principles of self-government here among you when Northern sentiment ran in a torrent against me, and I , have defended that same great principle when Southern sentiment came down like an avalanche upon me. I was ,not afraid of any test they put to me. I knew I was right— I knew my principles were sound — I knew that the people would see in the end that I had done right, and I knew that the God of Heaven would smile upon me if I was jfaithful in the performance of my duty.
"Mr. Lincoln makes a charge of corruption against the Supreme Court of the United States, and two Presidents
• of the United States, and attempts to bolster it up by saying that I did the same against the Washington Union. Suppose I did make that charge of corruption against the Washington Union, when it was true; does that justify foim in making a false charge against me and others? 'That is the question I would put. He says that at the
time the Nebraska bill was introduced, and before it was passed, there was a conspiracy between the judges of the
• Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan and myself by that bill, and the decision of the Court, to break •down the barrier and establish slavery all over the Union. Does he not know that that charge is historically false as ;against Mr. Buchanan? He knows that Mr. Buchanan xwas at that time in England, representing this country •with distinguished ability at the court of St. James ; that he was there for a long time before, and did not return for a year or more after. He knows that to be true, and that fact proves his charge to be false as against Mr. Buchanan. Then, again, I wish to call his attention to the fact that at the time the Nebraska bill was parsed, the Dred Scott case was not before tbe Supreme Court at all; it was not upon the docket of the Supreme Court; it had not been brought there, and the judges in all prob- ability knew nothing of it. Thus the history of the country proves the charge to be false as against them. As to President Pierce, his high character as a man of integrity and Ijonor is enough to vindicate him from such a charge ; and as to myself, I pronounce the charge an infamous lie, whenever and wherever made, and by whomsoever made. I am willing that Mr. Lincoln should go and rake up every public act of mine, every measure I have intro- duced, report I have made, speech delivered, and criticise them, but when he charges upon me a corrupt conspiracy
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 85
!for the purpose of perverting the institutions of the country, I brand it as it deserves. I say the history of the country proves it to be false, and that it could not have been possible at the time. But now he tries to pro- tect himself in this charge, because I made a charge against the Washington Union. My speech in the Senate against the Washington Union was made because it advo- cated a revolutionary doctrine, by declaring that the free- States had not the right to prohibit slavery within their own limits. Because I made that charge against the Washington Union, Mr. Lincoln says it was a charge against Mr. Buchanan. Suppose it was, is Mr. Lincoln the peculiar defender of Mr. Buchanan? Is he so inter- ested in the Federal Administration, and so bound to it, that he must jump to the rescue and defend it from every attack that I may make against it? I understand the whole thing. The Washington Union, under that most corrupt of all men, Cornelius Wendell, is advocating Mr. Lincoln's claim to the Senate. Wendell was the printer of the last Black Kepublican House of Representatives ; he was a candidate before the present Democratic house, but was ignpminiously kicked out, and then he took the money which he had made out of the public printing, by means of the Black Republicans, bought the Washington Union, and is now publishing it in the name of the Democratic party, and advocating Mr. Lincoln's election to tbe Senate. Mr. Lincoln, therefore, considers an attack upon Wendell and his corrupt gang as a personal attack upon himself. This only proves what I have charged, that there is an alliance between Lincoln and his supporters, and the Federal office-holders of this State, and Presidential aspi- rants out of it, to break me down at home.
"Mr. Lincoln feels bound to come in to the rescue of the Washington Union. In that speech which I delivered in answer to the Washington Union, I made it distinctly against the Union, and against tne Union alone. I did not choose to go beyond that. If I have occasion to attack the President's conduct, I will do it in language that will not be misunderstood. When I differed with the Presi- dent, I spoke out so that you all heard me. That question passed away; it resulted in the triumph of my principle, by allowing the people to do as they please, and there i» an end of the controversy. Whenever the great principle of self-government — the right of the people to make their own constitution, and come into the Union with slavery or without, as they see proper — shall again rise, you will
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
~ me standing firm in defense of that principle, and •fighting whoever fights it. If Mr. Buchanan stands, as I doubt not he will, by the recommendation contained in 'his message, that hereafter all State constitutions ought [to be submitted to the people before the admission of the [State into the Union, he .will find me standing by him firmly, shoulder to shoulder, in carrying it out. I know ;Mr. Lincoln's object; he wants to divide the Democratic party, in order that he may cheat me and get to the Senate."
Mr. Douglas' time here expired, and he stopped on the moment. .
MB. LINCOLN'S REJOINDER.
"My FRIENDS: It will readily occur to you that I can- not, in half an hour, notice all the things that so able a man as Judge Douglas can say in an hour and a half; and I hope, therefore, if there be anything that he has •said upon which you would like to hear something from :me, but which I omit to comment upon, you will bear in imind that it would be expecting an impossibility for me to go over his whole ground. I can but take up some of the points that he has dwelt upon, and employ my half ihour specially on them.
" The first thing that I have to say to you, is a word in regard to Judge Douglas' declaration about the 'vulgarity ;and blackguardism' in the audience, that no such thing, as he says, was shown by any Democrat while I was speak- ing. Now, I only wish, by way of reply on this subject, to say that while I was speaking, I used no 'vulgarity or •blackguardism' toward any Democrat.
"Now, my friends, I come to all this long portion of the -Judge's speech — perhaps half of it — which he has devoted to the various resolutions and platforms that have been ^adopted in the different counties in the different Congres- sional districts, and in the Illinois Legislature, which he supposes are at variance with the positions I have assumed before you to-day. It is true that many of these resolu- tions are at variance with the positions I have here as- sumed. All I have to ask is, that we talk reasonably and rationally about it. I happen to know, the Judge's opinion to the contrary, notwithstanding, that I have never tried to conceal my opinions, nor tried to deceive any one in [reference to them. He may go and examine all the mem- bers who voted for me for United States Senator in 1855,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 87
:after the election of 1854. They were pledged to certain things here at home, and were determined to have pledges from me, and if he will find any of these persons who will tell him anything inconsistent with what I say now, I will resign, or rather retire from the race, and give him no more trouble. The plain truth is this. At the introduc- tion of the Nebraska policy, we believed there was a new •era being introduced in the history of the Kepublic, which •tended to the spread and perpetuation of slavery. But in our opposition to that measure we did not agree with one another in everything. The people in the north end of the State were for stronger measures of opposition than we of the central and southern portions of the State, but we were all opposed to the Nebraska doctrine. We had that one feeling and that one sentiment in common. You at the north end met in your conventions and passed your resolutions. We in the middle of the State and further south did not hold such conventions and pass the same resolutions, although we had, in general, a common view and a common sentiment. So that these meetings, which ihe Judge has alluded to, and the resolutions he has read from, were local, and did not spread over the whole State. We at last met together in 1856, from all parts of the State, and we agreed upon a common platform. You, who held more extreme notions, either yielded those notions, or, if not wholly yielding them, agreed to yield them practically, for the sake of embodying the opposition to the measures which the opposite party were pushing forward at that time. We met you then, and if there was .anything yielded, it was for practical purposes. We agreed then upon a platform for the party throughout the entire State of Illinois, and now we are all bound, as a party, 4o that platform. And I say here to you, if any one ex- pects of me — in the case of my election — that I will do anything not signified by our Republican platform and my .answers here to-day, I tell you very frankly that person will be deceived. I do not ask for the vote of any one who supposes that I have secret purposes or pledges that 1 dare not speak out. Can not the Judge be satisfied ? If he fears, in the unfortunate case of my election, that my going to Washington will enable me to advocate senti- ments contrary to those which I expressed when you voted for and elected me, I assure him that his fears are wholly needless and groundless. Is the Judge really afraid of any *euch thing? I'll tell you what he is afraid of. He is •afraid we'll all pull together. This is what alarms him
83 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
more than anything else. For my part, I do hope that all of us, entertaining a cpinmon sentiment in opposition* to what appears to us a design to nationalize and perpet- uate slavery, will waive minor differences on questions which either belong to the dead past or the distant future, and all pull together in the struggle. What are your sen- timents? If it be true, that on the ground which I occupy — ground which I occupy as frankly and boldly as Judge Douglas does his — my views, though partly coin- ciding with yours., are not as perfectly in accordance with your feelings as his are, I do say to you, in all candor, go for him and not for me. I hope to deal in all things fairly with Judge Douglas, and with the people of the State, in this contest. And if I should never be elected to any office, I trust I may go down with no stain of falsehood upon my reputation, notwithstanding the hard opinions Judge Douglas chooses to entertain of me.
" Ttie Judge has again addressed himself to the aboli- tion tendencies of a speech of mine, made at Springlield in June last. I have so often tried to answer what he is always saying on that melancholy theme, that I almost turn with disgust from the discussion — from the repetition of an answer to it. I trust that nearly all of this intelli- gent audience have read that speech. If you have, I may venture to leave it to you to inspect it closely, and see- whether it contains any of those 'bugaboos' which frighten Judge Douglas.
" The Judge complains that I did not fully answer his questions. If I have the sense to comprehend and answer those questions, I have done so fairly. If it can be pointed out to me .how I can more fully and fairly answer him, I aver I have not the sense to see how it is to be done. He says I do not declare I would, in any event, vote for the admission of a slave State into the Union. If I have been fairly reported he will see that I did give an explicit answer to his interrogatories. I did not merely say that I would dislike to be put to the test; but I said clearly, if I were put to the test, and a Territory from which slavery had been excluded should present herself with a State Constitution sanctioning slavery, — a most extraor- dinary thing, and wholly unlikely to happen, — I did not see how I could avoid voting for her admission. But he rsfuses to understand that I said so, and he wants this audience to understand that I did not say so. Yet it will be so reported in the printed speech that he can not help- fleeing it.
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"He says if I should vote for the admission of a slave State I would be voting for a dissolution of the Union, because I hold that the Union cannot permanently exist half slave and half free. 1 repeat that I do not believe this Government can endure permanently half slave and half free, yet I do not admit, or does it at all follow, that the admission of a single slave State will perma- nently fix the character and establish this as a univer- sal slave Nation. The Judge is very happy indeed at working up these quibbles. Before leaving the subject of answering questions, I aver as my confident belief, when you come to see our speeches in print, that you will find every question which he has asked me more fairly and boldly and fully answered than he has answered those which I put to him. Is not that so? The two speeches- may be placed side by side ; and I will venture to leave it to impartial judges whether his questions have not been more directly and substantially answered than mine.
" Judge Douglas says he made a charge upon the editor of the Washington Union, alone, of entertaining a purpose to rob the States of their power to exclude slavery from their limits. I undertake to say, and I make the direct issue, that he did not make his charge against the Union alone. I will undertake to prove by the record here, that he marie that charge against more and higher dignitaries than the editor of the Washing on Union. I am quite aware that he was shirking and dodging around the form in which he put it, but I can make it manifest that he leveled his 'fatal blow' against more persons than this Washington editor. Will he dodge it now by alleging that I am trying to defend Mr. Buchanan against the charge ? Not at all. Am I not making the same charge my- self? I am trying to show that you, Judge Douglas, are a witness on my side. I am not defending Buchanan, and I will tell Judge Douglas that in my opinion, when he made that charge he had an eye farther north than he was to-day. He was then fighting against people who- called him a Black ^Republican and an Abolitionist. It is mixed all through his speech, and it is tolerably manifest that his eye was a great deal farther north than it is to- day. The Judge says that though he made this charge, Toornbs got up and declared there was not a man in the United States, except the editor of the Union, who was in favor of the doctrine put forth in that article. And thereupon, I understand that the Judge withdrew the charge. Although he had taken extracts from the newspaper,
90 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
and then from the Lecompton constitution, to show the •existence of a conspiracy to bring about a 'fatal blow' by which the States were to be deprived of the right of excluding slavery, it all went to pot as soon as Toombs got up and told him it was not true. It reminds me of the story that John Phoenix, the California railroad sur- veyor, tells. He says they started out from Plaza to the Mission of Dolores. They had two ways of determining •distances. One was by a chain and pins taken over the ground. The other was by a 'go-it-ometer,' an invention of his own — a three-legged instrument, with which he computed a series of triangles between the points. At night he turned to the chain-man to ascertain what dis- tance they had come, and found that by some mistake he Jiad merely dragged the chain over the ground without keep- ing any record. By the 'go-it-ometer' he found he had made ten miles. Being skeptical about this, he asked a drayman who was passing how far it was to the Plaza. The drayman replied that it was just half a mile, and the surveyor put it down in his book — just as Judge Doug- las says, after he had made his calculations and compu- tations, he took Toombs' statement. I have no doubt that after Judge Douglas had made his charge, he was as easily satisfied about its truth as the surveyor was of the drayman's statement of the distance to the Plaza. Yet it is a fact that the man who put forth all that matter •which Douglas deemed a 'fatal blow' at State sovereignty, was elected by the Democrats as public printer.
"Now, gentlemen, you may take Judge Douglas' speech of March 22d, 1858, beginning about the middle of page •21, and reading to the bottom of page 24, and you will find the evidence on which I say that he did not make liis charge against the editor of the Union alone. I can not stop to read it, but I will give it to the reporters. Judge Douglas said:
""Mr. President, you here find several distinct proposi- tions advanced boldly by the Washington Union, editorially and apparently authoritatively, and every man who questions any of them is denounced as an Abolitionist, a Freesoiler, a fanatic. The propositions are, first, that the primary object of all government at its original institution is the protection of persons and property ; second, that the Con- stitution of the United States declares that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and im- munities of citizens in the several States ; and that, there- fore, thirdly, all State laws, whether organic or otherwise,
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•which prohibit the citizens of one State from settling in another with their slave property, and especially declaring it forfeited, are direct violations of the original intention <of the Government and Constitution of the United States ; and fourth, that the emancipation of the slaves of the Northern States was a gross outrage on the rights of property, inasmuch as it was involuntarily done on the part of the owner.'
"Remember that this article was published in the Union •on the 17th of November, and on the 18th appeared the first article giving the adhesion of the Union to the Le- -compton constitution. It was in these words :
" 'KANSAS AND HER CONSTITUTION. — The vexed question is settled. The problem is solved. The dread point of dan- :ger is passed. All serious trouble to Kansas affairs is 'over and gone' —
"And a column, nearly, of the same sort. Then, when you come to look into the Lecomptpn constitution, you find the same doctrine incorporated in it which was put forth editorially in the Union. What is it?
" 'Article 7, section 1. The right of property is before «,nd higher than any constitutional sanction ; and the right •of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase, is the same and as invariable as the right of the owner of any property whatever.'
"Then in the schedule is a provision that the constitu- tion may be amended after 1864 by a two-thirds vote.
" 'But no alteration shall be made to affect the right of property in the ownership of slaves.'
"It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton con- stitution that they are identical in spirit with this author- itative article in the Washington Union of the day previous to its indorsement of this constitution.
"When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton •constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union.
"Here he says, 'Mr. President, you here find several distinct propositions advanced boldly, and apparently authoritatively.' By whose authority, Judge Douglas? Again, he says in another place, 'It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton constitution, that they are iden- tical in spirit with this authoritative article.' By whose
92 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
authority? Who do you mean to say authorized the pub- lication of these articles ? He knows that the Washington Union is considered the organ of the administration. I demand of Judge Douglas by whose authority he meant to* say those articles were published, if not by the authority of the President of the United States and his cabinet? I defy him to show whom he referred to, if not to these high functionaries in the Federal Government. More than this, he says the articles in that paper and the provision of the Lecompton constitution are 'identical,' and beingf identical, he argues that the authors are co-operating and conspiring together. He does not use the word 'conspir- ing,' but what other construction can you put upon it?" He winds up with this :
" 'When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in. the constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw th it there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union.'
" I ask him if all this fuss was made over the editor of this newspaper. It would be a terribly 'fatal blow' indeed, which a single man could strike, when no President, no Cabinet officer, no member of Congress, was giving strength and efficiency to the movement. Out of respect to Judge- Douglas' good sense, I must believe he didn't manufacture his idea of the 'fatal' character of that blow oat of such a miserable scapegrace as he represents that editor to be. But the Judge's eye is farther south now. Then, it was- very peculiarly and decidedly north. His hope rested on the idea of visiting the great 'Black Republican' party, and making it the tail of his new kite. He knows he was then expecting from day to day to turn Republican and place himself at the head of our organization. He has found that these despised 'Black Republicans' estimate him by a standard which he has taught them none too well. Hence he is crawling back into his old camp, and you will find him eventually installed in full fellowship among those whom he was then battling, and with whom he now pre- tends to be at such fearful variance. (Loud applause and cries of 'Go on, go on.') I can not, gentlemen, my time has expired."
There had been a disposition on the part of Mr. Lincoln's political friends to see that he adopted such a line of policy
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 93
as would prevent Mr. Douglas from taking an undue ad- vantage of him. They had an idea that they knew more about conducting the campaign than Mr. Lincoln could possibly know; and when he propounded to Douglas the four questions embraced in his opening speech on this occasion, they felt that he had done just what Douglas wanted him to do, and they said to him that he had al- ready as good as elected Douglas to the Senate. The unerring foresight of Lincoln was incomprehensible. His reply was : " That may be, but it will defeat him for the Presidency." So it proved, for it was the answers which Douglas gave to those questions which lost him the sup- port of the South in the campaign of 1860, and this divi- sion of the Democratic party gave the Presidency to the Eepublicans.
In the eyes of the Nation, these men were regarded as intellectual giants; but while they were giants, there was as much difference between them on the issue they dis- cussed, as there is between day and night. Douglas was ambitious for the Presidency, and really believed in the right of the people to hold colored men as slaves; and while in fact he was opposed to the further extension of slavery, yet he was in favor of allowing the people who framed the constitutions of the new States the right to settle the question for themselves. Lincoln, on the other hand, recognized slavery as a great moral wrong, but he also recognized the right of the owners of slaves to their property under existing laws, and was unwilling to disturb them in that right ; yet he was unalterably opposed to the further extension of slavery. He was not an Abolitionist in the sense that Sumner, Giddings or Hale were held. There was no prejudice in his mind against the Southern people. There was nothing denunciatory in the language of his speeches. He held to the principle of equity in regard to the rights of the owners of slaves, which was
94 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
not possessed by any other leading man in the anti-slavery party. He sought justice for all men, and all sections,, and it was these principles which finally won for him the leadership of the party which had fought the existence or extension of slavery in so many forms, and gave to him such a proud position in the statesmanship of the civilized world.
CHAPTER VII. STATE GOVERNMENT-1859,
Governor — William H. Bissell.
Lieutenant- Governor — John Wood.
Secretary of State — 0. M. Hatch.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Jesse K. Dubois.
Treasurer — William Butler.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman,,
TWENTY-FIBST GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twenty-first General Assembly convened January 3 and consisted of the following members:
SENATE.
Norman B. Judd, Cook. A. L. Knapp, Jersey.
Henry W. Blodgett, Lake. C. W. Vanderen, Sangamon.
Zenas Applington, Ogle. Joel S. Post, Macon.
J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Sam'l W. Fuller, Tazewell.
Richard F. Adams, Lee. T. A. Marshall, Coles.
G. D. A. Parks, Will. Mortimer O'Kean, Jasper.
B. C. Cook, LaSalle. Silas L. Bryan, Marion. Geo. C. Bestor, Peoria. S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. T. J. Henderson, Stark. Wm. H. Underwood, St. Glair.. Wm. C. Goudy, Fulton. Sam'l H. Martin, White.
J. P. Richmond, Schuyler. E. C. Cofifey, Washington. Austin Brooks, Adams. A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson.
C. L. Higbee, Pike.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 95
HOUSE OP EEPRESENTATIVES.
Wm. A. Hacker, Union. Wm. H. Green, Massac. J. D. Pulley, Johnson, Thos. S. Hick,: Gallatin. J. Hampton, Franklin. J. E. Detrich, Eandolph. J. D. Wood, Washington. J. Mcllvaine, Hamilton, W. B. Anderson, Jefferson. John G., Powell, White.
E. T. Forth, Wayne. W. E. Morrison, Monroe. John Scheel, St. Glair. Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. Chas. Hoiles, Bond.
Z. B. Job, Madison. J. H. Sloss, Madison. S. Hardin, Effingham. W. J. Stephenson, Clay. H. C. McCleave, Crawford. J. Updegraff, Clark. T. Brewer, Cumberland. J. M. Davis, Montgomery. W. C. Shirley, Macoupin.
F. P. _Eush, Calhoun. Alex. King, Greene. Eobt. Mosely, Edgar. Wm. W. Craddock, Coles. J. W. Barrett, Sangamon. Dan'l Short, Sangamon. Cyrus Epler, Morgan. Elisha B. Hitt, Scott. Gilbert J. Shaw, Pike. King Kerley, Brown. Moses M. Bane, Adams. Western Metcalf, Adams. Lewis D. Erwin, Schuyler. W. H. Eosevelt, Hancock.
Lieutenant-Governor John Wood presided over the Sen- ate, and Finney D. Preston, of Eichland, was elected Secretary, over J. W. Schaffer, of Stephenson, by a vote of 14 to 11.
Wm. Berry, McDonough. J. G. Graham, Fulton. S. P. Cumminog, Fulton. Wm. Engle, Menard. Geo. H. Campbell, Logan. Dan'l Stickel, DeWitt. 0. F. Harmon, Vermilion. Leonard Swett, McLean. E. B. M. Wilson, Tazewell. Wm. C. Bice, Henderson, Thos. C. Moore, Peoria. Myrtle G. Brace, Stark. J. S. McCall, Marshall. Alex. Campbell, LaSalle. E. S. Hicks, Livingston. Val. Vermilyea, Kendall. Hiram Norton, Will. Alonzo W. Mack, Kankakee. J. M. Hood, DuPage. Wm. Patton, DeKalb, Wm. B. Plato, Kane. John H. Bryant, Bureau. E. Gilmore. Jr., Eock Island. Wm. Prothrow, Whiteside. Joshua White, Ogle. James DeWolf, Carroll. H. S. Townsend, JoDaviess. J. A. Davis, Stephenson. E. W. Blaisdell, jr., Winnebago- L. H. Church, McHenry. S. A. Hurlbut, Boone. Elijah M. Haines, Lake. Van H. Higgins, Cook. Samuel L. Baker, Cook. Ebenezer Peck, Cook. Casper Butz, Cook. Eufus W. Miles, Knox.
£6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
W. E. Morrison, of Monroe, was elected Speaker of the House, over Vital Jarrot, of St. Clair, by vive voce vote, and David E. Head, of Hancock, was elected Clerk, over Christopher C. Brown, of Sangamon, by a vote of 40 to 34.
A.mong the new members of this assembly who \vere able and active, were : Blodgett, Brooks, Higbee, Knapp, Marshall, Euckmaster, Hacker, Green, Thomas S. Hick, Swett, Mack, Plato, Bryant, Hurlbut, Peck, Haines.
The message of Governor Bissell was laid before the two houses on the 5th. He congratulated the Genoal Assembly on the happy and prosperous condition of the State in these words :
" Each recurring session of our Legislature brings with it increasing cause of gladness at the rapid and marvel- ous advances which we, as the people of a sovereign State, are making in all the elements of National great- ness. Our physical, intellectual and moral condition is advancing with a rapidity probably never equalled in any age, nor among any people on the globe. Our almost limitless prairies are being converted, as if by magic, into i'ertile and teeming fields, the produce of which, finding cheap and, speedy transit over our magnificent rivers and railroads to the best markets in the world, is enriching our farmers, and creating and sustaining a healthful busi- ness in all the useful departments of life ; while the steady and rapid multiplication of school houses, for the common as well as higher schools, throughput the State, give evi- dence, alike conclusive and gratifying, that the impor- tant matter of educating the rising generation is beginning to receive from our citizens that degree of attention which its real importance demands."
He showed that the State debt and the arrears of interest had been reduced during the years 1857-53, $1,166,876.74, leaving a balance of principal and arrears of interest of $11,133,453.93. He advised less legislation on private or trivial matters, and recommended that the laws enacted should be few and general. He recommended legislation in the interest of agriculture, the charitable institutions,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 97
Normal University, public instruction, banking and other general subjects, such as a school for idiots, criminal code and the militia. On questions political he said :
"I took occasion in my first annual message to refer to disturbing questions which then agitated and continue to agitate the country. It is to be deplored that any question exists so important and yet so complex as to disturb the perfect amity which should prevail in a government con- stituted like ours.
"Instead of a decrease of causes of complaint, new sub- jects of a disturbing character are presented, until it would seem that a fixed determination prevails to deprave public sentiment, and accustom it to aggressions, until either through exhaustion or indifference all opposition to nation- alizing slavery shall subside or become inert.
"The decision of the highest judicial tribunal known to our country, apparently designed to encourage the belief that slavery may and does of right lawfully exist in all the Territories, if not in all the States of the Union, was a backward step in the march of civilization, which has excited the surprise and regret of a very large portion of all the people of the Union.
"While the belief is inculcated that the hand of Provi- dence has marked out a chosen boundary within which no other institutions than such as are sustained by human slavery can be prosperous or produce the results desirable for the promotion of human welfare, and while negroes are openly imported and landed on our coasts, in defiance of law, without any apparent probability of punishment for the outrage, or of preventing its recurrence, it may be vain to hope that any harmony will be very soon estab- lished in reference to this disturbing question.
"The public mind does not find in such action any im- mediate prospect of repose. The anomalous condition of things in this regard is an admonition to us that vigilance in the protection of human freedom and human rights should be quickened, or the permanent elevation and hap- piness of the white race will be endangered.
"To avoid the perils that surround our institutions, and to perpetuate freedom and extend the blessings of liberty designed and left us as an inheritance by our forefatl ers, it is important that we should not shrink from such a declaration of our opinions, and from such positive action as will effectually arrest further aggressions upon the laws of the Nation and the spirit of the Constitution.
98 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"In an age so prone to misrepresentation as the present, our devotion to the Constitution and the Union cannot b& too frequently nor too distinctly declared. In view of this,. I cannot forbear placing upon record my protest, embody- ing, as I believe, the sentiment of the people of Illinois, against the idea and against any national policy conform- ing to the idea that the Almighty has drawn a line on this continent on one side of which the soil must be cul- tivated by slave labor."
On the 6th of January the Senate and House of Kepre- sentatives met in joint session for the purpose of electing: a United States Senator; Stephen A. Douglas received 54 votes and Abraham Lincoln 46. Douglas having re- ceived a majority of all the votes cast, was declared duly- elected for the term of six years, from March, 1859.
The duration of the session was fifty-two days. Outside of the election of Senator, there was little of an exciting nature, and the laws enacted, other than those which per- tained to the carrying on of the State government and the institutions, were local in character. A joint resolution was passed asking Congress for the immediate construc- tion of a building at Springfield, for the accommodation of United States courts, pension, land and post offices, and also a joint resolution recommending that at the next election for members of the General Assembly the electors- vote for or against calling a convention to form a new constitution.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 99
CHAPTER VIII, STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1860,
Four State Tickets— Four Electoral Tickets— Aggregate Vote' fur State Officers— Aggregate Vote for Congressmen, by Districts— Aggregate Vote for Electors— How Lovejoy Conquered Prejudice— An Attempt to Kidnap Richard Yates— How Lovejoy Helped the Democrats-- Y-ates and, the Kentucky Colonel— "It Made Our Very Hair Frizzle."
The Republicans were early in opening the campaign. They assembled in State Convention on the 9th of May. Eichard Yates was nominated for Governor, Francis A. Hoffman for Lieutenant-Governor, Jesse K. Dubois for Auditor, Wm. Butler for Treasurer, 0. M. Hatch for Sec- retary of State, and Newton Bateman for Superintendent of Public Instruction. A resolution favoring the nomina- tion of Abraham Lincoln for President was unanimously adopted.
On the 13th of June the Democrats met at Springfield and nominated James C. Allen for Governor, L. W. Koss for Lieutenant-Governor, G. H. Campbell for Secretary of State, Bernard Arntzen for Auditor, Hugh Maher for Treas- urer, and E. B. Roe for Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion. They endorsed the candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas for the Presidency.
The Buchanan Democracy held their State convention at the same place, on the llth of July, and nominated Thomas M. Hope for Governor, Thomas Snell for Lieu- tenant-Governor, B. T. Burke for Secretary of State, Henry S. Smith for Auditor, W. H. Gather for Treasurer, and
100 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
J. H. Dennis for Superintendent of Public Instruction. This convention was composed chiefly of Federal office holders.
The Bell and Everett party — Native American —held their State convention as late as August 16, at Decatur. John T. Stuart was nominated for Governor, Henry S. Black- burn for Lieutenant-Governor, James Monroe for Secretary of State, James D. Smith for Auditor, Jonathan Stamper for Treasurer, and D. J. Snow for Superintendent of Pub- lic Instruction.
The Democratic National Convention had assembled at Charleston, South Carolina, April 23, with full delegations from every State, and after fifty-seven ineffectual ballots for a candidate for President, seven of the Southern States withdrew, when the convention adjourned, to meet at Bal- timore, June 18, at which Stephen A. Douglas was nomi- nated for President, and B. Fitzpatrick, of Georgia, for Vice- President, but Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, and Hershell V. Johnson, of the same State, was substi- tuted by the National Committee. The Seceders met in the same city, June 22, and nominated John C. Breckin- ridge, of Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice-President.
A " Constitutional Union " convention from twenty States met at Baltimore, May 9, and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency.
The Republican National Convention assembled at Chi- cago, May 16, and nominated Abraham Lincoln for Presi- dent, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-President.
The novel spectacle of four State tickets and four Presi- dential tickets was presented to our people for the first and perhaps the last time.
The contest was remarkable in character. The four Presidential tickets made it necessary to present four sets
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 101
of State and District Electors, which, added to the candi- dates on the respective State tickets, presented an array of speaking talent that was never before, nor since, wit- nessed in any political struggle in our State. But the real issue was between the Kepublican party and the Douglas Democracy. Eichard Yates was regarded as one of the ablest, if not the ablest and most impressive speak- er in the country, while James C. Allen was as near his peer as any man within the Democratic lines. Each made an extended canvass, speaking day and night to con- gregated thousands of anxious hearers. The issue was National — the slavery question — and while Allen presented the views of his wing of the Democratic party with mas- terly ability, it was apparent that the popular heart in the more enlightened districts was with Yates, and that the people felt that the Eepublican party was not only progressive in character, but that it was sound in its theory as to the proper solution of the vexed question of slavery, and when the election returns came in it was shown that the Eepublicans had carried the Presidential and State tickets, and both branches of the Legislature. Yates run 1,090 ahead of Lincoln and Hamlin, and Allen 999 ahead of Douglas and Johnson. The Breckinridge and Lane vote was 2,292, and Bell and Everett 4,851. The Eepublican vote for President was 171,106, and the Douglas vote was 158,254.
The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and Presidential Electors is as follows :
GOVERNOR.
Eichard Yates 172,196
James C. Allen, D 159,258
T. M. Hope, B. D 2,049
John T. Stuart, B. E 1,G26
Scattering 1,279
102 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR.
jF. A. Hoffman, B 171,757
|Lewis W. Eoss, D 158,883
IThomas Snell, B. D 1,909
H. C. Blackburn, B. E 3,569
J. W. Bushnell 43
'Scattering 36
SECRETARY OF STATE.
0. M. Hatch, R 172,836
G. H. Campbell, D 160,293
B. T. Burke, B. D 2,022
Jas. Monroe, B. E 3,459
AUDITOR.
J. K. Dubois, E 173,101
B. Arntzen, D 159,841
H. S. Smith, B. D 2,127
J. D. Smith, B. E 8,4CO
TREASURER.
Wm. Butler, E 172,622
Hugh Maher, D 160,923
W. H. Gather, B. D 1,967
Jonathan Stamper, B. E 3,417
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
•N. Bateman, E 173,064
E. E. Eoe, D 160,143
D. J. Snow, B. E 8,314
J. H. Dennis, B. D 1,998
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
Elihu Washburne, E 21,436
Theodore A. C. Beard 8,929
Scattering 14
SECOND DISTRICT.
Isaac N. Arnold, E 30,834
Augustus M. Herrington 16,950
Scattering 72
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 103
THIKD DISTRICT.
Owen Lovejoy, E 29,600
Eobert N. Murray 18,843
William N. Murry 884
•Scattering 69
FOURTH DISTRICT.
William Kellogg, R 25,668
Eobt. G. Ingersoll 21,297
Scattering 15
FIFTH DISTRICT.
William A. Eichardson, D 16,946
3enj. M. Prentiss 14,684
-Scattering 20
SIXTH DISTRICT.
John A. McClernand, D 21,206
Henry Case 16,244
•Scattering 7
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
James C. Eobinson, D 19,206
Jas. T. Cunningham.' 16,313
•Scattering ' 10
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Philip B. Fouke, D 16,592
Joseph Gillespie 13,815
"Willis D. Green 129
NINTH DISTRICT.
John A. Logan, D 20,863
David T. Linegar 5,207
•Scattering 165
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS — LINCOLN, E.
Leonard Swett 171,106
John M. Palmer 171,126
Allen C. Fuller 171,110
William B. Plato 171,137
Lawrence Welden 171,019
William P. Kellogg 171,029
uJames Stark 171,021
104 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
James C. Conkling 170,703
Henry P. H. Bromwell 171,021
Thomas G. Allen 171,035
John Olney 171,018
DOUGLAS, D.
James L. D. Morrison 158,254
William H. W. Cushman 158,257
John A. Bawlins 158,233
J. Wilson Drury 158,248
Samuel W. Randall 158,244
S. Corning Judd 158,246
Calvin A. Warren 158,247
Anthony Thornton 15S,248
Nathan W. Tupper 158,248
William H. Underwood 158,246
Isham N. Haynie 158,244
BRECKINRIDGE, B. D.
John Dougherty 2,292
Thompson Campbell : 2,292
William Shannon, Jr 2,292
John C. Ambler 2,292
Norman H. Purple 2,293
William C. Wagley 2,292
John L. McConnel 2,288
John E. Cummings 2,292
J. M. Hawley 2,111
John E. Neil 2,147
Justus Stevens 2,292.
BELL, C. U.
M. Y. Johnson 4,851
David M. Woodson 4,803
H. S. Hanchett 4,819
John G. Piogers 4,811
Josiah Snow 4,798
Alexander J. Frick 4,811
C. M. Irwin 4,811
David A. Brown 4,811
John Kofer 4,811
L. Noland 4,80£
W. J. Yost 4,770>
\
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 105
How LOVEJOY CONQUERED PREJUDICE.
In this campaign, Gov. Palmer, then a Eepublican, and from early manhood an Abolitionist in principle, and al- ways an outspoken friend of the colored race, refused to take the stump for the Kepublican ticket unless the Ee- publican leaders would consent to send to his section some of the pronounced Abolitionists of the country, such as Sumner, Giddings, Hale or Lovejoy, contending that he had been the apologist for the views of these men as- long as he wished; that as Eepublicans they could not longer disguise the fact that they were in reality Aboli- tionists, and he was in favor of meeting the issue fairly and squarely. Finally he overpowered the views of the local committee and an application was made to the State Central Committee for one or more of these speakers, and an appointment was made for Owen Lovejoy at Te- gard's Mill, in the corner of the counties of Greene, Jersey and Macoupin. Norman B. Judd and John H. Bryant, brother of the poet, accompanied Mr. Lovejoy, but when they reached Carlinville, where they were to remain over night, none of the Eepublicans were willing to entertain Mr. Lovejoy, and Gov. Palmer, a recognized Abolitionist, was quietly requested to allow him to become his guest, which he did. Next day, when they arrived at the place of meeting, they found full five thousand people assembled, most of whom came through curiosity, simply to see the wonderful Abolitionist. In all that number it is said there were not five hundred Eepublicans. The stand from which Lovejoy was to speak had been boarded up on all sides, leaving only a doorway. A short time before the speaking was to begin, Mr. Palmer obtained an axe and walking deliberately into the stand said, in his- pleasant off-hand way : " Gentlemen, we have with us to- day the wonderful Abolitionist, Owen Lovejoy; you have seen that he has neither horns nor tail, and now I will
106 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
allow you to see that he has no hoofs," at the same time knocking the boards from all sides of the stand so as to expose the person of Mr. Lovejoy to full view. The effect of this undreamed of proceeding put everybody in a good Jiumor, and Mr. Lovejoy, humoring the fun Mr. Palmer had had at his expense, came forward with his face wreathed in smiles and commenced his address without a thought as to the character of his audience, speaking for over two Jiours; and it is said by those who had heard him on many occasions before that he never made a more effec- tive speech in his life. There were a thousand people in iears. He had conquered prejudice, simply by his power of eloquence. That night there was no trouble about his getting shelter.
AN ATTEMPT TO KIDNAP RICHARD YATES. This campaign was one of the most hotly contested struggles ever witnessed in Southern Illinois, and the in- cident of which we write occurred in Gallatin county, which was then regarded as the fountain head of pure Democracy. It had been the early home of many of the great lights of the party, and every attempt to dispute its authority was regarded as an invasion of sacred rights. Indeed, the people were so devoted to the cause of the Democracy, that an outspoken Eepublican was held in •extreme contempt. But in this campaign the political world was moving, and the Democracy were thoroughly aroused to the necessity of disputing every inch of ground with their Republican adversary. The Republicans, few as they were in number, were equally in earnest, and there was hot blood in every quarter. The Democracy opened the campaign at Shawneetown with a grand bar- becue. It was a great meeting, and was addressed by Gov. A. P. Willard of Indiana, John A. Logan, candidate for Congress, and Lewis W. Ross, candidate for Lieutenant- Governor, in the order in which their names appear.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 107
"The speech of Mr. Willard, who at that time was re- garded as the ablest and most eloquent champion of the Democratic party of the Northwest, was a powerful arraignment of the Eepublican party, and it caused many of the new converts to waver in their devotion to the cause they had so lately espoused, and to have judged the situation from the temper of that meeting would have been to predict a signal victory for the Democratic party. But weak as the Kepublicans were, they were not to be overwhelmed by this single blow, and they set them- selves about to hold a similar meeting upon the identical spot. Preparations were made for a bar- becue, and a cordial invitation was extended to the people from far and near to be present, and hear Eepub- lican principles discussed from a Eepublican standpoint. Eichard Yates, the Eepublican candidate for Governor, ivas positively announced to address the meeting. He was then in the very prime of manhood. The Democrats ~were afraid of his power on the stump, and it was deter- mined by a few of the most daring of that party, that he .should be kidnapped, and thus prevent his appearance at the meeting. (The writer was then a resident of Gallatin county, and was one of those who did not wish to hear Mr. Yates speak.) He had spoken the day before at Carmi. The road on which he was expected to arrive was care- fully guarded, and every precaution taken to make sure of his capture. An all-night watch was kept up, but in an unguarded moment the sentinels slept, and Yates, un- conscious of their designs upon his liberty, arrived safely during the night in company with Eobert Kirkham, (now Colonel) and next day he appeared in due time as the fearless champion of the Eepublican party. The meeting was fully as large as that held by the Democracy, but there were comparatively few Eepublicans present. Many came through curiosity; others for mischief. Yates had
108 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
hardly taken his seat on the stand before a series of hideous groans rent the air. But when the speaker was formally introduced the noise and confusion knew no bounds, and it continued until Daniel Jacobs, a life-long Democrat, mounted a spring wagon which stood in the midst of the throng, and declared in a tone loud enough to be heard by all, that the distinguished speaker should be heard, or he himself would be taken from the grounds a corpse and then and there, announced his abandonment of the Democratic party. This bold and daring declara- tion brought order out of confusion, when Mr. Yates pro- ceeded with his address without further interruption, save an occasional question from some of the advanced thinkers of the Democratic party as to his position upon the "black laws" and negro equality, subjects which were the stock in trade of the Democratic leaders of that section. But tima brings many changes in politics. Some of the very men who were foremost in the effort to break up that meeting are now leaders in the Republican party; and the name- of Yates is held in dear remembrance by many who heard him on that memorable occasion.
How LOVEJOY HELPED THE DEMOCRATS.
In this campaign, James S. Martin, now General, of Salem,, was a Democrat, and being anxious to swell the Democratic- vote of Marion county, he proposed to the Republican lead- ers that if they would get up a meeting for Owen Lovejoy, that the Democrats would assist in defraying the expenses. Relating the circumstance to the writer, he said Lovejoy had not proceeded far with his address before the Demo- crats became satisfied that they had made a bad invest- ment. The speech, said he, was one of the finest he ever listened to, and that when referring to the unfortunate condition of the down-trodden negro, he brought tears to> the eyes of strong men whose Democracy was thought to>
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 109
foe unflinching, and instead of augmenting the Democratic vote, it added new followers to the [Republican cause.
YATES AND THE KENTUCKY COLONEL.
This anecdote of Gov. Yates comes from an eye-witness :
After making a speech at Shawneetown, to which refer-
-ence has been made, Yates took a steamer for Evansville,
Ind. On the boat Col. C , of Kentucky, walked up in
front of him, and in a haughty and insulting manner said : "I heard your speech to-day, sir; you insulted our peo- ple, sir ! Now, by Jupiter, I'll let you know I am a Ken- tuckian, sir! And, by Jupiter, I will teach you — "
Yates sprang up without waiting for the end of the sen- tence, and exclaimed:
"And I'll let you know I am a Kentuckian, too, 'by Jupiter,' and if you propose to teach me anything, open you/ school right now, sir, and we will see who is master in that school!"
The Kentucky Colonel was not prepared for so much ready courage on the part of the Republican champion, .and abruptly left Yates master of the situation, to the utter delight of many of the passengers.
" IT MADE OUB VERY HAIR FRIZZLE."
This amusing incident in the campaign of 1860 has never been in print. The Democracy of Gallatin county adver- tised a great meeting at New Market; the presence of many eminent speakers had been promised, but to the surprise of all, none of them appeared, and their places had to be filled by home talent, among which was James B. Turner, then a young lawyer of promise, and afterward a member of the General Assembly. The burden of Turner's speech was against Eichard Yates, the Eepublican candi- date for Governor. His purpose was to show that Yates was in favor of negro equality, and to prove this he cited the fact that Yates, when in the Legislature, had favored
110 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the repeal of the " black laws." "A motion," said he, " hact been made to lay that bill on the table, and the journals showed that Yates had voted in the negative. Now, fellow citizens," said Mr. Turner, "I will tell you the effect of a. motion to lay a bill upon the table. I happen to have some little legislative experience ; I happened to be a lobby member at the time our gallant and patriotic Stephen A. Douglas was re-elected to the United States Senate, and I tell you it made our very hair frizzle when the result was announced." And here he left the subject, leaving his hearers to believe that the effect of a. motion to lay a, bill on the table is "to make the hair frizzle."
CHAPTER IX, STATE GOVERNMENT-1861,
Governor — Eichard Yates.
Lieutenant-Governor — Francis A. Hoffman.
Secretary of State — 0. M. Hatch.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Jesse K. Dubois.
Treasurer — William Butler.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman.,
Gov. Bissell died at Springfield March 15, 1860, when Lieut. -Gov. Wood became Governor until the election and qualification of Eichard Yates, January 14, 1861.
TWENTY-SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twenty- Second General Assembly convened on Mon- day, January 7, and consisted of the following members :-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Ill
SENATE.
Wm. B. Ogden, Cook. Henry W. Blodgett, Lake. Zenas Applington, Ogle. J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Richard F. Adams, Lee. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. W. Bushnell, LaSalle. Geo. C. Bestor, Peoria. T. J. Pickett, Eock Island. Wm. Berry, McDonough. J. P. Richmond, Schuyler. Austin Brooks, Adams. C. L. Higbee, Pike.
A. L. Knapp, Jersey. Wm. Jayne, Sangamon. R. J. Oglesby, Macon. Henry E. Dummer, Cass. Thos. A. Marshall, Coles. P. Funkhouser, Effingham. Zadok Casey, Jefferson. S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. W. H. Underwood, St. Clair. Hugh Gregg, Williamson. Jas. M. Bodgers, Clinton. A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson.
HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES.
Wm. A. Hacker, Union. Wm. H. Green, Massac. Jas. D. Pulley, Johnson. William Elder, Saline. Peter Keifer, Jackson.
E. Faherty, Randolph. Orson Kellogg, Perry. Cloyd Crouch, Hamilton. C. W. Webster, Marion. James M. Sharp, White. Nathan Crews, Wayne. H. C. Talbott, Monroe. Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. Samuel Stookey, St. Clair. Joshua P. Knapp, Clinton. Cyrus Edwards, Madison. G. Crownover, Madison.
F. H. Stoddard, Fayette. Isaac H. Walker, Clay. Aaron Shaw, Crawford. John Scholfield, Clark. Thos. W. Harris, Shelby. H. M. Vandeveer, Christian. J. T. Pennington, Macoupin. John N. English, Jersey. Ben]'. Baldwin, Greene.
N. B. Stage, Edgar.
Smith Nichols, Coles.
S. M. Cullom, Sangamon.
N. M. Broadwell, Sangamon. Isaiah Turney, Morgan. Albert G. Burr, Scott. Wm. R. Archer, Pike. • * Benj. F. DeWitt, Brown. J. W. Singleton, Adams. W. C. Harrington, Adams. Lewis D. Erwin, Schuyler. W. H. Rolloson, Hancock. S.H. McCandless, M'Donough. John G. Graham, Fulton. S. P. Cummings, Fulton. Frederick Rearick, Menard. Robert B. Latham, Logan. Lawrence Weldon, DeWitt. Samuel G. Craig, Vermilion. Harvey Hogg, McLean. David Kyes, Tazewell. Wm. C. Maley, Warren.
E. G. Johnson, Peoria. Theodore F. Kurd, Stark. Henry D. Cook, Woodford. A. J. Cropsey, LaSalle.
J. W. Newport, Grundy. V. Vermilyea, Kendall. Franklin Blades, Iroquois. Samuel Storer, Will.
F. H. Mather, DuPage. Edward R. Allen, DtKalb.
112 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Thos. S. Terry, Kane. A. A. Hale, Winnebago.
J. W. Harris, Bureau. S. A. Hurlbut, Boone.
E. W. Smith, Rock Island. L. 8. Church, McHenry.
George Eyan, Lee. Elijah M. Haines, Lake.
Francis A. McNeal, Ogle. J. Y. Scammon, Cook.
Benj. L. Patch, Carroll. Wm. H. Brown, Cook.
J. E. Jones, Jo Daviess. S. M. Wilson, Cook.
*E.H. McClellan, Jo Daviess. Homer Wilmarth, Cook.
J. F. Ankeny, Stephenson. Arthur A. Smith, Knox.
The Eepublicans had a majority in both houses. When ihe Senate met, A. J. Kuykendall was elected temporary Chairman, and C. W. Waite Secretary pro tempore, when the Senate proceeded to elect permanent officers. Thomas A. Marshall was elected Speaker over A. J. Kuykendall by a vote of 12 to 9. C. W. Waite was elected Secretary over E. S. Dennis, by a vote of 13 to 10. On the quali- fication of Mr. Hoffman as Lieutenant-Governor, he became Speaker of the Senate.
Shelby M. Cullom was elected Speaker of the House, over James W. Singleton, by a vote 39 to 29. Harley Wayne was elected Clerk, over M. B. Harrell, by a vote of 40 to 32.
This was the first time in the history of the State where any party, other than the Democratic, had had a majority in both branches of the Legislature. In 1855 Mr. Trum- bull was elected United States Senator, over Gen. Shields, by a fusion of the anti-Kansas-Nebraska Democrats with the Whigs, but the Whigs had not the ascendency in either house, and the Democrats dominated the legislation of the session.
Of the prominent members, and those to attain promi- nence of the two houses, there were among the new mem- bers : Ogden, Bushnell, Jayne, Oglesby, Casey, Underwood, Kuykendall, Edwards, Shaw, Scholfield, Cullom, Burr, Archer, Singleton, Weldon, Blades, Jones, McClellan, Haines, Scammon.
*Vice J. Russell Jones, resigned.
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Joint resolutions of respect were adopted on the death of Gov. Bissell.
The administration of Mr. Bissell was marked with moderation and wisdom, and he gave his undivided atten- tion to the discharge of the duties of his trust. He was born in New York, April 25, 1811; he was self-educated; he studied medicine, and graduated in 1834 at the Medical ^College in Philadelphia ; he removed to Illinois, and after practicing his profession until 1840, was elected a Kepre- sentative in the Legislature; he studied law, and was admitted to the bar, and in 1844 was elected Prosecuting Attorney ; he served with distinction in the Mexican war ; Jbe was a Representative in Congress from 1849 to 1855.
On January 9th, the message of Gov. Wood was read in the two houses. It showed that there had been paid of the State debt, from January, 1857, to January, 1861, $2,860,402.49, and that there were in existence one hun- dred and ten banks, with a circulation of $12,320,964. He recommended legislation which would better secure the bill-holder ; advocated the calling of a convention to frame a new constitution; suggested the reorganization of the militia, and additional legislation in the interests of the public schools.
Of the conflict of sentiment between the North and the South, which was fast ripening into real war, he said:
"The people of Illinois deem the constitution which •clasps these States as no temporary bond — to be worn and loosed at will — but as an eternal covenant, framed by wise and patriotic men, fraught with all our past glory ; all our present happiness; all our future hope; and be- queathed as a sacred trust, demanding our unceasing -efforts for its protection and perpetuation. We can im- agine, in the severance of this government, no advantage to us, to our countrymen, to humanity, that would in the least degree compensate for the flood of evils that must pour in upon us in such an event. If grievances to any portion of our confederation have arisen within the Union, —8
114 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
within the Union let them be redressed. If unconstitu- tional laws, trenching upon the guaranteed rights of any of our sister States, have found a place upon our statute books, let them be removed. If prejudice and alienation towards any of our fellow-countrymen has fastened upon our minds, let it be dismissed and forgotten. Let us be just to ourselves and to each other —allowing neither threats to drive us from what we deem to be our duty, nor pride of opinion prevent us correcting wherein we may have been wrong. Demands are being made, from quar- ters entitled to respect, that laws tending to obstruct the operation of Federal authority, conflicting with the constitutional rights, and jarring upon the feelings of other States, should be repealed. If Illinois, either by inadvertence or design, has passed any such act, justice
requires that it should be at once corrected
Speaking not merely for myself, soon to pass into a pri- vate station, but reflecting what I assume to be the voice of the whole people of Illinois, irrespective of party, adopt the sentiment of President Jackson : 'The Federal Union : it must be preserved.' "
Eichard Yates, the incoming Governor, was inaugurated on the 14th of January, in the presence of the two houses, and read in person his inaugural address. After giving attention to the passage of measures relating to the vital interests of the State, he addressed himself in this bold and patriotic manner to national questions:
" Whatever may have been the divisions of parties hith- erto, the people of Illinois will with one accord give their assent and firm support to two propositions :
" First — That obedience to the Constitution and the laws must be insisted upon, and enforced, as necessary to the existence of the government.
" Second — That the election of a Chief Magistrate of the Nation, in strict conformity with the Constitution, is na sufficient cause for the release of any State from any of its obligations to the Union.
" This Union cannot be dissolved by one State, nor by the people of one State, or of a dozen States. This gov- ernment was designed to be perpetual, and can be dissolved only by revolution.
"Can it be for a moment supposed that the people of the valley of the Mississippi will ever consent that the great river shall flow for hundreds of miles through a
TOLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 115
foreign jurisdiction, and they be compelled, if not to fight their way in the faces of forts frowning upon its banks, to submit to the imposition and annoyance of arbitrary taxes and exorbitant duties to be levied upon their com- merce ? I believe that before that shall come, either shore- of the Father of Waters will be a continuous sepulchre of the slain, and with all its cities in ruins, and the cul- tivated fields upon its sloping sides laid waste, it shall roll its foaming tide in solitary grandeur, as at the dawn of creation. I know I speak for Illinois, and I believe for the Northwest, when I declare them a unit in the unal- terable determination of her millions, occupying the great basin drained by the Mississippi, to permit no portion of that stream to be controlled by a foreign jurisdiction.
"As to compromise, if it means that we must outrage the sentiment of the civilized world by conceding that slavery is a blessing — that we must love and praise it; .that we may not hope for its ultimate extinction; that it may go into the free Territories, under the protection of/ the Constitution — if these are the grounds upon which tha- dilficulties are to be settled, then they never will be set- tied. Plainness and truth require us to say, that the only pacification to which the people of this State could accede,, would be upon the principles upon which Mr. Lincoln* was elected; that the Constitution must be obeyed, as it, is; all its provisions enforced, according to a fair and honest interpretation of its meaning; and that slavery ia a local and State institution, and nothing else. . . .
" South Carolina, however, claims the right to the forts of the United States, and to collect revenue from imports. Now, to open the ports of Charleston to free trade is to open the whole country to free trade. Merchandise, once in the Union, can be transported to any part of the Repub- lic. If South Carolina can open one port, she can all ; and she is not only sovereign at home, but throughout the Nation — a position not soon to be conceded to a State which has not so many white inhabitants as one of the Congressional districts in the State of Illinois. Now, if South Carolina disunionists shall be guilty of the stupen- dous madness of resisting the United States officers in the collection of the revenue, can there be any doubt that the Government will have to use as much force as is neces- sary to enforce these laws? If Gen. Washington, at the head of the United States Army in 1796, put down the Pennsylvania whisky rebellion; if Gen. Jackson, in 1832, quelled resistance to law by his proclamation of force; if
116 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Mr. Fillmore executed the Fugitive Slave Law at the point of the bayonet in the streets of Boston ; if Mr. Buchanan, in 1859, called out the United States Army to put down the seizure of the arsenal at Harper's Ferry, what shall be done with those who defiantly obstruct the execution of the Jaws at Charleston? If the laws are not executed, then the Government is a failure.
4t I know not what the exigencies of the future may be, mor what remedies it may be necessary to use, but the administration of the incoming President, I have no doub% will be characterized by wisdom as well as firmness. He certainly will not forget that the people of all the United States, whether loyal or not, are citizens of the same ^Republic, component parts of the same integral Union. He never will forget, so long as he remembers his official oath, that the whole material of the Government — moral, political and physical, if need be — must be employed to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. In such an event as this, I hesitate not to say that the General Assembly, without a dissenting voice, and the people of Illinois, would unanimously pledge the men and means of the State to uphold the Constitution and preserve the Union. To those who would distrust the loyalty of the American people to the Union, let the spon- taneous response of the National heart, borne upon ten thousand streams of lightning to the heroic An.lerson, answer."
The two houses met in joint session January 10, and re-elected Lyman Trumbull United States Senator, over Samuel S. Marshall, by a vote of 54 to 46.
Among the more important measures enacted by this Legislature, were acts to protect married women in their separate property against the debts of their husbands ; to encourage mining; to foster public schools; to authorize and facilitate the payment of certain scrip, coupons, cer- tificates and other evidences of State indebtedness; to provide for the payment of interest on the State debt ; to prevent illegal voting; to provide for calling a convention to amend the Constitution, A joint resolution was passed relating to the appointment of peace commissioners at Washington; resolutions of respect on the death of Gov.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 117
Bissell, and resolutions relating to Federal Eelations, in which it was declared that, although the people of Illinois did not desire any change in the Federal Constitution, yet, as several of the sister States had deemed it neces- sary that some amendments should be made thereto, that if the application should be made to Congress by any of the States deeming themselves aggrieved, to call a con- vention in accordance with the constitutional provision to propose amendments to the Constitution of the United States, that the Legislature of Illinois would concur in making such application, but it was further declared, "that until the people of these United States shall other- wise direct, the present Federal Union must be preserved as it is, and the present Constitution and laws must be administered as they are ; and, to this end, in conformity with that Constitution and the laws, the whole resources of the State of Illinois are hereby pledged to the Federal authorities."
SPECIAL SESSION.
The members of this General Assembly had hardly returned to their homes and become settled in their ordi- nary vocations of life, before they were convened in extraordinary session, to pass measures to aid the Nation in preserving its life. On the 14th of April, the rebels fired upon Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, and com- pelled its surrender, whereupon President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling, for 75,000 soldiers to put down the insurrection, and repossess and preserve the property of the government. Gov. Yates convened the General Assembly on the 23d of April, for the purpose of passing such laws as might be deemed necessary to place the State in a condition to render effective assistance to the General Government in preserving the Union, enforcing the laws, and protecting the property and rights of the people. His message to the assembly was full of stirring
118 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
patriotism, and filled every loyal heart with gladness. The sword, said he, was drawn not in a spirit of revenge, but clearly and unmistakably in self-defense and for the (preservation of the Union. Eeferring to the public senti- ment of the people of the North prior to the assault upon Fort Sumter, and the consequences to follow, he said :
" Public sentiment was everywhere, in the free States, for peace and compromise. No better proof could be re- quired, than the facts I have stated, that the conspiracy, which has now assumed such formidable dimensions, and which is threatening the destruction of the fairest fabric of human wisdom and human liberty, is of long standing, and is wholly independent of the election of a particular person to the Presidential office, than the manner in which the seceded States have acted toward their loyal brethren of the South and North since they have entered upon their criminal enterprise. We must do them, however, the jus- tice to say, that all their public documents and all the speeches of their controlling leaders candidly admit that the Presidential election has not been the cause for their action, and that they were impelled by far different motives.
"So forbearing and pacific has been the policy of the Federal Government — anxiously hoping for a return to reason in the minds of our Southern brethren — that they were suffered to erect their batteries in the jaws of our guns at Sumter, finally losing to us that strong fortress, by the most unexampled forbearance and reluctance to the shedding the blood of our countrymen ; and a simple at- tempt, on the part of our constitutional Government, to provision a starving garrison in one of pur ports, of which the revolutionary authorities had received official notice from the Government, has been made the occasion for a destructive bombardment of that fort. Overpowered by numbers, our gallant men had to lower our glorious flag, and surrender on terms dictated by rebels.
" The spirit of a free and brave people is aroused at last. Upon the first call <of the constitutional Government they are rushing to arms. Fully justified in the eyes of the world and in the light of history, they have resolved to save the Government of our fathers, to preserve the Union so dear to a thousand memories and promising so much of happiness to them and their children, and to bear aloft the flag which for eighty-five years had gladdened the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 119
hearts of the struggling free on every continent, island .and sea under the whole heavens. Oar own noble State, as of yore, has responded in a voice of thunder. The entire mass is alive to the crisis. If, in Mexico, our Hardin, and {Shields, and Bissell, and Baker, and their gallant comrades, were found closest to their colors, and in the thickest of the fight, and shed imperishable lustre upon the fame and glory of Illinois, now that the struggle is for our very nationality, and for the stars and stripes, her every son will be a soldier and bare his breast to the .storm of battle.
" The attack upon Fort Sumter produced a most start- ling transformation on the Northern mind — awakened a sleeping giant, and served to show, as no other event in all the history 01 the past ever did, the deep-seated fer- vor and affection with which our whole people regard our glorious Union. Party distinctions vanished, as a mist, in a single night, as if by magic; and parties and party platforms were swept as a morning dream from the minds •of men, and now men of all parties, by thousands, are begging for places in the ranks. The blood of twenty mil- lions of freemen boils, with cauldron heat to replace our national flag upon the very walls whence it was insulted, .and by traitor hands pulled down. Every village and hamlet resounds with beat of drum and clangor of arms. Three hundred thousand men wait the click of the wires for marching orders, and all the giant energies of the Northwest are at the command of the Government. Those who have supposed that the people of the free States will not fight for the integrity of the Union, and that they •will suffer another government to be carved out of the boundaries of this Union, have hugged a fatal delusion to their bosoms, for our people will wade through seas of Jblood before they will see a single star or a solitary stripe •erased from the glorious flag of our Union.
" The services already tendered me, in my efforts to •organize troops, provide means, arms and provisions, by •distinguished members of the party hitherto opposed to me in political sentiments, are beyond all praise, and are, by me, in behalf of the State, most cheerfully acknowledged. There are now more companies received than are needed under the Presidential call, and almost unlimited numbers have formed and are forming, awaiting further orders. A single inland county (LaSalle) tenders nine full com- panies, and our principal city (Chicago) has responded with contributions of men and money worthy of h.-i- f. on •>
120 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
for public spirit and patriotic devotion. Nearly a million* of money has been offered to the State, as a loan, by our patriotic capitalists and other private citizens, to pay the*- expenses connected with the raising of our State troops,, and temporarily providing for them.
" Civil war, it must be confessed, is one of the greatest calamities which can befall a people. And such a war!" It is said 'when Greek meets Greek then comes the tug of war.' When American shall meet American — when the fiery, impetuous valor of the South shall come in con- tact with the cool, determined bravery of the North, then blood will flow to the horses' bridles. Would that the calamity might be averted ! But the destruction of our government is a far greater evil. A government which- is the hope of the world — promising more of happiness to- us and our children and the millions who are to come after us, and to the struggling free in every land, than, any government ever invented by man, must not, shall not be destroyed.
" A government that submits to peaceable secession signs-- its own death warrant. What would be left of our Union? No matter how many States it might for the- present still comprise — this would give us not a moment's guarantee against further dissolution, if the right to secede^ once were peaceably tolerated. Government is established, for the protection of rights and property, and when built upon the principle of voluntary dissolution, it ceases to- furnish that protection ; it ceases to be a government under which national men can live.
" We draw the sword then, not in a spirit of in- dignation or revenge, but clearly and unmistakably in self- defense, and in the protection of our rights, our liberty and security, for property — in a word, for the nearest and dearest interests of ourselves and our posterity. I have^ thus spoken, because an impression may still prevail in the- minds of some, that this conflict was one of our own seek- ing, and one which might have been avoided without any- imminent danger to the yet loyal parts of the country* This is not so. Secession has brought about its inevitable- results, and we must crush it and treason, wherever thcy^ raise their unsightly heads, or perish ourselves.
"And now, as we love our common country, in all its parts, with all its blessings of climate and culture; its, mountains, valleys and streams ; as we cherish its history uiid the memory of the world's only Washington ; as we love our free civilization, striking its roots deep down into-
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those principles of truth and justice eternal as God; as we* love our government so free, our institutions so noble, our boundaries so broad; as we love our grand old flag, 'sign of the free heart's only home,' that is cheered and hailed in every sea and haven of the world, let us resolve that we will preserve that Union and those institutions, and that there shall be no peace till the traitorous and bloody palmetto shall be hurled from the battlements of Sumter, and the star-spangled banner hi its stead wave defiantly in the face of traitors, with every star and every stripe- flaming from all its ample folds.
" Gentlemen, I commend the destiny of our noble and gallant State, in this its hour of peril, to your wise and patriotic deliberations, and prudent and determinate action.. May the God of our fathers, who guided our Washington, throughout the trying scenes of the Revolution, and ga ve- to our fathers strength to build up our sacred Union, and to frame a government which has been the center of our affections and the admiration of the world, be still with, us, and preserve our country from destruction.
"In the firm belief that we are in the hands of a Su- preme ruling power, whose will is wisdom, let us manfully maintain our rights, and our Constitution and Union, to- the last extremity. Let us so act that our children and children's children, when we are laid in the dust, will hold us in grateful remembrance, and will bless our mem- ories, as we do now bless the heroes and patriots who- achieved our independence, and transmitted to us the priceless heritage of American liberty."
On the 25th of April, Senator Douglas, in response to a joint resolution, addressed the assembly in the hall of the House of Representatives on the issues of the hour. The hall was filled to overflowing, and the speech was the= bravest and best of all the great efforts of that gifted and patriotic statesman, from which a liberal extract will b& found in a subsequent chapter.
The two houses proceeded without circumlocution to trans- act the business for which they had been called together, and adjourned on the 3d of May, being in session only ten days ; and returning home, many of the members vol- unteered in defense of their country's flag.
122 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER X, SECESSION-PROSECUTION OF THE WAR,
Extracts from Speeches of Senator Trumbull and Representative McCler- nand. Delivered in the Senate and House. January. 1861— Extracts from War Speeches made by Owen Lovejoy, J. F. Farnsworth and Isaac N. Arnold,* at Chicago. August 8, 1862.
SPEECH OF LYMAN TRUMBULL.
" MR. PRESIDENT — It has been very hard for me, and, I doubt not, my Republican associates around me, to bear the many misapprehensions, not to say misstatements, of our position, and to see a perverted state of facts day after day urged upon the Senate and the country by gen- tlemen upon the other side. We have listened to the Senator from Mississippi ; and one would suppose, in listen- ing to him here, that he was a friend of this Union, that lie desired the perpetuity of this Government. He has a most singular way of preserving it, and a most singular way of maintaining the Constitution. What is it ? Why, he proposes that the Government should abdicate. If it will simply withdraw its forces from Charleston, and abdi- cate in favor either of a mob or of the constituted authori- ties of Charleston, we will have peace ! He dreads civil war, and he will avoid it by a surrender ! He talks as if we Eepublicans were responsible for civil war if it ensues. If civil war comes, it comes from those with whom he is acting. Who proposes to make civil war but South Caro- lina? Who proposes to make civil war but Mississippi, and Alabama, and Georgia, seizing, by force of arms, upon the public property of the United States? Talk to us of making civil war ! You inaugurate it, and then talk of it as if it came from the friends of the Constitution and the Union. Here stands this great Government ; here stands the Union — a pillar, so to speak, already erected.
* Mr. ARNOLD died at Chicago, his home, OP Thursday, April 24. 1884— while this book was passing through the press.
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'.Do we propose to pull it down? Do we propose under- mining the foundations of the Constitution or disturbing the Union? Not at all; but the proposition comes from the other side. They are making war, and modestly ask us to have peace by submitting to what they ask.
"It is nothing but rebellion; it is nothing but insurrec- tion. But not only in South Carolina, where there was the pretense of secession to justify the act, which, I think, really amounts to nothing, but in Georgia and Alabama, which have not seceded, we are told that the public property of the United States has been seized; and the Senator from Mississippi thinks the best way to avoid civil war is for the United States to withdraw their forces, to surrender their forts, and strike the flag under which he was nurtured, and beneath which he has marched so often. The Stars and Stripes have been taken down from the United States buildings in the city of Charleston, and trampled in the dust, and a palmetto flag with a snake, reared in their place ; but if we would avoid civil war, we are told, we must submit to this ! Why, sir, any people •can have peace at the price of degradation. No despot makes war upon subjects who submit their necks to the tread of his heel. But if we would maintain constitu- tional liberty ; if we would maintain constitutional freedom ; if we would maintain this great Government, we must not suffer every faction, and every mob, and every State, that thinks proper, to trample its flag under foot
" Sir, it is clear to my mind that this doctrine of seces- sion is utterly destructive of a constitutional government. On the same principle, a county may secede from a State, and a town from a county. The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) has been talking about compromises, and has introduced a string of resolutions here. When they are adopted, what is your Government good for? What is to prevent the State of Illinois next week, or the State of Kentucky the following week, from seceding, as South Carolina has done, and demanding new guarantees as a condition of the existence of the Union? By submitting to this doctrine, you destroy the stability of the Govern- ment. Constitutional governments are worth nothing if this doctrine is to obtain ; and hence it is that those of us who are for sustaining the Constitution and sustaining the Union, believe that the question involved is the existence of constitutional government. We now have nothing to do with the extension of African slavery — that is not the
124 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
question before the American people ; but the question is, 'Has this Government any power to protect itself?' Iii other words, have we a Government at all? That ia what is to be tested. The people of Illinois believe we have a Government, and a Government that has power to maintain itself, not by makiug civil war, but by enforc- ing the laws, and defending itself against those who would make war upon it.
"But, sir, what is the cause of this complaint? Why is it that the Southern States are inaugurating civil war? I have as much horror for it as the Senator from Missis- sippi. I would do anything honorable to avoid it. I certainly will not be the instrument to inaugurate it. But what is it the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Davis) com- plains of? To use his language, he says, if you are to- make us hewers of wood and drawers of water for you m the North, we will not submit. If they are to be reduced to subjection to the North, they will not submit. I do- not ask them to dp so. So far as I am concerned, I will ask them to submit to nothing that I will not submit to- myself. I ask to impose no inequality upon the State oi Mississippi.
"Now, sir, my idea of preserving the peace of this; country, and of the duty which is devolved upon us here,, is not what we should yield, as the Senator from Missis- sippi suggests, to the threats and demands of States which say that they want no compromise, and want no conces- sions, and are determined to set up for themselves, and expel the Federal Government from their borders; but that we should rally around the Constitution, and enforce the laws under it; and then, not when States come here- threatening civil war, not when our vessels are tired into, not when our forts are taken possession of, but when the States all acknowledge themselves within the Union, and. under the Constitution, if there are any grievances, let them be removed. Then, if there is anything wrong in the- Constitution, let us amend it according to the mode pro- vided in the instrument. I do not believe that we shall better the Constitution by any amendment which may he- made to it
"But, sir, I did not intend making any lengthened re- marks, but only to reply in a few words to what I thought to be the false assumptions of Senators on the other side as to this whole controversy. I shall not take up the
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time of the Senate by going into any lengthened argu- ment, but will state in a few words what I suppose to be our duty here ; and that is, in the first place, to endeavor to maintain the Constitution and the laws as we have them. When the attack is made by the seceding States, or by mobs in the Southern States, upon the constituted authorities, there can be no doubt as to our duty in such a case. I was saying, when interrupted, that the North *was not disposed to make any encroachments upon the South. I was saying that even this Fugitive Slave Law would most likely be better executed under Mr. Lincoln's Administration than under Mr. Buchanan's, and was giving some reasons for this opinion. We know that Mr. Lin- •coln, in his public speeches, has said that so long as this statute stands, objectionable as it may be, he would con- sider it his duty to have it executed. He has said, further, that in his opinion the slave owners were entitled, under the Constitution, to a reasonable law to reclaim their run- away slaves; and he has said that he would not object to any law for that purpose which was not more likely to •enslave a free man, than your common criminal laws are
to punish an innocent one
"I do not desire to engage the Senator from Kentucky in a discussion at this time, but simply to call his atten- tion to the compromise of 1850, and see if we do not stand in a better position, just as we are, than by attempt- ing to patch up some new compromise. For my life, I •cannot see the occasion for all this agitation in the coun- try, and for States threatening to go out of the Union, unless it be simply the fact that the Bepublican party has, in the constitutional mode, elected its candidate for the Presidency. That is all I can see. Inasmuch as we fhave not been in power, we certainly have done nothing ; and although Senators who say they love the Union will pick out an isolated passage from Mr. Lincoln's speeches, •or from the speeches of some extreme man, and reiterate it over and over again, as if further to inflame the public mind ; still, when you come back and look at the public course of the President elect, at his avowed opinions, at the platform upon which he is elected, you will find noth- ing that interferes in the least with the rights of the South; nothing that denies the equality of the States; nothing that denies the equality of any individual from any of the States in the common territories of the United States."
126 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
SPEECH OF JOHN A. MCCLERNAND.
"MB. CHAIRMAN — When an impending danger can be no- longer stayed or averted, is it not the part of wisdom and duty to meet, and, if possible, overcome it ? Such, I think, is a sound canon of statesmanship. Acting on this belief, I propose rather briefly, to deal with the question of seces- sion now actually upon us.
"First, I deny the constitutional right of any State to secede from the Union; second, I deprecate the exercise of any such assumed right as a measure of revolution, which in the present case, must embroil the country in a sanguinary and wasting civil war."
"Let me not be misunderstood. I do not desire war. I would avoid it by all honorable means, particularly a civil war between any of the States of this Union. Such a war would be fratricidal, unnatural, and most bloody. It would be a war between States equally jealous of their honor, and men equally brave. I would forfeit my own self-respect if I would disparage the courage of my breth- ren, either of the North or the South; for courage is the distinction of neither, but the virtue of both. The only difference between them is, that the man of the South fights- from impetuosity, the man of the North from purpose, and the man of the West from a restless spirit of adven- ture. Myself, a Kentuckian by birth, and an Illinoisan by nurture and education, I would deplore such a war as the greatest calamity that could befall the country; yet, as a practical man, and a representative of the people, I must not shut my eyes to the logic of the cause and effect — to the popular instinct of self-preservation."
"Let us all — let all conservative men of all parties and of all sections, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Gulf of Mexico to the far lakes — rally in favor of the in- tegrity of the Constitution and the Union. Let them merge the partisan in the patriot, and, coming up to the altar of their country, generously sacrifice every angry feeling and ambitious aim for the welfare and glory of that country. Let no man, whether he be Democrat, Repub- lican, or American, refuse to yield something of his opinions and prepossessions in deference to others, and the higher claims of patriotism. All government, all authority, all human life, is a compromise. Christianity itself is a com- promise between justice and mercy — between disobedience and its predoomed punishment. Let us, therefore, in a
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 127
•spirit of conciliation and concession, compromise our exist- ing differences upon just and equitable terms; let us all do this for the good of all. Our fathers set us such an example in the formation of the Federal Constitution ; and why cannot we follow it as the condition of preserving and perpetuating that sacred instrument ? To do so would be no discredit or disparagement to any one, but an honor to all. The people, posterity, and future history, in the name of freedom and humanity, call for it.
" Personally, I would prefer compromise upon the basia of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States, in the Territories, and in the District of Cplumbia. My own choice would be, to leave the people of the States and Territories, each to decide for themselves, whether they would or would not have slavery, and what should be the character of their other local institutions. This would be my choice, but if such a settlement is unacceptable to the majority, then I am willing to forego my strong objections to a geographical line, and adopt the plan of adjustment recommended by a committee of the members from the border States, which is familiar to the members of the House, and which, as the peace offering of conservative- men, would no doubt meet the approbation of the great mass of the people, a plan which I understand my dis- tinguished friend from Arkansas (Mr. Rust) is prepared to bring before the House on the first opportunity."
SPEECH OF OWEN LOVEJOY.
" So far as the question of argument is concerned, it has been exhausted. A son does not argue or appeal to- decide as to the propriety of killing the assassin of his mother; neither do the sons of the republic need long- winded arguments to induce them to put down this ac- cursed rebellion. We want men, not speeches; men with muskets in their hands, not hurrahs from their throats. I have but little reputation as a conservative man, so far as I have been informed. Some people go so far as to say I am slightly tinctured with fanaticism in my views of the slavery question. For myself, I claim to be a sort of an anointed prophet of the Lord. I have faith in God, and next to Him, in the American people. Let us not fall into the error of the man who, standing by the side of a bayou or arm of the sea, and witnessing the ebb of the tide, exclaimed that the sea was becoming dry land again. Bather let us say that behind and beyond the
128 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
temporary reverses now afflicting us, there will come up- the great uprising of popular patriotism, which in its cer- tain flood, shall cover with its proper element and spirit the ground lost in those temporary reverses.
"It is not for any of us to say that during the trying •emergency in which we are at present placed, he <could manage the ship of State more satisfactorily than the one who is now at the helm. Let us each seize a :rope and do what we can to prevent its destruction. This is common sense. I call it good common sense for a ' fanatic.' We must preserve the Nation ; we must pre- serve it intact from rebels at home, or foreign interven- tion. We must not allow French intervention in Mexico. Neither must we allow a descendant of that old British tyrant, George the Third, to plant his throne in Southern «oil within the boundaries of the Republic. We must therefore defend our soil if every foot of the domain is consecrated with the blood of a slain hero. We must preserve our nationality, and for myself, I don't want to sur- vive the permanent dismemberment of these United States. I had a thousand times rather lay down my life on the battle field than outlive such a dreadful event. I don't know what God wills, but I have a shrewd suspicion that He wills what we will. The maintenance of the Govern- ment and the perpetuity of the Union are a necessity. What ! consent to a dismemberment ? Suppose we allow the confederates to secede, what do we gain? We gain a confederacy more despotic than any monarchy of Europe. With Canada on the north, and this hated Southern Con- federacy on the south, with all the power and hate of England to back her, we are ground to powder between the upper and nether mill-stone.
"How is our nationality to be preserved? By every man, woman and child consecrating themselves to the great work till the rebellion is suppressed. This is a matter that cannot be settled by resolutions or meetings, nor ballots ; it's got beyond that ; it's bayonets and bullets now. War has hardly touched us yet in the great Northwest; it has not yet laid upon us its bloody hand, that we feel its withering, blighting curse. We must buy and sell and •conduct our business as usual, but the one grand idea must ever be prominent— the suppression of this rebellion. We must make this war the great business of our lives till it is ended."
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SPEECH OF JOHN F. FAKNSWORTH.
"They have massed an immense army, and are fight- Ing with a desperation we have not evinced. Until we have the same spirit, , we shall not conquer them. When we seize all agencies, as they do, we shall conquer, and that right speedily. The rebels have got their last large army. Every man has been compelled to take arms and fight in the front of the rebels. When we do this, rebeldom will be put down. The people of the North are getting over their tender-footed conservatism which has sacrificed too .many lives dear to your firesides. My friends, there is at this moment, in the Southern States, an army of men «qual to our entire army in numbers. They are our friends. They will work for us, and fight for us, if you •will but say the word. You are allowing them now to cul- tivate corn and wheat to feed your enemy. You are let- ting them work in the trenches and build fortifications against you. The entire element is ready — and I speak irom my knowledge — is ready to act, and work, and fight for you. A rebel throat is none too good to be cut by a black man. I find in Virginia, that the only reliable, truthful men from whom we can obtain information about the rebel armies, their roads and their scouts, were in the poor hovels of the negro. Using all the skill and expe- rience I have had as a lawyer, I have questioned wLite men, and when I had done, some old negro, too old to bear arms, would nod to me to meet him behind the barn, acd would tell me 'massa lied,' and would impart to me information which subsequent experience proved true. I have never known them to tell an untruth to me. I want to see an expression go forth from this meeting, lifting up the hands of the President and Cabinet for using every agency we can lay our hands upon. The voice of the people is the voice of God. It is authoritative with statesmen and generals. That voice, I trust, will be heard. I hope the fruits of this meeting will be felt. I hope it will not be an exodus for the accumulated gas of speeches. Organize your companies and train them at home for any emergency which may occur. I want to see the wealthy merchants, who own these large buildings, the well-to-do lawyers and thriving physicians come down with the sinews of war to aid the men who are fighting the battles of the stay-at-homes. I see before me at least two regiments of men. What are you doing here? You've all got your little property at stake. Put your names on the muster roll." —9
180 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
SPEECH OF ISAAC N. ARNOLD.
" Starting from the Nation's capital, all along through? New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, you see a vast uprising of the people, with a fixed, stern determination, at any cost, to crush out this vast rebellion.. But it is in the Northwest, and in this great city of the Northwest, that the zeal and energy of patriotism is most active and all-pervading.
" Illinois is meriting for herself and her children a glo- rious record. She had won distinguished honors in the Mexican war. Bissell and Hardin had associated their names and the name of Illinois with Palo Alto and Buena Vista ; but in this far more glorious war, in which the faithful fights for his country against rebels and traitors, far more cruel and barbarous than Mexican guerillas, Illinois covered herself with glory. The bones of her sons, lie scattered on every battle-field in the valley of the Mis- sissippi. With more than 60,000 of her gallant sons in the field, the President, whom Illinois has given to the Nation, calls for more troops.
" Illinois springs to the rescue. Her commercial capital speaks to-day in a voice which will thrill the Nation. The Northwest is ready. As a citizen of this city, I claim to- day to express my thanks to the Board of Trade. You. have done nobly, and your efforts will tell in all the Northwest, and be felt throughout the loyal States, and I doubt not the gallant soldiers you raise will be felt among the barbarians in arms against our country.
" Every great war has underlying it a great idea. What is the great idea which gives impulse and motive power to this war? It is our nationality. The grand idea of a great continental republic, ocean bounded, and extending from the lakes to the gulf, commanding the respect of the world, is an idea implanted deeply in the American heart, and it is one for which every American patriot will fight, and if necessary die. Nowhere is this sentiment stronger than in the Northwest. With one hand we clasp tne East, and with the other the Northwest will grip the South, and we will hold this Union together. We will not see this grand republic split up into contemptible Mexican provinces — always fighting and destroying each other. Incident to this idea of nationality — and becoming every day stronger — is another, that this grand republic must be all free, filled with one great, free population.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 131
" The suicide of slavery is being enacted before our eyes. Let the cursed, barbarous, traitor-breeding institution die. The slave-holder has himself given to it the mortal wound ;: let no timid Northern dough-face attempt to staunch the blood. The end of slavery will prove the regeneration of the Nation.
" Liberal bounty is offered to the gallant volunteer. I wish to state a fact which may not be generally known. The Congress just adjourned provided by law that all our foreign-born soldiers should become the adopted children of the Kepublic; he who lights for the flag shall be im- mediately a citizen. We could not do less for the gallant Germans, the countrymen of Sigel, and Osterhaus, and "Willich, — for the brave Irishmen, who, under Meagher, and Shields, and Mulligan, are fighting for the old flag.. To every Irishman I would say, remember Corcoran, andi rally to his rescue.
"Who shall pay the cost of this war? Let us quarter- on the enemy, confiscate the property, and free the slaves.. of rebels."
CHAPTER XI.
BEFORE THE CONFLICT,
Lincoln's Departure for Washington— Farewell Words at Springfield— Speech at Cincinnati— Inaugural Message— Resignation of Southern Senators and Kepresentatives— Vulgar Cartoon of Lincoln by Harper's Weekly.
The politicians of the slave States, as we have before shown, had, for forty years, sounded the disunion cry whenever the National Government had manifested any disposition not to comply with their every demand; and now that the North had elected, as they termed.it, an Abolitionist President, there was concert of action among those States in putting that oft-repeated threat into exe- cution, and without waiting to consult the newly elected
132
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Ohief Magistrate as to his feelings or intentions regarding the policy he would pursue, and while they held the con- trolling power in both branches of Congress and the Supreme Court, twelve of the slave States had passed ordinances of secession, and on the 4th day of February, four days before the President-elect had left Springfield for Washington, they met at Montgomery, Alabama, and formed the so- called Southern Confederacy, with slavery as its chief corner stone. This was followed by active preparations for war. Buchanan's Administration had permitted the firing upon the Star of the West, which carried supplies to Fort Sumter, to pass without redress, and State after $tate to secede without offering the slightest protest. In- fdeed, the President had expressed in his last annual mes- t sage Ahe remarkable opinion, that " no power has been uMegated to coerce into submission a State that is attempt- ing to withdraw, or has entirely withdrawn, from the Con- federacy." This singular conduct on the part of the outgoing administration, and the extraordinary proceeding of the seceded States in setting up a government for themselves, created a widespread feeling of alarm among the law-abiding citizens of the North ; and Mr. Lincoln, himself, was evidently deeply agitated as to what would be the finality of the momentous issue, and the grave responsibilities he was so soon to assume weighed heavily upon his mind. He felt that the temple of liberty, founded •more than three-quarters of a century before, was being shaken from center to circumference, and the absorbing thought of his great mind was, how should he prevent the temple from falling to pieces, and yet, at the same time, preserve the rights and liberties of the people.
On the day he left Springfield, February 11, many of his personal and political friends had assembled at the depot to give him a loving farewell, and in bidding them adieu, for the last time — for he was never in Springfield
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 133
again, alive — he addressed them in this feeling and pathetie manner :
" MY FRIENDS — No one, not in my position, can appre- ciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quar- ter of a century, here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I will see you again. A duty devolves upon me which is perhaps greater than that which has rested upon any other man* since the day of Washington. He would never have suc- ceeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, on which he at all times relied. I feel that I can not succeed with- out the same Divine aid which sustained him. On the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support; and I hope you, my friends, will pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, without which I can not succeed, but with which success is certain. Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell."
Reaching Cincinnati, he was called out for a speech, and being in the vicinity of Kentucky, one of the slave States, and doubtless with many slave-holders as his hearers, he took occasion to advert, briefly but with perfect frankness, to the policy he should pursue towards those States. We quote his language, as it appeared in the public prints of that day:
"I have spoken but once before in Cincinnati. That was a year previous to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we as Republicans would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone the result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presi- dency, than in any other way. They did not in any true sense nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has certainly come as soon as ever I expected. I told them how I expected they would be treated after they should be beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said. When beaten, you perhaps will want to know what we will cb with you. I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to- speak for the opposition. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can as Washington, Jefferson and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institutions. We mean to recognize
181 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
and bear in mind that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, brethren may I call you, in my new position I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word from this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall not be mine."
We will not follow him through his travels to the Na- tional capital, further than to say, that in order to reach that city in safety he was compelled to change his plans, as to his passage through Baltimore, lest he should be assassinated.
His inaugural message had been prepared with great care, and addressed itself to the sober, second-thought of the people of all the States. The platform on which he had made the race for President, and which was still fresh in the minds of the people, was utterly thrown aside, and in concluding this, his first state paper, he addressed himself, in this language, directly to his dis- satisfied countrymen :
"Apprehensions seem to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Eepublican administration their property and their peace and per- sonal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. In- deed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and have been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of him who now addresses you. I consider that, in view of the Con- stitution and laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the ex- tent of my ability I will take care, as the Constitution expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, I deem it only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it, so far as possible, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requi- site means, or shall, in some other authoritative manner, direct the contrary. Physically speaking, we can not sepa- rate. We can not move the respective sections from each oilier, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 135
•different parts of our country cannot do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable -or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties more easily than friends can make laws .among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions are upon you. In your hands, my dissatis- fied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no solemn oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic •cords of memory stretching from every battlefield and patriot's grave to every living heart and hearthstone all -over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."
It would seem after these unqualified personal and official declarations regarding the policy of his Administration towards the Southern States, that there was no longer any necessity for doubt in the public mind as to what he would do, for he had given them the strongest assurance that he meant only to execute the laws as he found them, and that he would preserve, protect and defend the Gov- ernment.
So great was the domination of Southern sentiment in the North, that even Harper's Weekly printed a vulgar cartoon of President Lincoln, as he passed through Balti- more. When he took the oath of office he was surrounded by traitors within and without; on the right and on the left; and notwithstanding the pacific language of his inaugural address, Southern Senators and Eepresentatives precipitately resigned their seats in Congress and cast their fortunes with the so-called Southern Confederacy. The
136 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
reader will bear in mind that these men deserted their trusts at a time when the Democrats had a majority in both houses of Congress, and there was not a single law upon the statute books of the Nation which had been fathered or fostered by a Eepublican or Abolitionist re- lating to the question of slavery or the right of the people of the slave States to manage their domestic affairs in their own way ; and with the most solemn assurance from the President staring them in the face, that he recog- nized the fact that under the Constitution and laws he had no right to interfere with the institution of slavery^ and no disposition to do so, whether the right existed or not.
CHAPTER XII. STEPHEN A, DOUGLAS,
Douglas* Prophecy— Avows His Determination to Stand by President Lincoln— His Patriotic Address at Springfield— Speech at Chicago — Death at Chicago— Monument to His Memory.
Among the many able men Illinois has had in the coun- cils of the State and Nation, there has been no grander man than Stephen A. Douglas, and at no time did hia patriotism or ability shine forth with more splendor than when the seceding States made war upon his country's flag, and among all our statesmen, there was none who- had a clearer vision as to what was to be the results of the war. In Arnold's history of Abraham Lincoln is re- lated this prophecy : " Gen. Charles Stuart, of New York,, was a caller at Douglas' house in Washington, on New Year's day, 1861, and to the question, 'What will be the result of the efforts of Jefferson Davis and his associates
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 137
to divide the Union?' Douglas, rising and looking like one inspired, replied. 'The cotton States are making an effort to draw in the border States to their schemes of secession, and I am but too fearful they will succeed. If they do succeed, there will be the most terrible civil war the world has ever seen, lasting for years.' Pausing a a moment, he exclaimed, 'Virginia will become a charnel house, but the end will be the triumph of the Union cause. One of their first efforts will be to take possession of this Capital, to give them prestige abroad, but they will never succeed in taking it. The North will rise en masse to defend it, but Washington will become a city of hospitals — the churches will be used for the sick and wounded — even this house (Minnesota block, afterwards, and during the war the Douglas Hospital) may be devoted to that pur- pose before the end of the war.' The friend to whom this- was said inquired, 'What justification for all this ?' Doug- las replied, 'There is no justification, nor any pretense of any. If they remain in the Union, I will go as far as the Constitution will permit, to maintain their just rights, and I do not doubt a majority of Congress would do the same. But,' said he, again rising on his feet, and extending his arm, 'if the Southern States attempt to secede from this Union without further cause, I am in favor of their hav- ing just so many slaves, and just so much slave territory, as they can hold at the point of the bayonet, and no more.' "
The words of Douglas proved as prophetic as they were patriotic.
Soon after President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 troops, Senator Douglas called on him and warmly assured him of his purpose to stand by him in the hour of the country's peril. At the request of Mr. Lincoln he dictated this dispatch, which was sent through the Associated Press to the country:
138 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"April 18, 1861, Senator Douglas called on the Presi- dent, and had an interesting conversation on the present condition of the country. The substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was unalterably opposed to the Administration in all its political issues, he was pre- pared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all his constitutional functions to preserve the Union, main- tain the Government, and defend the Federal Capital. A firm policy and prompt action was necessary. The Capi- tal was in danger, and must be defended at all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the present and future, without reference to the past."
Arriving at Springfield on the 25th of April, he addressed, at their request, the two houses of the General Assembly in this decisive and unequivocal language :
" For the first time since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, a wide-spread conspiracy exists to overthrow the best government the sun of heaven ever shone upon. An invading army is marching upon Washington. The boast has gone forth from the Secretary of War of the eo-called Confederate States, that by the first of May the rebel army will be in possession of the National Capital, and, by the first of July, its headquarters will be in old Independence Hall.
" The only question for us is, whether we shall wait supinely for the invaders, or rush, as one man, to the defence of that we hold most dear. Piratical flags are afloat on the ocean, under pretended letters of marque. Our great river has been closed to the commerce of the
^Northwest
So long as a hope remained of peace, I plead and implored for compromise. Now, that all else has failed, there is tmt one course left, and that is to rally as one man, under the flag of Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, Madi- son and Franklin. At what time since the Government •was organized, have the constitutional rights of the South been more secure than now? For the first time since the Constitution was adopted, there is no legal restriction against the spread of slavery in the Territories. When was the Fugitive Slave Law more faithfully executed? What single act has been done to justify this mad attempt to overthrow the Republic? We are told that because a certain party has carried a Presidential election, therefore the South chose to consider their liberties insecure ! I
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"had supposed it was a fundamental principle of American institutions, that the will of the majority, constitutionally expressed, should govern ! If the defeat at the ballot-box is to justify rebellion, the future history of the United States may be read in the past history of Mexico.
" It is a prodigious crime against the freedom of the world, to attempt to blot the United States out of the map •of Christendom. . . . How long do you think it will be ere the guillotine is in operation? Allow me to say to my former political enemies, you will not be true to your country if you seek to make political capital out of these disasters; and to my old friends, you will be false and unworthy of your principles if you allow political defeat to convert you into traitors to your national land. The shortest way now to peace is the most stupendous and unanimous preparations for war.
" Gentlemen, it is our duty to defend our constitution and protect our flag."
Mr. Douglas then proceeded to Chicago where he spoke in the " Eepublican Wigwam, " the building in which Abraham Lincoln had been nominated for President, to a vast audience composed of men of all parties. The fol- lowing extract from that speech will show that Douglas Jiad fully sunk the partisan in the patriot, and that he stood ready to peril fortune, fame and honor for the pres- ervation of the Government.
" I beg you to believe that I will not do you or myself the injustice to think that this magnificent ovation is per- sonal to myself. I rejoice to know that it expresses your devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag of our country. I will not conceal gratification at the uncon- trovertible test this vast audience presents — that, whatsoever political differences or party questions may have divided us, yet you all had a conviction that, when the country should be in danger, my loyalty could be relied on. That the present danger is imminent, no man can conceal. If war must come — if the bayonet must be used to maintain the Constitution — I say before God, my conscience is clean. I have struggled long for a peaceful solution of the diffi- culty. I have not only tendered those States what was theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of magnanimity.
140 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"The return we receive is war; armies marching upon our Capital ; obstructions and dangers to our navigation ;. letters of marque, to invite pirates to prey upon our com- merce; a concerted movement to blot out the United States- of America from the map of the globe. The question is,, are we to maintain the country of our fathers, or allow it to be stricken down by those who, when they can no longer govern, threaten to destroy?
"What cause, what excuse do disunionists give us for breaking up the best Government on which the sun of heaven ever shed its rays ? They are dissatisfied with the result of the Presidential election. Did they never get beaten before ? Are we to resort to the sword when we get defeated at the baUot-box? I understand it that the voice of the people, expressed in the mode appointed by the Constitution, must command the obedience of every citi- zen. They assume, on the election of a particular can- didate, that their rights are not safe in the Union. What evidence do they present of this? I defy any man to show any act on which it is based. What act has been omitted to be done? I appeal to these assembled thous- ands, that so far as the constitutional rights of slave- holders are concerned, nothing has been done and nothing omitted of which they can complain.
"There has never been a time from the day that Wash- ington was inaugurated first President of the United! States, when the rights of -the Southern States stood! firmer under the laws of the land than they do now; there never was a time when they had not as good a cause for disunion as they have to-day. What good cause have they now that has not existed under every adminis- tration ?
"If they say the Territorial question— now, for the first time, there is no act of Congress prohibiting slavery any- where. If it be the non-enforcement of the laws, the only complaints, that I have heard, have been of the too vigor- ous and faithful fulfillment of the Fugitive Slave Law. Then what reason have they?
"The slavery question is a mere excuse. The election of Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy, formed more than a year since, formed by leaders in the South- ern Confederacy more than twelve months ago.
"But this is no time for the detail of causes. The con- spiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 141
question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war, only ^patriots or traitors.
"Thank God, Illinois is not divided on this question. I know they expected to present a united South against a •divided North. They hoped in the Northern States party questions would bring civil war between Democrats and Republicans, when the South would step in with her co- horts, aid one party to conquer the other, and then make «asy prey of the victors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in the North,
"There is but one way to defeat this. In Illinois it is being so defeated, by closing up the ranks. War will thus be prevented on our own soil. While there was a hope for peace, I was ready for any reasonable sacrifice or compromise to maintain it. But when the question comes of war in the cotton fields of the South, or the corn fields of Illinois, I say the farther off the better.
"I have said more than I intended to say. It is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war; but sad ^,8 it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect it will be, I express it as my conviction before God, that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally around the flag of his •country.
"I thank you again for this magnificent demonstration. 3y it you show you have laid aside party strife. Illinois has a proud position — united, firm, determined never to permit the Government to be destroyed."
This was the last public speech ever made by the great Senator, for at its close he returned to his rooms at the Tremont House, where he was taken sick, and never again left them alive.
Douglas was one of the wonderful men of his time. He came to Illinois, from Vermont, in the latter part of 1833, then only twenty years of age, and like Breese, soon won the confi- dence and respect of the people of his adopted State, and rapidly rose to distinction. After filling various public trusts, among which were State's Attorney, Bepresentative in the General Assembly, Secretary of State, Judge of the Supreme Court, and Bepresentative in Congress, he was •elected to the United States Senate in 1847, as the suc- cessor of James Semple, and he continued Senator until
142 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
his death — which occurred at Chicago, on the 3d of June,. 1861, which event was mourned by the whole Nation* As a statesman, there was none superior. As a public speaker he stood without a peer. The magnanimity of his nature is well illustrated by the fact that he stood by and held the hat of his great rival, Abraham Lincoln, while he delivered his first inaugural address. The last act of his life was a noble appeal for the preservation of his Government, which will ever render his name imper- ishable in the memory of his countrymen.
A lasting monument has been erected to his memory,. at Chicago, on the lake shore.
CHAPTER XIII. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1862,
Among the more important acts of the Twenty-second General Assembly was the passage of a law providing for & constitutional convention to frame a new constitution. The election for delegates took place in November, 1861. The convention was composed of seventy-five members, forty- five of whom were Democrats, twenty-one Kepublicans, seven Fusionists, and two doubtful. It will be seen that the Democrats had a majority of fifteen over all, and therefore had their own way. The convention assembled on the 7th of January, 1862. John Dement was elected President pro tempore ; William A. Hacker, President, and Wm. M. Springer, Secretary.
The delegates were as follows:
Wm. A. Hacker, Andrew D. Duff,
George W. Waters, Daniel Reily,
Wm. J. Allen, George W. Wall,
Milton Bartley, H. K. S. O'Melveny,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
143
T. B. Tanner, Thomas W. Stone, E. P. Hanna, Thomas W. Morgan, Augustus C. French, James B. Underwood, Samuel Stevenson, Solomon Kcepflie, Samuel A. Buckmaster, Isaac L. Leith, James H. Parker, Harmon Alexander, Anthony Thornton, Horatio M. Vandeveer, Lewis Solomon, John W. Woodson, James A. Eades, Orlando B. Ficklin, Benj. S. Edwards, James D. Smith, Joseph Morton, Albert G. Burr, Alexander Starne, Archibald A. Glenn, James W. Singleton, Austin Brooks, John P. Eichmond, Milton M. Merrill, Joseph C. Thompson, Lewis W. Boss, John G. Graham, Thompson W. McNeely, E. L. Austin,
Elias S. Terry, Wm. W. Orme, Eobert B. M. Wilson, Jonathan Simpson, Julius Manning, Norman H. Purple, John Burns, Alexander Campbell, Perry A. Armstrong, Thomas Finnie, Francis Goodspeed, J. W. Paddock, Henry C. Childs, Stephen B. Stinson, Adoniram J. Joslyn, W. Selden Gale, Wm. H. Allen, Timothy E. Young, Eobert T. Templeton, George W. Pleasants, John Dement, Charles Newcomer, Wellington Weigley, Henry Smith, Willard P. Naramore, Porter Sheldon, Wm. M. Jackson, Luther W. Lawrence. Elisha P. Ferry, John Wentworth, Melville W. Fuller, Elliott Anthony, John H. Muhlke,
T. E. Webber,
There were many eminent minds in this convention, among whom we name:
Hacker, Allen; Duff, Wall, O'Melveny, Tanner, Hanna, French, Underwood, Buckmaster, Thornton, Vandeveer, Ficklin, Edwards, Burr, Singleton, Boss-. Burns, Goodspeed, Joslyn, Gale, Dement, Wentworth, Fuller and Anthony.
This body assumed, in a very large degree, both the powers of the Legislature and convention, and among other extraordinary acts, passed an ordinance appropriating
144 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
$500,000 for the benefit of the sick and wounded sol- diers of Illinois. Bonds were to be issued on whicrh to raise the money, to bear ten per cent, interest, but Gov. Yates gave no heed to this act, or any other of a like nature, believing, as he did, that the duty of the con- vention was confined simply to the framing of a new constitution.
The constitution framed provided for biennial State elec- tions for all State officers, and legislated out of office the Governor and other State officers, and fixed the time for electing a new State Government for November, 1862.
The constitution was submitted to a vote of the people the following June. There were two articles submitted separately; one concerning banks and currency, and the other relating to negroes and mulattoes. The latter we reproduce :
" Article 18. Sec. 1. No negro or mulatto shall migrate to or settle in this State, after the adoption of this Con- stitution.
" Sec. 2. No negro or mulatto shall have the right of suffrage or hold office in this State.
" Sec. 8. The General Assembly shall pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this article."
The vote for the constitution was 128,739 ; against, 151,- 254. Majority against the constitution, 24,515.
The article relating to negroes and mulattoes was voted on by sections, and all carried by unprecedented majori- ties. The article relating to banks was lost by a small vote.
It was contended by some of the leading Democratic lawyers that the article relating to negroes and mulattoes became a part of the constitution of 1848, but the ques- tion had not been passed upon by the courts when the constitution of 1870 was adopted.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 145
CHAPTER XIV.
STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1862,
Late Conventions— But Two Tickets— Democrats Successful— Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Aggregate Vote for Members of Congress by Districts.
In view of the fact that the Nation was in the midst of civil war, there was little disposition on the part of the people, not active politicians, to interest themselves in po- litical matters, and the Democrats did not hold their convention until the 16th of September, at which Alex- ander Starne was nominated for Treasurer, John P. Brooks for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Jas. <3. Allen for Congressman-at-Large.
On the 24th of September, the Republicans met in con- vention, and nominated Wm. Butler for Treasurer, Newton Bateman for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Eben C. Ingersoll for Congressman-at-Large.
The candidates for Congress made a vigorous canvass of the State, but the Democrats elected their ticket, and carried both branches of the Legislature.
The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- Large and by districts, is as follows:
TREASURER.
Alexander Starne, D 186,843
"William Butler, E 120,177
—10
146 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
John P. Brooks, D 136,11^
Newton Bateman, E 120,110
CoNGRESSMAN-AT-LiARGE.
James C. Allen, D . . . 136,257 Eben C. Ingersoll, E 119,819
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
Isaac N. Arnold, E 10,025
Francis C. Sherman 8,387
SECOND DISTRICT.
John F. Farnsworth, E.. ... 12,612
Neil Donnelly 4,785
Scattering 8>
THIRD DISTRICT.
Elihu B. Washburne, E 10,496
Elias B. Stiles 6,785
Scattering 1
FOURTH DISTRICT.
Charles W. Harris, D ll,62fr
Charles B. Lawrence 8,711
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Owen Lovejoy, E 11,683
Thos. J. Henderson 11,020
Benj. Graham 617
Scattering r 4
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Jesse 0. Norton, E 10,604
T. Lyle Dickey 8,419
Scattering 2.
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
John E. Eden, D 11,361
Elijah McCarty 10,004
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
John T. Stuart, D 12,808
Leonard Swett ll,44a
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 147 !
NINTH DISTRICT.
Lewis W. Ross, D 13,391
William Ross 76
Scattering 61
TENTH DISTRICT.
Anthony L. Knapp, D 14,259:
Samuel W. Moulton 7,712
Scattering 48!
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
Jas. C. Robinson, D 13,644'
Stephen G. Hicks 5,521
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
William R. Morrison, D 10,999
Robert Smith 6,854
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
William J. Allen, D 9,497
Milton Bartley 4,290
CHAPTER XV, STATE GOVERNMENT-1863,
Stirring Message of the Governor— Peace Resolutions— Counter Resolutions —Majority and Minority Reports of the Committee on Federal Relations — Prorogation — Decision of the Supreme Court.
Governor — Richard Yates.
Lieutenant- Governor — Francis A. Hoffman.
Secretary of State — 0. M. Hatch.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Jesse K. Dubois.
Treasurer — Alexander Starne.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — John P. Brooks.
148
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
TWENTY-THIRD GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twenty- third General Assembly convened January 5, and consisted of the following members:
SENATE.
Wm. H. Green, Massac. Hugh Gregg, Williamson. I. Blanohardj Jackson. J. M. Kodgers, Clinton. *W. A. J. Sparks, Clinton. W. H. Underwood, St.Clair. L. E. Worcester, Greene. H. M.Vandeveer, Christian. 6. Moffat, Etnngham. Jos. Peters, Vermilion. Isaac Funk, McLean. Colby Knapp, Logan. H. E. Dummer, Cass.
B. T. Schofield, Hancock. Wm. Berry, McDonough. Albert C. Mason, Knox. John T. Lindsay, Peoria. W. Bushneil, LaSalle. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. Edward R. Allen, Kane. D. Richards, Whites ide. T. J. Pjckett, B->ck Island. J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Cornelius Lansing, McHenry. Win. B. Og'len, Cook. Jasper D. Ward, Cook.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
James H. Smith, Union. T. B. Hicks, Massac. Jas. B. Turner, Gallatin. Jas. M. Sharp, Wabash. H. M. Williams, Jefferson. J. M.Waahburn, Williamson. Jesse R. Ford, Clinton. • S. W. Miles, Monroe. E. Menard, Randolph. J. W. Merritt, Marion. Jas. M. Heard, Wayne. D. W. Odell, Crawf,,rd. J. W. Wescott, Clay. R. H. McCann, Fayette. C. L. Conger, White. J. B. Underwood, St. Clair. John Thomas, St. Clair. S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. Wm. Watkins, Bond. P. Daugherty, Clark. Reuben Roessler, Shelby. G. F. Coffeen, Montgomery.
A. M. Miller, Logan. C. A. Keyes, Sangamon. C. A. Walker, Macoupm. John N. English, Jersey. Wm. B. Witt, Greene. Scott Wike, Pike. Albert G. Burr, Scott. James M. Epler, Cass. Lyman Lacey, Menard. J. T. Springer, Mosgin. A. E. Wheat, Adams. Wm. J. Brown, Adams. Lewis G. Reid, McDonough. Joseph Sharon, Schuvler. Milton M. Morr.ll, Hancock. Thos. B. Cabmen, Mercer. Henry K. Peffer, Warren. Joseph M. Holyoke, Knox. Jolm G. G cab am, Fulton. Simeon P. Shope, Fulton. Jnrnes Ho'gMte, Stavk. Win. W. O'tirien. Peoria.
* Vice J. M. Rodprers, deceased.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
149
Elias Wenger, Tazewell. Harrison Noble, McLean. Boynton Tenny, DeWitt. John Tenbrook, Coles. John Gerrard, Edgar. John Monroe, Vermilion. James Elder, Macon. *Wm. N. Coler, Champaign. tJ. S. Busey, Champaign. C. A. Lake, Eankakee. Addison Goodeil, Iroquois. John W. Newport, Grundy. Charles E. Boyer, Will. IP. A. Armstrong, Grundy. T. C. Gibson, LaSalle. Mercy B. Patty, Livingston. John 0. Dent, LaSalle. George Dent, Putnam. J. A. Davis, Wood ford. Daniel E. Howe, Bureau. Nelson Lay, Henry. J. Kistler, Bock Island.
L. Smith, Whiteside. Demas L. Harris, Lee. James V. Gale, Ogle. W. W. Sedgwick, DeKalb. L. W. Lawrence, Boone. Sylvester S. Mann, Kane. Jacob P. Black, Kendall. Elijah M. Haines, Lake. T. B. Wakeman, McHenry. S. M. Church, Winnebago. H. C. Burchard, Stephenson. Henry Green, Jo Daviess. Jos. F. Chapman, Carroll. A. S. Barnard, DuPage. Ansel B. Cook, Cook. Amos G. Throop, Cook. Wm. E. Ginther, Cook. Melville W. Fuller, Cook. *George W. Gage, Cook. SMichael Brandt, Cook. Francis A. Eastman, Cook.
Lorenzo Brentano, Cook.
The Democrats had a majority in both branches. Lieu- tenant-Governor Hoffman presided over the Senate, and Manning Mayfield, of Massac, was elected Secretary, over L. H. Burnham, of Stephenson, by a vote of 13 to 10.
Samuel A. Buckmaster, of Madison, was elected Speaker of the House, over Luther W. Lawrence, of Boone, by a vote of 52 to 25, and John Q. Harmon, of Alexander, Clerk, over John C. Southwick, of Lake, by a vote of 53 to 25.
Among the new members of this General Assembly who were prominent, or attained prominence, were: Menard, Merritt, Conger, Thomas, Wike, Shope, O'Brien, Mann, Burchard, Fuller, Eastman, Brentano.
The Governor's message was laid before the two houses on the 6th of January. It contained the usual recom- mendations regarding needed legislation relating to the
*Seat contested.
tAflmitted to seat of Wm. N. Coler. JVice John W. Newport, deceased. SAdinitted to seat of George W. Gage.
150 POLITICS AND POr.ITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
several great interests of the State, but the greater por- tion of it was devoted to questions growing out of the war. Referring to National affairs, he said:
" In the new policy of emancipation thus inaugurated, I feel that it is of the utmost importance to meet and silence the prejudice which, for partisan purposes, is attempted to be excited against the alleged injurious effects of eman- cipation. It is not to be overlooked that there exists a degree of prejudice in the minds of the people, upon the subject of giving freedom to the slave, to which politicians appeal with fatal injury to the cause of that enlightened progress which has been so Providentially placed within the reach of the present generation. A grand opportunity is presented to us by the logic of events. By a wise and Christian policy we blot out a mighty wrong to one class of people now in bondage, and secure lasting peace and happiness to another.
" I am sure of two things : First — that when slavery is removed, this rebellion will die out, and not before. Sec- ond— I believe and predict, and commit the prediction in this State paper to meet the verdict of my successors in office, and of posterity, that the change brought about by the policy of emancipation will pass off in a way so quietly and so easily that the world will stand amazed that we should have entertained such fears of its evils. . . .
" I demand the removal of slavery. In the name of my country, whose peace it has disturbed, and plunged into fearful civil war ; in the name of the heroes it has slain ; in the name of justice, whose highest tribunals it has corrupted and prostituted to its basest ends and purposes ; in the name of Washington and Jefferson, and all the old patriots who struggled round about the camps of liberty, and who looked forward to the early extinction of slavery ; in the name of progress, civilization and liberty, and in the name of God Almighty himself, I demand the utter and entire demolition of this heaven-cursed wrong of hu- man bondage — this sole cause of the treason, death and misery which fill the land. Fear not the consequences, for the Almighty will uphold the arms of the hosts whose banners are blazoned with the glorious war-cry of liberty.
" Slavery removed, and we shall have peace— solid and enduring peace — and our Nation, entering upon a new career, will leap with a mighty bound to be the greatest and freest upon the face of the earth.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 151
"I regret that appeals are being made to the masses t>y a few public presses in the country for separation from New England. Not a drop of New England blood courses my veins ; still I should deem myself an object of com- miseration and shame if I tjould forget her glorious his- tory ; if I could forget that the blood of her citizens freely commingled with that of my own ancestors upon those memorable fields which ushered in the millennium dawn of civil and religious liberty. I purpose not to be the eulo- gist of New England ; but she is indissolubly bound to us by all the bright memories of the past, by all the glory of the present, by all the hopes of the future. I shall always glory in the fact that I belong to a republic in the galaxy of whose stars New England is among the brightest and best. Palsied be the hand that would sever the ties which bind the East and West."
The two houses met in joint session on the 12th of Jan- uary and proceeded to elect a Senator of the United States to succeed Stephen A. Douglas, deceased. Wm. A. Rich- ardson received 65 votes and Richard Yates 38. Richard- son having received a majority of all the votes cast, the Speaker declared him the duly elected Senator.
This was not a harmonious body. We were then in the second year of the war, and there existed a radical differ- ence between the respective parties relating to the meas- ures employed by the National Government to overthrow the rebellion, and much of the time of the session was occupied in a violent and fruitless discussion of these questions; but that the reader may have a clear under- standing of the spirit and temper of that assembly, we print the views of the respective parties on the questions at issue as they were presented by the majority and min- ority reports from the Committee on Federal Relations. The report of the majority was in these words :
"WHEREAS, The Union has no existence separate from^ the Federal Constitution, but, being created solely by thatT' instrument, it can only exist by virtue thereof; and when the provisions of that Constitution are suspended, either in time of war or in peace, whether by the North or the South, it is alike disunion; and
152 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
" WHEREAS, The Federal Government can lawfully exer- cise no power that is not conferred upon it by the Federal Constitution, the exercise, therefore, of other powers, not granted by that instrument, in time of war, as well as in. time of peace, is a violation of the written will of the Ameri- can people, destructive of their plan of government, and of their common liberties ; and
" WHEREAS, The Constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union preserved, in opposition to public feeling, by a mere exercise of the coercive powers confided to the General Government, and that, in case of differences and conflicts between the States and the Federal Government, too powerful for adjustment by the civil departments of the Government, the appeal is not to the sword, by the State, or by the General Government, but to the people, peacefully assembled by their Representatives in conven- tion ; and
" WHEREAS, The allegiance of the citizen is due alone to the Constitution and laws made in pursuance thereof — not to any man, or officer, or administration— and whatever support is due to any officer of this Government, is due alone by virtue of the Constitution and laws ; and
" WHEREAS, ALSO, The condition of the whole Republic,, but more especially the preservation of the liberties of the people of Illinois, imperatively demands that we, their representatives, should make known to our fellow country- men our deliberate judgment and will ;
"WE THEREFORE DECLARE, That the acts of the Federal1 Administration in suspending the writ of habeas carpus, the arrest of citizens not subject to military law, without warrant and without authority — transporting them to dis- tant States, incarcerating them in political prisons, with- out charge or accusation — denying them the right of trial by jury, witnesses in their favor, or counsel for their defense ; withholding from them all knowledge of their accusers, and the cause of their arrest — answering their petitions for redress by repeated injury and insult — pre- scribing, in many cases, as a condition of their release, test oaths, arbitrary and illegal; in the abridgment of freedom of speech, and of the press, by imprisoning the citizen for expressing his sentiments, by suppressing news- papers by military force, and establishing a censorship over others, wholly incompatible with freedom of thought and expression of opinion, and the establishment of a sys- tem of espionage by a secret police, to invade the sacred privacy of unsuspecting citizens; declaring martial law
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 153
over States not in rebellion, and where the courts are open and unobstructed for the punishment of crime ; in declaring the slaves of loyal, as well as disloyal citizens, in certain States and parts of States, free ; the attempted enforcement of compensated emancipation; the proposed taxation of the laboring white man to purchase the free- dom and secure the elevation of the negro ; the transporta- tion of negroes into the State of Illinois, in defiance of the repeatedly expressed will of the people ; the arrest and imprisonment of the Representatives of a free and sover- eign State ; the dismemberment of the State of Virginia, erecting within her boundaries a new State, without the consent of her Legislature, are each and all arbitrary and unconstitutional, a usurpation of the legislative functions, a suspension of the judicial departments of the State and Federal Governments, subverting the Constitution — State and Federal — invading the reserved rights of the people, and the sovereignty of the States, and, if sanctioned, de- structive of the Union — establishing upon the common ruins of the liberties of the people and the sovereignty of the States a consolidated military despotism.
"And we hereby solemnly declare that no American citizen can, without the crime of infidelity to his country's- Constitutions, and the allegiance which he bears to each, sanction such usurpations.
" Believing that our silence would be criminal, and may- be construed into consent, in deep reverence for our Con- stitution, which has been ruthlessly violated, we do hereby enter our most solemn protest against these usurpations of power, and place the same before the world, intending thereby to warn our public servants against further usur- pations ; therefore,
Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate con- curring herein, That the army was organized, confiding in the declaration of the President, in his inaugural address, to-wit: "That he had no purpose, directly or indirectly, ta interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it existed, and that he believed he had no lawful right to do so, and that he had no inclination to do so;'r and upon the declaration of the Federal Congress, to-wit r "That this war is not waged in any spirit of oppression or subjugation, or any purpose of overthrowing any of the institutions of any of the States;" and that, inasmuch as the whole policy of the Administration, since the organi- zation of the army, has been at war with the declarations aforesaid, culminating in the emancipation proclamation,
154 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
leaving the facts patent, that the war has been diverted from its first avowed object to that of subjugation and the abolition of slavery, a fraud, both legal and moral, has been perpetrated upon the brave sons of Illinois, who have so nobly gone forth to battle for the Constitution and the laws. And, while we protest against the continuance of this gross fraud upon our citizen soldiers, we thank them for that heroic conduct on the battlefields that shed im- perishable glory on the State of Illinois.
"Resolved, That we believe the further prosecution of the present war can not result in the restoration of the Union and the preservation of the Constitution, as our fathers made it, unless the President's Emancipation Proclama- tion be withdrawn.
"Resolved, That while we condemn and denounce the flagrant and monstrous usurpations of the Administration, and encroachments of Abolitionism, we equally condemn and denounce the ruinous heresy of secession, as unwar- ranted by the Constitution, and destructive alike of the security and perpetuity of our Government, and the peace and liberty of the people; and fearing, as we do, that it is the intention of the present Congress and Administra- tion, at no distant day, to acknowledge the independence of the Southern Confederacy, and thereby sever the Union, we hereby solemnly declare that we are unalterably op- posed to any such severance of the Union, and that we never can consent that the great Northwest shall be sep- arated from the Southern States, comprising the Missis- sippi Valley. That river shall never water the soil of two nations, but, from its source to its confluence with the gulf, shall belong to one great and united people.
"Resolved, That peace, fraternal relations and political fellowship should be restored among the States, that the best interests of all, and the welfare of mankind, require ihat this should be done in the most speedy and effective manner ; that it is to the people we must look for a res- toration of the Union, and the blessings of peace, and to these ends we should direct our earnest and honest efforts ; and hence we are in favor of the assembling of a National •Convention of all the States, to so adjust our National difficulties that the States may hereafter live together in harmony, each being secured in the rights guaranteed to all by our fathers ; and which Convention we recommend shall convene at Louisville, Kentucky, or such other place as shall be determined upon by Congress or the several States, at the earliest practicable period.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 155
" Resolved, further, therefore, TLat to attain the objects of the foregoing resolution, we hereby memorialize the 'Congress of the United States, the Administration at "Washington, and the Executives and Legislatures of the several States, to take such action as shall secure an armistice, in which the rights and safety of the Govern- ment shall be fully protected, for such length of time as will enable the people to meet in convention as aforesaid. And we, therefore, earnestly recommend to our fellow- -citizens everywhere, to observe and keep all their lawful and constitutional obligations ; to abstain from all violence, and to meet together and reason, each with the other, upon the best mode to attain the great blessings of peace, •unity and liberty ; and, be it further
" Resolved, That to secure the co-operation of the States and the General Government, Stephen T. Logan, Samuel S. Marshall, H. K. S. O'Melveny, William C. Goudy, An- ihony Thornton and John D. Caton, are hereby appointed •commissioners to confer immediately with Congress and the President of the United States, and with the Legis- latures and Executives of the several States, and urge the necessity of prompt action to secure said armistice, and the election of delegates to, and early assembling of, said convention; and to arrange and agree with the Gen- eral Government and the several States, upon the time and place of holding said convention ; and that they re- port their action in the premises to the General Assembly -of this State. ,
" Resolved, That the Speaker of the House of Represen- tatives be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions to the President of the United States, to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to each of the Governors and the Speakers .of the House of Representatives of the several States."
The minority report was as follows:
" Resolved, That in the present condition of our National affairs, and in the' existence of the troubles which sur- round our country, it is the duty of all good citizens cordially to support the National and State administra- tions, and that we hereby offer to the administration of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and Richard Yates, Governor of the State of Illinois, our -earnest and cordial support in the efforts of their respec- tive administrations to put down the present most infamous rebellion.
156 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"Resolved, That while we admit that during the present terrible and unjustifiable rebellion it would be irnpossible- for the President of the United States to discharge his duties so as to satisfy the views of all the people of the United States, yet as he is the officer invested with the constitu- tional power to act as the executive head of the Govern- ment in putting down the present rebellion, which is seeking our overthrow, it becomes the duty of all loyal citizens to strengthen the President's arm for the contest, and to give him that moral and material aid and support, regardless of mere party difference of opinion, that will be effectual to put down insurrection and sustain our Government, and we hold that no man can be regarded as a lover of his country who will not make any sacrifice that is needed to sustain the Government under which he lives.
" Resolved, That it is the first and highest duty of the National Government to crush out the existing rebellion;, that our own happiness, prosperity and power as a peo- ple, and the fate of republican institutions throughout the world are involved in this great issue ; and in order to accomplish that result, it is both the right and duty of the Government to use all means recognized by the laws- of civilized warfare.
" Resolved, That the Constitution of our fathers and the irrepealable laws of nature unite in indissoluble bonds the great Northwest with the mouth of the Mississippi and the Eastern seaboard ; that we should be as ready, if need were, to crush secession in the East as in the South, and that we will never consent to the dissolution of the Union, or to the abandonment by the National Government of its constitutional sovereignty over any, the least portion; of our territory.
"Resolved, That we have no terms of compromise to propose to rebels in arms; that we should regard propo- sitions by the loyal States for a cessation of hostilities as both fruitless and humiliating, and that any settlement of our National troubles, by any species of concession to rebels, or by any mode short of an unconditional sup- pression of the rebellion, would be an acknowledgment of the principle of secession, and would be offering a pre- mium to treason for all time to come.
"Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States confers upon the Government of the same, all the powers, necessary to the effectual suppression of the rebellion, and to punish the rebels for the violation of their allegiance, and to this end it may deprive them of life, liberty or
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 157
property, if required, in its judgment, and that an imperious necessity demanded of the President of the United States the issuing of his proclamation of freedom to the slaves in rebellious States and parts of States, and we pledge ourselves to sustain him in the same.
" Resolved, That the President, as Commander-in-Chief of the army and the executive head of the Government, has the same undoubted right to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, during an armed rebellion, that Gen. Jack- son had to suspend that writ in New Orleans; that even if individual cases of hardship have occurred in conse- quence of false information furnished to the Government, which it had good reason to believe to be true, still no thoroughly loyal citizen, who earnestly desires the sup- pression of the rebellion, would seek, for such causes, to •create disaffection among the people towards the Govern- ment, or to make them believe that their liberties are in danger, and that we have yet to hear of the first truly loyal man who believes himself in danger of military arrest or imprisonment in so-called bastiles.
"Resolved, That the object of the Administration, in prosecuting the war against the rebellion, is now, as it ever has heretofore been, the restoration of the Union, and not the abolishment of slavery in the rebellious States ; that this last step is resorted to by the President as a necessary and constitutional war measure, and as a potent means towards the accomplishment of the great object had in viow — the crushing of the rebellion and the resto- ration of the Union.
Resolved, That during the great convulsion which afflicts our country, we are desirous of seeing the liberty of the citizen as much respected as is compatible with public safety; but we distinctly announce our conviction to be, that no man has a right to be a traitor — that no man has a right to aid and abet the enemies of his country — that no man has a right to appeal to the spirit of insur- rection in opposition to the constituted and lawful authori- ties of the land — that those so offending act by virtue of no right, but in their own wrong, and should be promptly and duly restrained by the Government.
Resolved, That until the present struggle is over, and the Union restored, the people should recognize no party line but that mentioned by Mr. Douglas — the line divid- ing patriots and traitors; that inasmuch as all traitors, North and South, are united, it behooves all patriots of • all parties to stand together like a band of brothers,
158 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
meeting with unbroken front, and putting down with united strength treason in all its forms, and wherever it may lift its head.
Resolved, That the late State government of Virginia having treasonably abdicated its legitimate authority, the same devolved upon that portion of her citizens which organized a loyal government in that section of her terri- tory where they could safely assemble, and that such loyal government was invested with the whole power of the State of Virginia, and had the rightful authority, under the National Constitution, with the sanction of Congress, to consent to the formation of a new State, carved out of its territory.
Resolved, That the courts of the United States would be wholly inefficient to maintain its authority against rebels in arms, and that the only mode in which the rebellion can be put down is through the military arm of the Gov- ernment, and that the proper duty of our courts is to follow, and not to precede, our armies, and that we will hail the day when the military aid can be dispensed with in the administration of our affairs, and the civil authority restored to its wonted supremacy.
Resolved, That the democratic principle, viz: the fre- quency of elections, and of submission to the will of the people as expressed at the ballot box, dispenses entirely with the necessity of forcible revolution to correct any real or fancied errors of administration, and this fact takes away all excuse for those who seek to inaugurate a state of anarchy or rebellion, and invests their crime with a ten- fold atrocity.
Resolved, That the gallant sons of Illinois who have gone forth to fight our battles, have achieved for them- selves and their State imperishable renown ; that the page which shall record their deeds will be among the brightest of our country's history, and having sealed their hatred of treason by the baptism of the battle-field, they will, upon their return, pronounce at the ballot box, their con- demnation of all men who have dared to express a covert sympathy with traitors, or to denounce the sacred cause for which they have shed their blood."
On the 12th of February, Mr. Lawrence moved to substi- tute the minority report for that of the majority, which was lost by a vote of 27 yeas to 52 nays, when Mr. Burr moved the previous question upon the adoption of the resolutions of the majority report, which was decided in the affirmative,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
by a vote of 52 yeas to 28 nays. The resolutions were transmitted to the Senate the same day for its concur- rence, and on motion of Mr. Underwood, they were made the special order for Friday evening the 13th, at 7 o'clock. Pending the action of the Senate on the resolutions, Sen- ator Kogers, Democrat, died, which left the Senate, politi- cally, a tie, and as the presiding officer was a Eepublican and had the casting vote, the resolutions were thus left unacted upon, and on the 14th the two houses took a recess until the 2d of June.
As may be inferred, this was one of the most exciting sessions of the Legislature ever known. A wide difference existed between the Executive and the dominant party as to the National policy regarding the prosecution of th& war. The majority in either house lost no opportunity to oppose the wishes of the Executive, and vice versa. Many violent speeches were made in either house, but that of Sen- ator Funk, of McLean, who had been elected to succeed Senator Oglesby, was one of the most thrilling and re- markable. Mr. Funk was a Eepublican, and ardently in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war. He had never made a speech before in his life; he had listened for weeks to the utterances of the men who opposed the war policy of the National Government, until his patience was- exhausted, and rising in his place, without knowing what h% was going to say, or what would be the consequences, he spoke with a power and fluency that filled and thrilled the entire capitol, and won for him the admiration of the war men throughout the entire North. His speech was reproduced in all the leading journals of the country; it was read to the Union soldiers in the South, by order of their commanders, and Mr. Funk received from President Lincoln a personal letter, thanking him for the bold stand he had taken in favor of the prosecution of the war. We will digress to say that Senator Funk died in Bloomington, at
160 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
5 o'clock a. m., January 29, 1865, at the residence of his son Duncan, surrounded by his affectionate family, in the 68th year of his age; and, singular as it may seem, his wife died at 9 o'clock on the same day.
This body reassembled in June, agreeably to adjourn- ment, and on the 3d Mr. Bushnell introduced a joint resolution proposing a sine die adjournment on the 10th. On the 8th his resolution was taken up, and, on motion of Mr. Mack, was amended by inserting the words "at 12 o'clock." Mr. Mason moved to insert "the 16fch inst. at 12 o'clock." The yeas and nays being demanded, it was lost, by a vote of 4 yeas to 17 nays. The question recurring on the motion to adjourn on the 10th, Mr. Van- deveer moved to amend by inserting "6 o'clock this day," which was decided in the affirmative, by a vote of 14 yeas io 7 nays. The resolution was sent to the House for its concurrence. Mr. Walker moved to amend the resolution by striking out the words "June 8th, at 6 o'clock p. m.," and inserting in lieu thereof the words "June 22,1, at 10 o'clock a. m." Mr. Haines moved to strike out "June Sih, at 6 o'clock p. m.," and insert "June 12th, at 10 o'clock a. m." Mr. Monroe moved to strike out "June S h, at 6 o'clock," and insert "June 19th, at 10 o'clock a. m." Mr. Smith, of Union, moved to lay the whole subject on the table, which was decided in the negative, by a vote of 27 yeas to 32 nays. Mr. Wike then moved the previous question on the amendment of Mr. Walker, which was decided in the affirmative, by a vote of 45 yeas to 21 nays, when the resolution, as amended, was adopted by a vote of 51 yeas to 13 nays, and it was sent to the Senate for its concurrence. A resolution was subsequently sent by the House to the Senate expressing a desire to recede from its action in amending the Senate resolution relative to adjournment, and requested the return of the resolution for reconsideration. There was no further
160
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 161
.-action by the Senate on the resolution, and on the morning of the 10th, Gov. Yates transmitted a message to the two houses proroguing the General Assembly "to the Saturday next preceding the first Monday in January, 1865." In ihe Senate, the Speaker having vacated his seat, Mr. Underwood was called to the chair when a call of the Senate showed only eight members present. In the House the message proroguing the Assembly was announced by the Doorkeeper, and read, but the bearer was not recog- nized by the Speaker. Mr. Smith, of Union, moved to adjourn until 2 o'clock. Mr. Burr moved to adjourn with- out day, and after debate, the resolution was withdrawn, when Mr. Walker moved a call of the House, when it was found to be without a quorum. On motion of Mr. Burr, a joint committee, consisting of three from the House and two from the Senate, was appointed to prepare an address to the people, explaining why they were not engaged in transacting the legitimate business for which they were elected.
On the presentation of the message proroguing the body, the Eepublicans at once absented themselves from the two houses and departed for their respective homes, but the Democrats remained in session until the 24th of June, when a recess was taken until the Tuesday after the first Monday of January, 1864, at 10 o'clock a. m. (See House and Senate journals, 1863.)
This was the first, and only time, where the Governor of the State had exercised the power of prorogation, as conferred upon him by the constitution. The Democratic members issued a fiery address to the people of the State, setting forth their grievances, and the question as to the legality of the action of the Governor was presented to the Supreme Court, in various forms, by eminent legal talent, yet that body never rendered a decision bearing —11
9
162 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
directly on the question. Three Judges then constituted this Court, in the persons of Sidney Breese, Pinkney EL Walker and John D. Caton, but the latter was not present when the cause was passed upon. Justices Breese and Walker wrote separate opinions, but each concurred with the other. Justice Breese said: "Admitting, then, that the act of the Governor was, in the language of the pro- test, 'illegal, outrageous and unconstitutional,' both houses having adopted it and dispersed, they thereby put an end to the session, evincing at the time no intention to resume it. This, for all practical purposes, was an adjournment sine die." And thus ended the existence of this General Assembly, and the controversy growing out of its proro- gation by the Governor.
CHAPTER XVI. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1864,
Two State Tickets— Two Presidential Candidates— Aggregate Vote for State- Officers—Aggregate Vote for Members of Congress by Districts— Aggre- gate Vote for Electors.
The Eepublican party held their State Convention May 25, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Convention. Eichard J. Oglesby was nomi- nated for Governor; William Bross, for Lieutenant- Gov- ernor ; Sharon Tyndale, for Secretary of State ; 0. H. Miner, for Auditor; James H. Beveridge, for Treasurer; Newton Bateman, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and S. W. Moulton for Congressman-at-Large.
The Demopratic Convention did not meet until Septem- ber 6. James C. Robinson was nominated for Governor p
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
S. Corning Judd, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Wm. A. Turney, for Secretary of State ; John Hise, for Auditor ; Alexander Starne, for Treasurer ; John P. Brooks, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and James 0. Allen for Congress- man-at-Large.
The Kepublicans met in National Convention at Balti- more, June 7, and renominated Abraham Lincoln for Presi- dent and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President.
The Democrats met in National Convention at Chicago, August 29, and nominated Geo. B. McClellan, of New Jersey, for President, and Geo. H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President.
This being the year of the Presidential election, the contest was therefore active and earnest on both sides, and was waged with much bitterness. Notwithstanding; the Democrats had nominated a strong war man for Presi- dent, they adopted a peace platform in which they declared; that the war for the Union was a failure, and demanded* a cessation of hostilities, which platform was adopted by the Democratic State Convention.
In the selection of Kobinson and Allen, the Democracy had put forth their greatest champions, and on this plat- form they boldly took their stand, and the State rang from end to end and side to side with their eloquence.
The Kepublicans had resolved, in State and National Conventions, to stand by the constituted authorities of the country in their efforts to uphold the character of the Government and maintain the Union, and as an evidence of sincerity, had nominated President Lincoln for re-elec- ' tion, and a General of the Union army for Governor, on I a platform which had no uncertain sound as regarded the prosecution of the war. Upon these broad declarations the gallant Oglesby and patriotic Moulton boldly met their > adversary, and routed him horse, foot and dragoon. The majority for the ^Republican State ticket was 31,675, and
164 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
for the National ticket 30,676. This result clearly showed that the people, irrespective of party leaders, were in favor of sustaining the Union by a vigorous prosecution of the war.
The aggregate vote for the State officers, Congressman- at-Large, Congressmen by districts, and Presidential elec- tors, is as follows :
GOVERNOR.
Kichard J. Oglesby, R 100,376
James C. Robinson, D 158,701
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR.
William Bross, R 188 842
B. Corning Judd, D 158,244
SECRETARY OF STATE.
Sharon Tyndale, R 100 154
Wm. A. Turney, D 158,833
AUDITOR.
0. H. Miner, R 100231
John Hise, D 158,727
TREASURER.
James H. Beveridge, R 100 TOO
Alexander Starne, D 158,792
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
Newton Bateman, R ' 100 280
John P. Brooks,D 158,777
CoNGRESSMAN-AT-LiARGE.
S. W. Moulton, R 100226
J.C.Allen ... 158,784
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS— FIRST DISTRICT.
John Wentwnrth, R 18 557
Cyrus H. McCormick 14,277
SECOND DISTRICT.
John F. Farnsworth, R 18208
M. C. Johnson 5.237
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 1C5
THIRD DISTRICT.
Elitm B. Washburne, B 15,711
Elias B. Stiles 7,421
Scattering 4
FOURTH DISTRICT.
Abner C. Harding, B 13,569
Charles M. Harris 12,721
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Eben C. Ingersoll, E 18,152
James S. Eckles 11,282
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Burton C. Cook, B 15,598
Samuel K. Casey 9,980
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
H. P. H. Bromwell, B 15.363
John B. Eden , 12,027
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Shelby M. Cullom, B . . 15,812
John T. Stuart 14,027
NINTH DISTRICT.
Lewis W. Boss, D 15,296
Hugh Fullerton 12,239
TENTH DISTRICT.
Anthony Thornton, D 16,902
N. M. Knapp 12,176
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
Samuel S. Marshall, D 16,703 ,
Ethelbert Callahan 10,696 !
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
Jehu Baker, B 11,817
Wm. B. Morrison , 11,741
166 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
Andrew J. Kuykendall, K 11,742
William J. Allen 10,759
Milton Bartley 57
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS — LINCOLN, R.
John Dougherty 189,505
Francis A. Hoffman 189,503
Benjamin M. Prentiss 189,506
John V. Farwell 189,517
Anson S. Miller 189,518
John V. Eustace 189,505
James S. Poage 189,518
John I. Bennett 189,519
William T. Hopkins 189,517
Franklin Blades 189,518
J. C. Conkling 189,517
William Walker 189,518
Thomas W. Harris 189,518
N. M. McCurdy ' 189,519
Henry S. Baker 189,518
Z. S. Clifford 189,521
McCLELLAN, D.
Chauncey L. Higbee 158,829
Arno Voss 158,519
Nathan S. Davis 158,519
Samuel Ashton 158,726
H. T. Helm 158,726
William Barge 158,726
Henry K. Peffer 158,726
John T. Lindsay 158,725
Sherman W. Bowen 158,726
Abram L. Keller 158,726
Adlai E. Stevenson 158,726
J. C. Thompson 158,726
John M. Woodson 158,726
H. K. S. O'Melveney 158 726
Thomas Dimmock 158,726
Cresa K. Davis 158,726
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 167
CHAPTER XVII.
STATE GOVERNMENT-1865,
Governor — K. J. Oglesby.
Lieutenant- Governor — William Bross.
Secretary of State — Sharon Tyndale.
Auditor of Public Accounts — 0. H. Miner.
Treasurer — Jas. H. Beyeridge.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman.
TWENTY-FOURTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twenty-fourth General Assembly convened the 2d <lay of January, and consisted of the following members :
SENATE.
~Wm. H. Green, Cairo. James Strain, Monmouth.
John W. Wescott, Xenia. A. C. Mason, Galesburg.
Daniel Eeily, Kaskaskia. John T. Lindsay, Peoria.
David K. Green, Salem. W. Bushnell, Ottawa,
A. W. Metcalf, Edwardsville. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. L. E. Worcester, Whitehall. E. E. Allen, Aurora.
H. M. Vandeveer, Taylorville. Daniel Richard, Sterling.
Andrew J. Hunter, Paris. A. Webster, Eock Island.
Joseph Peters, Danville. J. H. Addams, Cedarville.
Isaac Funk, Bloomington. C. Lansing, Marengo.
John B. Cohrs, Pekin. F. A. Eastman, Chicago.
M. McConnel, Jacksonville. J. D. Ward, Chicago.
B. T. Schoneld, Carthage.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Henry W. Webb, Cairo. W. H. Logan, Murphysboro.
Wm. A. Looney, Vienna. Isaac Miller, Nashville.
•C. Burnett, Elizabethtown. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyville
D. H. Morgan, Eussellville. Austin James, Michie.
John Ward, Benton. S. E. Stephenson, Salem.
'168 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
V. S. Benson, McLeansborp. John L. Tineher, Danville. Thomas Cooper, Willow Hill. Solomon L. Spink, Paris.
Lewis W. Miller, Olney. Isaac 0. Pugh, Decatur. Geo. H. Deickman, Vandalia. Lewis J. Bond, Monticello.
J. Shelby, Maple Grove. C. A. Lake, Kankakee.
Nathaniel Niles, Belleville. Charles H. Wood, Onarga.
John Thomas, Belleville. A. J. Mclntyre, Wilmington.
Julius J. Barnsback, Troy. Wm. T. Hopkins, Morris.
H. Dresser, Cottonwpod G've Franklin Corwin, LaSalle.
H. B. Decius, Majority Point. John Miller, Freedom.
Wm. Middlesworth, Windsor Jason W. Strevell, Pontiac-
Elisha E. Barrett, Butler. Henry D. Cook, Kappa.
Ambrose M. Miller, Lincoln. G. D. Henderson, Granville.
James W. Patton, Berlin. Wm. C. Stacy, Princeton.
Sergeant Gobble, Scottsville. Milton M. Ford, Galva.
John McDonald, Hardin. Jos. W. Lloyd, Edgington.
Nathaniel M. Perry, Kane. Leander Smith, Fulton.
J. F. Curtis, Manchester. 0. W. Bryant, Paw Paw Gr_
Scott Wike, Pittsfield. D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris.
King Kerley, Mt. Sterling. Allen C. Fuller, Belvidere.
John Hill, Petersburg. Ira V. Randall, DeKalb.
J. T. Springer, Jacksonville. 0. C. Johnson, Kendall.
Thomas Redmond, Quincy, S. S. Mann, Elgin.
W. T. Yeargain, Columbus. E. B. Payne, Waukegan.
Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock..
Joseph Sharon, Augusta. Wm. Brown, Rockford.
M. M. Morrill, Nauvoo. H. C. Burchard, Freeport.
J. Simpson, Oquawka. John D. Platt, Warren.
Jas. H. Martin, Monmouth. Daniel W. Dame, Lanark.
J. M. Holyoke, Wataga. Henry C. Childs, Wheaton.-
L. W. James, Lewiston. N. W. Huntley, Chicago.
T. M. Morse, Fairview. Ansel B. Cook, Chicago.
Richard C.'Dunn, Toulon. Wm. Jackson, Orland.
Alexander McCoy, Peoria. Ed. S. Isham, Chicago.
S. R. Saltonstall, Tremont. A. H. Dalton, Hope.
Harrison Noble, Hey worth. A. F. Stephenson, Chicago.
John Warner, Clinton. George Strong, Wheeling. Maiden Jones, Tuscola.
Lieutenant-Governor Bross was the presiding officer of the Senate, and John F. Nash, of LaSalle, was elected Secretary, over Maning Mayfield, of Massac, by a vote of 14 to 8.
Allen C. Fuller, of Boone, was elected Speaker of tho House, over Ambrose M. Miller, of Logan, by a vote of
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 169
48 to 23, and Walter S. Frazier, of Cook, Clerk, over John Q. Harmon, of Alexander, by a vote of 50 to 21.
Those of the new members of this body who were able and active, were : D. K. Green, Metcalf, Cohrs, Lindsay, Bushnell, Ward, Webb, Burnett, Murphy, Corwin, Ford, Joslyn.
Eichard Yates, the retiring Governor, presented his mes- sage to the two houses on the 3d. One of his special recommendations was the repeal of the "black laws". An elaborate statement was given relating to the affairs of the State in general, and notwithstanding the Nation had passed through a long and expensive war, it was shown that Illinois had continued to advance in prosperity, and that for the four years ending December, 1864, the State debt had been reduced $987,786.24.
Eichard Yates was known as one of the war Governors, and all his energy and ability were directed in saving the Union. He was truly a great and sagacious man. When the tocsin of war was sounded he was prompt in respond- ing to the call of the National Government for troops, to aid in putting down the rebellion; he had the moral courage to do that which would best serve the Nation in its efforts to preserve its own life ; he laid aside his party predilections, and labored and thought only of saving the Union intact; he comprehended the magnitude of the re- bellion at once, and was early in advising President Lincoln as to the policy of declaring the slaves free, and allowing them to fight in defense of the flag that was to protect them in their liberty. He retired from the office with the love and admiration of his countrymen.
The two houses met in joint session January 4, and elected Eichard Yates United States Senator, over James C. Eobinson, by a vote of 64 to 43.
The assembly met in joint session on the 16th, when the incoming Governor, E. J. Oglesby, was inaugurated,
170 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
and his message read. He referred in appropriate terms to the conflict through which the country was passing; invited special attention to the recommendations in the message of his predecessor ; he urged strict economy in every department ; he recommended that action be taken for the disposition and utilization of the grant of land, donated by Congress in 1862, to the State for college purposes; he recommended that a law be passed allowing the soldiers in the field to vote ; he recommended to the care and at- tention of the General Assembly the vast multitude of helpless orphans who had been deprived of the protection of kind fathers, who had given their lives to the country ; he urged the adoption of the 13th amendment to the Na- tional Constitution, abolishing slavery-.
The duration of the session was just forty-five days. Among the public laws enacted was a law requiring the holders of the so-called Macallister and Stebbins bonds to surrender the same by July 1st, 1865, under certain penalties, or by January 1st, 1866, under other and heavier penalties; $3,000 was appropriated for the purpose of paying the proportion of the State in furnishing the Sol- diers' National Cemetery at Gettysburg ; an act was passed to establish a home for the children of deceased soldiers, <this was the foundation of the Soldiers' Orphans' Home, at Normal) ; $25,000 was appropriated to purchase the tract of land on which reposed the remains of Stephen A. Douglas; an experimental school for the instruction and training of idiots and feeble-minded children was au- thorized, and the sum of $5,000, annually, was appro- priated for that purpose. From this humble beginning has grown the Feeble-Minded Institute now in successful operation at Lincoln. The "black laws" were repealed at this session, and the 13th amendment to the National Constitution, abolishing slavery, was ratified.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 171
CHAPTER XVIII. ILLINOIS AND THE WAR,
Prompt Response to the Call for Soldiers to Put Down the Rebellion— Number of Soldiers Furnished, by Counties— Allen C. Fuller.
We pass briefly over the part Illinois took in the great ~war to preserve the Union, for the simple reason that the deeds of her brave soldiers and their gallant leaders are already a part of the history of both the State and Nation. No history, whether National or Confederate, has been written since that unfortunate conflict which does not con- tain honorable mention of their gallant deeds upon many hotly contested battlefields; while the carefully prepared official reports of Adjutant-Generals Mather, Fuller and Haynie, give the name and rank of every soldier from Illinois, who took part in that war. But, better than all, the memory of their heroic patriotism is indelibly stamped upon the hearts of our people; and only when the cycles of time cease, will it be forgotten.
On the 15th of April, one day after the surrender of Fort Sumter, President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteer soldiers to repossess and pre- serve the property of the Nation. Jefferson Davis, Presi- dent of the so-called Confederate Government, also issued a proclamation calling his people to arms, and the issue of war between the two sections was distinctly made. Under the call of President Lincoln, the quota of Illinois was 6,000 men. Governor Yates was quick to issue his
172 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
proclamation convening the Legislature, to provide such measures as were necessary to fill the call and put the State upon a war footing. In ten days thereafter the quota of Illinois was filled, and more than a million dol- lars tendered the Governor by the capitalists of the State to aid in the maintenance of the integrity of the Union; and while it is true that there was a division of sentiment among the parties political, regarding the policy of the Government and the means employed to overcome the rebellion and preserve the Union, yet Illinois never fal- tered in responding to the calls of the Nation in that great emergency.
NUMBER OP SOLDIERS FURNISHED.
We here present the reader with an authentic statement as to the number of soldiers furnished by Illinois in the war, by counties, as shown by the official records in the Adjutant-General's office:
Adams, 5173 ; Alexander, 1358 ; Bond, 1148 ; Boone, 1337 ; Brown, 1215; Bureau, 3626; Calhoun, 528; Carroll, 1498; Cass, 1312; Champaign, 2276; Christian, 1369; Clark, 1560; Clay, 1482; Clinton, 1332; Coles, 2741; Cook, 22,436; Crawford, 1323; Cumberland, 920 ; DeKalb, 2391; DeWitt, 1522; Douglas, 1175; DuPage, 1524; Edgar, 2312; Ed- wards, 625; Effingham, 1202; Fayette, 1629; Ford, 271; Franklin, 1241; Fulton, 3739; Gallatin, 1362; Greene,. 1940; Grundy, 1343; Hamilton, 1226; Hancock, 3272; Hardin, 569; Henderson, 1330; Henry, 3077; Iroquois, 1769 ; Jackson, 1422 ; Jasper, 948 ; Jefferson, 1330 ; Jersey, 1229 ; Jo Daviess, 2513 ; Johnson, 1426 ; Kane, 3873 ; Kan_ kakee, 1764 ; Kendall, 1551 ; Knox, 3837 ; Lake, 1890 ; La- Salle, 5942 ; Lawrence, 1230 ; Lee, 2446 ; Livingston, 1743 ; Logan, 2160; Macon, 2189; Macoupin, 3184; Madison, 4221; Marion, 1954; Marshall, 1779; Mason, 1531; Mas- sac, 880; McDonough, 2734; McHenry, 2533; McLean*
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 173
4349; Menard, 1225; Mercer, 1848; Monroe, 1227; Mont- gomery, 1620; Morgan, 2732; Moultrie, 773; Ogle, 2953; Peoria, 4907 ; Perry, 1468 ; Piatt, 1055 ; Pike, 3132 ; Pope, 1253; Pulaski, 643; Putnam, 707; Randolph, 2099; Rich- land, 1577; Rock Island, 2473; Saline, 1280; Sangamon, 5010; Schuyler, 1570; Scott, 1212; Shelby, 3270; Stark, 1084; St. Clair, 4396; Stephenson, 3168; Tazewell, 2700; Union, 1846; Vermilion, 2596; Wabash, 707; Warren, 2455; Washington, 1744; Wayne, 1613; White, 1984; Whiteside, 2535; Will, 3696; Williamson, 1575; Winne- bago, 3187; Woodford, 1643.
The total number was 256,297, being apportioned among two regiments of artillery, seventeen cavalry, and one hundred and forty-nine infantry.
The grand total of Illinois soldiers who gave their lives in defence of their country's flag, as recorded in the Ad- jutant-General's office, is 28,842, but who can tell how many since the close of that never-to-be-forgotten struggle, have gone to their eternal rest.
ALLEN C. FULLER.
Among the many men who served the State with dis- tinction during the war, deserving special mention in this connection, is Gen. Allen C. Fuller, who occupied & seat upon the bench in the thirteenth circuit, in 1861, when he was tendered the appointment of Adjutant- General. His high character as a man, and his splen- did executive ability, soon won for him the confidence and admiration of all with whom he came in contact, and to his sagacity and untiring energy was the State indebted to a very large degree for the proud position she attained during the rebellion for promptness in organizing and arming her soldiers. A committee of the General Assembly which had been appointed to examine his office, was unanimous in praise of its management. We make the following extract from that report:
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" That we have thoroughly examined the office of the- Adjutant-General and find it a model in completeness ; one that preserves in all its glory the proud records of our soldiery, and reflects infinite credit upon the great State whose sons they are.
"That in the judgment of the committee, the thanks of every patriot citizen of the State are due to Gen. Fuller for the able and efficient manner in which he has dis- charged the duties of the office, and for his indefatigable efforts in collecting and preserving this glorious record of a glorious State."
Gov. Yates was equally complimentary in his biennial messages regarding the services of Gen. Fuller, and ac- knowledged himself deeply indebted to him for his hearty co-operation and able management of the military affairs of the State. In 1864 Gen. Fuller was elected Representa- tive in the Twenty-fourth General Assembly, and resign- ing the office of Adjutant- General, was elected Speaker of that body, and so able and impartial was he as a presid- ing officer that a resolution heartily thanking him for " the kind, courteous, able and impartial manner in which he had presided over them," was adopted by a unani- mous vote.
CHAPTER XIX. JOHN A, LOGAN,
A Slander Refuted— Declination to Become a Candidate for Concreasman- at-Large in 1862— Patriotic Address to His Command in 1803— When McPherson fell— (Sherman's Official Account of Logan's Gallantry.
It has not been our purpose to use these pages for ex- tolling the deeds of the men who took part in the great civil war, one above another, but it is due our readers-
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that we should put into history a true statement regard- ing the position occupied by Gen. John A. Logan at the time of the breaking out of the rebellion, for the reason that it is misunderstood by many persons who are entitled to know the facts as they exist, and for the further reason that the calumny so often uttered against him, should not go down to posterity without an unqualified denial. The substance of all the charges is, that he was disloyal to- the Government when the war began, and that he had aided in recruiting soldiers in Illinois for the Southern army ; yet among all who have made these charges, from first to last, no man of character or personal responsi- bility has dared to come forward and make a specific charge or father one.
It is said that Logan did not approve the great speech made by Senator Douglas, at Springfield, in April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground that in the contest which was then clearly imminent to him, between the North and the South, that there could be but two parties, patriots and traitors. But, granting that there was a difference between Douglas and Logan at that time, it did not relate to their adhesion to the cause of their country. Logan had fought for the Union upon the plains of Mexico, and again stood ready to give his life, if need be, for his country, even amid the cowardly slanders that were then following his pathway. The difference between Douglas and Logan was this : Mr. Douglas was fresh from an extended campaign in the dissatisfied sections of the Southern States, and he was fully apprised of their intention to attempt the over- throw of the Union, and was therefore in favor of the most stupendous preparations for war. Mr. Logan, on the other hand, believed in exhausting all peaceable means before a resort to arms, and in this he was like President Lincoln ; but when he saw there was no other alternative but to fight, he was ready and willing for armed resistance.
176 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
and, resigning his seat in Congress, entered the army as Colonel of the Thirty-first Illinois Infantry, and remained in the field in active service until peace was declared.
In support of the declaration that there is no founda- tion in fact for the charge of disloyalty against Gen. Logan, we have only to refer briefly to his conduct as a soldier while the war was waged, and to his utterances, which were never doubtful in meaning. Whatever may be the belief of his enemies to the contrary, his acts must forever silence the slander, but his maligners may never be able to distinguish between a desire to settle the differ- ences between the North and the South without a resort to arms, and overt treason to the Government, and we shall not attempt to make them understand it, for there are none so blind as those who can see but will not.
In the summer of 1862, when the Union Republicans and war Democrats were anxious for Gen. Logan to return home and make the race for Congress from the State-at- large, he addressed, under date of August 26, a patriotic letter to 0. M. Hatch, Secretary of State, declining the honor. From it we extract this passage:
" I am to-day a soldier of this Republic, so to remain, changeless and immutable, until her last and weakest enemy shall have expired and passed away. Ambitious men, who have not a true love for their country at heart, may bring forth crude and bootless questions to agitate the pulse of our troubled Nation and thwart the preserva- tion of this Union, but for none of such am L I have entered the field to die, if needs be, for this Government, and never expect to return to peaceful pursuits until the object of this war for preservation has become a fact established."
In view of the extraordinary position assumed by the Twenty-third General Assembly in regard to the prosecu- tion of the war, Gen. Logan issued a stirring address while at Memphis, Tennessee, under date of February 12, 1863, to the soldiers under his command, from which we make the following extract :
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"I am aware that influences of the most discouraging tind treasonable character, well calculated and desigued to render you dissatisfied, have recently been brought to bear upon some of you by professed friends. Newspapers, containing treasonable articles, artfully falsifying the pub- lic sentiment at your homes, have been circulated in your camps. Intriguing political tricksters, demagogues and time-servers, whose corrupt deeds are but a faint reflex of their more corrupt hearts, seem determined to drive our people on to anarchy and destruction. They have hoped, by magnifying the reverses of our arms, basely misrepresenting the conduct and slandering the character of our soldiers in the field, and boldly denouncing the acts of the constituted authorities of the Government as uncon- stitutional usurpations, to produce general demoralization in thS army, and thereby reap their political reward, weaken the cause we have espoused, and aid those arch traitors of the South to dismember our mighty Bepublic, and trail in the dust the emblem of our National unity, greatness and glory. Let me remind you, my countrymen, that we are soldiers of the Federal Union, armed for the preser- vation of the Federal Constitution, and the maintenance •of its laws and authority. Upon your faithfulness and devotion, heroism and gallantry, depend its perpetuity. To us has been committed this sacred inheritance, baptized in the blood of our fathers. We are soldiers of a Govern- ment that has always blessed us with prosperity and hap- piness.
"It has given to every American citizen the largest freedom and the most perfect equality of rights and privi- leges. It has afforded us security in person and property, and blessed us until, under its beneficent influence, we were the proudest Nation on earth.
" We should be united in our efforts to put down a re- bellion that now, like an earthquake, rocks the Nation from State to State, from center to circumference, and threatens to engulf us all in one common ruin, the horrors of which no pen can portray. We have solemnly sworn to bear true faith to this Government, preserve its Con- stitution, and defend its glorious flag against all its ene- mies and opposers. To our hands has been committed the liberties, the prosperity and happiness of future gen- erations. Shall we betray such a trust ? Shall the brilliancy of your past achievements be dimmed and tarnished by hesitation, discord and dissension, whilst armed traitors —12
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menace you in front, and unarmed traitors intrigue against you in the rear? We are in no way responsible for any action of the civil authorities. We constitute the military arm of the Government. That the civil power is threat- ened and attempted to be paralyzed, is the reason for resort to the military power. To aid the civil authorities (not to oppose or obstruct) in the exercise of their author- ity is our office; and shall we forget this duty, and stop- to wrangle and dispute, while the country is bleeding at every pore, on this or that political act or measure, whilst a fearful wail of anguish, wrung from the heart of a dis- tracted people, is borne upon every breeze, and widows and orphans are appealing to us to avenge tbe loss of their loved ones who have fallen by our side in defence of its old blood-stained banner, and whilst the Temple of Liberty itself is being shaken to the very center by the ruthless blows of traitors who have desecrated our flag, obstructed our National highways, destroyed our peace, desolated our firesides, and draped thousands of our homes- in mourning?
"Let us ^tand firm at our posts of duty and honor,, yielding a cheerful obedience to all orders from our supe- riors, until, by our united efforts, the stars and stripes shall be planted in every city, town and hamlet of the- rebellious States. We can then return to our homes and through the ballot-box peaceably redress all our wrongs, if any we have."
It required more courage to write this address than it did to fight a battle, for there was then great opposition- all over the North to the liberation of the slaves; even among distinguished Eepublicans grave doubts were enter- tained as to the policy of emancipation, and the former declarations of President Lincoln show conclusively that he» issued the proclamation with reluctance.
But the best test of General Logan's love of country or patriotism was after the battle before Atlanta, on the- 22d of July, 1864, where General McPherson was killed. General Sherman, in his report of this battle, says:
" Not more than half an hour after General McPherson had left me, viz: about 12:30 p. m., of the 22J, his Ad- jutant-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Clark, rode up and reported that General McPherson was either dead or a.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 179
prisoner ; that he had ridden from me to General Dodge's column, moving as heretofore described, and had sent off nearly all his staff and orderlies on various errands, and himself had passed into a narrow path or road that led to the left and rear of General Giles A. Smith's division, which was General Blair's extreme left; that a few min- utes after he had entered the woods a sharp volley was heard in that direction, and his horse had come out riderless, having two wounds. The suddenness of this ter- rible calamity would have overwhelmed me with grief, but the living demanded my whole thoughts. I instantly despatched a staff officer to General John A. Logan, com- manding the 15th corps, to tell him what had happened ;: that he must assume command of the Army of the Ten- nessee, and hol'd, stubbornly, the ground already chosen,, more especially the hill gained by General Leggett the-
night before
About 4 p. m. there was quite a lull, during which the enemy fell forward on the railroad and main Decatur road, and suddenly assailed a regiment which, with a section of guns, had been thrown forward as a kind of picket, and captured the two guns ; he then advanced* rapidly and broke through our lines at that point, whichi had been materially weakened by the withdrawal of Colo- nel Martin's brigade, sent by General Logan's order to the extreme left. The other brigade, General Lightburn, which held this part of the line, fell back in some disor- der, about four hundred yards, to a position held by it the night before, leaving the enemy for a time in posses- sion of two batteries, one of which, a 20-pounder Parrott battery of four guns, was most valuable to us, and sepa- rating General Wood's and General Harrow's divisions of the 15th corps, that were on the right and left of the railroad. Being in person close by the spot, and appre- ciating the vast importance of the connection at that point, I ordered certain batteries of General Schofield to be moved to a position somewhat commanding, by a left flank fire, and ordered an incessant fire of shells on the enemy within sight, and the woods beyond, to prevent his reinforcing. I also sent orders to General Logan, which he had already anticipated, to make the 15fh corps regain its lost ground at any cost, and instructed General Woods, supported by General Schofield, to use his division and sweep the parapet down from where he held it until he saved the batteries and recovered the lost ground. The whole was executed in superb style, at times our men and •
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the enemy fighting across the narrow parapet, but at last the enemy gave way and the 15th corps regained its po- sition and all the guns except the two advanced ones •which were out of view, and had been removed by the •enemy within his main woik. With this terminated the battle of the 22d, which cost us 8,722 killed, wounded and prisoners.
"But among the dead was Major-General McPherson, whose body was recovered and brought to me in the heat of the battle, and I had it sent, in charge of his personal staff, back to Marietta, on its way to his Northern home. He was a noble youth, of striking personal appearance, of the highest professional capacity, and with a heart abounding in kindness, that drew to him the affections of ;ali men. His sudden death devolved the command of the .-araaay on the no less brave and gallant General Logan, 'who nobly sustained his reputation and that of his vete- rran army, and avenged the death of his comrade and ^commander. The enemy left on the field his dead and >wouiidei, and about a thousand well prisoners. His dead : alone are computed by General Logan at 3,240, of which rnnmber 2.200 were from actual count, and of these he ^delivered to the enemy, under a flag of truce, sent in by him (the enemy) 800 bodies. I entertain no doubt that in the battle of July 22d, the enemy sustained an aggregate loss of full 8,000 men."
This was one of the greatest battles of the war, and it was won by General Logan, as General Sherman himself attests, and according to the usages of war he was enti- tled to command the Army of the Tennessee, but General Sherman, estimating him as only a General of volunteers, pushed him aside and gave the command to General How- ard, an officer of the regular army. Other Generals have resigned their commands in the very face of the enemy with far less provocation than this, but General Logan, -true to the vow he had taken, never wavered in devotion to the cause of his country, nor did he resign his position until he had seen the stars and stripes triumphantly un- furled over every capitol of every Confederate State.
We have taken occasion to make this defense in this broad and unequivocal manner because we were then a
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citizen of the section of the State in which General Logan* resided, and because of our personal knowledge of all his movements at that time, and because, as yet, no historian has given the charges the denial their gravity demands; and because, further, it is due him and his family, and hii children who are to live after him.
CHAPTER XX. ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
An account of his early manhood as written by himself— Speech at Philadel- phia—First Inaugural— Speech at Gettysburg— Kentucky Letter— Second Inaugural— Last Speech— Assassination— How Lincoln eame to Challenge Douglas— Never an Abolition-st— "I have never kept liquor in my house and will not begin now"— A One-Idea Court.
The subject of this chapter was, perhaps, the most re- markable man of the age in which he lived, and while his life has been written times without number, yet we feel that this volume is the place in which should be preserved some of his most gifted official utterances, together with a brief statement of his early life and tragic death.
We begin with an account of his birth and early man- hood, as written by himself to his personal friend, Jesse W. Fell, of Normal. It is a literal copy, being taken from the original.
"I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin county, Ky. My parents were both born in Virginia of undistinguished families — second families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a family of the name of Hnnks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others in Macon counties, Illinois. My paternal grand- father, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from Buckingham
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county, Virginia, to Kentucky, about 1781 or 1782, where, a year or two later, he was killed by Indians — not in bat- tle, but by stealth — when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest. His ancestors, who -were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks county, Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England family of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, Abraham, and the like. My father, at the death of his father, was but 6 years of age, and he grew up literally without any education. He removed from Kentucky to what is now Spencer county, Indiana, in my 8th year. We reached our new home about the time the State came into the Union. It was a wild re- gion, with many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. There were some schools, so- called, but no qualification was ever required of a teacher beyond 'readin', writin,' and cipherin" to the rule of three. If a straggler, supposed to understand Latin, happened to sojourn in the neighborhood, he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age, I did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to the rule of three, but that was all. I have not been to school since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education 1 have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was 22. At 21 I came to Illinois, and passed the first year in Macon county. Then I got to New Salem, at that time in Sangamon, now in Menard, county, where I remained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war, and I was elected a captain of volunteers — a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went into the campaign, was elected ; ran for the Legisla- ture the same year (1832) and was beaten — the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. The next and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the Legis- lature. I was not a candidate afterwards. During this Legis- lative period I had studied law and removed to Springfield to practice it. In 1846, 1 was elected to the lower house of Con- gress. Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, practiced law more assiduously than before. Always a Whig in politics, and generally on the Whig electoral ticket, making active canvasses. I was losing interest in politics, when the repeal of the Missouri
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•Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is pretty well known. . If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I am in height •6 feet, 4 inches nearly, lean in flesh, weighing, on an average, 180 pounds, dark complexion, with coarse black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recol- lected."
"Yours very truly,
"A. LINCOLN." "Hon. J. W. FELL."
SPEECH AT PHILADELPHIA.
On his way to Washington to assume the office of Presi- dent, Mr. Lincoln stopped a day at Philadelphia, and, in response to an address of welcome by the Mayor, he spoke .as follows:
" Mr. Mayor and Felloiv-citizens of Philadelphia: I ap- pear before you to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should represent, the majesty of the Nation. It is true, as your worthy Mayor .has said, that there is anxiety amongst the citizens of the United States at this time. I deem it a happy cir- cumstance that this dissatisfied position of our fellow- -citizens does not point us to anything in which they are being injured, or about to be injured, for which reason 1 have felt all the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at this time is artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the substantial .difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considera- ble harm ; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been expressed by your Mayor, that I may "be able to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the •country, is most worthy of him; and happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfill that hope. I promise you, in all sincerity, that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart will be for future times to determine. It were use- less for me to speak of details of plans now ; I shall speak -officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not then it were useless for me to do so now. When
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I do speak I shall take such ground as I deem best cal- culated to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to th& country, and tend to the perpetuity of the Nation and the liberty of these States and these people. Your worthy Mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him,, that it were convenient for me to remain in your city long enough to consult your merchants and manufactur- ers ; or, as it Wi3re, to listen to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United States, and I will add, the Declaration of Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I assure you and your Mayor that I had hoped, on this occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I never asked anything that does not breathe from these walls. All my political war- fare has been in favor of the teachings that came forth from these sacred walls. 'May my right hand forget its- cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth,' if ever I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than 1 expected to do, and now allow me to bid you good night."
EXTRACT FROM His FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
"Fellow Citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government it -elf, I ap- pear before you to address you briefly, an^ to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President 'before he enters the execution of his office.'
"I do not consider it necessary at present for me to>- discuss those matters of administration about which there- is no special anxiety or excitement.
"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and per- sonal security, are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 185
have no inclination to do so.' Those who nominated arid elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations, and had never re- canted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
" ' Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to- order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless inva- sion by armed force of the soil of any Slate or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.'
"I now reiterate those sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the prop- erty, peace, and security of no sectioa are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistent with the Constitution and laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, when lawfully demanded, for what- ever cause — as cheerfully to one section as to another.
"I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be- faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part ; and I shall per- form it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters,, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means,, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.
" My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there can be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution un- impaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it, while the new Administration will have
186 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the test way, our present difficulty.
" In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The ^Government will not assail you.
"You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to •destroy the Government; while I shall have the most •solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it.
"I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. ~We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.
"The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and iearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."
SPEECH AT GETTYSBURG.
Extract from a speech made at the dedication of the National Cemetery, a/t Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, November 19, 1863.
"Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new Nation, conceived in liberty, ttnd dedicated to the proposition that all men are created «qual.
"Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so •dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great bat- tle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate'a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here :gave their lives that that Nation might live. It is alto- gether fitting and proper that we should do this.
"But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate — we cannot consecrate — we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have conse- crated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is
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for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the un- iinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedi- cated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that •cause for which they gave the last full measure of devo- tion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain ; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth."
KENTUCKY LETTER.
"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864. ** A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Kentucky.
" MY DEAR SIR : — You ask me to put in writing the sub- stance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows :
"'I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel ; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, pre- serve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I under- stood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary ab- .stract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times, and in many ways ; and I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability, im- posed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indis- pensable means, that Government, that Nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the Nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected ; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, other- wise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming
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indispensable to the preservation uf the Nation. Eight or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted mili- tary emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indis- pensable necessity for military emancipation and armings the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition ; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering- the Union, and in it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it I hoped for greater gain than loss ; but of this I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, — no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen,, and laborers. These are palpable facts,, about which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have men, and we could not have had them without the measure.
'"And now let any Union "man who complains of the measure test himself by writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms, and in the next that he is for taking three (one?) hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be but for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth.
' " I add a word which was not in the verbal conver- sation. In telling this tale I attempt no compliment to- my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now,.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 18!)
at the end of three years' struggle, the Nation's condi- tion is not what either party or any man desired or •expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North as well as you of the South shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new causes to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.' "
SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
"Fellow-Countrymen: At this second appearing to take ihe oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs th» atten- tion and engrosses the energies of the Nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably encouraging to all.
"With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this, iour years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avoid it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it, without war — seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects, by negotiation.
"Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the Nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish ; and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were col- ored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves consti- tuted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate and extend this interest, was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union by
190 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
war, while the Government claimed the right to do no more than to restrict the Territorial enlargement of it.
"Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither an- ticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and prayed to the same God, and each invoked His aid against the other.
"It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask .a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces. But let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayer of both should not be answered — that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. 'Woe unto the world because of offenses, for it must needs be that offenses come ; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.' If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of the offenses that in the provi- dence of God must needs come, but which, having con- tinued through His appointed time, He now so wills to- remove^thafc He gives to both North and South this ter- rible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern that there is any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him. Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away ; yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by an- other drawn with the sword — as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, that the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.
" With malice toward none, with charity for all, with- firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's wounds, and care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphans — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations."
LAST SPEECH.
This speech was delivered April 11, after the surrender of Lee, in response to a call from a vast multitude who-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 191
had assembled to rejoice over the victory our army had won:
" We meet this evening not in sorrow, but gladness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and ^Richmond, and the surrender of the principal insurgent army, gives hopes- of a righteous and speedy peace, whjse joyous expressions- can not be restrained. In the midst of this, however, Ha from whom all blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call for a National thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. Their honors must not be parceled out with others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of trans- mitting much of the good news to you. But no part of the honor for plan or execution is mine. To Gen. Grant, his skillful officers and brave men, all belongs. The gal- lant navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active part. By these recent successes the reinauguration of the National authority — reconstruction, which has had a large share of thought from the first — is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with great diffi- culty. Unlike a war between independent nations, there is no authorized organ for us to treat with. No one man has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. We must simply begin with, and mold from, disorganized and discordant elements. Nor is it a small additional embarrassment, that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves as to the mode, manner and measure of recon- struction. As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I can not properly offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in. setting up an<? seeking to sustain the new State govern- ment of Louisiana. In this I have done just so much, and no more, than the public knows. In the annual mes- sage of December, 1863, and the accompanying proclama- tion, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, which I promised, if adopted by any State, would be acceptable to and sustained by the Executive Govern- ment of the Nation. I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable; and I also distinctly protested that the Executive claimed no- right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was in
192 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and approved by every member of it. Oue of them suggested that I should then, and in that connection, apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the heretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisima, that I should drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and that I should omit the protest against my own power in regard to the admis- sion of members of Congress. But even he approved every part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed or touched by the action of Louisiana. The new consti- tution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole State, practically applies the proclamation to the part previously i xcepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, and is silent, as it could not well be other- wise, about the admission of members to Congress. So that as it applied to Louisiana, every member of the Cab- inet fully approved the plan. The message went to Con- gress, and I received many commendations of the plan, written and verbal, and not a single objection to it, from any professed emancipationist, came to my knowledge until after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862, I had corresponded with different per- sons supposed to be interested in seeking a reconstruction of a State government for Louisiana. When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New Orleans, Gen. Banks wrote to me that he was confident that the people, with his military co-operation, would re- construct substantially on that plan. I wrote to him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the result is known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before stated. But as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, and break it whenever I shall be convinced* that keeping it is adveise to the public interest, but I have not yet been so convinced.
" I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemerl to be definitely fixed on the question whether the seceded States, so-called, are in the Union or out of it. It would, perhaps, add astonishment to his regret were he to learn that since I have found
frofessed Union men endeavoring to answer that question have purposely forebore any public expression upon it.
192
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 193
As appears to me, that question has not been, nor yet is a practically material one, and that any discussion of it while it thus remains practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischievous one of dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may become, that question is had as a basis of a controversy and good for nothing at all — a merely pernicious abstraction. We all agree thac the seceded States, so-called, are out of their proper practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the Government, civil and military, in regard to those States, is to again get them into their proper practical relation. I believe that it is not only possible, but, in fact, easier to do this without deciding, or even considering, whether those States have ever been out of the Union than with it. Finding themselves safely at home it would be utterly immaterial whether they had been abroad. Let us all join in doing the acts necessary to restore the proper practical relations between those States and the Nation, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether in doing the acts he brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of it. The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which the Louisiana government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if it contained 50,000, or 30,000, or even 20,000, instead of 12,000, as it does. It is also unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers. Still the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, is quite all that is desirable. The question is, will it be wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and disperse? Can Louisiana be brought into practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State government? Some 12,000 voters in the heretofore slave State of Louis- iana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized a State government, adopted a Free State Consti- tution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the colored man. This Legislature has already voted to ratify the Constitutional amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout the Nation. These 12,000 persons are thus fully committed —13
194 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
to the Union and to perpetuate freedom in the State ? committed to the very things, and nearly all things, the Nation wants, and they ask the Nation's recognition and its assistance to make good this committal. Now if we reject and spurn them we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We in fact say to the white man, you are worthless or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you. To the blacks we say: This cup of lib- erty which these, your old masters, held to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gath- ering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where and how. If this course, discour- aging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tend- ency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of 12,000 freemen to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance and energy and daring to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it, than by running backward over them ? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg, than by smashing it. Again, if we reject Louisiana we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the National Constitution. To meet this proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those States which have not at- tempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this, further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable. I repeat the question. Can Louisi- ana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining, or by discarding her new State government ? What has been said of Louisiana will apply to other States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and sudden- changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and: unprecedented is the whole case that no exclusive and
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 105
inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the South. I am consid- ering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper."
ASSASSINATION.
Four days after this speech, April 14, while seated in a private box at Ford's Theater with his wife and some friends, he was shot by an assassin, and died next morn- ing at 7 o'clock. His body was embalmed and lay in state for six days, when it was placed on board a funeral train of nine cars, which started April 21, at 8 a. m., for the burial place at his distant home via Baltimore, Har- risburg, Philadelphia, New York, Albany, Buffalo, Cleve- land, Columbus, Indianapolis and Chicago, arriving at Springfield, Wednesday, May 3, at 9 a. in., after a jour- ney of thirteen days. Thousands upon thousands of grief- stricken people thronged the funeral route, and everywhere the deepest sorrow was made manifest. At Springfield, his body lay in state one day, and was sorrowfully viewed by multitudes of men and women from all parts of the State, and on May 4 all that was mortal of the great statesman was tenderly and affectionately laid to rest at Oak Eidge Cemetery, where an enduring monument of marble and brass commemorates his memory. But marble and brass can add nothing to the fame of Abraham Lin- coln; he builded for himself a monument that will live when these evidences of love and admiration have passed away. »
How LINCOLN CAME TO CHALLENGE DOUGLAS.
Soon after Mr. Lincoln had been made the candidate of the Republican party for United States Senator, in op- position to Douglas, he was met by 0. M. Hatch, then Secretary of State, who said to Mr. Lincoln :
196 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"You must challenge Douglas to a joint discussion." "I do not know so well about that," said Lincoln. "It is Democrats you wish to talk to," replied Hatch, "and if you do not avail yourself of those who assemble to hear Douglas, you may be sure of never having a Dem- ocratic audience."
Mr. Lincoln readily saw the forc!e of Mr. Hatch's re- marks and his challenge to Douglas on the 24th of July was the result.
NEVER AN ABOLITIONIST.
The whole life and character of Abraham Lincoln shows that while he was always opposed to slavery, he was never an Abolitionist in the sense in which Owen Lovejoy, Charles Sumner, or Wendell Phillips were. A series of resolu- tions, passed both branches of the General Assembly of >Illi>nois, of which he was n member in 1837, denying the : right of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Colum- ibia,, to which Mr. Lincoln entered his solemn protest in the words following :
"Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery hav- ing passed both branches of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same. They believe that the institu- tion of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy ; but the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils. They believe that the Con- gress of the United States has no power under the Con- stitution to interfere with the institution of slavery in the different States. They believe that the Congress of the United States has tue power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of the people of said District. The difference between these opinions and those contained in said resolutions, is their reason for entering this protest.
"DAN STONE,
" ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
"Representatives of Sangamon County." (See House Journal of 1837.)
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 197
" NEVER KEPT LIQUOR IN MY HOUSE AND WILL NOT BEGIN Now."
This characteristic incident in the life of Abraham Lin- coln was related to us by one who was present at the time it occurred. Soon after Lincoln received the nomina- tion for President at Chicago, Milton Hay, S. M. Cullom, 0. M. Hatch and John Bunn met in the State Library to consult as to the manner of entertaining the National Committee, which consisted of one from each State and the President of the Convention, which was soon expected to visit Springfield for the purpose of formally notifying Mr. Lincoln of his nomination. Well understanding his position upon the question of temperance, they were at a loss to know whether to provide liquor for his guests at his home or not. They had not been aware of Mr. Lincoln's presence until this subject was reached, when he stepped forward and decided the matter for them. He said : " I have never kept liquor in my house and will not begin now." We are told that a room was provided at the Chenery House, which was then the leading hotel of Spring- field, where the distinguished visitors were supplied with such liquors as they desired. On this question, as upon all others, Lincoln stood upon principle, and he was un- willing to surrender principle in this case, eveii though in so doing he might advance his own personal interests.
"A ONE-IDEA COURT."
This pleasing anecdote is related to us of Abraham Lin- coln by a gentleman who frequented the Supreme Court room in Springfield, when Lincoln practiced before that Court. On one occasion, Judges Breese, Skinner and Caton were in the Library, talking of their boyhood days and the coincidence of their having all been born in the same State — New York — and the same county — Oneida. Just then Lincoln stepped in, and having a few days before lost
198 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
a case which had been tried before the Court, in which all three Judges were against him, wittily said : " I thought this was a one-i-da Court, and now I know it."
CHAPTER XXI. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1866,
Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Congressman-at-Large— Congressmen,
by Districts.
The Republicans met in State Convention at Spring- field, August 8, and nominated George W. Smith, for Treasurer ; Newton Bateman, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and John A. Logan for Congressman-at- Large.
The Democrats held their Convention at the same place, August 29, and nominated Jesse J. Phillips for Treasurer; John M. Crebs, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and T. Lyle Dickey for Congressman-at-Large.
The Democratic ticket was exceptionally strong, for the reason that it was composed exclusively of War-Demo- crats— men who had served their country gallantly on the tented field — and it was believed that if the Democrats could carry the State at all, it would be with such a ticket, for, aside from their soldierly qualifications, these gentlemen were personally popular.
The campaign was short but vigorous, Logan and Dickey making the chief canvass, but the Republicans ware the victors.
Smith's majority was 55,653; Bateman's, 55,161, and Logan's, 55,590.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 199
The Republicans elected both branches of the Legisla- ture and eleven of the fourteen Congressmen.
The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- Large, and Congressmen, by districts, is as follows:
TREASURER.
George W. Smith, E 203,019
Jesse J. Phillips, D 147,366
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
Newton Bateman, E 203,339
John M. Crebs, D 147,178
CONGRESSMAN- AT-LARGE.
John A. Logan, E 203,045
T. Lyle Dickey 147,455
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
Norman B. Judd, E 15,247
M.. E. M. Wallace 5,667
SECOND DISTRICT.
John F. Farnsworth, E. . . 16,185
E. M. Haines 3,346
THIRD DISTRICT.
Elihu B. Washburne, E 14,657
Thomas J. Turner 3,897
FOURTH DISTRICT.
A. C. Harding, E 15,952
John S. Thompson, D 13,391
FIFTH DISTRICT.
E. C. Ingersoll, E 18,437
Silas Eamsey, D 9,665
SIXTH DISTRICT.
B. C. Cook, E 15,015
8. W. Harris, D 7,721
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
H. P. H. Bromwell, E 17,410
Charles Black 13,272
200 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Shelby M. Cullom, E. . ... 18,62$ Edwin S. Fowler 14,520*
NINTH DISTRICT.
Charles E. Lippincott, K 14,721
Lewis W. Boss, D 15,496
TENTH DISTRICT.
Henry Case, E 14,743
A. G. Burr, D 17,116^
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
Edward Kitchell, E 14,379'
Samuel S. Marshall, D 16,668
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
Jehu Baker, E 13,032
Wm. E. Morrison, D 11,956-
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
G. B. Eaum, E 13,459*
Wm. J. Allen, D 12,89O
CHAPTER XXII. STATE GOVERNMENT-1867,
Governor — E. J. Ogles by.
Lieutenant- Governor — "William Bross.
Secretary of State — Sharon Tyndale.
Auditor of Public Accounts — 0. H. Miner.
Treasurer — Geo. W. Smith.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman.
Attorney-General — Eobert G. Ingersoll.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
201
TWENTY-FIFTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twenty- fifth General Assembly convened January and consisted of the following members:
SENATE.
Daniel W. Munn, Cairo. John W. Wescott, Xenia. Dan'l Beily, Kaskaskia. David K. Green, Salem. A.W. Metcalf, Edwardsyille. Wm. Shepherd, Jerseyville. J. M. Woodson, Carlinville. A. J. Hunter, Paris. J. L. Tincher, Danville. W. H. Cheney, Cheney's Gr. John B. Cohrs, Pekin. M. McCormel, Jacksonville. S. E. Chittenden, Mendon.
Jas. Strain, Monmouth. T. A. Boyd, Lewiston. G. L. Fort, Lacon. W. Bushnell, Ottawa. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. Wm. Patton, Sandwich. D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris. A. Webster, Kock Island. J. H. Addams, Cedarville. A. C. Fuller, Belvidere. F. A. Eastman, Chicago. J. D. Ward, Chicago.
HOUSE OF KEPBESENTATIVES.
N. R. Casey, Mound City. P. G. Clemens, New Liberty. Jas. Macklin, Harrisburg. J. M. Sharp, Mt. Carmel. N. Johnson, Mt. Vernon. Hugh Gregg, Marion. Dan'l Hay, Nashville. W.K. Murphy, Pinckneyville. J. Campbell, Steel's Mills. E. N. Bates, Centralia. E. P. Hanna, Fairfield,
D. W. Odell, Oblong. Eli Bowyer, Olney. Geo. W. Cornwell, Mason. Patrick Dolan, Enfield.
A. B. Pope, East St. Louis. A. Thompson, Belleville. John H. Yager, Alton. J. F. Alexander, Greenville.
E. Harlan, Marshall. Chas. Voris, Windsor.
J. B. Eicks, Taylorville. J. C. Conkling, Springfield. Wm. McGalliard, Lincoln.
Wm. C. Shirley, Staunton.
E. M. Knapp, Jerseyville. H. C. Withers, Carrollton. J. H. Dennis, Chambersburg, T. Hollowbush, Naples. Jas. M. Epler, Virginia. John M. Beesley, Bath.
F. G. Farrell, Jacksonville. H. L. Warren, Quincy.
P. J. Corkins, Fairweather. A. Hanson, Bushnell. Geo. W. Metz, Eushville. JT G. Fonda, Fountain Green, Dan'l W. Sedwick, Suez. F. M. Bruner, Monmouth. John Gray, Wataga. Caleb B. Cox, Vermont. Geo. W. Fox, Ellisville. Thos. C. Moore, Peoria. S. F. Ottman, Wyoming. Wm. W. Sellers, Pekin. Wm. M. Smith, Lexington* H. S. Green, Clinton. Jas. M. True, Mattoon.
202 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Maiden Jones, Tuscola. S. A. Hurlbut, Belvidere.
N. B. Stage, Bloomfield, E. Hampton, E. Paw Paw.
•Clark E. Griggs, Urbana. Jas. W. Eddy, Batavia.
A. B. Bunn, Decatur. Wm. P. Pierce, Lisbon.
Dan'l S. Parker, Kankakee. E. B. Payne, Waukegan.
•Gep. E. King, Watseka. T. B. Wakeman, Harvard.
Phil. Collins, Morris. A. I. Enoch, Eockford.
E. Clow, East Wheatland. Jos. M. Bailey, Freeport.
Wm. Strawn, Odell. Elijah Funk, Mt. Carroll.
E. Baldwin, Farm Eidge. Henry Green, Elizabeth.
F. Corwin, LaSalle. Henry C. Childs, Wheaton. Wm. C. Stacey, Princeton. Lester L. Bond, Chicago. E. T. Cassell, Metamora. Jos. S. Eeynolds, Chicago. A. P. Webber, Henry. H. M. Singer, Chicago. Aug. Allen, Geneseo. M. W. Leavitt, Chicago. A. S. Coe, Port Byron. H. M. Shepherd, Chicago. Jas. Dinsmoor, Sterling. A. F. Stevenson, Chicago.
G. Eyon, Paw Paw Grove. E. S. Taylor, Evanston. T. J. Hewitt, Foreston.
Lieutenant-Governor Bross presided over the Senate, and Charles E. Lippincott, of Cass, was elected Secretary with- out opposition.
Franklin Corwin, of LaSalle, was elected Speaker of the House, over Newton E. Casey, of Pulaski, by a vote of 58 to 24. Stephen G. Paddock, of Bureau, was elected •Clerk, over M. B. Friend, of Cass, by a vote of 58 to 24.
Among the new members of this Assembly who were :able and active were : Munn, Boyd, Fort, Casey, Bates, Hanna, Bowyer, Conkling, Knapp, Hurlbut.
The Governor's message was presented to the Assembly on the 7th. It was an abl« and somewhat lengthy state paper, in which was a careful and practical discussion of all the State interests. During the two years ending December 1, 1866, the State debt had been reduced $2,607,958.46. The experimental school for idiots, under the direction of Dr. C. T. Wilbur, which was authorized by the previous General Assembly, having proved successful, he recom- mended additional appropriations in that behalf, as also for the Soldiers' Orphans' Home ; recommended an appro- priation for a monument to the memory of Abraham
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 203
Lincoln; renewed his recommendation in favor of an In- dustrial College; supported an appropriation in favor of having Illinois properly represented at the Universal Expo- sition of the Industry of all Nations, at Paris; favored the establishment of a house for the correction of juvenile offenders ; recommended a reform in the pardoning power ; called attention to the necessity of calling a convention to revise the Constitution.
The two houses met in joint session, January 15, and re-elected Lyman Trumbull United States Senator, over T. Lyle Dickey, by a vote of 76 to 38.
This body was in session fifty- two days. Acts were passed to provide for the erection of a new State House ; to locate, construct and carry on the Southern Illinois Penitentiary; to aid the Illinois Soldiers' College; to de- clare the Normal University, at Normal, a State institu- tion; to remove the remains of Gov. Wm. H. Bissell to •Oak Kidge cemetery, and to erect a monument over the same; to establish a Eeform School for Juvenile Offend- ers; to create the office of Attorney-General; to establish a State Boar"d of Equalization of Assessments; to locate the Industrial University ; to provide for reducing the rate of State taxation for payment of interest on the public debt ; to regulate warehousemen, and authorize connections of railroads with warehouses, and the 14th amendment to the National Constitution was ratified.
Under the law creating the office, Eobert G. Ingersoll
was appointed Attorney-General.
•
SPECIAL SESSION.
Gov. Oglesby convened the General Assembly in special session, June 11, to provide, among other things, for the passage of a law for the assessment and collection of taxes on the shares of capital stock in banks and banking asso- ciations, and to amend an act entitled "An act to incorporate
204 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the Mississippi Eiver and Wisconsin State Line Kailroad Company," approved February 28, 1867.
A second special session was convened, June 14, to pro- vide for the management of the Illinois State Penitentiary at Joliet. The lessee of the penitentiary, without warning, had surrendered the lease to the Governor, and hence this special session. The law passed at this session laid the foundation for the present admirable system of peni- tentiary government.
CHAPTER XXIII. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1868,
Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Aggregate Vote for Members of Con- gress—Aggregate Vote for Presidential Electors.
The year 1868 brought the people together in another National struggle for the election of a President and Vice- President, and again the State was made to resound with the thunder of party tactics. The Eepublican State Con- vention met at Peoria May 6, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Convention. John M. Palmer was nominated for Governor; John Dough- erty, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Edward Eummel, for Sec- retary of State; Charles E. Lippincott, for Auditor; Erastus N. Bates, for Treasurer; Washington Bushnell, for Attorney-General, and John A. Logan for Congress- man-at-Large. The Democrats met May 7, at the same place for the same purpose. John K. Eden was nomina- ted for Governor ; William H. Van Epps, for Lieutenant- Governor ; Gustav Van Horbeke, for Secretary of State ; John K. Shannon, for Auditor; Jesse J. Phillips, for
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 205
Treasurer; Kobert E. Williams, for Attorney-General, and William W. O'Brien for Congressman-at-Large.
U. S. Grant, of Illinois, and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, were nominated at Chicago May 20, by the Eepublican National Convention, for President and Vice-President. The Democratic National Convention met at New York July 4, and nominated Horatio Seymour, of New York, and Francis P. Blair, of Missouri, for President and Vice-President.
State issues were completely absorbed in the discussion of National questions growing out of the war, and the best talent of both parties was brought actively into the cam- paign, and every county and district vigorously canvassed, and for many months the voice of the political orator was heard in the remotest portions of the State. The Republi- cans, however, were victorious in the State and Nation. Of the fourteen Congressmen elected, eleven were Eepub- lican, and both branches of the Legislature were Eepub- lican.
The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- Large, Congressmen, by districts, and Presidential electors, is as follows:
GOVEBNOB.
John M. Palmer, E 249 912
John E. Eden, D 199,813
LlEUTENANT-GoVEBNOB.
John Dougherty, E 249,874
Wm. H. Van Epps, D 199,860
SECBETABY OF STATE.
Edward Eummel, E 249,952
Gustav Van Horbeke, D 199,485
AUDITOB.
Charles E. Lippincott, E 249,654
John E. Shannon, D 199,754
TBEASUBEB.
Erastus N. Bates, E 249,972
Jesse J. Phillips, D 199,859
206 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
ATTORNEY-GENERAL.
Wash. Bushnell, E.. . 249,087 Eobert E. Williams, D 199,895
CoNGRESSMAN-AT-LiARGE.
John A. Logan, E 249,422
William W. O'Brien, D 199,789
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
Norman B. Judd, E 27,414
M. E. M. Wallace, D 19,233
SECOND DISTRICT.
John F. Farnsworth, E 20,725
A. M. Herrington, D 6,307
THIRD DISTRICT.
E. B. Washburne, E 18,584
W. J. McKim, D 9,612
FOURTH DISTRICT.
John B. Hawley, E 17,269
James W. Singleton, D 15,547
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Ebon C. Ingersoll, E 20,991
John N. Niglas, D 13,686
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Burton C. Cook, E 19,607
Oliver C. Gray, D 11,946
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Jesse H. Moore, E 22,321
Thomas Brewer, D 17,171
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 207
i
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Shelby M. Cullom, B.. ... 22,19S B. S. Edwards, D 19,809
NINTH DISTRICT.
Leonard F. Eoss, E. . 15,279
Thompson W. McNeely, D 17..877
TENTH DISTRICT.
Jonathan B. Turner, E , , 17,397
Albert G. Burr ,D 21,420
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
James S. Martin, E 16,642
Samuel S. Marshall, D 20,475
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
John B. Hay, E . .... 14,980
Wm. H. Snyder, D 13,33a
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
Green B. Eauni, E. . 14,261
John M. Crebs, D 14,764
ELECTORS — SEYMOUR.
John A. McClernand
David A. Gage ............................
Silas L. Bryan
E. F. Colby ........
Eichard Bishop Edward F. Dutcher Delos P. Phelps ..... .
John T. Lindsay ........
Perry A. Armstrong Charles Black .........
James S. Ewing Simeon P. Shope George- N. Holliday . . William B. Anderson Edward M. West Charles Burnett .
*
208
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
ELECTORS — GRANT.
Gustavus Kcerner
Thomas J. Henderson. Stephen A. Hurlbut...
Lorenz Brent ano
Jesse S. Hildrup
James McCoy
Henry W. Draper
Thomas G. Frost
Joseph 0. Glover
John W. Blackburn...
Samuel C. Parks
Damon G. Tunnicliff . ,
John D. Strong
Edward Kitchell
Charles F. Springer.., Daniel W. Munn .
250,293
* The records in the office of the Secretary of State show only these figures, and it is presumed that they represent the highest number of votes cast for the respective electoral tickets.
CHAPTER XXIV. STATE GOVERNMENT- 1869!
Governor — John M. Palmer.
Lieu tenant- Governor — John Dougherty.
Secretary of State — Edward Rummel.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Chas. E. Lippineott.
Treasurer -Erastus N. Bates.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman.
Attorney-General — Washington Bushnell.
TWENTY-SIXTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twenty-sixth General Assembly convened January 4, and consisted of the following members :
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
209
SENATE.
Dan'l W. Munn, Cairo. J. J. E. Turney, Fairfield. S. K. Casey, Mt. Vernon. J. P. VanDorstan, Vandalia. W. C. Flagg, Moro. W. Shepherd, Jerseyville. J. M. Woodson, Carlinville. Edwin Harlan, Marshall. J. L. Tincher, Danville. J. McNulta, Bloomington. A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln. J. M. Epler, Virginia. S. K. Chittenden, Mendon.
I. McManus, Keithsburg. T. A. Boyd, Lewinton. G. L. Fort, Lacon. J. W. Strevell, Pontiac. Henry Snapp, Joliet. Wm. Patton, Sandwich. D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris. A. Crawford, Geneseo. J. H. Addams, Cedarville. A. C. Fuller, Belvidere. John C. Dore, Chicago. J. D. Ward, Chicago.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
N. E. Casey, Mound City. J. C. Willis, Metropolis.
C. Burnett, Shawneetown.
D. H. Morgan, Eussellville.
C. C. M. V. B. Payne, Benton.
E. L. Dennison, Marion. •Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle.
J. M. McCutcheon, Sparta. T. H. Bursess, DuQuoin. 'T. E. Merritt, Salem. John Halley, Lovilla. J. Cooper, Willow Hill. A. W. Bdthwell, Clay City. Leonard Eush, Vandalia. John Landrigan, Albion. J. E. Miller, Caseyville.
A. Eoss, Mascoutah.
D. Kerr, Edwardsville.
S. H. Challis, Pocahontas. L. Brookhart, Majority Poi't. Chas. Voris, Windsor.
E. M. Gilmore, Litchtield. John Cook, Springfield. Silas Beason, Lincoln.
B. T. Burke, Carlinville. T. B. Fuller, Hardin.
D. M. Woodson, Carrollton.
A. Mittower, Milton. Henry Dresser, Naples. J. G. Phillips, Mound Stat'n. E. Laning, Petersburg. S. M. Palmer, Jacksonville. Thos. Jasper, Quincy. J. E. Downing, Camp Point. H. Horrabin, Blandinville. John Ewing, Littleton.
A. J. Bradshaw, LaHarpe. D. M. Findley, Oquawka. J. Porter, Monmouth.
W. S. Gale, Galesburg.
T. M. Morse, Middle Grove.
John W. Eoss, Lewiston.
B. F. Thompson, Bradford. W. E. Phelps, Elmwood. J. Merriam,* Hittle.
S. E. Saltonstall,t Tremont. Wm. M. Smith, Lexington. J. Swigart, DeWitt. G. W. Parker, Charleston. J. E. Callaway, Tuscola. S. H. Elliott, Paris. W. M. Stanley, Sullivan. J. W. Scroggs, Champaign. J. M. Perry, Kankakee.
*Seat contested,
tAdmitted to seat of Merriam.
—14
210 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
C. H. Frew, Paxton. Irus Coy, Bristol.
Geo. Gaylord, Lockport. N. N. Eavlin, Kaneville,
Phil. Collins, Morris. A. B. Cook, Libertyville^
Wm. Strawn, Odell. P. W. Dietz, Marengo.
Franklin Corwin, Peru. E. Sumner, Pecatonica.
Sam'l Wiley, Earlyille. J. M. Bailey, Freeport.
L. D. Whitiug, Tiskilwa. Adam Nase, Mt. Carroll.
Chas. G. Eeed, Maiden. H. Green, Elizabeth.
J. W. Hopkins, Grandville. H. C. Guilds, Wheaton.
P. K. Hanna, Green Eiver. H. B. Miller, Chicago.
H. F. Sickles, Moline. L. L. Bond, Chicago.
J. Dinsmpor, Sterling. J. S. Eeynolds, Chicago.
Alonzo Kinyon, Amboy. F. Munson, Chicago.
0. B. Youngs, Hale. J. C. Knickerbocker, Chicago.
C. W. Marsh, DeKalb. Iver Lawson, Chicago.
E. H. Talbott, Belvidere. E. S. Taylor, Evanston.
Lieutenant- Governor Dougherty presided over the Sen- ate, and Chauncey Ellwood was elected Secretary, over James Low, by a vote of 17 to 6.
Franklin Corwin was elected Speaker of the House, over Newton E. Casey, by a vote of 53 to 23, and James P. Eoot, of Cook, Clerk, over J. Merrick Bush, of Pike, by a vote of 56 to 23.
The message of Oglesby, the retiring Governor, was laid before the two houses on the 4th. It was non-political and was confined exclusively to the discussion of ques- tions relating to the internal affairs of the State. There had been four years of unbroken prosperity. From Decem- ber 1, 1866 to December 1, 1868, there had been paid on the public debt, principal and interest, $2,687,114.01, and for the four years commencing December 1, 1864 and end- ing December 1, 1868, $4,743,821.44.
The first year of the administration of Gov. Oglesby had been a very laborious one; ten regiments of volun- teer soldiers were organized under the last call of the President, and when the rebellion closed the Governor's- time was occupied almost wholly, for many months, in giving attention to the details of mustering out of the ser- vice the Illinois soldiers. Gov. Oglesby was an eminently
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 2IZ
popular man. The Legislature being in harmony with: his views, his recommendations were carried out in the; greatest measure. The Normal University at Normal was declared a State institution; the Industrial Uni- versity at Champaign was created ; the foundation for the school for feeble-minded children, at Lincoln, was laid ; the Eye and Ear Infirmary at Chicago was fostered; the the Soldiers' Orphans' Home at Normal was estab- lished; the office of Attorney- General was created; a re-- form in the management of penitentiaries was instituted ; ; a reform school for juvenile offenders was created, and. the new State House was begun.
The two houses met in joint session on the llth of. January, when Gov. Palmer took the oath of office andi delivered a brief inaugural address, ^in which he took, occasion to urge upon the attention of the General Assem- bly the recommendations contained in the message of his predecessor. Said he : I
" I am able to say that the whole duty of the Governor,, to the utmost extent of the requirements of the constitu- tion, has been discharged by my predecessor. The com- prehensive message communicated to the General Assem- bly at the opening of the present session furnishes the amplest information of the state of the government, of the operation of existing laws, and covers, by wise and judi- cious recommendations, almost every subject in regard to* which legislative action can be necessary or expedient.
" I cannot better discharge my duty to the people than by urging upon your attention the information given, and the measures recommended, by the experienced and patriotic statesman who now retires from the executive office which he has filled with such advantage and credit to the State."
This body was in session one hundred and six days — a longer period by far than that of any former General Assembly. The vital public acts which were passed, and received the approval of the Governor, were as follows : Acts to secure the endowment fund of the Illinois Agri- cultural College ; to encourage agricultural societies ; to erect
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
•and carry on an asylumn for the insane for Northern Illinois; making appropriations for the Illinois Industrial University; to establish and maintain the Southern Illi- nois Normal University ; to appoint a State Agent to col- lect war claims against the United States; to amend an act establishing a home for the children of deceased sol- diers ; to provide for building a soldiers' monument at the National Cemetery near Mound City; to aid the Illi- nois Soldiers' College at Fulton ; to amend an act provid- ing for the erection of a new State House; to aid the Eye and Ear Infirmary; to appoint a Board of Commis- sioners of Public Charities; to provide for calling a con- tention to revise, alter or amend the Constitution of the iState; to allow convicts in the penitentiary a credit for .-good -conduct in the diminution of their term of imprison- :ment;; to prevent cruelty to animals ; to facilitate drain - ••age of wet or overflowed lands; to prevent frauds in elec- tions for subscriptions to stock in or for donations in aid t>f auy incorporation ; to prevent frauds upon gas con- sumers and gas companies ; to regulate insurance com- panies ; to punish frauds upon insurance companies ; to provide for permanent survey of lands ; to provide for the preservation of field notes, maps, and other papers apper- taining to land titles in the State ; to prevent prize-fight- ing and sparring or boxing exhibitions ; to amend the rail- jroad law ; to regulate the rate for the conveyance of pas- sengers and freight by railroads; to protect lives and property of persons at railway crossings of the public high- ways; to fence railroads; to fund and provide for paying the railroad debts of counties, townships, cities and towns ; to amend the act establishing the State Board of Equali- *zation ; to amend an act condemning the right of way for purposes of public improvement; to amend the school law ; to facilitate the transportation of grain, produce and merchandise by railroads ; to protect widows and orphans
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
from the sacrifice of their property by sales upon mort-' gages and trust deeds, and the XVth amendment to the National Constitution was ratified.
CHAPTER XXV. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1869-70.
Illinois having outgrown the Constitution of 1848, the Convention which h#d been elected to amend, alter or revise the same, met at Springfield on the 13th of Decem- ber, 1869, and was composed of the following delegates, which are given by districts:
1st— William J. Allen.
2d — George W. Brown.
3d— W. G. Bowman.
4th — James M. Sharp.
5th — William B. Anderson.
6th— James M. Washburn.
7th — Harvey P. Buxton.
8th— J. H. Wilson, George W. Wall.
9th — Silas L. Bryan.
10th— Eobert P. Hanna.
llth — James C. Allen.
12th — James P. Kobinson.
13th — Beverly W. Henry,1 Ferris Forman.2
14th— Charles E. McDowell.
15th — William H. Snyder, William H. Underwood.
16th— Charles F. Springer, Henry W. Billings.3
17th— John Scholfield.
18th — George R. Wendling.
19th— Edward Y. Eice.
20th— Milton Hay, Samuel C. Parks.
21st — John W. Hankins.
'Resigned March 3. "Vice B. W. Henry. »Died April 19.
214 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
22d— Robert A. King.
23d— James W. English.
:24th- William R. Archer, John Abbott,
.25th— William L. Vande venter.
56th— 0. H. Wright.
27th— Henry J. Atkins.
28th— Orville H. Browning, Onias C. Skinner.
29th— W. H. Neece.
30th— Jesse C. Fox.
31st— David Ellis.
32d — James S. Poage.
33d -A. G. Kirkpatrick,4 Henry Tubbs.5
34th— Alfred M. Craig.
35th — Lewis W. Boss, Samuel P. Cummings.
436th— Henry W. Wells, Miles A. Fuller.
-37th — Jonathan Merriam.
38th — Reuben M. Benjamin, Clifton H. Moore.
39th — John L. Tincher, Henry P. H. Bromwell, Richard
B. Sutherland.
40th — Charles Emmerson,6 Abel Harwood. 41st— William H. Patterson,7 John P. Gamble.8 42d — Addison Goodell. 43d— William C. Goodhue, W. P. Peirce. 44th— George S. Eldridge, Joseph Hart, Nathaniel J.
Pillsbury.
45th — L. D. Whiting, James G. Bayne, Peleg S. Perley. 46th— George E. Wait. 47th— Calvin Truesdale. 48th — James McCoy. 49th — John Dement. 50th — Joseph Parker.
51st — Westel W. Sedgwick, Jesse S. Hildrup. 52d — Charles Wheaton, Henry Sherrill. 53d— Elijah M. Haines. 54th — Lawrence S. Church. 55th — Robert J. Cross. 56th— Thomas J. Turner. 57th— William Cary, David C. Wagner. 58th— Hiram H. Cody.
59th — Joseph Medill, John C. Haines, S. Snowden Hayes. 60th — William F. Coolbaugh, Charles Hitchcock. 61st — Elliott Anthony, Daniel Cameron.
•Died March 15. *Died January 16.
*Vice A. G. Kirkpatrick. »Vice W. H. Patterson.
«Died April 16.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 215
John Dement was elected President pro tempore; Charles Hitchcock, President, and John Q. Harmon, Secretary.
Among the able and active minds of this Convention were : William J. Allen, Bowman, Anderson, Wall, Bryan, Hanna, James C. Allen, McDowell, Snyder, Underwood, Billings, Scholfield, Bice, Hay, Parks, English, Archer, Vandeventer, Browning, Skinner, Craig, Boss, Wells, Ben- jamin, Eldridge, Pillsbury, Whiting, Wheaton, Hayes, •Church, Turner, Cody, Medill, Dement, Coolbaugh, E. M. Haines and Hitchcock.
The Constitution framed by this Convention has been in force full fourteen years, and has been accepted as one of ihe wisest and best organic laws ever framed.
CHAPTER XXVI. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1870,
The year 1870 was rather a spiritless State campaign; neither of the great parties was in a hurry to go into the contest; the Bepublicans did not hold their State •Convention until September 1. Erastus N. Bates was nominated for Treasurer; Newton Bateman, for Superin- tendent of Public Instruction. Both of these gentlemen were the incumbents of the offices to which they sought a re-election. Under the Constitution of 1848 the Treas- urer was not restricted to a single term as now.
The Democrats held their Convention September 7 and nominated Charles Kidgely for Treasurer, and Charles Feinse for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The aggregate vote for State officers and members of Congress is as follows:
216 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
TREASURER.
Erastus N. Bates, B 168,579?
Charles Eidgely, D 144,92$
H. J. Hammond 8,756
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
Newton Bateman, E 166,859
Charles Feinse, D 144.889
Daniel Wilkins 3,820
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRCT.
Charles B. Farwell, K 20,342
John Wentworth 15,025
SECOND DISTRICT.
John F. Farnsworth, B 8,396
J. C. Stoughton, D 6,516
Bichard Bishop 2,349
Amos Shepard 2.
THIRD DISTRICT.
H. C. Burchard, B 11,718
Charles Betts 6,219
W. E. Luckens 12.
FOURTH DISTRICT.
John B. Hawley, B . 12,028
P. L. Cable, D 11,982
FIFTH DISTRICT.
B. N. Stevens, D 11,579
E. C. Ingersoll, B 9,963
F. B. Ives 868
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Burton C. Cook, B 10,452
Julius Avery, D 7,839
Alexander Campbell 159
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Jesse H. Moore, B 14,089
Andrew J. Hunter, D 13,41*
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 21T
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
James C. Eobinson, D 13,702.
Jonathan Merriam, K 12,44&
George W. Minier 1,175
NINTH DISTRICT.
Thompson W. McNeely, D 12,69a
B. F. Westlake, E 10,297
TENTH DISTRICT.
Edward Y. Eice, D 13.963-
J. W. Kitchell, E 12,02a
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
Samuel S. Marshall, D 15,771
William H. Eobinson, E 11,444
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
John B. Hay, E 10,903
William Hartzell, D 10,126
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
John M. Crebs, D 13,949*
Daniel W. Munn, E 12,366-
CHAPTER XXVII, FIDELITY OF STATE OFFICERS,
Canal Scrip Fraud— Letter of Ex-Gov. Matteson to the Committee of Investi- gation—Mortgage of His Property to Secure the Payment of $250,000— Macallister & Stebbins Bonds Fraud— Gov. Bissell's Emphatic Denial of any Knowledge of the Fraud.
It is a matter of congratulation and pride to know that Illinois has never lost anything by her State officers. The Treasurers of other States have not unfrequently defaulted
218 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
in large sums of money, but those of Illinois have always been faithful j,o their trusts.
The nearest the State ever came to losing money of any considerable amount, was during the administration of Gov. Joel A. Matteson, but the matter was not discov- ered until the early part of 1859, two years after he had gone out of office. The General Assembly being in session, the Senate appointed a committee of investigation, consist- ing of S. W. Fuller, B. C. Cook, A. J. Kuykendall, Z. Applington and S. A. Buckmaster. On February 9, 1859, Mr. Matteson addressed the following letter to the com- mittee :
SPRINGFIELD, ILL, Feb. 9, 1859. To the Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee:
SIR — At the date of my former communication to the chairman of the Senate committee, I supposed the validity of the bonds issued to me for canal scrip, of the issues •of May and August, 1839, was supposed to depend upon the genuineness of the scrip. Since, to my great surprise, the fact is established that these scrip, or checks, though genuine, have been redeemed by the officers and agents of the State many years since, and have been, by some person or persons unknown to me, abstracted from the places where they were deposited, and again put in circu- lation. With perfect innocence on my part, and without the remotest suspicion that the scrip had ever been re- deemed, these checks were purchased by me of different persons, for their cash value at the time, upon actual payment of money therefor.
I have thus unconsciously and innocently been made the instrument through whom a gross fraud upon the State has been attempted.
My past relations to the people of this State, and my -earnest desire for the preservation of my own reputation pure and spotless, render me unwilling to retain these bonds, although purchased by and issued to me bona fide, and for a valuable consideration. I am willing, rather than possess one cent that the State of Illinois ought not to pay, even though the courts might decide that by the strict rules of law my rights to these bonds could not be impeached, to sustain myself the whole loss, and to return
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 219
all the money and evidences of indebtedness of every kind I have received of the State on account of these checks or any bonds issued for them.
The bonds are already deposited as security for the cir- culation of the State Bank. I will indemnify the State against all liability on these bonds, and provide for the repayment of any money or evidences of indebtedness re- ceived as aforesaid, by and with any kind of security that may reasonably be required therefor. Of course it may take some time to replace so large an amount, and I pro- pose that upon my giving the security above indicated, satisfactory to the proper officer, the bonds remain and be held as security for the circulation of the State Bank, with the privilege to me, from time to time, to replace them with other securities, and as thus replaced they shall be canceled by the Governor.
The same regard for my reputation (which is of more value to me than any amount of money), that, in connec- tion with my unwillingness to profit by the loss of the State, has prompted the foregoing proposition, also leads me to ask, as an act of justice to myself, that the investi- gation commenced by the committee should be continued. I will lend every assistance in my power to render it ihorough and searching, resulting in the discovery of the •commencement of the wrong, if not the perpetrators. For this purpose, I hope, if necessary, the committee will be authorized to act in vacation. From my acquaintance with the gentlemen composing the committee, as well as from the courtesy already manifested by them to me, I doubt not they will be willing to continue the investiga- tion even after the adjournment, if necessary.
J. A. MATTESON.
The investigation continued until 1861, through this and other committees acting under authority of the General Assembly, and although an elaborate report was finally made, the names of the perpetrators of the fraud were never revealed. On Becord "F" we find that judgment was rendered against Mr. Matteson in the Sangamon Circuit €ourt, October 28, 1862, for $250,000. Agreeably to the proposition made in his letter of February 9, 1859, Mr. Matteson executed to the State a mortgage on real estate, which included his elegant residence in Springfield, in an
220 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
amount deemed sufficient to pay the judgment, and by an act of the General Assembly approved February 14, 1863, Alexander Starne was appointed trustee. The mortgage was foreclosed, but the property did not sell for sufficient to satisfy the judgment, and subsequently A. B. Safford,. of Cairo, turned over to the State, for the benefit of Mr. Matteson, lands in Henry county valued at $30,000. We are informed by the trustee, Mr. Starne, that the prop- erty has all been sold except a few tracts of land in> Peoria and Henry counties, and some town lots in Joliet and LaSalle, worth altogether about $15,000, which, when; sold, it is believed, will satisfy, in full, the principal of the judgment, if not the interest.
Whatever may have been the real facts in regard to- this fraudulent proceeding, so far as Gov. Matteson him- self is concerned, considering his previous high character and the exalted position he had held at the hands of the people of his State, the charitable reader will give the statement in his letter relating to his personal connection with the fraud the consideration it is entitled to.
In 1859, there was a similar attempt to defraud the State out of a large sum of money, through what is known as the Macallister & Stebbins bonds, but it was unsuccessful. An effort was made to fasten its responsibility upon the administration of Gov. Bissell, but he was prompt to deny all knowledge of it in terms that had no doubtful mean- ing, and which carried with them a belief of his entire innocence.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 221,
CHAPTER XXVIII. STATE GOVERNMENT-1871.
Governor — John M. Palmer.
Lieutenant-Governor — John Dougherty.
Secretary of State — Edward Eummel.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Chas. E. Lippincott.
Treasurer — Erastus N. Bates.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman.
Attorney-General — Washington Bushnell.
TWENTY-SEVENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY — FIRST SESSION.
The first session of the Twenty-seventh General Assem- bly convened January 4, and adjourned, April 17, until November 15. The assembly was composed of the follow- ing members:
SENATE.
Simeon K. Gibson,1 Equality. Charles Voris, Windsor. T. A. E. Holcomb, S. Pass. Edwin Harlan, Marshall. Win. G. Bowman.2 Robert N. Bishop, Paris.
J. Jackson, Lawrenceville. John L. Tincher, Danville. John Landrigan, Albion. J. W. Langley, Champaign. S. K. Casey,1 Mt. Vernon. J. McNulta, Bloomington. J. M. Washburn, Fredonia. M. Donahue, Clinton. W. B. Anderson,3 Mt. Vernon A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln. J. P. VanDorstan, Vandalia. Alex. Starne, Springfield. J. F. Alexander, Greenville. J. M. Epler, Jacksonville. Willard C. Flagg, Moro. Edward Laning, Petersburg. W. H. Underwood, Belleville. J. H. Eichardson, Quincy. Wm. Shepherd,4 Jerseyville. Jesse C. Williams, Carthage. J. M. Bush, Pittsfield. Benj. R. Hampton, Macomb.
Wm. H. Allen.5 Harvey S. Setter, Aledo.
L. Solomon, Vancil's Point. T. A. Boyd, Lewiston.
'Died. ^Resigned.
"Vice Simeon K. Gibson, deceased. 6Vice Wm. Shepherd, resigned.
3 Vice Samuel K. Casey, deceased.
222 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Henry J. Vaughn, Victoria. A. Crawford, Geneseo.
Mark Bangs, Lacon. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa.
Lucien H. Kern, Peoria. W. A. Little,1 Elizabeth.
Jason W. Strevell, Pontiac. J. M. Hunter, Mt. Carroll..
Wm. Keddick, Ottawa. Allen C. Fuller, Belvidere.
Henry Snapp,2 Joliet. John Early, Rockford.
Wm. P. Pierce, Minooka. John C. Dore, Chicago.
John F. Daggatt.6 John N. Jewett, Chicago.
Chas. W. Marsh, Sycamore. Willard Woodard, Chicago.
James W. Eddy, Batavia. J. L. Beveridge,2 Evanston.
James K. Edsall, Dixon. Artemus Carter,7 Chicago. W. S. Wilkinson, Morrison.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
H. Watson Webb, Cairo. Sam'l Burnside, Carlyle. Wm. R. Brown, Metropolis. D. B. Gillham, Alton. Geo. W. Waters, Glendale. A. F. Rqdgers, Upper Alton.. J. B. Morray, Reynoldsburg. Theo. Miller, St. Jacob. W7m. C. Rich, South Pass. William Brown, Old Ripley. Wm. Schwartz,2 Elkville. Jacob Fouke, Vandalia. W. A. Lemma,3 Carbondale. David Leith1 Mason. Addison Reese, Jr., Marion. B. F. Kagay, Effingham. Wm. Elder, Eldorado. Wm. McElwee, Greenup.
Wm. N. Ayres, Elizabetht'wn Wm. C.Jones, Robinson. Frank E. Hay, Carmi, Wm. T. Briscoe, Westfield..
Calvin Allen, McLeansboro. Edward Barrett, Neoga. W. W. Barr, Benton. John Casey, Moweaqua.
Wm. R. Gass, DuQuoin. E. Roessler, Shelbyville. James R. Rails, Chester. W. B. Hundley, Taylorville. D. R. McMasters, Sparta. Thomas Finley,1 Pana. Wm. R. Morrison, Waterloo. B. Dornblaser, Assumption. J. R. Miller, Caseyville. James M. Berry, Irving.
G. Koerner, Belleville. J. N. McElvain, Litchh'eld.
J. Hmchcliffe, Belleville. J. N. McMillan, CarHnville. A. S. Rowley, Richview. G. A. W. Cloud, Girard. Thos. S. Casey, Mt. Vernon. G. W. Herdman, Jerseyville. A. T. Galbraith, Johnsonville Robert A. King, Jerseyville. Walter L. Mayo, Albion. Thos. H. Boyd, Carrollton. J. D. Sage, Lawrenceville. Charles Kenny, Griggsville. Israel A. Powell, Olney. Albert Landrum, El Dara. Osman Pixley, Ingraham. Jas. M. Riggs, Winchester. Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. Newton Cloud, Waverly. Sam'l L. Dwight, Centralia. W. H. Barnes, Jacksonville.
'Died. 'Vice Schwartz, resigned. *Vice Henry Snapp. resigned.
2Resigned. 7Ftce John L. Beveridge, resigned.-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Chas. H. Bice, Springfield. W. M. Springer, Springfield. N. R. Taylor, Williamsville. Wm. E. Nelson, Decatur. Win. T. Moffitt, Decatur. Jonathan Meeker, Sullivan. J. B. Cuningham, Charleston. Azariah Jeffries, Mattoon. James Gaines, Eidge Farm. Geo. W. Eives, Paris. John Gofer, Arcola. John C. Short, Danville. W. P. Chandler, Danville. E. C. Wright, Homer. J. C. Sheldon, Urbana. A. L. Eodgers, Cerro Gordo. Wm. E. Carle, Wapella. Peter J. Hawes, Atlanta. Augustus Eeise, Atlanta. Wm. W. Easley, Virginia. S. C. Knoles, Petersburg. J. G. Phillips, Mt. Sterling. S. S. Benson, Huntsville. A. H. Trimble, Marceline. Maurice Kelly, Liberty. J. H. Stewart, Quincy. G. J. Eichardson, Quincy. L. Mussetter, Warsaw. M. M. Morrill, Nauvoo. Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. James Manley, Macomb. John W. Eoss, Lewiston. S. P. Cummings, Astoria. T. M. Morse, Middle Grove. M. Langston, Manito. C. A. Eoberts, Pekin. Ira B. Hall, Delavan. W. M. Smith, Lexington. E. E. Eoe,1 Bloomington. W. C. Watkins, Bloomington. Geo. W. Funk, McLean. L. H. Kerrick,2 Bloomington. Addison Goodeli, Loda. Thos. Vennum, Watseka. John Stillwell, Chatsworth.
Jas. G. Strong, Dwight. A. L. Cavan, El Paso. James M. Eice, Peoria. Samuel Caldwell, Peoria. John S. Lee, Peoria. Oscar F. Price, Galesburg. Jos. F. Latimer, Abingdon.. P. H. Sanford, Knoxville. S. T. Sheltou, Monmouth. J. T. Morgan, Monmouth. W. A. M. Crouch, Eozetta. S. F. Fleharty, Swedonia. John Morris, Bock Island. E. H. Johnston, Port Byron. Levi North, Kewanee. Jonas W. Olson, Galva. Miles A. Fuller, Toulon. Joseph H. Jones, Henry. Joseph Eeinhardt, Granville. Eobert Hunter, Tiskilwa. P. F. Eemsberg, Limerick. G. W. Armstrong, Seneca. Benj. Edgecomb, Utica. James Clark, Utica. H. M. Gallagher, Peru. Phillip Collins, Morris. W. E. Hickox, Kankakee. Calvin H. Frew, Paxton. J. H. Daniels, Wilmington. W. S. Brooks, Joliet. Eobert Clow, E.Wheatland. Henry Sherrill, Lisbon. W. M. Whitney, Hinsdale. Anson S. Clark. Elgin. J. A. Carpenter,Carpenterv'e» Wm. H. Miller, Aurora. E. M. Pritchard, Shabbona. L. M. McEwen, DeKalb. N. H. Eyan, Amboy. M. J. Braiden, Eochelle. M. W. Smith, Oregon. Jeremiah Davis, Beacon. Nathan Williams, Sterling. Dean S. Efner, Albany. James Shaw, Mt. Carroll.
1 Resigned.
* Vice E. B. Roe, resigned.
224 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
William Gary, Galena. John D. Easter, Chicago.
H. S. Townsend, Warren. John Humphrey, Orland. Thos. J. Turner, Freeport. A. L. Morrison, Chicago. Wm. Massenberg, Freeport. John W. Heaneld, Chicago. Jas. M. Wight, Rockford. A. J. Galloway, Chicago. D. Emmons Adams, Laona. H. B. Brayton, Chicago. Jesse S. Hildrup, Belvidere. Simon D. Phelps, Chicago. W. A. McCqnnell, Richmond. James P. Boot, Chicago. Ira B. Curtis, Marengo. Wm. H. King, Chicago.
W. B. Dodge, Waukegan. Arthur Dixon, Chicago. 1Z. M. Haines, Waukegan. Horace F. Waite, Chicago. Henry W. Austin, Chicago. B. S. Williamson, Chicago. Bobert H. Foss, Chicago. A. H. Burley, Chicago. Jas. L. Campbell, Chicago. William Vocke, Chicago. Carlisle Mason, Chicago. W. K. Sullivan, Chicago. Wiley M. Egan, Chicago. Henry C. Senne, DesPlains. JR. P. Derrickson, Chicago.
This was the largest assembly of Senators and Bepre- «entatives that ever convened in the State for the purpose of enacting laws. There were fifty Senators and one hundred and seventy-seven Bepresentatives. The Consti- iution of 1870 had provided for this representation.
Lieutenant-Gov. Dougherty presided over the Senate, and E. H. Griggs was elected Secretary, over J. M. Davidson, by a vote of 32 to 18.
William M. Smith, of McLean, was elected Speaker of the House, over William B. Morrison, of Monroe, by a vote 101 to 75, and Daniel Shepard, of Cook, Clerk, over E. L. Merritt, of Sangamon, by a vote of 101 to 75.
The Governor's message was laid before the two houses on the 6th. It was an elaborate and able State paper, and gave attention to every question of public importance which claimed the consideration of the Legislature, but he discussed at length the legislation necessary to bring into full force and effect the new Constitution.
At this session, John A. Logan was elected United States Senator, to succeed Bichard Yates, over Thomas J. Turner, by a vote of 131 to 89.
224
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
William Gary, Galena. John D. Easter, Chicago.
H. 8. Townsend, Warren. John Humphrey, Orland. Thoe T "'
_»o-
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.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 225
The labors of this body were, indeed, arduous. The time was chiefly devoted to the enactment of laws to con- form to the new Constitution.
FIRST SPECIAL SESSION.
Having adjourned without making the needed appropria- tions for carrying on the State Government and continuing the work on the State House, the Governor convened the General Assembly in special session on the 24th of May, and after discharging the duties for which the body met, a final adjournment was taken June 22.
SECOND SPECIAL SESSION.
On the 8th of October, 1871, a fire broke out in Chicago, which laid that city in ashes and rendered thousands of its citizens helpless and homeless, and the cry for help, imme- diate help, went forth broadcast throughout the land. Two days after, Governor Palmer issued his proclamation con- vening the Legislature in special session on the 13th of Oc- tober. This was a great emergency, and the Governor met it boldly. He notified all the members through the medium of the telegraph, and within three days after the proclama- tion they were in their seats and ready for business.
The Constitution of 1870 had forbidden all special legis- lation, and there were grave doubts in the minds of many members as to the power of the Legislature to pass, consti- tutionally, effective laws for the relief of the city; but the Governor issued a stirring message, and clearly pointed out the way. In 1865, the Legislature had passed an act pro- viding for the completion of the Illinois and Michigan Canal upon the plan adopted by the State in 183u, and entrusted the work to the city of Chicago, under certain conditions, restriciing, however, the expenditure to $2,500,- 000, which was, ultimately, to be paid, principal and inter- est, by the State. In this work Chicago had expended the —15
226 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
amount limited by the act of 1865, and at this session the General Assembly appropriated a sum sufficient to pay to- Chicago the principal and interest, which amounted, in round numbers, to $3,000,000, on the payment of which the canal was surrendered to the management of the State. This measure brought relief to the stricken city.
ADJOURNED SESSION.
The regular adjourned session of this assembly convened November 15, 1871, to resume the labor of enacting laws to conform with the new Constitution, and continued in session unlil April 9, 1872, when a sine die. adjournment was taken.
This body was in regular session 250 days, and in special session 42 days, making a total of 292, and passed laws covering a volume of 781 pages, in which was included almost every subject of legislation contemplated in the new Constitution. The duties of this body were, perhaps, more burdensome and difficult than those of any Legislature which has ever assembled in the State, but they were per- formed with fidelity and consummate ability.
CHAPTER XXIX, STATE CAMPAIGN— 1872,
Formation of the Liberal Republican Party — Great Defection in the Republi- can Party— Yates' Cabinet Deserts the Republican Party— Yates Stands by the "Silent Soldier"— Lippincott True to the Republican Party— Dis- solution of the New Party — No Democratic Ticket— State Campaign- Aggregate Vote for State Officers, Members of Congress and Presidential Electors.
In 1870, Horace Greeley, through his paper, the New York Tribune, strenuously advocated a more lenient policy on the part of the National Administration toward the*
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 227
States which had lately been in rebellion. The Republi- can party, then in power in Missouri, divided on the- question of removing from the Constitution of that State the clause which disfranchised rebels. Carl Schurz and B. Gratz Brown led the faction favoring the abrogation of that clause, which assumed the name of Liberal Re- publicans. Mr. Greeley had really prepared the way for the formation of such a party, and now that Missouri had* taken the initiatory step, it was not long before the new party gained followers in all the Northern States ; and in 1872, a National convention assembled at Cincinnati, May 1, under its auspices, and nominated Horace Greeley for President, and B. Gratz Brown for Vice-President. --The defection in the Republican party in Illinois was very general, and it looked at the outset as though the new organization would carry both the State and National elections. The Liberal faction in Illinois was led by suchi eminent men as John M. Palmer, Governor ; Newton Bate- man, Superintendent of Public Instruction; Edward Rummel, Secretary of State; ex-Lieut. -Gov. Francis A. Hoffman ; ex-Lieut.-Gov. Wm. Bross ; ex-Lieut.-Gov. Gus- tavus Kcerner; ex-Secretary of State, 0. M. Hatch; ex- Auditor of Public Accounts, Jesse K. Dubois; ex- Auditor of Public Accounts, 0. H. Miner; ex- Attorney-General,. Washington Bushnell; ex- State Treasurer, Wm. Butler; ex-Congressman from the State-at-Large, S. W. Moulton; ex-Congressman, John Wentworth ; ex-U. S. Marshal, D. L. Phillips ; ex-U. S. District Attorney, Lawrence Weldon ; Judge David Davis, Leonard Swett, Senator Lyman Trumbull, and last, though not least, the Chicago Tribune. Edward Rummel was nominated by the Liberals for Sec- retary of State, and Wm. Bross as one of the electors from the State-at-Large, and D. L. Phillips, who was then one of the chief owners of the State Journal, as a district elector.
228 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
There were many other prominent Republicans, who had been honored with places of distinction by the party, who joined in this movement, but these names will suffice to show that the schism was great and alarming even to the most stout-hearted Republican. It will be observed that all the State officers who made up the cabinet when Richard Yates was Governor, joined the fortunes of this new party, while Yates himself stood firm as a rock by the old party and the "silent soldier" whose first com- mission in the war he issued; and Gen. C. E. Lippincott, Auditor of Public Accounts, was the only member of the fthen Republican State Government who boldly declared ^himself willing to stand or fall by adhering to the Repub- lican party, and he wrote a stirring letter, under date of /April 24, 1872, to Wm. Murry, of Virginia, Cass county, in reply to the question as to the course that should be pursued by his old war comrades in the crisis. We give place to a brief extract from this letter:
" I answer briefly, because my time is fully occupied, but plainly, that my old comrades may clearly under- stand me, that I am for the Republican party and its nominees for the Presidency at Philadelphia. I see no abuses in the Republican party which it is not fully able and willing to correct. The record of that party is the proudest part of modern history. Its end cannot have approached, when nothing is arrayed against it but a threatened assault from a coalition of men of every pos- sible political creed and character, held together by the single tie of a universal wish to get into the offices of the government. I have no criticisms to make upon the course of others, and trust that I have made my own position clear to you and to those for whom you write." (See file Daily State Register, May, 1872.)
The Republican party met in Philadelphia, June 5th, and renominated Gen. Grant for President, without opposition, and Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President.
The Democratic party met in National Convention at Baltimore, on the 9th of July, and nominated Greeley and
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 229'
Brown. Mr. Greeley having been an early Abolitionist and one of the chief founders of the Bepublican party, his nomination was not accepted as satisfactory by the entire Democratic party of the country, and a convention of what was termed the " Straight-out " Democrats met at Louisville, Kentucky, September 3, and nominated Charles O'Connor, of New York, for President, and John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. These nominations were declined.
The contest in Illinois was waged with great vigor on all sides, and many believed that the State would be car- ried by the Liberal party, but when the returns of the election came in it was shown that Grant and Wilson had received 241,944; Greeley and Brown, 184,938; O'Connor and Adams, 3,058. Grant's majority over all was 53,948.
In the United States, Grant and Wilson received, of the popular vote, 3,597,070; Greeley and Brown, 2,834,079; O'Connor and Adams, 29,408; Black, Temperance, 5,008. The majority of Grant and Wilson over all was 727,975.. Of the electoral vote, Grant and Wilson received 286. Horace Greeley having died in the meantime, the electoral vote of the Liberal party was cast as follows : For Pres- ident, T. A. Hendricks, of Indiana, 42; B. Gratz Brown, 18 ; C. J. Jenkins, of Georgia, 2 ; D. Davis, of Illinois, 1 ; For Vice-President, Brown received 47 ; G. W. Julian, of Indiana, 5; A. H. Colquitt, of Georgia, 5; J. M. Palmer, of Illinois, 3; T. E. Bramlette, of Kentucky, 3; W. S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, 1; W. B. Macher, of Kentucky, 1; N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, 1.
Messrs. Palmer, Kcerner, Trurabull and Moulton have since affiliated with the Democratic party, while Mr. Davis has been an Independent, but all the other gentlemen returned to the Republican fold before another Presiden- tial campaign.
230 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
STATE CAMPAIGN.
This campaign was of the most momentous charac- ter; by it was to be determined whether the Republican, iparty, which had guided the State and the Nation in the perilous times of war, should be set aside, and a new party take its place. For the time being the Democratic party did not array itself as a party against the Repub- lican party, but united with the Liberal Republican party. Under these circumstances the Republicans did not enter the campaign with the brightest hopes of success; but they nominated a strong ticket, and made a bold and aggressive fight. R. J. Oglesby, who had led the party to victory in 1864, was nominated without opposition, for •Governor; John L. Beveridge, for Lieutenant-Governor; George H. Harlow, for Secretary of State; C. E. Lippin- «ott, for Auditor ; Edward Rutz, for Treasurer, and James JL Edsall for Attorney-General.
The Liberal Republicans nominated Gustavus Kcerner, Republican, for Governor; J. C. Black, Democrat, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Edward Rummel, Republican, and the incumbent of the office, for Secretary of State ; Daniel O'Harra, Democrat, for Auditor ; C. H. Lanphier, Democrat, for Treasurer, and John V. Eustace for Attorney-General.
The Liberal Republican State ticket was regarded as being exceedingly strong; it was believed that the names of Koerner and Rummel would insure for it the German vote, and that the equal division of the offices between Democrats and Republicans would surely give the new party a sufficient following to carry the State. The battle between the old and the new party was opened with a .zeal and bitterness that had never before been witnessed, but it soon became evident that the nomination of Greeley had greatly displeased many of the life-long leaders of the Democratic party, who openly opposed the election of the Liberal ticket, and either voted for the Republican ticket or refrained from voting at all.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 231
The aggregate vote for State officers, members of Con- gress and Presidential electors is as follows:
GOVERNOR.
Richard J. Oglesby, E 237,774
-Gustavus Kosrner, L . E 197,084
JB. G. Wright 2,185
LIEUTENANT- GOVERNOR.
John L. Beveridge 235,101
J. C. Black 199,767
D. S. Starr 2,459
SECRETARY OF STATE.
George H. Harlow, E 241,435
Edward Eummel, L. E 193,493
E. Sutton 2,372
AUDITOR.
€. E. Lippincott, E 241,498
D. O'Hara, L. E 192,708
•C. H. Westerman 2,459
TREASURER.
Edward Eutz, E 242,686
0. H. Lanphier, L. E 191,806
Henry West 2,509
ATTORNEY- GENERAL.
J. K. Edsall, E. 240,731
John V. Eustace, L. E 191,897
George A. Meech 2,467
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
John B. Eice, D 12,870
Lucien B. Otis, E 7,235
SECOND DISTRICT.
Jasper D. Ward, E 12,182
C. H. Harrison, D 8,873
232 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
THIED DISTRICT.
Charles B. Farwell, B 9,202
John V. LeMoyne, D 4,96£
FOURTH DISTRICT.
Stephen A. Hurlbut, E 15,532
Seymour G. Bronson, D 5,134
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Horatio C. Burchard, E 14,036
James Dinsmoor, D 7,53&
SIXTH DISTRICT.
John B. Hawley, E 13,123
Calvin Truesdale, D 7,215-
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Franklin Corwin, E 12,404
G. D. A. Parks, D 8,293-
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Greenbury L. Fort, E 13,401
George 0. Barnes, D 8,304
NINTH DISTRICT.
Granville Barriere, E 12,600>
N. C. Worthington, D 10,799^
TENTH DISTRICT.
William H. Eay, E 12,962.
William H. Neece, D 11,897
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
Eobert M. Knapp, D 13,818
Asa C. Matthews, E... 10,93^
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
James C. Eobinson, D 13,234
M. H. Chamberlin, E 12,311
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
John McNulta, E 13,49G>
Clifton H. Moore, 1 10,850»
L. L. Leads . . 344
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
233
FOURTEENTH DISTRICT.
Joseph G. Cannon, E
William Melson, D
FIFTEENTH DISTRICT.
John E. Eden, D. George Hunt, E . .
SIXTEENTH DISTRICT.
James S. Martin, E ,
Silas L. Bryan, D
SEVENTEENTH DISTRICT.
William E. Morrison, D
John B. Hay, E
EIGHTEENTH DISTRICT.
Isaac Clements, E .
George W. Wall, D
NINETEENTH DISTRICT.
Samuel S. Marshall, D
Green B. Eaum, E
15,161 11,405
14,653 12,29&
12,266- 12,016-
13,215 11,316-
12,999- 11,478-
13,297 11,282
ELECTORS — GRANT.
Henry Greenbaum
David T. Linegar
Chauncey T. Bowen...
Lester L. Bond
Mahlon D. Ogden
Eichard L. Divine
James Shaw
Norman H. Eyan... ..
Irus Coy
Joseph J. Cassell
William Seldon Gale... William D. Henderson,
Moses M. Bane
George A. Sanders
Hugh Fullerton
Martin B. Thompson.
Jacob W. Wilkin
John P. Van Dorstan .
John I. Einaker
John Dougherty
William H. Eobinson..
.241,237
234
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
GREELEY.
"William Bross
John D. Caton
Thomas Hoyne
Charles C. P. Holden
Arno Voss
Isaac W. Swaim
Bobert C. Burchell
Eric Johnson
Caspar Butz
Stephen B. Moore
Martin Shallenberger )> 184,772
George Edmunds, Jr
"William Steinwedell : .
David L. Phillips
Samuel C. Parks
John Cunningham
John N. Gwin
George L. Zuik
John Hinchcliffe
Benjamin W. Sharp
Franklin Pierce
O'CONNOR.
Isaac E. Diller
David Bunion
Wm. S. Searles
Abram Braisted
William Hanley
Jacob Sharp
James M. Duncan
John Culbertson
John W. Hill
John Moran
Hezekiah M. Wead }• 3,138
Thomas Clawry
Frank Vromer
William H. Van Epps
Samuel L. Kerr
James W. Davidson
Jacob Epler
William T. French
James B. Smith
Henry G. Carter
L. M. De Matte..
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 235
CHAPTER XXX. STATE GOVERNMENT-1873,
•Governor— John L. Beveridge.
President of Senate and Acting Lieut. -Gov. — Jno. Early.
Secretary of State— George H. Harlow.
Auditor of Public Accounts — C. E. Lippincott.
'Treasurer — Edward Eutz.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman.
Attorney-General — James K. Edsall.
TWENTY-EIGHTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY — FIRST SESSION.
The first session of the Twenty-eighth General Assem- bly convened January 8, and adjourned May 6, until Jan- uary 8, 1874. The Assembly was composed of the follow- ing members:
SENATE.
Jos. S. Reynolds, Chicago. Almon S. Palmer, Onarga.
B. S. Thompson, Chicago. Elmer Baldwin, Farm Ridge.
Miles Kehoe, Chicago. Jas. G. Strong, Dwight.
Samuel K. Dow, Chicago. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa.
J. McGrath, Chicago. Edward A. Wilcox, Minonk.
Horace F. Waite, Chicago. W. H.' Shepard, Cambridge.
R. S. Williamson, Chicago. P. H. Sanford, Knoxville.
Clark W. Upton, Waukegan. Ben]. R. Hampton, Macomb.
John Early, Rockford. Benj. Warren, LaHarpe.
Henry Green, Elizabeth. S. P. Cummings, Astoria.
Jos. M. Patterson, Sterling. John S. Lee, Peoria.
Geo. P. Jacobs, Oregon. A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln.
Miles B. Castle, Sandwich. John Cusey, Downs.
Eugene Canfield, Aurora. Michael Donahue, Clinton.
Wm. S. Brooks, Joliet. J. C. Sheldon, Urbana.
236 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
John C. Short, Danville. John H. Yager, Alton. Charles B. Steele, Mattoon. Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle. Charles Voris, Windsor. John Cunningham, Salem, W. B. Hundley, Taylorville. Geo. W. Henry, Louisville, Alex. Starne, Springfield. W. J. Crews, LawrenceviJle., A. A. Glenn, Mt. Sterling. Thos. S. Casey, Mt. Vernon.. Geo. W. Burns,1 Quincy. F. M. Youngbloqd, Benton. Maurice Kelly,2 Liberty. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyy'le. Win. E. Archer, Pittsfield. John Hinchcliffe, Belleville. Wm. Brown, Jacksonville. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. Beatty T. Burke, Carlmville. C. M. Ferrell, Elizabethtown,
HOUSE OF KEPRESENTATIVES.
Jas. B. Bradwell, Chicago. James S. Taggart, Ridott. John A. Lomax, Chicago. James Shaw, Bit. Carroll. Wm. Wayman, Chicago. J. E. McPherran, Sterling.. S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. Dean S. Efner, Albany. Frank T. Sherman, Chicago. Isaac Rice, Mt. Morris. Charles G. Wicker, Chicago. Henry D. Dement, Dixon.
E. F. Cullerton, Chicago. Frederick H. Marsh, Oregon. Constantine Kann, Chicago. Lyman B. Ray, Morris. Thos. M. Halpin, Chicago. G. M. Hollenback, Milbrook. John F. Scanlon, Chicago. Perry A. Armstrong, Morris. Thos. E. Ferrier, Chicago. Sylvester S. Mann, Elgin. Wm. H. Condon, Chicago. J.A.Carpenter, Carp'nt'rsv'le.. Wm. A. Herting, Chicago. James Herrington, Geneva. Ingwell Oleson, Chicago. Amos Savage, Lockport. Hugh McLaughlin, Chicago. Jno. S. Jessup, Wilmington- Otto Peltzer, Chicago. Jabez Harvey, Joliet. John M. Rountree, Chicago. M. J. Sheridan, Momence. Geo. E. Washburn, Chicago. E. B. Collins, Momence. Daniel Booth, Chicago. Thos. S. Sawyer, Chebanse- C. H. Dolton, Dolton Stat'n. Lewis Soule, Ottawa.
H. C. Senne, DesPlaines. Joseph Hart, Earlville. Richard Bishop, Me Henry. Geo. W. Armstrong, Seneca,
F. K. Granger, McHenry. J. P. Middlecoff, Paxton. Elisha Gridley, Half Day. Lucien Bullard, Forrest. Robert J. Cross,3 Koscpe. John Pollock, Paxton. Jesse S. Hildrup, Belvidere. J. R. Mulvane, Princeton, Duncan J. Stewart, Durand. Cyrus Bocock, Castleton. Richard F. Crawford,4 Mark R. Dewey, Ohio.
E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. Dwight J. Webber, Minonk. Alfred M. Jones, Warren. Nathaniel Moore, Wenona.
iBesigned September 20, 1873, "Died.
1Vice George W. Burns. *7tce Kobert J. Cross, died.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 237
J. G. Freeman, Snachwine. H. P. Shumway, Taylorville.
Wilder W. Warner, Orion. E. J. C. Alexander, Hillsboro.
E. H. Johnson, Pt. Byron. A. Orendorff, Springfield.
Chas. Dunham, Geneseo. Milton Hay, Springfield.
A. J. Streator, New Windsor. S. M. Cullom, Springfield.
Geo. P. Graham, Aledo. H. H. Moose, Havana,
J. S. Chambers, Altoona. Win. W. Easley, Virginia.
Wm. A. Grant, Monmouth. N. W. Branson, Petersburg.
J. E. Jackson, Colchester. Chas. Ballou, Clayton.
E. K. Westfall, Bushnell. Nehemiah Bushnell,3 Quincy. Wm. Scott, Dallas City. Ira M. Moore, Quincy.
D. Rankin, Biggsville. J. Tilson,4 and5, Quincy.
Edward E. Lane, Warsaw. Albert J. Griffith.6
S. Y. Thornton, Canton. M. D. Massey, Pleasant Vale
John. A. Grey, Lewiston. Stephen G. Lewis, Hardin.
J. M. Darnell, Pleasantview. Henry Dresser, Naples.
Julius S. Starr, Peoria. J. B. Nulton, Carrollton.
Michael C. Quinn, Peoria. J. W. Meacham, Waverly.
Ezra G. Webster, Elmore. J. Gordon, Lynnville.
Laban M. Stroud, Atlanta. Wm. McAdams, Jerseyville.
Peter J. Hawes, Atlanta. J. Plowman, Virden.
H. W. Snow, Washington. A. L. Virden, Virden.
A. E. Stewart, Hey worth. H. Weinheimer, Highland.
T. P. Rogers, Bloomington. Benj. R. Kite, Collinsyille.
John Cassedy, Lexington. T. T. Ramey, Collins ville.
Job A. Race, Decatur. Fred. A. Lietze, Carlyle.
Tilman Lane, Clinton. C. D. Hoiles, Greenville.
Wm. T. Moffett, Decatur. A. G. Henry, Greenville.
John Penfield, Rantoul. N. B. Morrison, Odin.
<3. P. Davis, Monticellq. Chas. G. Smith, Vandalia.
F. E. Bryant, Bement. Ziba. S. Swan,5 Vandalia. Willis 0. Pinnell, Paris. Alfred P. Crosly.7
Henri B. Bishop, Paris. I. N. Jaquess, Mt. CarmeL
Jacob H. Oa-kwood, Catlin. R. T. Forth, Keenville.
Wm. T. Sylvester,1 Arcola. D. W. Barkley, Fairfield.
J. A. Freeland, Sullivan. J. L. Flanders, Olive.
J. A. Connolly, Charleston. Thos. J. Golden, Marshall.
Joseph H. Ewing,2 Arcola. H. Alexander, Robinson.
W.H. McDonald, Majority Pt L. Walker, McLeansboro.
W. H. Blakely, Effingham. R. S. Anderson, M'Leansboro
.Benson Wood, Effingham. Patrick Dolan, Enfield.
J. M. Truitt, Hillsboro. J. G. Newton, Marion.
'Removed. 6Resigned.
*Vice Wm. T. Sylvester, removed. *Vice. John Tillson, rfsigned.
8Died. T Vice Ziba S. Swan, resigned.
*Vlce Nehemiah Bushnell, deceased.
238 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
J. E. Loomis, Shawneetown. S. M. Ease,2 Belleville.
S. M. Mitchell, Corinth. W. A. Lemma, Carbondale.
J. W. Piatt, Cutler. Matthew J. Inscore, Anna,
Wm. Neville, Chester. John H. Obeiiy, Cairo.'
Austin James, Mitchie. James L. Wymore, Vienna.
B. Wick,1 Belleville. F. M. McGee, Reynoldsburg.
L. H. Kite, East St. Louis. N. K. Casey, Mound City. John Thomas, Belleville.
D. A. Ray, of McLean, was elected Secretary of the Sen- ate over W. H. Mantz, of Jefferson, by a vote of 33 to 17.
In the House, Shelby M. Cullom, of Sangamon, was elected Speaker, over Newton R. Casey, of Pulaski, by a vote of 86 to 66, and Daniel Shepard, of Cook, Clerk, over Johsua L. Marsh, of Cook, by a vote of 86 to 61.
Gov. Palmer, the outgoing Executive, presented his mes- sage to the two houses on the 9th, in which he invited attention to the evidences of prosperity in the State, and referred with pride and pleasure to the disposition of the people to bear, without complaint, the burdens of taxa- tion for the education of the masses, and for caring for the afflicted and helpless. To the question of State con- trol of railroads, he gave careful consideration, and pointed out an intelligent and just remedy for the evils of which the people complained ; the needs of the State institutions and all subjects affecting the immediate welfare of the people were discussed with manly candor, and many wise and judicious recommendations indulged in. During the four years of his administration the principal of the State debt had been reduced $4,449,244.44, and the people in general were in a happy and prosperous condition.
The administration of Gov. Palmer was wise and able, yet laborious and trying. The office had come to him unsought. The Republican party nominated him for Gov- ernor in the face of the repeated declarations that he did not seek or desire the honor, and he was triumphantly i elected, and went into power with the hearty approval of
'Resigned. *Vice Bernard Wick, Resigned.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 239
his party, but his first annual message gave the leaders- of that party great offense. He had been from his youth an outspoken anti-slavery man, yet he was a firm believer in State rights, and his message was strongly impregnated with that doctrine. This gave great displeasure to the lead- ers of the Republican party. When Chicago was burnt,, a conflict arose between the State and National Adminis- trations as to their respective duties in that great emer- gency, Gov. Palmer contending that the State was able to preserve order, and protect the property of its citizens, and that the National authority, if exercised at all, was- to be subordinate to State authority. These emphatic declarations brought the Governor in open conflict with his party leaders, and before the close of his Administra- tion he found himself allied to a new party, the Liberal Republican; and in justification of his acts, as Governor, in closing his last message, he said:
"I am not willing to close this communication and my official connection with the government, without express- ing something of my gratitude to the people for the honor conferred upon me with the chief magistracy of the State. No one is more conscious than I am, that in the neces- sarily active share I have taken in the varied affairs of this groat commonwealth I have, in the judgment of some, committed mistakes ; but I have, in all my official acts, been governed by my own convictions of duty, only anx- ious that the free people of the State, to whose candid judgment alone I am responsible, should fully understand my conduct and its reasons and motives, and then decide to approve, or relieve themselves from the consequences of what they may regard as my mistakes by selecting a citizen for my successor who will avoid any error they may think I have committed.
" During my administration of the government of the State, I have steadily acted upon political principles that I have always cherished as being essential to the well being of my countrymen. I have never faltered in the assertion of the rights of all men to liberty. Habitually distrustful of power, I have insisted upon subjecting all claims of a right to govern the people or to exercise any
240 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
authority over them to the test of the Constitution, and J have never willingly submitted to any pretension of any person claiming power to act under the authority of the government of the United States, unless the power claimed was found to have been expressly granted, or was neces- sarily implied in some grant of power contained in the federal Constitution. And when the authority sought to be exercised has been claimed under a State, I have as earnestly sought to know that it was not comprehended "within some power the people of the State have, by their •Constitution, reserved to themselves or forbidden to be exercised by others. I have, at all times, regarded it as amongst my solemn duties to obey the Constitution of the United States, and to aid in defending the government «refited by that instrument, in the exercise of all its just powers, nor have I felt that my duty to support the Con- stitution of the United States originated in my official -oath to do so.
" My duties to the government of the United States be- gan with my birth, and have never been forgotten nor neglected, and my unalterable purpose to discharge those duties has the support of my judgment and my affections, and I have felt under the most solemn of earthly obliga- tions to obey and defend and support the Constitution and laws of the State of Illinois, and .to enforce the laws of the State against all who might offend against them. I need not say that the duty of obeying and defending the laws of the State has the support of my most earnest convictions — for the preservation of the just authority of the States is essential to the perpetuity and usefulness of ihe government of the United States, and the mainten- ance of both is essential to that which is more precious than either — the liberties of the people."
The best compliment that can be paid . to the admin- istration of Governor Palmer is to say that he alone *was responsible for it. While he was not a discreet party man, yet he was a good Governor; he magnified and enlarged the powers and duties of the Executive office, and thereby elevated and dignified its character. Under the Constitution of 1848, the laws had become strained or lax. The necessities of the State in war times had caused the law-makers to overlook, in many instances, the written letter of that instrument, and when
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 241
it became necessary to revise the laws under the Constitution of 1870, implicit care was not taken to keep within its limits, and Governor Palmer was kept busy in the discussion of constitutional questions. In the session of 1869, he vetoed as many as one hundred and twelve acts on constitutional grounds. It became a by-word with members, when a constitutional question was raised against the passage of a bill, to say: "We will not discuss the question here; if there is anything unconstitutional in the bill Governor Palmer will find it out."
Governor Ogles by was inaugurated on the 13th of Jan- uary, and delivered a brief address, in which he took occasion to discuss, with feeling and freedom, National questions, and pointed with satisfaction to the proud po- sition Illinois occupied in the National Union.
On the 20th of January, Governor Oglesby was elected United States Senator, over Lyman Trumbull, by a vote of 117 to 78, and on the 23d resigned the office of Gov- ernor, when Lieutenant-Governor Beveridge became Gov- ernor, and Senator Early, who had been elected President pro tempore of the Senate, acting Lieutenant-Governor.
The General Assembly remained in session until May 6, when a recess was taken until January 8, 1874.
The more important acts which were passed by this Assembly and received the approval of the Governor, were as follows : Acts to reorganize agricultural socie- ties; to authorize the Board of Canal Commissioners io construct a dam and lock at or near Copperas <]reek; to make appropriation to continue the work on the new State House ; to amend an act to provide for the incorporation of cities and villages; to amend the election laws; to amend an act entitled "an act to pro- vide for the incorporation of associations for conducting and maintaining railways ;" to amend an act entitled "an —16
242 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
act to regulate public warehouses and the warehousing and inspection of grain," and for the appropriation of moneys necessary to carry on the State Government and its institutions.
CHAPTER XXXI, STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1874,
The Liberal Republican party ceased as a State or Na- tional organization at the close of the campaign of 1872r and on its ruins was formed in this State the Anti-Mo- nopoly party, which met in convention at Springfield, June 10, 1874, and nominated David Gore for Treasurer,, and S. M. Etter for Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion.
The Eepublican party met in convention at Springfield,. June 17, and nominated Thomas S. Eidgway for Treas- urer, and Wm. B. Powell for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The Democrats, in the meantime, had reorganized, and they met August 26, and nominated Charles Carroll for Treasurer, and S. M. Etter for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
There was little or no general canvass of the State, and the people were left to vote without much direction from party leaders. The nomination of Mr. Etter by the Democrats, had given him a clear field against Mr. Powell, the Ee- publican nominee, and the result was that while Mr. Eidgway was elected by a plurality of 34,805 over Mr. Car- roll, Mr. Powell was defeated by a majority of 30,506.
The aggregate vote for State officers and members of Congress, is as follows :
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 243-
TREASURER.
Thomas S. Eidgway, E 162;9741
Charles Carroll, D 128,169
David Gore, A. M 7.5,580
J. F. Simpson 582.
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
Samuel M. Etter, D. and A. M.. . 197,490\
Wm. B. Powell, B 166,984
Mrs. A. F. Potter 619-
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
Bernard G. Caulfield, D 10,211
Sidney Smith, E. 9,803-
SECOND DISTRICT.
Carter H. Harrison, D 9,189
Jasper D. Ward, E 9,181
THIRD DISTRICT.
Charles B. Farwell, E 8,177'
John V. Le Moyne, D 7,991
F. A. Hoffman, Jr 189;
FOURTH DISTRICT.
Stephen A. Hurlbut, E 9,326
John F. Farnsworth, Ind. E 8,167
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Horatio C. Burchard, E 9,232
Daniel J. Pinkney, D 7,008
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Thomas J. Henderson, E 9,390
Isaac H. Elliott 6,299*
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Alexander Campbell, G. B 10,308
Franklin Corwin, E 7,905
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Greenbury L. Fort, E 8,753
J. G. Bayne, D 7,46a
244 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
NINTH DISTRICT.
flichard H. Whiting, E 9,755
Leonard F. Boss, D 9,495
TENTH DISTKICT.
John CL Bagby, D 9,784
Henderson Eichey, E 8,824
ELEVENTH DISTKICT.
Scott Wike, D 11,489
David Beatty, E 7,429
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
Wm. M. Springer, D 10,623
Andrew Simpson, E 9,027
J. B. Turner 2,417
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
Adlai E. Stevenson, G. B 11,135
John McNulta, E 9,903
jGeo. W. Minier 130
FOURTEENTH DISTRICT.
Joseph G. Cannon, E 11,244
Barnes H. Pickrell, I< 10,603
FIFTEENTH DISTRICT.
John E. Eden, D 12.084
Jacob W. Wilkin , 10,789
SIXTEENTH DISTRICT.
W. A. J. Sparks,D 8723
James S. Martin, E 7,932
Bella B. Henry, G. B 4,023
SEVENTEENTH DISTRICT.
Wm. E. Morrison, D 13,086
John I. Einaker, E. 8,438
EIGHTEENTH DISTRICT.
, William Hartzell, D 10.866
Isaac Clements, E 9,280
NINETEENTH DISTRICT.
William B. Anderson, G. B 8 293
Samuel S. Marshall, D 7.556
(areen B. Eaum, E 5,485
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER XXXII. STATE GOVERNMENT-1875,
Governor — John L. Beveridge.
President of Senate and acting Lieut. -Gov. — A. A. Glenn,
Secretary of State— George H. Harlow.
Auditor of Public Accounts — C. E. Lippincott.
Treasurer — Thomas S. Eidgway.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — S. M. Etter.
Attorney-General — James K. Edsall.
TWENTY-NINTH GENEEAL ASSEMBLY.
The Twenty-ninth General Assembly convened January 6, and was composed of the following members:
SENATE.
John C. Haines, Chicago. Fawcett Plumb, Streator.
E. S. Thompson, Chicago. James G. Strong, Dwight.
Miles Kehoe, Chicago. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa.
Sam'l K. Dow, Chicago. E. A. Wilcox, Minonk.
John Buehler, Chicago. E. C. Moderwell, Geneseo-
H. F. Waite, Chicago. P. H. Sanford, Knoxville.
M. F. Robinson, Chicago. J. T. Morgan, Monmouth..
C. W. Upton, Waukegan. Benj. Warren, LaHarpe.
John Early, Eockford. E. Brown, Eushville.
Henry Green, Elizabeth. John S. Lee, Peoria.
H. A. Mills, Mt. Carroll. Jas. W. Eobinson, Tremont~
Geo. P. Jacobs, Oregon. John Cusey, Heyworth.
M. B. Castle, Sandwich. J. F. Harrold, Clinton.
E. B. Cantield, Aurora. J. C. Sheldon, Urbana.
A. 0. Marshall, Joliet. Geo. Hunt, Paris.
A. S. Palmer, Onarga. C. B. Steele, Mattoon.
246
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
'T. Brewer, Majority Point. W. H. Hundley, Taylorville. W. E. Shutt, Springfield.
A. A. Glenn, Mt. Sterling.
B. Arntzen, Quincy.
W. E. Archer, Pittsfield.
C. D. Hodges, Carrollton. B. T. Burke, Carlinville. W. H. Krome, Edwardsville. Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle.
J. Thompson, Vandalia. G. W. Henry, Louisville. 0. V. Smith, Lawrenceville. T. S. Casey, Mt. Vein on. W. H. Parish, Eldorado. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyville. J. Eainey, Belleville. Jesse Ware, Jonesbpro. Sam'l Glassford, Vienna.
HOUSE OF EEPRESENTATIVES.
J. B. Bradwell, Chicago. Lincoln Dubois, Chicago. M. J. Wentworth, Chicago. John Hise, Chicago. Oeo. M. Bogue, Chicago. S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. Win. Honan, Chicago. •0. L. Niehoff, Chicago. T. L. Halpin, Chicago. Orrin L. Mann, Chicago. Wm. H. Condon, Chicago. M. M. Miller, Chicago. M. J. Dunne, Chicago. J. S. Arwedson, Chicago. <3. L. Linderberg, Chicago, Eobert Thiem, Chicago. John C. Barker, Chicago. W. H. Stickney, Chicago. W. H. Skelly, jr., Lemont. G. Dunlap, Norwood Park. Wm. Freise, Desplaines. W. A. James, Highland Park. E. M. Haines, Waukegan. P. K. Granger, McHenry. Andrew Ashton, Durand. E. F. Crawford, Eockford. M. K. A very, Belvidere. Forest Turner, Nora. JE. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. A. M. Jones, JoDaviess. A. E. McCoy, Fulton City. N. D. French, Thompson. Tyler McWhorter, Sterling.
Henry D. Dement, Dixon. Isaac Eice, Mt. Morris.
F. H. Marsh, Oregon. Philip Collins, Morris. Joshua McGrath, Lisbon.
D. B. Bailey, Gardner.
V. Fredenhagen, Downer's G. James F. Ciafflin, Lombard. James Herrington, Geneva. Wm. Mooney, Braidwood. H. H. Stasson, jr., Monee. L. H. Goodrich, Braidwood, Geo. W. Parker, Watseka, George C. Wilsoi], Unarga.
E. Eichardson, Yellowhead. C. L. Hoffman, Farm Eidge.
G. W. Armstrong, Seneca. E. H. Spicer, Marseilles. Albert M. Haling, Eoberts. Joseph I. Eobinson, Elliott. David Mclntosh, Newton. A. G. Mammon d, Toulon. J. H. Moore, Tiskilwa.
J. J. Herron, Princeton. Henry France, Eoanoke. J. T. Thornton, Magnolia. Nathaniel Moore, Wenona. Eufus M. Grinnell, Cordova. John T. Browning, Moline. John P. Fox, Windsor. John H. Lewis. Knoxville. John T. McGinnis, Joy. C. K. Harvey, Knoxville.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 247
I. L. Christie, Monmouth. E. H. Downing, Keokuk J. •C. W. Boydston, Cameron. James Callans. Winchester. A. W. Kiug. Macomb. John Moses, Winchester.
David Emkin, Biggsville. J. S. Harvey, Belleview. W. Jenney, Burnside. A. J. Thompson, Bethel.
Paul D. Salter, Biggsville. Samuel Woods, Pisgah. James DeWitt, Littleton. John Gordon, Lynnville. S. P. Cummings, Astoria. S. P. Gilbert, • Carlinville. S. Y. Thornton, Canton. 0. P. Powell, Jerseyville. Wm. Eowcliff, Eobin's Nest. H. F. Martin, Brighton. Julius S. Starr, Peoria. F. S. Pike, St. Jacob. Patrick W. Dunn, Peoria. Geo. A. Smith, Alton. Eichard Holmes, Delevan. Geo. H. Weigler, Alton. E. A. Talbptt, Burton View. J. K. McMasters, Nashville. Thomas VVindle, Lincoln. A. G. Henry, Greenville. T. P. Eogers, Bloomington. Wm. H. Moore, Nashville. J. F. Winter, Bloomington. Wm. E. Hubbard, Kinmundy. A. E. Stewart, Bloomington. Thos. E. Merritt, Sa?eni. Shaw Pease, Niantic. John B. Johnson, Alma.
John H. Tyler, Dewitt. Samuel E. Hall, Albion.
Samuel S. Jack, Decatur. Byron J. Eqtan, Louisville. "Win. H. Phillips, Eantoul. John Landrigan, Albion. •Geo. H. Benson, Eantoul. E. Callahan, Eobmson. W. C. Hubbart, Monticello. John H. Halley, Newton. Wm. S. 0'H;ur, Paris. J. W. Briscoe, Darwin.
John Sidell, Fairmount. H. W. Hall, Knight's Pr. Andrew Gundy, Bismark. A, B. Barrett, Mt. Vernon. J. A. Connolly, Charleston. Boon Kershaw, Grayville. FJ. M. Vnnce, Mattoon. J. N. Wasson, Shawneetown.
E. A. Wilson, Williamsburg. A. C. Neilson, Marion. Wm. Gillmore, Edgewood. Isaac Smith, Ride; way. W. Middlesworth, Shelbyville. J. W. Eickert, Waterloo. William Chew, Shelbyville. Samuel McKee, Blair. Levi Scott, Pana. J. Chesnutwood, Evansville.
John C. Hagler, Pana. Wm. G. Kase, E. St. Louis.
W. F. Mulkey, Nokomis. John Thomas, Belleville. Jos. L. Wilcox; Lqami. James Eankin, Lebanon. Fred Gehring, Springfield. F. E. Albright, Murphysboro. S. M. Cullom, Springfield. M. J. Inscore, Anna. N. W. Branson, Petersburg. Claiborn Winston, Cairo. A. G. Nance, Petersburg. Benj. 0. Jones, Metropolis. John W. Pugh, Mason City. James E. Stegall, Oak. T. J. Bates, Camp Point. L. F. Plater, Elizabethtown. Ira M. Moore, Quincy.
In this General Assembly the Eepublicans lost their majority, and by a fusion with the Independents the
248 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Democrats succeeded in obtaining control of both houses.. On the sixteenth ballot A. A. Glenn was elected President pro tempore of the Senate, over John Early, by a vote of 26 to 23, when he became acting Lieutenant-Governor, and E. B. Townes, Secretary, over D. A. Eay, by a vote of 26 to 24.
In the House, E. M. Haines was elected Speaker, over Shelby M. Cullom, by a vote of 81 to 68, and Jeremiah J. Crowley, Clerk, over Daniel Shepard, by a similar vote.
Governor Bevericlge presented his message to the two- houses on the 8th of January. It was a brief, business- State paper, and confined exclusively to matters of State ;. he congratulated the Legislature on the happy and pros- perous condition of the people, and commended to their careful and considerate attention the passage of such laws as would subserve the best interests of the State and foster and preserve the State institutions intact.
This was a stormy session, and the leaders on either side sought every opportunity to take advantage of each other, and by reason of this it was an unprofitable session,, in many ways.
The laws enacted were comprised in a volume of 118" pages, the most important of which were : the appropriation acts; to provide for the re-organization of cities; to enable corporations in other States and counties to lend money in Illinois ; to change the fiscal year; to give railroad com- panies the right to purchase or lease roads in adjoining. States; to authorize the formation of union depots and stations for railroads ; to authorize the refunding of funds, collected for 1873, under an act passed in 1869, providing for the payment of railroad debts of counties, townships, cities and towns, and to regulate the charitable institutions and State Eeform School, and to improve their organiza- tion and increase their efficiency.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 249
CHAPTER XXXIII. A VISION OF WAR,
Extract from a Speech Delivered by Robert G. Ingersoll, at the "Soldiers" Reunion," at Indianapolis, Ind., September 21, 1676.
" The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great struggle for National life. We hear the sounds of preparation — the music of boisterous drums — the silver notes of heroic bugles. We see thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators ; we see the* pale cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men ; and in those assemblnges we see all the dead whose dust we> have covered with flowers. We lose sight of them no- more. We are with them when they enlist in the great- army of freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are walking for the last time in quiet woody places, with the maidens they adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as they lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some are parting with mothers, who hold them, and press them to their hearts again and again, and say nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and kisses — divine mingling of agony and love. And some are talking with wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in the old tones, to drive from their hearts the awful fear. We see them part. We see the wife standing in the door with the babe in her arms— standing in the sunlight sob- bing— at the turn of the road a hand waves — she answers- by holding high in her loving arms the child. He is gone, and forever.
"We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting flags, keeping time to the grand, wild music
•250 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
of war, — marching down the streets of the great cities — through the towns and across the prairies — down to the fields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right.
" We go with them, one and all. "We are by their side on all the gory fields — in all the hospitals of pain — on all the weary marches. We stand guard with them in the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with them in ravines running with blood — in the furrows of old iields. We are with them between contending hosts, un- able to move, wild with thirst, the life ebbing slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them pierced by balls and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and in the whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of steel.
" We are with them in the prisons of hatred and fam- ine ; but human speech can never tell what they endured.
" We are at home when the news comes that they are •dead. We see the maiden in the shadow of her first sor- row. We see the silvered head of the old -man bowed with his last grief.
" The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human beings governed by the lash — we see them bound hand and foot — we hear the strokes of cruel whips — we •see the hounds tracking women through tangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty unspeakable ! Outrage infinite !
" Four million bodies in chains — four million souls in fetters. All the sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child trampled beneath the brutal feet of might. And all this was done under our beautiful banner of the free.
" The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the bursting shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We look. Instead of slaves, we see men and women and children. The wand of progress iouches the auction-block, the slave-pen, the whipping- post, and we see homes, and fire-sides, and school-houses, and books, and where all was want and crime and cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free.
" These heroes are dead. They died for liberty — they died for us. They are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under the flag they rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, the tearful wil- lows, and the embracing vines. They sleep beneath the shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine or of storm, each in the windowless palace of Rest. Earth may
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 251
run red with other wars — they are at peace. In the midst of battle, in the roar of conflict, they found the serenity •of death. I have one sentiment for soldiers, living and <dead: Cheers for the living; tears for the dead."
CHAPTER XXXIV. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1876,
In 1876, the contest was again triangular in part. The ^Republicans met in State convention May 24, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Con- tention. Shelby M. Cullom was nominated for Governor, Andrew Siiuman for Lieutenant-Governor, George H. Har- low for Secretary of State, Thomas B. Needles for Auditor, Edward Rutz for Treasurer, and James K. Edsall, who was the incumbent, for Attorney-General. The Greenback party was the next to nominate a State ticket. Lewis Steward was nominated for Governor, James H. Pickrell for Lieutenant-Governor, Marsena M. Hooton for Secre- tary of State, John Hise for Auditor, Henry T. Aspern for Treasurer, and Winfield S. Coy for Attorney-General. The Democrats met July 27, and nominated Lewis Steward for Governor, Archibald A. Glenn for Lieutenant-Governor, Stephen Y. Thornton for Secretary of State, John Hise for Auditor, George Gundlaeh for Treasurer, and Edmund Lynch for Attorney-General.
The National Greenback Convention met May 17, at Indianapolis, and nominated Peter Cooper, of New York, for President, and Samuel F. Gary, of Ohio, for Vice- President.
252 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
The Republicans met in National Convention at Cincin- nati, June 14, and nominated E. B. Hayes, of Ohio, for President, and Wm. A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice- President.
The Democratic National Convention met in St. Louis,. June 17, and nominated Samuel J. Tilden, of New York,, for President, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice-President.
The nomination of Steward and Hise by the Democrats, for Governor and Auditor, virtually left the Greenback party out of the fight, and the Democrats entered upon the canvass with the hope of carrying at least two mem- bers of the State ticket. The nomination of Hayes did not give perfect satisfaction to the Republicans, and the canvass was rather spiritless until near the close of the campaign, when many eminent speakers from other States- were brought into service, notably among whom was James G. Elaine. On the contrary, the nomination of Tilden and Hendricks pleased the Democrats to the utmost, and they labored in and out of season for the success of both the State and National tickets ; indeed, the party had not been so well organized since 1860; but the Republicans- carried the State for all their nominees, by a greatly re- duced majority.
The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and Presidential electors is as follows :
GOVERNOR.
Shelby M. Cullom, R 279,263
Lewis Steward, D.-G 272,465
Scattering 365.
LIEUTENANT- Go VERNOB.
Andrew Shuman, R 278,167
Archibald A. Ulenn, D 255,970'
James H. Pickrell, G 18,053
Scattering 362
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 253
SECRETARY OP STATE.
George H. Harlow, R 278,457
.Stephen Y. Thornton, D 255,990
Marsena M. Hooton, G 17,848
Scattering 482
AUDITOR.
'Tho* B. Needles, R 278,628
John Hise, D.-G 273,052
.Scattering 378
TREASURER.
Edward Rutz, R 277,788
•George Gundlach, D 255,044
Henry T. Aspern, G 19,439
Scattering 338
ATTORNEY- GENERAL.
James K. Edsall, R 278,472
.Edmund Lynch, D 257,057
Winfield S. Coy, G 17,433
.Scattering 367
MEMBERS OP CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
William Aldrich, R 16,578
John R. Hoxie, D 14,101
•George S. Bowen 486
SECOND DISTRICT.
Carter H. Harrison, D 14,732
•George R. Davis, R 14,090
-S. F. Norton 118
THIRD DISTRICT.
Lorenz Brentano, R 11,722
John V. Le Moyne 11,435
FOURTH DISTRICT.
^William Lathrop, R 13,241
John F. Farnsworth 8,149
.Stephen A. Hurlbut 5,991
254 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Horatio C. Burchard, E 15,79$
Jere Pattison, D 10,600
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Thomas J. Henderson, E 15,560
Charles Dunham, D.' 9,821
Austin Sykes f 288
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Philip C. Hayes, E 14,849
Alexander Campbell, G. B 13,313
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Greenbury L. Fort, E 15,011
George W. Parker, D 12,211
NINTH DISTRICT.
Thomas A. Boyd, E .' 14,548..
George A. Wilson, D 14,001
Wm. W. Mathews, G. B 678
TENTH DISTRICT.
Benjamin F. Marsh, E 14,252
J. H. Hungate, D 13,496
J. L. Christie 147
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
Eobert M. Knapp, D 17,949'
Joseph Eobbins, E 12,618
J. A. Edie 35-
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
William M. Springer, D 17,400
David L. Phillips 13,744
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
Thomas F. Tipton, E 15.229
Adlai E. Stevenson, G. B p. 14,977
FOURTEENTH DISTRICT.
Joseph G. Cannon, E 17,796
John C. Black, D 16,404
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 255
FIFTEENTH DISTRICT.
John E. Eden, D 18,714
George D. Chafee, E 13,765
A. J. Hunter 72.
SIXTEENTH DISTRICT.
William A. J. Sparks, D 14,591
Edwin M. Ashcraft, E 12,763
SEVENTEENTH DISTRICT.
William E. Morrison, D 17,036
Henry L. Baker, E 13,029*
EIGHTEENTH DISTR-CT.
William Hartzell, D 14,691
Benjamin L. Wiley, E 14,671
NINETEENTH DISTRICT.
Eichard W. Townshend, D 12,720
Edward Bonham, E 8,558
William B. Anderson, G. B : .... 7,463
ELECTORS — HAYES, B.
John I. Einaker .' 277,227
Peter Schuttler 278,228
George Armour 278,232
Bolivar G. Gill 276,740
Louis Schaffner 278,231
Allen C. Fuller 278,232,
Joseph M. Bailey 277,231
John B. Hawley 277,232.
Franklin Corwin 277,215
Jason W. Strevell 277,226
Oscar F. Price 277.232
Alexander McLean 277,231
David E. Beatty 277,230
Philip N. Minier 277.231
Michael Donahue 277,230
Hugh Crea 277,215
George D. Chafee 277,233
James M. Truitt 277,233
Cyrus Happy 277,233
George C. Eoss 277.235
Joseph J. Castles 277,029-
256 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
TlLDEN, D.
William F. Coolbaugh 258,445
"William J. Allen 258,445
Thomas Hoyne ; 258,598
Samuel S. Hayes 258,599
Arno Voss 258 599
Thomas B. Coulter 258,601
William 0. Green 258,601
James S. Eckels 258,465
George B. Martin 258,411
Henry W. Bullock 258 275
Lawrence W. James 258,508
James W. Davidson 258,462
William G. Ewing 249,347
Charles A. Keyes 258,466
Cassar A. Koberts 258,471
Orlando B. Ficklin 258,466
Eobert N. Bishop 258,468
Jesse J. Phillips 258,468
Charles A. Walker 258,467.
J. Perry Johnson 258,467
John M. Crebs - 258,283
Wigfall G. Ewing 9,119
W. T. Davidson 21
William Gordon 9
COOPER, G. B.
Sydney Myers 18,241
James W. Singleton 17,107
A. J. Grover 17,121
Andrew C. Cameron 17,174
H. B. Barrett 17,191
S. M. Slade 17,232
J. M.King.. 17,231
S. M. Smith 17,229
John M. Thompson 17.225
James G. Bayne 17,231
H. Christman 16,745
A. J. Streetor 17.233
H. K. Davis 17,223
John McConnell 17,224
Thomas Snell 17,226
Jesse Harpf.r 17.223
Charles Voris 17,223
Eolla B. Henry 17,223
256 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
TlLDEN, D.
The;
•
I
.
Jlei
William
€h? •Gee::
.
.
•
Andr
•
H. Chri
-
Joh Thomas Saell
i -
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 257
John Hinchcliffe.. . 17,226
S. I. Davis 17,221
John Landrigan 16,857
The Prohibition and Anti-Secret Society parties also run •electoral tickets; the highest vote polled by the Prohibi- tionists was 249, and 181 by the Anti-Secret Society.
CHAPTER XXXV.. STATE GOVERNMENT-1877,
Governor — Shelby M. Cullom.
Lieutenant-Governor — Andrew Shuman.
Secretary of State — George H. Harlow.
Auditor of Public Accounts — T. B. Needles.
Treasurer — Edward Eutz.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — S. M. Etter.
Attorney- General — James K. Edsall.
THIRTIETH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Thirtieth General Assembly convened January 8, and was composed of the following members:
SENATE.
John C. Haines, Chicago. H. A. Mills, Mt. Carroll.
Daniel N. Bash, Chicago. H. D. Dement, Dixon.
Miles Kehoe, Chicago. M. B. Castle, Sandwich.
Francis A. Kiddle, Chicago. J. H. Mayborne, Geneva.
John Buehler, Chicago. A. 0. Marshall, Joliet.
M. A. DeLany, Chicago. T. P. Bontield, Kankakee.
M. W. Robinson. Chicago. Fawcett Plumb, Streator.
M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock. S. T. Fosdick, Chatsworth.
John Early,1 Eockford. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa.
E. H. McClellan, Galena. Henry J. Frantz, Eoanoke.
»Died September, 1877. —17
258 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
E. C. Moderwell, Geneseo. Bernard Arntzen, Quincy,
B. C. Taliaferro, Keithsburg. Wm. E. Archer, Pittsfield, John T. Morgan, Monmouth. C. D. Hodges, Carrollton, "William Scott, Dallas City. G. W. Herdman, Jerseyville.. Eobert Brown, Eushville. W. H. Krome, Edwardsville. John S. Lee, Peoria. F. E. W. Brink, Hoylton. J. W. Eobison, Tremont. John Thompson, Vandalia. J. M. Hamilton, Bloomingt'n. E. P. Hanna, F airfield.
J. F. Harold, DeWitt. 0. V. Smith, Lawrenceville..
C. P. Davis, Monticello. C. E. McDowell, Carmi. George Hunt, Paris. Wm. H. Parish, Eldorado. Maiden Jones, Tuscola. Ambrose Keener, "Waterloo.. Thos. Brewer, Majority Poi't. Jefferson Eainey, Belleville. E. Southworth, Litchtield. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. Wm. E. Shutt, Springfield. S. M. Glassford, Vienna. Luther Dearborn, Havana.
HOUSE OP EEPKESENTATIVES.
W. H. Thompson, Chicago. James S. Taggart, Eidptt.
Charles L. Easton, Chicago. Hiram Tyrrell, Plum Eiver..
M. J. Wentworth, Chicago. E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport.
S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. James Shaw, Mt. Carroll.
J. W. E. Thomas, Chicago. E. H. Nevitt, Albany.
Joseph E. Smith, Chicago. J. M. Stowell, Mt. CarrolL
James B. Taylor, Chicago. Abijah Powers, Sterling.
H. F. Sheridan, Chicago. Frank N. Tice, Forreston.
P. J. Hickey, Chicago. B. H. Truesdell, Lee.
E. B. Sherman, Chicago. Peter S. Lott, Newark. George W. Beed, Chicago. Wm. M. Byers, Sycamore. Jos. J. Kearney, Chicago. Amos D. Clover, Gardner. John A. Eoche, Chicago. Henry H. Evans, Aurora. Peter Kiolbassa, Chicago. Jas. G. Wright, Naperville. Michael J. Dunne, Chicago. James Herrington, Geneva. Eugene A. Sittig, Chicago. Fred Kouka, Eagle Lake. Arno Vo3S, Chicago. L. H. Goodrich, Braidwood. Austin 0. Sexton, Chicago. D. H. Pinney, Joliet.
J. S. Bielefeldt, Thornton. Conrad Secrest, Watseka.
John H. Kedzie, Evanston. John A. Koplin, Buckley.
G. C. Klehm, Niles Center. D. C. Taylor, Kankakee.
F. K. Granger, McHenry. L. B. Crooker, Mendota. W. A. James, Highland Park. S. M. Heslet, Meriden.
E. M. Dennis. Waukegan. G. W. Armstrong. Seneca^
G. H. Hollister, Eockton. George B. Gray, Pontiac. John Budlong, Eockford. John H. Collier, Gibbon. Andrew Ashton, Durand. E. C. Allen, Long Point.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
259
Charles Baldwin, Princeton. Daniel J. Hard, Lafayette. Jas. J. Herron, Princeton. Joel A. Ranney, Metamora. C. Fosbender, Sparland. Eli V. Raley, Granville. J. T. Browning, Molme. John P. Fox, Geneseo. R. M. Grennel, Cordqvia. Alfred S. Curtis, Oneida. Jos. F. Latimer, Abingdon. A. M. Brown, Galesburg. C. W. Boydston, Cameron. E. K. Westfall, Bushnell.
C. H. Whitaker, Macomb. Charles F. Gill, LaHarpe. Geo. P. Walker, Warsaw. John J. Reaburn, Denver. J. A. Leeper, Farmington. Chas. F. Robison, Ellisville. W. T. McCreery, Huntsville. L. A. Wood, Chillicothe. Nelson D. Jay, Elmwood. Robert S. Bibb, Peqria. Joseph C. Ross, Lincoln.
D. C. Smith, Pekin. Wm. A. Moore, Morton.
T. F. Mitchell, Bloomington. J. F. Winter,1 Bloomington. T. P. Rogers, Bloomington. Thomas J. Abel, Decatur. Samuel S. Jack, Decatur. Win. L. Chambers, Clinton. Robert A. Bower, Tolono.
E. C. Bartholo, Mahomet. Simeon H. Busey, Urbana. J. H. Oak wood, Catlin. Alvan Gilbert, Rossville. Robt. L. McKiniay, Paris. Henry A. Neal, Charleston. R. Heffernan, Mattoqn. Stephen Cannon, Sullivan. Gersham Monohon, Greenup. N. P. Robinson, Effingham. Thos. J. Fritts, Cold Springs.
David H. Zepp, Nokomis. W. E. Morrison.Mqrrisonvl'e. Burrel Phillips, Hillsboro. John Foutch, New Berlin. J. Mayo Palmer, Springfield. DeWittW. Smith, Bates. Jacob Wheeler, Havana. W. L. Vandeventer,Mt.Ster'g. Cornelius Rourke, Petersburg. Thomas G. Black, Clayton. Hope S. Davis, Quincy. J. H. Hendricksou, Mendon. Asa C. Matthews, Pittsfield. S. R. Powell, Winchester. B. J. Hall, Hardin. I. L. Morrison, Jacksonville. W. P. Gallon, Jacksonville.' Lucien King, Kane. R. Rowett, Carlinville. H. W. Wall, Staunton. J. N. English, Jerseyville. John S. Dewey, Troy. S. A. Buckmaster, Alton.
F. M. Pearce, Alhambra. R. Tierney, Okawville. W. M. Evans, Greenville.
G. F. Berry, Greenville. F. Remann, Vandalia. A. J. Hogge, Greenland. Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. H. H. Chessley, Louisville. W. R.Wilkinson, Friendsville. ' Geo. D. Ramsey, Xenia.
W. Lindsey, Martinsville. J. H. Halley,2 Newton. A. J. Reavill, Flat Rock. Ross Graham, Carmi. T. Connelly, McLeansboro. T. J. Williams, Spring Garden P. Phillips, Webb's Hill. J. M. Washburn, Marion. T. M. Mooneybam, Benton. T. T. Fountain, DuQuoin. J. Boyd, Pinckneyville. S. P. Mace, Percy.
Resignation accepted August 8, 1877.
* Resigned Aug. 2, 1877.
"200 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
! J. W. Wells, Marrissa. J«'. E. Albright, Murphysboro.
'A. 8. Wilderman, Belleville. W. S. Morris, Elizabethtown. J. M. Whitaker, Summertield.A. D. Pierce, Golconda. W.H. Woodward, Carbondale.E. B. Watkins, Mound City. Alex. H. Irwin1, Cairo.
The Republicans being in the minority in the Senate, -the Democrats and Independents united and organized this body. Fawcett Plumb was elected President pro tempore, and James H. Paddock, Secretary.
In the House, James Shaw was elected Speaker, pver Samuel A. Buckmaster, by a vote of 78 to 65, and E. F. Dutton, Clerk, over Thomas S. Bouton, by a vote of 79 to 70.
'Governor Beveridge presented his message to the two FJaouses on the 5th. It contained the usual recommenda- vtioists, and closed with this patriotic reference to National i questions:
" In my former messages I studiously avoided all ques- tions of National polity, confining myself strictly to matters of State. At the close of my administration, and in view of the fact that the Nation has lately passed through the excitement of a popular election, and the public mind is more or less agitated by the results of that election, it may not be improper in me to express my confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the American people peace- ably to adjust all difficulties. I advise moderation, invoke •wise counsels, and supplicate peace. We want no more war. The blood of the late fratricidal strife still reddens the earth ; the graves of the fallen are yet fresh and visi- ble.; their widows and orphans are still living among us; the griefs and sorrows of the heart are yet unassuaged. Keeping in grateful remembrance the heroic sacrifice for our country, let us lay aside all animosity and bitterness, heal the broken hearts, build up the waste places, and bind all sections of our beloved country forever together by the bonds of love and prosperity. No matter how the Presidential question may be eventually decided by the proper authorities, for one I shall willingly submit to the decision, and join all persons of every party for the main- tenance of law, the preservation of public order, and the protection of all citizens of every race, color and condition,
1 Resigned, February 12, 1878.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 2G1
in the full and peaceable enjoyment and exercise of' all their rights, privileges and immunities under the Con-' stitution and the laws."
During the administration of Governor Beveridge, the principal of the State debt was reduced $250,000.
On January 9, the incoming Governor, S. M. Cullom, took the oath of office and delivered his inaugural mes- sage to the two houses. Lieut. -Gov. Shuman entered upon his duties as presiding officer of the Senate the same day.
Among other duties devolving upon this General Assem- bly was the election of a United States Senator. Gen. John A. Logan was the unanimous nominee of the Eepub- lican caucus, and Gen. John M. Palmer of the Democratic. The Independents held the balance of power, consequently neither of the candidates possessed a majority. The two houses met in joint session on the 18th of January, and balloted six times for Senator. On the first ballot Logan received the votes of 21 Senators and 78 Eepresentatives, and Palmer 21 Senators and 67 Eepresentatives. Seven. Senators voted for Wm. B. Anderson, and six Eepresen- tatives for David Davis. Two members of the House — Busey and Bartholo — refrained from voting. On the last ballot Logan's vote remained the same while Palmer lost two; Anderson received 7 and Davis 7. On the 22d the name of Gen. Palmer was withdrawn, and on the first bal- lot thereafter Logan received 99 votes, Wm. B. Anderson 85, John C. Haines 7, Wm. C. Goudy 7, Wm. H. Parish 1, A. A. Glenn 1, S. S. Marshall 1, and C. B. Lawrence 1. Five additional ballots were taken with a similar result. On the 24tb, the name of Gen. Logan was withdrawn, and on the first ballot thereafter David Davis received 97 votes, C. B. Lawrence 86, John C. Haines 7, John A. Logan 2, Wm. H. Parish 1, Jehu Baker 1, S. M. Cullom 1, E. G. Ingersoll 1, G. B. Eaum 1, and J. L. Beveridge 1. Five ballots were indulged in that day without choice.
282 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
On the 40th ballot for Senator, which occurred on the 25th <of January, the whole number of votes cast were 200, of "which David Davis received 101, C. B. Lawrence 94, Ijohn 0. Haines 3, Wm. H. Parish 1, John A. Logan 1. ,Mr. Davis having received a majority of all the votes cast, the Speaker declared him the duly elected Senator. The highest number of votes during the contest received by Gen. Logan was 100, and by Gov. Palmer 89.
The chief acts, exclusive of the appropriations, were : to provide the manner of proposing amendments to the con- stitution; to levy and collect back taxes of incorporated * cities; for the relief of disabled members of police and ,fire departments; to establish Appellate Courts; to divide ithe State into judicial districts; to extend the jurisdiction of county courts ; defining vagabonds and prescribing pun- ishment; to prevent and punish wrongs to children; to punish fraud or extravagance in the expenditure of moneys appropriated for public improvements ; to amend the liquor law; to amend the election law; to amend an act con- cerning insolvent debtors; to provide for the organization of the State militia; relating to miners; providing for the health and safety of persons employed in coal mines; to amend an act relating to the payment of railroad bonds •by counties, cities and other municipal corporations; re- lating to fencing and operating railroads; to protect pas- sengers on railroads; to prevent obstructing the business of railroads ; to fix rates of storage in the warehouses ; to amend the school law, and to establish a State Board of Health. The two houses adjourned sine die May 24.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 263
CHAPTER XXXVI, STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1878,
The campaign of 1878 was ushered in by the nomina- tion of three State tickets. The Greenback party held their convention first. Erastus N. Bates, ex-Republican Treasurer, was nominated for Treasurer, and F. M. Hall, for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The Republicans nominated John C. Smith, for Treas- urer, and J.ames P. Slade, for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The Democrats nominated Edward L. Cronkrite, for Treasurer, and Samuel M. Etter, the then incumbent, for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
Although three parties were contesting for the offices to be filled at that election, there was but little enthusiasm aroused among the people in general, and the candidates made more of. a personal canvass than otherwise. The Republican ticket was elected by a plurality of 36,873.
The aggregate vote for State officers and members of Congress is as follows:
TREASURER.
John C. Smith, R 206,458
Edward L. Cronkrite, D 170,085
Erastus N. Bates, G 65,689
Jerome A. Gorin. . 2,228
SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION.
James P. Slade, R 205,461
Samuel M. Etter, D 171 336
F. M. Hall, G 65,487
l£ate L. Hopkins 2,109
264 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
FIRST DISTRICT.
William Aldrich, E. 12,165
James E. Doolittle, 1) 7,136-
William V. Barr 1,844
John McAuliff 2,322
George E. Davis &
SECOND DISTRICT.
George E. Davis, E 10,347
Miles Kehoe, Ind. D 6,111
James Felch 1,600
George A. Schilling 2,473
J. H. Condon 250
John Sebolski 74.
THIRD DISTRICT.
Hiram Barber, E 9,574
Lambert Tree, D 6,280
A. B. Cornell 884
Benjamin Sibley 2,306
FOURTH DISTRICT.
John C. Sherwin, E 12,75$
Jonathan C. Stoughton 4,438
Augustus Adams 3,448
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Eobert M. A. Hawk, E 11,042.
Mortimer D. Hathaway 4,823-
John M. King 4,304
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Thomas J. Henderson, E 10,964
James W. Haney 6,675
Charles Dunham : 3,257
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Philip C. Hayes, E 10,712
W. S. Brooks 5,795
Alexander Campbell 6,512.
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Greenbury L. Fort, E 11,271
Thomas M. Shaw 4,822,
Chris. C. Strawn 6,575-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 265
NINTH DISTRICT.
Thomas A. Boyd, E 10,54$
George A. Wilson, D 9,802
Alex. H. McKeighan, G 8,749
TENTH DISTRICT.
Benjamin F. Marsh, E 11,814
Delos P. Phelps, D 11,238
Alson J. Streeter, G 3,496-
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
James W. Singleton, D 11,961
James P. Dimmitt, E 6,956
William H. Pogue. 3,034
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
William M. Springer, D. 12,542
John Cook, E 9,146
John Mathers, G 4,611
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
A. E. Stevenson, G 18,870-
Thomas F. Tipton, E 12,058
L. M. Bickmore 135
FOURTEENTH DISTRICT.
Joseph G. Cannon, E 13,698
Maiden Jones, D 11,527
Jesse Harper, G 4,451
FIFTEENTH DISTRICT.
Albert P. Forsyth, G 13,106
Hiram B. Decius, D 12,942.
SIXTEENTH DISTRICT.
William A. J. Sparks, D 11,493-
Basil B. Smith, E 9,946
James Creed 2,139
SEVENTEENTH DISTRICT.
William E. Morrison, D 12,436
Jehu Baker, E 10,605:
William E. Moberly 1,59$
"2GG POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
EIGHTEENTH DISTRICT.
John E. Thomas, E. . 12,686
W. J. Allen, D 12,074
S. J. Davis, G 2,454
NINETEENTH DISTRICT.
E. W. Townshend, D.. 12,603
llobert Bell, E 8,190
Seth P. Crews 2,847
He Is the Projector of the Illinois Central Railroad— His Wonderful Predic- tion regarding the Growth and Magnitude of Railways in the United States.
Until the death of Judge Breese it had never been quite understood who was justly entitled to the credit of project- ing the Illinois Central Eailroad, which has added untold wealth to the prairie State. Judge Breese himself lays •claim to having projected the enterprise. In the elaborate memorial address of Melville W. Fuller, of Chicago, before the Illinois Bar Association, at Springfield, in January, 1879, on the life and services of Judge Breese, we find this definitely satisfactory statement regarding the origin of the great enterprise. Said he :
" In October, 1835, Judge Breese called the attention of the public to the importance of a direct connection of the Illinois and Michigan Canal, then in course of construction, with the lower Mississippi at Cairo, by a railroad, propos- ing that the road should start from the termination of the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 267
•canal, and proceed as near as might be by the route of the third principal meridian, through Bloomington, Deca- iur, Vandalia, Carlyle, Nashville, Pinckneyville, Browns- ville and Jonesboro, and pointing out how it could be done and by what means, and from that time until the great result was achieved he labored steadily to bring it about, opposing, however, the act of February, 1837, for a general system of internal improvements.
" In Congress, his first movement in favor of the project was marked by great sagacity. He introduced, in January, 1844, and obtained the passage of, a resolution instructing the Committee on Naval Affairs to provide for an exam- ination of the locality at, or near, the confluence of the 'Ohio and Mississippi rivers, with a view to the establish- ;ment of a naval depot and dockyard, which he supported in an elaborate letter, under date of February 29, 1844, to Hon. E. H. Bayard, of Delaware, chairman of that com- mittee, which was printed by order of the Senate, and, among other things, contained the following: 'At some period, not distant, the projected railroad will be con- structed from the iron mountains and copper mines in Missouri to the Mississippi river, opposite the mouth of the Ohio. From the cars which bring metal from the mines, transported across the river in ferry boats, it will be deposited in public stores for use, or in private stores for transportation to more distant markets. Nor will it be long before the Central or Great Western Eailway of Illinois will be constructed, opening a route toward the lakes, never to be obstructed by low water or ice. Com- mencing at the site of the proposed depot, and running near five hundred miles through a region of unsurpassed 'fertility, it will not only bring in supplies inexhaustible, but open a communication through which naval stores may be sent to the lakes, it being connected with the pro- jected canals in Illinois and Indiana, without transhipment from boats on the rivers, or the interposition of other -causes, which would render their transportation from other points more dilatory and expensive.
" This was the entering wedge which opened up an inquiry, resulting, to use Judge Breese's language a few years after, 'in the growth of a great city at that point, of which our State will be proud. Like another queen, «he will yet rise in splendor from the waters.'
"In March, 1844, a bill for a grant for railway purposes was introduced in the House by Col. McClernand, 'than whom,' writes Judge Breese, 'our State never had an abler
2G8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP IILLINOIS.
member; ' and Senator Breese, in addition to a bill offered. in December, 1844, introduced one in January, 1846, ta grant to the State of Illinois alternate sections of land to aid in the construction of the road, making as Chair- man of the Committee on Public Lands, to which the bill was referred, the first full report ever made to Congress- on the subject. In January, 1848, Senator Breese made an elaborate report upon a bill of Senator Douglas, and in July, 1848, reported the bill of Senator, afterward Vice- President, King, in favor of Alabama.
" In December, 1848, Senator Breese made another report upon a bill of Judge Douglas, going fully into the whole subject, and endeavoring to obviate all constitutional and other objections to such grants, and the argument contained in it was made the basis of all the subsequent grants to this and other States.
"In September, 1850, after Judge Breese left the Senate, a bill was passed which consolidated his original bill of 1846, with that of Senator King, of 1848, and under this we obtained the land.
" In 1851, when Judge Breese was a member of the General Assembly, and Speaker 'of the House, the act was. passed incorporating the Illinois Central Railroad Company, and giving it the benefit of the grant, and Judge Breese thus witnessed the close of his long labors in this direction, labors, to some of which only this is but a mere reference, and it was in that year that he published a letter in whick he says : ' I claim to have first projected this great road in my letter of 1835, and in the judgment of impartial and disinterested men my claim will be allowed. I have said and written more in favor of it than any other. It has- been my highest ambition to accomplish it, and when my last resting place shall be marked by the cold marble which gratitude or affection may erect, I desire for it no other inscription than this, that he who sleeps beneath it. projected the Central Railroad.' "
As an evidence of the master foresight of Judge Breese,. regarding the benefits which were to follow the path of the iron horse, we transfer to these pages an extract from a report he made in July, 1846, when a Senator in Congress- and Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands. It relates to a memorial of A. Whitney, for a grant of land
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 269
to enable him to build a railroad from Lake Michigan to the Pacific ocean. Summing up the whole question of railroad construction, he said :
"Our whole country will be brought together at the grand centre in the short space of four days, allowing us not only to transport passengers, but all descriptions of merchandise and produce, from the grand center to New Orleans, Savannah, Charleston, Richmond and Norfolk, Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York and Bos- ton, and to the Pacific, in the same time, four days; and from the Pacific to any of the above cities in less than •eight days, and to China in twenty days; so that we can bring our vast country together in four days, and the ex- tremes of the globe in thirty days. A cargo of teas from China may then be delivered in any of our Atlantic cities in thirty days and in London or Liverpool in less than Jbrty-Jive days."
Judge Breese was one of the truly great men of his day, and his highest ambition seemed to be to do something that would benefit his country and mankind, and few men have accomplished more in that direction than he.
From the first advent of Judge Breese into the State io the day of his death, he held public office, but it is -also true that the office sought him more that he sought it. He was a native of New York, born July 15, 1800; and in company with Samuel D. Lockwood, came to Illinois in 1818, arriving at Shawneetown by a flat-boat, and from thence he made his way across the country to Kaskaskia, then the seat of government, where he was made Assis- tant Secretary of State, under Elias Kent Kane, who had been a schoolmate in New York, and at whose solicita- tion he came West. One of his earliest achievements was the compilation and publication of the Reports of the 'Supreme Court from the years 1818 to 1831 ; and it is said of him that he personally superintended their print- ing, and actually set much of the type. He was Post- master of Kaskaskia, Circuit Attorney under the admin- istrations of Governors Bond and Coles; U. S. District
270 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Attorney under President Adams; Circuit Judge, Chief Justice, United States Senator for six years; Representa- tive in the Seventeenth General Assembly in 1851-52, and Speaker of that hody; and in 1857 he was again elected to the Supreme Court of the State, which position he con- tinued to hold until his death, which occurred June 28, 1878.
Judge Breese may justly be styled a benefactor of his country, for he seemed to have filled, at the close of a long and useful life, in full measure, the work God and nature had assigned him.
Politically, Judge Breese died as he had lived, an ad- herent of the Democratic party.
CHAPTER XXXVIII. STATE GOVERNMENT- 1879.
Governor — Shelby M. Cullom.
Lieutenant- Governor — Andrew Shnman.
Secretary of State — Geo. H. Harlow.
Auditor of Public Accounts — T. B. Needles.
Treasurer — John C. Smith.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Jas. P. Slade-
Attorney General — Jas. K. Edsall.
THIRTY-FIRST GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Thirty-first General Assembly convened January and was composed of the following members.
SENATE.
George E. White, Chicago. W. T. Johnston, Chicago.
Daniel N. Bash, Chicago. M. A. DeLany, Chicago.
Sylvester Artley, Chicago. W. J. Campbell', Chicago.
Francis A. Riddle, Chicago. M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
271
C. E. Fuller, Belvidere. E. H. McClellan, Galena. Charles Bent, Morrison. H. D. Dement, Dixon. J. R. Marshall, Yorkville. J. H. Mayborne, Geneva. Sylvester W. Munn. Joliet. T. P. Bonfield, Kankakee. S. R. Lewis, Ottawa. S. T. Fosilick, Chatsworth. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. Henry J. Frantz, Roanoke. Milton M. Ford, Galva.
B. C. Taliaferro, Keithsburg. Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. Wm. Scott, Dallas City. Meredith Walker, Canton. John S. Lee, Peoria. Abram Mayfield, Lincoln.
J . M. Hamilton, Bloomington Wm. T. Moffett, Decatur.
C. P. Davis, Monticello.
George Hunt, Paris. Maiden Jones, Tuscola. E. N. Rinehart, Effingham.
E. Southworth, Litchtield. Wm. E. Shutt, Springfield. Luther Dearborn, Havana. Maurice Kelly, Liberty. Wm. R. Archer, Pittsfield. Wm. P. Callon, Jacksonville. G. W. Herdman, Jerseyville. A. J, Parkinson, Highland.
F. E. W. Brink, Hoylton. Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. R. P. Hanoa, Fairfield. Wm. C. Wilson, Robinson. Chas. E. McDowell, Carmi. S. L. Cheaney, Harrisburg. Ambrose Keener. Waterloo. John Thomas, Belleville. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro.
A. J. Kuykendall, Vienna.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
W. H. Thompson, Chicago. M. J. Wentworth, Chicago.
D. W. Clark, Jr., Chicago. Benj. M. Wilson, Chicago. S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. Patrick T. Barry, Chicago. Leo Meilbeck, Chicago.
T. J. Walsh, Chicago. John B. Taylor, Chicago. Lewis H. Bisbee, Chicago.
E. B. Sherman, Chicago. J. E. Murray, Chicago. Wm. E. Mason, Chicago. Chas. Ehrhardt, Chicago. Thos. F. O'Malley, Chicago. Christian Meyer, Chicago. Austin Sexton, Chicago. Horace H. Thomas, Chicago. L. C. Collins Jr, Norwood P'rk G. G. Struckman, Hanover.
B. F. Weber, Havelock. F. K. Granger, McHenry. W. A. James, Highland Park William Price, Waukegan. Omar H. Wright, Belvidere. T. Butterworth, Roekford. H. W. Taylor, Roekford. James I. Neff, Freeport. Andrew Hinds, Oneco. Chas. S. Burt, Dunleith. James Shaw, Mt. Carroll. W. H. Allen, Erie. J. M. Pratt, Pratt. Frank N. Tice, Forrest. B. H. 'Trusdell, Amboy. A. P. Dysart, Nachusa. Wm. M. Byers, Sycamore. R. M. Brigham, Sandwich.. Alonzo B. Smith, Oswego. Edward C. Lovell, Elgin.
272
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
J. G. Wright,1 Naperville. J. Herrington, Geneva. J. Keniston, Wilton Center. Fred Kouka, Beecher. Win. B. Thomson, Joliet. Conrad Secrest, Watseka. M. H. Peters, Watseka. A. Buck, Pilot Center. L. B. Crooker, Mendota. Francis Bovven, Sheridan. • David Bichey, Tonica. •George B. Gray, Pontiac. N. E. Stevens, Paxton. Calvin H. Frew, Paxton. Alfred G. Scott, Sheffield. 13. F. Otman, Wyoming. Simon Elliot, Princeton. Joel A. Banney, Cazenovia. Geo. F. Wightman, Lacon. O. Fosbender, Sparland.
A. B. Mock, Cambridge. John W. Foy, Atkinson.
J. W. Simonson, Port Byron. Bufus W. Miles, Gilson. J. F. Latimer, Abingdon. John Sloan, Douglas. Henry M. Lewis, Berwick. Henry Black, Doddsville. Edwin W. Allen, Berwick. T. B. Brumback, Plymouth. John J. Beaburn, Denver.
B. B. Hamilton, Nauvoo. Hosea Davis, Littleton. O. F. Bobison, Ellisyille. W. T . McCreery, Birmingham, H. B. Chase, Bobin's Nest. Bernard Cremer, Peoria. W. Cockle,1 Peoria.
David H. Harts, Lincoln. <r. P. Orendorff, Hopedale. William B. Hall, Pekin. T. F. Mitchell, Bloomington. H. A. Ewmg, Bloomington. T. P. Bogers, Bloomington.
•Resigned.
John H. Tyler, DeWitt. Geo. K. Ingham, Kenney. B. K. Durfee, Decatur. Geo. Scroggs,1 Champaign. James Core, Homer. Wm. A. Day, Champaign. John G. Holden, Danville. L. Marston, Hoopeston. B. L. McKinlay, Paris.
0. B. Ficklin, Charleston.
A. Thomason, Lovington. Henry A. Neal, Charleston. W. M. Abraham, Watson. James L. By an, Greenup.
B. Scarlett, Moweaqua. J. B. Jones, Taylorville. W. Y. Crosthwait, Grove City. Geo. L. Zink, Litchfield. W. L. Gross, Springfield. John C. Snigg, Springfield. Carter Tracy, Bochester.
J. F. Snyder, Virginia. J. W. Savage, Virginia. Jacob Wheeler,1 Havana. S. Mileham, Camp Point. A. M. Samuel, Burton. Joseph N. Carter, Quincy. Asa C.Matthews, Pittsfield. S. B. Powell, Winchester. Jas. H. Pleasants, Hardin.
1. L. Morrison, Jacksonville. K. Vasey, Jacksonville.
F. M. Bridges, Carrollton. H. W. Wall, Staunton. J. N. English, Jerseyville. Geo. E. Warren, Jerseyville. W. B. Prickett, Edwardsville. John M. Pearson, Godfrey. John S. Dewey, Troy. T. D. Hinckley, Hoyleton. S. W. Jones, Nashville. John L. Nichols, Clement. J. E. W. Hammond, Omega. Francis M. Bolt, Vandalia.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 278
James S. Jackson, luka. J. T. McBride, Chester.
J. Zimmerman, Mt. Carmel. J. E. McFie, Coulterville.
"William Bower, Olney. P. C. C. Provart, Paradise Pr.
Chas. Churchill, Albion. T. C. Jennings, East St. Louis.
J. E. Johnson, West Liberty. Joseph Veile, Millstadt.
J. W. Graham, Marshall. Henry Seiter, Lebanon.
A. J. Eeavell, Eobinson. C. H. Layman, Murphysboro.
A. M. Green, Mt. Vernon. T. T. Eobinson, Pomona.
J. E. Moss, Mt. Vernon. T. W. Halliday, Cairo.
C. M. Lyon, McLeansboro. James H. Carter, Vienna.
J. M. Gregg, Harrisburg. H. H. Spencer, Mound City.
S. C. Hall, New Haven. T. G. Farris,1 Vienna.
W. Trammell, Stone Fort. W. V. Eldredge,2 Golconda.
Lieut.-Gov. Shuman presided over the Senate. John M. Hamilton, of McLean, was elected President pro tempore, over Win. E. Archer, of Pike, by a vote of 27 to 22, and Jas. H. Paddock, of Kankakee, Secretary, over Edward L. Merritt, of Sangamon, by a vote of 27 to 22.
In the House, Wm. A. James, of Lake, was elected Speaker, over James Herrington, of Kane, by a vote of 81 to 59, and W. B. Taylor, of Marshall, Clerk, over Jerry Crowley, of Cook, by a vote of 78 to 62.
On the 10th of January, the message of the Governor was read in the two houses. It contained the usual recom- mendations.
The two houses met in joint session on the 21st of Jan- uary, and Gen. John A. Logan was elected United States Senator, over Gen. John C. Black, by a vote of 106 to 84. Gen. Black was the Democratic candidate. Ten votes were cast for Alexander Campbell, Greenback, and 4 for John McAuliffe, Socialist.
The principal laws passed at this session, exclusive of the appropriation bills, were acts to create a Bureau of .Labor Statistics; to protect bank depositors; to prevent fraud in the manufacture and sale of butter; to provide for the construction, repair and protection of drains, ditches
'Died, December 10, 1878. *Vice Farris, deceased.
—18
274 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
and levees across the lands of others ; to amend the elec- tion law ; to encourage the cultivation of fishes ; to amend the game law; to amend the insurance laws; to fix the rate of interest; to provide for the reorganization of the State militia ; to provide for the safety of persons employed in coal mines; to regulate pa wn- brokers ; to regulate the manner of applying for pardons ; to amend an act for the protection of passengers on railroads ; to amend an act to regulate public warehouses; to amend an act relating io the payment of county and city railroad indebtedness; to amend the revenue law ; to amend the school law, and to abolish the Board of State House Commissioners. The duration of this session was 143 days.
CHAPTER XXXIX. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1880,
This was one of the greatest campaigns within a quarter of a century. The aggregate vote for the five electoral tickets — Democratic, Kepublicari, Greenback, Prohibition, and Anti- Secret Society — was 622,118. As seems to have become the custom, the Eepublicans were the first to take action, their convention meeting May 20, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Con- vention. Shelby M. Cullom was nominated for Governor ; John M. Hamilton, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Henry D. Dement, for Secretary of State; Charles P. Swigert, for Auditor ; Edward Eutz, for Treasurer, and James McCart- ney, for Attorney- General.
The Greenback party met June 9, and nominated A. J. Streeter, for Governor, Andrew M. Adair, for Lieutenant
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 275
Governor; J. M. Thompson, for Secretary of State; W. T. Ingram, for Auditor ; J. W. Evans, for Treasurer, and H. G. Whitlock, for Attorney-General.
The Democrats met June 10, and nominated Lyman Trumbull, for Governor ; Lewis B. Parsons, for Lieutenant- Governor ; John H. Oberly, for Secretary of State ; Louis C. Starkel, for Auditor; Thomas Butterworth, for Treas- urer, and Lawrence Harmon, for Attorney-General.
The Eepublican National Convention met at Chicago, June 2, and nominated James A. Garfield for President, and Chester A. Arthur for Yice-President.
The Greenback party met in the same city in June, and nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for President, and B. J. Chambers for Vice-President.
The Democrats met at Cincinnati in July, and nomi- nated Winfield S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania, for President, and William H. English, of Indiana, for Vice-President.
The Eepublicans made a bold, aggressive canvass, taking as the keynote of the campaign the tariff question.
Although the Democratic ticket was composed, for the most part, of men of eminent ability, they did not enter upon a general discussion of the issues which divided the parties, but made the campaign more in the character of personal visits among the people ; but an active and vig- orous assault was kept up all along the line by the champions of their national ticket.
The Greenback party made but little effort, understand- ing, as its leaders did, that its cause was utterly hopeless.
The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and Presidential electors, is as follows :
GOVERNOB.
Shelby M. Cullom, K 814,565
Lyman Trumbull, D 277,532
A. J. Streeter, G 28,898
Uriah Copp, Jr 122
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
LIEUTENANT- GOVERNOR.
John M. Hamilton, R 317
Lewis B. Parsons, D ' ][ 275'966
Andrew M. Adair, G 26 774
J. E. Lawrence .'.".*.'! '179
SECRETARY OF STATE.
Henry D. Dement, B 317 422
**J H. Oberly, D '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 277422
J . M. Thompson, G 26 687
Samuel Reed 'l27
AUDITOR.
Charles P. Swigert, R 317,872
Louis C. Starkel, D 276^440
W. T. Ingram, G 26^213
W. L. Cressy 126
TREASURER.
"Edward Eutz, R 317,732
'-Thomas Butterworth, D 276,670
J. W. Evans, G 26,658
George Harrington 182
ATTORNEY-GENERAL.
James McCartney, R 318,173
Lawrence Harmon, D : 176,062
H. G. Whitlock, G 26,207
Alsey B. Lee 129
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
'William Aldrich, R 22,307
John Mattocks, D 18,024
Eichard Powers 532
J. Altpeter 605
SECOND DISTRICT.
George R. Davis, R 20,603
John F. Farnsworth, Ind 16,014
O. A. Bishop 29
Charles G. Dixon 461
Eeinhard Loremy 514
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 277
THIRD DISTRICT.
Charles B. Farwell, E 16,627
Perry H. Smith. Jr., D 11,908
Charles H. Adams 221
Oscar Neebe
Adolph Waldmann 114
FOURTH DISTRICT.
John C. Sherwin, E 20 e81
Norman C. Warner, D 8,055
E. W. Blaisdell '. 1,159
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Eobert M. A. Hawk, E 17,061
Larmar G. Johnson, D 7.468
John M. King 4,160
SIXTH DISTRTCT.
Thomas J. Henderson, E 16 650
B. H. Truesdell, D 9,631
P. L. McKinney 2,637
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
William Cullen, E 16,628-
Daniel Evans, D 12.064
Eoyal E. Barber 2,204
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Lewis E. Payson, E 16,704
Eobert E. Wallace 13,972
NINTH DISTRICT.
John H. Lewis, E 14,658
John S. Lee, D 14,294
Wm. H. Eeynolds, P 2,54a
TENTH DISTRICT.
Benj. F. Marsh, E 14,798
Eobert Holloway, D 13,877
George C. Meador 7131
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
James W. Singleton, D 17,842
William H. Edgar, D 12,490;
A. B. Allen 1,765'
278 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
William M. Springer, D 17,390
Isaac L. Morrison, E 14 761
Hy. M. Miller 1,557
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
Deitrich C. Smith, K 16,433
Adlai E. Stevenson, G. D 16,115
FOURTEENTH DISTRICT.
Joseph G. Cannon, R 19,710
James R. Scott, D 17,734
FIFTEENTH DISTRICT.
Samuel W. Moulton, D 19,364
Albert G. Forsythe, G 16,810
SIXTEENTH DISTRICT.
William A. J. Sparks, D 15,392
P. B. Hosmer, R 13,921
G. W. Rutherford 1,331
SEVENTEENTH DISTRICT.
Wm. R. Morrison, D 16,950
John B. Hay, R 15,986
EIGHTEENTH DISTRICT.
John R. Thomas, R 16,873
William Hartzell, D 15,146
A. B. Roberson 1,002
NINETEENTH DISTRICT.
Richard W. Townshend, D 18,021
Charles W. Pavey, R 14,561
Samuel E. Flannagan, G 1,456
ELECTORS — GARFIELD.
George Schneider 318,020
Ethelbert Callahan 318,031
Robert T. Lincoln 318,037
J. M. Smyth 318,033
James A. Kirk 318,036
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 279
'<C. M. Brazee 318,018
H. E. Logan 318,033
I. H. Elliott 318,031
James Gooclspeed . 318,033
Alfred Sample 318,027
.8. D. Puteruaugh - 318,031
E. C. Humphrey 318,030
William A. Grimshaw 318,033
J. C. McQuigg 318,024
J. H. Eowell 318,033
William E. Jewell 318,034
J. M. Sheets ,. .. 318,030
James W. Peterson 318,028
W. T. Norton 318,033
•George W. Smith 318,033
William EL Johnson 317,879
HANCOCK.
William J. Allen 277,314
James S. Ewing 277,307
William C. Seipp 277,321
William J. Hynes 277,311
F. A. Hoffman, Jr 277,312
T. B. Coulter 277,313
Frederick Stahl 277,312
J. S. Eckles 277,311
Patrick Healey 277,311
Louis F. Feihtzfech 277,313
James W. Butler 277,314
William G. Ewing 277,313
Lloyd F. Hamilton 277,312
Ambrose M. Miller 277,311
William M. Bandy 277,312
Eobert L. McKiniay 277,311
John W. Westcott 277,312
James M. Dill 277,312
Monroe C. Crawford 277,313
•George S. Fuhr 277,310
Edmund D. Youngblood 277,225
INDEPENDENT GREENBACK.
Alexander Campbell 26.191
Jesse Harper 26,288
O. J. Smith 26.358
B. S. Heath . 26.355
280 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
•
Richard Griffiths.. 26,329*
E. T. Reeves 26,347
J. M. Pratt 26 353-
Simon Elliott 26,354
Fawcett Plumb 26,354
Thomas Wolfe 26,354
J. B. Neyley 26,35$
S. T. Shelton 26,356
W. L. Oliver 26,354
A. G. Mantz 26 345
Frank P. Hobart 26,35$
William Pitt 26,354
George Dalby 26,35$
W. L. F. Stoddard 26,352
J. A. Clendenning 26,353
Henry Winter 26,354
James H. Smith 26,352,
The Prohibitionists had an electoral ticket at this elec- tion, which received 440 votes, and also the Anti-Secret. Society party, which received 153 votes.
CHAPTER XL. ULYSSES S, GRANT,
How he First Entered the Army In the War for the Union— His Corre- spondence With Lee— An Insult to the President and the Nation.
The name of this distinguished soldier and eminent statesman is inseparably connected with the politics of Illinois, and while we may not be able to say much that is new of him, yet we have collected some matters con- nected with his life which should be treasured in a volume of this character, and which cannot otherwise be found, without much research.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 281
Gen. Grant's native State is Ohio ; he was born in Cler- mont county, in the town of Point Pleasant, April 27r 1822 ; he was educated at West Point, graduating in 1843 ; was second lieutenant in the Fourth Infantry; served in. the Mexican war, and participated in nearly every battle ; was promoted to the rank of captain; he resigned his- commission in 1854, and took up his residence on a farm, near St. Louis; in 1859 he came to Illinois, locating at Galena, where he was residing when the war for the Union ensued.
How GRANT ENTERED THE ARMY.
Governor Yates, in his last biennial message to the Gen- eral Assembly of 1865, thus graphically tells how Gen. Grant first entered the service of his country in 1861 :
"Prominent among the many distinguished names who- have borne their early commissions from Illinois, I refer, with special pride, to the character and priceless services to the country of Ulysses S. Grant. In April, 1861, he tendered his personal services to me, saying 'that he had been the recipient of a military education at West Point, and that now, when the country was involved in a war for its preservation and safety, he thought it his duty to- offer his services in defense of the Union, and that he would esteem it a privilege to be assigned to any position where he could be useful.' The plain, straightforward demeanor of the man, and the modesty and earnestness- which characterized his offer of assistance, at once awak- ened a lively interest in him, and impressed me with a desire to secure his counsel for the benefit of volunteer organizations then forming for Government service. At first I assigned him a desk in the Executive office ; and his familiarity with military organization and regulations made him an invaluable assistant in my own and the office of the Adjutant-General. Soon his admirable quali- ties as a military commander became apparent, and I assigned him to command of the camps of organization at 'Camp Yates,' Springfield, 'Camp Grant,' Mattoon, and 'Camp Douglas,' at Anna, Union county, at which- the 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, llth, 12th, 18th, 19th and 21st regi- ments of Illinois Volunteers, raised under the call of the
282 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
President of the loth of April, and under the 'Ten Regi- ment Bill,' of the extraordinary session of the Legislature, convened April 23, 1861, were rendezvoused. His employ- ment had special reference to the organization and muster of these forces — the first six into United States, and the last three into luu State service. This was accomplished about tin IlUi 'f May, 1861, at which time he left the State for a brief period, on a visit to his father, at Cov- ington, Kentucky.
" The 21st regiment of Illinois volunteers, raised in Macon, Cumberland, Piatt, Douglas, Moultrie, Edgar, •Clay, Clark, Crawford and Jasper counties, for thirty-day State service, organized at the camp at Mattoon, prepar- atory to three years' service for the Government, had become very much demoralized, under the thirty days' •experiment, and doubts arose in relation to their accept- ance for a longer period. I was much perplexed to find an efficient and experienced officer to assume command of the regiment, and take it into the three years' service. I ordered the regiment to Camp Yates, and after consult- ing Hon. Jesse K. Dubois, who had many friends in the regiment, and Col. John S. Loomis, Assistant Adjutant- General, who was at the time in charge of the Adjutant- General's office, and on terms of personal intimacy with Grant, I decided to offer the command to him, and accord- ingly telegraphed Captain Grant, at Covington, Kentucky, tendering him the Colonelcy. He immediately reported, accepting the commission, taking rank as Colonel of that regiment from the 15th day of June, 1861. Thirty days previous to that time the regiment numbered over one thousand men, but in consequence of laxity in discipline •of the first commanding officer, and other discouraging obstacles connected with the acceptance of troops at that time, but six hundred and three men were found willing to enter the three years' service. In less than ten days -Col. Grant filled the regiment to the maximum standard, .and brought it to a state of discipline seldom attained in the volunteer service, in so short a time. His was the •only regiment that left the camp of organization on foot. He marched from Springfield to the Illinois river, but, in an emergency requiring troops to operate against Missouri rebels, the regiment was transported, by rail, to Quincy, and. Col. Grant was assigned to the command for the pro- tection of the Quincv and Palmyra and Hannibal and St. Joseph railroads. He soon distinguished himself as a regi- mental commander in the field, and his claims for increased
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 283
Tank were recognized by his friends in Springfield, and his promotion insisted upon before his merits and services were fairly understood at Washington. His promotion was made upon the ground of his military education, fifteen years' services as a Lieutenant and Captain in the regular army (during which time he was distinguished in the Mexican war), his great success in organizing and disciplining his regiment, and for his energetic and vigor- ous prosecution of the campaign in North Missouri, and the earnestness with which he entered into the great work of waging war against the traitorous enemies of his coun- try. His first great battle was at Belmont, an engage- ment which became necessary to protect our southwestern army in Missouri from overwhelming forces being rapidly consolidated against it from Arkansas, Tennessee and -Columbus, Kentucky. The struggle was a desperate one, •but the tenacity and soldierly qualities of Grant and his invincible little army gave us the first practical victory in the West. The balance of his shining record is indeli- bly written in the history of Henry, Donelson, Shiloh, dorinth, Vicksburg, Chattanooga, the Wilderness, seige of JRichmond, and the intricate and difficult command as Lieutenant-General of the armies of the Union — written in the bleed and sacrifices of the heroic braves who have fallen, Awhile following him to glorious victory — written upon the hearts and memories of the loyal millions who are at the Tiearthstones of our gallant and unconquerable 'Boys in Blue.' The impress of his genius stamps our armies, from one end of the Kepublic to the other ; and the secret of his success in executing his plans, is in the love, enthusiasm and confidence he inspires in the soldier in the ranks, the harmony and respect of his subordinate officers, his own respect for and deference to the wishes and com- mands of the President, and his sympathy with the Gov- ernment in its war policy.
"As evidence of the materials of the State of Illinois ior war purposes, at the beginning of the war, and a pleas- ing incident of Grant's career, I refer to an article in the Vicksburg paper, the 'Weekly Sun,' of May 13, 1861, which ridicules our enfeebled and unprepared condition, and says : •*An official report made to Governor Yates, of Illinois, by one Captain Grant, says that after examining all the State armories, he finds the muskets amount to just nine hun- dred and four, and of them only sixty in servicable con- dition.' Now the name of that man, who was looking up
284 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the rusty muskets in Illinois, is glory-crowned with shin- ing victories, and will fill thousands of history's brightest pages to the end of time. I know well the secret of his- power, for afterwards, when I saw him at headquarters, upon the march, and on the battle field, in his plain, thread-bare uniform, modest in his deportment, careful of the wants of the humblest soldier, personally inspecting- all the dispositions and divisions of his army, calm and courageous amidst the most destructive fire of the enemy,, it was evident that he had the confidence of every man, from the highest officer down to the humblest drummer boy in his whole command. His generalship rivals that of Alexander and Napoleon, and his armies eclipse those of Greece and Borne in their proudest days of imperial grandeur. He is a gift of the Almighty Father to th& Nation, in its extremity, and he has won his way to the exalted position he occupies through his own great perse- verence, skill and indomitable bravery."
. His CORRESPONDENCE WITH LEE.
The following is the correspondence between Gen. Grant and Gen. Lee, relating to the surrender of Lee's army.
"APRIL 7, 1865.
"GENERA.L — The result of the last week must convince you of the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from myself the responsibility of the further effusion of blood, by ask- ing of you the surrender of that portion of the army of the Confederate States, known as the Army of Northern Virginia.
"U. S. GRANT, "Gen. K. E. LEE." "Lieutenant-General."1
" APRIL 7, 1865.
"GENERAL — I have received your note of this date.. Though not entertaining the opinion you express on the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avoid use- less effusion of blood, and, therefore, before considering your proposition, ask the terms you will offer on condi- tion of its surrender.
"E. E. LEE, "Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT." "General.'*
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 285
"APRIL 8, 1865.
" GENERAL — Your note of last evening in answer to mine of same date, asking on what terms I will accept the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, is just received. In reply, I would say, that peace being my great desire, there is but one condition It would insist upon, namely, that the men and officers surrendered shall be disqualified from taking up arms against the government •of the United States until properly exchanged. I will meet you, or will designate officers to meet any officers you may name for the same purpose, at any point agree- able to you, for the purpose of arranging definitely the terms upon which the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia will be received.
"U. 8. GRANT, '"B. E. LEE, General." "Lieutenant-General."
"APRIL, 8, 1865.
"GENERAL — I received, at a late hour, your note of io-day. In mine, of yesterday, I did not intend to pro- pose the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, but to ask the terms of your proposition. To be frank, I do not think the emergency has arisen to call for the surrender of this army; but as the restoration of peace should be the sole object of all, I desired to know whether your proposals would lead to that end. I can not, therefore, meet you with a view to the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia ; but as far as your proposal may affect the Con- federate forces under my command, and tend to the res- toration of peace, I should be pleased to meet you at 10 a. m. to-morrow, on the old stage-road to Kichmond, be- tween the picket lines of the two armies.
"E. E. LEE, "U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General." "General."
"APRIL 9, 1865.
"GENERAL — Your note of yesterday is received. I have no authority to treat on the subject of peace. The meet- ing proposed for 10 a. m. could do no good. I will state, however, General, that I am equally anxious for peace with yourself, and the whole North entertains the same feeling. The terms upon which peace can be had, are well understood. By the South laying down their arms, ihey will hasten that most desirable event, save thousands of human lives and hundreds of millions of property not
286 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
yet destroyed. Seriously hoping that all our difficulties- may be Fettled without the loss of another life, I subscribe myself, etc.
"U. S. GRANT, "E. E. LEE, General." "Lieutenant-General."
"APRIL 9, 1865.
"GENERAL— I received your note of this morning, on. the picket line, whither I had come to meet you, and ascertain definitely what terms were embraced in your proposal of yesterday, with reference to the surrender of this army. I now ask an interview in accordance with the offer contained in your letter of yesterday, for that purpose.
"E. E. LEE, "Lieutenant-General GRANT." "General."
"APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE, VA., April 9, 1865.
"GENERAL — In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the 8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender. of the Army of Northern Virginia on the fol- lowing terms, to- wit : Eolls of all the officers and men to be made 'in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to be designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers as you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not to take up arms against the government of the United States until properly ex- changed ; and each company or regimental commander sign a like parole for the men of their commands. The arms, artillery, and public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side-arms of the officers, nor their private horses or baggage. This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to be disturbed by the United States' authority as long as they observe their paroles and the laws in force where they may reside.
"U. S. GRANT, "General E. E. LEE." "Lieutenant-General.'"
"HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
"April 9, 1865.
"GENERAL — I received your letter of this date contain- ing the terms of the surrender of the Army of Northern .Virginia, as proposed by you. As they are substantially"
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 28T
the same as those expressed in your letter of the 8th in- stant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the proper officers to carry the stipulations into effect.
"B. E. LEE, "Lieutenant-General GRANT." " General. "
General Grant closed his final report on the conduct of the war, in these words:
"It has been my fortune to see the armies of both the West and East fight battles, and from what I have seen I know there is no difference in their fighting qualities. All that it was possible for men to do in battle, they have- done. The Western armies commenced their battles in the Mississippi Valley, and received the final surrender of the remnant of the principal army opposed to them in North Carolina. The armies of the East commenced their battles on the river from which the Army of the Potomac derived its name, and received the final surrender of their old antagonist at Appomattox Court House, Virginia. The splendid achievements of each have nationalized our vic- tories, removed all sectional jealousies (of which we have unfortunately experienced too much), and the cause of crimination and recrimination that might have followed, had either section failed in its duty. All have a proud record, and all sections can well congratulate tbemselves and each other for having done their full share in restor- ing the supremacy of law over every foot of territory belonging to the United States. Let them hope for per- petual peace and harmony with that enemy whose man- hood, however mistaken the cause, drew forth such herculean deeds of valor."
AN INSULT TO THE NATION AND THE PRESIDENT.
During President Grant's second administration, there was a concerted effort upon the part of his personal and political enemies to bring his name into utter disgrace. "We refer to the sad spectacle of a causeless attempt to connect the name of this grand man and great soldier, criminally with the whisky-frauds of the country. In 1875, when the great frauds of the Whisky Eing of the United States culminated in a complete expose, men very- close to the administration of President Grant, and high in
288 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
authority, were arrested and tried as conspirators in the •crimes committed by that ring, and a few'men in the coun- try hoped it would be shown in the investigation that followed thab the President himself would be found to be connected in some wa'y with the frauds which would result in his impeachment ; but no sooner had the designs of his -enemies been made known to him, than this brave, silent man sent forth the official direction that there should be the most thorough investigation of the charges against the men who had been implicated in the whisky-frauds, and to let no guilty man escape, no matter how close he might claim to be to the administration. The trial of these men, as most of our readers know, was of the most searching character, and while the guilty were punished, it was evi- dent that President Grant had been made the subject of the most wicked and foul conspiracy that had ever been attempted upon mortal man, in the very house of his friends; but he came out of the trying ordeal like pure gold, and the verdict of the people of the whole country was that he was as innocent of any connection with the infamy of that ring as the unborn babe. But slander loves a shining mark. Gen. Grant had retired from the presi- dency, had traveled around the world, and had been received by the people and governments of foreign climes with far more distinction than any citizen of this country who had ever traveled abroad. In his absence, and with- out consulting his wishes, his warm political friends con- ceived the idea that it would be a fitting tribute to the eminent services of the distinguished soldier-citizen to again make him President of the United States, and then it was that slander raised for the second time its hydra- head. John McDonald, who had been severely punished for his connection with the whisky-frauds, lent himself to certain political leaders in an attempt to break down the character of Gen. Grant by resuscitating the whisky trials
-
288
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 289
of St. Louis, into popular book form ; and J. W. Buel, a facile and pleasing writer, was employed to do the work, which he did with a master hand, but utterly regardless of the truth of history or the consequences ^p follow. But to the consternation of the political leaders engaged in Mr. McDonald's infamous book enterprise, -Gen. Grant did not receive the Republican nomination for President; and although the advent of the book had been extensively advertised in all the leading Democratic journals of the country, and in many of the Republican papers whose editors were opposed to his nomination for a third term, by the publication of liberal extracts from the most striking features of its pages, it came forth stillborn, and the das- tardly slander, intended to destroy the good name of the man who had done so much for his country upon the iield of carnage, and won for it imperishable honors abroad, went out like a spark in the ocean. But we can imagine nothing so debased in the scale of infamy as an attempt to destroy the good name of such a man, a man who «ame from the private walks of life in 1861, and modestly offered himself to the Governor of Illinois as a defender of his country ; a man who advanced from a clerkship in the Adjutant General's office in his State to the proudest position in the military arm of his Government; a man who advanced to the highest and most exalted civil station within the gift of the people, simply by the force of his own manly moral character, and without asking or seek- ing the advancement ; a man whose hands were known to be free from the spoils of office, to be charged with or sus- pected of such corruption, is an insult to him and his country, for which there can be no adequate atonement. God has not allotted to man a life long enough to atono for such an offense; for such an indignity; for such a «rime.
—19
290
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS,
CHAPTER XLI. STATE GOVERNMENT-1881.
Governor — Shelby M. Cullom.
Lieutenant- Governor — John M. Hamilton.
Secretary of State — Henry D. Dement.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Chas. P. Swigert.
Treasurer — Edward Eutz.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — James P. Slade^
Attorney- General — James McCartney.
THIRTY-SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Thirty-second General Assembly convened January 5, and adjourned May 30, sine die. It was composed of the following members.
SENATE.
Geo. E. White, Chicago. L. D. Condee, Chicago. Sylvester Artley, Chicago. Chris. Mamer, Chicago. Fred. C. DeLang, Chicago. Geo. E. Adams, Chicago. W. J. Campbell, Chicago. George Kirk, Waukegan. Chas. E. Fuller, Belvidere. D. H. Sunderland, Freeport. Charles Bent, Morrison. Isaac Bice, Mt. Morris. J. R. Marshall, Yorkville. Henry H. Evans, Aurora. S. W. Munn, Joliet. Conrad Secrest, Watseka. Sam'l B. Lewis, Ottawa. Geo. Torrance, Chatsworth. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. Thomas. M. Shaw, Lacon. Milton M. Ford, Galva.
A. W. Berggren, Galesburg. Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. John Fletcher, Carthage. Meredith Walker, Canton. Andrew J. Bell, Peoria. Abram Mayfield, Lincoln. Jos. W. Fifer, Bloomington. Wm. T. Moffett, Decatur. Jas. S. Wright, Champaign. George Hunt, Paris. Horace S. Clark, Mattoon. E. N. Binehart, Effingham. W. T. Vandeveer, Taylorville. Wm. E. Shutt, Springfield. Ed. Laning, Petersburg. Maurice Kelly, Liberty. Wm. B. Archer, Pittsfield. W. P. Gallon, Jacksonville. C. A. Walker, Carlinville. A. J. Parkinson, Highland, T. B. Needles, Nashville.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
291.
Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. Louis Ihorn, Harrisonville. John K. Tanner, Louisville. John Thomas, Belleville. Wm. G. Wilson, Kobinson. W. A. Lemma, Carbondale.. J. C. Edwards, McLeansboro. A. J. Kuykendall, Vienna.. S. L. Cheaney, Harrisburg.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
David Sullivan, Chicago. Addis L. Rockwell, Chicago. M. R. Harris, Chicago, John R. Cook, Chicago. Randall H. White, Chicago. Orrin S. Cook, Chicago. Thomas Cloonan, Chicago. George W. Kroll, Chicago. Jos. R. Gorman, Chicago. P. J. McMahon, Chicago. John L. Parish, Chicago. Robert N. Pearson, Chicago. Wm. A. Phelps, Chicago. Thos. H. McKone, Chicago. S. D. Mieroslawski, Chicago. Austin 0. Sexton, Chicago. Horace H. Thomas, Chicago. Nathan Plotke, Chicago. Geo. G. Struckman, Elgin. L. C. Collins, Jr., Chicago. B. F. Weber, Chicago. Orson C. Diggins, Harvard. Jas. Thompson, Harvard. James Pollock, Millburn. Ed. B. Sumner, Rockford. 0. H. Wright, Belvidere, L. McDonald, Pecatonica. William Cox, Winslow. E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. James Bayne, Warren. Wm. H. Allen, Erie. Emanuel Stover, Lanark. Henry Bitner, Mt. Carroll. Frank N. Tice, Forreston. Alex. P. Dysart, Nachusa. A. F. Brown, Stillman Valley. Henry Wood, Sycamore. Hiram Loucks, Somonauk.
John Clark, SomonauIL Oliver P. Chisholm, Elginv Jas. HerriDgton, Geneva. Jas. G. Wright, Naperville.
E. B. Shumway, Peotone. Michael Collins, Peotone. Harvey Stratton, Plainfield. Geo. B. Winter, Onarga. James Chat field, Momence.. Edward Rumley, Gilman.. Alex. Vaughey, Seneca.. Isaac Ames, Streator..
F. M. Robinson, Seneca*. J. H. Collier, Gibson City:. A. G. Goodspeed, Odell. Leander L. Green, Odell. John H. Welsh, Tiskilwa. S. F. Otman, Wyoming. Charles Baldwin, Princeton. Euclid Martin, Minonk.
C. Stowell, LaPrairie Centre.. Jas. T. Thornton, Mngnolia.. A. R. Mock, Cambridge. J. W. Simonson, Port Byron. Patrick O'Mara, Rock Island. Martin A. Boyd, Aledo. A. P. Petrie, New Windsor. Hannibal. P. Wood, Wataga. Wm. C. McLeod, Macpmb. S. B. Davis, Blandinville. Daniel D. Parry, Monmouth. R. A. McKinley, Biggsville. H. M. Whiteman, Biggsville. James Peterson, Oquawka. Joseph L. McCune, Ipava. Wm. C. Reno. Browning. Inmon Blackaby, Giver. Jos. Gallup, Lawn Ridge.
292 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
David Heryer, Brimfield. Oliver Coultas, Lynnville. J. M. Niehaus, Peoria. Joseph S. Carr, Kane.
John H. Crandali, Morton. Balfour Cowen, Virden. W. B. Harvey, Washington. J. N. English, Sr., Jerseyv'le. Allen Lucas, Mt. Pulaski. A. N. Yancy, Bunker Hill. William Hill, Bloomington. Henry 0. Billings, Alton. Geo. B. Okeson, Lexington. John M. Pearson, Godfrey. T. E. Mitchell, Bloomington. Jones Tontz, Grant Fork. L. Ludington, Farmer City. Fred. Becker, Germantown. Jason Kogers, Decatur. John L. Nichols, Clement. B. K. Durfee, Decatur. E. H. Simmons, Greenville.
Chas. F. Tenney, Bement. Iverson M. Little, Vera. Ashbel H. Bailey, Bantoul. D. W. Andrews, Centralia. H. D. Peters, Monticello. Mancil A. Harris, Bamsey. • Joseph B. Mann, Danville. Nathan Crews, Fairfield. Bradley Butterfield, Bankin. James Keen, Six Mile. •John G. Holden, Danville. Ezra B. Keene, Keensburg. Thomas E. Bundy, Tuscola. Jacob C. Olwin, Bobinson. J. W. B. Morgan, Sullivan. James C. Bryan, Marshall. IE u gene B. Buck, Charleston. W. H. H. Mieure, L'wr'ncev'le <Geo. D. Chafee, Shelbyville. C. T. Strattan, Mt. Vernon.
A. C. Campbell, Moweaqua. Samuel M. Martin, Carmi. >F. M. Bichardson, Neoga. B.A.D.Wilbanks,Mt. V'rn'n.
B. Me Williams, Litchfield. Milo Erwiu, Crab Orchard. Geo. B. Sharp, Sharpsburg. E. M. Youngblood, Benton. Geo W. Paisley, Hillsboro. Jas. M. Gregg, Harrisburg. A. N. J. Crook, Springfield. Isaac M. Kelly, DuQuoin. DeWitt W. Smith, Bates. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyv'le. Jas. M. Garland, Springfield. Austin James, Mitchie.
L. C. Chandler, Chandlerv'le. John N. Perrin, Belleville. Wm. M. Duffy, San Jose. P. H. Postel, Mascoutah. J. H. Shaw, Beardstown. Joseph Veile, Millstadt. Joseph N. Carter, Quincy. Harmon H. Black, Cairo. John McAdams, Ursa. David T. Linegar, Cairo.
Wm. A. Bichardson, Quincy. H. B. Buckingham, Alto Pass. J. L. Underwood, Barry. William A. Spann, Vienna. Wm. Mortland, Hardin. W. S. Morris, Elizabethtown. S. B. Powell, Winchester. John D. Young, Pellona. Oman Pierson, Carrollton.
Lieutenant-Governor John M. Hamilton presided over the Senate. William J. Campbell, of Cook, was elected President pro tempore, over Wm. P. Gallon, of Morgan, by a vote of 83 to 28, and James H. Paddock, Secretary, over T. W. S. Kidd, by a vote of 35 to 16.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 203
In the House, Horace H. Thomas, of Cook, was elected Speaker over Bradford K. Durfee, of Macon, by a vote of 81 to 71, and W. B. Taylor, of Marshall, Clerk, over Will A. Connelly, of Sangamon, by a vote of 81 to 71.
The message of the Governor was read in the two houses on the 7th of January. The Canal, Illinois Na- tional Guard, Agriculture, State Board of Health, Char- itable Institutions, Apportionment, State Library, Douglas Monument, and Revenue, were subjects which were dis- cussed at some length, and the usual recommendations as to proper subjects of legislation were indulged in.
Exclusive of the appropriation acts, laws were passed to prevent the spread of pleuro-pneumonia among cattle ; to amend an act to consolidate the offices of county treas- urer and county assessor ; to regulate the traffic in deadly weapons and prevent their sale to minors; to prevent the adulteration of butter and cheese ; to prevent the adul- teration of articles of food, drink or medicine ; to fix the times of election of county officers and their tenure ; to amend the insurance laws ; to define legal holidays ; to reg- ulate the practice of pharmacy; to require officers having in their custody public funds to prepare and publish annual statements of the receipts and disbursements; to amend the revenue law; to amend the school law; to secure equality in the matter of admitting patients into hospitals for the insane, and to provide for the transfer of patients from one hospital to another.
SPECIAL SESSION.
The Governor convened this General Assembly in spe- cial session March 23, 1882, for the purpose of passing laws apportioning the State into Congressional and Sena- torial districts, and for other purposes. The duration of this session was 44 days.
294 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHATPER XLII. 0, H, BROWNING,
Unpublished Correspondence between Browning and Lincoln— Browning's Personal Friendship for Lincoln, and his Absolute Loyalty to his Gov- .ernment.
When Senator Douglas died, the Democracy made an •effort to have W. A. Eichardson, then a member of Con- gress from the Quincy district, appointed to succeed him, •but Governor Yates chose to fill the vacancy by the selec- tion of 0. H. Browning, of the same city, and the wisdom of the choice was soon made apparent, for Eichardson came out as an anti-war man, while Browning never wavered for a moment in loyalty to his country's flag, but if anything, he was somewhat in advance of the Presi- dent upon the question of freeing the slaves, for when the proclamation of Gen. Fremont, in Missouri, in 1861, which declared the slaves of disloyal men free, was revoked, Mr. Browning was deeply concerned over the matter, and wrote Mr. Lincoln an earnest letter protesting against his action, -and because of this Mr. Browning was charged with giving Mr. Lincoln only a half-hearted support in his efforts to overthrow armed treason; and the great injustice was never broadly denied until after his death, and this was •on the occasion of the memorial address of Judge C. B. Lawrence before the Illinois Bar Association, at Spring- field, in January, 1882, when he read the reply of the President to that letter, and Mr. Browning's reply, which iiad not before been made public. We reproduce Mr.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 295
Lincoln's letter in full, and Mr. Browning's reply, omit- ting that portion of it which discusses the merits of the case, which can have no interest at this time :
" EXECUTIVE MANSION, "WASHINGTON, September 22, 1861. " Hon. 0. H. BROWNING :
" My Dear Sir — Yours of the 17th is just received, and, coming from you, I confess it astonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to a law which you had assisted in making, and presenting to me, less than a month before, is odd enough. But this is a very small part. General Fremont's proclamation, as to confiscation of property, and the liberation of slaves, is purely politi- cal, and not within the range of military law or necessity. If a commanding General finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private owner, for a pasture, an encampment, or a fortification, he has the right to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and this is within military law, because within military necessity. But to say the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs, forever, and this, as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as when it is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about it. And the same is true of slaves. If the General needs them, he can seize them and use them, but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their permanent future con- dition. That must be settled according to the laws made by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The proclamation, in the point in question, is simply 'dicta- torship.' It assumes that the General may do any thing he pleases, confiscate the lands and free the slaves of loyal people, as well as disloyal ones. And going the whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more popular with some thoughtless people, than that which has been done. But I cannot assume this reckless position ; nor allow others to assume it on my responsibility.
"You speak of it as being the only means of saving the Government. On the contrary, it is the surrender of the Government. Can it be pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States — any Government of Constitution and Laws — wherein a General or a Presi- dent may make permanent rules of property by procla- mation.
296 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
" I do not say Congress might not, with propriety, pass a law on the point just such as Gen. Fremont proclaimed. I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What I object to is that I, as President, shall expressly or impliedly seize and exercise the permanent legislative functions of the Government.
" ;5o much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular in some quarters, and would have been more so if it had been a general declaration of eman- cipation. ,The Kentucky Legislature would not budge till that proclamation was modified, and Gen. Anderson tele- graphed me that on the news of Gen. Fremont having actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company of volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded. 1 was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the job on our hands is too much for us. We might as well consent to separation at once, including the surrender of this capital. On the contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends gave me the election, and have approved in my public docu- ments, we shall go through triumphantly.
" You must not understand I took my course on the proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private letter to Gen. Fremont before I heard from Kentucky. You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid Gen. Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation.
" I understand that part to be within military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote Gen. Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies.
" There has been no thought of removing Gen. Fremont on any grounds connected with this proclamation ; and if there has been any wish for his removal on any ground ,. our mutual friend, Samuel Glover, can probably tell you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground. " Your friend as ever,
"A. LINCOLN."
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 297
MB. BROWNING'S EEPLY.
" QUINCY, ILL., Sept. 30, 1861.
"Mr. President — Yours of the 22d inst. is before me, Fully aware of the multitude and magnitude of your engagements, I certainly did not expect a moment of your valuable time to be consumed in replying to any commu- nication of mine, but am very greatly obliged to you for having done so.
" Occasionally, since the beginning of our troubles, I have taken the liberty of writing you and giving my opinions, valueless as they may be, upon the great ques- tions which agitate the nation, and which we are bound,, however difficult and distressing they may be, in some way or other to solve. I have also, from time to time,, endeavored to give you a true reflection of public senti- ment, so far as it was known to me. I have been prompted to this course by a very sincere interest in your individual welfare, fame and fortune, as well as by a painfully intense anxiety for the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union, the restoration of the just authority of the Govern- ment, and the triumph of as holy a cause, in my judg- ment, as ever interested men's feelings, and enlisted their energies.
" I thought that whether the public sentiment here and my own opinions accorded with yours or not, you might still be not only willing but glad to know them. I haver therefore, written to you frankly and candidly, but have at all times intended to be both kind and respectful, and I regret it deeply if I have failed in either, as some pas- sages in yours lead me to suspect I have only annoyed you. Nothing, I assure you, has been further from my purpose. Fully appreciating the difficulties and embar- rassments of your position, I would be as ready and will- ing to aid you by any personal sacrifice I could make, as- I would be reluctant to add to your harassments, either by fault-finding or by solicitations. I have said many- things to you which I have not said to others. Conscious- of the great injury our cause would sustain by any weak- ening of the confidence of the people in the administration,. I have constantly vindicated both its men and its meas- ures before the public, and when I have had complaints, or suggestions to make in regard to either, I have made them directly to you. Others have not known of them. This, I thought, was demanded alike by the claims of friendship and patriotism.
298 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"What I said in regard to Gen. Fremont and his pro- clamation, was in accordance with this feeling. My acquaintance with him has been very limited, and I have had no personal feeliug in this matter. If he was honestly -and faithfully doing his duty, justice to him and regard ior his country alike required that he should be sustained. There WLS much complaint and clamor against him, and .as I am not quick to take up evil report, I went twice to .St. Louis to see and learn for myself all that I could. It is very probable he has made some mistakes, but in the main he seemed to be taking his measures wisely and well. Many of the charges against him appeared to me friv- olous, and I did not know of any one who could take his position and do better amid the surrounding difficulties, and was confident his removal at the time and under the circumstances, would be damaging both to the administra- tion and the cause. Hence I wrote you, as I thought it my duty to do, certainly not intending any impertinent interference with executive duties, or expecting what I said to have any greater scope than friendly suggestion. . .
"And now, Mr. President, permit me in conclusion to say, in all kindness, that I am not conscious of any 'rest- lessness for new positions.' New positions for us are not necessary. A firm adherence to old ones is, and this I am sure you intend.
" Thus fur I have tried to 'back you manfully, upon the grounds upon which you had your election.'
" It may be that I have done it feebly, but certainly hon- estly and earnestly; and I shall be one of the last to falter in support of either our principles or their chosen exponent.
"And I am very sure that neither for yourself nor for the country, do you more ardently desire that 'we shall go through triumphantly,' than does your very sincere and .faithful friend, 0. H. BROWNING."
This correspondence cannot fail to demonstrate two things, which have not been before well settled in the minds of those who have been given to look through the vision of prejudice. It shows that, whatever may have been the opinion of Mr. Lincoln's enemies, the abolition of slavery was not the paramount idea of his nature, but that he wished to preserve the Union, and leave the question of slavery to adjust itself, as circumstances might
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 299
-direct. The other thing made plain is, that Mr. Brown- ing was never wanting in a proper regard for Mr. Lincoln, or in devotion to the union of the States.
In justification of what we have said regarding the loy- alty of Mr. Browning to the administration of Mr. Lin- coln, we point to the following extract from a speech made by him in the Senate of the United States just prior to the resignation of all the Southern Senators :
" I say it with no passion, Mr. President, but I do say, :and I think I say it for the entire country, that any man or set of men, here or elsewhere, who delude themselves with the idea that there is to be now, or at any time hereafter, any sort or character of compromise patched up with treason, by which the war is to be brought to a close, are fatally deceiving themselves. Mr. President, no terms can be made now or hereafter. Let the consequences of the war be what they may, no terms, now or at any time hereafter, can be made with treason and rebellion. There are but two alternatives. One is that this Govern- ment shall be overthrown and that all hope for Constitu- tional Government shall go down ; and the other is that rebellion shall be subdued, shall be subjugated, that treason .shall be punished, and this Government founded upon a jrock, firmer, faster than it has hitherto been, and upon -which hereafter all the tempests of insurrection and dis- content shall beat in vain."
After the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, President Johnson appointed Mr. Browning Secretary of the Interior, the duties of which he discharged with an ability which did honor to his name and an integrity that was never •questioned. The troubles which environed the adminis- iration of Mr. Johnson, and the attempt made to remove him by impeachment, estranged Mr. Browning from his •old party associates, and he ceased to act with the Re- publican party.
Mr. Browning was by birth a Kentuckian, removing to Illinois in 1830, locating at Quincy, where he continued to reside so long as he lived. He was originally a Whig, living in a strong Democratic district, naturally held
300 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
but few public trusts. He was elected a Senator in th& tenth General Assembly, in 1836, and opposed the wild legislation on the question of internal improvements of that time. In 1843, he was induced to run for Congress- against Stephen A. Douglas, but owing to the large Dem- ocratic majority in the district failed of an election; andl his appointment as the successor of Douglas in the United States Senate was his next appearance as a public man. After his retirement from 'Johnson's cabinet, in 1869, he was elected a member of the Constitutional Convention which framed our present Constitution, and to him is due many of its wise and excellent provisions.
Mr. Browning died in August, 1881, in the 75th year of his age, and, in closing his admirable address, Mr. Law- rence paid this happy and fitting tribute to his memory::
" The announcement of his death came to the beautiful city where he had lived so long, and which he loved so- well, like a fearful blow. Its most honored citizen had gone. For fifty years he had been their trusted leader and adviser. For fifty years he had lived among them a life which made no man his foe, but all men his friends. For fifty years they had listened to his eloquent utterances in the courts of justice and on the public platform, in times. of trouble or when the country was in danger, and they had always gained strength and courage from his lips.. For fifty years he had spoken to them words of wisdom,, deepening their convictions as to the demands of patriot- ism and public duty. For fifty years he had dared to tell them the truth, or what he believed to be the truth, even when he knew it would cause a fleeting cloud between himself and them. For fifty years he had set them the example of a noble life. Little wonder that the town mourned.
" The funeral day was appointed. Friends, from far and near, came to render their last tribute of respect, and we felt, as we laid him away in the sunset of a summer day^ in a beautiful cemetery on the banks of the Mississippi,, beneath the shadows of the silent oaks, that a great brain, and a great heart had done their work, and another tie? between ourselves and life was broken."
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 301
CHAPTER XLIII. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1882.
The campaign of 1882 was what is commonly denom- inated the "off year," and party lines were not so closely drawn as in the Presidential years. The Eepublicans nominated John C. Smith for Treasurer, and Charles T. Strattan for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The Democrats nominated Alfred Orendorff for Treas- urer, and Henry Eaab for Superintendent of Public In- struction.
The Prohibitionists nominated John G. Irwin for Treas- urer, and Elizabeth B. Brown for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The Greenbackers nominated Daniel McLaughlin for Treasurer, and Frank H. Hall for Superintendent of Public Instruction.
The aggregate vote of the respective candidates, as shown by the canvass made by the General Assembly, was :
Smith 250,722
Orendorff. 244,585
McLaughlin 15,511
Irwin 11,130
Smith's plurality 6,137
Strattan ... 250,276
llaab 253,145
Hall 14,306
J3rown 11,202
Eaab's plurality 2,869
802 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Although Mr. Smith was elected by a plurality of 6,137, the Democratic candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction was elected over Mr. Strattan by a- plurality of 2,869. There were three causes which con- tributed to the defeat of Mr. Strattan. He had been a, minority member of the Thirty-second General Assembly, and had voted in favor of a bill in which it was pro- posed to submit to a vote of the people an amendment to the Constitution prohibiting the manufacture or sale of spirituous or malt liquors as a beverage. This he had a right to do, but it lost him the vote of many German Eepublicans. While on the other hand the Prohibition [Republicans were displeased because the Eepublican State Convention had voted down a resolution which proposed to allow the people to vote on the question of amending the Constitution, as hereinbefore expressed, and they voted, for Mrs. Brown, as a matter of principle, utterly regard- less as to what might be the result of the election. The third and last cause was, that very many Eepublicans- who were identified with the school interests, assumed that Mr. Strattan had not been sufficiently associated witk the school work, and a large per cent, of them voted for Mr. Eaab, who was known to have made education his- study and practice; and when Mr. Eaab was inducted into office he recognized the fact that it had not been a. party victory by appointing W. L. Pillsbury, a Eepubli- can, his assistant. Mr. Pillsbury had held the position under Superintendent Slade, and whatever may have been the party prejudice to his selection, we doubt if Mr. Eaab could have made a more fitting appointment.
The aggregate vote for Congressmen, by districts, is a» follows :
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTRICT.
Eansom W. Dunham, E 11,571
John W. Doane, D 10,534
Alonzo J. Glover.. 644
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 303
SECOND DISTRICT.
John F. Finerty, D 9,360
Henry F. Sheridan 6,939
J. Altpeter 189
Sylvester Artley 180
THIRD DISTRICT. ,
George E. Davis, E 12,511
William P. Black 10,274
Caleb G. Hayman 748
Q. A. Sprague 3-
FOURTH DISTRICT.
George E. Adams, E 11,686-
Lambert Tree 9,446
Frank P. Crandon 66a
Christian Meyer 128>
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Eeuben Ellwood, E 12,994
William Price 5,127
B. N. Dean 268-
SIXTH DISTRICT.
Eobert E. Hitt, E 12,725-
James S. Ticknor 9,045
George W. Curtis 354
B. F. Sheets 6-
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Thomas J. Henderson, E 12,751
Larmon G. Johnson 6,369
M. B. Lloyd 1,673-
L. G. Morrison 57
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
William Cullen, E 13,851
Patrick C. Haley 13,67a
Lewis Steward 917
Otis Hardy 1,017
T. W. Baird 41
304 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
NINTH DISTKICT.
lewis E. Payson, E 12,619
E. B. Buck 9,243
O. W. Barnard 2,138
Joseph M. McCullough 87
TENTH DISTKICT.
Nicholas E. Worthington, D 13,571
John H. Lewis, E 13,180
.Matthew H. Mitchell 1,335
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
"William H. Neece, D 14,604
Benjamin F. Marsh, E 13,975
Hichard Haney 3,671
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
James M. Eiggs, D 15,316
James W. Singleton, Ind. D 11,782
Philip N. Minier, P 4,130
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
William M. Springer, D 18,360
Deitrich C. Smith, E 14,042
H. M. Miller 1,340
FOURTEENTH DISTRICT.
Jonathan H. Eowell, E 15.273
Adlai E. Stevenson, D 14,598
David H. Harts, Ind. E 1,414
FIFTEENTH DISTRICT.
Joseph G. Cannon, E 15,868
Andrew J. Hunter, D 14,651
John C. Barnes 536
SIXTEENTH DISTRICT.
Aaron Shaw, D 14,557
E. B. Green, E 13,689
Daniel B. Tourney 741
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. #05
SEVENTEENTH DISTRICT.
.'Samuel W. Monlton, D 14,495
William H. Barlow, E 10,068
LB. W. F. Corley 1,386
EIGHTEENTH DISTRICT.
William R. Morrison, D 14.906
W. C. Kueffner, R 12,561
Thomas W. Hynes, P 1,069
NINETEENTH DISTRICT.
Richard W. Townshend, D 15,606
George C. Ross, R 9,930
TWENTIETH DISTRICT.
John R. Thomas, R 14.504
William K. Murphy, D 14.113
J. F. McCartney, Ind 1,016
G. W. Curtis . .. . 22
CHAPTER XLIY, GENERAL LOGAN CHALLENGED,
•General Logan Challenged— Correspondence— Letter of General Logan— An Exciting Incident— Cilley and Graves Duel— Last Time Gen. Grant Ap- peared in Public — Conspiracy to Defraud the Government of the Tax on Spirits— Letter from Gen. Grant on the Subject— Public Charities— Negro Slave Marriages— Santa Anna's Cork Leg.
When General Logan was returned to the United States Senate in 1879, there was an effort made by those oppobed to the pronounced views he held regarding the questions then dividing the people of the North and South, to weaken his influence in that body, by a reiteration of the slander that he had not been loyal to the flag of his country at the inception of the rebellion, and William M. Lowe, a member •of the House from Alabama, was chosen as the person to —20
306 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
make the charge, which was done through the medium of an interview with a correspondent of the Boston Globe, which was published almost simultaneously in the Pittsburg Post, to which General Logan made a prompt reply in a brief card published in the Washington Republican, in which he brand- ed the statements attributed to Mr. Lowe as being false and slanderous in every particular, leaving the question of their responsibility to be settled between Mr. Lowe and the cor- respondent. The fearless denial of General Logan stirred the hot blood of the southerner, and he set about to compel General Logan to make an apology or fight a duel. General Logan, in the mean time, treated all his communications with silent contempt, but at the same time held himself ready to meet any personal assault with deadly intent Mr. Lowe might venture to make. But failing to provoke General Logan to accept a challenge, on the 26th of April, 1879, Mr. Lowe published the following correspondence,, which was given to the press of the country :
"WASHINGTON, D. C., APRIL 26, 1879.
"In the Republican of the 21st inst. Hon. John A. Logan has a communication in regard to an interview between Mr. Luther, correspondent of the Boston Globe and myself, which interview has been published in the Pittsburg Post. In that communication Senator Logan uses, in reference to myself, the following extraordinary language :
" 'I understand that (Jol. Lowe claims that this is not a correct report of what he said to the reporter ; if not, he should correct the statement and make the reporter respon- sible for putting a lie into his mouth. The statement I brand as false and slanderous, and Col. Lowe and the reporter can settle the question between themselves as to which one has been guilty of perpetrating this villainous falsehood.'
"Upon reading this language, I sent Senator Logan the following note :
" 'WASHINGTON, D. C., APRIL 21, 1879. " 'To Hon. John A. Logan, Washington:
" 'SiR : In the Republican of this morning, I find a com- munication signed by you, commenting upon an alleged interview between the correspondent of the Pittsburg Post,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 307
and myself in regard to your rumored participation in rais- ing troops for the confederate army in 1861. You had been informed that the interview in the Post was incorrect. In that interview I said, substantially, that there were two or three companies from Illinois in the confederate service ; that I had talked with one of the officers and some of the' men, and they said they were enlisted to constitute a part of General Logan's command in the confederate army, andi such reports were current in my section ; that I had never heard any denial of them, and that if they were true, Gen. Logan, if asked upon the floor of the Senate, could not deny, but might, perhaps, evade a direct answer. This being the substance of my statement in said interview, I desire to know whether, in your communication to the Republican this morning, you apply the words 'false and slanderous' to me.
" 'Respectfully,
" 'Win. M. LOWE.
" 'This will be handed you by my friend, Chas. Pelham,, Esq. " 'W. M. L.'
"This note was delivered by Judge Pelham to Senator- Logan, at his city residence, on the morning of the22d inst:. Receiving no reply, 1 sent, on the morning of the 24th inst., the following note :
" 'WASHINGTON, D. C., APBIL 24, 1879.
" ' Hon John A . Logan:
" 'Sm : On the 21st inst. I addressed a letter to you, calling your attention to your communication in the Repub- lican of that date. In that letter I gave the substance of an interview with myself, which had been in some particular incorrectly reported in the Pittsburg Post, and desired to know if in your publication of the 21st inst., you applied the words 'false and slanderous' to me. Having received no reply to that letter, I am forced again to call your atten- tion to these offensive word-, and to demand to know whether you apply them to me. My friend, Chas. Pelham, Esq., is authorized to receive your reply.
" 'Respectfully,
" <WM. M. LOWE.'
"This note was delivered to Senator Logan in the vesti- bule of the Senate Chamber on the afternoon of its date.
'508 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
'Receiving no reply, I sent Senator Logan the following note, \which was delivered to him at 3 o'clock, p. m., on the day 'of its date :
" 'WASHINGTON, D. C., APRIL 25, 1879. 41 'Hon. John A. Logan:
" 'SiR: On the 21st, you published in the Republican of this city, a communication containing words personally ^reflecting upon me. I have twice addressed you a note, < calling your attention to this language. You have failed .•and refused to answer either of them, and you thereby force one to the last alternative. I therefore demand that you marne some time and place out of this District, where ^another communication will presently reach you. My friend, Chas. Pelham, Esq., is authorized to act for me in the premises.
" 'Respectfully,
. M. LOWE.'
"" This ended this one-sided correspondence, which explains itself. It needs little or no comment from me. I will not I brand John A. Logan as a liar, for he is a Senator of the •United States. I will not post him as a scoundrel and pol- troon, for that would be in violation of local statutes; but I do publish him as one who knows how to insult, but not how to satisfy a gentleman, and I invoke upon him the judgment of honorable men of the community. "Respectfully,
"WM. M.LOWE."
'This ended the matter. It was not necessary for General Xog in to either do or say anything to establish a character for moral courage ; all were willing to accord him that, and many went so far as to say that it required more courage to resist the temptation to fight a duel than it did to toe the mark on the "field of honor." This, we believe, is the first instance in the history of the public men of Washington, •where the challenged party had the moral courage to con- demn, by his action, the barbarous practice of desiring to take the life of another, for words spoken in debase or otherwise, and the example of General Logan marks a point in cur civilization that will live as long as the government Itself.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 30$"
In a previous chapter we have given an unbiased state- iment regarding the position occupied by Gen. Logan from' the first inception of the rebellion to the close of the war,, which was submitted to him for his criticism ; and the ac- companying letter bears us out in all that is therein said :
"CHICAGO, ILL., April 14, 1883. "DAVID W. LUSK, ESQ. :
"My Dear Sir — Your favor of the 31st July I find await-, ing answer upon my return from the West. I hope you will pardon delay in answering. I have read your statement' in referance to myself, which you propose to make a part of your coming book, and can say that it is a fair statement of the facts. I have no suggestions to offer, and it is all I could ask you to say ; it covers all the ground, and is truth- ful.
"Thanking you for the interest manifested, and trusting that you may meet with success in your enterprise, I am "Very truly your friend,
"JOHN A. LOGAN."
AN EXCITING INCIDENT.
One of the most exciting incidents of the political cam- paign of 1864 occurred at Mt. Vernon in October of that year. General Logan had been granted leave of absence from the army for a short time, and was announced to- speak at this place. It is worthy of remark to say, that not- withstanding Jefferson County had sent many brave men- to the army as defenders of the Union, it was, neverthe- less, the home of many anti-war men. On this occasion1 the town was filled to overflowing with men and women,j anxious to hear what the distinguished soldier had to say on the great issues of the war. It was an open air meeting,, but shortly after Gen. Logan commenced his address it be- gan to rain and he was forced to go into the Court House,., which was filled to the utmost, while hundreds stood around! the doors and windows, eager to hear every word. In the> midst of this rapt attention, a scene of great confusion en- sued. Dr. W. Duff Green, a Kentuckian by birth and brother of Judge W. H. Green, took exceptions to 8ome(
310 POT/TICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
assertion Gen. Logan had made, and arose to his feet and 'requested the speaker to repeat the words, that he (Green) 'might not misunderstand him, whereupon Gen. Logan 'said: "What I did say, was that any man who opposed the war is a traitor to his country, and I say so now, " when Green, white with rage, vociferated, "You are a liar, sir." Logan, quicker than thought, seized a glass goblet at his side, and hurled it at the head of Green with terrible force, ibut fortunately it struck a column behind which Green had dodged, breaking; it into many pieces. Here the excitement exceeded anything ever witnessed in the town. Men shouted and women screamed ; revolvers were drawn in rapid suc- , cession, and several attempts were made to shoot Gen. Logan, but happily not a shot was fired nor a blow dealt on either side, and when order was restored Gen. Logan finished his speech as deliberately as though nothing had occurred, and without again being interrupted.
The foregoing calls to mind the duel between Cilley and Graves in 1838, in which Henry Clay figured somewhat con- spicuously. Cilley was a member of Congress from Maine, and Graves represented a Kentucky district. Mr. Cilley was one of the ablest debaters in the House, and in a speech defending Martin Van Buren, who was then President, from the assaults of his enemys, he paid his respects to James "Watson Webb of the New York Courier and Enquirer, asserting that Webb had received a money consideration for advocating the charter of the National Bank. A few days after, Mr. Webb visited Washington, and he sent Mr. Cilley a note through Mr. Graves. Mr. Cilley declined to receive it. Mr. Graves returned to Mr. Webb with the note, whom he found in company with Mr. Clay and some other Kentuckians. Mr. Cilley's refusal created a great deal of excitemrnt among the friends of Mr. Webb. Finally Mr. Clay said, in a passionate manner: "Take the note back to
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 311
the Yankee and tell him it is no challenge, hut a mere note •of inquiry from Col. Wehb." Mr. Graves returned to Mr. •CiUey and explained the character of the note. The latter again declined to receive it, stating that he had no acquaint- ance with Mr. Webb and did not wish any correspondence with him. This somewhat embarrassed Mr. Graves. Mr. Cilley assured him that he held him in the highest esteem, and greatly regretted doing anything which would affect him unpleasantly. Mr. Graves returned to the Kentucky headquarters and reported the result, whereupon Mr. Clay savagely ejaculated, "Graves, you have got to challenge the
d d Yankee;" and it is related that Mr. Clay penned the
original challenge. Henry A. Wise, afterwards Governor of Virginia, was the bearer of the challenge, which was accepted, Mr. Cilley preferring to meet death in that bar- barous manner rather than to be posted a a coward, as was the custom of the times. Knowing nothing of the use of pistols, Mr. Cilley chose rifles. The hostile meeting took place. Three shots were exchanged, and in the last Cilley received a wound in the thigh which severed the femoral artery, and he died almost instantly, while Graves was untouched. This duel is a part of the history of the •country, and details need not be given. A few moments before the death of Cilley, Graves advanced within a few feet of him and asked if he might not go to the fallen man, bat Wise remonstrated with him, when Graves entered his carriage and left the scene. This brutal tragedy had no little to do with the defeat of Henry Clay for the Presidency in the campaign of 1844.
LAST TIME GENERAL GRANT APPEARED IN PUBLIC.
General Grant died July 23d, 1885, at 8 :08 A. M., mourned iby the people of the civilized world. Governor Oglesby, in Ms response to the toast, "Oar Boys," at the banquet given
312 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
at Chicago, in September, 1885, by the Army of the Tennes- see, made this happy reference to the last time General Grant appeared before the public. Said he : "Oh, glorious Beptiblic ! Oh, splendid Nation ! May the time never come when heroes such as the last war produced, may not be found in the ranks of the boys of the future. I saw for the last time, on the shore of the Atlantic, a little more than a year ago, that modest, silent soldier, who led these brave men to victory ; I saw that plain man, born upon the yellow clay hills of Ohio, the son of a farmer — one who in Europe would be called a peasant boy — I saw him for the last time, after he had substantially accomplished the .career and cir- cle of life. It was partially by my persuasion that he was induced to go once more before the public at Ocean Grove, where there was a vast assemblage of Christian men and! women, who had come together from the North and the South. It was a reunion of the sanitary commission, the Christian commission, and the chaplains of both armies. They had telegraphed him the day before to meet them. He declined. They telegraphed him again, and he read the tele- gram to me. I said, 'General, by all means, go. These people want to see you.' He studied a moment, and said, 'Yes, I will go.' He went, and I went with him. He was very much de- pressed, but he went with that same self-possession and un- fathomable face that neither fate nor genius could have read. He came limping upon the platform, broken in limb and broken in fortune, but, thank God, not broken in spirit. The- same buoyant, brave, patriotic heart was still throbbing in that breast. He arose to reply, but overwhelmed by the benev- olent and charitable demonstration, he had not proceeded six sentences, before a silvery tear trickled down his war- bronzed face, and he retired with cane and crutch to an obscure seat. This was the last time he was before the public. Boys, aye, boys of the future ! Young men of
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OJ ILLINOIS. 315
America ! Youth of our own beloved land ! Look upon that character and glorious impersonation of human, manly liberty, and it will stir your heroism to the point of protect- ing your flag."
A little digression will be pardoned. In 1883, we enclosed Gen. Grant a portion of a previous chapter, which referred to certain charges made against him in a book published by John McDonald, of St. Louis, and he returned the matter with this letter :
"NEW YORK CITY, October 10, 1883.
"Dear Sir — I have your letter of the 4th inst., with inclos- ure. I have no suggestions to make, or changes to ask, in regard to what you say in the article, which is herewith re- turned. I am much obliged to you for what you say, though.1 I have never felt the slightest concern for myself through all the abuse that has been heaped upon ine. I was, of course, much annoyed that such things could happen, as did, while I was the executive of the Nation. I was probably too un- suspecting.
"Very truly yours,
"U. S. GRANT. "D. W. LUSK, ESQ.: "P. S. — Please put me down for a copy of your book.
"U. 8.G."
In this letter is the whole explanation of this great con- spiracy, so far as it related to Gen. Grant. "I was probably too unsuspecting." These words tell the whole story. In the meantime, the banking house of Ward & Grant had failed, and in June, 1884, when this book first appeared, we gent him a copy of it, complimentary, and not knowing: whether it had reached him, we wrote him in October, 1884, and received this reply :
"NOVEMBER 19ra, 1884. "D. W. LUSK, ESQ. :
" Dear Sir — I received your book on the Politics and Poli- ticians of Illinois some time last summer. I have not read it sufficiently to say anything about it. I have been en- gaged myself upon work which requires much research, reading of reports of the war, etc., which has left me but
314 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
little time for other reading. I left your book at my cottage at Long Branch, so that I probably will not read it before next summer.
"If I did not acknowledge the receipt of your work at the time, and thank you for it, I wish to do so now, and to apologize for the neglect.
"Very truly yours,
"U. S. GRANT."
How simple, and yet how manly. "If I did not acknowl- edge the receipt of your work at the time, and thank you for it, I wish to do so now, and to apologize for the neglect." But this was Grant — there was no manlier man.
Desiring to have an approved picture of him for our second edition, we wrote him while he was on his death bed, inclosing a copy of the picture which appears in this vol- ume, and received from his son, F. D. Grant, this reply:
"NEW YORK, June 9th, 1885. "D. W. LUSK:
" Dear Sir — Gen'l Grant directs me to say that the engrav- ing you enclosed to him in your letter of the 8th inst., is a very good one.
"Kespectfully,
"F. D. GRANT."
PUBLIC CHARITIES.
In 1869, for the better care and protection of the public charities of the State, the Legislature passed an act creating a Board of Public Charities, with power to supervise and direct the management of all the charitable institutions, to •examine the grounds, construction of buildings, and methods of instruction, general care of inmates, the expendi- ture of moneys, and to see that all parts of the State shared equally in the benefits of the several institutions. The Board has now been in existence seventeen years, and the wisdom of its creation has been fully attested, for its labors,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 315
lave been crowned with success, for none of the States exer- cise a more wise, economical or humane care over its un- fortunate citizens. These institutions are ten in number, namely : Institution for the Education of the Blind, Cen- tral Hospital for the Insane, Institution for the Education of the Deaf and Dumb, Jacksonville; Asylum for Feeble- minded children, Lincoln ; Eastern Hospital for the Insane, Kankakee ; Northern Hospital for the Insane, Elgin ; South- ern Hospital for the Insane, Anna ; Eye and Ear Infirmary, •Chicago ; Soldiers' Orphans' Home, Normal ; Soldiers' and Sailors' Home, Quincy.
The Board has had the good fortune to secure the services of an unusually competent and devoted Secretary, in the person of the Eev. Frederick Howard Wines, formerly pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, in Springfield, who has consecrated his life to the improvement of the condition of all classes of the unfortunate, through better organiza- tion and administration of the agencies for their relief throughout the United States. Mr. Wines has held the im- portant trust of Secretary of the State Board of Public 'Charities since its organization.
NEGRO SLAVE MARRIAGES.
Illinois seems to have been foremost in almost everything in the line of progress. Twenty years ago, when J. B. Brad- well was sitting as Probate Judge of Cook County, he ren- dered a decision in which he held that marriage of negro slaves was valid, and the opinion was widely published in this country and England, and endorsed by the most eminent jurists as being good law; and in a recent case in Buffalo, N. Y., this decision was cited as an authority. It was rendered in the matter of the estate of Henry Jones, de- ceased, of Chicago, who was formerly a slave in Tennessee, and whose son, M. C. Jones, instituted suit for the recovery of the estate belonging to him, as the heir of his father.
316 POLITICS AND POLTTICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
SANTA ANNA'S CORK LEO.
In the war between the United States and Mexico, in 1847V it fell to the honor of some of the soldiers from Illinois to> capture the cork leg of Gen. Santa Anna, which he lost while being hotly pressed at the battle of Cerro Gordo. The names of Samuel Rhodes, John M. Gill, and A. Waldron,. are associated with its capture, and but recently Mr. Gill,. in whose possession it has been for a long time, presented it to the State to be placed on exhibition in Memorial Hall, where it may now be seen, the mere sight of which will vividly call to mind such illustrious names as Bissell, Hardin and Baker, who gallantly led the soldiers of Illinois in that sanguinary conflict.
CHAPTER XLV, STATE GOVERNMENT-1883,
Governor — John M. Hamilton.
President pro tern, and acting Lieut.-Gov. — W. J. CampbelL
Secretary of State — H. D. Dement.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Chas. P. Swigert.
Treasurer — John C. Smith.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Henry Eaab.
Attorney General — James McCartney.
THIRTY-THIRD GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Thirty-third General Assembly convened January 3,, and consisted of the following members:
SENATE.
George E. White, Chicago. W. H. Ruger, Chicago.
L. D. Condee, Chicago. George E. Adams, Chicago-
John H. Clough, Chicago. W. J. Campbell, Chicago.
C. Mamer, Chicago. George Kirk, Waukegan.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
317
^W. E. Mason, Chicago. Isaac Kice, Mount Morris. Thos. Cloonan, Chicago.
D. H. Sunderland, Freeport. Millard B. Hereley, Chicago. Henry H. Evans, Aurora.
E. B. Slmmway, Peotone. Conrad Secrest, Watseka. Lyman B. Bay, Morris. <jeo. Torrance, Pontiac. Wm. C. Snyder, Fulton. Thomas M. Shaw, Lacon. H. A. Ainsworth, Moline. A. "W. Berggren, Galesburg. J. W. Duncan, Ottawa. John Fletcher, Carthage. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. Andrew J. Bell, Peoria. Henry Tubbs, Kirkwood. J. W. Fifer Bloomington. Jason Bogers, Decatur.
J. S. Wright, Champaign.
George Hunt, Paris.
H. S. Clark, Mattoon.
E. B. Binebart, Effingham.
E. Laning, Petersburg. M. Kelly, Liberty.
Wm. B. Archer, Pittsfield.
F. M. Bridges, Carrollton.
C. A. Walker, Carlinville. L. F. Hamilton, Springfield. W. T. Vandeveer, Taylorville
D. B. Gillham, Upper Alton. Thos. B. Needles, Nashville. Thomas E. Merritt, Salem. J. B. Tanner, Louisville. W. H. McNary, Martinsville. J. C. Edwards, McLeansboro Henry Seiter, Lebanon. Louis Ihom, Harrison ville. Wm. S. Morris, Golconda. W. A. Lemma, Carbondale. • Daniel Hogan, Mound City.
HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES.
J. Fairbanks, Chicago. B. B. Kennedy, Chicago.
D. Sullivan, Chicago. W. H. Harper, Chicago. Hilon A. Parker, Chicago.
E. J. Fellows, Chicago. J. W. E. Thomas, Chicago. Thomas McNally, Chicago. Isaac Abrahams, Chicago. John L. Parrish, Chicago. J. F. Lawrence, Chicago. B. F. Sheridan, Chicago. David W. Walsh, Chicago. James A. Taylor, Chicago. Erwin E. Wood, Chicago. Edward D. Cooke, Chicago. Theo. Stimming, Chicago. Austin 0. Sexton, Chicago. L. C. Collins, Jr., Chicago. Oeo. G. Struckman, Elgin.
Clayton E. Crafts, Chicago. Chas. E. Fuller, Belvidere. Chas. H. Tyron, Bichmond. E. M. Haines, Waukegan. Julius Pedersen, Chicago. A. Wendell, Chicago. Mark J. Clinton, Chicago. A. F. Brown, Stillman Vall'y. Ed. B. Sumner, Bockford. John C. Seyster, Oregon. Jesse J. Book, Chicago. J. O'Shea, Chicago. August Mette, Chicago. G. L. Hoffman, Mt. Carroll. J. A. Hammond, Hanover. E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. Peter Sundelius, Chicago. Gregory A. Klupp, Chicago. John F. Dugan, Chicago. Luther L. Hiatt, WTheaton.
318 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Henry P. Walker, Hinsdale. E. H. Templeman, Mt. PTskL
James Herrington, Geneva. Wm. F. Calhoun, Clinton.
George Bez, "Wilmington. James A. Hawks, Atwood.
John O'Connell, Joliet. "Wm. A. Day, Champaign.
James L. Owen, Frankfort. Wm. J. Calhoun, Danville.
John H. Jones, Milford. Eobert B. Bay, Fairmount.
William S. Hawker, Salina. E.E. E. Kimbrough, D'nvi'le
Daniel C. Taylor, Kankakee. Joseph G. Ewing, Arcola.
Henry Wood, Sycamore. Wm. H. DeBord, Greenup.
H. M. Boardman, Shabbona. F. M. Eichardson, Neoga.
Andrew Welch, Yorkville. Charles L. Eoane, Sullivan.
J. H. Collier, Gibson City. Thos. N. Henry, Windsor.
A. G. Good speed, Odell. John H. Baker, Sullivan.
Michael Cleary, Odell. T. L. Mathews, Virginia.
Solomon H. Bethea, Dixpn. Wm. M. Duffy, San Jose.
John G. Manahan, Sterling, H. C. Thompson, Virginia.
John B. Felker, Amboy. Thos. G. Black, Clayton.
Eevilo Newton, 'Minonk. James E. Purnell, Quincy.
John H. Crandall, Morton. J. E. Downing, Camp Point.
E. S. Hester, Belle Plain. T. Worthington, Jr., Pittsfi'ld. Thos. lowers, Jr., Atkinson. J. W. Moore, Mound Station^ H. C. Cleaveland, E. Island. F. M. Greathouse, Hardin. Patrick O'Mara, E. Island. J. H. Coats, Winchester. Wm. H. Emerson, Astoria. W. E. Carlin, Jersey ville.
A. S. Curtis, Oneida. G. W. Murray. Winchester.
F. A. Willoughby, Galesburg. I. L. Morrison, Jacksonville. Wright Adams, Sheridan. A. N. Yancey, Bunker Hill. Alex. Vaughey, Seneca. E. M. Kinman, Jacksonville. Sanjuel C. Wiley, Earlville. D. T. Littler, Springfield. David Eankin, Bipgsville. B. F. Caldwell, Chatham. J. M. Ansley, Swedonia. G. W. Murray, Springfield. John D. Stevens, Carthage. E.E.Cowperthwait.
Jas. T. Thornton, Magnolia. Geo. M. Stevens, Nokomis. John Lackie, Osceola. John B. Eicks, Taylorville.
John H. Welsh, Tiskilwa. John M. Pearson, Godfrey. Sam'l H. Thompson, Peoria. Henry 0. Billings, Alton. Jos. Gallup, Lawn Eidge. Eobert D. Utiger, Alhambra. Michael C. Quinn, Peoria. John L. Nichols, Clement. Isaac N. Pearson, Macomb. F. E. W. Brink, Hoyleton. C. M. Eogers, Monmouth. Jas. M. Eountree, Nashville. Isaac L. Pratt, Eoseville. Seth F. Crews, Mt. Vernon. T. F. Mitchell, Bloomington. G. H. Varnell, Mt. Vernon. Lafayette Funk, Shirley. J. D. Jennings, Beecher, City. Simeon H. West, Leroy. Henry Studer, Olney. John H. Crocker, Maroa. John S. Symonds, Flora. John T. Foster, Elkhart. Elbert Eowland, Olney.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 319
J. M. Honey, Newton. John Higgins, DuQuoin.
Grandison Clark, Newton. R. W. McCartney, Metropolis, Wm. Updyke, Robinson. Wm. H. Boyer, Harrisburg. Wm. H. Johnson, Carmi. Jas. M. Gregg, Harrisburg. Lowry Hay, Carmi. J. M. Scurlock, Carbondale.
F. W. Cox, Bridgeport. Sidney Grear, Jonesboro. J. B. Messick, E. St. Louis. David T. Linegar, Cairo. Louis C. Starkel, Belleville. Wm. W. Hoskinson, Benton.. M. A. Sullivan, E. St. Louis. Milo Erwin, Marion. J. R. McFie, Coulterville. A. N. Lodge,* Marion. Jas. F. Canniff, Waterloo. Wm. A. Spann,t Johnson Co.
W. J. Campbell, of Cook, was elected President pro tern- pore of the Senate, over Thomas M. Shaw, of Marshall, by a vote of 23 to 15, and L. F. Watson, Secretary.
In the House, Lorin C. Collins, Jr., of Cook, was elected Speaker, over Austin 0. Sextoa, of Cook, by a vote of 78 to 75, and John A. Reeve, of Alexander, Clerk, over Wnu A. Connelly, by a vote of 77 to 75.
Gov. Cullom laid his message before the two houses on the 5th. It was an able and carefully prepared State paper, setting forth, in detail, all the needs and wants of the State. He recommended that section 16, of article 5 of the constitution be so amended as to give the Governor power to veto objectionable portions of appropriation bills, and earnestly recommended the revising of the criminal code.
One of the important duties of this General Assembly was the election of a United States Senator to succeed David Davis. On the 16th of January, the two housea voted separately on the question. In the Senate Shelby M. Cullom, the nominee of the Republican party, received 30 votes, and John M. Palmer, the nominee of the Demo- cratic party, 20 votes. In the House Mr. Cullom received 75 votes, and Mr. Palmer 75. Three members of the House refrained from voting, hence there was no election, and on the 17th the two houses met in joint session and voted for United States Senator. Cullom received 107 votes,
* Seat contested by Spann. t Admitted to Lodge's seat.
320 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
and Palmer 95. Mr. Cullom having received a majority of all the votes cast, was declared, by the Speaker, the •duly elected Senator.
On the 7th of February Shelby M. Cullom resigned the office of Governor, when Lieut.-Gov. Hamilton became •Governor, and Wm. J. Campbell, President pro tempore of the Senate, acting Lieutenant- Governor.
Gov. Cullom retired from the office with a pleasing record. He had held the exalted trust for over six years, and while his duties, for the most part, were routine, yet there were times when his ability and courage were put to the severest test, and he was always equal to the •emergency. During the great riot of the railroad employes in 1877 — which was widespread in the East and the West — when the mob threatened to burn and pillage our great •cities, the sagacity and promptness with which Gov. Cullom brought the military power of the State government into requisition, saved the State millions of dollars in property, preserved order, and prevented the shedding of innocent Wood; and whenever and wherever mob-law raised its liydra-head, he was quick to put it down. The Southern Illinois Penitentiary, at Chester, was built during his administration, and it is regarded as the most modern and complete prison in all the States, for it so happens that it is the last one erected in the United States, and advantage was taken of all the modern improvements or appliances. The Insane Asylum at Kankakee was built •during his administration, and it is also a modern and most desirable structure. The reorganization of the militia was a work of no little magnitude, and we doubt if there is a State in the Union which has so simple and yet so effective military system. In retiring, to assume other •duties, he left the State entirely out of debt and in a most prosperous condition. During his administration there was paid $1,455,000 of the old State debt.
320
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 321
None of Gov. Cullom's messages were partisan in char- acter, but this extract from his second inaugural, delivered in January, 1881, is worthy of preservation in these pages, as it embodies some wholesome truths well and eloquently expressed :
" There are portions of Europe and Asia — say Southern Bussia and parts of Asiatic Turkey — as blessed in soil and climate as Illinois, but the people are sunk in degradation and poverty, because their rulers, while imposing the severest burdens of taxation, give nothing in return — no roads — no schools — not even adequate protection to life and property.
" The people of those countries would say of us, that we pay no taxes at all, inasmuch as what we do pay is spent among ourselves, for our own good and by our own servants. If the same percentage of our able-bodied men were kept in idleness as a standing army, and propor- tionate amounts were spent upon fortifications and naval armaments, as by the States of Europe, we should see a very different condition of affairs in this country.
" Our people, intelligent men and women, have not only made our political institutions what they are, but they have shown themselves able and patriotic enough to defend and preserve them, as a matchless inheritance handed down to us by our fathers. For twenty years, the watchword of the people has been Liberty and Union ; and, under such inspiration, the Union has been saved, ideas in 'harmony with its perpetuity have been well grounded in the minds of the people, liberty has become universal, the National credit has been established, and confidence in republican government greatly strengthened in the minds of states- men everywhere.
"The struggle wrhich secured all these great blessings cost millions of money, and thousands of brave and patri- otic lives ; and, as we recede from the period of the strug- gle, we must not forget the greatness of the sacrifices, nor those who made them. The deeds of heroism of the Union soldier of the late war should be remembered with gratitude, as long as history shall endure.
" The foundation of our political structure is the ballot. It is the expression of the divine right of the people to rule. It raises up men and parties, and casts them down. It is the fiat of power ; but to be valuable, and accomplish its true purpose and end, this voice of the people must be —21
822 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
fairly expressed. Founded on intelligence, it should be- without coercion, bribery or intimidation ; and thus cast,, it should be honestly counted in determining results. These sentiments may appear familiar and trite, but they can not be too often repeated, and especially should those who, as servants of the people, have to perform legislative or executive functions, constantly remember that the chief end and aim of their service should be to preserve and transmit our free institutions, which can only be done when the will of an intelligent people is assured of a free and pure expression by the ballot."
The Thirty-third General Assembly was in session nearly six months. In the early part of the session Representa- tive Harper introduced a bill for the purpose of creating a uniform license for the sale of spirituous liquors. This- became a party measure, the Republicans taking the affirmative side of the question, and the Democrats accept- ing the negative. The bill was introduced on the 26th of January, and continued to be the subject of discussion in the House until June 8, when it passed by a vote of 79 yeas to 65 nays. It had the support of all the Repub- licans save four, and the opposition of all the Democrats but nine. In the Senate the bill was passed June 15, by a vote of 30 yeas to 20 nays. Twenty-nine Republicans and one Democrat voted for it, and nineteen Democrats and one Republican against it. An hour after its passage it received the signature of Gov. Hamilton, and on the 1st of July it became the law.
Of the Republicans in the House who were most active for the bill were, Adams, Bethea, W. F. Calhoun, W. J. Cal- houn, Coats, Fuller, Hoffman, Johnson, Littler, McCartney, Morrison, Owen, Parker, Stimming, Thomas and Worthing- ton, and of the Democrats, Day, Grear, Greathouse, Gregg, and Willoughby ; and of the Democrats who most actively opposed the passage of the measure were, Abrahams, Bill- ings, Crafts, Haines, Herrington, Klupp, Linegar, McNally, Qumn, Sexton, Starkel, Vaughey and Yaucey, and of the .Republicans, Wendell. In the Senate the Republicans who-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 323-
•were most active for the bill were, Clough, Fifer, Hogarrr Hunt, and Eice, and of the Democrats, Edwards ; and of Democrats most active in opposing it were, Duncan, Ham- ilton, Merritt and Shaw, and of the Kepublicans, Needles.
Mr. Morrison was the acknowledged leader on the Ke- publican side, and Mr. Haines — although an Independent, — on the Democratic. The contest was long, and,, atl times, very exciting, and it remained a matter of doubt, as to which side would triumph, until the very hour the final vote was taken. The leaders were very evenly matched as to ability and parliamentary tactics.
This was the important measure of the session. Exclu- sive of the appropriation acts there were few bills passed,, and they were not momentous in character, if we except. "House Bill No. 504," entitled "An act to enable railroad i companies to extend their lines or construct branches to> points not named in their articles of incorporation, and to enable any railroad company in this State to have power to purchase, own and hold the stock and securities of any railroad that forms a continuous line of travel from this to another State," which received the veto of the Governor. His objections to the bill are plainly and forcibly set forth in this extract from his veto message:
" To allow this bill to become a law, would be to allow the officers and directors of any railroad company in this State to use the surplus earnings of the road — which by law belongs to the stockholders — in the purchase and manipulation of railroad stocks and securities, in the market, and thus permit them to become powerful spec- ulators in the stocks and securities of their own company and those of all other companies formed in other States, with whose lines of railroad they may connect at the borders of this State anywhere, or with which they may form a continuous line of travel.
"The grant of such extraordinary powers and privileges, to the officers of a railroad company would enable them, to manipulate the price of the stocks and securities of their own company at will, and controlling the fortunes and business of the railroad, to artificially force the prica
324 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
•of such sucurities up or down, as they pleased, and thus by the 'freezing out' process, well known in corporation •circles, the number of stockholders would in due course •of time be limited to the few manipulators, and at a .financial sacrifice to those stockholders not in the official -management.
" But the grant of such dangerous power as this proposed ;in the bill would enable railroad corporations to accom- plish another great wrong, intended to be forbidden by the policy of our constitution and laws. Under the pro- wisions of this bill, if it should become a law, any railroad vcompany organized under the laws of this State, whose line of railroad runs into Chicago, for instance, or any other locality on the border of the State, and there con- jnects or forms a continuous line of travel with railroads -tunning through and organized in another State — might, i from its accumulating surplus capital, purchase the stocks ;and securities of such 'connecting' or 'continuous' rail- ..•xoad in another State without limitation, until it could <own the majority of such stocks and securities, and thereby < own and control any one, or any number of these lines ; ;thus, in fact, combining them into one vast and powerful monopoly by a consolidation of capital in fact — although .formal consolidations of the corporations are expressly and wisely forbidden by law, particularly as to parallel <or competing lines.
ML especially object to the last clause of this bill, which lis as follows : 'And any purchases (i. e. of stocks or secur- ities) heretofore made within the purposes of this act are •hereby declared to be lawful.'
"The object of this clause is plain, and can not be mis- taken. It is to quietly legalize confessedly illegal acts .heretofore committed."
This was the first test Governor Hamilton had with legislation of doubtful import, and his emphatic disap- proval of it met the hearty approbation of the people.
A joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Con- stitution, giving the Governor power to veto objectionable portions of appropriation bills without impairing the valid- ity of the whole act, passed both houses.
Although Governor Cullom, in retiring from the Execu- tive chair, left the people in perfect peace, the adminis- tration of his successor was soon disturbed by the outbreak
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 325"
of a mob in the mining district of St. Clair county, and the Illinois National Guard was called out to aid in the enforcement of the law. In this conflict one of the dis- turbers of the peace lost his life, and in concluding an elaborate report to the General Assembly, concerning the use of the State militia on that occasion, Governor Ham- ilton said :
"I regret as much as any one the necessity which caused the shedding of blood and loss of human life. But in this State, men of all classes must seek redress for wrongs by peaceful and quiet means, arid the remedies- afforded to all people in the law. They must not attempt to defy the government, trample law under foot, and en- force their demands by violence and intimidation. There can be no objection to workiugmen of any kind refusing to work, when dissatisfied with their wages, and thus peaceably demanding and obtaining higher wages, but they have no right to assemble themselves into a lawless mob of rioters, and go about the country taking possession of property not their own, and preventing other workingmen, who are satisfied and who want to work, from work, by abuse, assault, threats, intimidation and terrorizing, or by forcibly compelling them to cease work. The workingmen,. just as all other citizens, must and shall be protected in all their natural and legal rights, so far as lies in my power, while chief executive of this State, but whenever they attempt to redress their grievances by violence and force, and thus place themselves beyond the pale of the* law's protection, and in open defiance of its officers, then they will come into unequal contest with all the power of the government, civil and military, and must expect to get worsted in every such conflict. For the government must rule, law must be respected, officers obeyed while in the discharge of their duty, and the peace preserved at all hazards, without fear or favor.
This bold, yet calm and deliberate expression of a deter- mination on the part of Governor Hamilton, that he in- tended to see that the majesty of the law was upheld, even though in order to do so he would have to use the whole power of the State, was opportune, and had the effect to put a sudden end to the mob spirit which was then stalk- ing abroad in the State, and threatened the destruction of both life arid property.
326 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER XLVI. JOHN DEMENT,
Col. John Dement, who died at his home in Dixon, on the 16 ;h of January, 1883, was born in Sunmer county, Tennessee, April, 1804. He came to Illinois with his parents in 1817; he soon won the confidence of the peo- ple of his adopted State, and was elected sheriff of Franklin county in 1826; he represented that county in -the General Assemblies of 1828-30; he participated in three campaigns against the Indians; in the first he was Aid-de-camp to Gov. Eeynolds, with the rank of Colonel; in the second he was a Captain; in the third he was a Major, and commanded a battalion, which had a hotly contested engagement with Black Hawk and his entire band at Kellogg's Grove, in which that noted warrior was repulsed; and Black Hawk is reported to have said that •Col. Dement was the bravest man he ever faced in a bat- tle. In 1831, the General Assembly elected him State Treasurer; he was twice re-elected, but resigned the office in 1836, to serve the people of Fayette county as a Repre- sentative in the General Assembly, but failing in his efforts to prevent the removal of the capital to Springfield, he resigned his seat in that body and removed to the lead mines in the northern part of the State. In 1837, he was appointed by President Jackson Receiver of Public Moneys, and held the office through the Administration of Presi- dent Van Buren, but in 1841, President Harrison removed him. In 1844, he was district elector for Polk and Dallas ; in 1845, President Polk reappointed him Receiver of Public Moneys; he was a delegate to the Constitutional Conven- tion of 1847 ; in 1849, President Taylor removed him from
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 327
the office of Eeceiver of Public Moneys ; in 1853, President Pierce reappointed him to that office, which he continued to hold until it was abolished; in 1861, he was elected a delegate to the Constitutional Convention, and was made president pro tempore. In 1870, he was again elected a delegate to the Constitutional Convention, and again made president pro tempore. Although living in a strongly Be- publican district, he was always sure of an election when- ever he consented to be a candidate. In his reminiscen- ces, Linder relates the following incident of Col. Dement, which illustrates, to some extent, the character of the man. He says :
" Colonel Dement was not only brave, but in the face of danger he was cool, cautious, and prudent. That I am a living man to-day, I owe, perhaps, to his friendship, bravery and prudence. In 1837, after I was elected to ihe office of Attorney-General of Illinois, I got into a diffi- culty with a very desperate man, who was a member of the Senate, and he challenged me, and General James 'Turney was elected by him as his second, and he deliv- ered the challenge to me. I accepted it, and referred him to Colonel John Dement as my second, who would fix the •distance and select the weapons. Having expected this before I received the challenge, I had informed my friend Dement that I expected to be challenged, and that I should select him for my second, and should place my honor and life in his hands. He said to me : ' Linder, I will take charge of both ; and, without letting your honor suffer, will take good care that you never tight; for if you do, he will be sure to kill you, for he is as cool and desperate as a bandit.' I replied, that the matter would be placed in his hands, and I should refer his second to him (Col. Dement) as my second, to arrange the distance and select the weapons with which we would fight. Accordingly, when Gen. Turney called upon Col. Dement, Dement in- formed him that we would fight with pistols at close quar- ters, each holding one end of the same handkerchief in his teeth.
'My God!' replied Gen. Turney, 'Col. Dement, that amounts to the deliberate murder of both men.'
'It don't matter,' said Dement, 'your principal is cool, •desperate and deliberate, while my friend is nervous and
328 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
excitable, and if he has to lose his life, your friend must bear him company.'
" Gen. Turney being a very humane and honorable gen- tleman, and really as much my friend as he was his principal's, said to Col. Dement : 'Colonel, this meeting must never take place; so let you and I take this matter in hand and have it settled in an amicable way, honor- able to both parties.'
" 'The very thing,' said Col. Dement, 'that I have desired; to bring about. Linder is a young man, and has just been elected Attorney-General of the State, and has an interesting wife, and little daughter only four years old, who have only been in this town (Vandalia) but a few days, and it would be next to breaking my heart to have the one made a widow and the other an orphan/
" They agreed that a hostile meeting should not take- place; and the matter was amicably and honorably arranged between the Senator and myself. We met, made friends, shook hands, and to the last day of his life we were the best of friends."
In every public trust Col. Dement filled the full measure of the law; he was able, honest and faithful. As a man he was modest and unassuming; as a citizen, no man stood higher ; as a friend, he was warm and true. Polit- ically he was a Democrat, but during the war for the Union he was an active supporter of the war; and his only son, Henry D. Dement, the present Secretary of State, was one of the first volunteers in the three years'" service, enlisting in Company "A," Thirteenth Regiment in- fantry. The death of Col. Dement was deeply mourned by the community in which he had lived so long, and the General Assembly passed resolutions of condolence, and had them spread upon the journals, and a copy sent to the: bereaved family.
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329
CHAPTER XLVII. ABOUT COLORED PEOPLE.
Governor Coles Fined $2,000 under the Black Laws— Why Black Laws were- Enacted— Black Laws Approved— Vote of the State in 1862 on Article- Prohibiting Colored Emigration— Vote of Soldiers on Prohibition of Colored Emigration— What Connecticut Did— What Massachusetts Did— What the Nation Did— Transition from Slavery to Freedom— Whipped and Ordered from the 8tate— A Case of Kidnapping— Tribulations of Free Negroes— A Free Colored Boy's Experience— Last Attempt to Return a Fugitive Slave— Trials of Contrabands— Mobbed on Account of his Vote —First Colored School— Blood-Hounds— Colored Jurors— Adoption of Amendments— First Colored Vote Cast In Cairo.
The people of Illinois, until the new order of things, have ever had a fondness for black laws. There was a stringent law passed by the State Legislature in 1819, which was similar in character to that passed in 1853, Under this law, in 1825, a suit was instituted against Governor Coles in the Circuit Court of Madison county, to recover a penalty prescribed by that law; he pleaded the statute of limitation, but the court overruled the plea, and judgment was given against him for $2,000. A motion was made for a new trial, which the court took under advisement, and before it was decided the Legislature passed an act releasing all penalties under the act of 1819, including those in litigation ; but the court declined to grant a new trial, when the case was appealed to the Supreme Court, where the judgment was reversed, and Coles discharged from all liability. (See Gillespie's Eecol- lections of Early Illinois.)
330 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
BLACK LAWS — WHY ENACTED.
The changed state of our civilization, as regards the col- ored race, makes it of interest to the reader to know what the black laws of 1853 were, and how they came to be a part of the laws of the State. Article fourteen of the constitution of 1848 reads as follows : " The General Assembly shall, at its first session under the amended constitution, pass such laws as will effectually prohibit free persons of color from immigrating to and settling in this State ; and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves from bringing them into this State, for the purpose of .settling them here." The General Assembly of 1853, act- ing in accordance with this provision of the constitution, passed the following act, which was approved February 12 :
*'AN ACT TO PREVENT THE IMMIGRATION OF FREE NEGROES INTO THIS STATE.
" SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illinois, represented in the General Assembly, That if any person or persons shall bring, or cause to be brought, into this State, any negro or mulatto slave, whether said slave is set free or not, he shall be liable to an indictment, and, upon conviction thereof, be fined for every such negro or mulatto, a sum not less than one hundred dollars, nor more than five hundred dollars, and imprisoned in the county jail not more than one year, and shall stand com- mitted until said fine and costs are paid.
"SEC. 2. When an indictment shall be found against any person, or persons, who are not residents of this State, it shall be the duty of the court before whom said indictment is pending, upon affidavit being made and filed in said court by the prosecuting attorney, or any other credible witness, setting forth the residence of said •defendant, to notify the Governor of this State, by caus- ing the clerk of said court to transmit to the office of the Secretary of State a certified copy of said indictment and affidavit, and it shall be the duty of the Goyeruer, upon the receipt of said copies, to appoint some suitable person io arrest said defendant or defendants, in whatever State or county he or they may be found, and to commit him or them to the jail of the county in which said indictment
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 331
is pending, there to remain and answer said indictment, and be otherwise dealt with in accordance with this act; .and it shall be the duty of the Governor to issue all necessary requisitions, writs and papers, to the Governor •or other executive officer of the State, territory or prov- ince where such defendant or defendants 'may be found: Provided, that this section shall not be construed so as to affect persons, or slaves, bona fide traveling through this 'State, from and to any other State in the United States.
" SEC. 3. If any negro, or mulatto, bond or free, shall iereafter come into this State and remain ten days, with the evident intention of residing in the same, every such negro or mulatto shall be deemed guilty of a high misde- meanor, and for the first offence shall be fined the sum of fifty dollars, to be recovered before any justice of the peace in the county where said negro or mulatto may be found. Said proceedings shall be in the name of the peo- ple of the State of Illinois, and shall be tried by a jury •of twelve men. The person making the information or ^complaint shall not be a competent witness upon said trial.
" SEC. 4. If said negro or mulatto shall be found guilty, and the fine assessed be not paid forthwith to the justice of the peace before whom said proceedings were had, it shall be the duty of said justice to commit said negro or mulatto to the custody of the sheriff of said county, or otherwise keep him, her or them in custody; and said justice shall forthwith advertise said negro or mulatto, by posting up notices thereof in at least three of the most public places in his district, which said notices shall be ;posted up for ten days, and on the day and at the time and place mentioned in said advertisement, the said jus- 'tice shall, at public auction, proceed to sell said negro ior mulatto to any person or persons who will pay said fine and costs, for the shortest time; and said pur- chaser shall have the right to compel said negro or mu- latto to work for and serve out said time, and he shall furnish said negro or mulatto with comfortable food, cloth- ing and lodging during said servitude.
"SEC. 5, If said negro or mulatto shall not, within ten •days after the expiration of his, her, or their time of ser- vice as aforesaid, leave the State, he, she or they shall foe liable to a second prosecution, in which the penalty to be inflicted shall be one hundred dollars, and so on for every subsequent offence the penalty shall be increased
332 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
fifty dollars over and above the last penalty inflicted, and the same proceedings shall be had in each case as is pro- vided for in the preceding section for the first offence.
" SEC. 6. Said negro or mulatto shall have a right to* take an appeal to the circuit court of the county in which said proceedings shall have been had, within five day* after the rendition of the judgment, before the justice of the peace, by giving bond and security, to be approved by the clerk of said court, to the people of the State of Illinois, and to be filed in the office of said clerk within said five days, in double the amount of said fine and costs, conditioned that the party appealing will personally be and appear before said circuit court at the next term thereof, and not depart said court without leave, and will pay said fine and all costrf, if the same shall be so- adjudged by said court; and said security shall have the right to take said negro or mulatto into custody, and re- tain the same until the order of said court is complied with. And if the judgment of the justice of the peace- be affirmed in whole or in part, and said negro or mulatto- be found guilty, the said circuit court shall thereupon render judgment against said negro or mulatto and th& security or securities on said appeal bond, for the amount of fine so found by the court, and all costs of suit, and the clerk of said court shall forthwith issue an execution against said defendant and security as in other cases, and the sheriff or other officer to whom said execution is directed shall proceed to collect the same by sale or other- wise : Provided, that this section shall not be so construed as to give the security on said appeal bond right to re- tain the custody of said negro or mulatto for a longer time than ten days after the rendition of said judgment by said circuit court.
" SEC. 7. In all cases arising under the provisions of this act, the prosecuting witness, or person making the com- plaint and prosecuting the same, shall be entitled to one- half of the fine so imposed and collected, and the residue of said fine shall be paid into the county treasury of the county in which said proceedings were had ; and said fines, when so collected, shall be received by said county treas- urer and kept by him as a distinct and separate fund, to be called the 'charity fund,' and said fund shall be used for the express and only purpose of relieving the poor of said county, and shall be paid out by said treasurer upon the order of the county, drawn upon him for that purpose^
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" SEC. 8. If, after any negro or mulatto shall have been arrested under the provisions of this act, any person or persons shall claim any such negro or mulatto as a slave, the owner, by himself, or agent, shall have a right by giving reasonable notice to the officer or person having the custody of said negro or mulatto, to appear before the justice of the peace before whom said negro or mulatto shall have been arrested, and prove his or their right to the custody of said negro or mulatto as a slave, and if said justice of the peace shall, after hearing the evidence, be satisfied that the person or persons claiming said negro or mulatto, is the owner of and entitled to the cus- iody of said negro or mulatto, in accordance with the laws of the United States passed upon this subject, he shall, upon the owner or agent paying all costs up to the time of claiming said negro or mulatto, and the "costs of proving the same, and also the balance of the fine remain- ing unpaid, give to said owner a certificate of said facts, .and said owner or agent so claiming shall have a right to iake and remove said slave out of this State.
" SEC. 9. If any justice of the peace shall refuse to issue any writ of process necessary for the arrest and prosecution or any negro or mulatto, under the provisions -of this act, upon complaint being made before said jus- tice by any resident of his county, and his fees for said service being tendered him, he shall be deemed guilty of non- feasance in office, and upon conviction thereof punished accordingly; and in all cases where the jury find for the negro or mulatto, or that he, she or they are not guilty tinder the provisions of this act, the said justice of the peace shall proceed to render judgment against the prose- cuting witness, or person making the complaint, and shall collect the same as other judgments : Provided, that said prosecuting witness, or person making said complaint, in case judgment is rendered against him, shall have a right to take an appeal to the circuit court, as is provided for in this act in case said negro or mulatto is found guilty.
" SEC. 10. Every person who shall have one-fourth negro Wood shall be deemed a mulatto.
" SEC. 11. This act shall take effect and be in force from and after its passage."
BLACK LAWS APPROVED.
The present and future generations may be disposed to •view with feelings of horror men who would deliberately
834 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
I
pass such a law, little thinking that it was the fault of the people themselves. At that period, a majority of the people of Illinois loathed the very presence of the colored man, and were unwilling to accord to him any of the civil or political rights enjoyed by the white man. The article of the constitution which enjoined upon the General Assem- bly the passage of this act was submitted to a separate vote of the people when the constitution was voted upon^ and it was adopted by a majority of 28,938; and in 1862^ the people confirmed the work of the Legislature of 1853 by- adopting Article 18, Sections one, two and three of the- then proposed constitution, which was submitted to them for their adoption or rejection, by an unprecedented! majority. That article was in these words:
ARTICLE 18.
" SECTION 1. No negro or mulatto shall migrate to or settle in this State, after the adoption of this constitu- tion.
"SEC. 2. No negro or mulatto shall have the right of suffrage or hold office in this State.
" SEC. 3. The General Assembly shall pass all lawa necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this article.
VOTE IN 1862 ON ARTICLE PROHIBITING COLORED IMMIGRATION..
There was a majority of 24,515 against the constitution^. Article 18 was voted on separately, and by sections; the vote for section 1 was, 178,252; against, 73,287. Majority for section 1, 104,965.
For section 2, 218,405; against, 37,548. Majority for section 2, 180,857.
For section 3, 205,398; against, 46,318. Majority for section 3, 159,080.
VOTE OF THE SOLDIERS.
The framers of the proposed constitution had provided for the soldiers in the field voting on the adoption or re- jection of the constitution. The vote in the army was as- follows :
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
For the constitution, 1,687; against, 10,151. Majority against, 8,464.
For Section 1, Article 18, 6,356; against, 1,981 Major- ity for, 4,375.
For Section 2, Article 18, 6,485; against, 1,899. Majority for, 4,586.
For Section 3, Article 18, 6,460; against, 1,904. Majority for, 4,556.
Thus it will be seen that nine years after the passage of the black laws, the people assembled at the ballot-box, at a time when there was no political excitement, and reaffirmed, through the medium of the ballot, the very prin- ciples embodied in the black laws ; and although the State had at that time near a hundred thousand soldiers in the field, many of whom were without an opportunity to vote, the aggregate vote in the State on the adoption or rejec- tion of the constitution was 277,993, being only 58,411 votes less than was cast at the Presidential election in 1860, when the full strength of the political parties was. brought out to the polls. , It is sometimes a habit with, men engaged in active politics to select the name of some prominent leader, and charge to him the responsibility of the passage of a bad or unpopular law; but the respon- sibility of the passage of the black laws cannot be so charged, for the reason that the people themselves are responsible for them, and the Legislature but reflected their will.
WHAT CONNECTICUT DID.
It is not strange, however, that Illinois should have partaken of the spirit to oppress the negro, when we bear in mind that at the time of the adoption of the National Constitution every State in the Union, except Massachu- setts, tolerated slavery, and in most of them the laws were severe and arbitrary; but even Massachusetts had toler- ated the institution in Colonial times, and hence none of
336 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the original States are exempt from the charge of having had a share in its barbarism.
In 1833, Miss Prudence Crandall opened her school at Canterbury, Wind ham county, Connecticut, to the educa- tion of negro girls. This greatly incensed the people of that community, and on the 24th of May of that year, the Legislature passed an act, with the view of destroy- ing or breaking up her school, the preamble of which jeads thus : " Whereas, attempts have been made to estab- lish literary institutions in this State for the instruction of colored persons belonging to other States and countries, which would tend to the great increase of the colored population in the State, and thereby to the injury of the people." The act provided that no person should set up or establish, in that State, any school, academy or liter- ary institution for the instruction or education of colored persons who were not inhabitants of that State, nor instruct or teach in any school, academy or literary in- stitution whatever in that State, or harbor or board for the purpose of attending or being taught or instructed in .any such school, academy or literary institution, any col- ored person who was not an inhabitant of any town in that State, without the consent, in writing, of a majority of the selectmen of the town in which such school, academy or literary institution was located. The penalty provided was a fine of $100, for the first offense; for the second, $200, and so double the amount for every offense he or she might commit. (See Eevised Statutes of Con- necticut, of 1835.) Under this law, Miss Crandall was prosecuted". The case was tried in the Superior Court, at Brooklyn, October term, 1833, before Judge Daggett, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Errors. Mr. Daggett, in liis instructions to the jury, adverting to the import of the Constitution of the United States relating to citizen- ship, said:
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 337
*' To my mind, it would be a perversion of terms and the -well-known rule of construction, to say that slaves, free Slacks, or Indians, were citizens, within the meaning of lhat term as used by the Constitution. God forbid that I should add to the degradation of this race of men ; but I ain bound, by my duty, to say they are not citizens."
The jury brought in a verdict of guilty, and Miss Cran- dall was fined $100. The case was appealed to the Su- preme Court of Errors. Thomas Day, the official reporter, in reporting the proceedings of the case, says:
" Judson and C. F. Cleaveland, for the State (defendant in error), after remarking upon the magnitude of the ques- tion, as affecting not the town of Canterbury alone, but every town in the State and every State in the Union, said the principles urged by the counsel for the plaintiff in error, if established, would, in their consequences, destroy the government itself and this American Nation — blotting out this Nation of white men and substituting one from the African race — thus involving the honor of the State, the dignity of the people, and the preservation of its name." (See 10th Connecticut Eeports, p. 339.)
The judgment of the lower court was reversed, and Miss Crandall resumed her school, but it was finally broken up by violence and arson.*
WHAT MASSACHUSETTS DID.
In 1835, William Lloyd Garrison, while addressing a Boston audience in opposition to slavery, was seized by what is known as the broad-cloth mob, a rope was thrown round his body and he was dragged through the principal streets of that city, for no other offense than having raised his voice against the institution of slavery.
In the same city, in 1837, in a meeting which had been called at Faneuil Hall, to denounce the murder of Elijah P. Lovejoy at Alton, as a monstrous crime, James T. Aus- tin, then the Attorney- General of that State, made a vio- lent speech in justification of the murder. (See History of
* In 1888. 53 years afterward, the Lcdslntare of Connecticut passed a )olnt resolution approprintin<r $400 per year, to be paid to Prudence Phiileo (nee Craudall) dun>.ig her lite, us a partial recognition of the wrongs done her in 1833-34.
—22
£>38 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Massachusetts.) If such things could take place in en- lightened ( !) Massachusetts, far remote from slavery and its debasing influences, Illinois, with two slave States for neighbors, will certainly be excused for the part she took in opposing the liberty or civil rights of the colored man.
WHAT THE NATION DID.
But far more remarkable is the fact that the feeling of the people of the United States was so intense against the abolitionist or friend of the negro, that President Jackson, a brave, good man, renowned for his ability and moral courage, felt called upon to recommend to Congress in his message of December 7, 1835, the passage of an act for excluding from the mails abolition newspapers and publi- cations, and a bill was introduced into the Senate, in 1836, for that purpose. When it was under discussion in com- mittee of the whole, on June 2, Mr. Calhoun, Senator from. South Carolina, introduced an amendment providing for burning or otherwise destroying such papers or documents, which was adopted, but when, on June 9, the bill came up for final passage, it was lost, by a vote of 19 ayes ta 25 noes. The Illinois Senators, Kent and Ewing, voted against the bill. Henry Clay, Senator from Kentucky, a> slave State, voted against the bill, while James Buchanan,, afterward President of the United States, from the free State of Pennsylvania, voted for the bill.
In further extenuation of .the position occupied by Illi- nois as regards the rights of the negro, we cite the fact that, notwithstanding the Declaration of Independence declared that all men are created equal, from the First Congress, which convened March 4, 1789, under the Con- stitution of "the more perfect Union," to the Thirty- sixth, which met December 5, 1859, there was no legis- lation which tended to improve the condition of the? colored race ; and as late as December, 1856, the Supreme?
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 839
Court rendered an opinion, the most elaborate ever written by that body, which solemnly declared that the negro had no rights under the laws of the land, which white men were bound to observe. Under these circumstances it is not to be wondered at that Illinois should have been blind upon the subject; but when the emancipation proclamation gave the colored man his liberty, and the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the National Constitution secured him equal rights and protection with the white man, under the laws of the land, Illinois was quick to repeal all laws which created a distinction be- tween the races; and on February 7, 1865, the Legisla- ture passed an act repealing the black laws of 1853, and! those on the statutes of 1845. In the constitution of 1870* was omitted the word white, and in 1874 the Legislature; passed an act giving colored children equal rights with the; white in the public schools. And now there is none to molest or make afraid the colored man on account of race, color, or previous condition.
TRANSITION FROM SLAVERY TO FREEDOM.
The transition of the colored man from the position of a slave or menial to that of a citizen of the United States, was so rapid as not always to leave upon his mind a proper idea of his relation to society, politics or the Government itself ; and there has been some disposition to claim more rights and privileges than are contemplated in the laws which gave him his freedom and citizenship, chief among which is the demand for office. Now it must be borne in mind that the Constitution of the United States does not recog- nize as a qualification to office any particular race. A person is not elected Senator or Eepresentative to Con- gress because he is an Englishman, Irishman, Frenchman or German, but because he is a citizen of the United States, by birth or adoption, and has attained the proper
340 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
age, and possesses the moral and intellectual qualifications to entitle him to occupy the trust. The thirteenth, four- teenth and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution of the United States did not change the principles governing this question in the least. As a rule, men are chosen to high positions of public trust because of their fitness, and not because of their race or nationality. If the colored man would enjoy a share in the public trusts of the State or Nation, he must fit himself, by education and moral training, to entitle him to recognition in the government '<of the country. A greedy scramble or clamor for office rander the threat that if these people are not given place and power they will set up a party for themselves, will tend only to prolong the time when their right- to ask for & voice in guiding the affairs of the country will be heard. 'There is too great an odds between 6,000,000 colored peo- ple and 44,000,000 white, for them to think of drawing the color line, in a political sense. It is not out of place, however, in this connection, to say that many colored men have been given high and honorable trusts in the governments of the States and the Nation since their en- franchisement, but in most cases because of their fitness to hold the trusts. In some of the Southern States col- ored men have been elected to the office of Governor, while in others they have been chosen Senators and Re- presentatives in the General Assemblies, and Senators and Representatives in Congress ; and in Kansas, an original free State, a colored man has been elected Secretary of State. In Illinois, the colored people have made a very good start in regard to the advancement of their race, and identified with the prominent business interests of the State are found many active, intelligent colored men ; and in all the callings or pursuits of life they are beginning to take front places. In the ministry there are not a few eminent men, while in the professions of law and medicine
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 341
there are some who have attained prominence ; and in the arts, we call to mind Dennis Williams, an artist at Springfield, whose portraits of some of our distin- guished statesmen have gained celebrity throughout the State. In political affairs, John J. Bird, of Cairo, was the first colored person to receive recognition from the Executive of the State. Gov. Beveridge appointed him one of the Trustees of the Industrial University at Cham- paign. Mr. Bird was thrice elected Police Magistrate of Cairo, first in 1873 and again in 1877. J. W. E. Thomas, of Chicago, has been twice a member of the House of Bepresentatives ; he serve,! in that body in 1877, and again in 1883 ; and times without number colored men have held subordinate positions in the various depart- ments of State — all of which goes to show that there exists no disposition to keep the colored man in check in the race of life.
Of the colored men of Illinois who deserve more than a passing notice, is the late John Jones, of Chicago, who was born in North Carolina, in 1816; he came to Illinois in 1841, settling at Alton, where he married Mary Ittch- ardson, and soon after removed to Chicago. There he accumulated property, and so conducted himself as to win the respect of the community, and was well-known among the prominent anti- slavery men of the country, long before the war. John Brown was a frequent visitor at his house, and the escaped slave, in his perilous journey to Canada, often found refuge and protection under his hospitable roof. The last time John Brown was his guest, he was on his way to Harper's Ferry, Virginia, to commence an active raid against slavery, and for which offense he was tried, condemned and hung. On that occasion he said to Mr. Jones that he would advise him to lay in a good supply of cotton, sugar and tobacco, for he was going to, "raise their price."
34'2 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
After the emancipation proclamation, and adoption of the 13th amendment to the Constitution of the United States, Mr. Jones wrote and spoke with much power in behalf of the repeal of the black laws, and the enactment of such laws as would give his people equal civil and political rights with the whites; and when the colored man was enfranchised, Mr. Jones was one of the first in the State to be elected to an office. He was twice elected one of the Commissioners of Cook county, from Chicago, and served each time with Carter Harrison, the present Mayor.
After a long and useful life, he died on the 21st of May, 1879, leaving a widow and one child. His estate vas valued at $70,000.
Mrs. Jones' father was a resident of 'Alton at the time of the murder of Eev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, and Mrs. Jones was then a girl of some fifteen years. She vividly remem- bers the tragedy, and the sad and silent little funeral procession which followed his remains to the burial ground, for it passed by her father's house.
WHIPPED AND ORDERED FROM THE STATE.
Notwithstanding Illinois was consecrated to freedom, she has had, from first to last, many pro-slavery citizens, and among the towns in which resided some of the more out- spoken, was Griggsville, Pike county. An Abolitionist had few friends there; indeed he was regarded as a person beneath the respect of the people. In 1845, during the agita- tion of the question of annexing Texas to the United States, a stranger happened into the town on the evening of a meet- ing of the Lyceum, and after the business hour had passed he stated that he had a petition which he would be glad to have those present sign, and quite a number attached their names without knowing its real object ; but next morning, after the stranger had taken his departure, it became known to the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 343
leading pro-slavery men that it was a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, when the stranger was followed, the petition taken from him and he whipped and commanded to leave the State without de- lay. An effort was subsequently made to compel every signer to withdraw his name, which they all did, with the exception of 0. M. Hatch and Nathan French, and the latter was hotly pursued to the store of Starne & Alex- ander, where he obtained an axe-helve and prepared to defend himself to the last extremity. In the meantime, John M. Palmer, then the Yankee clock peddler, coming in at the rear entrance, handed French a pistol, saying .at the same time, "defend yourself with that," and with these weapons -Mr. French succeeded in driving away his .assailants.
A CASE OF KIDNAPPING.
In 1845, Joseph Dobbs, of Tennessee, a man of educa- tion and refinement, inherited some eight or ten families •of slaves, numbering in all about forty persons, but being opposed to slavery he removed with them to Illinois, set- tling in Pope county, where he bought for each head of a family a small tract of land on which to begin life, and gave to all their free papers. Mr. Dobbs was a bachelor, and spent much of his time in looking after the interests •of his colored colony with almost as much tenderness as though they had been his own children. In the spring of 1846, three of the most likely children were stolen by Joseph Vaughn and his band and taken to Missouri and sold into slavery. Vaughn was a great outlaw, and when it became known that the children had been run off and sold into slavery, the better citizens of Pope county re- solved to secure their return at any cost, and Dr. William Sim, Maj. John Baum, Judge Wesley Sloan and Philip Vineyard offered a reward of $500 for their apprehension.
814 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
William Rhodes, sheriff of the county, volunteered to go> in search of the children, whom he found in Missouri* and returned them to their parents. Vaughn was afterward indicted for the offense, but he endeavored to shift the responsibility upon certain members of his gang, who- retaliated by poisoning him, from the effects of which he died. The prejudice against persons befriending colored people was not so great in Pope county then as in some other localities of the State, and Mr. Rhodes was elected the same year as a Representative to the Fifteenth Gen- eral Assembly from the counties of Pope and Hardin ; he- died January 4, 1847, while a member, and was buried at Springfield. Mr. Dobbs died the latter part of 1847, and willed his entire property to the colored people to whom he had vouchsafed the boon of liberty.'
TRIBULATIONS OF FREE NEGROES.
The public records of Illinois show many curious things regarding the treatment of free colored persons, before^ the emancipation of slavery. We obtained the following from the record kept by John Raum, Probate Judge of
Pope county:
" STATE OF ILLINOIS, { a " POPE COUNTY. f ss>
"The people of the State of Illinois, to the sheriff of said county, greeting: We command you to receive the body of Ned Wright, a negro, who has been brought be- fore me, and on being examined is not found to have free papers ; he is, therefore, committed to your charge, to be aealt with according to law.
" Given under my hand and seal, this 19th day of April, A. D. 1847.
"JOHN RAUM, P. J. P. Co. (Seal.)"
This is only one of hundreds of a similar character found upon that record. In order that our readers may understand the purport of this order, we copy from the Revised Statutes of 1845, page 388, Chapter 74, Section. 5, of the law governing such proceedings :
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 845
" Section 5. Every black or mulatto person \vho shall be found in this State, and not having such a certificate as is required by this chapter, shall be deemed a runaway slave or servant, and it shall be lawful for any inhabitant of this State to take such black or mulatto person before some justice of the peace, and should such black or mu- latto person not produce such certificate as aforesaid, it shall be the duty of such justice to cause such black or mulatto person to be committed to the custody of the sheriff of the county, who shall keep such black or mu- latto person, and in three days after receiving him shall advertise him, at the court house door, and shall transmit a notice, and cause the same to be advertised for six weeks in some public newspaper printed nearest to the place of apprehending such black person or mulatto, stating a description of the most remarkable features of the supposed runaway, and if such person so committed shall not produce a certificate or other evidence of his free- dom, within the time aforesaid, it shall be the duty of the sheriff to hire him out for the best price he can get, after having given five days' previous notice thereof, from month to month, for the space of one year; and if no owner shall appear to substantiate his claim before the expira- tion of the year, the sheriff shall give a certificate to such black or mulatto person, who, on producing the same to- the next circuit court of the county, may obtain a cer- tificate from the court, stating the facts, and the person- shall be deemed a free person, unless he shall be lawfully claimed by his proper owner or owners thereafter. And as a reward to the taker up of such negro, there shall be paid by the owner, if any, before he shall receive him Irom the sheriff, ten dollars, and the owner shall pay to- the sheriff for the justice two dollars, and reasonable costs lor taking such runaway to the sheriff, and also pay the sheriff all fees for keeping such runaway, as other prisoners : Provided, however, that the proper owner, if any there be, shall be entitled to the hire of any such runaway from the sheriff, after deducting the ex- penses of the same : And, provided also, that the taker-up shall have a right to claim any reward which the owner shall have offered for the apprehension of such runaway. Should «any taker-up claim any such offered reward, he shall not be entitled to the allowance made by this sec- tion."
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
It will be observed that, after all this circumlocution, there was nothing in the certificate of freedom. But lest some of our readers should be curious to know how a negro became free at all, we will say that there were not infrequently p3rsons in the slave States who, becoming convinced of the injustice and wickedness of the institu- tion, would manumit their slaves, but the laws of the slave States required the owner to remove them to the free States. Sometimes, as was the case with Gov. Coles, the owner would buy homes for his slaves and become their bondsman. In this way many freed men became residents of the several free States, and naturally migra- ted from one free State to another, believing that they had a right so to do, but the police regulations were so unjust and arbitrary in Illinois, that they experienced great trouble in establishing a residence in the State; and it was not an uncommon thing for such persons to be kid- napped and sold into slavery, notwithstanding they might have had their certificates of freedom, for they had no jedress in the courts.
A FREE BOY'S EXPERIENCE.
In 1859, a colored boy, who had been born in Ohio, wandered into Illinois with the hope of bettering his con- dition financially, but not finding in the broad prairie State what had been pictured to him, he bent his way to St. Louis, unmindful that the laws of Missouri were un- friendly to his race. But he had hardly set foot in that city before he was arrested and taken before an officer, who sentenced him to receive "500 lashes for being a free-born negro in the State without a pass." Just as he was being removed to the place of punishment, Captain George Stackpole, a steamboatman of Cincinnati, entered the court room and demanded the release of the boy on the pretext that he was an employe of his boat. The word " lashes" the boy had not heard when his sentence
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 347
•was pronounced, and did not understand what was to be •done with him until told by his deliverer, who had known him in Ohio. The boy little knew that while he had so narrowly escaped a vile punishment in Missouri, in free Illinois he had been but little better off. That boy's name was Joseph Pleasant, and our informant says he is now .an industrious citizen of Peoria.
LAST ATTEMPT TO EETURN A SLAVE.
About the last effort to return a slave from this State •to his master, under the fugitive slave law, was made at Shawneetown in the latter part of 1862. It was reported that there was a fugitive from labor harbored at the house of Stephen E. Eowan, a prominent citizen, but who was then known as a Black Eepublican, whereupon a few pro- slavery men were called together for the purpose of deter- mining upon measures for the return of the fugitive at any •cost. At that time the Confederates had possession of that part of Kentucky near Shawneetown, and frequent threats had been made to sack and burn the town. Under these •circumstances, this meeting was not altogether harmoni- ous, there being one spirit among the number bold enough to protest against the return of the slave, and strong •enough to deter the others from molesting Mr. Eowan in the possession of the supposed fugitive slave.
TRIALS OF CONTRABANDS.
The reader has been made aware that prior to the -emancipation proclamation colored persons could not per- manently settle in Illinois without first giving bond that ihey would not become charges upon the State. Here is, perhaps, the last instrument of the kind executed in Illi- nois. It was made at the time slaves were known as ^'contrabands of war," and the colored person in question was brought from Cairo to Shawneetown to be employed in the family of her bondsman, as a servant:
348 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"Know all men by these presents, that we, Caroline Sanders and James B. Turner, of Shawneetown, Illinois, are held and firmly bound unto the People of the State of Illinois, for the use of Gallatin county, in the sum of one thousand dollars, good and lawful money of the United States, to be paid to said State for the use of said county, to which payment well and truly to be made we bind ourselves, our heirs and administrators firmly by these presents. Sealed with our seals, and dated this 1st day of September, 1862.
" The condition of this is such, that whereas, the above bounden Caroline Sanders is a free person of color, at least she asserts herself to be free, and is desirous of settling in Gallatin county, Illinois : Now if the said Car- oline Sanders shall not at any time become a charge to said county, or to any other county in the State, as a poor person, and shall at all times demean herself in strict conformity of the laws now enacted and that may hereafter be enacted in this State, then this obligation to- be void, otherwise to be and remain in full force and effect.
her
"CAROLINE x SANDERS, (SEAL.)
mark.
"JAMES B. TURNER, (SEAL.) " Signed and sealed in the presence of
"MARY A. KICHESON."
"STATE OF ILLINOIS, f GALLATIN COUNTY, J
" I, Silas Cook, county clerk of the county and State afore- said, do hereby certify that the above and foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original bond now on file in my office. Given under my hand and official seal, this- 20th day of April, A. D. 1883.
" SILAS COOK,
"County Clerk."
Many of our readers will be surprised to learn that the prejudice of the times was so great against the mere idea of taking slave property under any circumstances, as to- compel the return of this contraband to the official from whom she was received.
Another case, something similar in character, occurred at Harrisburg, Saline county, in the same year. Dr.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 849
John W. Mitchell, one of the earliest Eepublicans in the State, had brought two families of contrabands from •Cairo, and put them upon his farm, a few miles distant from Harrisburg. They had hardly located in their new home before the news spread like wild-fire among the pro- slavery men, "that the laws of Illinois were being set at •defiance by the introduction of negroes into the county," and a large mass-meeting was soon held at the court house in Harrisburg, to cause their removal. Several violent speeches were made, in which Dr. Mitchell was bitterly denounced, and resolutions were passed strongly condemning him for bringing the contrabands into the community, and a committee was appointed to notify him to return them to Cairo within a given time, or suffer the •consequences. In the meantime, Mitchell, being advised of the action of the meeting, had taken the precaution to prepare himself for vany emergency, which, coming to the ears of the committee, they refrained from carrying out the instructions of the meeting. As the contrabands were not removed, a second meeting was held — and a similar performance gone through with — and the threat was boldly made that if Mitchell did not return the contrabands his life and property would be destroyed. But time passed, and Mitchell bravely stood his ground. This second fail- ure to drive him into measures caused better counsels to prevail, and when the Circuit Court convened he was simply indicted under the " black laws" of the State ; and that indictment remained upon the records of the Circuit Court of Saline county long after the war, not- withstanding the repeal of the black laws in 1865. In fact it was not disposed of until the present State Con- stitution, which omitted the word "white," came into •effect, when it was stricken from the docket. We appre- hend that many of the persons who took part in the
350 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
ill-advised proceedings would be ashamed to see their namest in these pages, and we therefore spare them that mortifi- cation. But such is history.
MOBBED ON ACCOUNT OF His VOTE.
The intolerance of certain pro-slavery men in the south part of the State was very great during the war, and they therefore committed many acts of folly. In the proposed Constitution, which was formed in 1862, was an Article which prohibited the emigration of free negroes or mu- lattoes into the State. It was submitted to a separate- vote of the people. Rev. W. V. Eldridge, of Golconda, cast the only vote polled in Pope county against this Article. This greatly incensed his pro-slavery neighbors,, and on the following Sunday they assembled in the form of a mob at a church in the country, where Eldridge had an appointment, and attempted to prevent him from, preaching; but the men and women of his congregation rallied to his support, and put the mob to flight. But a-. marvelous change in political sentiment has taken plac& in that community. Mr. Eldridge has had the honor to- represent the district in the General Assembly, and at this time is County Judge of Pope county.
FIRST COLORED SCHOOL.
The first attempt to establish a school for colored chil- dren in this State was made at Shawneetown, after the proclamation of freedom, by Miss Sarah Curtis, of Evans- ville, Ind. After a hard struggle she obtained a small room in which to open her school, and for a time she taught with great energy and apparent satisfaction, but she was so ostracised by white women that after a few" months she gave up the work in utter disgust, and re- turned to her former home.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 351
BLOOD-HOUNDS.
Many of our readers will learn with surprise that before the war colored men, attempting to escape into free ter- ritory, were hunted down by the aid of blood-hounds ; but such is the fact. William Belford, of Golconda, was one of many men, in Illinois, who made their living by catch- ing and returnifig runaway slaves. He kept a favorite blood-hound for this purpose, and was often seen upon the highway, on horseback, with it sitting in his lap. It is said by those who knew him well, that he thought more of this hound than he did of his own children. During the war he was, naturally, a violent rebel, and was often embroiled in quarrels with his neighbors, in regard to the conduct of the war, as waged by the National authorities, and in one of these met his death, at the hands of Win. Whiteside, of Golconda, in 1864.
COLORED JURORS.
It has been a difficult matter for the white people along: the Ohio river to overcome their prejudice against allow- ing colored people equal civil rights with themselves. Aa late as 1880, James A. Rose, County Attorney of Pope county, was assaulted in the streets of G-olconda, for allowing a colored person to sit on a jury. The person who assailed him was one of the jurors, and was not aware that a colored man had sat with him until after the case had been decided and the jury discharged. The colored juror was a bright mulatto, and had not infre- quently been mistaken for a white man.
ADOPTION OP AMENDMENTS*
The Thirteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which declared that "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime,.
352
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall' exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction," was adopted by the Legislature of Illi- nois, February 1, 1865, being the first State to ratify it.
The Fourteenth amendment, which guaranteed to the colored man citizenship, was adopted by the Legislature of Illinois, January 15, 1867.
The Fifteenth amendment, which enfranchised the col- ored race, was adopted by the Legislature of Illinois, March 5, 1869.
The Constitutional Convention of 1870 framed the State •Constitution so as to conform to these amendments.
FIRST COLORED VOTE CAST IN CAIRO.
At the first election in Cairo after the enfranchisement of colored men, Patrick Kelly, an Irishman, armed himself and declared that he would shoot the first "nigger" who attempted to vote in his ward, which was largely inhab- ited by colored people. As a matter of course, the colored men were anxious to exercise the right of suffrage, and had assembled in large numbers at the polls ; but hours passed, and yet nobody seemed willing to dispute the authority of Kelly, until Col. W. E. Brown, of Metropolis, then on duty in the collector's office at Cairo, asked P. H. Pope to select for him a colored man whom he knew to be a citizen and entitled to vote, and he would see that Jie voted. John Evans was selected, and Mr. Brown marched him to the polls, and his ballot was recorded without interference on the part of Mr. Kelly. This was taken as the signal for a general rush to the polls, and many colored men voted in rapid succession without the slightest objection by anybody, when Kelly walked away in utter disgust, uttering words of execration upon the "d— d nigger government."
352
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their iurisdiction." was »A™iaJ K~ *u~ T_~:-i-i -.T-...
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 353
We have been induced to speak of such incidents as are here recorded to show how deeply seated were the prejudices of the people of Illinois against the intellectual •or political advancement of the colored race.
CHAPTER XLVIII. ABOUT WOMEN,
Mrs. Juliet 0. Baum— Mrs. Catherine Wilson— Mrs. Mary Todd Lincoln— Mrs. Mary 8. Logan— Women Lawyers— Women School Officers— Women Notaries Public— How Long will it be Before They can Vote?
MBS. JULIET C. BAUM.
During the war for the Union, many able and eminent women were brought upon the stage of action, and con- tributed greatly to the success of our arms. We speak here of one whose influence and energy were largely ex- ercised in the cause of her country. Her name is Juliet C. Eaum of Golconda, wife of Maj. John Raum, who served in the Black Hawk war, and mother of Gen. Green B. and Maj. John M. Eaum. At the time the war was de- clared, her husband, who had reached his three score and ten, was too far advanced in the infirmities of life to take the active part his patriotism prompted, but she took, as it were, his place, and in her broad, generous nature was ever busy, speaking words of cheer to the departing sol- dier, caring for the family left behind, or visiting the bat- tle field to look after the wounded and dying. In her sphere she exercised as much power for good in the hour of her country's peril as did any single individual during that long and bloody conflict. She died in 1872, but her —23
354 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
I
name will live in the community in which she exerted her influence for generations to come, and none who knew her well can read this paragraph without shedding a tear to her memory.
CATHERINE WILSON.
Mrs. Catherine Wilson, wife of the late Harry Wilson, who was Ensign in the War of 1812, and Captain in the Black Hawk war, was a resident of Shawneetown in 1861, when President Lincoln called for 75,000 troops. She had three sons, James H., Henry S., and Bluford — on whom she depended to some extent for protection and support, but with true womanly devotion to her country's flag, she willingly yielded to the inclination of her sons to enter the army, and it is our pleasure to say that she lived to see them all return from their country's service wearing honorable titles as rewards for gallant conduct upon the battle field. James H. Wilson was a graduate of West Point, and on duty at Fort Vancouver when the war be- gan, but was soon sent to the front, where he distinguished himself, and came home with the rank of Major-General of Volunteers, and Lieutenant-Colonel in the regular army.. Henry S. and Bluford volunteered as privates and both received commissions as Major.
After the war, Gen. Wilson, familiarly known as Gen. Harry Wilson, was placed, by reason of his eminent abil- ity as a Civil Engineer, in charge of the Government work of improving the Mississisppi river at Davenport, Iowa, and of the Illinois river, and the enlargement of the Illi- nois and Michigan Canal ; but he resigned his commission as Lieutenant-Colonel in the regular army in 1869, since- which time he has been actively engaged in building rail- roads in this and other States. In company with his old army friend Gen. E. F. Winslow, Joseph J. Castles, (X Pool, S. K. Casey, T. S. Casey, and others, he built the- St. Louis and Southeastern Railway, which is now a part.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 355
;of the through line between St. Louis and Nashville. The Cairo and Vincennes Railroad, which had been projected many years previous, was finally built by Wilson andl Winslow, and the Air Line Road from Louisville, via Evansville and Mt. Carmel, over a portion of the line pro- jected in 1837, was built through the instrumentality of Gen. Harry Wilson. '
When Gen. Grant was President he appointed Maj. BIu- ford Wilson U. S. District Attorney for the Southern Dis- trict of Illinois, and from this he was promoted to Solici- tor of the Treasury. He was an able and faithful pub- lic servant, and is entitled to no little credit for the part, he took in breaking up the great whisky frauds which* gained so much prominence from 1873 to 1876.
Maj. Henry S. Wilson lost his life at Shawneetown im 1873, by accidental drowning.
Their mother died in the spring of 1877 at the ripe? age of 73, in the full enjoyment of all her faculties, sur- rounded by her affectionate family.
MRS. MARY TODD LINCOLN.
No history of Illinois would be complete without a word in memory of Mrs. Mary Todd Lincoln, wife of the mar- tyred President. She was the third daughter of Robert S. Todd, of Lexington, Kentucky, a descendent of a distin- guished family, which was wide-spread in Virginia and Kentucky. Mrs. Lincoln was born December 13, 1818; was educated at Lexington, at the noted school of Mme. Mentille, of France, and after the death of her mother, came to Illinois, making her home at Spring- field, with her accomplished sister, Mrs. Ninian W. Edwards, until her marriage with Mr. Lincoln, which occurred November 4, 1842. They had born unto them four children, Robert T., Edward Baker, William W. and Thomas, all of whom are dead except the first named. Ed- ward Baker died at Springfield, February 1, 1850 ; William
35(5 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
W., at Washington, D. G., February 20, 1862; and Thomas, at Chicago, July 15, 1871. Of Mrs. Lincoln it is said, by those who knew her best, that before her life was blighted by the assassination of her husband, she was a woman of rare brilliancy of mind, gifted in conversation, winning in manner, and withal kind and courteous ; and we do not know that we can better state the situation as regards her after-life than to quote a passage from the sermon delivered by Eev. James A. Reed, on the occasion of her funeral, in which he eloquently and tenderly portrays the sadness and sorrow which clouded her pathway:
" Years ago, Abraham Lincoln placed a ring on the finger of Mary Todd, inscribed with these words: 'Love is eternal.' Like two stately trees they grew up among us in the nobler, sweeter fellowship of wedded life. The twain became one flesh. Here they planted their home, and, in domestic bliss, their olive plants grew up around them. Here they were known and honored and loved by an appreciative and admiring community, and when peril- ous times came, and the Nation looked forth among the people for a steady hand to guide the ship of State, its heart went out after this tall and stately man that walked like a prince among us. He was their choice, and ascend- ing to the chief place in the Nation's gift, he stood like some tall cedar amid the storm of National strife, and with a heroism and a wisdom and a lofty prudence in his administration that won the wonder and respect of the world, he guided the Nation through its peril, back again to peace. But when at the height of his fame, when a grateful people were lauding him with just acknowledgment of his great services to the country, and when he was wearily trying to escape from their very adulation into the restful presence and company of his life partner, to be alone awhile in the hour of his triumphant joy, like light- ning, the flash of a cruel and cowardly enemy's wrath struck him down by her side. The voice that cheered a Nation in its darkest hour is hushed. The beauty of Is- rael is slain upon the high places. The Nation in its grief and consternation is driven almost to madness ; strong men know not hardly how to assuage their sorrow or control themselves under it ; and when the Nation so 'felt the shock, what must it have been to the poor woman
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 357'
that stood by his side, who was the sharer of his joys, the partner of his sorrows, whose heart-string"? were wound about his great heart in that seal of eternal love; what wonder if the shock of that sad hour, that made a Nation reel, should leave a tender, loving woman, shattered in body and in mind, to walk softly all her days. It is no reflection upon either the strength of her mind or the tenderness of her heart, to say that when Abraham Lin- coln died, she died. The lightning that struck down the strong man, unnerved the woman. The sharp iron of the pungent grief went to her soul. The terrible shock, with its quick following griefs in the death of her children, left her mentally and physically a wreck, as it might have left any of us in the same circumstances. I can only think of Mrs. Lincoln as a dying woman through all these sad years of painful sorrow through which she has ling- ered since the death of her husband. It is not only char- itable but just to her native mental qualities and her noble womanly nature, that we think of her and speak of her as the woman she was before the victim of these great sorrows. Drawing the veil over all these years of failing health of body and mind, which have been spent in seek- ing rest from sorrow in quiet seclusion from, the world, I shall speak of her only as the woman she was before her noble husband fell a martyr by her side."
Mrs. Lincoln's death occurred at the residence of her sister, Mrs. Ninian W. Edwards, July 16, 1882, and her remains lie beside those of her husband and children within the Lincoln monument, whither they were followed by the State officers and many sorrowing relatives and friends.
MBS. MARY S. LOGAN.
One of the great women of Illinois, who has shed lustre upon her sex, is Mrs. Mary S. Logan, wife of Gen. John A. Logan, who was born August 15, 1838, in Petersburg, Missouri, a town now extinct. She was a daughter of John ! M. and Elizabeth Cunningham ; she was educated at St. Vincent Academy, Union county, Kentucky, and was; married at Shawneetown, November 27, 1855. Mrs. i Logan, has always been a noted woman in society, and i
;358 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
•whether as the wife of the young lawyer, the great soldier, or the able senator, she has been the same noble, pure iwoman ; and has ever stood by the side of her husband [in the battle of life; and whether in peace or war she 'has been his most able and trusty adviser — and during all the years she has occupied so conspicuous a place in the eyes of the Nation, she has never lost her place in the affections of her sex.
WOMEN LAWYERS.
The courts and law-makers of Illinois have been some- what tardy in according to women their natural rights. Until 1872, neither married nor single women were ad- mitted to the bar. In 1868, Mrs. Myra Bradwell, publisher of the Chicago Legal News, after passing a creditable examination, made application to the court to be admitted to the legal profession, but her application was refused, on the ground that she was a married woman. Mrs. Brad- well brought suit in the courts to test the validity of the decision, and it was finally carried to the Supreme Court, which sustained the lower courts.
Miss Alta M. Hulett was the next woman to apply for admission to the bar, but her application was treated, on account of her womanhood, with silence.
In 1872, through the instrumentality of these ladies, an act was passed by the General Assembly, which declared that no person should be debarred from any occupation, profession or employment on account of sex. Under this act they were both admitted to the bar, and were the first and only women lawyers in the State until 1884, when Miss Bessie Bradwell, a daughter of Judge James B. and Myra Bradwell, graduated at the Union College of Law, Chicago. She was valedictorian in a class of fifty-five, and Judge Booth, dean of the college, in his address to the class, paid a high tribute to her merit, and wished her a successful future in the profession.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 359
Miss Kate Kane, of Wisconsin, was admitted to practice law in the Supreme Court, at Ottawa, in March, 1884, on a foreign license.
\
WOMEN SCHOOL OFFICERS.
The first recognition of the law-makers of Illinois to women as public servants, was the passage of an act in 1873, allowing women, married or single, of the age of 21 years, to hold any office under the general or special school laws in this State. Nine women were chosen County Superintendents at the ensuing November election, whose names are as follows : Phoebe A. Taylor, Alexan- der county; Mrs. Mary E. Crary, Boone; Miss Mary S. Welch, DeWitt; Mrs. Cath. Hopkins, Greene; Nettie M. Sinclair, Kankakee ; Mary Ellen West, Knox ; Amanda A. Frazier, Mercer ; Mary W. Whiteside, Peoria ; Sarah C. Mclntosh, Will; Mary L. Carpenter, Winnebago.
WOMEN NOTARIES PUBLIC.
In 1875, an act was passed by the General Assembly rendering women eligible to the office of notary public. The law went into effect July 1, and Mrs. Annie Fitzhugh Ousley was the first woman to receive a commission, which was given her by Governor Beveridge, on that day, And on the same day he issued commissions to six women, from Cook county, namely: Lucy A. Bunting, Helen Culver, Lucy M. Gaylord, Alice C. Nute, Sarah A. Eichards and Caroline Wescott, since which time many commis- sions have been issued to women in different counties of the State, and it is now no uncommon thing to see legal instruments bearing the notarial seal of a woman.
In 1879, at the instance of the Women's Christian Tem- perance Union, a bill was introduced in both houses of the General Assembly, proposing an amendment to the constitution allowing women the right to vote on all
360 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
questions relating to the control of the liquor traffic; but it failed in both. In 1881, the subject was again brought before that body, with no better success.
How LONG WILL IT BE BEFORE THEY CAN VOTE?
It remains to be seen whether women who have mastered the arts and sciences ; who fill the professions ; who keep the cash account of the largest mercantile houses in our great cities, or the mother who moulds the character of the man, shall ever, in the minds of the statesmen of Illinois, know enough to know how to exercise the right of suffrage ! Women and Chinamen are the only classes of mankind in Illinois who are not allowed the privilege of the ballot.
CHATPER XLIX. ILLINOIS NATIONAL GUARD,
When the war for the Union ensued, the State was without an effective military organization ; indeed, Governor Yates found the law under which the military power of the State was to be brought into requisition, so faul y as to be almost useless, and he relied mainly on the presence of the soldiers of the National Government to preserve the peace of the State and prevent its invasion from without. Since then, the General Assembly has amply provided the legislation necessary to bring into existence a most excellent military system, which is styled the Illinois National Guard. The efficiency of the Guard in preserving law and order, has not infrequently been attested; but in the great strike of railroad employes in 1877, which permeated all the States, its service in protecting life and property was incalculable. It was none the less effective in preserving the peace and protecting life and property at East St. Louis, in April, 1886, when the strike on the Gould system of railroads had assumed an alarming, character, being called into service after a conflict in which
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 361
eight lives were lost, and the local police authority was; overpowered. They succeeded in restoring order and pre- serving the peace without bloodshed.
The General Assembly of 1885 revised the militia law, limiting the number of officers and enlisted men to 4,000, and creating the office of Assistant Adjutant-General. Having an eye to the efficiency of the service, Governor Oglesby appoint- ed to this tiust Theo. Ewert, who entered the army in the- war for the Union at the age of fourteen years, enlisting in Thieleman's Cavalry, June, 1861. He was commissioned by President Lincoln Lieutenant of Colored Heavy Artillery,. July 12, 1864, when in his eighteenth year. At the close of the war he entered the regular army, serving three years in the 36th and 7th Infantry ; five years under General Custer, in the 7th Cavalry, and five years in the 5th Infantry, aggre- gating thirteen years in the regular army outside of his- service in defence of his country's flag on Southern soil.. The appointment was worthily bestowed, but the Colonel more than earned the honor.
In reorganizing the Guard under the revised law, its- strength was reduced from 4,600 to 8,846, being comprised in two brigades. The First Brigade has four regiments of Infantry and one of Cavalry, and one Battery. The Second has three regiments of Infantry and one Battery.
The First Brigade, with headquarters at Chicago, is com- manded by Brigadier-General Cbarles Fitz Simons, with Lieutenant-Colonel Charles S. Diehl as Assistant Adjutant- General. The Second Brigade, with headquarters at Spring- field, is commanded by Brigadier-General Jasper N. Keece, with Lieutenant-Colonel Charles F. Mills as Assistant Adju- tant-General.
The staff officers of the Commander-in-Chief are : Briga- dier General Joseph W. Vance, Adjutant-General ; Colonel Theo. Ewert, Assistant Adjutant-General; Colonel Elisha B.. Hamilton, Inspector-General; Colonel Fred. L. Matthews, Surgeon-General; Colonel J. H. Shaefer, General Inspector of Rifle Practice, and one aid-de-camp from each Congres- sional district.
362 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER L, GREEN B, RAUM,
Among all the supporters of Senator Douglas for the Presi- dency in 1860, there was no more zealous advocate of his election than Gen. Green B. Raum, and when the flag of his country was assailed, he was as quick to rally to the support of his Government as was his great leader, and to him belongs the distinguished honor of having made the first speech in Southern Illinois in favor of sustain- ing the Union by war. The fall of Fort Sumter created a profound sensation in this part of the State, as it did all over the country. Duriug the political canvass preceding the election of President Lincoln, political excitement ran liigh. There was great prejudice against the Eepublican candidates, and nine-tenths of the voters opposed Lincoln at the polls. When the secession movement was set on foot a number of prominent men in Southern Illinois sympathized with it. Its proximity to Kentucky and Mis- souri, both slave States, and the free intercourse of the people, back and forth, together with the ties of kinship, .brought the people of these States very closely together, .and it is not to be wondered at that at the outset there should have been a division of sentiment in that great crisis. Gen. Eaum had from the very commencement of the secession movement expressed himself firmly in favor preserving the Union, and when Sumter fell he was prompt in declaring himself on the side of the Govern- ment. A few days after this event the Circuit Court of
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 363
Massac county convened, and Gen. Eaum was in attend- ance as one of the practicing attorneys. As he passed down the Ohio river the rebel flag was seen floating over the city of Paducah. He arrived at Metropolis Sunday morn- ing, and was met by a number of acquaintances, who were anxious to learn his views upon the pending crisis, whereupon he freely avowed himself for the Union.
On Monday morning the town was full of people eager to learn the news and to exchange opinions with their neighbors. In the evening, an impromptu meeting assem- bled in front of the law office of Green & Smith, and a number of persons were called out to express themselves on the momentous issue of war. All deprecated war as a means of saving the Union, and some took open ground against all such measures, declaring their unalterable opposition to waging war against their Southern brethren. One gentleman declared that he was born in Tennessee; that the bones of his fathers were buried in that State, and under no circumstances would he take up arms against his kinsmen in an effort to save the Union. These sentiments apparently met the hearty approval of the assemblage, as they were frequently applauded. At last Gen. Eaum was called upon for a speech, but as it was getting late in the night he stated that he would be ;glad to address them upon the great question before them, and would do so at the Court House, the next day at 1 o'clock. The next day came, and with it a great crowd of expectant people, many coming from Paducah, to hear the address, for Gen. Eaum was widely known in that portion of Kentucky.
At the appointed time, Gen. Eaum commenced his address, and continued to speak for full two hours. He .declared the Union perpetual and unbroken; dwelt upon its benefits, and the futility of every effort to destroy it. He declared it the duty of every citizen to stand by the
364 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Union as the great palladium of our liberties ; as the only hope for the perpetuation of free government ; the only maintenance in the future of domestic peace, and for the promotion of the welfare, prosperity and happiness of the people. He pointed to the Ohio river as a great outlet to- the sea, and declared that the people of Illinois, occupy- ing an interior position, would never consent that the navigation of the Mississippi river should ever be dis- turbed or its mouth owned by a foreign power. He warned the Kentuckians present, that if Kentucky failed in her loy- alty to the Union she would become the theatre of war. He stated that while he had opposed the election of President Lincoln, that in the great emergency, whatever other men. might do, he had fully made up his mind to give Mr.. Lincoln's Administration a cordial and earnest support in its efforts to save the Union.
This speech, by the force of its argument, carried the audience along from point to point, and finally, when the climax was reached and the people were appealed to, to- rally to the support of Lincoln's Administration as the true and only means of saving the Union, it was evident that all doubts had been dissipated, and that the people saw their way clearly and could hesitate no longer as to- their duty. Then it was that Gen. Baum, without seek- ing it, met a great emergency, and led the way in South- ern Illinois for the people to support the cause of Union, and liberty.
Gen. Eaum entered the Union army as Major of the 56th Illinois Infantry, and rose successively to the ranks of Lieutenant-Colonel, Colonel, Brevet Brigadier General, and Brigadier General. He served through the siege of Corinth, the campaign of Central Mississippi and Yazoo Pass, commanded a brigade at the siege and capture of Vicksburg, and during the march to the relief of Chatta- nooga. At the the battle of Missionary Ridge he was
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 365
severely wounded, while leading his brigade into action. He returned to his command two months later and took an active part in the Atlanta campaign. He reinforced and successfully defended Resaca, Georgia, when that im- portant point in Sherman's line of communications was attacked by the whole force of Hood's army, in October, 1864, and commanded a brigade of the Fifteenth Army Corps in the celebrated march to the sea.
After the close of the war, Gen. Eaum resumed the practice of law at Harrisburg, and in 1866 he was elected to the Fortieth Congress as a Republican, defeating Wm. J. Allen in a district theretofore overwhelmingly Demo- cratic. Afterwards he engaged in railroad enterprises, and largely promoted the construction of the Cairo and Vin- •cennes railroad, of which he was the first president.
In the Fall of 1876, there was a strong feeling of un- easiness at the National Capital in regard to the outcome of the pending Presidential election, and President Grant felt it desirable to call around him, in civil capacities, some of his old army associates, upon whose prudence, pluck and discretion he knew he could rely in an emer- gency. Accordingly, Gen. Raum, among others, was sum- moned to Washington, and was tendered and accepted the position of Commissioner of Internal Revenue.
The 'office, under the condition of things then prevail- ing, was a most difficult one to till successfully. Injudi- cious and vacillating legislation as to the amount of tax to be paid upon distilled spirits, and the very imperfect methods at that time in force for the collection of the tax, had fostered frauds and broken down public confidence in the honest administration of internal revenue affairs. Even the best-disposed tax-payers, by reason of their be- lief that fraudulent preferences had been given to others, were inclined to be hostile to the whole system of inter- nal revenue taxation.
366 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
To suppress frauds, and to bring honest tax-payers into* harmonious relations with the Government, were thus among the first problems which confronted the new Com- missioner. Eecognizing that the initial step towards se- curing honest tax-paying was to secure honest collecting, Gen. Kaum brought into play his army experience by in- augurating a system of inspection and reports, by com- petent revenue agents, as to the entire revenue force of the country. In regard to all officers having a financial responsibility, he established a system of periodical exam- ination and verification of their accounts. All possibility of partiality or collusion in these reports was avoided by a continuous rotation of the inspecting officers. A stand- ard of different grades of excellence was adopted, and col- lectors were informed in what rank their office stood. The almost immediate result was the creation of a spirit of emulation in the service, which increased year by year^. In the first three years of Gen. Eaum's administration, under this system of inspections and examinations, less- than $2,800 remained unaccounted for out of a total col- lection of over $343,000,000. During succeeding years this deficiency was made good, and at the end of the fiscal year 1882 the Commissioner was able to report a total collec- tion in six years of nearly $749,000,000 at an average cost for collection of less than three and a half per cent., without the loss of a single dollar by defalcation. In the preceding ten years the loss on internal revenue taxes- collected, by defalcation or otherwise, as shown by the accounts of the Treasury Department, had exceeded $3,000,000.
Commissioner Eaum frequently found himself hampered by insufficient appropriations, but scrupulously avoided the creation of any deficiency in regard to expenditures within his control. The only deficiency appropriations asked for by the Internal Eevenue Bureau from 1877 to-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 367
1883, were in relation to matters where the law made the expenditure imperative, and Congress, though asked to do so, had failed to appropriate the necessary funds.
Under the firm, just, honest, yet judicious and humane administration of the laws thus established, based upon the theory that tax-laws were devised to raise revenue, and not to oppress the tax-payer, or to harshly punish him for trivial or technical violations of the law, where no fraud was intended, a feeling of mutual confidence and respect between the larger tax-payers and the officers of the Government was developed, and an important moral aid was thus thrown on the side of the observance of the laws.
But a most difficult task yet remained to be accom- plished, viz: the suppression of the illicit manufacture and sale of whisky and tobacco in the mountain districts. of the Southern States, by which not only was great loss inflicted upon the revenue, but whole communities were demoralized and kept in a constant condition of lawless- ness and almost open insurrection against the laws of the United States. An embarrassing feature of the problem was, that the law-breakers had, to a considerable extent, the sympathy of the State officials, and others of high authority amongst them. In one year (1879) the Com- missioner was called upon to report not fewer than one hundred and sixty-five officers of the United States, en- gaged in the revenue service, prosecuted in the State courts for acts done in their official capacity. To break down this vicious and mistaken public sentiment, and to bring about a peaceable and orderly enforcement of the laws in all sections of the country alike, Gen. Raum con- cluded that the first requisite was to put down forcible resistance by superior force. He made requisition on the War Department for breech-loading arms of the most approved pattern, which were promptly supplied, and [placed in the hands of the Collectors for use. The "squirrel
368 POLITICS AND POLHTCIANS OF ILLINOIS.
guns," and old-fashioned smooth-bore rifles and shot- guns with which the "moonshiners" had been accustomed, with impunity, to pick off suspected revenue officers, from .ambuscade, were thus met by the weapons of longer Tange and greater accuracy, in the hands of brave and 'determined men, with the law on their side; and a very few skirmishes sufficed to bring about a realizing sense <of the changed order of things. Then the campaign was •opened in earnest. The operations were carried on by -well-organized forces, commanded by experienced ex-offi- «cers of both armies, carrying out, in some of the most •disturbed districts, a combined and converging movement, from different States, planned and directed by the Com- missioner himself. The struggle was protracted and des- perate, but in the end the supremacy of the law was vindicated, and whole communities began to sue for terms -of surrender. Then came into play a policy of most judicious leniency. After meetings had been held, ad- dressed by United States Senators and members of ^Congress, in some of the infected districts, counseling obedience to the laws ; after similar expressions of senti- ment had been received in writing from the highest law officers of some of the States, accompanied by a promise not to attempt to further harrass the officers of the United States, arrested under State process for acts done in their official capacity, an agreement was entered into that if those who had been guilty of violations of the laws would surrender to the United States Courts within a given time, and plead guilty, the Government would ask that sentence should be suspended during good behavior, and that they should be discharged on their own recogni- sances. In many of the worst districts the illicit distillers .availed themselves of this conditional amnesty by the iiundreds. A wholesome revolution was thus effected in public sentiment ; and it is a curious fact that some of the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 869
counties which had previously been most notorious for "'moonshine" outrages and violations of law, became sub- sequently the scene of temperance movements and religious revivals.
At the same time that these active coercive measures were being carried out to secure compliance with the laws, Gen. Eaum was inaugurating other and more peace- ful methods of breaking down the practice of illicit distilling. One of the most cogent arguments used by those who defended the practice was this, that it was the only way that the small farmers of those comparatively inac- cessible mountain districts had of putting their surplus corn to profitable use. To meet this point, and to enable small distilleries, of the capacity suited to the require- ments of the people, to be established, and carried on successfully, (if carried on they must be), and within the requirements of the law, the Commissioner recommended to Congress, and Congress adopted, a relaxation of the rules which were complained of as being impossible to be carried out in distilleries of such limited capacity.
There was no detail of his office with which Gen. Eaum did not familiarize himself; and even the methods of gauging spirits were rendered more certainly accurate by a change in the plan of measurement and an improve- ment in the standard gauging rod devised by him.
The morale of the service throughout the country was still further improved by the promulgation by the Com- missioner of a civil service order prohibiting a practice which had grown up in a number of districts, of collectors distributing their subordinate offices among their own and their wives' relations. Very strong pressure was brought to bear to break down this rule, but it was consistently maintained, with beneficial results which constantly be- came more apparent. —24
370 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Whilst these improvements were being effected in the service at large, important changes and modifications- were introduced in the department at Washington. The exercise of the immense powers conferred by law upon the Commissioner of Internal Eevenue, in regard to the abate- ment and refunding of taxes, was wisely restricted by a regulation drawn by Gen. Eaum, and approved by Acting Secretary McCormack, providing that ex parte affidavits should no longer be regarded as proof, but that evidence in regard to these claims must be taken on notice, with the opportunity given to the counsel for the United States to appear and cross-examine. Important recommenda- tions were made as to the terms of official tenure, and the conditions which should govern appointments, promo- tions and removals ; and, as far as the law allowed, these principles were put into practical operation in the Internal Eevenue Bureau.
In 1882, the excess of revenue over the actual needs of the government, and the constant temptation thus pre- sented to extravagance in appropriations, was forcibly brought to the attention of the Forty-seventh Congress by Commissioner Eaum, and a plan of reduction of about forty million dollars upon certain objects of taxation was suggested, and was adopted by Congress with scarcely any modification.
Abuses in the administration of justice, in connection with internal revenue cases, resulting from the practice of compensating United States Marshals and District Attorneys by fees, early attracted the attention of Gen. Eaum, and in his annual report, dated November, 1879, he exposed the evils inflicted by this system, and recom- mended that marshals and district attorneys should be paid fixed salaries. This recommendation was renewed in still more vigorous terms in subsequent reports, and has now been adopted by the Department of Justice, and
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 371
favorably reported upon by the appropriate committees of Congress. The passage of this measure by Congress would be a fitting cap-sheaf to the six and a half years administration of Gen. Eaum, as Commissioner of Internal1 Revenue, and his efforts to correct abuses, to elevate the character of the service, and to bring it into harmonious relations with the tax-payers.
April 30, 1883, General Raum voluntarily resigned the office of Commissioner, to resume the practice of law.
General Raum was born at Golconda, Pope county, December 3, 1829; he was admitted to the bar in 1853, and practiced his profession throughout Southern Illinois.
CHAPTER LI. WHISKY FRAUDS.
During the time the tax on whisky was $2.00 per gallon, the rules and regulations governing its collection were not so rigid as now, and great frauds were practiced all over the country. Many of the employees of the Government, in high and low places, were corrupted, and for a long time it was difficult to ferret out the frauds. Indeed the i Government never fathomed the enormity of the conspiracy ' until after some of the leading conspirators turned State's evidence, which resulted in a complete overthrow of the, whisky ring. In Illinois, the frauds were mainly commit- ted in the first, Chicago, and the eighth, Springfield,, districts. When the great exposure was made in the first, district, it was apparent that many of the officers had been corrupted, and comparatively few were continued in
372 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the service, not that all who were dismissed were corrupt, but it was believed that the good of the service demanded a change. Only nine of the old corps remained on duty, among whom we mention the names of M. C. Springer. A. St. John Campbell, division deputies; C. Cox, gauger; F. H. Battershall, cashier; Mrs. F. A. 0. Hicks, clerk. The blandishments of the whisky ring had no influence upon these persons, and when J. D. Harvey became Col- lector, he continued them in the service, promoting Mr. •Springer to the position of chief deputy, and Mr. Cox, •chief of division deputies. Under Collector Harvey the -service has been brought to a state of great perfection, and the cry of "whisky frauds" has ceased to be asso- ciated with the name of Chicago.
Very many suits grew out of the investigation of the frauds in this district, which were vigorously prosecuted under the respective administrations of U. S. District Attorneys Mark Bangs and Joseph B. Leake. The total amount of fines and penalties collected was $96,137.45.
In the eighth district, the collector, John T. Harper, defaulted in the sum of $104,000. It is alleged that his chief clerk, Albert Smith, was the prime cause of the defalcation. Both were arrested and prosecuted, and after several years the cases were compromised.
None of Harper's subordinates, except Smith, was implicated in the crime. A. H. Purdie, who was chief deputy collector at the time of the defalcation, was made acting collector until the appointment of Col. Jonathan Merriam, who subsequently made him his chief deputy. Merriam, being a man of high character, soon established perfect confidence in the administration of the affairs of the office, and through all the changes which have since taken place in the officials of the office through its con- solidation with the seventh district, and the death of Collector John W. Hill, of the new eighth, and the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 873
' appointment of Jacob Wheeler as his successor, it has main- tained the highest character at Washington.
As was the case in the first district, many prosecu- tions followed the investigation of the frauds, which were ably prosecuted by United States District Attorneys, Blu- ford Wilson, J. P. VanDorstan and James A. Connolly. The total amount of fines and penalties recovered under the several prosecutions were $82,000.
In the other collection districts there was comparatively nothing in the way of frauds, and it is a satisfaction to know that the Government officials never gave up the investigation until all the guilty parties were arrested and made to pay penalty for the crimes committed, since which time the State has been wholly relieved from the odium of whisky frauds.
As an indication of the fidelity with which the internal revenue tax is collected, we note the fact that during the last fiscal year, ending June 30, 1883, Collector Howard Knowles, of the fifth district, collected $13,963,625.50; and from March 3, 1875, to June 80, 1883, his collections were $78,116,712.64; and during all that time there were no frauds known in that district.
For the seven fiscal years commencing July 1, 1876, and ending June 80, 1883, the official reports of the Commis- sioner of Internal Eevenue show that Illinois paid into the United States treasury $187,790,569.15, which is not only a fine record for the officers of the service, but it is creditable alike to the tax-payers themselves.
374 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER LIT. BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS,
A Bureau of Labor Statistics was established in Illi- nois by an act of the Thirty-first General Assembly, which went into effect July 1, 1879. The passage of the bill was the result of a demand made by the workingmen of cer- tain of the industrial centers of the State, who had some distinctive representation in both branches of that Legisla- ture. It was believed that with the growth of manufac- tures and mining, and the consequent increase of com- munities of operatives dependent upon such enterprises, statistics of wages and of the social and physical condi- tion of such communities procured and published by the State would serve as a guide to intelligent legislation on subjects affecting their interests. The value of such work had been fully illustrated in the reports of a similar bureau which had been maintained for a number of years by the State of Massachusetts ; and it was readily recog- nized by those engaged in industrial enterprises them- selves that ;such a work, made to embrace the general statistics of the manufacturer and miner, might be of interest and importance to all classes.
The law provided that the board should consist of five Commissioners, to be appointed by the Governor, three of whom should be manual laborers and two manufacturers or employers in some productive industry, whose term of office should be two years or until their successors are appointed, with power to appoint a Secretary, who should bold the office for two years or until a successor is appointed. The present board consists of Charles H. Deere, manufacturer of agricultural implements, Moline; A. W.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 375
Kingsland, nail manufacturer, Chicago ; Daniel McLaugh- lin, coal miner and President of the Miners' Protective Asso- ciation, Braidwood ; P. H. Day, printer, foreman of H. W. Eokker's Printing House, Springfield; Ethelbert Stewart, painter, Deeatur. The two first named gentlemen were appointed by Governor Cullom, in making up the first board, and the other three by Governor Oglesby. The Sec- retary, John S. Lord, of Chicago, has occupied the trust since March, 1882, under whose direction much valuable information has been collected in the manner contemplated by the law, and published, from time to time, in an intelli- gent form. The composition of the board is a very happy one, combining, as it does, the various labor interests of the State, and if its labors shall be continued in the future as they have been conducted in the past, the bureau will prove of great value to the State.
CHAPTER LIII. GOVERNORS OF ILLINOIS,
Since Illinois was admitted into the Union as a State, there have been twenty gubernatorial elections. Under the Constitution of 1818 the Governor was ineligible to a second election in succession, and the same provision ex- isted in the Constitution of 1848, but in that of 1870 this restriction was omitted. French, Oglesby and Cullom are the only persons who have held the office Iwice. The Con- stitution of 1848 legislated French out of office, and he •was re-elected that year. * Oglesby was elected the second time after the lapse of four years. Cullom, under the •Constitution of 1870, was elected to succeed himself. The names of the Governors are given chronologically.
Shadrach Bond became Governor October 6, 1818; Ed- ward Coles, December 5, 1822; Ninian Edwards, Decem- ber 6, 1826 ; John Reynolds, December 9, 1830. Reynolds was elected to Congress in 1834, and Wm. L. D. Ewing, Xiieut-Gov., succeeded to the office November 17. Joseph
* See Chapter LXV.
373 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Duncan became Governor December 3, 1834 ; Thos. Carlhv December 7, 1838 ; Thos. Ford, December 8, 1842 ; Augus- tus C. French, December 9, 1846, and again January 8^. 1849, Joel A. Matteson, January, 1853; Wm. H. Bissell, January 12, 1857. Bissell died March 15, 1860, and John Wood, Lieut. -Gov., succeeded to the office March 21, 1860. Richard Yates became Governor January 14, 1831; Rich- ard J. Oglesby, January 16, 1835, and again January 13,.. 1873 ; John M. Palmer, January 11, 1869. In 1873, Gov. Oglesby was elected United States Senator, and John LU Beveridge, Lieut.-Gov., succeeded to the office January 23, 1873. Shelby M. Cullom became Governor January 8, 1877, and again January 10, 1881. He was elected United States Senator in 1883, and John M. Hamilton, Lieut.-Gov., succeeded to the office February 6, 1883.
Illinois has not yet had for Governor a citizen who waa born in the State. Of the eighteen persons who have occupied the gubernatorial chair two were born in Mary- land, Bond and Edwards ; one in Virginia, Coles ; two in* Pennsylvania, Reynolds and Ford; seven in Kentucky, Ewing, Duncan Carlin, Yates, Oglesby, Palmer and Cul- lom ; one in New Hampshire, French ; four in New York,. Matteson, Bissell, Wood and Beveridge, and one in Ohio, Hamilton. How rapidly the new generations come tcx
assume the duties and cares of government I None of
-.>
these are living save Oglesby, Palmer, Beveridge, Cullom, and Hamilton the present incumbent. Bond died April 13, 1832, at Kaskaskia; Edwards, July 20, 1833; Duncan, Janu- ary 15, 1844 ; Ewing, March 25, 1846 ; Ford, November 2,. 1850; Carlin, February 14, 1852; Bissell, March 15, 1860, at Springfield ; French, September 4, 1864, at Lebanon ; Rey- nolds, May 8, 1865, at Belleville; Coles, July 7, 1868, at Philadelphia ; Matteson, January, 1873, at Chicago ; Yates,. November 28, 1873, at St. Louis, at Barnum's Hotel » Wood, June 4, 1880.
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CHAPTER LIV, ILLINOIS IN CONGRESS,
Delegates In Congress from 1811 to 1818— Representatives from 1818 to 1885— Senators from 1818 to 1889.
NOTE— d. Democrat; w. Whig; r. Republican; i. Independent; g, Greenback-
From Lanman's Biographical Annals and the Congres- sional Directory we have compiled an authentic list of the Delegates and Representatives and Senators in Congress from the Territory and State, beginning with the Twelfth Congress, which convened November 4, 1811, and closing with the Fiftieth, which terminates March 3, 1889 :
DELEGATES.
Shadrach Bond, (d) of Kaskaskia, was the first Delegate ; he served in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Congresses ; October 3, 1814, he was appointed Eeceiver of Public Moneys at Kaskaskia.
Benjamin Stephenson, (d) of Edwardbville, succeeded Bond, and served until 1816, when he was appointed Ee- ceiver of Public Moneys at Edwardsville.
Nathaniel Pope, (d) succeeded Stephenson, serving until 1818.
REPRESENTATIVES.
John McLean, (d) of Shawneetown, was elected Repre- sentative in 1818, and served one term.
Daniel P. Cook, (d) of Kaskaskia, represented the State from 1820 to 1827.
378 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
Joseph Duncan, (d) of Jacksonville, represented the State from 1827 to 1834, when he was elected Governor. In the meantime the census of 1830 had increased the represen- tation from one to three, and under this apportionment he then represented the third district.
Charles blade, (d) of Belleville, represented the first dis- trict in 1833; he died in July of the same year.
John Reynolds, (d) of Belleville, succeeded Slade, and represented the district until 1837, and again from 1839 to 1843.
Adam W. Snyder, (d) of Belleville, represented the first district from 1837 to 1839.
Zadok Casey, (d) of Mt. Vernon, represented the second district from 1833 to 1843.
William L. May, (d) of Springfield, represented the third district, as the successor of Duncan, from 1834 to 1839.
John T. Stuart, (w) of Springfield, represented the third district from 1839 to 1843, and the eighth from 1863 to 1865.
The census of 1840 increased the representation from three to seven.
Robert Smith, (d) of Alton, represented the first district from 1843 to 1849, and the eighth from 1857 to 1859.
* William H. Bissell, (d) of Belleville, represented the first district from 1849 to 1853, and the eighth from 1853 to 1855.
John A. McClernand, (d) of Shawneetown, represented the second district from 1843 to 1851, and the sixth (Spring- field), from 1859 to 1861, when he resigned to accept the commission of Brigadier-General in the Union army.
Willis Allen, (d) of Marion, represented the second dis- trict from 1851 to 1853, and the ninth from 1853 to 1855.
Orlando B. Ficklin, (d) of Charleston, represented the 'third district from 1843 to 1849, and again from 1851 to 1853.
* Afterwards a Republican.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 379
Timothy R. Young, (d) of Marshall, represented the third •district from 1849 to 1851.
*John Wentworth, (d) of Chicago, represented the fourth district from 1843 to 1851, and the second from 1853 to 1855, and the first from 1855 to 1867.
Eichard S. Molony, (d) of Belvidere, represented the fourth district from 1851 to 1853.
Stephen A. Douglas, (d) of Quincy, represented the fifth district from 1843 to April, 1847, when he resigned to accept the office of United States Senator.
William A. Richardson, (d) of Rushville, represented the fifth district from 1847 to August 18, 1856, when he re- signed, and again from 1861 to 1863, when he was elected United States Senator.
Joseph P. Hoge, (d) of Galena, represented the sixth dis- trict from 1843 to 1847.
* Thomas J. Turner, (d) of Freeport, represented the sixth •district from 1847 to 1849.
Thompson Campbell, (d) of Galena, represented the sixth -district from 1851 to 1853.
John J. Hardin, (w) of Jacksonville, represented the seventh district from 1843 to 1845.
Edward D. Baker, (w) of Springfield, represented the seventh district from 1845 to December 30, 1846, when he resigned, and the sixth from 1849 to 1851.
John Henry, (w) of Jacksonville, filled out the vacancy of Baker.
* Abraham Lincoln, (w) of Springfield, represented the seventh district from 1847 to 1849.
Thomas L. Harris, (d) of Petersburg, represented the seventh district from 1849 to 1851, and the sixth from 1855 to November 24, 1859, when he died.
* Richard Yates, (w) of Jacksonville, represented the seventh district from 1851 to 1853, and the sixth from 1853 to 1855.
* Afterwards a Republican.
380 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
The census of 1850 increased the representation from seven to nine.
*Elihu B. Washburne, (w) of Galena, represented the first district from 1853 to 1863, and the third from 1863 to- March 9, 1869, when he resigned to accept the office of Minister to France.
James H. Woodworth, (d) of Chicago, represented the second district from 1855 to 1857.
John F. Farnsworth, (r) of Chicago, represented the second district from 1857 to 1861, and again from 1863- to 1873.
Isaac N. Arnold, (r) of Chicago, represented the second district from 1861 to 1863, and the first from 1863 to 1865.
Jesse 0. Norton, (r) of Joliet, represented the third dis- trict from 1853 to 1857, and the sixth from 1863 to 1865,
Owen Lovejoy, (r) of Princeton, represented the third dis- trict from 1857 to 1863, and the fifth from 1863 to March, 1864, when he died.
James Knox, (r) of Knoxville, represented the fourth dis- trict from 1853 to 1857.
William Kellogg, (r) of Canton, represented the fourth: district from 1857 to 1863.
Jacob C. Davis (d) filled out the vacancy of Richardson* in the fifth district, from August 25, 1856, to 1857.
Isaac N. Morris, (d) of Quincy, represented the fifth district from 1857 to 1861.
Charles D. Hodges, (d) of Carrollton, filled out the vacancy of Harris in the sixth district from January 20, 1859, to March 3.
A. L. Knapp, (d) of Jersey ville, filled out the vacancy of McClernand in the sixth district from December 12, 1861, to 1863, and represented the tenth from 1863 to 1865.
•Afterwards a Republican.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 381
James C. Allen, (d) of Palestine, represented the seventh district from 1853 to 1857, and the State-at-Large from 1863 to 1865.
Aaron Shaw, (d) of Lawrenceville, represented the seventh district from 1857 to 1859, and the sixteenth from 1883 to 1885.
James C. Robinson, (d) of Marshall, represented the seventh district from 1859 to 1863, and the eleventh from 1863 to 1865, and the eighth (Springfield) from 1871 to 1873, and the twelfth (Springfield) from 1873 to 1875.
*Lyman Trumbull, (d)of Belleville, was elected from the •eighth district to the Thirty-fourth Congress, but resigned in 1855 to accept the office of United States Senator.
J. L. D. Morrison, (d) of Belleville, was elected to succeed Trumbull in the eighth district, and served one term.
Philip B. Fouke, (d) of Belleville, represented the eighth •district from 1859 to 1863.
Samuel S. Marshall, (d) of McLeansboro, represented the ninth district from 1855 to 1859, and the eleventh from 1865 to 1873, and the nineteenth from 1873 to 1875.
t John A. Logan, (d) of Benton, represented the ninth dis- trict from 1859 to 1861, when he resigned, and, raising a regiment, went into the Union army ; and the State-at- Large from 1867 to 1871, when he resigned to accept the office of United States Senator.
William J. Allen, (d) of Marion, filled out the vacancy of Logan in the ninth district, and represented the thir- teenth from 1863 to 1865.
The census of 1860 increased the representation from nine to fourteen.
t Samuel W. Moulton, (r) of Shelby ville, represented the State-at-Large from 1865 to 1867, and the fifteenth dis- trict from 1881 to 1883, and the seventeenth from 1883 to 1885.
* Afterwards a Republican— now a Democrat.
t Afterwards a Republican. J Now a Democrat.
382 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Norman B. Judd, (r) of Chicago, represented the first dis- trict from 1867 to 1871.
Charles B. Farwell, (r) of Chicago, represented the first district from 1871 to 1873, and the third from 1873 to 1875 — and he received the certificate of election to the Forty-fourth Congress ; there was a contest, and the seat declared vacant; and he again represented the third dis- trict from 1881 to 1883.
Horatio C. Burchard, (r) of Freeport, represented the third district from 1869, as the successor of Washburne, to 1873, and the fifth from 1873 to 1879.
Chas. M. Harris, (d) of Oquawka, represented the fourth district from 1863 to 1865.
Abner C. Harding, (r) of Monmouth, represented the fourth district from 1865 to 1869.
John B. Hawley, (r) of Eock Island, represented the fourth district from 1869 to 1873, and the sixth from 1873 to 1875.
Ebon C. Ingersoll, (r) of Peoria, represented the fifth dis- trict, as the successor of Lovejoy, from 1864 to 1871.
Bradford N. Stevens, (d) of Princeton, represented the fifth district from 1871 to 1873.
Burton C. Cook, (r) of Ottawa, represented the sixth dis- trict from 1865 to 1871, when he resigned.
Henry Snapp, (r) of Joliet, filled out the vacancy of Cook, from December 4, 1871, to March 3, 1873.
John K. Eden, (d) of Sullivan, represented the seventh district from 1863 to 1865, and the fifteenth from 1873 to 1879.
Henry P. H. Bromwell, (r) of Charleston, represented the seventh district from 1865 to 1869.
Jesse H. Moore, (r) of Decatur, represented the seventh district from 1869 to 1873.
Shelby M. Cullom, (r) of Springfield, represented th& eighth district from 1865 to 1871.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 383-
Lewis W. Ross, (d) of Lewiston, represented the ninth dis- trict from 1863 to 1869.
Thompson W. McNeely, (d) of Petersburg, represented the ninth district from 1869 to 1873.
Anthony Thornton, (d) of Shelbyville, represented the tenth district from 1865 to 1867.
Albert G. Burr, (d) of Carrollton, represented the tenth district from 1867 to 1871.
Edward Y. Rice, (d) of Hillsboro, represented the tenth district from 1871 to 1873.
William R. Morrison, (d) of Waterloo, represented the twelfth district from 1863 to 1865, and the seventeenth from 1873 to 1883, and the eighteenth from 1883 to 1885.
Jehu Baker, (r) of Belleville, represented the twelfth dis- trict from 1865 to 1869.
John B. Hay, (r) of Belleville, represented the twelfth district from 1869 to 1873.
Andrew J. Kuykendall, (r) of Vienna, represented the thirteenth district from 1865 to 1867.
Green B. Raum, (r) of Harrisburg, represented the thirteenth district from 1867 to 1869.
John M. Crebs, (d) of Carmi, represented the thirteenth district from 1869 to 1873.
John L. Beveridge, (r) of Evanston, filled out the vacancy of Logan, from the State-at-Large, from 1871 to 1873.
The census of 1870 increased the representation from fourteen to nineteen:
John B. Rice, (r) of Chicago, represented the first district from 1873 to December, 1874, when he died.
Bernard G. Caulfield, (d) of Chicago, succeeded Rice, and represented the first district from 1875 to 1877.
William Aldrich, (r) of Chicago, represented the first dis- trict from 1877 to 1883.
Jasper D. Ward, (r) of Chicago, represented the second district from 1873 to 1875.
384 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Carter H. Harrison, (d) of Chicago, represented the second district from 1875 to 1879.
George K. Davis, (r) of Chicago, represented the second district from 1879 to 1883, and the third from 1883 to 1885.
John V. LeMoyne, (d) of Chicago, represented the third district from May 6, 1876, to 1877.
Lorenz Brentano, (r) of Chicago, represented the third district from 1877 to 1879.
Hiram Barber, Jr., (r) of Chicago, represented the third district from 1879 to 1881.
Stephen A. Hurlbut, (r) of Belvidere, represented the fourth district from 1873 to 1877.
William Lathrop, (r) of Eockford, represented the fourth district from 1877 to 1879.
John C. Sherwin, (r) of Geneva, represented the fourth district from 1879 to 1883.
Robert M. A. Hawk, (r) of Mt. Carroll, represented the fifth district from 1879 to 1882, when he died.
Thomas J. Henderson, (r) of Princeton, represented the sixth district from 1875 to 1883, and the seventh from 1883 to 1885.
Franklin Corwin, (r) of Peru, represented the seventh dis- trict from 1873 to 1875.
Alexander Campbell, (g) of LaSalle, represented the seventh district from 1875 to 1877.
Philip C. Hayes, (r) of Morris, represented the seventh district from 1877 to 1881.
William Cullen, (r) of Ottawa, represented the seventh district from 1881 to 1883, and the eighth from 1883 to 1885.
Greenbury L. Fort, (r) of Lacon, represented the eighth district from 1873 to 1881.
Lewis E. Pay son, (r) of Pontiac, represented the eighth district from 1881 to 1883, and the ninth from 1883 to 1885.
384
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Carter H. Harrison, (d) of Chicago, represented the second district from 1875 to 1879.
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.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 885
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Granville Barriere, (r) of Canton, represented the ninth district from 1873 to 1875.
Eichard H. Whiting, (r) of Peoria, represented the ninth; district from 1875 to 1877.
Thomas A. Boyd, (r) of Lewiston, represented the ninth district from 1877 to 1881.
John H. Lewis, (r) of Knoxville, represented the ninth district from 1881 to 1883.
William H. Kay, (r) of Bushville, represented the tenth district from 1873 to 1875.
John C. Bagby, (d) of Bushville, represented the tenth district from 1875 to 1877.
Benjamin F. Marsh, (r) of Warsaw, represented the tenth district from 1877 to 1883.
Bobert M. Knapp, (d) of Jerseyville, represented the eleventh district from 1873 to 1875, and again from 1877 to 1879.
Scott Wike, (d) of Pittsfield, represented the eleventh district from 1875 to 1877.
James W. Singleton, (d) of Quincy, represented the eleventh district from 1879 to 1883.
William M. Springer, (d) of Springfield, represented the twelfth district from 1875 to 1883, and the thirteenth from 1883 to 1885.
John McNulta, (r) of Bloomington, represented the thir- teenth district from 1873 to 1875.
Adlai E. Stevenson, (g) of Bloomington, represented ihe thirteenth district from 1875 to 1877, and again from 1879 to 1881.
Thomas F. Tipton, (r) of Bloomington, represented the thirteenth district from 1877 to 1879.
Deitrich C. Smith, (r) of Pekin, represented the thirteenth district from 1881 to 1883. —25
886 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Joseph G. Cannon, (r) of Danville, represented the four- teenth district from 1873 to 1883, and the fifteenth from 1883 to 1885*
Albert P. Forsythe, (g) of Isabel, represented the fifteenth district from 1879 to 1881.
James S. Martin, (r) of Salem, represented the sixteenth district from 1873 to 1875.
Wm. A. J. Sparks, (d) of Carlyle, represented the sixteenth district from 1875 to 1883.
Isaac Clements, (r) of Carbondale, represented the eigh- teenth district from 1873 to 1875.
Wm. Hartzell, (d) of Chester, represented the eighteenth district from 1875 to 1879.
John E. Thomas, (r) of Metropolis, represented the eigh- teenth district from 1879 to 1883, and the twentieth from 1883 to 1885.
Wm. B. Anderson, (g) of Mt. Vernon, represented the nine- teenth district from 187_5 to 1877.
Eichard W. Townshend, (d) of Shawneetown, represented the nineteenth district from 1877 to 1885.
The census of 1880 increased the representation from nineteen to twenty.
Eansom W. Dunham, (r) of Chicago, was elected to repre- sent the first district from 1883 to 1885.
John F. Finerty, (d) of Chicago, was elected to represent the second district from 1883 to 1885.
Geo. E. Adams, (r) of Chicago, was elected to represent the fourth district from 1883 to 1885.
Euben Ellwood, (r) of Sycamore, was elected to represent the fifth district from 1883 to 1885.
Eobert E. Hitt, (r) of Mt. Morris, was elected to represent the fifth district from 1882 to 1883 to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Hawk, and the sixth district from
1883 to 1885. * See Chapter LXV.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 387
Nicholas E. Worthington, (d) of Peoria, was elected to rep- resent the tenth district from 1883 to 1885.
Wm. H. Neece, (d) of Macomb, was elected to represent the eleventh district from 1883 to 1885.
Jas. M. Kiggs, (d) of Winchester, was elected to represent? the twelfth district from 1883 to 1855.
Jonathan H. Eowell, (r) of Bloomington, was elected to- represent the fourteenth district from 1883 to 1885.
SENATORS.
In December, 1818, Ninian Edwards, (d) of Edwardsville, was elected Senator for the unexpired term of the Fifteenth Congress which terminated in 1819; in 1819 he was re- elected and served until 1824, when he resigned.
John McLean, (d) of Shawneetown, was elected to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Edwards, which ter- minated March 3, 1825.
In 1825, Elias Kent Kane, of Kaskaskia, was elected as" the successor of McLean ; in 1831, he was re-elected, and died December 12, 1835. The Governor appointed Wm. L. D. Ewing, of Vandalia, to fill the vacancy.
In 1837, Richard M. Young, (d) of Jonesboro, was elected to succeed Ewing.
In 1843, Sidney Breese, (d) of Carlyle, was elected to suc- ceed Young.
In 1849, James Shields, (d) of Springfield, was elected to succeed Breese.
In 1855, *Lyman Trumbull, (d) of Belleville, now of Chicago, was elected to succeed Shields ; in 1861 he was re-elected and again in 1867.
In 1873, Richard J. Oglesby, (r) of Decatur, was elected to succeed Trumbull.
In 1879, John A. Logan (r) of Carbondale, now of Chicago, was elected to succeed Oglesby.
'Trumbull became a Republican at the birth of the party, and continued to act with the Republicans until 1872.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Thus we have passed through the Senatorial seat first occupied by Ninian Edwards, from 1818 to March 3, 1885, when Logan's present term will expire. In the 67 years "whisk will then have elapsed, ten different persons have .-held the office.
In December 1818, Jesse B. Thomas, (d) of Kaskaskia, was elected Senator for the unexpired term of the Fif- teenth Congress, and was re-elected in 1823.
In 1829, John McLean, (d) of Shawneetown, was elected •to succeed Thomas, but he died October 4, 1830. The CR0!7ernor appointed David J. Baker, (d) of Kaskaskia, to fill the* vacancy until the meeting of the General Assembly.
In 1830, John M. Robinson, (d) of Carmi, was elected to /succeed Baker; in 1835 he was re-elected.
In 1841, Samuel McEoberfcs, (d) of Waterloo, was elected ^o succeed Robinson, but he died March 27, 1843. The 'Governor appointed James Semple, (d) of Alton, to fill the vacancy until the meeting of the General Assembly, .when he was elected to fill out the term.
In 1847, Stephen A. Douglas, (d) of Quincy, was elected tto succeed Semple; he was re-elected in 1853 and again in 1859, but died June 3, 1861. The Governor appointed O. H. Browning, (r) of Quincy, to fill the vacancy until rthe meeting of the General Assembly.
In 1863, Wm. A. Richardson, (d) of Quincy, was elected to succeed Browning.
In 1865, Richard Yates, (r) of Jacksonville, was elected to succeed Richardson.
In 1871, John A. Logan, (r) of Chicago, was elected to succeed Yates.
In 1877, David Davis, (i) of Bloomington, was elected to succeed Logan.
In 1883, Shelby M. Cullorn, (r) of Springfield, was elected to succeed Davis.
We have reviewed the Senatorial seat first filled by Thomas down to the election of Cullom, whose term of
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 389
office will expire March 3, 1889. In the 71 years which will then have elapsed, thirteen different persons will have- filled the office.
McLean and Logan are the only Senators who have- occupied both seats. Shields was a Senator from three States, — he represented Minnesota in the unexpired term of the Thirty-fifth Congress, from May 12, 1857, to March 3, 1859, and Missouri from January 27, 1879 to March 3, 1879, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Lewis V. Bogy.
Of all the persons who have represented the State in the United States Senate, but five are living — Trum- bull, Oglesby, David Davis and the present incumbents.
Of the birth-places of our Senators, nine were born in Kentucky, Robinson, Ewing, Young, Semple, Richardson,. Browning, Yates, Oglesby, Cullom ; two in Maryland,. Edwards, Davis ; two in New York, Kane, Breese ; two in-, Connecticut, Baker, Trumbull ; two in Illinois, McRoberts,. Logan; one in Ohio, Thomas; one in Vermont, Douglas; one in Ireland, Shields ; one in North Carolina, McLean.
From 1833 to the close of the Thirty-fourth Congress, in 1857, all the Representatives had been Democrats, ex- cept John T. Stuart, John J. Hardin, Edward D. Baker,. John Henry, Abraham Lincoln, Richard Yates, Elihu B> Washburne, Jesse 0. Norton, and James Knox, all of whom were Whigs. From 1857 to 1863, the close of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the political complexion of the delegation was five Democrats and four Republicans ; from 1863 to 1865, eight Democrats and six Republicans ; from 1865 to 1869, eleven Republicans and three Democrats; from 1869 to 1871, ten Republicans and four Democrats; from 1871 to 1873, nine Republicans, four Democrats and one Greenbacker ; from 1873 to 1875, thirteen Republicans- and six Democrats; from 1875 to 1877, six Republicans,, ten Democrats and three Greenbackers ; from 1877 to 1879>,
390 POLITICS AND EOLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
eleven Republicans and eight Democrats ; from 1879 to 1881, twelve Republicans, five Democrats and two Green- backers ; from 1881 to 1883, thirteen Republicans and six Democrats; from 1883 to 1884, eleven Republicans and nine Democrats.
In the Senate, the State was represented exclusively by Democrats until 1855, when Lyman Trumbull was elected to succeed Gen. Shields, as an anti-Nebraska Democrat. In 1859, Stephen A. Douglas was re-elected as a Democrat, and in 1863, William A. Richardson was elected as a Democrat, as the successor of Douglas. Since that time the State has been represented in that body by Republi- cans, except in the case of David Davis, who was elected <by a coalition of Democrats, Republicans and Independ- ents, and he remained independent of the respective polit- ical parties during his term.
Among these names will be observed many illustrious men, and we doubt if there is a State in the Union, old or young, that can show a grander record as to states- manship.
During the war, Illinois had in Congress many able, sagacious and patriotic men, among whom we are pleased to mention Isaac N. Arnold, John F. Farnsworth, Owen Lovejoy, Ebon C. Ingersoll, and Elihu B. Washburne, of the House, and Lyman Trumbull and 0. H. Browning, of the Senate. Perhaps the men who had as much to do with the legislation of that period as any others, were Lyman Trumbull and Elihu B. Washburne. Mr. Trum- bull, as chairman of the Committee on Judiciary, was the peer of any man in the Senate, and wielded a powerful influence in shaping the war and reconstruction measures ; while Mr. Washburne, by his long and useful service in the House, was called the "Father of the House," and exercised a marked influence in those perilous times. But Mr. Trumbull lost favor with the Republican party when
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 391
•he refused to vote for the impeachment of President John- eon, in 1868, since which time he has affiliated with the Democratic party. The history of the impeachment trial has never been impartially written, and in the light of io-day, it is not unjust to say, that the vote of Lyman Trumbull may have stayed the political madness of the hour, and preserved the Nation from establishing a bad precedent.
CHAPTER LV. STATE FUNDS,
Disbursement of State Funds from December 1, 1839, to October 1, 1882— Legislative— Executive— Judicial— Debt for Public Works— Educational —Internal Improvement Debt— Miscellaneous -Total— State Debt— Its Payment.
The subjoined table, showing the amount of the State -debt from January 1, 1840, to January 1, 1881, when it became extinct, and the disbursement of funds from De- cember 1, 1839, to October 1, 1882, has been compiled by the Auditor of Public Accounts expressly for our use, «,nd it is invaluable as showing the amount expended by the State for all purposes, from and to the periods indi- cated, inclusive, and the various purposes for which the revenues of the State have been and are now expended.
In explanation of the classification of disbursements -shown in this table, it may be said that the amounts re- ported under the head of legislative, includes the pay of members and officers of the General Assembly, the expense -of printing and binding legislative reports, journals, bills, laws, and the general incidental expenses connected with ithe General Assembly.
392 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
The amounts reported under the head of executive, com- prehend the salary of the Governor and other State officers,, the expenses of the various State departments which in- cludes clerk hire,- stationery, postage, printing, binding, light, fuel, porters, janitors and general repairs.
Under the head of judicial, is placed the salaries of the Judges of the Supreme Court, Judges of the Superior and Circuit Courts of Cook county, the Judges of the Appellate court, the Judges of the various Circuit Courts, the State's Attorneys, the Keporter of the Supreme Court, and the expenses of the various divisions of the Supreme and Appellate Courts.
Under the head of debt for public works is reported the amount expended by the State in the general system of internal improvements.
The amounts reported under the head of educational, includes the disbursements by the State for the support of the common school system, the expenses of the Normal Universities and the Industrial University.
Under the head of miscellaneous, is embraced the ex- penses of the State Government, which have no particu- lar classification. In these amounts are included the expenditures during the war, and for charitable, penal, and reformatory institutions, and on account of the new State House; the larger amounts are chiefly on account of indebtedness incurred during the war, and for expendi- tures in the erection of the new State House.
Under the head of State debt is shown the original amount of the State debt January 1, 1840, which was $12,000,000, and which continued to increase until 1853, when it reached the frightful sum of $16,724,177.41. In 1855, it was reduced to $13,994,614.93; 1860, to $10,346,- 017.06; 1870, to $4,890,937.30; 1880, to $281,059.11, and the report for 1882 shows that the debt had become- utterly extinct.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 393
No State in the Union shows a more honorable record in dealing with its creditors than Illinois. When the law was passed, which suspended the internal improvement work, there was a strong disposition on the part of some of the people and the law-makers to repudiate the debt for the reason that they believed it was beyond their power to pay it, but a few brave men said no, and the result has been that the obligations of the State have been met to the uttermost farthing, and its credit maintained at home and abroad. When this balance of $12,000,000 was rendered, the Auditor's report shows that there were but 7,964,000 acres of land in the State which were subject to taxation, and the total assessed value of all real and personal property for taxable purposes was but $59,752,168, and the receipts of the State treasury during the year 1840 were only $163,509, and the disbursements were $209,114, which will go far to explain how the debt was augmented from $12,000.000 to $16,724,177.41. ,
In a further examination of the records of the AuJitor's- office, we have found that during the year 1818, the total amount received into the State treasury for that year was $8,017.69, and that the disbursements for all purposes were $7,902.28, leaving a balance in the State treasury of $115.41. With the change in the form of government there came as a natural result, an increase in the receipts and disbursements of the revenues, but it was gradual and did not assume any great magnitude until about the year 1840, the date from which the table has been compiled.
In contrast with the condition of the State then and now, we draw from the records of the Auditor of Public Accounts these further facts: The number of acres of land assessed for taxation in 1880, was 34,392,324. The number of town and city lots assessed for taxation in the same year, was 862,624. The total assessed value of all property in the State for taxable purposes for the same year, was $786,616,394. The receipts into the State
891 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
treasury during the year 1880, were $3,200,000. The total disbursements for the same year were $3,150,000. With the State 'entirely out of debt, and so grand a show- ing in point of wealth, no reader, who is a citizen of Illi- nois, can contemplate the situation without feelings of pride And pleasure at the advancement the State has made.
We have stated in this connection that the State paid the debt incurred under the internal improvement system to the uttermost farthing, principal and interest, as the records of the Treasurer and Auditor of Public Accounts fully attest ; yet it may seem strange that, in the face of this declaration, the biennial report of the Auditor of Public Accounts for 1882, shows, on page 84, that the •claim of Macallister & Stebbins, filed May 11, 1880, for $409,168.80, styled old State debt, was dismissed by the •Commission of Claims. Now that the reader may under- stand the nature of this decision, and the character of the claim, we quote the preamble and section 1 of an act passed by the General Assembly of 1849, approved Feb- Tuary 10, in which it is plainly set forth how the so-called Macallister & Stebbins bonds were issued, the exact amount of money obtained on them, and the character of the settlement made between the State and Macallister & Stebbins. The title of the act reads thus:
"An act to prevent loss to the State upon the Macal- lister & Stebbins bonds."
The preamble is in these words :
"WHEREAS, Macallister & Stebbins, of New York, did, on the 17th June, 1841, receive of John D. Whiteside, Fund Commissioner of Illinois, eight hundred and four interest bonds, of one thousand dollars each, bearing interest at the rate of six per cent, per annum, and dated May 14, 1841, reimbursable at any time after the year 1865, upon which the said Macallister & Stebbins, about the 25th June, 1841, advanced two hundred and sixty-one thousand four hundred and sixty dollars and eighty-three «ents ; and whereas, the said John D. Whiteside, near the said 25th June, delivered to the said Macallister & Stebbins
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 395
thirty internal improvement bonds, of one thousand dol- lars each, upon which they agreed to make a further advance to the State in case it was necessary, to pay the July interest for the year 1841 — but such advance never was made, as it was not required to pay said interest. About the 1st of July, 1841, the said John D. Whiteside gave to the said Macallister & Stebbins an order on Kevins, Townsend & Co., of New York, for forty-one bonds of one thousand dollars each; about the 27th day of Oc- tober, 1841, the said Macallister & Stebbins received of Michael Kennedy thirty-eight thousand two hundred and fifteen dollars and forty-four cents of State scrip, which ivas placed to the credit of the State, as well as the thirty bonds which they received from the said John D. Wbiteside, and also the forty-one bonds received from Nevins, Townsend & Co. — the three last mentioned sums, one hundred and nine thousand two hundred and fifteen dollars and forty-four cents over and above the eight hun- dred and four interest bonds first received by them — making in all, the sum of nine hundred and thirteen thousand two hundred and fifteen dollars forty-four cents, ivhich the said Macallister & Stebbins acknowledged in "their account current rendered the State at the session of the General Assembly of 1842, (see report, page 197), was htM as security for the two hundred and sixty-one thousand five hundred and sixty dollars eighty-three cents, actually advanced as aforesaid, that sum being but twenty- eight and sixty-four-hundredths of a cent upon the dollar so as aforesaid received by them."
Section one of this act reads as follows:
"That upon the surrender to the State by the said Mac- -allister & Stebbins, or any person authorized by them, of the eight hundred and four interest bonds of one thousand dollars each, with their coupons, hypothecated with them, on 17th June, 1841, and now outstanding against the State, and also other internal improvement bonds and scrip subsequently obtained, and amounting at the time they obtained them to the sum of one hundred and nine thousand two hundred and fifteen dollars forty- four cents, over and above the eight hundred and four interest bonds first received by them as aforesaid, with the coupons on said bonds, and interest on said scrip from its date to the time of settlement under this act, it shall be the duty of the Governor to issue bonds of not less than one thousand dollars each, and payable after the
390 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
year 1865, bearing interest at the rate of six per cent, per annum, and payable semi- annually in the city of New- York, pro rata out of the interest fund, and the balance of the interest to be paid out of the State treasury. The amount of bonds to be issued by the Governor as afore- said to be equal to the balance remaining due the said Macallister & Stebbins, principal and interest, at the rate of seven per cent, per annum, (as per contract) upon the advance of two hundred and sixty-one thousand five hun- dred sixty dollars eighty-three cents, from the date of said advance up to the time of settlement under the pro- visions of this act. And should the said Macallister & Stebbins not surrender to the Governor all of the eight hundred and four bonds, the amount they shall fail to surrender, and being the same heretofore taken up by the State, sball be credited to the State and deducted from the amount found due from the time they shall have been taken up by the State, at the rate of twenty-six cents on the dollar : Provided, that no bonds fchall be issued by the Governor as aforesaid, except upon the surrender to the State of the bonds of 1865, or of the internal improve- ment bonds, or of the scrip as aforesaid, to an amount which the whole amount of bonds and scrip now out- standing bear to the amount of new bonds which may be issued, upon the settlement of the account of Macallister & Stebbins — it being the intention of this bill to authorize the Governor to issue liquidation bonds at any time when an amount not less than twenty thousand dollars of the aforesaid bonds, deposited with Macallister & Stebbins, shall be surrendered by them or by their order." (See Public Laws of 1849.)
Under a supplemental act, approved February 16, 1865, the holders of the so-called Macallister & Stebbins bonds were required to surrender the same by July 1, 1865, under certain penalties, or by January 1, 1866, under other and heavier penalties. (See Public Laws of 1865.) Under this act all these bonds have been called in, and the just amount due on them paid in full; hence there is no foundation in fact for the claim filed in the name of Macallister & Stebbins, and we are more than war- ranted in saying that the State paid in full, principal and interest, the enormous debt incurred under the internal improvement system of 1837.
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398 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS
CHAPTER LVI. SPEECH OF ROBERT G, INGERSOLL,
Nominating James G. Elaine for the Presidency, at the Republican Na- tional Convention, at Cincinnati, June, 1876.
Massachusetts may be satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristow; so am I; but if any man nom- inated by this convention can not carry the State of Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the loyalty of that State. If the nominee of this convention can not carry the grand old Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy- five thousand majority, I would advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. I would advise them to take from Bunker Hill that old monu- ment of glory.
The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader in the great contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of well-known and approved polit- ical opinions. They demand a statesman ; they demand a reformer after, as well as before, the election. They de- mand a politician in the highest, broadest and best sense — a man of superb moral courage. They demand a man acquainted with public affairs— with the wants of the people, with not only the requirements of the hour, but with the demands of the future. They demand a man broad enough to comprehend the relations of this govern- ment to the other nations of the earth. They demand a man well versed in the powers, duties, and prerogatives of each and every department of this governmant. They demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor of the United States ; one who knows enough to know that the National debt must be paid through the prosperity of this people; one who knows enough to know that all the financial theories in the world can not redeem a single dollar; one who knows enough to know that all
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 39i>
the money must be made, not by law, but by labor; one who knows enough to know that the people of the United States have the industry to make the money, and the honor to pay it over just as fast as they make it.
The Republicans of the United States demand a man who knows that prosperity and resumption, when they come, must come together; that when they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden harvest fields ; hand in hand by the whirling spindles and the turning wheels ; hand in hand past the open furnace doors ; hand in hand by the flaming forges ; hand in hand by the chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the countless sons of toil.
This money has to be dug out of the earth. You can, not make it by passing resolutions in a political con- vention.
The Republicans of the United States want a man who knows that this government should protect every citizen, at home and abroad ; who knows that any government that will not defend its defenders, and protect its protec- tors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. They demand a man who believes in the eternal separation and divorce- ment of church and school. They demand a man whose political reputation is spotless as a star; but they do not demand that their candidate shall have a certificate of moral character signed by a confederate congress. The man who- has, in full, heaped and rounded measure, all these splen- did qualifications is the present grand and gallant leader of the Republican party — James G. Blaine.
Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of its first century, asks for a man worthy of the past, and prophetic of her future ; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius ; asks for a man who is- the grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain beneath her flng — such a man is James G. Blaine.
For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no defeat.
This is a grand year — a year filled with the recollec- tions of the Revolution ; filled with proud and tender memories of the past; with the sacred legends of liberty — a year in which the sons of freedom will drink from the fountains of enthusiasm ; a year in which the people call for a man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers- won upon the field ; a year in which they call for a man who has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of Blander — for the man who has snatched the mask of
400 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Democracy from the hideous face of rebellion ; for the man who, like an intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and challenged all comers, and who is still a total stranger to defeat.
Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Elaine marched down the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining lance full and fair against the brazen foreheads of the detainers of his country and the maligners of his honor. For the Eepublican party to desert this gallant leader now, is as though an army should desert their general upon the field of battle.
James G. Elaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the sacred standard of the Eepublican party. I call it sacred, because no human being can stand beneath its folds without becoming and without remaining free.
Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great Eepublic, the only Eepublic that ever existed upon this «arth ; in the name of all her defenders and of all her sup- porters ; in the name of all her soldiers living ; in the name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, and in the name of those who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine at Andersonville and Libby, whose suffer- ings he so vividly remembers, Illinois— Illinois nominates for the next President of this country, that prince of parliamentarians — that leader of leaders — James G. Elaine.
CHAPTER LVII. ILLINOIS AND THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT,
Positions held in the National Government- Commissioner of the Land Office— Clerk of the Lower House of Congress— Presidency— Marshal of the District of Columbia— Associate Justice of the Supreme Court— Sec- retary of the Interior -Assistant Attorney-General— Secretary of War- Commander of the Armies— f.ieutwnant-General and Gene- al— Secretary of State— Assistant Postmaster-General—Solicitor of the Treasury- Commissioner of Internal Revenue— Assistant Secretary of the Treas- ury—Assistant Secretary of the Interior— Vice-Presidency— Public Printer.
During the sixty-six years Illinois has been a member of the National Union, she has occupied a conspicuous
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 401
place in the government of the Nation, and we note, -chronologically, the various positions her citizens have iilled. President Polk appointed Kichard M. Youug Com- missioner of the Land Office, January 6, 1847, and he "was Clerk of the House of Representatives from April 17, 1850, to December 1, 1851. James C. Allen was Clerk of the House of Representatives from December 6, 1857, to February 3, 1860.
Abraham Lincoln was elected President in 1850, and again in 1864. Ward H. Lamon was Marshal of the Dis- trict of Columbia from 1861, to June, 1865. David Davis was Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States from December 8, 1862, to 1879, when he resigned to accept the office of United States Senator. Isaac N. Arnold was Fifth Auditor from April 29, 1865, to Septem- ber 26, 1866. 0. H. Browning was Secretary of the In- terior, under President Johnson, from September 1, 1866, to March 1868, a part of which time he was acting Attor- ney General. John M. Schofield was Secretary of War, under President Johnson, from May 80, 1868, to the close of the Administration. T. Lyle Dickey was Assistant Attorney-General, under President Johnson, from July, 1368, to the close of the Administration.
Illinois has furnished, in the person of one man, U. 8. Grant, Commander of all the armies of the United States, and the Lieutenant-General and General of the same. Grant was elected President in 1868, and again in 1872. Elihu B. Washburne was appointed Secretary of State by President Grant. John A. Eawlins was Secretary of War under President Grant. Giles A. Smith was Second Assis- tant Postmaster-General in 1869. John L. Routt was Second Assistant Postmaster-General in 1871. Bluford Wilson was Solicitor of the Treasury under the Administration of Grant. Green B. Kaum was Commissioner of Internal Revenue from —26
402 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
August 2, 1876, to April 30, 1883.* John B. Hawley was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury under the Adminis- tration of Hayes. Horatio C. Burchard was appointed by President Hayes Director of the Mint. .Robert T. Lin- coln was appointed Secretary of War by President Gar- field. M. L. Joslyn was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Interior by President Arthur. David Davis was Presi- dent pro tempore of the Senate and acting Vice-President from October 13, 1881, to March 3, 1883. S. P. Rounds was appointed, by President Arthur, Public Printer in April, 1882.!
Of the thirty-eight States, but nine have been honored with the Presidency, and but two have held the office more times than Illinois. Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe were from Virginia, each of whom served two terms. Vice-President Tyler was from Virginia, and he succeeded to the Presidency in April, 1841, after the death of Harrison. Jackson and Polk were from Tennessee, Jackson was twice elected and Polk once. Vice-President Johnson, of Tennessee, became President in April, 1865, on the death of Lincoln by assassination.
Of the other States, John Adams and John Quincy Adams were from Massachusetts; Van Buren was from New York ; Vice-Presidents Fillmore and Arthur were from New York; Fillmore became President in July, 1850, on the death of Taylor, and Arthur in September, 1881, on. the death of Garfield, by assassination. Pierce was from New Hampshire; Buchanan from Pennsylvania; Hayes and Garfield from Ohio.
The Presidential chair has been occupied, up to this period, by seventeen different persons, who were elected President, and by four who were elected Vice-President.
It will ever remain a proud fact in history, that Illi- nois furnished the Nation, during the momentous strug- gle of 1861-65, with a statesman and a warrior whose
* See Chapter LXV.
t John W. Towell was made Director of the Geological Survey by President Grant.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 403
ability, sagacity and patriotism were equal to the greatest emergency, and that they carried the country triumphantly through the most stupendous rebellion that has ever existed in the tide of time.
CHAPTER LVIIL
SPEECH OF ROSCOE CONKLING,
Nominating Ulysses 8. Grant for the Presidency before the National Republican Convention, at Chicago, in June, 188&
"'And when asked what State he hails from.
Our sole reply shall be, He hails from Appomattox And its famous apple-tree.'
** In obedience to instructions which I should never dare to disregard, expressing also my own firm comietions, I rise, Mr. President, in behalf of the State of New York, to propose a nomination with which the country and the Republican party can grandly win. The election before us is the Austerlitz of American politics. It will decide, for many years, whether the country shall be Republican or Cossack. The supreme need of the hour is not a can- didate who can carry Michigan. All Republican candi- dates can do that. The need is not of a candidate popular in the Territories, because the Territories have no vote. The need is of a candidate who can carry doubtful States. Not the doubtful States of the North alone, but also the doubt- ful States of the South, which we have heard, if I under- stood aright, ought to take but little or no part here, because the South has nothing to give, but everything to receive. The need which urges itself on the conscience and reason of the Convention is of a candidate who can carry doubtful States, both North and South. And be- lieving that he, more surely than any other man, can
404 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
carry New York against any opponent, and can carry not only the North, but several iStates of the South, New York is for Ulysses S. Grant.
" Never defeated — in peace or in war — his name is the most illustrious borne by living man.
" His services attest his greatness, and the country — 'nay, the world — knows them by heart. His fame was •earned not alone by things written and said, but by the • arduous greatness of things done; and perils and emergen- cies will search m vain in the future, as they have searched in vain in the past, for any other on whom the Nation leans with such confidence and trust. Nev^r having had a policy to enforce against the will of the people, he never betrayed a cause or a friend, and the people will never desert or 'betray him. (Standing on the highest eminence of human •distinction, modest, firm, simple, and self-poised, having filled all lands with his renown, he has seen not only the •fcigh-born and the titled, but the poor and lowly, in the uttermost ends of the earth, rise and uncover before him. He has studied the needs and the defects of many sys- tems of government, and he has returned a better Amer- /ican than ever, with a wealth of knowledge and experience ; added to the hard common sense which shone so con- spicuously in all the fierce light that beat upon, him during f-ixteen years the most trying, the most porten- tious, the most perilous in the Nation's history.
" Vilified and reviled, ruthlessly aspersed by unnum- bered presses, not in other lands, but in his own, assaults upon him have seasoned and strengthened his hold on the public heart. Calumny's ammunition has all been •exploded ; the powder has all been burned once — its force is spent — and the name of Grant will glitter, a bright and imperishable star in the diadem of the Eepublic, when those who have tried to tarnish it have mouldered in for-
gotten graves ; and when their memories and their epitaphs ave vanished utterly.
" Never elated by success, never depressed by adversity, he has ever, in peace as in war, shown the very genius of common sense. The terms he presented for Lee's sur- render foreshadowed tho wisest prophecies and principles of true reconstruction. Victor in the greatest war of modern times, he quickly signalized his aversion to war and his love for peace by an arbitration of internal ional disputes, which stands the wisest, the most majestic ex- ample of its kind in the world's diplomacy.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 405-
"When 'inflation, at the hight of its popularity and frenzy, had swept both houses of Congress, it was the veto of Grant, single and alone, which overthrew expan- sion, and cleared the way for specie resumption. To him, immeasurably more than any other man, is due the fact that every paper dollar is at last as good as gold.
" With him as our leader, we shall have no defensive campaign. We shall have nothing to explain away. We shall have no apologies to make. The shafts and arrows have all been aimed at him, and they lie, broken and harmless, at his feet.
"Life, liberty and property will find a safeguard, in him. When he said of the colored men in Florida, ' Wherever I am, they may come also,' he meant that, had he the power, the poor dwellers in the cabins of the South should no longer be driven in terror from the homes of their childhoo I and the graves of their murdered dead. When he refused to receive Dennis Kearney in California, he meant that communism, lawlessness aud disorder, al- though it might stalk high-headed and dictate law to a whole city, would always find a foe in him. He meant that, popular or unpopular, he would hew to the line of right, let the chips fly where they may.
"His integrity, his common sense, his courage, his im- equaled experience, are the qualities offered to his country. The only argument — the only one— that the wit of man or the stress of politics has devised, is one which would dumb- founder Solomon, because Solomon thought there was nothing new under the sun. Having tried Grant twice and found him faithful, we are told that we must not, even after an interval of years, trust him again. My countrymen ! — my countrymen ! — what stultification does not such a fallacy involve. The American people exclude; Jefferson Davis from public trust. Why? Because he was the arch-traitor and would-be destroyer. And now the same people is asked to ostracise Grant, and not to trust him! Why? Why? I repeat. Because he was the arch-preserver of his country, and because, not only in war, but twice as Civil Magistrate, he gave his highest, noblest efforts to the Republic. Is this an electioneering juggle or is it hypocrisy's masquerade ? There is no field of human activity, responsibility or reason in which rational beings object to an agent because he has been weighed in the balance and not found wanting. There is, I say, no department of human reason in which sane men reject an agent because he has had experience, making him
406 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
exceptionally competent and fit. From the man who shoes •your horse to the lawyer who tries your cause, the officer who manages your railway or your mill, the doctor into whose hands you give your life, or the minister who seeks 'to save your soul — what man do you reject because by his works you have known him, and found him faithful and fit?
" What makes the Presidential office an exception to all things else in the common sense to be applied to select- ing its incumbent ? Who dares to put fetters on that free choice and judgment which is the birth-right of the American people? Can it be said that Grant has used official power and place to perpetuate his term? He has no place, and official power has not been used for him. Without patronage, without emissaries, without commit- tees, without bureaus, without telegraph wires running from his house or from the seats of influence to this Conven- tion, without appliances, without electioneering contri- vances, without effort on his part, Grant's name is on his country's lips. He is struck at by the whole Democratic party, because his nomination is the death-blow of Dem- ocratic success. He is struck at by others, who find an offense and disqualification in the very services he has rendered and the very experience he has gained. Show me a better man. Name one, and I am answered. Bat do not point as a disqualification to the very experience which makes this man fit beyond all others.
"There is no 'third term' in the case, and the pretense will die with the political dog-days that gendered it. One week after the Democratic Convention we shall have heard the last of this rubbish about a 'third term.' Nobody now is really disquieted about a third term except those hope- lessly longing for a first term, and their dupes and co- adjutors. Without effort or intrigue on his part, he is the candidate whose friends have never threatened to bolt un- less this convention did as they said. He is a Republi- can who never wavers. He and his friends stand by the creed and the candidate of the Republican party. They hold the rightful rule of the majority as the very essence of their faith against not only the common enemy, but against the charlatans, jayhavvkers, tramps and guerillas who deploy between the lines and forage, now on one side and then on the other. The convention is master of a supreme opportunity. It can name the next President of the United States. It can make sure of his election. It can make sure not only of his election, but of his certain and peaceful inauguration.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 407
"It can assure a Bepublican majority in the Senate and House of Representatives. More than all, it can break th'at power which dominates and mildews the South. It can overthrow an organization whose very existence is a standing protest against progress.
"The purpose of the Democratic party is spoils. Its very hope and existence is a solid South. Its success is a menace to order and prosperity. This convention can overthrow and disintegrate these hurtful forces. It can dissolve and emancipate a distracted 'solid South.' It can speed the Nation in a career of grandeur eclipsing all past achievements. Gentlemen, we have only to listen above the din arid look beyond the dust of an hour, to behold the Republican party advancing, with its ensigns resplen- dent with illustrious achievements, marching to certain .and lasting victory with its greatest Marshal at its head."
CHAPTER LIX. OUR STATE BANKS,
What the People Lost when they went Into Liquidation.
Next in importance to the change which took place in -the political status of the negro on the advent of the Re- publican party into power in the State and Nation, was the overthrow of our State banking system. At the time the war ensued there were one hundred and ten of these institutions in operation, with eleven suspended.
The more remote the banks were from the commercial centers the better they were supposed to be. But when the financial crash of 1861 came, but few of them stood the test of honesty and fair dealing. The officers closed their doors with impunity, leaving the bill-holders to help themselves as best they could. Even in the best days of
408 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
their existence business men were compelled to keep in their possession all the known counterfeit detectives then, printed, and they were legion. First, for the purpose of judging as to the genuineness of the notes, and, secondly,, to learn their commercial value, which varied in amount from nothing to par. During the war all these banks went into liquidation. Their circulation, November 30, 1860, as shown by the biennial report of the Auditor of Public Accounts, was $12,320,694. The records of the Auditor's office show that in closing up these banks there was a loss of 35 per cent, on the dollar, amounting in the aggre- gate to $4,312,242.
The older citizens will fully attest the truth of our re- marks regarding the character of these banks, and we imagine they would as soon think of the re-enslavement of the colored man as to consider the question of return- ing to the State banking system.
CHAPTER LX,
What Owen Lovejoy Could Not Do— Law-Making Under the Constitution.
of 1848.
WHAT OWEN LOVEJOY COULD NOT Do.
Closing a political address to an immense audience at Jacksonville, in 1860, Owen Lovejoy paid an eloquent eulogy to the Constitution and the Flag of the United States, but said he, "grand as is that Constitution and that Flag, prom- ising protection to all, there are fifteen States in this Union professing allegiance to that Constitution and Flag, in which I can not go in safety. I am an order-loving, law- abiding man, but it would cost me my life to go into any of their hotels and set down my unoffending valise labeled " 'Owen Lovejoy, Princeton, Illinois.' "
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. -4C9
LAW-MAKING UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF 1848.
Under the Constitution of 1818, Special Legislation was the great evil of the General Assembly. Under the private law system every imaginary scheme of speculation was legislated upon which brought to each Assembly what was known as a third house, where these bills were first prepar- ed. The truth is, three-fourths of the time of a session was occupied with special legislation. Illustrative of how busi- ness of this character was done, we note the fact, that in 1869 there were passed, of public laws, a volume of 379 pages, while there were four volumes of the private laws, aggregat- ing 1216 pages. Under the Constitution of 1370, it was provided that all laws should be general in character. This was a radical change, as may easily be seen. If we except the first Legislature, which convened in 1871 to frame laws to conform to the new Constitution, the session of 1885 was- the longest ever held in the State, but even then all the laws passed were comprised in a volume of 222 pages. The wisdom of the new Constitution was two-fold in this: respect. It has prevented much unnecessary and expen- sive legislation, and at the same time broken up a pernicious lobby system.
CHAPTER LXI. TEMPERANCE LEGISLATION.
The control of the traffic of spirituous liquors has ever been a source of great concern to a very large portion of our law-abiding citizens, and the question has been pre- sented to our law-makers in many ways ; sometimes in
410 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the form of an application for a prohibitory law; some- times for a low-license law; sometimes for a high-license law; sometimes for an amendment to the constitution, allowing women the right to vote upon the question of license, and sometimes for an amendment to the constitution prohibiting the manufacture and sale of spirituous or malt liquors as a beverage ; and hence there has been, from first to last, much legislation upon the subject.
In 1851, the General Assembly passed what is known as the "quart law," the purpose of which was to do away with what were termed "dram shops." This did not meet the demands of the people, and in 1855 the General As- sembly passed a prohibitory act. It was submitted to a vote of the people of the State, and rejected. Since then we have had the license system and local option ; but all the while there has been more or less agitation in favor of prohibition; but no General Assembly has seemed •willing to allow the people to vote upon an amendment to the constitution giving women the right to vote upon the question of license or of amendment to the constitu- tion, so as to prohibit the manufacture and sale of spirit- uous liquors as a beverage.
In March, 1879, a committee of ladies, representing the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, waited upon the General Assembly with the view of securing the passage of a law allowing women to vote in matters relating to the sale of spirituous or malt liquors as a beverage. The following persons composed that committee:
Miss Francis E. Willard, president of W. C. T. U. of Illinois ; Mrs. T. B. Carse, president of Chicago W. C. T. U. ; Mrs. L. A. Hagans, Mrs. Willis A. Barnes, Mrs. C. H. Case, Mrs. D. J. True, Chicago; Mrs. Prof. Fry and Mrs. A. E. Biggs, of Bloomington; Mrs. C. H. St. John, of Eureka ; Mrs. M. H. Villars, of Pana ; Miss Mary A. West, of Galesburg ; Mrs. E. W. Kirkpatrick, of Monmouth ;
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 411
Mrs. H. A. Calkins and Mrs. E. G. Hibben, of Peo- ria; Mrs. M. L. Wells, Mrs. R. Beach and Mrs. H. A. Allyn, of Springfield ; Mrs. R. Greenlee, Mrs. M. A. Cum- mings, Mrs. J. B. Hobbs and Miss Lucia Kimball, of 'Chicago ; Mrs. G. H. Read, of Bloomington ; Mrs. H. W. Harwood and Mrs. H. C. Cullom, of Joliet; Mrs. S. P. Mooney, of Pana; Mrs. S. M. I. Henry, of Rockford; and Mrs. M. A. Taliafero, of Keithsburg.
The committee was armed with a petition which con- tained the signatures of 80,000 voters and 100,000 women. •On the 6th of March, on behalf of the ladies, the petition •was presented to the House of Representatives by Andrew Hinds, of Stephenson, in an address of some length, and on motion of Solomon P.Hopkins, of Cook, Miss Willard And Mrs. Foster, a lawyer, of Clinton, Iowa, were invited to address the House. This was the first time a woman was ever permitted to speak in an Illinois legislative body.
Subsequently, a bill was prepared and introduced into the House, providing an amendment to the constitution to allow women over 21 years to be registered the same as voters, and further providing that before a saloon- keeper could open a saloon he should be able to prove to the municipal authorities that he had secured the sig- natures of a majority of both men and women, over 21 years of age, in the community in which he proposed to do business. Mr. Hinds presented the bill, and was man- fully supported by many of the members. On the 30th of May ;t reached a third reading, when it was lost, by & vote of 53 yeas to 55 nays.
On the 10th of April, the same petition was presented to the Senate by the same committee, through Mr. Tal- iafero. An objection being made to allowing the ladies io speak while the Senate was in session, on motion, a recess was taken for thirty minutes, 24 Senators voting
412 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
for, and 19 against. The time was occupied by Miss,. \\~illard in an address of much earnestness, and here the1 question rested for that session.
At the first session of the General Assembly of 1881, the same bill was introduced, with a similar fate. But although the Woman's Christian Temperance Union met with two signal defeats, their labors bore good fruit. They stirred the people all over the State to action, and when the General Assembly of 1883 came together, one of the very first bills introduced was that of Representa- tive Harper, fixing a uniform system of license at $500. It became a party measure, the Republicans favoring its passage, and the Democrats opposing. It continued the subject of earnest discussion during the entire session,. and on the 8th of June, passed the House by a bare con- stitutional majority. The journals of the House show that 70 Republicans and 9 Democrats voted for the bill,, and that 51 Democrats and 4 Republicans voted against it*
The bill passed the Senate June 15, by a vote of 30' ayes to 20 noes — 29 Republicans and 1 Democrat votedi for it, and 19 Democrats and 1 Republican against it.. An hour after the passage of the bill it received the ap- proval of Gov. Hamilton, who had heartily co-operated with the friends of the measure, in securing its passage,, from the first.
The validity of the law has been passed upon by the- Supreme Court of the State, which body pronounced it constitutional, which has removed all doubts as to its enforcement.
The law has given universal satisfaction. During the fis- cal year ending Apiil 30, 1883, the year before the law went into effect, there were, as shown by the Report of the Com- missioner of Internal Revenue, 12,521 licensed saloons in the State. For the same period, ending April 30, 1886, the Commissioner reports 10,973.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 413
CHAPTER LXII. INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES,
Owen Lovejoy Egged In Bloomington— " Will the Sheriff Call Mr. Pffrim- mer "--Went worth and Browning-" Till He was Conscripted"— U. P. Linder and the "Little Doctor"— " Celestial Meridian of 36° 30' "-"Not According to Jefferson, but the Gentleman from Jefferson "— " I thought I would Let You Make a Water-Dog of Him "-How Col Reuben Loomis was killed— How Pinkney H. Walker became a Justice of the Supreme Court— An Exciting Political Episode-" He Knew Him before the Flood" —"There is no Use of this Investigation"—"! was Born a Barefooted Boy" —"Tom Needles and John Bunn Know to D-n Mut-h to Play Governor"— "Wonderful Moral Reformation"— "Tell Old Hilliard to Come and See Me Devilish Quick"— "If they will Let Me Out with as Good Character as I Had."
OWEN LOVEJOY EGGED IN BLOOMINGTON.
In 1840, and while the pro-slavery mob at Alton was •still fresh in the minds of the people, Owen Lovejoy had an appointment at Bloomington to deliver an anti-slavery address. Abolitionists were not very popular then in any portion of Illinois, but it was thought he would have no trouble in being heard at Bloomington ; but when he reached the Court House, from which place he was announced to speak, it was found that the doors had been locked against him, by order of the County Commissioners. He had been accompanied thither by George Dietrich, Job Cusey and his son John, then a youth of some fifteen years. Mr. Dietrich was a Democrat, but being a member of the same church in which Mr. Lovejoy was a preacher, he felt that Mr. Lovejoy was entitled to some attention, and hence was found in his company, but it is said that Dietrich never voted the Democratic ticket after that day. On their return from the court house they were assaulted with eggs, which was highly enjoyed by the
414 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
bystanders. Seventeen years after that time, Owen Lovejoy represented the city of Bloomington in Congress, and the lad, John Casey, who had been ostracised for having been found in the company of an Abolitionist, has since rep- resented McLean county in the State Senate, and was a member of the State Board of Equalization from that con- gressional district.
"WiLL THE SHERIFF CALL MB. PFFBIMMEB?"
Thomas Gr. C. Davis, at one time a citizen of Metrop- olis, and member of the Constitutional convention of 1847, was a noted lawyer of Southern Illinois. It is related of him that he was never at a loss to supply a missing link in the chain of testimony wherein his client had a per- sonal interest. There resided in the place a gentleman whose name was S. H. Pffrimmer, well-known in that section as a good citizen, but a man who managed to know a great deal about other people's business, and by the way a personal friend of Mr. Davis. On occasions when the missing link was needed Mr. Davis would rise to his feet and cast a searching glance round the court-room for his witness, and not seeing 'him would vociferate, " Will the Sheriff call Mr. Pffrimmer?" The habit was so frequent that " Will the Sheriff call Mr. Pffrimmer " became a by- word about the court-room and Mr. Pffrimmer was made the subject of many a pleasant jest.
WENTWOBTH AND BROWNING.
This characteristic story of John Wentworth was related to us by Dr. William Jayne, who was present on the occasion. Before the repeal of the Missouri Compromise Wentworth was a radical Democrat, and while serving in Congress with John J. Hardin, a prominent Whig, some of Mr. Hardin's private correspondence, in some mysterious way, appeared in the public prints, and the offense was
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 415
charged upon Wentworth, and whether the charge was true or false he was, for a long time, violently abused by Hardin, and the Whigs in general; but when the anti- slavery men met at Bloomington, in May, 1856, to organ- ize a new party, Mr. Wentworth was welcomed by the old line Whigs with the same cordiality as though he had al- ways been a Whig. There he and 0. H. Browning met for the first time; they were introduced by Abraham Lincoln. In taking the hand of Mr. Wentworth Mr. Browning said, in his most courteous and pleasing man- ner, that he had long known him by reputation and waa proud to meet him, to which Wentworth, jocosely, re- plied, " that is not a d — n bit in my favor."
TILL HE WAS CONSCRIPTED.
Norman L. Freeman, now the able and popular Keporter of the Supreme Court, was a resident of Shawneetown in 1859, but subsequently purchased a farm in Missouri, and removed there with the hope of improving his health. But a year after the breaking out of the rebellion, he re- turned to Shawneetown and resumed the practice of law. On handing in his card to be inserted in the local paper, the publisher observed the letters "t. c.," and being curi- ous to know their meaning, Mr. Freeman said he wished the card to appear "till he was conscripted."
U. F. LlNDER AND THE " LlTTLE DOCTOR."
U. F. Linder was one of the great lawyers of Illinois, who was contemporaneous with Abraham Lincoln, and was never so happy as when he had a crowd around him lis- tening to his jokes. But sometimes the joke returned to plague him.
About 1856, he was sitting one summer evening outside the door of a hotel in Terre Haute, Indiana, telling a com- pany of interested listeners of the exploits of Leonard Swett, one of Illinois' noted lawyers.
416 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"This man Swett," said he, "is the sharpest lawyer in Illinois. He clears his man every time, especially if charged with murder."
" How does he do it, Linder ? " ventured one of his hearers to inquire.
" Do it?" replied Linder, " he proves they are all insane — every cursed man of them."
"Well, how does he do that?"
" I'll tell you, sir. He carries around with him a little doctor, who knows all about insanity, and swears 'em all crazy as loons. The jury comes in with a verdict of insanity every time."
Then he recited several cases which had occurred where the parties had been thus acquitted, when they were really "just as sane as I am, sir, — just as you are," said Lin- ger,—"It just beats hell."
At that moment a gentleman who had been sitting inside, but had been an amused listener, walked outside, and offer- ing his hand to Liuder, said:
" Good evening, Mr. Linder. I have the honor to be the little doctor you are talking about, — you tell it very well."
"What might your name be?" said Linder, though he knew very well.
"My name is Roe," said the gentleman.
" Not Doctor Eoe, of Bloomington ? "
" Yes, sir, Doctor Hoe, of Bloomington — the man you call Swett's little doctor."
" Why, I know you, sir, — of course I know you, Dr. Eoe," said Linder. "My God, sir! are you the man? I beg your pardon, Dr. Eoe. I did not know that you \\eie Swett's witness."
" Good God, sir, I beg your pardon a thousand times. "What a blunder I made — indeed, I did not know the man
416
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 417
•was Dr. Eoe, of Bloomington. My God ! Doctor, I can do nothing else but beg your pardon — and I would not do less if I could. Gentlemen, if this man ever swears I am in- sane, I will believe him myself."
CELESTIAL MERIDIAN OF 36° 30'.
Owen Lovejoy was one of the marked men of the age in which he lived. In the latter part of December, 1860, a proposition was made in a Eepublican caucus by a llep- jresentative of one of the Northern States, who seriously deprecated war as a means of saving the Union, to divide the country from Missouri to the Pacific along the parallel 36° 30', and to give up the south side to slavery. This struck Lovejoy as being supremely preposterous, and he was overheard to express his disapprobation of the extra- ordinary proposition in these words: "There never was a more caubeless revolt since Lucifer led his cohorts of apostate angels against the throne of God; but I never heard that the Almighty proposed to compromise the mat- ter by allowing the rebels to kindle the fires of hell south of the celestial meridian of 36° 30'."
ACCORDING TO THE GENTLEMAN FROM JEFFERSON.
While Lieut. -Gov. Hoffman was the presiding officer of ihe Senate, Ex-Lieut.-Gov. Zadok Casey, of Jefferson county, was a member of that body, and being a most able parliamentarian, Mr. Hdifman frequently deferred to him when difficult questions of parliamentary practice arose. On one occasion, when the presiding officer had thus sought the advice of Gov. Casey, Senator Mack read from Jefferson's Manual a passage at variance with the opinion given by Gov. Casey, but the Speaker, in loyalty to his referee, adroitly settled the question by assuring the Senator that he was "not ruling according to Jefferson, but according to the gentleman from Jefferson." —27
418 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
" I THOUGHT I WOULD LET YOU MAKE A WATER-DOG OF HIM."
We have heard a good story related of George W. Jonesr the good-natured Clerk of the Appellate Court for the third district. He was then the circuit clerk of Pike county, and his home was at Pittsfield. The religious denomina- tion familiarly known as Cauipbellites, one of whose car- dinal principles is baptism by immersion, was holding a protracted meeting, and Elder John Sweeny, a man of eminent ability, was assisting Elder E. Rice, the local preacher. The house had been crowded for days and days, and one evening Mr. Jones concluded he would go out and hear the wonderful preacher. His black and tan terrier followed him, and soon he and his little dog be- came the observed of all observers. The congregation would look at the dog and then at Mr. Jones, until they attracted the attention of the Elder, who exclaimed in a somewhat sarcastic manner, " I wish the friend who brought that dog to church would leave him at home next time, and bring his family instead."
Next morning, when Mr. Jones returned to his. office, he found the two Elders there. Passing in he spoke with his usual cordiality to Elder Rice, but paid no attention to Elder Sweeny, though he knew him well.
" Why do you not speak to me, Mr. Jones ?" said Elder Sweeny.
" Because I am mad with you," replied Mr. Jones. " Why did you abuse my dog last night ?"
" Now as you are inclined to be inquisitive," said the Elder, " I will ask you a question. Why did you bring your dog to church ?"
"Well," said Mr. Jones, "I will tell you. I have had that dog for six years, and I have tried him on rats, I have tried him on rabbits, I have tried him on coons, I have tried him as a watch-dog, and have yet to find him good for anything, and thought I would take him to- church and let you make a water-dog of him."
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, 419'
How COL. EEUBEN LOOMIS WAS KILLEIX.
of Col. Eeuben Loomis, of DuQuoin, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Sixth Illinois Cavalry, at the hands of Maj. T. G. 8.' Herrod, of Shawneetown, of the same regiment, at Ger- mantown, Tennessee, on the 3d of November, 1863. In Barnet's "Martyrs and Heroes" of Illinois, we find the following account of the unfortunate affak from the pen of Maj. Charles W. Whitsit:
" At the time, the entire effective force of the Sixth Illinois Cavalry was out under command of Lieut. -CoL Loomis, assisting in the general operations against Gen- Chalmers' movements. Maj. Herrod being left in command of the ineffective force in camp, did some important offi- cial business over his signature, as a 'Major Commanding' Kegiment.' Lieut. -Col. Loomis, thinking it an injustice; to him and his regiment, took occasion to reprimand Majf.. Herrod for his unwarranted assumption of power.
" Some bitter words passed during the interview, which was in the forenoon of the day on which the murder was committed. At dark Maj. Herrod came to headquarters and inquired for Col. Loomis, who, he was told, was at supper,, but would soon be in. He proceeded immediately to the? Lucken House, near half a mile distant, where Col. Loomis boarded, and where Col. Hatch and several other officers were at supper. Meeting Col. Loomis in the hall he accosted him thus : ' Col. Loomis, you said this morning thus and so, in the presence of Col. Hatch; take it back or I'll kill you.' Col. Loomis replied in a mild tone : 'Maj. Herrod, you have got a pistol in your hand and I am unarmed. If you want to kill me, kill me.' Maj. Herrod immediately fired ; the first shot knocking him down, the second enter- ing his breast, killing him instantly. He fired three more* shots, none of which took effect."
Major Herrod was tried by court-martial and sentenced to death, but influential friends interfered and induced President Lincoln to commute his sentence to ten years imprisonment; but after a year's confinement in the Au- burn, New York, Penitentiary, he was pardoned in May, 1866, by President Johnson.
420 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Major Herrod raised the first company, B, of volunteer soldiers that went out from Gallatin county, which was assigned to the 18th, Col. M. K. Lawler's regiment.
How PINKNEY H. WALKER BECAME JUDGE. Onias C. Skinner, of Quincy, was one of the Judges of the Supreme Couit during the administration of Wm. H. Bissell, the first Eepublican Governor of Illinois, and for private personal reasons desired to leave the bench. He communicated the wish to the Governor, saying at the same time that if he would allow him to name, as his suc- cessor, Pinkney H. Walker, a Democrat, he would resign, but if the vacancy was to be filled with a Republican he would not. But Governor Bissell having full confidence in the purity of character of Mr. Walker, who was then Judge of the Fifth Circuit, readily assented to the request of Judge Skinner and the appointment was made, and the people seem to have been quite as well satisfied with the selection as Judge Skinner himself, for Judge Walker has been a member of this Court ever since that time, and is esteemed as one of our ablest and purest jurists. Advert- ing to his politics, we have heard a good story relating to his early political training. Maj. James A. Connolly, U. S. District Attorney for the Southern District of Illi- nois, made a business visit a year or so ago to that part of Kentucky in which Mr. Walker was born, and hap- pened to be the guest of an uncle of the Judge's, \vho made inquiry as to the welfare of his nephew, and among other things as to his politics, to which Mr. Connolly re- plied he was a Democrat, when the uncle, who was a Clay Whig, expressing astonishment and disappointment in his very looks, shook his head and sadly exclaimed: 'Pink- ney was taught better things than that.'
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 421
AN EXCITING POLITICAL EPISODE.
Connected with the Constitutional Contention of 1870 was an exciting episode in the attempt of the opposing political parties to secure the organization. Mr. Church, of McHenry, Republican, put in nomination Wm. Gary, of JoDaviess, for temporary President, and James C. Allen, of Crawford, Democrat, nominated Col. John Dement, of Lee, which was seconded by Mr. McDowell, of White, when Mr. Allen put the question and declared Dement elected. Simultaneously, Mr. Church put the nomination of Mr. Gary and declared him elected, when the two gen- tlemen ascended to the chair; Dement from the Democratic side, and Gary from the Republican, and meeting in the presidential place they gracefully shook hands and took seats together amidst great laughter and applause. The good sense of these gentlemen allayed the passions of their respective friends, and they continued to occupy the chair jointly, putting the questions alternately until the roll-call, when Col. Dement was elected President pro tempore by a vote of 44 to 32, which relieved the body from the embarrassment of having two presiding officers.
"HE KNEW HIM BEFORE THE FLOOD."
In the campaign of 1872, Gov. Palmer was explaining, in a speech made in Springfield, how it was that some men changed their politics, while others did not, and cited Alexander Starne, who was present, as one who never changed. "Why," said the Governor, "I knew Starne before the flood, and he was a Democrat then, and I guess he will die a Democrat." But Mr. Starne, not being will- ing to appear as old as the Governor had made him seem, good naturedly rejoined, in a voice loud enough to be heard by all, that the only flood he had any recollection of meeting the Governor in, was when he was trying to
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
flood Illinois with Yankee clocks. Many of the audience, remembering that the Governor had peddled clocks in his younger days, heartily applauded the neat turn Mr. Starne had given the Governor's jest.
THERE is NO USE OF THIS INVESTIGATION. At the time Edward Eutz was serving his first term as State Treasurer, the Democratic party obtained, by a fusion with the Independents, nominal control of both branches of the General Assembly, and the leaders of the lower house conceived the idea that there was a shortage in Mr. Rutz's cash account, and a committee was raised to investigate the matter by counting the money in the vault. While the preliminary work was going on a well- known Democrat, who had known Mr. Rutz for long years, and who was more profane than polite, was overheard to eay " There is no use of this investigation ; the d — d Dutchman has got the money." And so the count proved. Notwithstanding the constitution of Illinois inhibits the election of a person to the office of State Treasurer two terms in succession, yet it was Mr. Rutz's good fortune to have been elected three times to that office, the required lapse of time ensuing in each case. It is not likely, how. ever, that such a circumstance will ever again occur in the history of any man in the State.
" I WAS BORN A POOR BAREFOOTED BOY."
Governor Beveridge is responsible for this story on ex- State Treasurer Ridgway. In 1874, Beveridge and Ridg- way were making a canvass together of Southern Illinois, and at their meeting at Carmi, White county, Ridgway took occasion to allude to the fact that that county had been his birthplace, and, warming up with the subject, he said : " Yes, fellow-citizens, I was born a poor, barefooted boy in White county, and am just as much entitled to be tfce Treasurer of the great State of Illinois as though I
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 423
liad been born in the lap of luxury in Cook or any of the •other great counties of the State. This slip of the tongue was too good to be lost, and the crowd shouted long and loud, and Eidgway has since been known among his most intimate friends as the man who was born barefooted.
" TOM NEEDLES AND JOHN BUNN KNOW TOO D — N MUCH."
During the great railroad riot of 1877 business was vir- tually suspended on all the leading lines' of railway in the State, and on one occasion Gov. Cullom had to procure from J. C. McMullen, General Superintendent of the C. & A. Kailway, a special train in order to reach East St. Louis to look after the military operations there. He in- vited James A. Connolly, Jonathan Merriam, E. D. Law- rence, S. H. Jones and William Prescott to accompany him; and in the absence of his Private Secretary, E. F. Leonard, requested T. B. Needles, who was then Auditor, ^,nd John Bunn, to remain at the Executive office to Bassist Harry Dorwin in answering whatever dispatches might be received, for he had been overwhelmed with tel- egrams from all parts of the State. Needles and Bunn •willingly assented to the request and took their places in the office, remaining there until the Governor's return, which was about 12 o'clock the next night, when they repaired to the mansion and reported that not a single telegram had been received during his absence. Of course, the Governor was much surprised at what seemed to be .a mystery. But on going, to the telegraph office the next morning it was readily explained by the manager, who said that Adjutant-General Hilliard had remained in the -office during the absence of the Governor, and had re- ceived and answered all messages. When Gen. Hilliard was asked by the Governor why he had done so, he re- plied : " Tom Needles and John Bunn know too d — n much to play Governor." The joke was heartily relished
424 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
by all who were in the secret, and by none more than Needles and Bunn, but it was a long time before they heard the last of " playing Governor."
" WONDERFUL MORAL REFORMATION."
When A. J. Kuykendall represented the thirteenth con- gressional district— now the twentieth — as a Republican, there was much curiosity among war Representatives to see- the man who' had beaten Wm. J. Allen, a somewhat notorious anti-war Democrat. On one occasion, Mr. Kuy- kendall was invited to join a party of members in a social glass; declining to drink, it was suggested that he take a cigar, but not having acquired the habit of smoking, this courtesy was also declined; and then it was proposed to play a game of cards, when he again declined. By this time his companions were more than ever interested in the character of the new Representative, and one of them made bold to say: "Do I understand you to say that you have the honor to represent the district formerly re- presented by John A. Logan and Wm. J. Allen, and that you neither drink, smoke, nor play cards?" Mr. Kuy- kendall indicated that such was the fact, when the gen- tleman concluded by saying, that the moral reformation in that district has been even as great as the political,
"TELL OLD HILLIARD TO COME AND SEE ME, DEVILISH QUICK.""
There is a good story related of Gov. Cullom, which had its origin during an occasion when an outbreak was hourly expected from "striking" miners. Those who know the Governor well will bear us out in saying that he was not given to much dress-parade in the discharge of his official duties, and that he is in no sense a military man. On one occasion, when he was deeply occupied with mat- ters of State, the Orderly of Adjutant-General Billiard naade- his appearance, and inquired if the "Commander-in-Chief
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 425
had any orders for Adjutant-General Billiard," at the same time saluting the Governor in true military style. Without relinquishing his attention from the business in hand, the Governor curtly said: "Tell Old Hiliiard to* come and see me." Another military salute, and the Orderly was off, but he had not gone far before it occurred to him that the "Commander-in-Chief " did not wish to send the message to the Adjutant-General in that form, and returned, and with another military salute, asked further instructions, when the Governor, rising: from his seat as though he meant to put the Orderly out of his office, thundered in his ear: "Tell Old Hiliiard to* come and see me, devilish quick." This emphatic order served to end all unnecessary palaver between the two-' departments so long as that Orderly remained on duty.
"IFTHEY WILL LET ME OUT WITH AS GOOD CHARACTER AS I HAD."
The animosities which grew up in the liepublican party over the attempt to carry Illinois solid for Gen. Grant for President in the National Convention in 1880, con- tinued to exist to some extent even after the election of Garfield, and among those who were not in exact accord with the "stalwarts" was Charles B. Farwell, who had been elected to Congress from the third congressional district in Chicago. The writer met Mr. Farwell in Wash- ington at the inauguration of Mr. Garfield, and in reply to an inquiry as to how he viewed the incoming Admin- istration, he declined to say anything of it, but related the following story illustrative of his feelings: "There resided," said he, "in a certain locality in a neighboring: State a wealthy citizen, of liberal instincts, who was in- duced to interest himself financially in the erection of an expensive house of worship for the Episcopal church- When the edifice was completed, then came the disposi- tion of the pews, and this wealthy man was assigned one
426 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
of the most desirable, at an annual rental of five hundred dollars, and was taken in as a member of the society. But it was not long before a church quarrel ensued, and the opposing parties called each other almost everything but Christians. For a time the new member bore the controversy with seeming patience, but at last becoming thoroughly disgusted, he proposed to the brethren that if they would 'let him out into the world again with as good character as he possessed when he was taken into the church, he would give them the five hundred dollars pew- rent, and surrender all interest in the building.'"
Mr. Farwell playfully said that if the party would let him out of Congress with as. good character as he had when he entered public life, he would cheerfully lay aside all claims for money expended or services rendered in past campaigns.
CHAPTER LXIII, "LAKE FRONT,"
"Lake Front"— A remarkable Incident— First Legislative Quorum Broken in Illinois— How'the Constitution of 1848 was Evaded— Women as Journal- ists—How Ebon C. Ingersoll was Defeated for Congress in the Lovejor District— Farmers' Strike— Women as Workers in Potters' Clay.
From time to time there has been a great deal of contro- versy in the General Assembly of Illinois, and in the courts, regarding what is known as the Lake Front at Chicago, and as few persons have a definite idea as to what really is meant by the term Lake Front or the cause of the controversy, we devote this chapter, in part, to the subject. In 1869 the Gen- eral Assembly passed, through the pressure of a well organ- ized lobby, a sweeping act granting to the city of Chicago all
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 427
right, title and interest of the State of Illinois in a strip of land four hundred feet in width east of Michigan Avenue, including the shore of Lake Michigan, with full power and authority to sell and convey all of said tract to certain rail- road corporations, and the same act confirmed to the Illi- nois Central Eailroad Company a former grant from the State in its charter, and also granted in fee, to the Illinois •Central, the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy and the Michi- gan Central Kailroad Companies, a fractional part of sec- tions ten and fifteen, in township thirty-nine, range fourteen •east, for the erection thereon of a passenger depot, and other purposes. In consideration of this last grant, said compa- nies were required to pay to the city of Chicago the sum of eight hundred thousand dollars within one year, in install- ments of two hundred thousand dollars every three months, on the full payment of which the city of Chicago was au- thorized and empowered to quit-claim and release to said railroad companies any and all claim and interest in and upon any or all of said land.
As we have said, a lobby, perhaps the ablest and most untiring that ever met at the capital, pressed the passage of the bill, which was vigorously opposed by a strong minority in each house, on the ground that the harbor of Chicago ought not to be owned by railroad corporations, and that it was an invasion of the rights of individual owners of prop- erty along Michigan Avenue, and that it was granting some land to the railroad companies which belonged to the Illi- nois Michigan Canal, without consideration. Ex- Senator Mack, an able and adroit manager, was the leader of the lobby and personal representative of the corporations, and it is alleged that he was unscrupulous in the means he used to accomplish his ends. The cry of bribery was heard all over the State, and Senators and Eepresentatives were open- ly charged as having accepted a consideration for their
428 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
votes in favor of the measure. The opponents of the bill? were unwavering in their efforts to defeat its passage, but the lobby proved too much for them. It passed the House; by a vote of 52 yeas to 30 nays, and the Senate by a vote of 14 yeas to 11 nays, but when it was laid before Governor Palmer he vetoed it, supporting his views with an able and comprehensive message. When the bill was returned to- the respective houses it was passed over the veto by about the same majority it received originally. In the Senate Mr. Fort changed his vote from aye to no. In the House there was an exciting episode over the action of Mr. Bailey,, now a Circuit Judge in the 13th Judicial District. The consideration of the veto had been set for an evening ses- sion. The Speaker announced, "Shall the bill pass, the ob- jections of the Governor notwithstanding?" and then directed the Clerk to call the roll. The name of Mr. Bailey was the first upon the list. He had originally opposed the measure, but after the adoption of an amendment proposed by himself, voted for the bill on its final passage. Before he had time to respond to the call of his name, Mr. Knick- erbocker, now Probate Judge of Cook County, arose excitedly and objected to Mr. Bailey voting, on the ground of person- al interest, charging that his law partner had received pay for advancing the passage of the bill, and that the member from Stephenson, as a member of the firm, shared in that money. The Speaker said the gentleman from Stephen- son could answer. Mr. Bailey arose, and in a clear but tremulous voice said : "I have no interest in the passage or defeat of this bill, and the gentleman from Cook little knows how I shall vote. I vote no." The scene was a very exciting one, and is vividly remembered by many eye wit- nesses who were not members of the Legislature.
After all the excitement was over, Governor Palmer, with .some seriousness, asked ex-Senator Mack how he could,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 429
reconcile it to his conscience to do what he did in the pass- age of the "Lake Front" bill. Mr. Mack, never lacking in ability to retort, replied that the measure itself was all right; that if members of the Legislature had done any- thing wrong, he was not to blame, that he took them as he found them.
The scheme had its vicissitudes. The opposition to the law in Chicago was so violent that the City Council refused to give a quit-claim deed to the property, and in 1873 the General Assembly passed p, bill repealing the law. Subse- quently, Attorney- General McCartney commenced legal pro- ceedings to determine the rights of property, and the Canal Commissioners, acting under a joint resolution of the Gen- eral Assembly of 1883, introduced by Senator Whiting, employed counsel to appear in behalf of the interests of the Illinois and Michigan Canal. Both cases are now pending in the United States Circuit Court. In the meantime, the Illi- nois Central Eailroad Company pleads vested rights, and is slowly but surely pushing its claim to the ownership of the property. It is pertinent to say that in this property there are four interests involved. Illinois extends to the center of Lake Michigan. The United States controls the navigable waters. Lake Front belongs to Chicago, and the Illinois Cen- tral Railroad Company possesses such rights as were granted in the charter which authorized the construction of the road ; but there is a growing opposition in the minds of the people of Chicago to the aggressive movements of the corporation which operates the Illinois Central Railroad, which promises to be even more violent and bitter than was the contest which resulted in the passage and subsequent repeal of the Lake Front bill in 1869 and 1873.
But of those who were the chief actors in the passage of the Lake Front bill, but little remains to be said. They retired, or were retired, from public life, and are now un- known in the politics of the State. As for Mr. Mack, he
430 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
died in Chicago, January 2, 1871, in abject poverty, and without friends, it is said, to mourn his departure to the other shore.
A EEMARKABLE INCIDENT.
Illustrative of the progress of thought, and to preserve the record of a most remarkable event in the history of this State, we give place to the following:
In the year 1859 there was living in the town of Manteno, Kankakee County, the Eev. Theophilus Packard, who was the pastor of the Presbyterian Church in that village. His >wife, Elizabeth P. W. Packard, was the daughter of Kev. Samuel Ware, also a Presbyterian clergyman, of Deerfield, Massachusetts. Mr. and Mrs. Packard were the parents of six children, all living at home. Up to this time it would appear that peace and harmony had always reigned in the Packard family. But in the winter of 1859-60, Mrs. Pack- ard became a member of the Bible Class of the church, and being a lady of culture and education, and of strong will, she soon found herself in conflict with other members of1 the class upon religious doctrines, and this conflict at last developed between herself and her husband. It soon be- came apparent that a total change had taken place in her religious opinions, and her husband became fully persuaded that her mind was diseased. At length two physicians from his church were called in, who, after a brief examination of her mental condition, gave their certificates that she was insane ; and on the morning of the 18th of June, 1860, she was taken to the Hospital for the Insane at Jacksonville where she was confined for the space of three years. Her eldest son, Theophilus, upon attaining his majority, applied for her release, and she was discharged as incurably insane. Upon reaching her home at Manteno, her husband still regarding her as insane, she was locked up in a room and kept a prisoner for several weeks. At length she discovered
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 431
that a movement was on foot among the friends of her hus- band to have her removed to an asylum for the insane in Massachusetts, her native State. She managed to com- municate with some friends in the neighborhood, and re- quested them to undertake some legal means to protect her from her husband. Accordingly, legal proceedings were commenced by filing a petition before Judge Starr, in the words following : "STATE OF ILLINOIS, )
KANKAKEE COUNTY, f
"To the Honorable Charles R. Starr, Judgeof the 20th Judicial
Circuit, in the State of Illinois:
"William Haslet, Daniel Beedy, Zalmon Hanford and Joseph Younglove, of said county, on behalf of Elizabeth P. W. Packard, wife of Theophilus Packard, of said coun'y, respectfully represent unto your honor that said Elizabeth P. W. Packard is unlawfully restrained of her liberty at Mantenp, in the County of Kankakee, by her husband, Kev. Theophilus Packard, being forcibly confined and imprisoned in a close room of the dwelling house of her said husband, for a long time, to-wit., for a space of four weeks; Ler said husband refusing to let her visit her neighbors and refusing her neighbors to visit her ; that they believe her said hus- band is about to forcibly convey her from out the State; that they believe there is no just cause or grounds for re- straining said wife of her liberty; that they believe said wife is a mild and amiable woman. And they are advised and believe that said husband cruelly abuses and misuses said wife by depriving her of her winter's clothing this cold and inclement weather, and th-it there is no neeessi'y for such cruelty on the part of said husb md to s dd wife ; and they are advised and believe that said wife desires to come to Kankakee City to m ike application to your honor for a writ of habeas corpus to liberate herself from said confine- ment or imprisonment, and that said husband refused and refuses to allow said wife to come to Kankakee City for said purpose ; and that these petitioners make application for a writ of habens corpus in her behalf, at her request. These petitioners therefore pray that a writ of htbeas corpus may forthwith issue, commanding said Theophilus Packard to produce the body of said wife before your honor, according to law, and that said wife may be discharged from said im- prisonment."
432 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
The foregoing petition was duly signed and sworn to by the petitioners before MM son B. Loomis, a Justice of the Peace, on the llth d iy of January, 1864, and in pursuance of sai I peti ion a writ of habeas corpus was issued, to which Mr. Packard responded, cla'ming that his wife was insane, and was restrained of her liberty only so far as was com- patible with her welfare and safety.
The case was on trial from January 11 to January 18, 1864. At 10 o'cL ck p. M. of that day the jury retired for consultation, and af er an absence of seven minutes, re- turned into Court with the following verdict : "STATE OF ILLINOIS, )
KANKAKEK COUNTY, j
"We, the undersigned, in the case of Mrs. Elizabe'h P. W. Packaid, alleged to be insane, having heard the evidence in the case, are satisfied that said Elizabeth P. W. Packard is sane."
John Stiles, Foreman. H. Hirshberg.
Daniel G. Bean. Nelson Jervois.
F. G. Hutchinson. William Hyer.
V. H. Young. Gto. H. Andrews.
G. M. Lyo,,8. J. F. Matit. Thomas Muncey. Lemuel Milk.
The Court then ordered the Clerk to enter the following orde.-: "STATE OF ILLINOIS,
K \NKAK BE COUNTY. ' 8 '
1
"It is hereby o dered that Mrs. Elizabeth P. W. Packard be relieved from all restraint incompatible with her con- dition as a sine v\omau." C. B. STARR,
Judge of the 20th Judicial Circuit.
Mrs. Packard's sub-equsnt career justified this verdict. In t ic winter of 1807 she visi'ed the Illinois Legislature and succee led in securi ig imp >rtant legislation upon the sub- ject of the treatment of thj insane. One feature of the law was that no person should be confined in an asylum for the insane, except upon the verdict of a jury, and this feature
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 438
of the law remains to this day, although some efforts have been made to repeal it. Mrs. Packard subsequently visited other States, and has been very successful in securing remedial legislation for this unhappy class of our fellow beings. She never lived with her husband afterward, but jrefused to apply for a divorce.
Kev. Mr. Packard is still living at Manteno, with relatives, enfeebled in body and mind. The affair here narrated de- stroyed his usefulness, and ended his career as a pastor.
Mrs. Packard has written her experiences, and published one or two books on subjects pertaining to insanity, which have had an extensive sale, whereby she has accumulated a fortune of several thousand dollars.
FIRST LEGISLATIVE QUO&UM BROKEN IN ILLINOIS. - The session of the General Assembly of 1859 had a very abrupt termination. The Democrats had a majority in both houses, but their majority in the House was not large enough to enable them to carry party measures through without the presence of at least ten members of the op- posing party. The apportionment bill was the great meas- ure of contention, and while the Democrats were deter- mined on passing it, yet the Eepublicans, aided by Gover- nor Bissell, were equally earnest in opposing its passage.
On the 14th of February, the Secretary of the Senate re- ported to the House that the Senate had concurred with the House in the passage of a bill entitled, "An act to create Senatorial and .Representative districts, and apportion the representation in the General Assembly of this State."
The Constitution of 1848 had two provisions different from the present Constitu'ion. No Legislative business could be transacted without two-thirds of the members elected being present and voting, and a bare majority, if two-thirds were present, could pass a bill notwithstanding the Governor's veto. While it was known that the Governor would veto -28
434 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the Apportionment Bill, it was also known that the Demo- cratic majority was ready at a moment's warning to pass the bill over the veto, but they had only five majority in the House, which was ten less than two-thirds.
On the morning of February 22d, the Democratic mem- bers were all present, but only three Eepublican members were in attendance, namely : Mr. Church of McHenry, Mr, Hurlbut of Boone and Mr. Mack of Kankakee, which left the number of members present seven less than a quorum. The gallery and lobbies were crowded. To the least observ- ant it was apparent that something unusual was antici- pated. The vacant seats gave notice that 1 he Pu publican members had determined to break the quorum and prevent the passage of the vetoed bill. On the other hand it was known that the Democrats would refuse to receive the threatened veto message, and would contend that it could not be received unless a quorum was present.
"While the Eev. Mr. Clover was delivering the usual morn- ing prayer at the opening of the session, the Governor's private Secretary came into the aisle on the left of the Speaker's chair. Before the prayer was concluded Mr. Church arose in his seat, and as soon as the final "Amen" was pronounced, he shouted in a loud voice: "The Gover- nor's private Secretary with a message from the Governor." Instantly the Secretary began reading the message without waiting to be recognized by the Cliair. Reliable eye wit- nesses of the scene say that he finished reading the mes- sage, while others, equally credible, claim that the message was snatched from his hand by a Democratic member before he had half finished reading it. In the mean- while the wildest disorder prevailed. The Speaker (Mr- Morrison) ordered the doorkeeper to remove the Secretary, and the doorkeeper proceeded to do so. A call of the House was ordered amid great noise and confusion, every member
POLI1ICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 435
standing. While the roll was being called, the member from McHenry took the veto message from the floor and laid it on the Speaker's desk; and the Speaker struck the message a blow with his gavel which sent it several yards from his desk into a pile of dirty saw dust, which had been brought in to fill some spittoons for the lobby. When the roll call was finished it appeared that no quorum was pres- ent, and the House immediately adjourned.
Next day the veto message was picked up by a page, who handed it to W. H. Green, the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, who said he would refer it to his com- mittee. The quorum was permanently broken. The Re- publican members never returned to their seats in the 21st General Assembly; and consequently the apportionment bill was not passed over the veto. The journal of the House does not show any return of a veto message by the Gover- nor ; but the veto was accepted as a settled fact.
The message was very short. It denounced the appor- tionment bill as having no parallel except in the then notorious Lecompton Constitution, and as an attempt of the minority to govern the majority.
The Springfield Journal of the 23d of February, comment- ing on the scene, said: "The Donglasitesr (meaning the. Democrats) in a body, sprang to their feet and commenced! shouting, yelling and hooting at the top of their voices like- so many wild Indians in a war dance ; while above alt was heard the Speaker's hammer pounding upon his desk, and; he, with his stentorian voice, was calling out, Silence !; Order ! There is no quorum — the House can not receive any message — doorkeeper, put that man out."
This was the first time in the history of the State where a quorum of either house had been broken. Indeed we have no knowledge of its ever having been seriously attempt- ed except at the special session of 1839-40, when the House
436 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
met in the Methodist Church, on the corner of Fifth and Monroe Streets. The Democrats desired to force the banks into liquidation, while the Whigs opposed that policy, but as the Whigs were too few in number to accomplish any- thing unless it were done by revolution, some of them determined to break the quorum of the House in that way, but as the doors were locked against them they could only do that by jumping out of the windows, which several did, but not enough to break the quorum. Abraham Lincoln was one of the members who went out of the window.
How THE CONSTITUTION OF 1848 WAS EVADED.
We have remarked in a previous chapter that before the •Constitution of 1870 had been adopted the State had out- grown the Constitution of 1848, so much so that the law- making power, the executive, and even the Courts them- selves, overstepped its plainest provisions with impunity. 'The General Assembly of 1869 was the last that met under that Constitution. The pay of members was then $2 per day for forty-two days, and $1 per day thereafter, and 10 cents mileage, going to and returning from the seat of gov- ernment, and "no more." The duration of this session was seventy-four days, and the compensation of members as fixed by the organic law would have been only $115, ex- clusive of mileage, but it far exceeded that amount. No member drew less than $491, while some drew as high as $613. (See Journals.)
There was appropriated at this session for postage for the use of members, $8,460 ; for newspapers, $35,400.69 ; Com- mittee services and expenses, $12,223.61, and pocket knives $702.50. The postage stamps, newspapers and pocket knives were supposed to be equally divided between the members, but as the reader may desire to know how so many of these articles were utilized, we will explain that
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 437
there were middle-men in the transaction, and that for the greater park, money was drawn in lieu thereof. As for the Committee expenses, room rent, lights and fuel were charged for. A Committee would meet in the room of a member stopping at the Leland Hotel, for one night, and $15 would be charged for its use. In those days of strict constructionists of the Constitution, it would setm strange that men who assembled to make laws to govern the people could thus shut their eyes to the sanctity of the oaths they had taken to support the Constitution of their State. But this Legislature was no exception to the rule; it followed a precedent that had existed for more than a decade.
But when the Constitution of 1870 went into effect, a rad- ical reformation took place. When the member appeared he found upon his desk an ink-stand and pen, some half- dozen sheets of writing paper and as many envelopes. Many of the members regarded this as a violation of the Constitution, and they politely declined to use these articles ; but as the Constitution has grown older, and members have learned better how to con -true its provisions, they are far less scrupulous in ordering or accepting the things necessary for their comfort and convenience during the session of a Legislature.
Now we turn our attention to the executive. The salary of the Governor was fixed ar $1,500 per annum, which was not to be increased or diminished, but the Legislature so adjusted, from time to time, the appropriations relating to that office, that when the proposition was made in the Con- stitutional Convention of 1869-70 to fix the salary of the Governor at $3,000 per annum, it was argued that the sum was too small, that under the then prevailing system the Governor received more than that amount.
We come next and last to the Judiciary. The salaries of the Supreme Court Judges were fixed at $1,200 per annum,
438 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
and "no more," and of the Circuit Judges at $1,000, and "no more." The Auditor's report for 1869 shows that the Judges for the respective divisions of the Supreme Court received $3,999.96 per annum ; $1,200 of this amount was claimed as clerk hire, thus leaving their salaries at $2,799.96, or §1,699.96 in excess of the constitutional allowance.
There were then thirty-one Judicial Circuits in the State, and each Judge received, as shown by the same report, $1,000 per annum as an extra allowance for revising the Statutes. There was evidently a great deal of revising necessary.
In extenuation of this matter, however, it should be borne in mind that when the Constitution of 1848 was framed, the population of the State was but a fraction over 800,090, and that the total valuation of. all property, under the census of the United States, two years after, was only $156,265,006. There was then hanging over the State a debt of not quite $15,000,000, the legacy of the internal im- provement system of 1837, and the framers of this Consti- tution wisely sought every means that would lighten the burden of taxation of the people and yet preserve the credit of the State, and it is no wonder that they bound, as with iron bands, the officers and law-makers in the direction of economy.
How EBON C. INGERSOLL WAS DEFEATED FOR CONGRESS.
The election for Congressmen in Illinois, in 1S70, partook •somewhat of the nature of a revolution in the politics of the State. The 13th District, which had been represented in ihe Fortieth Congress by Green B. Eaum, Eepublican, reflected John M. Crebs, Democrat, and the 8th, the home of Lincoln, represented by Shelby M. Cullom, was carried by James C. Eobinson, Democrat. But the greatest sur- prise of all was the defeat of Ebon C. Ingersoll in that
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 439
•stronghold of Republicanism familiarly known as the Love- joy District, which was thought to be invincible. Mr. In- gersoll had won a national reputation by his aggressive •course in Congress. His first appearance in politics as a Re- publican was in 1862, when he became the candidate for Con- gressman at large on the Union Republican ticket. He was placed upon the ticket as a War-Democrat, it being thought hazardous to run a straight Republican. He made a bril- liant canvass of the State, and his eloquent appeals in behalf •of the cause of the Union won for him the admiration of loyal men everywhere, but he was defeated by a small majority by James C. Allen, an able and eloquent cham- pion of the Democratic party. This contest brought him in full fellowship with the Republican party, and when Owen Lovejoy died, in 1864, Mr. Ingersoll succeeded him, but not without opposition. The most intimate friends of Mr. Lovejoy preferred a recognized anti-slavery man, such as John H. Bryant of Princeton, or James M. Allen of Geneseo, but Mr. Ingersoll received the nomination at the conven- tion, which was held at Princeton. The election took place May 7, 1864, and Mr. Ingersoll was triumphantly elected over H. M. Wead, the Democratic candidate, by a majority of 5,309. Mr. Ingersoll had not been in Congress long before he demonstrated that he was fully the equal of Mr. Love- joy in radicalism on the slavery question, which secured for him the confidence and respect of the Republicans of his district, and he was returned to the thirty-ninth, forlieih and forty-first Congresses, with only slight opposition, his majorities ranging from 6,000 to 9,000. Mr. Ingersoll was very conspicuous and active in his support of the several amendments to the Constitution of the United States. From the very hour of the introduction of the 13th amend- ment, until its final adoption, he gave it the warmest support In a speech urging its passage, he uttered
440 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
these words : "With that measure accomplished, our voices will ascend to heaven over a country reunited, over a people disenthralled, and God will bless us." And on its passage, in the House, on January 81st, 1865, he was equally emphatic in expressing the pleasure the passage of the measure gave him. Said he : "Mr. Speaker, in honor of this immortal and sublime event, I move this House do- now adjourn." Mr. Ingersoll was no less a leader in the legislation which continued the circulation of the green- back currency, and it may be said, that he ably and faithfully represented the views of his Republ can con- stituents, and was esteemed one of the foremost leaders- of the party in Congress; but notwithstanding this proud position, the opposition which confronted him when he first aspired to the seat of Mr. Lovejoy, began to manifest itself in a marked degree long before the Congres- sional Convention of 1870, at which he was nominated for the fifth time to represent that district. John H. Bryant, a life-long friend of Mr. Lovejoy, and who, perhaps more nearly represented the views of that great statesman on the slavery question than any other man in the State, was the leader of this opposition. Being an adroit politician and brother of the distinguished poet, William Culltn Bryant,, he exercised a wonderful power in the district. He was public spirited; was twice a member of the General Assem- bly, and his personal acquaintance with President Lincoln had secured for him the office of Collector of Internal Reve- nue, which he filled ably and honorably. Under these cir- cumstances he was a dangerous foe. Retaliating upon Mr- Bryant, Mr. Ingersoll succeeded, after Andrew Johnson be- came President, in having him removed from the office of Collector, but when Mr. Johnson broke faith with the Re- publican party, Mr. Ingersoll denounced him in such un- measured terms as to cause the reinstatement of Mr-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 441
Bryant. In the meantime the opposition to Mr. Ingersoll in his own party, became very outspoken, and there was a general desire to nominate .some other man. Thomas J^ Henderson was not infrequently mentioned in connection with the nomination. His high character as a citizen, and his distinguished services as a soldier in the war for the Union, had won for him a high place in the affections of the people, and he was finally selected as the opponent of Mr, Ingersoll in the Congressional Convention, but Mr. Inger- soll, having secured a majority of the votes at the prima- ries, was declared the nominee, but he was surrounded by political war-clouds, and a mass convention of his opposers was called at Galesburg for consultation, but no definite action was taken as to the selection of an opposing candi- date. Subsequently, the Democrats held a convention at Peoria. Bureau County had instructed her delegates to vote for James S. Eckles, of Princeton, but after an unsuc- cessful contest of several hours with other aspirants, the name of Mr. Eckles was withdrawn and that of B. N. Stevens, of Tisldlwa, substituted, when he was unanimously nominated as the people's candidate. Mr. Stevens was a graduate of Dartmouth College, a man of marked ability, and withal personally popular. He belonged to a large, wealthy and influential family ; had been Supervisor of his town for nine consecutive years, and though a strong Dem- ocratic partisan, his official acts were so impartial as to win him hosts of friends irrespective of party, and he had been made chairman of the Board of Supervisors, notwith- standing it was Eepublican by a large majority; he had favored a vigorous prosecution of the war to save the Union, and these facts, taken together with his correct habits of life, rendered him a strong candidate under any circum- stances, to say nothing of the disaffection in the Eepublican ranks. But previous to the nomination of Mr. Stevens,
442 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
B. F. Ives, a Baptist clergyman of Tiskilwa, had been nomi- nated by some temperance organization as a candidate for Congress, and he was bitterly pursuing Mr. Ingersoll through the churches. The Democrats took no open part in the campaign, but the dissatisfied Eepublicans, led by Mr. Bryant, waged an unrelenting war upon Mr. Ingersoll, and espoused the cause of Mr. Stevens with great zeal, declaring that the defeat of Mr. Ingersoll would in the end benefit the Eepublican party. About half the Republi- can press of the district followed the example of Mr. Bryant in his merciless attacK upon Mr. Ingersoll. Mr. Ingersoll, on the other hand, relying upon the good name he had established in Congress, did not make a vigorous campaign, but left it to the people to chose whom they would serve, hoping in the meanwhile to outride the storm. But near the closing days of the canvass, J. M. Caldwell, pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church of Princeton, who had been a co-worker with Mr. Ives, now joined with several other well known clergymen in an elaborate circular address signed by them, officially urging the election of Mr. Stevens, not only as a temperance candidate, but especially on moral ar.u religious grounds, thus raising an issue between Christianity and infidelity. Mr Ives was also maligned, and his candidacy treated contemptuously. Mr. Caldweli's prominence in his church rendered the document very effect- ive throughout the district, especially as it was distributed from the various churches the Sunday preceding the elec- tion. Some of the chief supporters of Mr. Ives also issued a circular in favor of giving the temperance support to Mr. Stevens ; thereupon Mr. Ives partially withdrew from the canvass, and as a rebuke to those who had assailed him at the last moment, favored the election of Mr. j.ngersoll, but this step came too late to stay the political tide which was sweeping over the district like a mighty torrent. "When the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 443
returns came in it was shown that Mr. Stevens had been triumphantly elected by a majority of 1,614, in a district which two years before gave Mr. Ingersoll a majority of 7, -05 over his Democratic competitor. The defeat of Mr. Ingersoll was a great surprise to his friends throughout the -entire country, and touched his personal pride not a little; .and a few months afterward he bid a final adieu to the people •of the district, and took up his residence in Washington, where he gave his undivided attention to the practice of law until his untimely death, May 81st, 1879. It was over his lifeless form that his brother, Robert G. Ingersoll, delivered these pathetic words :
"DEAR FRIENDS: I am going to do that which the dead oft promised he would do for me.
"The loved and loving brother, husband, father, friend, died where manhood's morning almost touches noon, and while the shadows still were falling toward the west.
"He had not passed on life's highway the stone that marks the highest point ; but, being weary for a moment, he lay down by the wayside, and using his burden for a pil- low, fell into that dreamless sleep that kisses down his eye- lids still. While yet in love wi h life and raptured with the •world, he passed to silence and pathetic dust.
"Yet, after all, it may be best, just in the happiest, sun- niest hour of all the voyage, while eager winds are kissing every sail, to dash against the unseen rock, and in an in- stant hear the billows roar above a sunken ship. For whether in mid sea or 'mong the breakers of the farther shore, a wreck at last must mark the end of each and all. And every life, no matter if its every hour is rich with love and every moment jeweled with a joy, will, at its close, be- come a tragedy as sad and deep and dark as can be woven of the warp and woof of mystery and death.
"This brave and tender man in every storm of life was oak and rock ; but in the sunshine he was vine and flower. He was the friend of all heroic souls. He climbed the heights, and left all superstition far below, while on his Jf ore bead fell the golden dawning of the grander day.
"He loved the beautiful, and was with color, form and music touched to tears. He sided with the weak, the poor,
444 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
and wronged, and lovingly gave alms. With loyal heart and with the purest hands he faithfully discharged all pub- lic trusts.
"He was a worshiper of liberty, a friend of the oppressed. A thousand times 1 have heard him quote these words : 'For Justice all place a temple, and all season, summer/ He believed that happiness was the only good, rea-on the only torch, justice the only worship, humanity the only re- ligion, and love the only priest. He added to the sum of human joy ; and were every one to whom he did some lov- ing service to bring a bio- som to his grave, he would sleep- to-night beneath a wilderness of flowers.
"Life is a narrow vnle between the cold and barren peaks of two eternities. We strive in vain to look beyond the- heights. We cry aloud, and the only answer is the echo of our wailing cry. From the voiceless lips of the unrep'ying^ dead there comes no word; but m the night of dea'h hope sees a star, and listening love can hear the rustle of a wing..
"He who sleeps here, when dying, mistaking the approach of death for the return of health, whispered with his latest breath 'I am better now.' Let us believe, in spite of doubts- and dogmas, of fears and tears, that these dear words are true of all the countless dead.
"And now, to you, who have been chosen, from among- the many men he loved, to do the last sad office for the dead, we give his sacred dust.
"Speech cannot contain our love. There was, there is, no- gentler, stronger, manlier man."
A word more of Mr. Stevens. He represented his people ably and well in Congress, but did not aspire a second time for the honor, but on his return from Washington resumed business relations with his sons, Alden N. and Charles M.r under the firm name of B. N. Stevens & Sons, Merchants arid Bankers, which was continued until the day of his death, which occurred November 10, 1885. His sons, rever- ing^ the memory of their father, have continued business under the original name. Mr. Stevens was a native of New Hampshire, and was born January 3, 1813. He came to Illinois in 1844, locating soon after in Bureau County,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 445
where by a life of integrity and a generous, noble nature, he founded for himself a lasting place in the memory of that people.
FARMERS' STEIKE.
There is no one thing in the history of Hlinois that will l>e remembered more vividly than the uprising of the farm- ers in the fall of 1872, which was based upon a feeling of hostility toward railroad corporations, because of their alleged high charges and unjust discrimination in freight rates. This movement was facetiously termed by railroad officials as the "farmers' strike," and hence the title of this article. The prices of farm products had fallen ruinously low, and while local farmers' clubs had been in existence in various parts of the State for mutual benefit, they now united as one man to consider the problem of railroad transportation. In October of this year a convention of farmers representing these clubs was held at Kewanee. L. D. Whiting, a State Senator, and a man of experience in public affairs, was made President, with A. Woodford, Yice-President, and S. M. Smith and L. W. Beer, Secre- taries. Mr. Smith was a resident of Kewanee, and after- wards gained a wide reputation as the advocate of the farmers' interests, and was known far and wide as "Kewanee Smith." It was a large and intelligent body of men, repre- senting every section of the State. Among the abler minrls were John H. Bryant, C. C. Buell, W. C. Flagg and C. E. Barney. Letters strongly approving the movement were received from Leonard F. Boss, of Avon, A. M. Garland, Springfield, and M. L. Dunlap, Champaign. The fires were kindled at this Convention for an aggiessive campaign in behalf of the farmers' interests, and clubs were multi- pi ed all over the State. A State Committee, with Willard •C. Flagg as Chairman, was selected to take charge and di- rect the affairs of the farmers in this new role. Among the
446 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS'.
first labors of this Committee was the calling of a Dele- gate Convention, which met at Bloomington on the 15th of January, 1873. It was composed of representative men from farmers' clubs, horticultural societies, industrial associations and the Grange. The Grange was a new institution, organ- ized after the manner of secret societies. It had its- birth at Washington, D. C., about the year 1867, and was known as the Patrons of Husbandry, the local societies bearing the name of Grange. It was designed orignally to advance the social relations among the people of the rural disiricts and secure the advantages of co-operation in the purchase of supplies.
The Convention met in the forenoon of January 15, and continued in session two days. L. D. Whiting was chosen temporary President. He opened the proceedings with a stirring address on the object of the assemblage. His views were heartily approved, for he grasped at once the whole subject, and discussed it in a masterly man- ner. A permanent organization was promptly effected by the selection of W. C. Flagg as President ; John H. Bryant, 0. E. Fanning, H. C. Lawrence and M. M. Hooten as Vice- Presidents ; S. M. Smith and S. P. Tufts, Secretaries ; Duncan McKay, Treasurer. The forms of organization over, the Convention proceeded, with great earnestness, to the transaction of the business for which it was called. The address of the President, strong and logical, was con- fined closely to the discussion of railway legislation and railway management. Three sessions were held daily, and the great hall was packed from time to time with an intelli- gent and enthusiastic audience. Eeporters were present from the great daily papers of the Northwest, in and out of the State, and the columns of these papers were tilled with the doings of the Convention. Politicians of the two great parties looked on in amazement, and a few ventured to take
POLIIICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 447
part in the deliberations ; among whom we remember James Shaw, of Mt. Carroll, J. H. Kowell and E. M. Ben- jamin, of Bloomington, and E. H. Morgan, one of the Eail- road and Warehouse Commissioners. No such demon- stration had before been made by the farmers of any of the States, and it took the country by surprise. It awakened a new spirit among the farmers, which found its way into Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, "Wisconsin, and in fact, the whole Northwest ; and the organization assumed a national char- acter. Mr. Bryant, of Princeton, was the author of the resolution declaratory of the fundamental right, duty, and necessity of controlling railroads by law, and that the reser- vation in their charters did not supersede the power of the Legislature on that subject, and time has served to estab- lish the wisdom of his views, although learned lawyers doubted their correctness at that time. S. T. K. Prime, of Livingston County, in his report on a permanent State organization, recommended that it be known as the "Illinois State Farmers' Association," the object of which was the promotion of the moral, intellectual, social and pecuniary welfare of the farmers of Illinois.
The law passed by the General Assembly of 1871, fixing passenger rates on railroads, had thus far proved a dead letter, and with this fact prominently before their minds, tlTe following resolution was adopted without a dissenting voice :
"Resolved, That persons traveling upon the railroads of the Stf\te, having tendered the conductor the legal fare, are in the line of their duty, and, as they have complied with their legal obligations, are entitled to the protection of the civil power of the State, and any conductor, or other officer or employe of the railroad, attempting to disturb any such person, or eject him from the cars, are violators of the peace and dignity of the State, and should be punished by exemplary penalties."
It is related that after the adjournment of the Convention a great crowd gathered at the railway station to take the
448 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
train south. It was a very cold day, and all went into the waiting room. After some time it occurred to one of the delegates that it was train time, when he approached the ticket agent, who informed him politely, but with evident satisfaction, that the "train had gone." The disgust of the delegates can be better imagined than described.
Subsequently, Morgan Lewis, a citizen of Neponset, en- couraged by the resolution relating to railroad fares, board- ed a passenger train on the C. B. & Q. Railroad at Buda, and tendered the conductor 18 cents, the legal fare for six miles' travel. The conductor demanded 20 cents, but on the refusal of Mr. Lewis to pay the additional 2 cents, he was ejected from the train by force. Neil Buggies was the name of the conductor, and Mr. Lewis caused him to be arrested for assault. The case was tried before Thomas Rose, a Justice of the Peace at Neponset. A fine of $10 was im- posed upon the defendant. The case was appealed by the railroad company to a higher Court, and was finally carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, where, after some years, the judgment of Justice Rose was affirmed, the particulars of which are detailed in another chapter.
It is worthy of remark, that while this uprising was deemed a strike among the farmers, yet in their public ap- peal to be delivered from the burdens which promised to involve them all in poverty, they acted strictly within the bounds of law. The agitation, begun at Kewanee and re- newed at Bloomington, was not allowed to slumber. Farm- ers' clubs, granges and industrial associations were rapidly formed all over the State. So marked was the movement, that within three months more than a thousand organiza- tions had been effected, and its zealous friends looked upon it as the dawning of a new era for the industries of the Nation. The Supreme Court of the State had pronounced important features of the railroad law unconstitutional. It
448 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
train south. It was a very cold day, and all went into the waiting room. After some time it occnrrprJ +~ --
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 449
•was in a case appealed from the Circuit Court of McLean County, Judge Tipton presiding. The case was based on a plea of unjust discrimination in freght rates. The<L & A. E. R. had charged more for a car of lumber from Chicago to Lexington than from the same point to Bloomington, a greater distance. The lower court found for the plaintiff. The Supreme Court decided the law unconstitutional, and pointed out the manner in which it might be amended by the Legislature so as to mete out justice to shippers. The General Assembly, which was then in session, made haste to consider amendments to the law so as to meet the recommendations of the Supreme Court. Supplementary to the Bloomington Convention, a State Farmers' Convention was called at Springfield to stimulate the Legislature in that work. More than three hundred delegates assembled and continued in session three days, meeting in the morn- ing, afternoon, and at night. Governor Beve ridge, ex- Gov- ernor Palmer, and Senators Castle and Whiting addressed the Convention by invitation. They were unanimous in de- manding an efficient railroad law, and the consequence was that the General Assembly soon passed a law to meet the exigencies of the case, and the Farmers' Association rightly claimed a share in the achievement. But the farmers were not content with their success before the Legislature. The official term of Mr. Lawrence, one of the Judges of the Illi- nois Supreme Court, was drawing to a close. He had deliver- ed the opinion of the Court in the railroad case, and having accepted a call from the lawyers to become a candidate for reelection, the farmers determined on his defeat, and with this view they held a convention at Princeton and nom- inated A. M. Craig, of Knox County, as their candidate. Mr. Craig was a Democrat, and between the votes of the farmers and his own party, was elected by a majority of
2,808.
-29
450 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
A similar effort was made in the Second Judicial District to defeat the reelection of Judge John Scholfield, but it signally failed. In reply to a circular addressed to all can- didates for Judge by the Farmers' Association, requiring them to define their position upon questions relating to the control of corporations, Mr. Scholfield closed a letter in these manly words: "I will never be a Judge to record the pre- determined decrees of either corporations or individuals." But the farmers succeeded in electing several of the Circuit Judges, and these successes attracted wide attention. Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper supported its article upon the subject with a picture of President Flagg, sur- rounded by the Vice-Presidents of the Association.
While these events gave the movement prestige, it also engendered arrogance. At the annual meeting, held at Decatur the ensuing autumn, the association declared in favor of an independent political organization, and pre- pared itself for party warfare, when many Kepub'icans abandoned the association. The Democrats naturally gave the new party encouragement, not infrequently joining it in local elections, and by a partial coalition in 1874, Samuel M. Etter was elected State Superintendent, of Public In- struction, and Fawcett Plumb, Jesse F. Harrold, William H. Parish and Samuel Glassford were elected State Sen- ators. Quite a number of Eepresentatives had been elected in the same way, and by a fusion of the Democrats with these Eepresentatives of the new party, tbe former gained control of both houses of the General Assembly. A. A. Glenn, Democrat, was elected President pro tern, of the Senate over John E-srly, Eepublican, by a vote of 26 to 23, and E. M. Haines, Independent Eepublican, over Shelby M. Cul'om, Eepublican, by a vote of 81 to 63. The session of this Legislature was long and stormy, and amidst the politi- cal strife, the interests of the farmers were lost sight of.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 451
The last political venture made by the farmers was in the campaign of 1876, when Lewis Steward, of Piano, was nominated for Governor, and, though endorsed by the Dem- ocratic Convention, was defeated by Shelby M. Cullom. Not- withstanding the defeat of the new party in the State elec- tion, it had elected a sufficient number of Senators to hold the balance of power, and the result was, that Fawcett Plumb was elected President pro tern, of the Senate, and, as the crowning victory of their domination, David Davis was elected United States Senator to succeed John A. Logan.
These repeated coalitions with political parties had the effect to disorganize the Farmers' Association, and but few of its members held out for a new party, which has been known since as the Greenback or Independent party. Prom- inent among these are such names as Jesse Harper and A. J. Streeter.
While this uprising of the farmers was diverted from its original purpose by political schemers, yet it may be said to have accomplished much for the people in the govern- ment of railroads by the State. Originally, in several of the older States, the charters authorizing the construction of railroads, fixed passenger and freight rates. In New York and New Jersey the first railroad charters contained a pro- vision authorizing the State, after a certain number of years, to purchase and operate the roads, but subsequently, under the policy of consolidation, the law became general, authorizing the Boards of Directors of the railroad corpora- tions to fix "reasonable rates." In 1869, Governor Palmer vetoed a bill which sought to establish passenger rates on all the roads in the State, on the ground that it was a "judicial question," but this uprising of farmers outlined and intensified the principle that public corporations are subject to legislative control, even to the extent of fixing the rates for carrying passengers and freight, and this prin- ciple has been confirmed by a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States.
452 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
WOMEN AS JOUKNALISTS.
The first knowledge we have of women being connected with journalism is in 1733. Benjamin Franklin was then conducting, in Philadelphia, one of the few newspapers in this country. In that year, he established a branch office in S mih Carolina, but its manager soon dying, his wife took charge of the business, and Franklin, in his life, writ- ten by himself, says "she conducted successfully."
In Illinois, women have not been slow to enter the facinat- ing pursuit, and not a few have become eminent. Mrs. Myra Bradwell is known to the legal profession of all coun- tries as the editor of the Chicago Legal Neivs, the first and only legal journal in any country conducted by a woman. -Mrs. Mary B. Willard and Miss Frances Willard conducted for a time, with signal ability, the Chicago Evening Post. Mrs. Willard afterward edited the Union Signal with marked success, and during her absence in Europe, Miss Mary Allen West took the editorial chair of that journal. She is a pleasing and forcible writer. Miss Adelaide Marchant has been doing excellent work for years on the Western Rural. Mrs. Helen Ekin Starrett, a gifted and experienced writer, is connected with the editorial staff of an educa- tional publication in Chicago. Miss Minna Smith, of the Inter-Ocean, is a fine reporter and brilliant corres- pondent. Miss Lilian Whiting, daughter of L. D. Whit- ing, well known to the people of Illinois, has for some years been connected with the Boston Traveller, and is now the literary editor of that journal, and is also a contributor to several great dailies throughout the country. Miss Whiting was the biographer of Mary Clemmer and Char- lotte Cushman. Mrs. Anna L. Wakeman is another gifted newspaper writer. Mrs. Frances L. Conant, Secretary of the Illinois Woman's Press Association, is a writer of no little ability. Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Haibert, for many
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 45$
years edited the "Woman's Kingdom," of the Inter-Oceanr and is now publishing a valuable monthly entitled the New Era. Miss Harriet Farrand is the hardworking associate editor of the Advance, and has assisted in no little way to es- tablish its high character. Mrs. Clara Lyon Peters is a suc- cessful newspaper writer. She has assisted her husband for many years in the editorial management of the Watseka Times, and Mrs. C. P. Bostwick, wife of the editor of the Maltoon Gazette, is also among the best newspaper writers in the State, and at different times has had exclusive con- trol of the editorial department of that paper. Mrs. Emma Chamberlain, (nee Hardacre) at one time a versatile cor- respondent of the Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette, is an Illi- noisian, and obtnined her first lessons in journalism upon the press of this State. Geo. W. Hardacre, the husband of Mrs. Hardacre, was one of the Eeptiblic in Senators admitted to a seat in the Ohio Senate, in May, 1886, after the investi- gation of the alleged election frauds of 1885, in Cincinnati. Many others could be mentioned, but Ihese suffice to show that tfhe women of Illinois are not behind in the field of jour- nalism, and that their influence is being indelibly stamped upon the literature of the country.
WOMEN AS WORKERS IN POTTERS' CLAY.
We have spoken, in a previous chapter, of women as enter- ing the political field. We now find them pursuing a differ- ent walk of life, with even better success. Mrs. Pauline Jacobus, of Chicago, has for years been devoting her life to the manufacture of decorative pottery, better known as the Ceramic Art, and has attracted a wide celebrity for produc- ing the finest and most delicate specimens of this beautiful art. She has made the subject a patient study, applying the use of the sciences with excellent success, her wares finding a ready sale wherever in'roduced. It is worthy of
454 POLITICO AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
remark that she personally superintends every department, from the preparation of the crude clay to designing the shapes, testing the fires, and attending to the minutest details. Only women who have had a thorough academical training are employed as decorators. In May, 1886, by special invitation of the lovers of art at the city of Spring- field, Mrs. Jacobus delivered a lecture upon this subject at the Bettie Stuart Institute, and exhibited some very fine specimens of her wares, which attracted wide attention. Mrs. Jacobus is a gifted woman, and combines with her work the highest order of intelligence.
CHAPTER LXIY, CORPORATIONS IN THE COURTS,
Public Warehouses— Railway Charges— Taxing National Bank Stock— Taxing
Franchises.
We have already noticed legislative enactments for the control and government of railway companies and public warehouses by the State, for taxing the shares of stock in National Banks and other corporations. We now proceed to examine, to some extent, the course of the judiciary in the exposition and enforcement of such laws ; and here we may safely say, that the courts of our State have been fore- most in establishing the constitutionality of such legisla- tion, and determining the powers of the State in respect to corporations. James K. Edsall was the Attorney-General of the State when the constitutionality of many of these laws was strongly questioned by the powerful organizations they were designed to regulate and control. The general current or tendency of legal and judicial opinion seems to
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 4-35
have been against much of such legislation. The oppo- nents of such laws confidently expected that the courts would hold them unconstitutional and void, and it may be «aid, that a majority of their supporters and advocates had but slight hopes of a favorable decision of the courts. The judiciary was appealed to, both by the opponents and the defenders of such laws, and many difficult and complicated questions were raised and presented, and argued elaborate- ly, and they were carefully and closely considered and decided by our courts and the Supreme Court of the United States, so that now the power of the people, through their State governments, to pass and enforce all useful and proper laws for the regulation, control and taxation of cor- porations, may be regarded as firmly established. We will not ptate, in detail, the various cases involving constitu- tional questions, but will give the leading points of the most important of them.
POWER TO EEGULATE CHARGES BY PUBLIC WAREHOUSES.
Munn v. Illinois, 94 U. S. 113. JOHN N. JEWETT and W. C. GOUDY for the Warehousemen.
This case involved the validity of the act passed in 1871, regulating the inspection and the storage of grain in the public warehouses, and prescribing the maximum charges for storage.
These warehouses or elevators were private property, owned by individuals or firms. It was claimed that the State had no more right to fix the maximum price the owners might charge for the use of their property for the storage of grain, than it had to fix the price at which lands might be leased, or the goods of the merchant or the pro- ducts of the farm or manufactory might be sold. It was also claimed that vast sums of money had been expended in the building of these grain elevators which would be of no value for any other use, and that if power existed in the
456 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Legislature to fix the maximum rates of storage, the rates might be fixed so low as to render the property valueless, which would in effect deprive the owner of his properly without just compensation, in violation of the Bill of Eights.
The case was submitted to ths Supreme Court in 1872, before Mr. Edsall became Attorney-General. On the au- thority of judges of that court who have since retired from the bench, we are assured that when the case was first con- sidered in conference, these objections to the law were considered unanswerable, and it was generally conceded that the court would be compelled to hold the act uncon- stitutional. Before the cases had been formally decided, the term of one of the judges of the court, as then constituted, expired, and another judge resigned. Two new judges were- elected as their successors.
In order to bring it before the Court as thus reconstituted,. a re-argument of the case was ordered. This afforded Mr.. Edsall an opportunity to prepare and file an argument in behalf of the State. He had, as a member of the State Senate, participated in the enactment of the law in question, and was one of the few who believed it to bo free from any valid constitutional objection. He entered upon the subject earnestly, and prepared and filed an argument, in which he developed and brought out into clear relief, the funda- mental principles upon which the law rested. A full syn- opsis of the argument would require too much space, but the gist of its leading points may be stated thus : It is true, the elevator or warehouse is private property, but the owners have voluntarily devoted it to a public use. The ownership of public property may be private, while the use thereof by the owner may be public. For example, the ownership of property devoted to public ferries, wharves, or turnpike roads, may be, and frequently is, private, while the use to which such property is put is always public. The
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 457
power of the State to establish by law the maximum ratea which the owner could charge in this class of cases, had been long exercised, and the validity of such laws had been uni- formly sustained. So also, as to the power of the State or Government to pass laws fixing the maximum rates at which money might be loaned, and to regulate the charges of dray- men, hackmen, common carriers, and others pursu:ng like vocations of a public nature. It was submitted that this general proposition was sound in principle, and fairly de- ducible from the authorities. Whenever any person pur- sues a public calling, and sustains such relations to tha public that the people must necessarily deal with, and are under a moral duress to submit to his terms if he is unre- strained by law, then, in order to prevent extortion and an abuse of his position, the price he may charge for his. services, or the use of his property thus employed, may be regulated by law. The enactment of such laws was but a proper exercise of the police power of the State.
It was insisted that the undisputed facts connected with the grain warehouses in question, brought them within a fair ap plica1 ion of this principle. Chicago, if not the greatest, was one of the greatest grain markets of the world. The greater portion of the grain consigned to this market for sal?, must, in the ordinary course of business, be stored in these warehouses, the proprietors of which were few in num- ber, and fixed their own rates for storage. The shipper or owner had no choice but to submit to their terms. The owners of the warehouses had voluntarily devoted their prop- erty to this public use, and the business carried on by them was of such a nature, that they rested under a duty to re- ceive and store grain for all alike, and upon equal terms. It was insisted that under such circumstances, the enact- ment of laws prescribing maximum rates of storage and to prevent extortion, was but a proper exercise of legislative power, and did not deprive the warehousemen of their prop- erty in the constitutional sense.
458 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
A majority of the Supreme Court of the State concurred in this view, which is the substance of Judge Breese's opin- ion. See 69 111. 80. Two of the Judges dissented. The cause was taken on writ of error to the Supreme Court of the United States, and argued before that court by Messrs. John N. Jewett and W. C. Goudy, in behalf of the ware- housemen, and Attorney-General Edsall on the part of the State, at the October term, 1874. After holding the same unc'er advisement a year, Chief Justice Waite delivered an elaborate opinion in the case, which was concurred in by a majority of' that court, affirming the judgment of the Supreme Court of Illinois, and sustaining the power of the State to pass laws prescribing the maximum rales to be charged for the storage of grain by such warehousemen. (The case is reported under the title Munn v. Illinois, 94 TJ. S. Rep. 113, and is regarded as the great leading case upon this class of questions.)
FIXING MAXIMUM CHARGES OF RAILWAYS.
Jtuggles v. The People, 91 111. 256. O. H. BBOWNING. B. C. COOK and H. BIGELOW for the railway company.
Illinois Central R. R. Co. \. The People. 95 111. 313. GEOBGE TBUMBULL, OEOEGE W. WALL and JOHN N. JEWETT for the corporation.
The railroad maximum rate cases were of a similar char* acter. In obedience to the constitution of 1870, the Legis- lature passed laws, the object of which was to regulate the charges, and prevent extortion by railroad corporations for the transportation of passengers and freight. The valid- ity of these laws was denied by the railroad corporations organized under acts of incorporation passed prior to the adoption of the constitution of 1870, upon the ground that by the terms of their charters the corporations pos- sessed the power to fix their own charges ; and that these provisions of their charters were to be treated as contracts, which, under the Constitution of the United States, could
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 459
not be impaired, or in any manner interfered with by sub- sequent legislation. There was much litigation under these laws, and it was a long time before the Supreme Court of the State fairly met and decided the main questions in- volved. This delay may be considered fortunate, for un- doubtedly the earlier impressions of the court, in common with the generally prevailing opinion of lawyers, were ad- verse to this law, and against its constitutionality. The longer the cases were held under advisement, and the more fully they were considered, the more favorably were the courts inclined to the views presented in behalf of the State. The main ^proposition presented by the Attorney-General in Illinois Central R. R. Co. v. The People, (supra), and in Euggles v. The People, (supra), was that the power of the General Assembly to pass laws'prescribing maximum rates, and to prevent extortion by railroad companies, was a part of the police power of the State, which could not be sold or bartered away ; that it was not within the competency of any State Legislature to divest itself of such power or bind its successors by contract not to exercise the same ; that legislative power was a trust to be exercised by the Legislature of a State, but not a commodity to be sold ; and that therefore no valid contract could have been entered into that the State would not, from time to time, in the future, exercise this power whenever abuses grew up which made its exercise expedient. A majority cf the Supreme Court of the State took the same view as that of Mr. Edsall, and sustained the validity of the law. These cases were also taken to the Supreme Court of the United States, by the railroad corporations in interest. In this court, Mr. Edsall was opposed by John N. Jewett, J. A. Campbell, of New Orleans, ex-Justice of the United States Supreme Court; Wirt Dexter, of Chicago, and Sidney Bart- lett, of Boston, who was regarded as the head of the New
460 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
England bar. Although Mr. Edsall was Attorney-General eight years, these cases were not reached for argument in that court until after the expiration of his official term. At the suggestion of the late Justice Pinkney H. Walker, who took great interest in the questions involved, and regarded a favorable decision of the highest importance to the people of the State, Mr. Edsall was retained by the State as coun- sel to argue the cases in the Supreme Court of the United States. This he did both in print and orally. It is proper to say in this connection, that James McCartney, who had succeeded Mr. Edsall as Attorney-General, also filed briefs in the two cases and participated in the oral argument of one of them. There had been several changes in the per- sonnel of that court since the decision of the warehouse case, and great apprehension existed as to how a majority of the court, as then constituted, might stand on the principal question involved. It was thought advisable to present every question which would be likely to conduce to a favora- ble decision. Mr. Edsall therefore raised this preliminary question : That while it was true that the railroad charters- in question conferred upon the Board of Directors the gen- eral right to prescribe their rates of charges for the trans- portation of passengers and freight, yet a fair construction of the charters of the companies only authorized the compa- nies to collect such rates as they should by their by-law* determine. There was another provision of the charter in each case, to the effect that the by-laws, rules and regulations- adopted by the company should not be "repugnant to the Constitution and laws of the United States or of this State." It was urged that the proper construction of these various provisions of the charter, when taken as a whole, was that the by-laws of the comp my, fixing its rates of charges, must not be repugnant to, i. e., must not exceed, the maximum ra'es prescribed by the laws of the State. Under this in- terpretation of the charter, the same could not be construed
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 461
as a contract that the State would not pass laws prescribing maximum rates, whatever might be held as to the power of the Legislature to make such a contract. The Supreme Court of the United States sustained this construction of the charter in each case, and upon that ground affirmed the judgments of the Supreme Court of the State. The decision of this question being sufficient to dispose fully of the cases, the court refrained from discussing or expressing any opin- ion upon the main question, upon which they were decided in the State Court. It would undoubtedly have been more satisfactory if the Supreme Court of the United States had directly passed upon the principal question, and held that a State Legislature possessed no authority to make a con- tract binding its successors not to exercise legislative powers of this nature. The result is essentially the same. The power of the State to exercise legislative control over these old corporations organized under special charters is practi- cally sustained.
TAXING NATIONAL BANK STOCK.
Tappan v. Merchants' National Bank, 19 Wall. 490. M. W. FULLER for the bank.
In conformity with the provisions of the act of Congress providing for the formation of National Banking Associa- tions, the Statutes of Illinois made provision for the tax- ation of the shares of stock in the National Banks, and made such tax a lien upon the dividends, payable to the shareholders from whom the tax was due, and required the banks to furnish the Assessor with a list of its shareholders, with the amount of the shares of stock held by each, and to pay the tax assessed thereon from the dividends payable upon such stock. In an elaborate opinion, published in the Legal News of August 19, 1871, Judge Blodgett, presiding in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of Illinois, held that the laws of the State providing
462 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
for the levy and collection of such taxes were unconstitu- tional, and thereupon granted injunctions restraining the collection of such taxes in all cases where any bank would apply therefor. The result was that no taxes could be col- lected from any of these banks in the State, except so far as they saw fit, voluntarily, to pay the same. By filing a- short bill, in a prescribed form in one of the United States Courts, any bank could obtain an injunction. Most of these banks availed themselves of this mode of evading tax- ation, but, to their credit be it said, a few of them volun- tarily paid their taxes. "When Mr. Edsall assumed the office of Attorney- General, in 1873, there were seventy-nine of these cases pending in the United States Circuit Court of the Northern District of Illinois, and several others in the Southern District. After a careful examination of the questions involved, the Attorney- General was satisfied that the laws under which the taxes were assessed were valid, and that the injunctions restraining the collection of taxes- ought to be dissolved. At the May term, 1873, he fully argued the question, upon principle and authority, before Judge Blodgett, but the court declined to change its former ruling. It became necessary, therefore, to take one of the cases to the Supreme Court of the United States, to settle the legal questions in dispute. The case of Tappan, Col- lector, v. Merchants' National Bank, 19 Wall. 490, was the result. The Supreme Court, in an opinion delivered by Chief Justice Waite, overruled Judge Blodgett's decision anjl sustained the right of the State to tax the shares of stock in National Banks. The case was argued by Mr. Edsall for the State, and by M. W. Fuller for the bank. It so happened that it was the first case argued before Chief Justice Waite, and that he delivered his first opinion in that case as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. The opinion attracted much attention, and was-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
highly commended for its signal ability. After this de- cision all the pending injunctions were dissolved, and no more were granted. Since that time the banks have paid their taxes with commendable promptitude.
TAXING FRANCHISES AND OTHER PROPERTY OF CORPORATIONS.
Porter et al. v. E., E. & I. St. Louis R, R. Co., 76 111. 561. CHARLES OSBOBNBT for the railway corporation.
The corporation's capital stock cases sprung up under the State revenue law, passed in 1872. They were very numer- ous, and burdened the dockets of the State and Federal Courts for several years. Prior to the enactment of that law a conviction was quite prevalent that corporations had not paid their due share of taxes. A large part of their property was intangible, and consisted in their franchises, or existed in such form that the assessor could not find it. For example, a gas company in a city like Chicago might have but a small amount of visible property, yet it might have hundreds of miles of gas mains laid in the streets and alleys of the city ; and the property and franchises of the corporation might be sufficient to pay good dividends upon millions of capital. The object of the revenue law of 1872 was to reach these hidden values. The plan adopted was, in short, this :
1. To assess the tangible property the same as other property.
2. To ascertain the amount or value of indebtedness of the corporation, exclusive of indebtedness for current ex- penses.
3. To ascertain the market or actual value of all the shares of stock in the corporation.
Under the rules adopted by the State Board of Equaliza- tion, these last two items were added together, and the sum
464 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
of the two was supposed to represent the value of every- thing the corporation owned, whether tangible or in- tangible. From this amount the assessed value of the tangible property was deducted, and the residue, after equalizing it upon the ascertained basis of the assessment of other property, was assessed under the head of capital stock ; the theory being this, that the indebtedness of the corporation was a first charge and lien upon everything the corporation owned, as against its stockholders ; that if the indebtedness equaled or exceeded the value of all its property and franchises, the shares of stock would be worth- less, and that if the shares of stock had any value, such value might be taken as an indication that everything owned by the corporation necessarily exceeded its indebted- ness in precisely that amount. It must be confessed, that in the application of this rule, the Board of Equalization of 1873 assessed some of the corporations very high, and may have done injustice in many cases. When these taxes •came to be collected, the law and the action of the State Board of Equalization were attacked on every side. A large .-array of the ablest lawyers of the State was retained by the corporations to defeat the collection of the tax, and to break down the entire system. The contest began in the State courts, and several cases were brought before the Supreme Court at an early day, and argued by the Attorney- General in behalf of the State. To the consternation of the opponents of the tax, that court sustained the validity of the law, and the principle upon which the taxes were assessed. The opinion in this case was written by J.istice Scholfield, and is a very able one, in which the various con- stitutional objections are fully examined and elaborately discussed.
Resort was then had to the Federal Courts. Although the taxes were assessed against State corporations which
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 465
could not sue in the Federal Courts, each corporation which did not already have, would arrange to have, one or more non-resident stockholders, who would get up the ruse of a controversy between themselves and the board of directors of the corporation about the payment of the tax. The board of directors would formally refuse to take proceed- ings to enjoin its collection, by reason of which, under the rulings of the Federal Courts at that time, they would enter- tain jurisdiction of suits brought by the non-resident stock- holders to restrain the collection of the taxes. The Federal Circuit Court refused to be governed by the decision of the Supreme Court of the State in this class of cases, and awarded injunctions to all persons who would apply there- for. This placed the State and all its municipal corpora- tions under the supervision of the Federal Courts in the collection of their revenue, and caused a suspension of the collection of all taxes against corporations, which soon amounted to millions of dollars.
Final decrees perpetually enjoining the collection of the taxes assessed against three of the leading railroad cor- porations were entered by Judge Drummond in the U. S. Circuit Coiutt at Chicago, from which the Attorney- General prosecuted appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States. He procured the cases to be advanced, and they were brought on for argument in 1875. The corpora- tions were represented by the ablest legal talent their re- sources could command. Among the attorneys for the corporations in these cases appear the names of Corydon Beckwith, C. B. Lawrence, R jbert G. Ingersoll, 0. H. Brown- ing and Wirt Dexter. The State was represented by its Attorney-General. It is needless to say that the cases were ably argued. The opinion of the United States Supreme Court was delivered by Miller, J., and is reported in 92 U. S.
at page 575, under the title State Railroad Tax Cases. The —30
466 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
decision of the United States Civcuit Court enjoining the collection of the taxes was reversed, with directions that the bills be dismissed; and the right of the State to tax its- corporations in the manner prescribed in the revenue law of 1872, was fully vindicated. It was held, moreover, that it was the duty of the Federal Courts to conform their rulings to the decisions of the State Courts upon the class- of questions involve' I, which arose under the Constitution and statutes of the State.
CHAPTER LXY, CAMPAIGN OF 1884.
Conventions. State and National— Electoral Vote of the States— Appointments by the President from Illinois— Statement of the United States Treasurer- Official Vote— Election Frauds— Trial and Conviction of Joseph C. Mackin,
In the political campaign of 1884 there were four parties claiming the suffrages of the people — the Eepublican, Dem- ocratic, Prohibition and People's — the latter was the suc- cessor to the Greenback party. It being the year of the Presidential election, to choose a successor to President Arthur, the contest in the State became one of National importance, rather than State. The candidates for Pres- ident of the respective parties are named in the order in which they were nominated. The People's party nominated for President, Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, and Absalom M. West, of Mississippi, for Vice-President ; the Republican party nominated for President, James G. Blaine, of Maine, and for Vice-President, John A. Logan, of Illinois; the Democratic party nominated for President, Grover Cleve- land, of New York, and for Vice-President, Thomas A. Hen- dricks, of Indiana, and the Prohibition party nominated for
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 467
President, John P. St. John, of Kansas, and for Vice-Presi- dent, William Daniel, of Maryland. This campaign exceed- ed, in general interest and excitement, anything that has ever been witnessed in this country, far surpassing that between Harrison and VanBuren in 1840, when the watch- word of the Whig party was "Tippecanoe and Tyler too." Illinois was for months the scene of the most wonderful ex- citement ever witnessed in all her history. Every city, every town, every hamlet, nay, every home, was the scene of angry political discussion. Three of the four candidates for President — Butler, St. John and Blaine — made par- tial canvasses of the State, and all the candidates for Vice- President made more or less speeches within the State, while the several candidates for State and district offices were' heard almost continually proclaiming f^om the rostrum, in. all parts of the State, the justness of their cause, and men and women alike became interested in the struggle, women being as often seen in the processions at night as in the day- time,— sometimes in chariots, sometimes on horseback with banners, and sometimes on foot, carrying the flaming toich. But notwithstanding the great interest in the National election, there was a strong contest between the Democratic and Eepublican parties as to who should possess the State offices. The nominees of the Republican party were the first in the field ; they were all men of high character, and all had served the State in different capacities ably and ac- .ceptably. R. J. Oglesby, candidate for Governor, had been a soldier in two wars, a Senator in the General Assembly, twice Governor of the State and Senator in Congress, and was accounted the most popular leader of his party, having received the nomination by acclamation ; John C. Smith, candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, was a soldier, and was serving his second term as State Treasurer ; H. D. Dement, candidate for re-election to the office of Secretary of State, was a soldier, and had been both Representative and Senator
468 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
in the General Assembly; Okas. P. Swigert, candidate for re- election to the office of Auditor of Public Accounts, had been a soldier in the war for the Union, losing an arm, and had held the office of Treasurer of Kankakee County for eleven years in succession; Jacob Gross, candidate for State Treasurer, was a native of Germany, had been a soldier in his adopted country and lost a leg in defence of its flag, and had held the office of Circuit Clerk of Cook County twelve years; George Hunt, candidate for Attorney-General, had also been a soldier in the war for the Union, and was serving his third term as State Senator. : To oppose Ihis ticket, the Democrats were careful in the selection of their candidates. Men of equal high character were chosen for all the places. Carter H. Harrison, their candidate for Governor, was esteemed the ablest and most formidable that could be arrayed against Oglesby ; he was a graduate of Yale College ; had represented a Chicago dis- trict in the Forty-fourth and Forty-fifth Congresses ; had Ibeen three times in succession elected Mayor of Chicago by unprecedented majorities, receiving a majority of 10,300 in April, 1883, and was serving his third term when nominated for Governor; Henry Seiter, candidate for Lieutenant-Gov- ernor, was a man of like good standing, had been Represen- tative and Senator in the General Assembly, was then serv- ing a term in the Senate ; Michael Dougherty, candidate for Secretary of State, although a native of Pennsylvania, was a true representative of the Irish race, and withal a popular man with his party; Walter E. Carlin, a nephew of ex-Gov. Carlin, candidate for Auditor of Public Accounts, had served in the war for the Union, was a Representative in the Thirty- third General Assembly, and had received the nomination for re-election without opposition when nominated for Auditor; Alfred Orendorff, candidate for State Treasurer, .had been Representative in the General Assembly, was the candidate of his party in 1882 for State Treasurer against
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 469
John C. Smith, and made a gallant tight for the place ; Robert L. McKinlay, candidate for Attorney General, was a lawyer of distinction, and had acquired a wide acquaintance while serving as a Representative in the Thirtieth General
Assembly.
With the other two parties there was no contest as to who should lead them, — the greatest difficulty was to find men willing to lead a forlorn hope ; but reputable men were put up by both parties, the Prohibitionists nominating James B. Hobbs, of Cook, for Governor ; Jas. L. Ferryman, of St. Clair, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Charles W. Enos, of Jersey, for Secretary of State ; Alexander B. Irwin, of San- gamon, for Auditor of Public Accounts ; Uriah Copp, Jr., of Iroquois, for State Treasurer, and Hale Johnson, of Jas- per, for Attorney-General.
The People's party nominated Jesse Harper, of Vermilion, for Governor; Asaph C. Vandewater, of Christian, for Lieutenant-Governor; Horace E. Baldwin, for Secretary of State ; Edwin F. Reeves, for Auditor of Public Accounts ; Ben. W. Goodhue, for State Treasurer, and John N. Gwin, for Attorney-General. With such an array of standard- bearers, the people went forth to battle. The prize with the Democratic party seemed to be the office of Governor. The Republican party had carried the State in 1880 by a majority of 40,716 for Garfield for President, over Han- cock, and 37,033 for Cullom, for Governor, over Trumbull. The battle between Oglesby and Harrison was a bitter war of words. Everywhere there was a demand for them to speak, ^o much so, that their respective committees kept them traveling day in and day out, often compelling them to travel hundreds of miles to meet their appointments, and not infrequently were they required to retrace their steps in order that they might meet the urgent demands of their respective followers. Illustrative of this, Oglesby spoke at
470 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Quincy one day, and the same night took the train for Chi- cago, speaking in that city the next evening, when he took the train for Belleville, thus traveling five hundred miles and making four speeches within forty-eight hours. The result of this heated contest was that while the Republicans elect- ed their entire State ticket, the majority for Oglesby over Harrison was only 14,599, while that of his associates, over their respective competitors, ranged from 23,269 to 24,564. The majority for Elaine and Logan over Cleveland and Hendricks was 25,118. The total vote of the Prohibitionists for President was 12,074 ; for Governor, 10,905. The vote of .he People's party for President was 10,776, and for Gov- e nor 8,605.
There were two questions of State policy which were of vital importance to the people, namely, the appropriation of $ 513,712 for the completion of the State House, and the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution, empower- ing the Governor to veto objectionable features of appro- priation bills, and yet not invalidate other portions of the law. But National questions so absorbed the thoughts of all par ies that these were allowed to drift along wkh the political ;ide, but both received a majority of all the votes cast; the appropriation carried by 28,248 majority, and the constitutional amendment by 91,273.
In the contest for Congressmen, there were ten Democrats and ten Republicans chosen, showing a gain of one fo. the Democrats over the vote of 1882.
The Legislature was a tie, the Republicans carrying the Senate by a majority of one, and the Democrats the Hou?e by a like number.
In the National contest, Cleveland and Hendricks received 219 electoral votes, carrying the States of Alabama, Arkan- sas, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 471
Jersey, New York, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennes- see, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia. Of the popular vote they received 4,911,017. Elaine and Logan received 182 electoral votes, carrying the States of California, Col- orado, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michi- gan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, •Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Vermont. Of the popular vote they received 4,848,334. Butler and West re- ceived of the popular vote 133,825 ; St. John and Daniel received of the popular vote 151,809. The total popular vote was 10,048,061. There were scattering 11,362.
The defeat of the Eepublican party in the Nation was history repeating itself, but whether it shall be the history of 1840, when the Whigs succeeded in electing Harrison over Van Buren, retiring the Democratic party from power for four years; or whether it shall be the history of 1860, when the Republican party elected Abraham Lincoln Presi- dent, retiring the Democratic party from power for twenty- four years, depends upon the conduct of the victors.
Thus far, however, the policy of the President has not met the expectations of many of the great leaders of his party in respect to the removal of Republicans from office, they holding the view that the people meant more than the mere change of the executive head of the Nation in electing a Democrat to the Presidency; that is, that it meant that the government of the country should go into the hands of the Democratic party in fact ; that all Repub- licans should go out of office and Democrats go in. In disposing of positions at Washington, the President has been liberal toward Illinois, notwithstanding he did not carry the electoral vote of the State. William A. J. Sparks was made Commissioner of the Land Office ; -John C. Black, Commissioner of Pensions; William A. Day, Second Auditor of the Treasury Department ; Edwin A. Clifford, Deputy
'472 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
i
'under the Sixth Auditor; Adlai E. Stevenson, First Assist- ant Postmaster General; John H. Oberly, Superintendent of Indian Schools, and afterward promoted to Civil Service Commissioner.
When Mr. Wyman, Treasurer of the United States, turned over the office to Mr. Jordan, his successor, on the 30th of April, 1885, his accounts were found correct in every regard, and there was then in the treasury, subject to the demands of the country, $483,932,566.09, which fact must serve to strengthen the faith of the people in the purity of the administration of the National Government.
OFFICIAL VOTE.
GOVERNOR.
Richard J. Oglesby, R 334,234
Carter H. ^Harrison, D 319,635
Jesse Harper, Peop 8,605
James B. Hobbs, Pro 10,905
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR.
John C, Smith, R 337,762
Henry Seiter, D 314 493
Asaph C. Vandewater, Peop 9,7 &
James L. Perryman, Pro 11,360
SECRETARY OF STATE.
Henry D. Dement, R 338,240
Micbael J. Dougherty, D 31. ,490
Horace E. Baldwin, Peop 10,219
Charles W. Enos, Pro 8,865
AUDITOR.
Charles P. Swigert, R 337,886
Walter E. Carlm, D 316,322
E.lwin F. Reeves, Peop 10,142
Alexander B. Irwm, Pro 11,344
TREASURER.
Jacob Gross, R 338,171
Alfred Qrendorff, D 313,400
Benjamin W. Goodhue, Peop 10,451
Uriah Copp, Jr., Pro 11,119
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 47S
ATTORNEY-GENERAL.
George Hunt, R 837,847
Eobert L. McKinlay, D 3.3,846
John W. Gwiu, Feop 10,251
Hale Johnson, Pro 11,429
MEMBERS OF CONGRESS — FIRST DISTR.CT.
Ransom W. Dunham, R 20,245
William M. Tilden, D 14,655
William B. Gates 288-
John B. Clark 501
SKC >ND DISTRICT.
John F. Finerty, Ind. R 11 552
Francis Lawler, D 13,954
William F. Killett 23
THIBD DISTRICT.
Charles Fitz Simons, R 8,928
James H. Wnrd, D 15,601
William E. Mason, R ..- 10,806
J. C. Boyd 259
J. E. Lee 280
FOURTH DISTRICT.
George K. Adams, R 18,333
John P. Altgeldt, D 15,291
H. W. Austin 467
FIFTH DISTRICT.
Reuben Ellwood, * R 20.500
Richard Bishop, D 9,424
J. P. Bartlett 20
SIXTH DISTR CT.
Robert R. Hitt, R 18,048
E. W. Blaisdell, D 10,891
U. D. Meacham 242
SEVENTH DISTRICT.
Thomas J. Henderson, R 15,498
James S. Eckels, D 10,689
H. H. Haaff 712
* Albert J. Hopkins, Republican, was elected to the 49th Congress by a ma- jority of 6,000 over Richard Bishop, Democrat, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Mr. Ellwood.
474 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Ealph Plumb, E 18,707
Patrick C. Haley, D 15,953
H. J. Wood 732
N. Kilburn 709
NINTH DISTRICT.
Lewis E. Payson, E 16,481
James Kirk, D 13,716
James McGrew — 627
TENTH DISTRICT.
Julius S. Starr, E 16.582
Nicholas E. Worthington, D 16,758
Eoyal Hammond 86
ELEVENTH DISTRICT.
Alex. P. Petrie, E 17,864
William H. Neece, D 18,291
JR. H. Broaddus 351
TWELFTH DISTRICT.
Thomas G. Black, E 15,177
James M. Eipgs, D 22,046
Hiram J. Paiker 820
James A. Wallace 161
THIRTEENTH DISTRICT.
William M. Springer, D 20,808
James M. Taylor, E - 16,971
Thomas S. Knoles 28
George P. Harrington 747
FOURTEENTH DISTRICT.
C. C. Clark, D 15,673
Jonathan H. Eowell, E 18 052
William P. Eandolph 1,168
D. L. Brancher 241
FIFTEENTH DISTRICT.
Joseph G. Cannon, E 17 852
John C. Black, D 17,360
T. J. Thornton 151
T. P. Thornton 183
SIXTEENTH DISTRICT.
James McCartney, E 16.791
Silas Z. Lnndes, D 17.109
John W. Honey 213
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 475
SEVENTEEN! H DISTRICT.
John R. Eden, f) 18.402
Houland J. Hamlin, R 14,576
John B. Cromer 486
EIGHTEENTH DISTRICT.
Thomas B. Needles, R 15,136
William R. Morrison, D 17,695
Henry D. Moore 135
W. H. Moore 298
NINETEENTH DISTRICT.
Richard W. Townshend, D 18 296
Thomas S. Ridgway, R 18.615
H. R, Sherman 3/3
TWENTIETH DISTRICT.
Fountain E. Albright, D 15 788
John R. Thomas, R 17,890
Addison Davis 658
ELECTORS — BLAINE.
Andrew Shuman 337,469
Isaac Lesem 337,476
George Bass 337,470
John C. Tegtmeyer 337,466
John M. Smyth 337,468
James A. Sexton 336.965
Albert J. Hopkins 3,7.465
Conrad J. Fry 337,479
William H. Shepard 337,469
Robert A. Childs 337,4o9
David McWiliiams 337,472
Rufus W. Miles 337,466
John A. Harvey 337,468
Francis M. Davis 337,471
J. Otis Humphrey 337,460
Edward D. Bl;nn 3a7,470
William 0. Wilson 337.470
Rufus Cone 3o7,465
John H. Dunscomb 337,470
Cicero J. Lindly 337,471
Jasper Partridge 3-7,471
Matthew J. Inscore 337,502
476 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CLEVELAND.
Orlando B. Ficklin 312,830
John W. Doane 312,421
James H. Ward 31-2.366
James Morgan, Jr 312,352
James K. Blish 312.359
George 0. Harrington 312,361
William Prentiss ' 310 105
Hiram P. Shumway 312,368
J ames B. Cunningham 312,t 60-
Eugene B. Buck 312.358
F, ancis M. Youngblood 3i2,353
William G. Ewing 312,851
James T. Healy • 312,407
Harvey D. Colvin 312,363
John F. Smith 312,366
Michael W. Shurts 312,859
George A. Wilson 312,362
Henry Phillips 312,359
William T. Kirk 312,366
James C. Allen 312,358
George Willis Akins 312,343
William K. Murphy 312,361
ST. JOHN.
Thomas Moulding 15,789
John G. Irwin 11 884
Benjamin S. Mills 12 068
James W. Lee 12,070
Anthony Lennon 1£,074
John Nate 12,074
Aaron Gurney 12,074
Andrew Hinds 12,074
William H. Tibbies 12 074
James P. Murphy ; 12,074
William M. Hamilton 12,074
William Nowlan 12 074
Kichard Haney 12,078
William McBride 12,073
George W. Minier 12,0.9
Jerome W. Nichols 12,074
Archibald Easton 12,073
Victor E. Phillips 12,072
Henry B. Kepley 12,072
William Donoho 12,073
Charles 0. Drayton 12,073
Samuel E. Evans. . .... 12 068
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 477
BUTLER.
John J. Hilty 9,203
Edward C. Callahan 10,8<i3
Soren Peterson 9,676
William Floto 8,114
Stephen M. Slade 10,658
Andrew Ashtou 10 246
Simon Elliott 10.858
Francis M. Plumb 10,776
Christopher C. Strawn 10,894
Joseph S! Barnum 10 907
Robert Bennett 6,878
Francis M. Grimes 10,910
Henry M. Miller 30,889
Jamt s Freeman 10,H89
Emile H. Langhaus 5,454
Henry Vandtrhoff 5,800
Benjamin F. Banning 10 662
William Harris 10,235
Burden Pullen 10,7t'5
John W. Wayman 9,528
Seymour F. Norton 9,345
Charles Vorhis 10,164
MACKIN ELECTION FRAUD.
The history of the campaign of 18?4 had an alarming and disgraceful sequel. The returns made by the Judges and Olerks of the Sixth Senatorial District, to the County Can- vassing Board of Cook County, on the 5th of November, showed that Henry W. Leman, Republican candidate for State Senator, had been elected by a majority of 890, but when these returns were canvassed by the County Board, it appeared that the figures had been so changed in the Eighteenth Ward of Chicago as to elect Rudolph Brand, Democrat, instead of Leman, by a majority of 10. The fraud was so flagrant that it startled the people of the entire State. It charged the political complnxion of the Senate from a Republican majority of one to a Democratic majority of one, and secured for the Democrats a majority of two on joint ballot in the General Assembly, thus making certain the election of a Democratic United States Senator.
478 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
The returns showing this state of facts were sent by the County Canvassing Board to the State Canvassing Board, at Springfield, hut the latter, being aware that fraud had been committed, declined to certify to the election of Brand, thus leaving the responsibility of issuing the certifi- cate of election with Governor Hamilton.
The Governor had previously used the utmost care in arriving at the facts in the case. He had visited Chicago, and j-pent some time in examining the poll books and tally sheets ; having at the same time become convinced of the facts of the case, as developed before the United States Grand Jury, as hereafter shown, and having thus satisfied himself that a grave and daring fraud had been perpetrated upon the voters of that Senatorial district, he disregarded the face of the returns, and issued the certificate of election to Henry W. Leman, accompanying his decision with an able and exhaustive report, in which he reviewed, in detail, all ihe facts and circumstances connected with the matter, closing his decision with these manly words :
"I, therefore, find said Henry W. Leman to be duly elect- ed State Senator from the Sixth Senatorial District. To arrive at any other conclusion would, in my judgment, be to violate my oath of office to support the Consti ution and see that the laws are faithfully executed. On the contrary, I wou'd, by issuing a certificate to Mr. Brand, be giving life and effect and success to one of the greatest crimes ever known in the history of the State. It has been, and may yet be, urged that such decision as I hereby render is- without precedent among my predecessors in the State. That may be. But I answer that it may be said, to the great credit of the people of the State, that there is no pre- cedent in the commission of su h a heinous crime as this upon the elective franchise and rights of popular govern- ment in the history of the State. That I have a right to-
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS O? ILLINOIS. 479
construe the meaning of the Constitution as to the duties pertaining to my office, and am clothed with power to do so, independent of co-ordinate branches of the State govern- ment, is established by the best of authority."
Mr. Brand, supported by able counsel, made a show of contesting the seat of Mr. Leman before the State Canvass- ing Beard, but when it became evident to everybody that the atiempt to claim the seat of Mr. Leman was simply an effort to disfranchise the voters of the Sixth Senatorial Dis- trict, then it was that Mr. Brand and his friends quietly withdrew all proceedings, thus sanctioning the action of Governor Hamilton in issuing the certificate of election to Mr. Leman.
No sooner had the perpetration of this fraud reached the attention of Eichard S. Tuthill, United States District Attorney for the Northern District of'Illinois, than did he institute prompt and vigorous proceedings to bring the per- petrators of the crime to justice by presenting the matter to the grand jury of that court, which was then in session. The facts which moved Mr. Tuthill to action, are these : On November 18, the Canvassing Board of Cook County reached the second precinct of the eighteenth ward. Upon the face of the returns from that precinct appeared a mani- fest erasure and change, as follows: The vote for Senator in the Sixth Senatorial District was given in the return as for Henry W. Leman 220 votes and for Kudolph Brand 474 votes. The figures "four" and "two" had been erased and transposed, and it was apparent that the true and correct return was for Henry W. Leman "420 votes" and for Rudolph Brand "274 votes." While the erasure and change were apparent, the Canvassing Board decided that it must take the face of the returns as conclusive, and refused to take evi- dence as to the truth or falsity thereof. Here it became evi- dent to Mr. Tuthill that it was his duty to investigate the
480 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
matter, as the election was held for a representative in the Congress of the United States, and the United States stat- utes gave the United States Courts full jurisdiction over frauds at such elections, a jurisdiction which was in no respect weakened by the fact that State officers were voted for at the same election. Accordingly, on the 21st day of November he had a subpoena duce tecum issued out of the United States District Court, directed to Michael W. Kyan, County Clerk of Cook County, Illinois, ordering him to ap- pear before the grand jury forthwith, and produce the returns of said precinct, including the ballots. In answer to this subpcena, Mr. Ryan appeared with the poll-books and tally- lists, on the afternoon of November 21st, and told the grand jury that he doubted his right to produce the ballots. He was informed in reply that the ballots must be produced, when he agreed to bring them at once. Upon leaving the jury room he consulted a lawyer, and on the same afternoon re- turned to the grand jury and said that he had been advised by counsel not to produce the ballots, and consequently he would not do so.
On November 22, Mr. Tuthill applied, in the United States District Court, for a rule on Mr. Eyan to show cause why he should not be attached for contempt for failing to obey the subpoena of the court. The rule was granted and made returnable on Monday, November 24, at 10 A. M., on which day Mr. Eyan appeared by his counsel, A. W. Green, and contested the right of the grand jury to have and open the ballots^ on the ground that they must be kept intact and unopened by the County Clerk for a period of six months in case a contest should arise. Argu;ng to the same end appeared Allan C. Story, who stated that he represented Mr. McAuliff, a defeated candidate for Eepresentative in the Leg;slature, and who had been voted for at that elec- tion. The Court, however, ordered the ballots to be pro- duced on the following day, November 25th.
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 481
This subpcena to Mr. Eyan was served on him at about 1 : 45 P. M., on November 21st. At about 2 p. M. the same day Joseph C. Mackin, who had been present when the ser- vice was made, went to the office of P. L. Hanscom Print- ing Company and ordered a ticket printed in fac-simile of the Republican ticket used in the Eighteenth Ward, with the exception that the name of Rudolph Brand was sub- stituted for that of Henry W. Leman, as a candidate for Senator in the Sixth Senatorial District. This order was accepted by the printing company, who in turn ordered an engraved heading for the ticket from Baker & Co., en- gravers. The ticket was printed by the printing company, being actually set up by W. H. Wright, and the engraving was done by S. W. Fallis and F. N. Tucker, of the firm of Baker & Co.
The printing was done on the night of November 21st, and about 2,000 of said tickets were delivered to Mackin at his room in the Palmer House, Chicago, at about 10 o'clock the same night.
The ballots were produced by Mr, Ryan before the grand jury November 25th, and at that time there were found among them two hundred and thirty of the spurious tickets which had been printed November 21st, seventeen days after the election. The names on the poll-books which corres- ponded with the numbers on the spurious tickets enabled the grand jury to summon the persons who had apparently voted these tickets, and they testified under oath that they had voted the regular Republican ticket Mhich bore the name of Henry W. Leman, and that they had not before seen the fraudulent tickets. This was conclusive. The grand jury, as a result of its investigation, found two indictments, one against Joseph C. Mackin, Arthur Gleason and Henry Biehl, and one against the judges and clerks of election at said
precinct. The jury had then been in session thirty-two days, —31
482 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
a large portion of the time being spent upon these election frauds. Some time after the discharge of the jury, which occurred December 12th, it was discovered that Wm. J. Gallagher was one of the conspirators and the person who had done the work of forgery. It was then impracticable to convene a grand jury, as the funds for that purpose were ex- hausted. Accordingly, on the 20th day of January, 1885, an information in regular form and in accordance with all previous precedents was filed in the United States District Court against said Mackin, Gallagher, Gleason and Biehl, They were tried before Judge Henry W. Blodgett. Richard S. Tuthill, assisted by John B. Hawley and Israel N. Stiles, appeared for the prosecution. Mackin was defended by Daud Turpie, of Indianapolis, Indiana, and Frank D. Tur- ner ; Gallagher by Henry Wendell Thompson ; Gleason by Leonard Swett and Peter S. Grosscup, and Biehl by Wm. S. Young, Jr.
The jury was composed of the following persons : John N. Hills, of Eavenswood, foreman; Seymore M. Arnold, Galesburg ; Charles Hunt, Harvard ; Geo. W. Par- ker. Poplar Grove ; James Carr, Scales Mound ; Albert M. Weaver, Peoria ; Charles E. Smiley, Maple Park ; D. W. Wilson, Annawan ; Thomas Brownlee, Galva ; A. W. Thomp- son, Pecatonica; Geo. B. Yasline, Austin, and Charles Welch, Thompson.
The trial occupied a period of seventeen days. The grave character of the offense, the vigor with which the prosecution was waged, and the eminent legal talent on either side, attracted, from day to day, a large number of anxious spectators, and many were the speculations as to what would be the final result; law-abiding men felt sure of conviction, while the friends of the accused were equally confident of acquittal. But the jury was not long in making up its judgment, when the case closed, being out only a few hours, when it rendered a verdict of guilty as to
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 483
Mackin, Gallagher and Gleason, and not guilty as to Biehl. The defendants' counsel entered a motion for a new trial, . which was heard by the Court, March 12, and overruled. Mackin and Gallagher were sentenced to two years' impris- onment in the Joliet Penitentiary, and to pay a fine of $5,000 each, and stand committed till such fines were paid. Glea- son was not then sentenced, owing to the absence of his counsel, and his motion for a new trial was left pending.
Subsequently, the defendants' attorneys applied to Judge Gresham, of the United States Circuit Court, for a supersedeas. He decided that the "question was of sufficient difficulty and importance to entitle the defendants to a writ of error and an order staying proceedings under the sentence. "j Under this decision the defendants were admitted to bail.
The cause was heard in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of Illinois, John M. Harlan and Walter Q. Gresham sitting as such Court. They dis- agreed on five points, and at the request of the United States District Attorney and the defendants' counsel, their differ- ence of opinion was certified to the Supreme Court of the United States by the Clerk of the Circuit Court of the United States, at its next session.
Retrospective, it is but just to say that the honest, upright citizens of Chicago, irrespective of party, came forward with manly courage in support of District Attorney Tuthill, in his bold attempt to enforce the law against the perpetrators of the infamous fraud. There was organized a citizens' committee, numbering eighty members, of the best citizens, and over $100,000 was subscribed by the business men, in aid of the investigation and prosecution. While each mem- ber of this committee was willing to see that the law was enforced, no matter who the guilty party might be, yet recognizing the necessity of the concentration of action, an
484 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
executive committee, consisting of Albert W. Day, Chair- man; A. A. Carpenter, 0. 8. A. Sprague, Francis B. Pea- body and J. H. McVicker, with Augustus H. Burley, Treas- urer, and John C. Ambler, Secretary, was authorized to act for the whole, and to dare and do that which would best serve the ends of justice.
The work of this executive committee was performed fearlessly, and while we have no disposition to be invidious in our praise of individuals, yet to Messrs. Tuthill, Hawley and Stiles, for their able and manly prosecution of the cause, and to Melville E. Stone, for his bold and timely ex- posure of the crime through the columns of the Daily News, there is due a high meed of praise.
Subsequently, Mackin was arraigned in the State court for the crime of perjury. In January, 1885, a special grand jury was called in Cook County for the purpose of investi- gating election frauds, and in the investigation Joseph C. Mackin was called before the jury as a witness. Numerous questions were asked him in regard to having ordered cer- tain spurious ballots printed, and having received them at his hotel. He denied all knowledge of them, stating that he had never ordered any ballots printed, never received any ballots, and never had anything to do with the matter. An indictment for perjury was found against Mackin, based on his testimony. The indictment was returned into court at the adjournment of the jury on the last of January. The 'case was called before the petit jury on the 29th of June, 1835. Thomas A. Moran presided as Judge, and there ap- peared on behalf of the people Julius S. Grinnell, State's Attorney, Joel M. Longenecker, Assistant State's Attorney, and I. N. Stiles, Associate Counsel. Emery A. Storrs ap- peared on behalf of the defendant. On the 29th of June, a jury was secured, consisting of the following persons: M. Horning, L. Franke, Or. Samuelson, Henry Brusharber,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. . 485
John Saul, Peter H. Nelson, John H. Peters, Joseph Myers, J. M. Arnold, Henry Hill, George Gray ami Frank J. Gaz- zolo. On June 30th, the testimony was heard, consisting of the evidence of the printers from whom the tickets were ordered, to the effect that Mackin did order them, and the special grand jurymen testified that Mackin swore before them that he did not know anything about the tickets. No evidence whatever was introduced in behalf of the defend- ant. The case was ably prosecuted, and as ably defended, the arguments being heard on July 1st, and the next day the jury returned a verdict of guilty, and fixed the penalty at five years in the penitentiary at hard labor. This was a great triumph for Mr. Grinnell, the leading counsel for the State, as well as for his associates, for the reason that the friends of Mr. Mackin believed that it was impossible to convict him before a Cook county jury. An application was made for a new trial without success, and the case was car- ried to the Supreme Court upon a writ of error. It was hoped by many well-meaning people that the court would decline to grant the criminal a hearing, but this tribunal being unwilling that Mackin should be made a political martyr, promptly granted his prayer. The people were rep- resented by Attorney-General George Hunt, and P^mery A. Storrs and John C. Richberg appeared for the defendant. Mr. Hunt's presentation of the case was able and convinc- ing, while the appeal of Mr. Storrs in behalf of the rights of his client was one of the many able efforts in the life of this great lawyer, who was stricken down by death a few hours after the conclusion of his argument. The Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the lower court without dissent. Justice Scott delivered the opinion, closing it with these significant words : "Every phase of this case, and every point made for a reversal, have been most carefully and patiently considered, and no error has been discovered, nor has any been pointed out of sufficient gravity to warrant
486 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
tbe reversal of the judgment." The opinion of the court was promulgated November 15th, and at 2 :30 p. M. on the 19th, Joseph C. Mackin entered upon his five years' term in the penitentiary at Joliet.
In the case in the Supreme Court of the United States, Mackin was represented by J. C. Bichberg, of Chicago. It was not heard until early in March, 1886, and on the 22d day of the same month, Justice Gray delivered the opinion. The Court held that the crimes charged against Mackin and Gallagher were infamous within the meaning of the Consti- tution, and that defendants could not be held to answer in the Courts of the United States, otherwise than by indict- ment by a Grand Jury.
It has been seen, however, that the trial in the United States Court was not in vain, for it enabled the Governor to prevent the disfranchisement of the people of the Sixth Sen- atorial District in the Thirty-fourth General Assembly, and resulted in the conviction of Mackiu in the State Court, though not on the same charge, but none the less grave.
CHAPTER LXYI, STATE GOVERNMENT- 1885,
Thirty-Fourth General Assembly— Contest for Speaker— Action of the Sen- ate over the Leman-Brand Resolution Censuring Governor Hamilton- Contest for United States Senator— Work of the Session— State House.
Governor — E. J. Oglesby.
Lieutenant-Governor — John C. Smith.
Secretary of State — Henry D. Dement.
Auditor of Public Accounts — Chas. P. Swigert.
Treasurer — Jacob Gross.
Superintendent of Public Instruction — Henry Raab.
Attorney-General — George Hunt.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 487
In consequence of the failure of the House to organize promptly, the State officers-elect did not qualify until Jan- uary 30th. Governor Oglesby, upon assuming the duties of the office of Governor for the third time, appointed H. J. Caldwell his Private Secretary. Governor Oglesby is the first person who has yet had the honor of occupying the gubernatorial chair of Illinois for the third time. This calls to mind the historical fact that Samuel Cranston of Khode Island was elected twenty-nine successive times Governor of that Colony. It is remarkable that he should have been chosen so often amid the popular convulsions that swept away every other official in the Colony. He served from March, 1698, to April 26, 1727, on which latter date he died. In Vermont the same person has held the office of Governor sixteen different times; in New Hampshire, fourteen; in New York, seven; in Connecticut and Georgia, five; in Maine and Tennessee, four ; in Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Nebraska, Arkansas, Nevada and Pennsylvania, three. Delaware is the only State in the Union which has not elected the same person twice to the office of Governor.
THIRTY-FOURTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
The Thirty-fourth General Assembly convened January 7th, and consisted of the following members :
SENATE.
George E. White, Chicago. James S. Cochran, Freeport.
C. H. Crawford, Chicago. Millard B. Hereley, Chicago.
John H. dough, Chicago. Henry H. Evans, Aurora.
T. A. Cantwell, Chicago. E. B. Shumway, Peotone.
W. H. Buger, Chicago. H. K. Wheeler, Kankakee.
Henry W. Leman, Chicago. Lyman B. Bay, Morris.
Wm. J. Campbell, Chicago. George Torrance, Pontiac.
:Ira B. Curtiss, Marengo. William C. Snyder, Fulton.
Wm. E. Mason, Chicago. Green P. Orendorff, Hopedale.
E. B. Sumner, Rockford. Henry A. Ainsworth, Moline.
'Thomas Cloonnn, Chicago. A. W. Berggren, Galesburg.
488
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
James W. Duncan, Ottawa. A. J. Streeter, New Windsor. L. D. Wuiting, Tiskilwa. Andrew J. Bell, Peoria. Henry Tubbs, Kirkwood. Lafayette Funk, Shirley. Jason Rogers, Decatur. M. B. Thompson, Urbana. Henry VanSellar, Paris. W. B. Galbreath* Charleston. E. N. Rinehart, Effingham. John M. Darnell, Rushviile. Maurice Kelly, t Liberty. James W. Johnson, Pittsfield. Frank M. Bridges* Carrollton
Robert H. Davis, I Carrollton, David Gore, Carlinville. L. F. Hamilton, Springfield. Elizur Soulhworth, Litchfield. D. B. Gillham, Upper Alton. Wm. S. Forman, Nashville. Thomas E. Merritt, Salem. Robley D. Adams, Fairfield. W. II. McNary, Martinsyille. Ricliard L. Organ, Carmi. Henry Seiter, Lebanon. John J. Higgins, DuQuoin. Wm. S. Morris, Golconda. Geo. W. Hill, Murphysboro. Daniel Hogan, Mound City.
*Died. tResigned. t Vice Bridges, deceased.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Robert B. Kennedy, Chicago. Francis W. Parker, Chicago. James McHale, Chicago. Wm. H. Harper, Chicago. H. A. Parker, Normal Park. Ernst Hummel, Hyde Park. Abner Taylor, Chicago. John W. E. Thomas, Chicago. Thomas J. McNally, Chicago. Thos. C. MacMillan, Chicago. Matthew Murphy, Chicago. James F. Qwinn, Chicago. Wm. S. Powell, Chicago. Joseph Mahoney, Chicago. Win. A. Dorman, Chicago. Henry S. Boutell, Chicago. Eugene A. Sittig. Chicago. S. F. Sullivan, Chicago. John Humphrey, Orland. Geo. (jr. Struckman, Elgin. Clayton E. Crafts, Austin. Charles E. Fuller, Belvidere. James Pollock, Millburn. Elijah M. Haines, Waukegan. Frederick S. Baird, Chicago. Chas. E. Scharlau, Chicago.
Dennis Considine, Chicago.
A. F. Brown, Stillman Valley. David Hunter, Rockford.
E. M. Winslow, Winnebago. Adam C. Oldenburg, Chicago. John O'Shea, Chicago. J. J. Schlesinger, Chicago.
D. A. Sheffield, Apple River. Simon Greenleaf, Savanna.
E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. P. A. Sundelius, Chicago.
B. Brachtendorf, Chicago. T. F. Mulheran, Chicago. Luther L. Hiatt, Wheaton. John Stewart, Campton. Thomas O'DonneU, Aurora. Henry H. Stassen, Monee. James C. Morgan, Joliet. George Bez, Wilmington. M. F. Campbell, Kaukakee. J. L. Hamilton, Wellington. Free P. Morris, Watseka.
H. C. Whittemore, Sycamore. Wm. M. Hanna, Lisbon. Andrew Welch, Yorkville. Albert G. Goodspeed, Odell.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
489
Charles Bogardus, Paxton. Michael Cleary, Odell. Charles H. Ingalls, Sublette. Robert E. Logan,* Morrison.
D. S. Spafford,! Morrison. C aleb C. Johnson, Sterling. Julius Watercott, Henry. Samuel Patrick, Wash burn. Ernest P. Unland, Pekin.
H. C. Cleveland, Eock Island. T. Nowers, Jr., Atkinson. J, H. Paddelford, Cleveland. Orrin P. Cooley, Oneida. Wm. J. Orendorff, Canton. Samuel P. Marshall, Ipava. Samuel C. Wiley, Earlville. C. L. Hoffman, Farm Ridge. Frank P. Snyder, Mendota. A. W. Graham, Biggsville. C. E. Gittings, Terre Haute. Alfred N. Cherry, Tioga. Albert W. Bpyden, Sheffield. James H. Miller, Toulon. Eli V. Raley, Granville. Mark M. Bassett, Peoria. John Downs, Peoria. Wm. McLean, Chillicothe. C. M. Eodgers, Monmouth. W. H. McCord, Blandinsville. Wm. H. Weir, Colchester. Samuel B. Kinsey, McLean. Ivory H. Pike, Bloomington. S. H. West, Arrowsmith. C. S. Lawrence, Elkhart. R. Templeman, Mt. Pulaski. James M. Graham, Niantic. Wm. F. Calhoun, Clinton. Virgil S. Euby, Bement. Wm. B. Webber, Urbana.
E. E. Boudinot, Danville. C. A. Allen, Hoopeston.
E. R. E. Kimbronyh, Danville S. M. Long, Newman. Henry Sheplor, Greenup.
J. P. McGee, Brushy Fork. Thomas N. Henry, VVindsor. John H. Baker, Sullivan. W. C. Headen, Shelbyville. Perry Logsdon, Eushville. J. H. Shaw,* Beardstown. W. H. Weaver,! Petersburg. G. W. Longford, Havana. Fred. P. Taylor, Quincy. Samuel Mileham, Camp Point, Wm. H. Collins, Quincy. W. H. Brackenridge, Vers'lles J. W. Moore, Mound Station. Peter C. Barry, Hardin. H. C. Massey, JerseyviJle. Byron McEvers, Glasgow. T. S. Chapman, Jerseyville.
E. L. McDonald, Jacksonville
F. R. McAliney, Staunton. George J. Castle, Carlinville. Ben F. Caldwell, Chatham. Charles A Kf.yes, Springfield. Charles Kerr, Pawnee. Robert A. Gray, Blue Mound. George M. Stevens, Nokomis. H. H. Hood, Litchfield.
W. R. Prickett, Edwardsville. Wm. W. Pearce, Alhambra. Jones Tontz, Grant Fork. M. A. Morgan, Okawville. Milton M. Sharp, Greenville. Charles C. Moore, Carlyle.
G. H. Varnell, Mt. Vernon. Geo. H. Dieckmann, Vandalia. Henry C. Goodnow, Salem. William T. Prunty, Olney. Alfred Brown, Albion. Edward McClung, F airfield. J. M. Hiyhsmith, Eobinson. Isaac M. Shup, Newton. David Trexler, Newton.
J. R. Campbell, McLeansbora J. M. Sharp, Mount CarmeL W. T. Buchanan, Law'en'ville
*Died. tFioe Shaw, deceased. J Vice Logan, deceased,
490 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
James M. Dill, Belleville. W. V. Choisser, Harrisburg.
F. Heim, East St. Louis. Da -id T. Lineyar* Cairo.
J- B. Messick, East St. Louis. Philip V. N. Davis, Anna.
Thomas James, Chester. W. 8. Rogers, Murphysboro.
Peter Bickelhaupt, Waterloo. James M. Fowler, Marion.
Henry Clay, Tamaroa. William C. Allen, Vienna.
John Yost, Elba. Quincy E. Browning, Benton. Simon S. Barger, Eddyville.
In the Thirty-fourth General Assembly, new members largely predominated. Through the resignation of Mr. Hunt, by reason of his election to the office of Attorney-General, and the death of Mr. Bridges, there were 27 senators elected to this General Assembly, 25 in even districts, and two in the odd, 3 of whom had not before been members of any legisla- tive body. In the House, out of the 155 Representatives, 2 of whom were elected to fill vacancies caused by death, there were 109 who had never before served in a legislative as- sembly. In the Senate, Mr. Whiting had been longest con- nected with the legislation of the State, having first been elected a Representative in the Twenty-sixth General Assembly, then delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1839-70, and Senator in the Twenty-seventh, serving con- tinuously since that time. In the House, Mr. Haines had seen the most service as a legislator, having been elected to the Twenty-first, Twenty-second, and Twenty-third General Assemblies, and delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1869-70 ; was Representative in the Twenty-seventh, Twenty- ninth, and Thirty-third General Assemblies. In the Twenty- ninth he was both temporary Speaker and Speaker, as he was in the Thirty- fourth. His long experience and compre- hensive knowledge of parliamentary law, gave him great power over the deliberations of the House, and though often ruling to the displeasure of both Republicans and Democrats, he never failed to assure them that "no rights would be lost."
* Died.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 491
The Senate convened at 12 o'clock M. Wednesday, January 7th, 1885, and organized promptly by the election of William J. Campbell, Republican, President pro tempore, over Henry Seiter, Democrat, by a vote of 26 to 25. And Lorenzo F. Watson, Secretary, over Wiley Jones, by a similar vote.
The House met at the same hour, H. D. Dement, Secre- tary of State, calling it to order, saying that the hour fixed by the Constitution for the convening of the Legislature had arrived. He introduced Rev. A. H. Ball, who offered a prayer. J. H. Paddock acted as Clerk. On the call of the roll all the members answered to their names except Messrs. Bickelhaupt, Brachtendorf, Murphy and O'Shea. Mr. Dement said the next thing in order would be nominations for temporary Speaker. Mr. Chapman named J. B. Messick. Mr. Baker named Elijah M. Haines. The roll was called, but the Democrats refrained from voting. There were 76 votes cast, of which Mr. Messick had received 75. Mr. Mes- sick voted for Luther L. Hiatt. Mr. Dement remarked that the roll showed less than a quorum voting, and ordered another roll-call. Again the Democrats refrained from vot- ing. The result of the roll-call was the same as before. Mr. Kimbrough said he would ask, on behalf of the Demo- cratic side of the House, that there be a call of the roll for the purpose of ascertaining who were present. Mr. Haines said that the House was now under no rules of parliament- ary law ; that all not voting were absent ; if they vote, they are present and should be recorded. Mr. Fuller said : "Mr. Speaker, I am not sure that it is necessary that a quorum should be present in order to effect a temporary organiza- tion of the House. I think not ; but if I am mistaken in this, it appears from the presence of the two gentlemen, (Kimbrough and Haines,) who have just addressed the chair, that an actual quorum is present. They have addressed the chair, and by their remarks have demonstrated that there
492 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLTNOIS.
is a quorum of members present, — seventy- five members having voted, and two others being present. The chair now knows that there are seventy-seven members, or a quorum, present, and a temporary Speaker has been elected."
The chair ruled the point not well taken, and ordered the roll-call to be proceeded with, when 152 members responded to their names. On the third ballot Mr. Haines received 76 votes, and Mr. Messick 75. Mr. Haines voted for Mr. Varnell, and Mr. Messick for Mr. Hiatt. Mr. Dement declared Mr. Haines duly elected temporary Speaker. Mr. Fuller raised a point of order in effect that Mr. Haines had not been elected, as it required a majority of all the mem- bers present to elect. Mr. Haines wanted to know if the chair had announced the vote. Mr. Dement answered in the affirmative. Mr. Haines said, "then the thing is closed." "No," said Mr. Dement, "I made a mistake." Mr. Haiues said : "Mr. Chairman, I had decided to help the chair oat by refusing to accept the position. The Senate has decided this question long ago. This is not for the Speaker ; it is only a temporary thing. I will say right here to my col- league from Boone, that under no condition would I accept this place, and I am not obliged to anybody for offering it to me." Mr. Dement repeated that he was in error in an- nouncing the result. Mr. Haines then wanted to know if the chair repudiated the rules of the Senate. Mr. Dement intimated that he knew nothing of the traditions of the Senate. Mr. Haines insisted that it was a question of history, and that the ruling of the chair was unprecedented. Mr. Dement maintained his point, when the House ad- journed until Thursday at 11:30 A. M.
When the House met on Thursday, every member was present, and on the first ballot Mr. Haines was elected tem- porary Speaker by a vote of 77 to 74 for Mr. Messick, Mr. Sittig voting for Mr. Haines. Mr. Messick voted for Mr.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 493
Hiatt. Mr. Haines did not vote. Mr. Haines accepted the trust, and the further temporary organization was proceeded with. Robert A. D. Wilbanks, Democrat, was elected Clerk, over J. K. Magie, Eepublican, by a vote of 77 to 76. Sub- sequently, Mr. Haines held that he had been elected Speaker; that the Constitution recognized no such officer as tem- porary Speaker, and he successfully resisted, for fourteen •days, the election of E. L. Cronkrite, the Democratic caucus nominee, when, tiring of the conflict, and failing to assert his authority as Speaker, he resigned. This was late in the evening. No sooner had he vacated the chair, than there was a grand rush from both sides of the House for the rostrum. Mr. Pike, Republican, was the first to ascend the platform, and in a loud tone called the House to order. He had hardly gotten the words out of his mouth, before Messrs. McAliney, McHale and McNally, from the Democratic side, had violently thrown him from the stand, and Mr. Baker, Democrat, snatched the gavel from him and handed it to Mr. Cronkrite. The scene was one of great excitement. In the midst of the tumult, Mr. Fuller put a motion that Mr. Linegar be made temporary Speaker, but Mr. Cronk- rite, guarded by the Democrats, held the chair. The Democrats put a motion to a viva voce vote, declaring Mr. Oonkrite permanent Speaker, and announced it carried. Mr. Puller mounted a desk and moved that Mr. Cronkrite be designated as the temporary presiding officer of the House until a permanent organization was effected, which question was put by Mr. Fuller to a vote and unanimously agreed to by the House, thereby settling the dispute as to the tem- porary organization, in opposition to the claim of Mr. Haines that a permanent organization had been effected, when, on a motion of Mr. Fuller, the House adjourned until 10 o'clock A. M., January 21.*
*See House Journal, page 45.
494 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
/
Mr. Cronkrite continued to occupy the chair until the 28th of January, when Mr. Haines was elected Speaker as the caucus nominee over Charles E. Fuller, the Republican caucus nominee, by the vote of Mr. Fuller, he having pre- viously expressed his willingness to vote for his opponent whenever he should have secured the united support of his own party, -and Messrs. O'Donnell and Linegar having finally yielded to party pressure and cast their votes for Mr. Haines, giving him 76 votes, or enough with his own to have elected him ; and Mr. Haines having stated that he would not vote for himself, Mr. Fuller arose and said : "Mr. Speaker, there appearing now to be a united majority upon the other side of this house, I, for one, am willing to concede that, being united, they are entitled to the organization of this house, and to the election of a Speaker, and in order that there may be the best of feeling between the two parties of this house in starting out upon what we all hope will be a peaceable, prosperous and successful session of this Legis- lature, I take pleasure, at this time, in changing my vote, which I cheerfully cast for my distinguished colleague from Lake, the honorable E. M. Haines." This ended the long and bitter contest over the Speakership. On taking the gavel, Mr. Haines said, in a trembling voice and with tears in his eyes : "Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, I have again to thank you for this renewed evidence of your confidence and esteem. Perhaps there has never been, in the history of this State, any person so highly honored in his election to this place." Mr. Wilbanks was subsequently elected Clerk, when the business of the Thirty-fourth Gen- eral Assembly began. Until the organization of the General Assembly there could be no canvass of the vote for State offi- cers, nor could the messages of the retiring Governor, and incoming Governor be received by the respective houses. Governor Hamilton's message was read in both houses on-
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the 30fch. The vote for State officers was canvassed on the same day, and Governor Ogles by was sworn into office with- out ceremony, and after the reading of his inaugural address, Lieutenant-Governor J. C. Smith, H. D. Dement, Secretary of State, C. P. Swigert, Auditor of Public Accounts, Jacob Gross, Treasurer, and George Hunt, Attorney-General, re- ceived the oath of office, and the wheels of government again moved on in the ordinary way.
One of the important duties to be discharged by this body was the election of a United States Senator to succeed John A. Logan. Ordinarily the two houses would have met Tues- day, January 20th, to ballot for Senator, but a statute of the United States requiring the respective houses to meet on the second Tuesday after the organization, for the purpose of electing a United States Senator, prolonged the time until the 10th of February, but at that time there was no formal vote, and the Joint Assembly did not meet until the 13th of February, but no vote was had on that occasion and no business transacted, except the formal nomination of candi- dates. Hilon A. Parker presented the name of John A. Logan, and D. T. Linegar nominated W. B. Morrison. The rolls of the Senate and House were called, and two hundred members answered to their names. The Speaker then di- rected that as the roll was called, each member should rise to his feet and declare the name of his choice for the Sen- atorship, but the rolls were called through without a single vote being cast. The Speaker, holding in his hand a slip of paper showing that no votes had been cast, promptly an- nounced: "The rolls have been called, and no person has been voted for for Senator. No one has been elected, and there is no election." The contest for Senator was the most prolonged and portentous in the history of all the States, extending from the 13fch of February, until the 19th day of May. In a subsequent chapter we give the details of the contest.
496 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
The Speaker, in making up the committees, made Mr. Sittig, Republican, who had voted for him for temporary Speaker and Speaker, Chairman of the Committee on Claims.
MR. DUNCAN'S RESOLUTION OF CENSUBE.
While the House was wrangling over the election of a Speaker, the Senate was engaged, for a time, in a very bit- ter controversy over a series of resolutions introduced by Mr. Duncan, condemnatory of the action of Governor Ham- ilton in disregarding the face of the election returns from the Sixth Senatorial District, and issuing the certificate of election to Henry W. Leman instead of Rudolph Brand. He insisted that the action of the Governor was a plain viola- tion of law; no matter what might have been the justifica- tion, or how broad the cause, it was a dangerous precedent to establish, and the record of the Senate should bear a pro- test against it. The resolutions of Mr. Duncan were signed by all the Democratic Senators, except Messrs. Organ and Streeter. Mr. Morris followed Mr. Duncan in a speech of much warmth, claiming that the protest had no business before the Senate, since it related to the action of a coordi- nate branch of the government, and not to the proceedings of the Senate. Mr. Bell replied with much feeling that the action of Governor Hamilton was unconstitutional, and merited censure at the hands of the Senate. Mr. Merritt expressed a similar view.
Mr. Clough said, there seemed to be no dispute from the other side as to the fact that fraud had been committed, and therefore he moved that the words "if any" Rafter the word "fraud," and the words "if any were committed," in another portion of the protest be stricken out. To this motion Mr. Merritt made the point of order that the protest, being a right of the minority, could not be amended by the majority. The President ruled that the resolutions were not in the
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form of a protest, and therefore were subject to amendment, when Mr. Duncan presented an amendment, making the document read "we protest" instead of "be it resolved."
Mr. Mason attacked the protest in a vigorous speech of an hour, in the course of which he said: "If John M. Hamilton had taken the Constitution and torn it into shreds, and had broken every law of record in order to pre- vent the perpetration of this, the most damnable fraud in the history of this State, the people would thank him for having the courage to violate one law in order to keep a higher one."
Mr. Southworth denounced Governor Hamilton as having been a partisan of the most bitter type, who held the inter- ests of his political party as more sacred than the mandates of the Constitution of his State. No Governor, said he, had a right, in a contested election case, to go quietly to Chicago, and on evidence of ex parte testimony there heard by him, return to the Capital and decide the case in the face and in contradiction of the official returns of the dis- trict.
Mr. Johnson regretted that the Republican side should re- gard the question as a political one. He hoped that they could come before the Senate, and discuss a plain, legal question without the Republicans in any way construing it r.s political. Referring to the language of Mr. Mason, he greatly deplored that this gentleman should have so far for- gotten himself as to indu'ge in such violent language. This, said he, should be discussed as a legal question, anl yet no man on the other side had sought in any way to justify the action of Governor Hamilton as being right in the eyes of the law. Addressing himself to Governor Hatn- il on, who occupied a seat on the Republican side, Mr. Johnson said : "We are here protesting, because the rights
of this Senate have been invaded ; because a coordinate —32
498 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
branch of the State Government had dared to cross the threshold of this Senate, and usurp its rights. We protest in the name of the Democratic party, in the name of the people, and in the name of the future." Mr. Clough now demanded a vote on his amendment. The yeas and nays were demanded, but the Democrats refused to vote, and no quorum was declared present. Mr. Duncan again obtained the floor and spoke at length, criticising the action of Gov- ernor Hamilton severely, and said it was not calculated to win for him respectability in the legal profession. A man who would illegally traduce the constitution he had sworn to protect, was a lamentable spectacle in the eyes of his fel- lows.
Mr. Morris arose and defended the course of Governor Hamilton in burning language, saying that it was the duty of the Governor to ascertain, when a dispute existed, as to who was really elected. Mr. Johnson wanted to be shown the law for that. Mr. Morris replied that it was written in the eternal law of truth and right. Mr. Johnson repeated the question, when Mr. Morris said: "I understand it to be the duty of the Governor, under the law, when the returns have been presented to him, to issue the certificate to the party who is entitled to it by the returns. I take the posi- tion that it was his duty, as Governor, to ascertain which were the genuine returns. I say, that we need not go to the statutes to find what is right. It is written in the eter- nal law of right and truth. When it is found that certain returns are forgeries, he should not give effect to the attempt to advance any political party."
Mr. Whiting introduced a substitute, which recited the fact that the grand jury of Cook county held, "that out of 171 precincts into which the city of Chicngo was divided, there were but 7 in which there were not violations of the election laws, and that the evidence indicates that fraud was at- tempted or committed at every step as the election pro- gressed ; fraud at the registration, fraud at the reception
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 490
and counting of the ballots, and fraud at the final canvass of the returns." Mr. Whiting made a brief but vigorous speech in support of his substitute, charging that the at- tempt to count in Rudolph Brand as the Senator from the Sixth District, was an offense against the laws of the State, for which its perpetrators could atone only by serving a term in the penitentiary, and that if Governor Hamilton should live a hundred years, he could never do a braver act in the cause of good government than he did in declining fo issue the certificate of election to the fraudulent claimant for Senator in the Sixth District.
Mr. Merritt objected to the substitute being received, making the point of order that it was not germane. The Republicans, said he, had no right to present that as a sub- stitute to be placed over the signatures of the Democrats. Mr. Mason replied that there was no desire to make the substitute appear over the names of the Democrats, but merely to have it substituted in place of the whole protest. The President overruled Mr. Merritt's point of order. Mr, Bell offered an amendment to the amendment of Mr. Whit- ing. Mr. Clough insisted that an amendment to a substi- tute was not in order, and was sustained by the Chair. Mr, White spoke violently in support of the substitute, charging the Democrats with having been willing to legalize a fraud previous to Governor Hamilton's decision. Mr. Rinehart spoke passionately, and said the question was not whether a fraud had been committed in the Sixth District, buti whether the Governor had the right to act as he did upon the face of the returns ; whether or not a fraud had been committed, he held that the Governor had no excuse for his action.
Mr. Streeter said he was neither in favor of the subslitute nor of the original resolutions ; both, he thought, were en- tirely out of order. The course of Governor Hamilton he
600 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
lieartily endorsed, and said that, under the same circum- stances, he would have done the same thing. Whatever might be the letter of the constitution, the Governor was justified in throttling what the State at large recognized as an infamous fraud. Mr. Streeter moved that the substitute •be referred to the committee on elections. The motion pie- •vailed, and Mr. Clough withdrew his amendment, striking out the words "if any, "making the protest declare the fraud a, fact. A vote was then taken on the original protest, and it was defeated by a vote of 24 to 21, Mr. Streeter voting in the negative, and here the contest rested. * Lieutenant- Governor Smith entered upon the discharge of ins duties as presiding officer of the Senate, January 10th, and although elected twice to the office of State Treasurer, yet he was without any legislative experience, but he was not long in acquiring the knowledge of parliamentary law, which en- .abled him to preside with ease to himself and satisfaction ite> the Senators.
CONTEST FOR UNITED STATES SENATOR.
The contest before the Thirty-fourth General Assembly to choose a successor to John A. Logan, in the United States Senate, was the most memorable in the history of this country. When the Joint Assembly convened, it was j>olitically a tie. The Eepublicans ruled the Senate by a *najority of one, and the Democrats the House by a like number ; hence there was a dead-lock, so far as the election of a United States Senator was concerned. William K. Morrison had received the caucus nomination of the Dem- ocratic party, though not without a spirited contest. The friends of Carter II. Harrison believed that he had won the honor in leading a forlorn hope in the canvass for Governor, and a few of these vowed a determination never to vote for Mr. Morrison. Then there were a few others in either
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house who were bitterly opposed to bis election upon prin- ciple or from personal motives'; prominently among the?e were E. M. Haines, of the House, and A. J. Streeter, of the Senate.
Mr. Haines had been, in times past, a Eepublican, but was elected to the Thirty-third General Assembly as an independent, and so conducted himself in that body, but in the election at which he was chosen a member of the Thirty- fourth General Assembly, he posed as a Democrat, and was so accepted by that side of the house, and the man- agers sought to confirm his association with them by mak- ing bim the presiding officer, but this was done without any pledges from Mr. Haines on the senatorial question.
Mr. Streeter was originally a Democrat, but severed his connection with that party when the Greenback party wa» organized. He was the Greenback candidate for Congress in the Tenth District in 1878, and in 1880 he headed that ticket for Governor, and as the leader of his party won no litlle distinction, as he was recognized as an able and honest man. He had been elected to a seat in the Senate in a Republican district, through the combined vote of the Dem- ocratic and Greenback parties. But while he was under obligations to the Democratic party, in some measure, for his election, yet he felt that he could not betray his prin- ciples by voting for Mr. Morrison, whose record in Congress was contrary to his views. He was willing to vote for a Democrat like John C. Black, or A. E. Stevenson, but he would not stultify himself by aiding in the election of Mr. Morrison. The opposition of these two men alone, rendered the election of Mr. Morrison out of the question.
On the Republican side there was a little stubborn opposi- tion to the election of John A. Logan. He had received the nomination at the hands of the caucus of his party without opposition, yet there were a few who would have
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preferred the selection of some other person as the candi- date, but that opposition was not long in giving way, for on the first test ballot, Logan received the vote of every Republican present. The whole number of members in attendance was 202, of which John A. Logan received 101 votes, William R. Morrison 94, E. M. Haines 4, John Smith 1, Jas. H. Ward 1, and Francis Lawler 1. Total 202. Mr. Btreeter voted for John Smith.' On this ballot Mr. Haines voted for Mr. Morrison. Good parliamentarians maintain that Logan was really elected on this ballot, for the reason that the vote of Mr. Streeter was in reality for no particular person, and that it should have been counted as a blank ; this would have given Logan a majority of one over all the votes cast, but no such claim was made by Logan or his friends, and the contest went on from day to day, and from week to week, and month to month, without the hope of a satisfactory solution of the issue.
So long as the Joint Assembly remained a tie, there were but two ways of breaking the dead-lock ; one was by parly betrayal, and the other by voting through mistake. At any time, when either party had all the members present and voting, if only one member of the other side had voted, no matter for whom, so that a majority of all the members elected was shown as voting, the contest would have been ended ; but no army was ever better drilled in military tac- tics, than were the members of the respective parties in the maneuvers of this struggle; but the great wonder, after all, is, that where there were so many men, unskilled in the art of political diplomacy, some one did not make a mistake and "elect the wrong man."
On the 19th of February, every member of the respective houses was present; John A. Logan received 100 votes, William R. Morrrison 94, E. M. Haines 4, A. E. Stevenson 1, Andrew Shuman 1, E. B. Washburne 1, James H. Ward
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1, Francis Lawler 1, J. R. Hoxie 1. Total 204. Necessary to a choice, 103. Morgan of Will and Schlesinger voted for Haines, Brachtendorf and Mulheran for Ward, O'Shea for Hoxie, MacMillan for Shuman, and Sittig for Washburne. There were three ballots taken on this occasion. In the last Logan received 101 votes ; Morrison 98, Haines 2, Ward 2, Washburne 1. Total 204. Sittig voted for Washburne, Morgan of Will and Schlesinger for Haines, Brachtendorf and Mulheran for Ward. On the 26th of February, Rep- resentative Logan died. From this lime until the 12th day of March there was no trial of political strength. On this day 202 members were present. Logan received 99 votes, Morrison 99, Washburne 1, Blake 1, Ward 1, Black 1. Sittig voted for Washburne, MacMillan for Blake, Mulheran for Ward.
Senator Bridges died on the 20fch of March, and there ensued another lull in Ihe contest. His successor had not been elected before Eepresentative Shaw died. This added to the confusion of the struggle, and the Joint Assembly met from day to day only to go through the mere form of casting a ballot. By this time the Democrats began to tire of their candidate, and they cast their votes at random. To illustrate — on May 9th, William E. Morrison received 12 votes, William E. Prickett 3, John H. Baker 1. In the meantime the Logan forces remained the same as they were in the opening of the contest. Those who had voted for him contended that if they could not elect him they could not elect anybody, and that they would stand or fall by his side, while those who had not supported him continuously proclaimed their willingness to vote for him whenever their votes would elect. But in choosing a suc- cessor to Eepresentative Shaw, the people had elected a Be- publican in the person of William H. Weaver, which gave the Republicans control of both houses, and on the 14th of
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May, the day prior to the seating of Mr. Weaver, the Demo- crats, hoping to snatch victory out of defeat, rallied every man on their side of the house, and by a previous under- standing they concentrated their entire vote upon William K. Morrison, which occurred on the third ballot, and then withdrew his name. During the fourth roll-call, however, he received 51 votes, Lambert Tree 2, John C. Black 2, A. E Stevenson 1, John M. Palmer 1, Carter H. Harrison 14, R. W. Townshend 5, Wm. J. Allen 7, William Brown 10, N. E. Worthington 1, J. P. Altgeldt 2, William M. Springer I, W. C. Goudy 1, H. F. Donavan 1, Wm. M. Tilden 1. Total 100. Mr. Haines did not vote. On the 6th ballot Lambert Tree received 89 votes, scattering 7. The Republicans re- frained from voting, although there were present 99 mem- bers, but nevertheless, they were anxious spectators, and watched every movement of their wily adversary. At 3 : 22 p. M., the Joint Assembly took a recess until 7 :30 P. M. On re-assembling at that hour the balloting was resumed, with Mr. Crafts as acting Speaker of the House of Representa- tives. The roll-call showed 105 members present. On the 1st ballot Lambert Tree received 91 votes; scattering 9. On the 2nd ballot, Lambert Tree received 101 votes, John A. Logan 1, Total 102. Mr. Ruger voted for Logan. When all the Democrats had voted, Mr. Crafts continued to have the House roll called for absentees. While this was proceed- ing for the fourth time, Mr. Fuller arose and vigorously pro- tested against it as being unprecedented, and asked Mr. Crafts how many times he proposed to call the absentees. Mr. Crafts replied, "as long as any one desires to vote," when he directed that the call proceed, but before it was con- cluded, Mr. Haines, who had been occupying the Speaker's room, came in and took the chair, amidst great applause on the Republican side. When order was restored, Mr. Fuller arose and said, amidst sensation and great excite- ment :
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"Mr. Speaker, there is a rule in the House, and I suppose it applies to the Joint Assembly as well, that only mem'oers are allowed on the floor. While I was over on the other side of the house a while ago, I saw a man who is not en- titled to the privileges of the floor, but who was lobbying among the members. He is a lobbyist, and I overheard him making a proposition, and trying to unduly influence the vote of a member of this Joint Assembly."
Here followed cries of "Who is he!" Name him!" "Put him out !" The excitement was intense on the Republican side, and members sprang from their seats as quick as thought to the side of Mr. Fuller, who pointed to ex- Treas- urer John Dunphy, of Chicago, who was standing at the extreme right, as the man whom he meant, as having at- tempted to corrupt members. Dunphy, with a face as red as a comet, stood for a moment staring Mr. Fuller in the face, and then disappeared. Mr. Merritt tried to ridi- cule the idea that undue means were being attempted to be- used to influence Eepublican votes, to which Mr. Whiting- said : "It is as plain as the sun in the heavens, that there is an effort being made to buy a seat in the United States Senate." It was some time before order was restored, when the Speaker announced the result of the ballot, amidst al- most painful silence, the Democrats hoping that Tree would be declared elected, and the Republicans fearing such a re- sult. But the suspense was broken when the Speaker said : "Tree 101, Logan 1. Total 102. No quorum voting, and there is no election of United States Senator."
The third and last roll-call began quietly, and progressed throughout without any undue excitement. No one voted but the Democrats. Tree received 100, and Morrison 1. Here the Republicans made an effort to secure an adjourn- ment, but the Democrats forced a recess until 8 : 30 A. M, This ended the most critical moment of the long contest. Just one more vote from the Republican side would have
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secured the election of Lambert Tree. So confident were the friends of Mr. Tree that that vote would be cast, a tele- gram was sent that night to Washington, D. C., announcing his election, and it was published in the city papers the next morning.
When the Joint Assembly convened at 8:30 A. M., May 15th, the roll-call showed 198 members present. The object in prolonging the session of the Joint Assembly was to pre- vent the admission of Mr. Weaver to his seat, and if pos- sible, to elect, if not Lambert Tree, some other Democrat to the United States Senate; but the Republicans were not to be outgeneraled in broad daylight, and they determined to end the session of the Joint Assembly at all hazards, and compel the seating of Mr. Weaver. Before the proceedings of the Joint Assembly began, Mr. Weaver's credentials were presented to the Speaker, who remarked that he would "accept service." The roll-call was then proceeded with. When the name of Mr. Euger, who was not in the hall, was reached, Mr. Merritt answered for him. Republican Sena- tors interposed an emphatic protest, when the President of the Senate directed that the roll be called again, which be- ing done, the answer was not repeated. When the last name on the House roll-call had been reached, Mr. Fuller obtained the floor and said : "Mr. Speaker, I desire to have the name of Mr. Weaver called. He is a member of the House of Representatives, duly elected. He has taken the oath of office, and has presented his credentials to the Speaker of this body. He wants to be recorded." "Every- thing in its order," said the Speaker, "according to the apostle." "I insist," said Mr. Fuller, "that the calling of Mr. Weaver's name is in order." "The chair," said the Speaker, "takes notice. No rights will be lost. Let us see where we are before we take in any strangers." Here Mr. Weaver took a place at the side of Mr. Fuller. The Speaker insisted upon announcing the result of the roll-call, but Mr. Weaver
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proceeded to say, amidst great excitement: "Mr. Speaker, I come here as a duly elected member of the House of Rep- resentatives. I have the Governor's certificate, and have taken the oath of office in this chamber. I have presented my credentials to the Speaker, and I ask that he direct the Clerk of the House to call my name." Mr. Weaver had, at the suggestion of some of General Logan's legal friends, taken the oath of office the evening before in the hall of the House of Representatives, as prescribed by the Constitu- tion. It was administered by Judge William L. Gross. During the delivery of Mr. Weaver's remarks, there was great excitement on the Democratic side, but when he had concluded, Mr. Maeon got the floor and forced attention. "The prolongation of the Joint Assembly last night by tak- ing a recess," he said, "was no more nor less than an attempt to disfranchise the voters of the 34th district." He demanded that no business be transacted until Mr. Weaver answered the roll-call. The recess in the afternoon was for the sole purpose of giving a chance to influence men by corrupt means to desert their party. When the sun was in the sky they could not do it, but had to wait for the cover of darkness. Now they would try to prolong the joint session again till night, when they would again renew their nefarious work. He ended his speech by moving that Mr. Weaver be recognized.
The Speaker said he had examined the credentials, and they were correct, but the admission of Mr. Weaver must be in some formal way. Mr. Fuller here remarked that he had no objection to having Mr. Weaver sworn in a second time.
The hour of 10 o'clock having arrived, which being the regular hour for the meeting of the House under the rules, Mr. Fuller raised the point of order that the Joint Assembly could not be in session; he suggested that the Senate retire to its own chamber, and demanded that the Speaker call the House to order. Both the House and Senate had, the day
508 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
before, adjourned until 10 o'clock the next morning, and he held that there could be no legal Joint Assembly until each house had met in pursuance of such adjournment. He cited the case of Senator Haiian, in the Thirty-fourth Congress. Harlan went to the United States Seriate with proper cre- dentials from the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Governor of the State of Iowa. The State Senate had adjourned from Friday till Monday. The Joint Assem- bly met Saturday, and it was on this vote that Harlan was declared elected. His seat was contested, and it was shown, that the State Senate had adjourned from Friday till Mon- day, but that in an alleged Joint Assembly held on Satur- day, Harlan had received the majority of the votes. The United States Senate ousted him on the ground that the^e could have been no Joint Assembly in session, and, conse- quently, no election.
The Speaker thought that this was probably done bef n-e the present law of Congress was enacted ; that whatever wan done by the Illinois Legislature would probably be reviewed by the United States Senate ; but he thought the only thing in order was a ballot for Senator.
Mr. Mason called attention to the fact that the Senate adjourned the night before, to meet at 10 o'clock the next day. That hour having arrived, he thought the President of thai body should call it together in its own chamber.
Whereupon the President said: "On retiring from Ihe Joint Assemlly last night, the Senate adjourned till 10 o'clock this morning. It is now the duty of the Senate to- proceed to the Senate chamber and resume its business."
The Republican Senators then left the hall in a body, be- ing followed by two or three Democratic Senators. Wht-n order was restored, Mr. Fuller again called the attention of the House to the fact that Mr. "Weaver was present, and just before noon, tried to get in a motion that his name be placed on the roll, and that the Clerk be directed to call it.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 509
The Speaker refused to put the motion. "Then," said Mr. Fuller, standing on his desk, and in a loud voice, "if the Speaker refuses to put the motion, I will do it. Those in favor say aye." There was a loud response of ayes from the Republican side, but when he put the negative side of the question, there was no response from the Democratic side, and Mr. Fuller declared the motion carried unanimously. Here the Democrats became bewildered. They did not kuow what to expect next. There was great excitement all over the house, but more especially among the Republicans. Just then the tall form of Mr. Messick was seen advancing down the aisle, and when within a few feet of the Speaker, shaking his fist at him, he declared, in a tone that was dis- tinctly heard all over the hall, "not another vote shall be taken for Senator until Mr. Weaver is recognized and ac- cjrded his rights ; mark that." The sentiment expressed by Mr. Messick was fully echoed by all the Republican mem- bers, and no vote was taken until Mr. Weaver was seated. It was now 12 o'clock, and the Senate had returned. While the roll-call was being proceeded with, some of the more conservative Democrats advised the abandonment of the at- tempt to keep Mr. Weaver longer out of his seat, and after some consultation between the managing committees of the respective parties, Mr. Duncan, speaking for the Democrats, stated that an agreement had been made by which there was to be a practical suspension of balloting until Tuesday, the 19th Of May, which was assented to by Mr. White on the part of the Republicans. The roll of the Joint Assembly was then called, but no one voted, and it adjourned. The Speaker then called the House to order, when Mr. Crafts called up the credentials of Mr. Weaver, and he was duly instal'ed as amember of the House. Good feeling was again restored. The Joint Assembly only formally met on Satur- day and Monday, the 16th and 18th of May. On the 16th, there were but 17 votes cast, as follows : Lambert Tree 11,
510 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Wm. B. Prickett2, John A. Logan 2, S. Corning Judd 1, Henry Seiter 1. A fewer number were cast on the 18th, but each side was all the while busily engaged in getting ready for Tuesday, which all believed would end the contest one way or the other.
When the Joint Assembly met at high noon, May 19, every member was in his seat; ready for the last grand struggle which was to end the great contest for the Senator- ship. General Logan was present, watching every move- ment with the same intensity that characterized him in leading a charge on the battle field. Colonel Morrison sat unconcerned in the midst of the Democrats, while Judge Tree was seen moving carelessly about the outskirts on the Democratic side. The galleries and all the available space in the hall were literally packed with men and women of all political shades, eager to hear and see all that occurred in the final test of strength between the two great parties. When the roll-call had been concluded, the Speaker re- marked that it might be important to know what the rules of the Joint Assembly were understood to be, and in order that there might be no mistake, he would state them. On the vote for Senator, he said, there would be but one roll- call of absentees, but a member not having voted on either the regular call or the call for absentees, would have the right to vote at any time prior to announcing the result of the ballot. The right to change one's vote would be ob- served in the same way.
The President of the Senate then directed the Secretary of that body to proceed with the roll-call of Senators. Mr. Adams being the first, responded distinctly, "John A. Logan." So did Mr. Ainsworth. When Mr. Bel's name was reached there was no response, which was taken by the Democrats as a hint not to vote. The roll-call pro- ceeded without interruption, every Republican voting for John A. Logan. When the House roll-call was proceeded
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 511
with, the Democrats refrained from voting, but one by one the Republicans voted for John A. Logan, until the name of Mr. MacMillan was reached, but the Clerk did not give him time to respond before proceeding to call another name, but Mr. MacMillan was on his feet in an instant and declared himself distinctly for John A. Logan. Here was a sup- pressed cheer on the Republican side, which General Logan silenced by a mere shake of the head and wave of Ihe hand. The incident called out a pleasant remark from Mr. Mer- ritt, and the suspense under which all seemed to labor was somewhat relieved by the Speaker's replying that "every- thing was going well, and no rights were being lost." When the name of Mr. Sittig was reached, he did not vote. There was a death-like quiet while the roll-call proceeded to the end.
When the absentees were called, the Democrats still re- fusing to vote, every eye in the house was turned toward Mr. Sittig, who, when his name was reached, asked the privilege of explaining his vote; but all uncertainty vanished when he had concluded a speech of fifteen minutes with the words, "I vote for John A. Logan." This gave Logan the necessary 103 votes. Here was a picture for the pencil of a Nast. Shouts rent the air, handkerchiefs waved, hats went up, and Logan was tossed about as though he had been a child, while the hand of Sittig was shaken again and again by delighted Republicans. The Democrats now demanded to be recorded, but under the rules laid down by the Speaker at the outset, the absentees could not again be called, and now the Democrats of the House proceeded to vote in irregular order, just as they could claim the attention of the Clerk, all voting, with only an occasional exception, for Lambert Tree. Mr. Taylor of Adams declined to vote at all. Then there was a parley among the leaders, when Mr. Baker mounted his desk, and getting the atten- tion of the Speaker, said : "I wish to change my vote from
512 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
Lambert Tree to Charles B. Farwell." This was taken as a signal for a stampede from Tree to Farwell, but this role was soon cheeked by the Democratic member, Mr. Barry, who, rising in his seat, said: "1 change from Lambert Tree to John A. Logan."
The Republicans greeted this with loud applause, and Mr. Barry was pulled about by the Democrats in every direction, and while under the severest pressure, changed his vote from Logan to Tree. In doing so he said : " 1 want to be in har- mony with my party, but I want to see everything done fairly. I give notice that before any Republican shall take this election away from John A. Logan, I will vote for Logan."
All the Democrats of the House changed from Tree to Farwell except Messrs. Barry, Dill, Linegar and Prickett. The absentees of the Senate then commenced voting, and all changed their votes from Tree to Farwell except Messrs. Gore, Merritt, Rinehart and McNary. Mr. Farwell received 72 votes in the House, and 21 in the Senate— total 93. Finding that the followers of Logan were immovable, the Democrats then desired to correct their record, and changed their votes from Farwell, as follows : Tree 96 votes, Black 2, Morrison 1, Hoxie 1, Schofield 1. Total, 101. This was announced by the Speaker to be the last opportunity for changing, and then, with a wearied air, he said : "Gentlemen, are you through ?" There being no response, he proceeded to announce the result of the vote, as follows: Logan 103, Tree 96, Black 2, Morrison 1, Hoxie 1, Schofield 1. Total, 204. Pausing a moment: " Of which number John A. Lo- gan has received a majority. Therefore, I declare him duly elected United States Senator."
Here the outburst of applause was uncontrollable, Demo- crats as well as Republicans rejoicing. When the excitement had lulled, the Speaker appointed Messrs. Merritt, Fulli -r and Chapman as a committee to conduct the Senator-elect
512
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to the Speaker's stand, and as Mr. Merritt and Gen. Logan proceeded, arm-in-arm, to the presence of the Speaker, the hall rang loud and long with shouts of delight. The greet- ing between the Speaker and the Senator-elect was ex- tremely pleasant, and when General Logan had returned thanks for the great honor conferred upon him, the Speaker spoke briefly, saying that he had tried to preside in a way to suit both sides, and expressed the belief that everybody's rights had been respected. He then thanked every one for the consideration shown him, when the Joint Assembly adjourned sine die.
Becurring to the struggle between Logan and Morrison for the mastery, it is worthy of remark that nothing was done by either of them that in the least alienated their friendship, which had existed since their early manhood.
Although the Joint Assembly met formally 83 times, and balloted 118 times, in all that time there were but 14 test ballots of party strength ; either members were absent on business, sick, or some one had died. Besides the three deaths, there was a great deal of sickness from time to time, and not infrequently were members on either side carried from the sick chamber to vote for Senator ; but this is no new thing in the politics of legislative assemblies. We have an illustrious example in the first election for United States Senators in Missouri. When Thomas H. Benton began his thirty years' seat in the United States Senate, his right to represent Missouri in that body was strongly contested by John B. C. Lucas, and it required every supporter of Mr. Benton, to be present. It is related that Daniel Balls, a member from Pike county, lay dying. In this condition he was brought before the Joint Assembly. When his name was called he whispered "Benton," and was then earned to his room, which he never left again alive. ^—33
514 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
WOKK OF THE SESSION.
The Senatorial contest over, the two houses went vigor- ously to work, and what promised to be an unprofitable session, proved a profitable one. One hundred and thirty- one acts were passed, making many important changes in the laws of the State. Among these were seven election acts, three drainage, and a civil rights bill. The latter pro- vided that colored people should have equal rights with the whites in hotels, restaurants, theatres and other public places. An appropriation was made for the erection of a Soldiers' and Sailors' Home. This is believed to be one of the first substantial steps by the States to provide a suitable home for the indigent defenders of our country's flag.
The militia law was revised, and the maximum number of officers and enlisted men was fixed at 4,000, which may be divided into not more than three brigades ; the office of Assistant Adjutant-General was created with the rank of Colonel.
The railroad consolidation bill, which passed the House by a vote of 82 to 47, and the Senate by a vote of 27 to 16, was met by a determined opposition in both houses. Those who favored the bill in the House, were Messrs. Baird, Bas- sett, Boutell, Cooley, Fuller, Hanna, Harper, Johnson, Kimbrough, Kerr, Henry, Crafts, Linegar, Miller, Cboisser, Haines and Prickett; and those who opposed it, were Messrs. Bogardus, Graham of Henderson, Chapman, Collins, Hamilton, Hunter, MacMillan, Messick, Ruby, Rodgers of Warren, Sharp of Bond, Cronkrite, Prunty, Tontz, Graham of Macon, Marshall, Gray and West. In the Senate the bill was favored by Messrs. Campbell, Cochran, Curtiss, Duncan, Mason and Funk; and opposed by Messrs. Clough, Gillham, Hunter, Higgins, Johnson, Orendorff, Kogers, Seiter, Streeter, Tubbs, Hill and Whiting. A resolution was passed authorizing the Governor to appoint a Revenue
POL.TICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOT8. 515
Commission, consisting of twelve members, to be divided equally between the two leading political parties of the State, with authority to frame a revenue code, and report the same to the next General Assembly. The following persons composed the Commission : . Milton Hay, Spring- field; Horatio C. Burchard, Freeport; Andrew D. Duff, Carbondale; W. Seldon Gale, Galesburg; E. B. Green,, Mt. Carmel ; Charles S. Waller, Chicago ; Charles A. Ewing,. Desatur ; William C. Wilson, Rabinson ; Frank P. Crandon, Evanaton; Charles W. Thomas, Belleville; Benjamin War- ren, Sr., La Harpe ; George Trurnbull, Chicago.
The passage of an act creating a Board of Live Stock Commissioners, to prevent the introduction and spread of contagious diseases among domestic animals, was a measure of vital importance to the stock producers of the State.
A joint resolution was adopted declaring the policy that the lands of the nation should be owned and possessed by its citizens exclusively, and instructing our Senators and. Representatives in Congress to favor an amendmsnt to the National Constitution, providing that aliens shall not own, possess or control, either individually or as members of any company or corporation, any lands or real estate with- in the limits of any State or Territory of the Nation. To> some minds it may seem strange that such legislation should be deemed necessary in a country like oars, but the same minds may also be surprised to learn the extent of these alien land holders in the United States. The lands held by foreign syndicates alone aggregate 220,047,000 acres. Besides this there are individual alien land holders to a greater or less extent, in all the western States and Territories. Thousands of acres are so held in Illinois. These lands it is claimed, should be held by American citi- zens, and should be given up as the homes of prosperous, happy, people who have some personal interest in the wel- fare of the country.
516 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLIXLIS.
Convict labor was a subject which claimed the attention of both houses more or less during the entire session. In the House a bill was introduced by Mr. Bogers, of Jackson, for "an act to abolish the contracting the labor of convicts." It was laid upon the table. In the Senate Mr. Snyder in- troduced a bill for the gradual abolition of contract labor in penitentiaries, which passed by a vote of yeas 33, nays 0. Neither house seemed willing to meet that i^sue in its broadest sense, and the subject was finally disposed of by the introduction of a joint resolution, introduced in the Senate by Mr. Mason, proposing an amendment to the Con- stitution, to be submitted to a vote of the people at the general election for members of the General Assembly in 1886, which was in these words :
"Resolved, That hereafter it shall be unlawful for the Commissioners of any penitentiary or other reformatory institution in the State of Illinois, to let by contract to any person or persons or corporations the labor of any convict confined within said institutions."
The resolution passed the Senate by a vote of yeas 49, nays 1. (See S. J. 1056.) The House concurred in the passage of the resolution by a vote of yeas 119, nays 9.
The defeat of the bill requiring the State to again pay the canal claims, which were settled in full years ago, is an act which commands the respect of right-thinking men all over the State.
The effort made by this General Assembly to purify elections, was most commendable, and the acts which guard most strenuously and effectively against illegal voting, are the Pence and Curtiss bills, which became a part of the election laws at this session. The Pence law, which was thought by many to be unconstitutional, has since been passed upon by the Supreme Court. The question was ably argued on both sides. Messrs. Pence, Goudy, Adair, Beach, McDaid and James H. Miller, a Bepresentative in the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 517
Thirty-fourth General Assembly, represented the side in fa- vor of the constitutionality of the law, and Messrs. Kurd and Moses against it. The court held the law to be consti- tutional. It has since been put to a severe test in a city election in Chicago, and has met the expectations of its most sanguine friends, and A. M. Pence, who drew the bill under the auspices of the Citizens' Committee of Chicago, has rea - son to feel a proud satisfaction at the result. A strong ef- fort was made to repeal the high license law, but through the vigilance alike of members composed of both political par- ties, aided by the watchfulness of the Citizens' League of Chicago, the measure did not reach a third reading in either house.
Among the excellent bills defeated was that of Senator Orendorff, fixing a salary for the members of the General Assembly. It provided that the pay of members during each regular session should be $800, and 10 cents for each mile necessarily traveled in going to and returning from the seat of government; and that there should be deducted from the pay of each member who should absent himself from the attendance upon either house, if not necessarily absent in the performance of duties assigned him by the house of which he was a member, $10 per day for each day's absence. The bill was amended in committee by inserting $1,200 in lieu of $820, and in this form it passed the Senate, receiving the cordial support of reflecting members of either parly, because it was held that it would at least shorten the sessions if it did not call together abler men, but the bill failed in the House. Long sessions seem to be the grow- ing evil of legislative bodies. If we except the session of 1871-72, which met to enact laws to conform to the new constitution, the session of the Thirty-fourth General Assembly was the longest ever held in the State, and longer than that of any of the States in the Union, except Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and West Virginia. In 1883,
518 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the Legislature of Massachusetts sat 206 days. In the same year the General Assembly of Pennsylvania met on the first Tuesday in January, and remained in session until the 6th of June, when the Governor convened it in extraordinary session; it met on the 7th of June and re- mained in session until December 6. In that State a salary of. $1,000 is paid for a session of 100 days, and §500 for special sessions. The longest session held in Ohio was 138 days, Indiana 60 days, Kentucky 60 days, Missouri 70 days, Iowa 106 days, Minnesota 60 days, Michigan 165 days, Wisconsin 125 days. South Carolina has less legislation than any State in the Union. The sessions of its Legisla- ture are confined to 30 days. Georgia and Nebraska stand neit in shortness of time, each occupying a period of 40 days. Another very important measure which failed, was the bill of Mr. Ruby, for an act to regulate the sale of intoxicating liquors within two miles of any incorporated town or village, church, school house or fair ground. It passed the House by a vote of 83 to 29, but it failed in the Senate. It imposed a fine of not less than $50 nor more than $100, or imprisonment in the county jail not less than 20 days nor more than 60, or both, in the discretion of the court, upon any person, other than licensed liquor dealers or druggists, selling any intoxicating liquor in less quantity than five gallons, in the original package as put up by the manufacturer, within two miles of any incorporated town or village, school house, church, or fair grounds.
Outside of the regular appropriations for carrying on the State government and State institutions, there were appro- priated $10,000 for the Exposition at New Orleans ; $10,000 for the Woman's Hospital at Chicago; $200,000 for the Soldiers' and Sailors' Home ; $152,065 for rebuilding the Southern Normal University; $26,075 for completing the levee at Shawneetown ; $22,965.28 to Thomas A. Eagsdale, on account of an unsettled claim against the State;
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 519
$531,712 for completing the State House ; $60,000 for the Bjard of Live Stock Commissioners ; $33,500 for Com- missioners of Labor Statistics; $2,000,000 for the school fund, and $114,000 to pay interest on the school, college and seminary fund, which is distributed to the various counties for the support of the common schools; $64,000 for the State Board of Health ; $21,000 for the State Board of Equalization ; $26,400 for the State Board of Agricul- ture ; $44,000 for public printing ; $20,000 for public binding; $15,000 for preparing copy arid reprinting the Adjutant General's report. The total appropriations of this session for all purposes amounted to $7,774,978.54.
Out of the one hundred and thirty-one acts passed, all became laws by the approval of the Governor, except four, which were allowed to become so without his signature. "We recall no similar case in the history of the State.
In point of ability, this Legislature compared very favor- ably with its predecessors in both the Senate and the House. In the Senate the Democrats were particularly fortunate in having an array of able minds, and in some respects the remark is true of them in the House, but in neither body did any one man develop as their leader, as was the case on the Kepublican side. While there were many men of abil- ity on the latter side, yet the leadership was conceded to Charles E. Fuller, and it is no flattery to him to say that he sustained himself ably and well in every conflict with the opposing forces, and after the seating of Mr. Weaver and the election of General Logan, the Republicans being in the majority in the House, he would have been chosen Speaker but for his own advice in opposition to making any change in the organization of the House. Mr. Haines, however, recognized the right of the Republicans to control, and voluntarily yielded the chair to Mr. Fuller whenever the Republicans desired or requested it ; so that during the con- tests over the passage of the election bills, and the greater
520 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
portion of the time during the last weeks of the session, when most of the real legislative work was accomplished, Mr. Fuller occupied the chair, and was the virtual Speaker of the House. At the close of the session, Mr. Graham, Democrat, of Macon, presented the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted :
"Resolved, That the members of the Thirty-Fourth Gen- eral Assembly return to Mr. Charles E. Fuller our hearty thanks for his courtesy while acting as Speaker, and for the successful dispatch of the business of this House."
The session was a long and turbulent one, many times looking as though it would be dissolved by revolution, yet when the closing hours came, good feeling assumed sway, and after a few kindly parting words by Governor Oglesby to each house, a sine die adjournment was taken on the evening of the 26th of June, and the members parted as they had met — friends.
STATE HOUSE.
The erection of the State House which is nownearing com- pletion was authorized by act of February 25, 1867. The commissioners appointed under this act, were John W. Smith, John J. S. Wilson, Philip Wadsworth, James C. Robinson, William T. Vandeveer, William L. Hambletonand James H. Beveridge. The cost of the structure was limited to $3,500,000. The act of 1867 appropriated $450,000 to begin the work, $200,000 of which was received from Sangamon County and Springfield, in payment for the old State House. The ground was broken for the foundation March 11, 1868, and the corner stone was laid on the 5th of October, the same year. Subsequently the number of commissioners was re- duced, by act of the Legislature, to three, and the Gover- nor appointed Jacob Bunn, James C. Robinson and James H.. Beveridge such commissioners. James C. Robinson resigned in 1871, and John T. Stuart was appointed as his successor.. This constituted the Board of Commissioners until the office was abolished by act of May 24, 1879.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 521
J. C. Cochrane was the original architect, and A. EL Piquenard supervising architect. The stone contract was- let to the Penitentiary Commissioners ; stone in basement, to Barnard & Gowen ; iron floor beams, to Hall, Kimbark & Co.; stone and mason work, to W. D. Richardson; iron work, to N. S. Bouton & Co.; granite work, to Brown & Schneider ; metallic ceiling, to the American Corrugated Iron Co. ; steam heating, to A. L. Ide; metallic roofing, to John E. Oxley & Co. ; marble work, to Francis A. Drew; sky- lights, to Hayes Bros.
The contract for the stone was let to the Penitentiary Com- missioners because the act of March 11, 1869, required the State House Commissioners, as a matter of economy to the State, to procure all material at the penitentiary "that could be furnished to advantage.
When the commissioners were legislated out of office,, there had been expended upon the house $3,500,000, and it was estimated that it would require $531,712 more to complete it, which could not be appropriated, under the con- stitution of 1870, without a vote of the people, and the ques- tion was submitted three times to a popular vote before the people would consent to authorize this additional expendi- ture, which, added to the original appropriations, makes the total cost of the State House $4,031,712. The Geneial Assembly again created the office of State House Commis- sioners, and in 1885 made a formal appropriation of the money to complete the work. The Governor appointed as such commissioners, John McCreery, George Kirk and Wil- liam Jayne. The commissioners selected Noah Divelbiss, secretary ; W. W. Boyington, architect, and M. Morris, gen- eial superintendent.
The iron work was let to H. A. Streeter ; stone work, to the Hallowell Granite Co. ; marble and granite work, to Davidson & Sons ; carpenter work, to Cudell & Meissner ;
522 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
electro-bronze iron work, to Poulsen & Eger ; plastering, to Joseph Eastman; plumbing, to the Beaver, Wight & Wet- more Co.; hollow tile uork, to the Haydenville Manufac- turing and Mining Co. ; glazing and hardwood finish, to P. M. Almini ; elevators, to the Ellithorpe Air-Brake Co. ; fresco painting, to the Phillipson Decorative Co. and Mitchell & Halbach ; ornamental glass, to the Wells Glass Co. ; scazliola work, to George Warren; iron lathing, to Haugh, Ketcham & Co.
The last appropriation is deemed sufficient to complete the work in all its parts. The panel picture in the grand stairway was painted by George Fuchs, for the Phillip son Decorative Co., and represents the council held by Col. Oeorge Rogers Clark with the Indians, at Cahokia, Septem- ber, 1st, 2nd and 3rd, 1778. He had captured Kaskaskia July 4th, which was then in possession of the English, and having brought them into subjection, accomplished the same result with the Indians by this council. The commissioners changed the original design of the house in many respects. The great stone steps at the east entrance were removed, three elevators were made instead of one, a grand stairway was constructed leading from the first to the second story, and the entrance to the different departments was made exclu- sively through the first story ; the galieries and lobby of the hall of the House of Representatives were greatly enlarged, thus adding light, comfort, and better ventilation. Sev- eral other changes, of more or less importance, were made, among which was the strengthening of the partitions sup- porting the stylobate at the base of the dome, which was done by constructing four large iron columns from the bot- tom foundations up through the building to the base of the sfylobate, upon which were placed two large wroughi-iron girders, sixty feet long and five feet high, which support two sides of the stone stylobate, originally intended to be carried by the roof trusses, which were found insufficient.,
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 523
and consequently unsafe. The changes made remove all former apprehension of the lack of strength in any part of the dome construction.
The hight of the building from basement floor to the apex of the dome is 350 feet, being 62^ feet higher than the dome of the Capitol at Washington.
CHAPTER LXYII, LABOR TROUBLES OF 1886,
Hiot at East St. Louis— Militia Called Out— Anarchist Eiotat Chicago— Dyna- mite Bomb — Sixty-six Policemen Wounded, Seven of Whom Died— Gal- lant Conduct of Policemen— Anarchists Routed— Their Arms and Dynamite Captured— Liberal Subscription of Money— Arrest of the Leaders— Charge of Judge Rogers to the Grand Jury— Ten of the Anarchists Indicted for Murder.
Early in the spring of 1888 there was a series of strikes am mg the laboring classes in all parts of the country, os- tensibly for an advance in wages. The determination of the strikers not to work themselves or allow others to, with- out their demands were acceded to, became so general that the military power of several of the States had to be called into requisition. In our own State, at East St. Louis, on the line of the Gould system of railways, a conflict ensued on the 9th of April, between the strikers and the police, in which seven or eight lives were lost and the police put to flight, which caused the calling out of the Second Brigade of the Illinois National Guard, General Eeece command- ing. It is worthy of remark that the bearing of the brigade during the forty-six days it was on duty in these perilous times was soldierly in the highest degree, and that law and order were maintained, and property and life preserved with- out the effusion of blood.
524 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Supplemental to these strikes, there was, on May 1, a universal demand in the large cities, upon the manufactur- ers and railroad companies, for eight hours labor with ten hours pay, and in some instances, with eight hours labor and an increase of twenty per cent, in pay. On the refusal of the employers to comply with these demands, a general strike ensued, which prostrated business of all kinds, and,, for the time being, brought the commercial world to a stand- still. Bradstreet estimated the number of men out on a strike to have been 250,000. For some time previous to the strike, "boycotting," a foreign importation, had been re- sorted to with some success by the Trades Unions and Knights of Labor, in compelling manufacturers in Chicago- to yield to their demands. The Arbelter Zeituny, the orgiiii of the anarchists, had openly incited its followers to disre- gard the laws of the land, and for more than a year public meetings had been held on Lake Front, under the folds of the red flag, and murder and arson were deuanily advised.
The most disastrous consequences of this strike were in, Chicago. A large body of anarchists assembled, May 4, at Haymarket Square as a turbulent mob, and about 10:30' p. M., while the police were endeavoring to disperse them, a mysterious hand hurled a dynamite bomb into their midst, which exploded with terrible effect. The official report of Wheeler Bartram, President of the Policemen's Benevolent Association, published May 13th, shows that sixty-six po- licemen were wounded on that terrible night, seven of whom died. But cowardly and appalling as this assault was, the policemen bravely stood their ground, killing one anarchist,, wounding seventeen, and finally routing them at all pom's. The physical courage exhibited by the policemen of Chicago- has no parallel in this country, unless it be in the case of the draft riots in New York, in 1863. The day before, the anarchists had made an assault upon the workingmen at
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 525
McCormick's reaper factory, and in dispersing them, the po- lice killed two of their number, and wounded many others. This Haymarket meeting had been called through the medium of a handbill, which appealed to the baser pas- sions of the men, calling them "to arms!" "to arms!" under the false plea of an endeavor to support the cause of the laboring man. Being forewarned, the city authorities iad made what they believed to be ample preparation to preserve the peace on this occasion, but they had not antici- pated the introduction of the dynamite bomb, which was unknown in civilized warfare.
But Chicago was equal to the emergency, and her citizens determined that the law-breakers and assassins should be put down at any cost ; and subscriptions of money to pro- vide for the families of the fallen braves, and to care for the wounded and dying, were promptly made, ranging from $1 to $1,000, and aggregating more than $60,000. The haunts of the anarchists were ferreted out, and their weapons of warfare, consisting of guns, pistols, knives and dynamite, secreted in various parts of the city, were seized and confis- cated, the publication of the Arbeiter Zeittmg was suspended, and its editors and other leaders were arrested and incar- cerated in jail, to be tried for the crime of murder. Judge Eogers, in his charge to the grand jury which investigated the cases, left nothing unsaid which had any bearing upon the question. Keferring to the "freedom of speech," he said :
"We hear a good deal in these days about what is called the freedom of speech. Now, there is a good deal of mis- conception of the language of the Constitution of the United States and of the Constitution of the State of Illinois, and, I may say, of that of all the States in the Union, upon this question of the freedom of speech. I have copied here the provisions of the Constitution on which some men base their right to say just what they please; to assemble and talk as they like. There is no such right as that, no such
525 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
constitutional right. The constitutional rights, as expressed in the Constitution of the United States, are that Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, and the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the government for the redress of grievances. This same principle is carried along into the various State constitutions, and into the Constitution of the State of Illi- nois in its bill of rights. There is a provision that every person may freely speak, write, and publish, also, what he wishes, on all subjects, be being held responsible for the abuse of that privilege. And, in another provision, the people are given the right to assemble in a peaceable man- ner and consult together for the common good, and to make- known their opinions upon any subject to their representa- tives, and to apply for the redress of any grievance. This is the way that the right has been interpreted in the Con- stitution of Illinois, and that interpretation is one that courts will always recognize ; namely, that a man may speak and write on all subjects, but he is responsible for the re- sults that may flow from any abuse of that liberty of speech. The right in regard to assembling is simply that the people have the right to assemble in a peaceable manner to con- sult for the common good, and to apply for the redress of grievances. I refer to these constitutional rights, because there are some men who are so inconsistent as to say that there should be no laws, and yet claim a protection for that right in its broadest sense ; claiming for it an interpretation satisfactory to their own minds, to the effect that a man- may get up, and, in public speech, before a public crowd, advise murder and arson, and the division and destruction of property, and the right to injure people in their lives who oppose them. But that is a wild interpretation of the Con- stitution of this country, that the courts have never recog- nized, although they have recognized a freedom of speech greater than has ever been allowed in the old despotisms of Europe ; and I hope that such an interpretation of the right of freedom of speech will never be recognized in this country. Every man must be held responsible for acts directly re- sulting from his speech. If I should get up now and order or advise this company that the foreman of this grand jury ought to be hung, or that he should otherwise be punished for some assumed offense, I advise the commission of a crime ; and if my advice is followed, and some person, acting under the feelings that I have induced, commits that offense against your foreman, he is guilty of murder if he kills him,.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 527
and I, who incited him to do it, am just as guilty of murder as he is. Now, it is in the light of these interpretations that you have to look at these assemblies. It is not your province to deal with anything that looks directly toward the prevention of crime, but only to deal with actual offenses that have been committed already."
The State's Attorney, Julius S. Grinnell, fully realizing the enormity of the crime, bravely and promptly laid before the jury the evidence on which the State proposed to convict the persons whose names were connected with the Haymar- ket riot, and the result was that ten of the anarchists were indicted for murder, namely, August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert E. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Louis Lingg, William Selinger, Eudolph Schnaubelt and Oscar W. Neebe, and these were undergoing or awaiting trial when these pages went to press.
It may be a question in the minds of some as to whether the seizure of the property of the anarchists and the arrest of the editors of the Arbeiter Zeitung, was a legal proceed- ing, but the doctrine proclaimed by Stephen A. Douglas, in a speech delivered in Congress on the 7th of January, 1844, on a bill to refund to General Jackson the fine imposed upon him by Judge H ill for proclaiming martial law in New Or- leans in 1815, while defending that city against the assault of the British, will aptly apply in this case. He held that whatever was necessary to be done in time of war to pre- serve the life of the nation, was constitutional, he did not care what it was ; and it is related that after the death of General Jackson, a pamphlet copy of this speech was found among his private papers, with an endorsement written and signed by himself, which was in these words : " This speech constitutes my defense. I lay it aside as an inheritance for my grandchildren."
This attempt to set at defiance the laws of the land, re- minds us of the time when the Chartists of England sought the overthrow of the established government of that country.
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History tells us that the association of Chartists was formed as early as 1839, and that they claimed a membership of five million, but no open attempt was made to seize the government until as late as 18 * 8, when they were emboldened by the revolution in France, which had broken out in Feb- ruary of that year. It was then widely proclaimed that they would make the assault upon London on April 10, and enforce their demand for a new form of government by the aid of half a million armed men. Wellington, whose crown- ing military glory was the defeat of Bonaparte at Waterloo, was then at the head of the army of Great Britain, and he collected all the available troops within the kingdom and concentrated them in London, and armed several thousand policemen. The result was, that when the day of assault came, the Chartists, instead of a half million armed men, numbered but 25,000, and in taking position, had been marshaled on the wrong side of the Thames, thus putting that river between them and London. When they had all gotten across, Wellington seized the bridges and made pris- oners of their whole army, thus quelling the revolt without killing a man on either side.
No such scenes as were witnessed in Chicago on the night of May 4, 1886, have ever before occurred in this country, and have no parallel save in Paris, fifteen years ago, when the communists of that metropolis made the streets run red with the blood of its best citizens. It is worthy of remark that few, if any, American-born citizens participated in tbis riot, and that its chief leaders were men who had only been in this country three or four years, and one of them only eleven months.
It is a part of the history of this matter to say that the labor organizations of the country were prompt in passing resolutions denunciatory of the proceedings and conduct of the anarchists at Chicago.
The eight hour movement was unsuccessful.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 529
CHAPTER LXYIII, BIOGRAPHICAL,
Owen Lovejoy— His Trial For Harboring Kunaway Slaves— Exciting Scene In Congress— His Death— Leonard Swett— Thomas 8. Ridgway— William Bross— A. J. Streeter— John H. Bryant— John C. Smith— Ei chard S. Tuthill — W. A.. J. Sparks— L. D. Whiting— John M. Scott— H. W. Blodgett.
OWEN LOVEJOY.
In previous chapters we have spoken in some detail of Owen Lovejoy, whose fame as an anti-slavery man was world- wide. No man in the United States was more widely known, or whose ability was more readily acknowledged. As a matter of principle he was opposed to the institution of slavery, but when his brother, Elijah P. Lovejoy, fell a martyr to the cause of freedom at Alton, in 1837, then it was that Owen Lovejoy vowed eternal hostility to that in- stitution, and the men who fostered and the laws which protected it. No mob was ever powerful enough or audience too pro-slavery, to silence his voice in eloquently appealing for the down-trodden slave. In and out of Congress he was the same bold, manly champion of freedom. His home at Princeton was regarded by the escaping slave as the haven of safety, where he was sure of shelter and protection, with- out money and without price, while on his perilous journey to free Canada. Princeton became famed as a point on the "underground railroad," and the movements of Lovejoy were watched by the slave-catchers with the same eagerness as though he had been a common highwayman, but he was never daunted in his efforts to free the slave, no matter Mho his pursuers were or where they came from. The court re- cords of Bureau county tell of the many times he was ar- raigned for doing what he believed to be a service both to —34
530 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
mankind and God. The same manly courage characterized him in every conflict with the advocates of slavery, whether it was in the private walks of life, in the pulpit, in the courts, or in the halls of Congress. We do not know that we can better portray the character of the man than to quote from an address delivered by Isaac N. Arnold before the Bar As- sociation of Illinois, at Springfield, in January, 1881, which was published with the official proceedings of the association, by "Wm. L. Gross, its secretary. It relates chiefly to the trial of Mr. Lovejoy at Princeton, in October, 1842, for har- boring runaway slaves. Mr. Arnold said :
"I have spoken of Mr. Butterfield ; the firm name of But- terfield & Collins, partners, was in those early days always associated. Mr. Collins was a good lawyer, a man of perse- verance, pluck and resolution, and as combative as an English bull-dog. He was an early, and most violent and extreme Abolitionist ; a contemporary with Dr. Charles V. Dyer, the Lovejoys, Ichabod Codding, Eastman, Freer, Farnsworth, and other pioneer Abolitionists in Northern Illinois. I wish I could reproduce a full report of the case of The People v. Owen Lovejoy.
"At the May term, 1842, of the Bureau County Circuit Court, Richard M. Young, presiding, Norman H. Purple, prosecuting attorney pro tern., the grand jury returned a ' true bill ' against Owen Lovejoy, (then lately a preacher of the Gospel,) for that 'a certain negro girl named Agnes, then and there being a fugitive slave, he, the said Lovejoy, knowing her to be such, did harbor, feed, secrete, and clothe,' contrary to the statute, etc., — and the grand jurors did further present ' that the said Lovejoy a certain fugitive slave called Nance, did harbor, feed, and aid,' contrary to the statute, etc. At the October term, 1842, the Hon. John Dean Caton, a Justice of the Supreme,Court, presiding, the case came up for trial, on a plea of not guilty, Judge Purple, and B. F. Fridley, State's attorney, for the people, and James H. Collins, and Lovejoy in person, for the defense. The trial lasted nearly a week, and Lovejoy and Collins fought the case with a vigor and boldness almost without a parallel. The prosecution was urged by the enemies of Lovejoy with an energy and vindictiveness with which Pur- ple and Fridley could have had little sympathy. When the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 531
case was called for trial a strong pro-slavery man, one of those by whom the indictment had been procured, said to the State's attorney :
" ' Fridley, we want you to be sure and convict this preacher, and send him to prison.'
"'Prison! Lovcjoy to prison!' replied Fridley, 'Your persecution will be a damned sight more likely to send him to Congtess.'
"Fridley was right — Lovejoy was very soon after elected to the State Legislature, and then to Congress, where, as you all know, he was soon heard from by the whole country. The prosecution was ably conducted, and Messrs. Collins and Lovejoy not only availed themselves of every technical ground of defense, but denounced, vehemently, the laws under which the indictment was drawn, «s unconstitutional and void ; justifying every act charged as criminal. A full report of the trial would have considerable historic interest. The counsel engaged were equal to the important legal and constitutional questions discussed. Judge Pur- ple, for logical ability and wide culture, for a clear, concise style, condensing the strong points of his case into the fewest words, had rarely an equal. Fridley, for quaint humor, for drollery and apt illustration, expressed im familiar, plain, colloquial, sometimes vulgar language, but, with a clear, strong common sense, was a very effective prosecutor. Collins was indefatigable, dogmatic, never giv- ing up, and if the court decided one point against him, he was ready with another, and if that was overruled, still others.
"Lovejoy always suggested to me a Boundhead of the- days of Cromwell. He was thoroughly in earnest, almost if not quite fanatical in his politics. His courage was un- flinching, and he would have died for his principles. He had a blunt, masculine eloquence rarely equaled, and on the slavery question, as a stump-speaker, it would be diffi- cult to n.ame his superior. Collins and Lovejoy, after a week's conflict, won their cause. Lovejoy himself made a masterly argument, and Mr. Collins' closing speech ex- tended through two days. They extorted a verdict from a hostile jury. . . . Lovejoy quoted with effect the lines of Cowper, now so familiar :
"Slaves cannot breathe in England, if their lungs Receive our air, that moment they are free— They touch our country and their shackles fall.'
532 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
" 'And,' said he, 'if this is the glory of England, is it not equally true of Illinois, her soil consecrated to freedom by the ordinance of 1787, and her own constitution?'
"Mr Collins, in his summing up, read the great and elo- quent opinion of Lord Mansfield in the Somerset case, an opinion which Cowper so beautifully paraphiased in his poem.
"Judge Caton's charge, which will be found in the West- ern Citizen of October 26th, 1843, was very fair. He laid down the law distinctly, that ' if a man voluntarily brings his slave into a free State, the slave becomes free.'
"In February, 1859, at the Capitol in Washington, speak- ing of the acts which led to his trial, there is one of the boldest and most effective bursts of eloquence from Love- joy to be found in all the literature of anti-slavery discus- sion. He had been taunted and reproached on the floor of Congress, and stigmatized as one who, in aiding slaves to escape, had violated the laws and constitution of his country. He had been denounced as a 'nigger-stealer,' threatened by the slave-holders, and they attempted to in- timidate and silence him. They little knew the man, and his reply silenced them, and extorted the admiration of friend and foe. He closed one of the most radical and impassioned anti-slavery speeches ever made in Congress, by unflinchingly declaring :* ' 1 do assist fugitive slaves. Pro- claim it, then, upon the house-tops ; write it on every leaf that trembles in the forest; make it blaze from the sun at high noon, and shine forth in the milder radiance of every star that bedecks the firmament of God ; let it echo througli all the arches of heaven, and reverberate and bellow along all the deep gorges of hell, where slave-catchers will be very likely to hear it. Owen Lovejoy lives at Princeton, Illinois, three-quarters of a mile east of the village ; and he aids every fugitive that comes to his door and asks it. Thou invisible demon of slavery, d >st thou think to cross my humble threshold, and forbid me to give bread to the hungry and shelter to the houseless ? I bid you defiance in the name of God! '
"I heard Lovejoy declare, that after the death of his brother, he went to the graveyard at Alton, and kneeling upon the sod which covered the remains of that brother, he there, before God, swore eternal war and vengeance upon slavery. He kept his vow.
"Congressional Globe, February 21, 1859, p. 199
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"He was a man of powerful physique, intense feeling and great magnetism as a speaker, and be now went forth like Peter the Hermit, with a heart of fire, and a tongue of lightning, preaching his crusade against slavery.
"In the log school-houses, in the meeting-houses and places of worship, and in the open air, he preached and lectured against slavery with a vehemence and passionate energy which carried the people with him. The martyrdom of IIIH brother was a sufficient excuse for his violence, and tin.1 name of Lovejoy, the martyr, like the name of Rob Koy or Douglas in Scotch history, became a name to ' conjure ' with ; and he scattered broadcast seed, the fruit of which was apparent in the great anti-slavery triumph of 1860. Some idea of his dramatic power may be obtained from a sermon, preached at Princeton in January, 1842, on the death of his brother. After describing his murder by a cruel mob, be- cause he would not surrender the freedom of the press, he declared, solemnly, that for himself, ' come life or death, I will devote the residue of my life to the anti-slavery .cause. The slave-holders and their sympathizers,' said he, 'have murdered my brother, and if another victim is needed, I am ready.'
"His aged and widowed mother was present in the church. Pausing and turning to her, he said : ' Mother, you have given one son, your elder, to liberty, are you willing to give another ? ' And the heroic mother replied : ' Yes, my son — you cannot die in a better cause ! ' He lived to see slavery die amid the flames of war which itself had kindled.
"When I heard him speak of his brother's martyrdom, I recalled the words applied by an English poet to the re- former Wyckliffe, illustrating how much Wyckliffe's perse- cution had aided to spread his principles. Wyckliffj'a bo.ly, you will remember, was burned, and his ashes thrown into the Avon, and the poet-prophet says of the incident '.
" ' The Avon to the Severn runs, The Severn to the sea. And Wyckliffe's dust shall spread abroad. Wide as the waters bo.'
"The death of Elijah P. Lovejoy, on the banks of the Mississippi, his lonely grave on the bluffs of Alton, were among the influences, and not the least, which have caused that mighty river and all its vast tributaries, on the East and on the West, to flow 'unyexed to the sea.' No longer 'vexed' with slavery, the Mississippi flows on exultingly from the land of ice to the land of the sun, and all the way
fiJ POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
through soil which the blood of Lovejoy helped to make free. A monument to the Lovejoys on the summit of Pilot Kuol), or some other rocky crag on the banks of that river, should tell and commemorate their story."
In the first session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, while the House was in committee of the whole on the "State of the Union," Mr. Lovejoy had the floor, and was speaking on the slavery question , when there occurred one of the most exciting scenes ever witnessed in the American Congress. Though never afraid to express his opinions in Congress, yet Mr. Lovejoy never knowingly violated a rule of the House. Illustrative of the scene, we give place to this extract from the Appendix of the Congressional Globe of 1859-60, page •203.
[Mr. Lovejoy had advanced into the area, and occupied the space fronting the Democratic benches.]
MR. PRYOR, (advancing from the Democratic side of the house toward the area where Mr. Lovejoy stood.) "The gen- tleman from Illinois. (Mr. Lovejoy,) shall not approach this side of the House, shaking his fist and talking the way he has talked. It is bad enough to be compelled to sit here and hear him utter his treasonable and insulting language ; but he shall not, sir, come upon this side of the House, shak- ing his fist in our faces."
MR. FARNSWORTH. "It is not for the gentleman to say what is treason, and what is not."
MR. POTTER. "We listened to gentlemen upon the o'her side for eight weeks, when they denounced the members upon this side with violent and offensive language. We listened to them quietly, and heard them through. And now, sir, this side shall be heard, let the consequences be what they may."
MR. PRYOR. "The point I make is this" —
The CHAIRMAN. "The chair will receive no motion, and hear no gentleman, until members resume their seats and order is restored in the hall."
MR. Cox. "I rise to a point of order. I insist that the gentleman from Illinois shall speak from his seat."
MR. PRYOR. "That is the point I make. Let the gentle- man speak from his seat, and say all under the rules he is
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 535
entitled to say ; but, sir, he shall not come upon this side of the house, shaking his fist in our faces and talking in the style he has talked. He shall not come here gesticulating in a menacing and ruffianly manner." *
MB. POTTER. "You are doing the same thing." The CHAIRMAN. "Gentlemen will resume their seats." MR. Cox. "If the gentleman from Illinois goes on as he has, a guardian will have to be appointed for him."
MR. BARKSDALE. (Addressing Mr. Lovejoy.) "You shall not come upon this side of the House."
MR. ADRAIN. "To avoid all further difficulty, I suggest to the gentleman from Illinois to speak from his seat. We all know him to be a man of courage, and that he cannot be intimidated."
MR. PRYOR. "Nobody wants to intimidate him."
MR. LOVEJOY. "Nobody can intimidate me."
MR. ADRAIN. "I know that. I suggest to the gentleman, that he continue his speech from his seat."
[Thirty or forty of the members from both sides of the house gathered in the area about Mr. Lovejoy and Mr. Pryor, and there was increased confusion.]
MR. JOHN COCHRANE. "I move that the committee rise, as it is the only way we can get rid of this disturbance."
MR. POTTER. "I do not believe that side of the House <?an say where a member shall speak ; and they shall not say it."
MR. SINGLETON (of Mississippi). "The gentleman from Illinois shall not make that speech upon this side of the House."
MR. BURNETT. "There is a rule of this House which requires each man to speak from his seat. The gentleman from Illinois was not in his seat when he was speaking. He cannot, and he shall not, cross this hall to this side in a menacing manner. He shall not, let the consequences be what they will. He must speak from his seat."
MR. GROW. "I move that the committee rise." • The CHAIRMAN. "Gentlemen must resume their seats."
MR. Cox. "Let the gentleman from Illinois take his seat."
MR. WASHBURN (of Illinois). "Let others be seated, and let my colleague proceed."
536 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
MR. POTTER. "The gentleman from Illinois can lake care of himself without the assistance of the other side."
MR. KELLOGG (of Illinois). "I say to the gentlemen, that my colleague skall speak ; that he is in order, and will not com- mit a breach of the rules of the House ; if he does, I will be the first to rebuke him ; but he shall have his rights, accord- ing to the rules of the House, and in no wise shall they be abiidged or interfered with. He shall be heard upon this floor, and at this time."
MR. BRIGGS. "Then let him go upon his own side."
The CHAIRMAN. "The chair calls the committee to order; and if gentlemen do not come to order, he will call the Speaker to the chair and report the disorder to the House."
MR. FLORENCE. "I move that the committee rise. It is impossible to quell the disturbance without doing so."
The CHAIRMAN. "The Speaker will take the chair."
But notwithstanding these bitter thrusts from the southern members and their northern allies, when order was restored, Mr. Lovejoy finished his speech without surrendering a sin- gle point to his adversaries, addressing the body from the clerk's desk.
Mr. Lovejoy was a native of Maine, born January 6, 1811. Mainly by his own exertions he graduated at Bowdoin Col- lege, and like his father, chose the ministry as the calling of his life. In coming west in 1836, he made his home at Alton, but after the death of his brother he removed to Princeton, and became pastor of the Congregational Church of that place, and continued as such for seventeen years. His public life began in 1854, as a Representative in the Nineteenth General Assembly, and in 1856, he was elected to a seat in Congress, defeating Uri Osgood, Democrat, by a vote of 19,068, to 13,007, in which body he served until his death, which occurred March 25, 1864, in Brooklyn, N. Y. Illinois has had many eminent and gifted men, but the name of Owen Lovejoy will grow brighter and brighter as the cycles of time shall unfold his history to the genera- tions to come.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 537
A beautiful monument, reared by his affectionate family, marks his resting place at Princeton.
LEONARD SWETT.
Leonard Swett, of Chicago, is a native of Maine. After- finishing his collegiate course he studied law and came west in 18 i7, and volunteered as a private soldier in the Mexican war in the Fifth Indiana Infantry, commanded by James H. Lane, who afterwards figured so conspicuously in the politics of Kansas. On the return of Mr. Swett from Mexico, ha located in Bloomington in 1849, and there began the prac- tice of law ; he rode the circuit with such distinguished law- yers as Abraham Lincoln, Stephen T. Logan, John T. Stu- art, U. F. Linder and Edward D. Baker, by whom he was recognized as one of the ablest of lawyers. In 1860, he was one of Mr. Lincoln's chief supporters for the Presidency, and while he never sought office himself, he maintained the closest confidential relations with President Lincoln. Mr. Swett took an active part in the efforts to nominate Gen. Grant for the Presidency in 1880, but, notwithstanding his defeat, he gave the ticket a cordial support. Mr. Swett is in no sense a politician, never having sought or held offic i of any kind. He has studiously devoted himself to the pro- fession of law, in which he has gained the greatest eminence.
THOMAS S. RIDGWAY.
Thomas S. Bidgway was born in White County, Illinois, August 30, 1826; at the age of twelve years he entered the printing office of J. A. McCracken, of Shawneetown, where he obtained his first lessons in the career of an active busi- ness life ; in 1839 he entered the dry goods house of E. H. Gatewood as a store-boy, remaining until 1843 ; in 1845 he became the junior partner in the dry goods house of 0. Pool & Co., and afterward, at the withdrawal of Mr. Pool in 1850, became an equal partner in the business, under the firm
538 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
name of Peeples & Ridgway. This was before the era of railroads in that part of the State, and it was no uncommon thing for them to supply country merchants who lived fifty and seventy-five miles in the interior, as their house was the leading one in that section of the country. They often had a half million dollars worth of the products of the country con- signed to the markets of New Orleans, New York and Europe. In 1865, Peeples & Ridgway terminated their mercantile business after a most successful career, and organized the First National Bank of Shawneetown, with a capital of $250,- 000, with J. McKee Peeples as President, and Thomas S. Ridgway as Cashier, and at the death of Mr. Peeples, which occurred a few years ago, Mr. Ridgway succeeded to the Presidency of the bank. In 1867, Mr. Ridgway was made President of the Springfield & Illinois Southeastern Rail- way Company, and, largely through his untiring energy and able business management, this road, now known as the Springfield Division of the Ohio & Mississippi Railway, was constructed from Shawneetown to Beardstown, a distance of 225 miles, and after seeing it in successful operation, he retired from the presidency of the company.
Politically, Mr. Ridgway was a Whig, but in 1860, he as- sociated himself with the Republican party, where he has stood ever since. In 1874, he received the Republican nomi- nation for State Treasurer, and was elected by a handsome majority, and upon assuming the duties of the office, Jan- uary 13, 1875, his bond represented persons whose aggre- gate wealth was estimated at $5,000,000. In 187G, and again in 1880, his claims were strongly urged by many Re- publicans throughout the State before the Republican State Convention, for Governor, and in 1884, he was nominated by acclamation for Congress in that stronghold of Democracy the nineteenth district, and made a gallant fight for the success of the State and National tickets.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 539
Mr. Ridgway is a liberal, public spirited man, and has been foremost in all the public enterprises in his section ; he gave six years of the prime of his life to the building of the railroad before mentioned, and has been President of the Southern Normal University for twelve years, being honored with the trust at its opening.
WILLIAM BROSS.
William Bross, who was elected Lieutenant-Governor of Illinois, on the Republican ticket, in 1861, and widely known as one of the conductors of the Chicago Tribune, was born in New Jersey, November 4, 1813; he graduated at Wil- liams College in 1833, and came west in 1848, locating at Chicago, and became a partner in the firm of Griggs, Bross & Company, booksellers, but in the fall of 1849, he sold out his interest and entered the field of journalism by buying an interest in the Prairie Farmer, then published by John S. Wright, and they bought out the Herald of the Prairies, a religious paper, the organ alike of the Presbyterians and 'Congregationalists ; but finding the business insufficient to support two families, Mr. Bross sold out his interest, in the fall of 1851, to Mr. Wright. In 1852, he united with John S. Scripps in the publication of the Democratic Press, the first number of which was issued September 16, with about one hundred subscribers to the daily, and two hundred and fifty to the weekly. Daring the hard times of 1857-8, the Tribune and the Democratic Press were consolidated as the Press and Tribune, with Dr. Ray, Joseph Medill, John L. Scripps and Mr. Bross as equal partners; but in 1860, the word "Press" was dropped, since which time the paper has been known as the Chicago Tribune. Amid all the change -i of ownership Mr. Bross, with Mr. Medill, has continued as one of the elements of the success of this great journal, while the book store of which he was part owner was the beginning of the great house of Jansen, McClurg & Co.
540 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
At the time Mr. Bross was one of the editors of the Dem- ocratic Press, Senator Douglas introduced his bill repealing the Missouri Compromise, and although the paper was Democratic, it boldly denounced the Senator for introduc- ing the measure; and the position taken by the Democratic Press in opposition to the disturbance of this compromise, and the further extension of slavery, greatly assisted in lay- ing the foundation for the successful organization of the Be- publican party in the Northwest.
Mr. Bross was present at the North Market Hall meeting, on Douglas' return to Chicago, in 1854, at which he failed to> make himself heard, and it is related that Mr. Dougl is charged the responsibility of that uprising against free speech to the influence of Mr. Bross, and they became bit- ter enemies. We are told, on good authority, that there were present in that meeting one thousand resolute men, armed; though intending no personal violence to Mr. Doug- las, yet they were de ermined that he should not be heard, intending only to use their arms in case they were attacked by the friends of Mr. Douglas.
Mr. Bross had occasion afterwards to warmly commend, in an editorial, the course of Senator Douglas in opposing the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, and this caused a renewal of their former friendship, which continued until the death of Mr. Douglas, at which time they again stood together politically in their devotion to the cause of the Union.
A. J. STBEETER.
A. J. Streeter was born in Bsnsselaer County, New York, in 1823. He came west with his father in 1835, locating at Dixon; he is a self-made man; he was for three years a stu- dent of Knox College. In 1819, he went to California and engaged in gold mining. Ksturning to Illinois in 1351, he purchased a farm of 240 acres near New Windsor, where he
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 541
has resided ever since. Mr. Streeter is highly esteemed as a citizen, and has been eminently successful as a farmer, adding several thousand acres to his original purchase of real estate. In early life Mr. Streeter was a Democrat ; in 1872, he was elected a Representative to the Twenty-eighth General Assembly. In 1873, he severed his relations with the Democratic party ; in 1878, he was the Greenback candi- date for Congress in the Tenth District ; in 1880, he was the candidate of the same party for Governor, receiving 3000 more votes than their candidate for President ; in 1884, Le was elected State Senator from the Twenty-fourth District, by a coalition of Democrats and Greenbackers, but he con- tinued to maintain political independence, earnestly la boring for the success of measures calculated to advance the inter- ests of the producing class.
JOHN H. BRYANT.
John H. Bryant, of Princeton, Illinois, a brother of Wil- liam Cullen Bryant, was born in Massachusetts, July 22, 1807 ; he came to Illinois in 1831, taking up a temporary resi- dence at Jacksonville, and in September, 1832, he settled permanently near Princeton, where he has resided ever since. In the fifty-four years Mr. Bryant has been a citizen of Illi- nois, he has been an active, public spirited man, giving gen- erously of his time and money to the public enterprises of the community in which he has lived so long. His labors in behalf of the public schools of Princeton have been of incalculable value. Mr. Bryant was elected a Representa- tive to the General Assembly in 1842, when the wisest men were called together to devise ways for relieving the State of its financial embarrassment ; and hi 1858, he was again elected a member of the same house, each time serving his constituents ably and well. In 1862, President Lincoln ap- pointed him Collector of Internal* Revenue of the Peoria Dis- trict, simply upon his own application.
542 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Politically Mr. Bryant was an anti-slavery Democrat, and times without number he assisted the fugitive slave in his perilous journey to Canada. In 1852, he was the free-soil candidate for Congress in his District, and in 1856, assisted in the organization of the Eepublican party, and in 1860, toak a very active part in the campaign which resulted in the election of Abraham Lincoln as President. In 1872, Mr. Bryant joined in the Liberal movement and supported Hor- ace Greeley for President, since which time he has been en- tirely independent in his political action.
Socially and intellectually Mr. Bryant is one of the distin- guished men of Illinois ; he has recently published a volume entided, "Poems Written from Youth to Old Age — 1824- 1884," which possess the charm and beauty that characterize the writings of his gifted brother. His palatial homer has long been the resort of the intellectual minds of the State, of both parties. Douglas and Lincoln were at different times- his guests.
JOHN C. SMITH.
Among the many eminent men of Illinois who have won their way into public life from humble walks, is John C. Smith, Lieutenant- Governor of Illinois, whose occupation in early life was that of a carpenter. Mr. Smith was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, February 13, 1832. He came to Illinois in 1854, and took up his residence in Galena. Politically, his antecedents were Whig, but when the Ke- publican party was formed he became an active Kepublican, and cast his first vote for President for John C. Fremont. When his country called for soldiers to protect its flag, he rallied to her standard, volunteering in Company L, 98th Infantry, as a private, and remained in the service until the close of the war, being promoted step by step, for gallantry upon the field, to the position of Brevet-Brigadier-General. He was often in the hottest »f the fight, and bears an honor- able scar as a reminder of the conflict. In 1878, he WAS
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elected State Treasurer, and reflected in 1882, and was chosen Lieutenant-Governor in the campaign of 1884. As President of the Senate, in the memorable session of the Thirty-fourth General Assembly, he proved himself equal to every emergency, and, though never before a member of a Legislative body, he ruled with a readiness and impartiality that won for him the confidence and esteem of that body.
RICHARD S. TUTHILL.
Richard S. Tuthill, whose name has been so prominently brought before the reader as the prosecutor of the persons connected with the election fraud of 1884, in the Sixth Sen- atorial District of Chicago, in the United States District Court, was born in Vergennes, Illinois, November 10, 1841 ; he is a graduate of Middlebury College, Vermont; he served with distinction in the war for the Union, and at its close located at Nashville, Tennessee, where he studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1866 ; in 1867, he was elected Attorney-General of the Nashville circuit ; in the early part of 1873, he removed to Chicago, where he soon attained prominence in his profession, and was twice elected City At- torney, each time by a maj arity of over 5000. Politically, Mr. Tuthill is a Rspublican, and was appointed United States District Attorney for the Northern District of Illinois by President Arthur, the duties of which office he discharged with such ability and fidelity as to challenge the admira- tion of the people.
Mr. Tuthill took an early occasion to inform President Cleveland of his willingness to surrender the office of United States District Attorney so soon as it should be his pleasure to name his successor, but as the President was slow in doing that, he tendered his resignation on the llth of May, 1888, to take effect at the close of the fiscal year, June 30.
544 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Mr. Tuthill's prosecution of the election fraud cases had a wider influence than the mere conviction and imprison- ment of Joseph C. Mackin. Good men took up the matter where he left off, and the result has been the passage of a stringent election law which will effectually prevent the recurrence of such crimes. This is the crowning glory growing out of his prosecution of these cases.
W. A. J. SPARKS,
Whom President Cleveland appointed to the responsible position of Commissioner of the Land Office, was born near New Albany, Indiana. In 1836, his father moved to the southern part of Macoupin County, where he died in 1840, and four years afterwards his wife died, leaving their son, a mere child without fortune, to make his way in the world. He worked on a farm in the summer time and in winter attended school. When he had fitted himself for a teacher, he earned means in this way to attend McKendree College, where he graduated with high honors. In 1851, he located at Carlyle, which has been his home ever since, and began the study of law with Judge Breese. He was admitted to the bar when such eminent lawyers as Shields, Bissell, Koerner, Underwood, Billings and Gillespie rode the circuit in that section of the State ; but, notwithstanding he was opposed by so many able legal minds, he soon acquired a lucrative practice, and in a few years won his way to fame and fortune.
In politics, Mr. Sparks has always been a Democrat. Democracy, with him, is not a mere name ; he believes in its truth, and fights for it, under all circumstances, whether in success or defeat. He represented the Sixteenth Con- gressional District eight years in Congress, in succession, succeeding James S. Martin in 1874. By the apportionment, basad upon the U. S. census of 1880, he was thrown into the nineteenth district, represented by R. W. Townshend,
544 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Mr. Tutbill's prosecution of the election fraud cases had a wider influence than the mere conviction and imprison- ment of Joseph C. Mackin. Good men took up the matter
-
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POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 545
•when he retired to private life. As a member of Congress he won a national reputation, and when President Cleve- land came into power Mr. Sparks was appointed, with the approval of the leading men of his party throughout the country, Commissioner of the Land Office, one of the most important trusts within the gift of the President, which, with his stubborn honesty and ability, he has conducted suc- cessfully, bringing about some valuable changes in its man- agement.
The career of Mr. Sparks is, in a peculiar sense, typical of the great Northwest, embodying, as it does, in his own per- son and character, the robust and aggressive manhood which has marked the rapid strides of this powerful section to the front rank in the great family of States of the Union.
L. D. WHITING.
L. D. Whiting, whose name is intimately associated with much of the history of Illinois, was born in Wayne County, New York, November 17, 1819. He came to this State in 1838, but did not settle here permanently until 1849, locating near Tiskilwa, Bureau County, where he has resided ever since. Being a man of ability, intelligence and strict in- tegrity, he soon became a leading citizen of that communi- 1y, and has been honored many times by his fellow-citizens with important public trusts. In 1868, he was elected a Representative to the Twenty-sixth General Assembly, and while serving in that capacity was acknowledged as a leader among men. He was elected a delegate to the Constitu- tional Convention of 1869-70. In this body he was recog- nized as one of the ablest men in that distinguished council, and was the first to introduce the subject of controlling public corporations through legislative enactments, and wielded no little influence in securing the incorporation of this principle into the Constitution. In introducing the sub- ject he said, "I offer a resolution of gravo import: —35
5 16 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
"WHEREAS, Eailroad corporations can only exist by having conferred upon them the sovereign power of taking private property to their use ; and
WHEREAS, Most vital interests of society are dependent upon their proper administration ; therefore,
"Resolved, That justice and necessity require that here- after railroad corporations shall be deemed public corpora- tions, subject to be regulated and controlled by the law- making power like other public interests." (See Convention Debates, Vol. 1, page 146.)
In 1870, Mr. Whiting was elected as one of the provisional Senators ; in 1872, he was elected for the short term under the apportionment of 1872, and was re-elected in 1874, 1878, and 1882, making five times in succession, and a continuous service in the Senate of sixteen years.
Mr. Whiting has been to the agricultural or producing interests of Illinois in the General Assembly what Mr. Kelley has been in Congress to the manufacturing interests of Pennsylvania. He has ever been watchf ul of their rights, and in the legislation which has pertained to the highways, drainage, revenue, and railroad transportation, he has been the author, in part or in whole, of the laws relating to these subjects, which have met the approval of the people and done much to develop the State and give prosperity to all within its broad domain.
JOHN M. SOOTT.
John M. Scott, long a resident of Bloomington, was born August 1, 1823, near Belleville. His father was a Virginian ; his mother was a daughter of William Biggs, who came to Illinois with George Eogers Clark, in 1778, but did not bring his family until 1788. Mr. Scott received his early educa- tion through the common schools of the State, and after- wards obtained a knowledge of the higher branches through a private instructor. He studied law with Kinney & Bis=;ell, of Belleville, and was licensed to practice in 1847. In 1848, he removed to Bloomington and began the practice of his
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 547
profession with William H. Holmes, and was afterward as- sociated with William H. Hanna. In April, 1S53, he was married to Charlotte A. Perry, daughter of Rev. Dr. David Perry.
Mr. Scott was originally a Whig, but when the Republican party was organized, he cast his lot with it, and with which he has acted ever since. In 1856, he was nominated for the State Senate in a district composed of the counties of McLean, DeWifct, Macon, Champaign, Piatt, Moultrie, Christian and Shelby. His opponent was Seth Post, who was elected by a very small majority, notwithstanding the district was overwhelmingly democratic.
Mr. Scott's public career has been closely identified with the profession of law, and he is widely esteemed as one of the ablest and purest men in public life ; he was City Attor- ney of Blojmington from 1849 to 1856; in 1852 he wa* elected Judge of the County Court of McLean county, to fill a vacancy; in 1862 he was elected Judge of the Circuit; Court, in the circuit composed of the counties of McLean, DeWitt and Logan, and re-elected in 1867, both times with- out opposition; in 1870, he was elected Judge of the Su- preme Court in the third district over E. S. Terry, and was re-elected in 1879, over B. S. Edwards. By allotment he became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at the June term, 1875, for the period of one year, being the first native of Illinois to be honored with that trust ; in 1832, he again became Chief Justice in the same manner, and by the same allotment he became Chief Justice again on the first day of June, 1886. His first opinion as Judge of the Supreme Court appears in the fifty-fourth volume of the Illinois Re- ports ; these reports now number 115 volumes, in sixty-two of which appear many able opinions written by Mr. Scott.
548 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
HENRY W. BLODGETT.
Henry W. Blodgett was born in Amhersfc, Massachusetts, in 1821, and came to Illinois with his father when he was about ten years of age ; when seventeen years of age, he attended Amherst Academy one year, when he returned to I!lin3is and taught school for a time, and subsequently engaged in land surveying, until he was twenty-one years of age. In 1842, he commenced the study of law in the office of J. Y. Scammon and Norman B. Judd ; was admitted to the bar in 1845, and commenced practice at Waukegan, where he still resides. As early as 1844, he voted the anti-slavery •ticket, and during all the contests between slavery and free- dom, he was bold to declare his oppjsition to slavery. In 1852, he was elected a Representative to the General As- sembly 5 in 1858, he was elected State Senator. As a mem- J>er of the General Assembly, he was recognized as an able iand progressive man, and his attention was chiefly given to measures relating to the development of the State. He was a pioneer in the building of the Chicago & Milwaukee Railroad, and was identified with it in the capacity of At- torney, Director and President. In 1870, he was appointed by President Grant, Judge of the United States District •Court for the Northern District of Illinois, which trust he still holds. To this position he brought experience and ability, and his decisions upon the bench mark him as a man of clear, legal mind and a purity of purpose, with the courage to decide questions of law with inflinching impar- tiality.
APPENDIX. 549
APPENDIX.
CHAPTER I. ILLINOIS,
Formation Into a Territory— Officers^Formation of Legislative Districts- Territorial Legislation— Personal.
We learn from the History of the United States that the Illinois country was first explored by LaSalle, the French Missionaries and Indian traders, who formed the earliest settlement at Kaskaskia, in 1683 ; that the coun- try was first owned by the French and was afterward ceded to Great Britain, when it became a part of the possessions of Virginia. The questions growing out of the ownership, by several States, of vast tracts of unoccupied land, were very difficult of solution, owing, in many in- stances, to rival claims based on the comprehensive, ill- defined, and often conflicting grants made by different sovereigns of England to colonies and colonists in the new world; and the conviction in various quarters that all the territory acquired from Great Britain by the treaty of 1783, having been secured by the blood and the treas-. ure of the whole people, should be held by all the States as common property. The data in possession of the European governments in relation to this continent were so vague that it was impossible to define their grants with anything like accuracy; and they seemed to think that the country was so expansive that there was scarcely any
f>50 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
limit to its extent or their power over it; and the result was that different colonies claimed the ownership of the same territory, and in various instances it was claimed by several conflicting authorities. These questions proved for a time serious obstacles in the way of accord among the several States; and so complicated did they become that at times they seemed impossible of adjustment. Bat the sound common sense and the enlightened patriotism that had governed the statesmen of that day, throughout their perilous conflict, proved sufficient for this last emergency. Virginia took the first practical step in the direction of a settlement, by the cession to the confederacy, in 1784, of all her land Northwest of the Ohio river — which was accepted by Congress— and in relation to which the Ordinance of 1787 -was subsequently adopted. By this measure the ob- stacles were removed. From this territory was formed five States — Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin — all devoted to freedom. (See Hickey's Constitution of the United States.) Illinois was a part of Indiana Territory when organized as a Territory.
February 3, 1809, Congress passed an act dividing the Indiana Territory into two separate governments, and establishing the Territory of Illinois. President Madison appointed John Boyle, an Associate Justice of the Court of Appeals of Kentucky, Governor of the Territory, but he declined, and Ninian Edwards, Chief Justice of the same Court, was appointed in his stead. Nathaniel Pope was appointed Secretary; Alexander Stuart, Obadiah Jones and Jesse B. Thomas, Judges; Benjamin H. Boyle, Attorney- General. This composed the Territorial Government.
Under the Ordinance of 1787, and the act of Congress February 3, 1809, the Governor and Judges constituted the law-making power of the Territory, and as such they met for the first time at Kaskaskia, June 13, 1809, and their first act was to resolve that the laws of Indiana Territory,
APPENDIX. 551
in force prior to March 1, 1809, which applied to the government of the Territory, should remain in full force and effect. The duration of the session was seven days, in which thirteen acts were passed.
The second session of the Council was held in 1810, at which fourteen acts were passed, and the third and last session was held in 1811, at which five acts were passed. Among the laws enacted were some from the Georgia, Kentucky, Pennsylvania and South Carolina statutes.
In May, 1812, Congress passed an act authorizing the formation of five Legislative districts in the Territory which were to be apportioned by the Governor, and from each of which was to be elected a member of the Legislative Coun- cil, who should hold the office four years ; the number of Eepresentatives to be elected was not to be less than seven nor more than twelve, until the number of "free male, white inhabitants " should equal six thousand, and after that time the number was to be governed by the Ordinance of 1787. The office of Kepresentative was for two years.
Governor Edwards called the first election for Council- men and Representatives for October 8, 9 and 10, 1812.
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT, 1812.
Governor — Ninian Edwards. Secretary of the Territory— Nathaniel Pope. Auditor of Public Accounts— H. H. Maxwell. Attorney-General— B. M. Piatt. Treasurer — John Thomas.
FIRST TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE.
The first session of the Territorial Legislature under the act of Congress of May 12, convened at Kaskaskia, No- vember 25, 1812, and was composed of the following
members :
COUNCIL.
Pierre Menard, Kandolph. Samuel Judy, Madison. Benjamin Talbott, Gallatin. Thomas Ferguson, Johnson. William Biggs, St. Glair.
552 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
HOUSE OF EEPBESENTATIVES.
George Fisher, Eandolph. Joshua Oglesby, St. Glair, Alexander Wilson, Gallatin. Jacob Short, St. Clair. Philip Trammel, Gallatin. William Jones, Madison. John Grammar, Johnson.
Pierre Menard was elected President of the Council, and John Thomas Secretary. George Fisher was elected Speaker of the House, and William C. Greenup Clerk.
The duration of this session was thirty-two days, and the whole number of acts passed was twenty-seven. The salary of the Attorney-General was fixed at $175 per an- num; Auditor, $150; Treasurer, $150; and members of the Legislature at $2 per day.
A second session of this body convened November 8, 1818. Thirteen laws were passed, principal among which was one to prevent the sale of liquor to the Indians, and another to prevent the emigration of negroes or mulattoes into the Territory.
SECOND TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE.
The Second Territorial Legislature convened on the 14th of November, 1814, and was composed of the following members :
COUNCIL.
Pierre Menard,' Eandolph. Samuel Judy, Madison. Wm. Biggs, St. Clair. Thomas Ferguson, Johnson,
Benj. Talbott, Gallatin.
HOUSE OF EEPRESENTATIVES.
Kisdon Moore, St. Clair. Philip Trammel, Gallatin.
Wm. Eabb, Madison. Thos. C. Browne, Gallatin.
Jas. Lemen, Jr., St. Clair Owen Evans, Johnson. Jas. Gilbreath, Eandolph.
The officers of the Council were the same as in the- preceding Legislature. In the House, Eisdon Moore was elected Speaker, and William Mears, who had succeeded B. M. Piatt as Attorney- General, Clerk.
APPENDIX. 563
The laws excluding Judges of the Courts and surveyors from holding seats in the Legislature, and taxing land, which had been passed by the preceding Legislature, were repealed. A contract was made with Nathaniel Pope for revising the laws. Acts were passed incorporating Shaw- neetown and authorizing the payment of $50 for every hos- tile Indian killed. An adjournment was taken December 24 to the 4th of September, 1815.
On the reassembling of this body, agreeably to adjourn- ment, Jarvis Hazleton, of Randolph, appeared as the Rep- resentative instead of Gilbreath, and John G. Lofton, of Madison, in place of Owen Evans. Daniel P. Cook was elected Clerk. The duration of this session was thirty- nine days. Thirty-eight acts were passed, one of which was to tax each billiard table $150 per annum, and another to punish counterfeiters of bank-bills by fine and whipping, and if the offender was unable to pay the fine, he was to be sold by the Sheriff at public vendue to satisfy the judgment.
THIBD TERRITORIAL LEGISLATURE — 1816-17.
The third Territorial Legislature convened December 2, 1816, and was composed of the following members:
COUNCIL.
Pierre Menard, Randolph. John Grammar, Johnson. John G. Lofton, Madison. Thomas C. Browne, Gallatin, Abraham Amos, St. Clair.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
George Fisher, Randolph. Joseph Palmer, Johnson. C. R. Matheny, St. Clair. Seth Gard, Edwards. Wm. H. Bradsby, St. Clair. Samuel O'Melveny, Pope. Nathan Davis, Jackson.
Pierre Menard was elected President of the Council, and Joseph Conway Secretary. In the House, George- Fisher was elected Speaker, and Daniel P. Cook, who had become Auditor of Public Accounts, Clerk.
»
554 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
This Legislature was in session from December 2, 1816, to January 14, 1817, when it took a recess to December 1, following. There were twenty-eight acts passed at this session. One of the important acts was to establish a bank at Shawneetown, with a capital of $300,000. The Indiana Legislature had passed an act prohibiting non- resident lawyers from practicing in the courts of that State, and in retaliation an act was passed at this session imposing a fine of $200 upon any Indiana lawyer found practicing in the Territory, and the same act imposed a fine of $500 on any judge who, knowingly, allowed an Indiana lawyer to practice in his court.
The second session convened December 1, 1817, agree- ably to adjournment. Willis Hargrave, of White, appeared as Eepresentative instead of Nathan Davis, and M. S. Davis, of Gallatin, in place of Samuel O'Melveny. Fifty acts were passed, notably among which were acts estab- lishing banks at Kaskaskia, Edwardsville and Cairo, and another incorporating medical societies at Kaskaskia and Carmi. An adjournment took place January 12, 1818, which terminated Territorial legislation.
Quite a number of the members of the Territorial Leg- islature became eminent in the councils of the State. Thomas C. Browne was twice elected to the Supreme bench, and Pierre Menard was Lieutenant-Governor under <rov. Bond. Mr. Menard was a Frenchman, and was con- sidered an able and excellent man. The county of Menard was named in honor of him, and a kind friend, in the per- son of Charles P. Chouteau, of St. Louis, recently presented to Illinois $10,000 for the erection of a monument to his memory, which is to be placed in the grounds of the new State House.* Ford, in his history, relates this anec- dote of Menard : While presiding over the Senate, an act passed that body which proposed to make the notes of the State banks receivable at the land office. Menard, in put- ting the question, said : " Gentlemen of de Senate, it is
*The bronze statue, repR-senting Meiuird as trading with on Indian, was placed npon tlie pedestal
-
APPENDIX.
555
moved and seconded dat de notes of dis bank be made land-office money. All in favor of dat motion say aye ; all against it say no. It is decided in de affirmative. And now, gentlemen, I bet you one hundred dollar he never be made land-office money."
Daniel P. Cook represented the State in Congress from 1820 to 1827, and discharged, with great ability, his duties as a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, and was con- sidered by such men as Calhoun and Judge McLean as a man of remarkable talents. In 1824, when John Quincy Adams was elected President by the House of Bepresenta- tives, he cast the vote of Illinois for Adams, notwithstand- ing the majority of the people of his State had voted for General Jackson.
CHAPTER II, ADMISSION AS A STATE,
Constitutional Convention— Peculiarities of the Constitution— Boundaries
of the State.
Congress passed an act April 18, 1818, enabling the people of the Territory to form a State Constitution pre- paratory to admission into the Union. The election for delegates was authorized to take place on the first Mon- day of the ensuing July, and the convention to meet on the first Monday in August, following. There were then but fourteen counties in the Territory, and the enabling act fixed the number of delegates at thirty-three. The convention assembled agreeably to law, and was composed of the following delegates :
Jesse B. Thomas, John Messinger, James Leinen, Jr., George Fisher, Elias Kent Kane, Benjamin Stephenson, Joseph Borough, Abraham Prickett, Michael Jones,
556 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Leonard White, Adolphus F.Hubbard, Hezekinh West, Wra. McFatridge, Seth Gard, Levi Compton, Willis Hargrave, Wm. McHenry, Caldwell Cams, Enoch Moore, Samuel O'Melveny, Hamlet Ferguson, Conrad Will, James Hall, Jr., Joseph Kitchell, Edward N. Cullom, Thomas Kirkpatrick, Samuel G. Morse, William Echqls, John Whiteaker, An- drew Bankson, Isham Harrison, Thomas Boberts.
The convention organized by the election of Jesse 1L Thomas President, and William C. Greenup Secretary.
The constitution was adopted by the convention, August 26, but was not submitted to a vote of the people, as subsequent constitutions have been. There were but eight articles. We note some of the peculiar features of the instrument: The salary of the Governor was fixed at $1,000; Secretary of State, $600; Judges of the Supreme Court, $1,000. The mode of voting was to be viva voce until the General Assembly should cbange it; Judges of inferior courts were to hold their offices during good behavior; Judges of the Supreme Court were to be removed from office on the request of two-thirds of the members of each house of the General Assembly; every person who had been bound to service by contract or indenture, by virtue of the laws of Illinois Territory, were held to a specific performance of their contracts or indentures, and negroes and mulattoes who- had been registered in conformity with the aforesaid laws, to serve out the time appointed by said laws; and the children born to such persons after that time were to be free, the males at the age of 21 years, the females at the age of 18 years, and every child born of indentured pa- rents was to be registered with the clerk of the county in whiv?h they resided within six months after birth.
Congress fixed the boundaries of the State as follows: "Beginning at the mouth of the Wabash river; thence up the same, and with the line of Indiana, to the northwest
APPENDIX. £57
corner of said State ; thence east, with the line of said State, to the middle of Lake Michigan ; thence north, along the middle of said lake, to north latitude 42° and 30'; thence west to the middle of the Mississippi river, and thence down along the middle of that river to its confluence with the Ohio river, and thence up the latter river, along its northwestern shore, to the place of begin- ning: Provided, that this State shall exercise such juris- diction upon the Ohio river as she is now entitled, or such as may hereafter be agreed upon by this State and the State of Kentucky."
The State was admitted into the Union December 8, 1818.
CHAPTER III. STATE GOVERNMENT-1818-22.
The first State government began October 6, 1818, with the following officers : Shadrach Bond, of St. Glair, Gov- ernor; Pierre Menard, of Eandolph, Lieutenant- Governor; Elias Kent Kane, of Eandolph, Secretary of State; Elijah •C. Berry, of Payette, Auditor of Public Accounts; John Thomas, of St. Glair, Treasurer ; Daniel P. Gook, of Ran- dolph, Attorney-General.
Under the constitution of 1818, the Governor and Lieu- tenant-Governor were the only State officers who were elected directly by the people. The others were chosen from time to time by the General Assembly.
Gov. Bond assumed the duties of his office October 6. One of his first recommendations to the General Assem- bly was for the construction of a canal connecting Lake Michigan with the Mississippi river.
The first General Assembly convened October 5, 1818, and adjourned October 13, and convened again January
558 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
4, 1819, and adjourned March 31. It was composed of
the following members :
SENATE.
Lewis Barker, Pope. William Kinney, St. Clair.
George Caldwell, Madison. Joseph Kitchell, Crawford. Thomas Cox, Union. Zariah Maddux, Washington.
Willis Hargrave, White. John McFerron, Randolph. Alexander Jamison, Monroe. Thos. Roberts, Johnson. Martin Jones, Bond. Guy W. Smith, Edwards.
Michael Jones, Gallatin. Conrad Will, Jackson.
HOUSE OF REPKESENTATIVES.
Wm. Alexander, Monroe. John Messenger, St. Clair.
Levi Compton, Edwards. Risdon Moore, St. Clair.
J. G. Daimwood, Gallatin. William Nash, White.
Jesse Eehols, Union. Alexander Phillips, White.
Elijah Ewing, Franklin. David Porter, Crawford.
Green B. Field, Pope. Abraham Prickett, Madison.
Jesse Gregg, Jackson. Scott Riggs, Crawford.
Robert Hamilton, Pope. D. S. Swearingen, Washington.,
John Howard, Madison. James D. Thomas, St. Clair.
A. F. Hubbard, Gallatin. Henry Utter, Edwards.
E. Humphreys, Randolph. Samuel Walker, Randolph.
Francis Kirkpatrick, Bond. John Whiteaker, Union,
John Marshall, Gallatin. Samuel Whitesides, Madison.
Sam'l McClintock, Gallatin. Isaac D. Wilcox, Johnson. Wm. McHenry, White.
Pierre Menard was the presiding officer of the Senate, and William C. Greenup was elected Secretary. In the House John Messinger was elected Speaker, and Thomas Reynolds Clerk.
There is quite a contrast between the General Assem- bly of the present time and then, the whole number of members of this body being eight less than now compose the present Senate, and we print this roster more with a view of showing the contrast as to size between the re- spective General Assemblies.
The time of this General Assembly was occupied in- passing laws necessary to put the machinery of State in working order. The population was sparse, and there was no great demand for legislation.
APPENDIX.
559
Ninian Edwards and Jesse B. Thomas were chosen United States Senators at this session.
In 1819, E. K. McLaughlin succeeded Thomas as Treas- urer, and William Mears succeeded Cook as Attorney- General.
CHAPTER IV. CAPITALS,
Kaskaskia— Vandalia— Springfield— Population of Kaskaskia In 1820— Popu- • lation now— An Island of the Mississippi— Towns which Wanted the Capital— When Removed from Vandalia.
Illinois has had three capitals — Kaskaskia, Vandalia and Springfield. When Kaskaskia became the seat of government it was also the county seat of Randolph county. There were then but two counties in the Territory, Randolph and St. Glair. The first session of the Terri- torial Legislature was convened November 25, 1812 — and the first Legislature of the State, October 5, 1818.
In 1820, the seat of government was removed to Van- dalia; there were then nineteen counties. The first ses- sion of the Legislature convened there December 4, 1820. The Capital was removed to Springfield in 1839, at which time there were seventy-two counties. The first session of the Legislature convened there December 9, 1839.
When the joint resolution removing the capital to Springdeld passed the General Assembly, in 1838, on the first ballot, there were eighteen towns voted for as being the proper place for the capital. On the first ballot Springfield received 35, Vandalia 16, Alton 15, Jnokson- ville 14, Decatur 4, Carrollton 3, Illiopolis 8, Bloomington
560 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
2, Mt. Carmel 2, Paris 1, Palestine 1, Grafton 1, Shaw- neetown 1, Pitisfield 1, Kaekaskia 1, Shelbyville 1, Hills- boro 1, Caledonia 1, and the geographical centre 3. On the fourth and last ballot Springfield received 73 votes, Vandalia 16, Jacksonville 11, Alton 6, Peoria 8, Illiopolis
3, Hillsboro 1, Shawneetown 1, Bloomington 1, Essex 1, Grafton 1, and Caledonia 1.
Some earnest efforts have been made at different times to remove the capital from Springfield to Peoria and else- where, but the building of the new State House, which will cost, when completed, something over $3,500,000, has doubtless silenced the serious consideration of this question for generations to come.
Of Kaskaskia, Peck's Gazateer of 1834 says:
" The early French explorers made one of their first settlements at this spot, shortly after the visit of LaSalle, in 1683; and so long as the French continued in posses- sion of the Illinois country, Kaskaskia was its capital, and was flourishing and populous. In 1721, when Charlevoix visited it, there existed a Jesuit college. In 1763, when the country east of the Mississippi was ceded by France to Great Britain, it contained about one hundred families."
In 1820, Kaskaskia attained its greatest population. The United States census of that year reckoned the number of inhabitants at 7,000. Soon after the removal of the capital to Vandalia, which occurred during the year 1820, the population of Kaskaskia began to decline rapidly. The census of 1880 showed but 305 inhabitants. On the 18th of April, 1881, the Mississippi and Kaskaskia rivers were united, and Kaskaskia became an island of the Mis- sissippi, since which time its population has been reduced to less than 150, and but a few years at most will pass before all that remains of this historic place will mingle with the debris of the father of waters. It is worthy of note, however, to say that the house where the first Ter- ritorial Legislature met, is still in a good state of pre- servation. And it is lamentable that so noted a place
APPENDIX. 561
in the history of the country as Kaskaskia can not be preserved.
Vandalia has had a more fortunate career. While the town has not grown to a great city, yet it is one of the brightest and most pleasant in the State, and is now improving rapidly. There are quite a number of substan- tial and flourishing manufactories, and two well-conducted newspapers — Democrat and Union. The old State House is intact, and is now used as a court house.
CHAPTER V. SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1820-22,
In 1820, the seat of government was removed from Kas- kaskia to Vandalia, and the second General Assembly convened there December 4, and adjourned February 13, 1821. Lieut.-Gov. Menard presided over the Senate, and James Turner was elected Secretary. John McLean was elected Speaker of the House, and Thomas Reynolds Clerk.
Gov. Bond's administration closed in December, 1822. It had been faithful and bbmeless, and he retired with the confidence and respect of the people. Prior to his election as Governor he had been a delegate to Congress, and htld the office of Eeceiver of Public Moneys, at Kas- kaskia. When Gov. Bond was a delegate to Congress, it is related of him that he and his wife made the trip from Illinois to Washington on horseback. Mr. Bond had six children — Thomas S., Emily, Julia B., Mary A., Isabella F., and Benjamin N., but all are dead except Dr. Benja- min N. Bond, who is a highly respected citizen of Stan- bury, Missouri. Julia R. Bond married Col. Frank 86
562 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Swanwick, of Kandolph county ; Mary A., Joseph B. Holmes, a merchant at Chester; Isabella F., James P. Craig, of Chester. Quite a number of the grand- children of Gov. Bond reside at Chester, while others make their home on the Pacific slope, and others still, in the sunny South.
Gov. Bond died April 12, 1832, at Kaskaskia, where he was buried, but in April, 1881, the remains of himself and wife were removed to Chester, and consigned to the same vault, over which the State has erected a monument, which bears this inscription:
" In memory of Shadrach Bond,
The first Governor of the State of Illinois ;
Born at Fred ericktown, Maryland, November 24, A.D. 1778,
Died at his residence near Kaskaskia, April 12, A.D. 1832.
In recognition of his valuable public services,
this monument was erected by the State A.D. 1883.
Governor Bond filled many offices of trust and importance,
all with integrity and honor."
CHAPTER VI. OUR FIRST BANKING,
The first bank established in the Territory was at Shaw- neetown ; it was chartered by an act of the Legislature of 1813, and limited to twenty years; the capital could not exceed $300,000, and the Territory was authorized to sub- scribe one-third of the stock. John Marshall, Daniel Ap- person, Samuel Hays, Leonard White and Samuel B. Campbell were constituted Commissioners to take sub- scriptions. In 1819, an act was passed by the Legislature chartering the State Bank of Illinois, for twenty-five years, with a capital limited to $4,000,000 ; the State was to take
APPENDIX.
563
$2,000,000 of the stock. The bank was located at Kas- kaskia, and subscription books were opened at Kaskaskia, Golconda, Edwardsville, Harrisonville, Belleville, Vienna, Carlyle, Palmyra, Carmi, Shawneetown, Palestine, Jones- boro and Brownsville. The stock could be paid in State warrants.
In 1821, the Legislature passed an act chartering the State Bank of Illinois at Vandalia, with branches at Ed- wardsville, Brownsville, Shawneetown, and at the county seat of Edwards county. The act provided for issuing $300,000 in notes, on the credit of the State. The State Treasurer was authorized to deposit the public moneys with the bank, and contractors were to be paid in ita notes. Congress was memorialized to authorize the land- offices to receive the notes of the bank in payment for lands. The charter of the bank established in 1819 was repealed by this act.
As to the character and operations of this institution, Ford's History has this to say:
" It was founded without money and wholly on the credit of the State. It was authorized to issue one, two, three, five, ten and twenty-dollar notes, in the likeness of bank bills, bearing two per cent, annual interest, and payable by the State in ten years. A principal bank was established at Vandalia, and four or five branches in other places; the Legislature elected all the directors and officers, a large number of whom were members of the Legislature, and. all of them professional politicians. The bank was directed by law to lend its bills to the people, to the amount of one hundred dollars, on personal security ; and upon the security of mortgages upon land for a greater sum. These bills were to be receivable in payment of all State and county taxes, and for all costs and fees, and salaries of public officers ; and if a creditor refused to endorse on his execution his willingness to receive them in payment of debt, the debtor could replevy or stay its collection for three years, by giving personal security.
" In the summer of 1821, the new bank went into oper- ation. Every man who could get an indorser borrowed his hundred dollars. The directors, it is believed, were
•r>64 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
all politicians; and either were then, or expected to be, candidates for office. Lending to everybody, and refusing none, was the surest road to popularity. Accordingly, $300,000 of the new money was soon lent, without much attention to security or care for eventual payment. It first fell twenty-five cents, then fifty, and then seventy cents below par. And as the bills of the Ohio and Kentucky banks had driven all other money out of the State, so this new issue effectually kept it out. Such a total ab- sence was there of the silver coins, that it became utterly impossible, in the course of trade, to make small change. The people, from necessity, were compelled to cut the new bills into two pieces, BO as to make two halves of a dollar. This again further aided to keep out even the smallest silver coin. For about four years there was no other kind of money but this uncurrent State bank paper. In the meantime, very few persons pretended to pay their debts to the bank. More than half of those who had borrowed considered what they had gotten from it as so much clear gain, and never intended to pay it from the first.
" By the year 1824, it became impossible to carry on the State government with such money. The State reve- nue varied from twenty-five to thirty thousand dollars per annum, which was raised almost exclusively by a tax on lands, then owned by non-residents, in the military tract lying northwest of the Illinois river. The resident land lax in other parts of the State was paid into the county treas- uries. The annual expenditures of the State government were about equal to the annual revenues ; and as the taxes were collected in the bills of the State bank, the Legislature, to carry on the government, was compelled to provide for its own pay, and that of all the public officers, and the expenses of the government, by taking and giving onough of the depreciated bills to equal in value the sums required to be paid. So that each member, instead of re- ceiving three dollars per day, received nine dollars per day. The salaries of the Governor and Judges, arid all othnr expenses, were paid in the same way. So that, if $30,000 was required to pay the expenses of government for a year, under this system it took $90,000 to do it. And thus, by the financial aid of an insolvent bank, the legis- lature managed to treble the public expenses, without in- creasing the revenues or amount of service to the State. In fact, this State lost two-thirds of its revenue, and ex- pended three times the amount necessary to carry on the government. In the course of ten years it must have lost
APPENDIX.
565
more than $150,000, by receiving depreciated currency; $150,000 more by paying it out, and $100,000 of the loans, which were never repaid by the borrowers, and which the State had to make good, by receiving the bills of the bank for taxes, by funding some at six per cent, interest, and paying a part in cash in the year 1831."
The result of all this was that the banks became insol- vent, and everywhere hard times prevailed, and in 1848, the Legislature passed an act compelling the banks to go into liquidation, and here ended the first trials of the people with reckless banking.
FIRST CANVASS BEFORE THE PEOPLE FOR GOVERNOR.
In 1822, there were no distinctive parties in Illinois, and the race for Governor was free for all. The candidates were Joseph Phillips, then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Edward Coles, Kegister of the Land office at Eu- wardsville; Thomas C. Browne, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, and James 13. Moore, General of the State Militia. The State was then very sparsely settled. The election took place in August, and the total vote of all the candidates was but 6,309. Coles received 2,810 ; Phil7 lips, 2,760; Browne, 2,543; Moore, 522. Coles' plurality over Phillips was but 50. There is a striking contrast between the vote of the State then and now. In the elec- tion of 1884, the total vote for State officers was 652,255.
It will be observed that there were two candidates for the office of Governor from the Supreme Court. Since then, however, the Supreme Court has been tacitiy divorced from the politics of the State, out of deference to to an unmistakable expression of public sentiment in favor of a pure, unpartizan judiciary.
5o() POLITICS AND POLITICIA.NS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER VII. STATE GOVERNMENT-1822-28,
The second State Government was inaugurated Decem- ber 5, 1822, with Edward Coles, of Madison, as Governor; Adolphus F. Hubbard, of Gallatin, Lieutenant-Governor ; Samuel D. Lockwood, of Madison, Secretary of State ; EJijah C. Berry, of Fayette, Auditor of Public Accounts; B. K. McLaughlin, of Fayette, Treasurer ; James Turney, of Washington, Attorney-General.
The Third General Assembly convened December 2, 1822, and adjourned February 11, 1823. Lieut. -Gov. Hubbard presided over the Senate, and Thomas Lippincott was elected Secretary. William M. Alexander was elected Speaker of the House, and Charles Dunn Clerk.
This was a stormy session. In the campaign, in which Gov. Coles was elected, the question of making Illinois a slave State had been broadly mooted, and a pro-slavery Legislature had been elected. In his inaugural address Gov. Coles took strong ground against slavery, which arrayed both branches of the Legislature against him, but of the final outcome of the controversy we speak at length in a subsequent chapter.
APPENDIX. 567
CHAPTER VIII.
Early Salt Making— Qov. Coles on Titles— Gen. Lafayette's Visit to Illinois — Shawneetown in 1817.
EARLY SALT MAKING.
One of the most interesting subjects of the pioneer his- tory of the State is salt making in Gallatin county. Tra- dition says that the salt springs near Equality were ex- tensively worked by the prehistoric race of the continent, long before the Anglo-Saxon race had penetrated the wilds of Illinois. The evaporating kettles used were found at Negro Salt Springs and at Salt Lick, near Equality. The kettles were between three and four feet in diameter, made of clay and pounded shells, moulded in basket-work or cloth, which left the impression on the outside of the kettle and looked like artistic hand-work. Little or nothing is known as to the length of time the springs were worked by the Indians, but Congress gave attention to the subject in 1812. On the 12th of February of that year, an act was passed setting apart six miles square of land to support the Equality Salines. Under Congressional authority the springs were leased to parties to work. The labor was nearly all performed by slaves brought from Kentucky and Tennessee, of which reference is made in Article six, Sec- tion two, of the Constitution of 1818. Many of these ne- groes, by extra work, saved sufficient money to buy their •freedom, and these were the negroes from whom descended
T68 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the large number that resided in Gallatin arid Saline counties before the war for the Union. Salt, under the Government leases, sold at $5 per bushel, and found a ready market in Indiana, Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama and Missouri. It was transported in keel-boats up the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers, and to St. Louis in the same manner. The inhabitants of the neighboring States would often come hundreds of miles upon horseback and carry away the salt on pack-saddles.
In 1818, Congress gave these lands to Illinois, and the State continued the leasing system, furnishing the kettles. Among the lessees we call to mind Leonard White, Timo- thy Guard, Chalin Guard, E. D. Taylor and John Cren- shaw. The last lease made was to Mr. Crenshaw, Decem- ber 9, 1840; it was for ten years. He became very wealthy, and at one time exercised a large political influ- ence in that portion of the State.
All the lessees are dead except Mr. Taylor, who is now an old man, and resides at LaSalle.
Under an act of the General Assembly of February 23, 1847, the lands were sold, and the school trustees of T. 9, K. 9, bought that portion containing the salt wells. In 1852, the lands were sold at public auction, and in 1854, Castles & Temple took charge of the property and devel- oped it by an improved system which had its origin in France, and through this system produced two hundred barrels of salt per day. As late as 1870, it was no uncom- mon thing to see from three to four wagons drawn by from four to six mules, on the road between Equality and Shawneetown, laden with salt for the various markets of the South and West. But in 1873, Castles & Tem- ple, in consequence of the panic, over-production and ruinous prices, closed the works, and engaged in the man- ufacture of coke and mining, on the same property.
APPENDIX. 569
GOVERNOR COLES ON TITLES.
One of the most noted of the Governors of Illinois, wa» Edward Coles, who was as modest as he was able, as the following letter, which we find in "Washburne's Sketch of Edward Coles," addressed to the editors of the Illinois Intelligencer, will show :
" VANDALIA, Dec. 10, 1822.
"GENTLEMEN : — Our State constitution gives to the per- son exercising the functions of the Executive the appella- tion of Governor — a title which is specific, intelligible and republican, and amply sufficient to denote the dignity of the office. In your last paper you have noticed me by the addition of 'His Excellency,' an aristocratic and high-sounding adjunct, which I am sorry to say has be- come too common among us, not only in newspaper com- munications, but in the addressing of letters, and even in familiar discourse. It is a practice disagreeable to my feelings, and inconsistent, as I think, with the dignified simplicity of freemen, and to the nature of the vocation of those to whom it is applied. And having made it a rule through life to address no one as His Excellency, or the Honorable, or by any such unmeaning title, I trust 1 shall be pardoned for asking it as a favor of you, and my fellow-citizens generally, not to apply them to me. " I am, &c., &c.,
" EDWARD COLES. " Messrs. BROWN & BERRY,
" Editors of the Illinois Intelligencer."
GEN. LAFAYETTE VISITS ILLINOIS.
When Gen. Lafayette, the great French patriot, who- came to America during the revolutionary war, and ren- dered such valuable aid, with men and money, in prose- cuting the war for our independence, visited the United States in 1825, he came to Illinois, at the request of the General Assembly. (See Washburne's Sketch of Coles.) He visited two places, Kaskaskia and Shawneetown. At Kaskaskia, Gov. Coles, who had met the old soldier in Paris seven years previous, made the address of welcome,, and he was elegantly entertained by the Governor and
570* POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
other distinguished citizens. From there he proceeded to Shawneetown, accompanied by Gov. Coles, where the citi- zens came out en masse to welcome him; carpets were spread from the steamboat landing to the Eawlins' man- sion, where a grand banquet was tendered him, and the little girls lined his pathway with sweet May flowers, for that was the month in which he was there. The house at which he was entertained in Shawneetown is still standing, but that at Kaskaskia, like the great patriot himself, has long since given way to the cycles of time.
SHAWNEHTOWN IN 1817.
In the early settlement of Illinois, Shawneetown, like Kaskaskia, was one of the few important towns in the country. Indeed Shawneetown was the gateway to the Territory. Morris Birkbeck, in his "Notes on a Journey in America," printed in London, in 1818, writing uuder date of August 2, 1817, speaks thus of Shawneetown:
"This place I account as a phenomenon, evincing the pertinacious adhesion of the human animal to the spot where it has once fixed itself. As the lava of Mt. -J^ina can not dislodge this strange being from the cities which have been repeatedly ravaged by its eruptions, so the Ohio, with its annual overflowings, is unable to wash away the inhabitants of Shawneetown. Here is the land office for the Southeast district of Illinois, where I have just con- stituted myself a land-owner, by paying seven hundred and twenty dollars as one-fourth of the purchase money of fourteen hundred and forty acres. This, with a simi- lar purchase made by Mr. Flower, is part of a beautiful and rich prairie, about six miles distant from the Big, and the same distance from the Little, Wabash."
The gentleman referred to here by Mr. Birkbeck, was George Flower, who was one of the founders of the Eng- lish colony in Edwards county, in 1817-18, which settle- ment has proved a monument to his memory, for the people who came with him were of the highest order, and Edwards county has ever been famed for the intelligence -.and good order of its inhabitants.
APPENDIX.
571
An act was passed by Congress in 1814, providing for laying off two sections of land in town lots at Shawnee- town, which was to be done under the supervision of the Surveyor-General. (See U. S. Laws-at-large, 1813-20.) The same year the town was incorporated by the Legis- ture. (See Public Laws of Illinois of 1814.)
Mr. Birkbeck was a prominent and honored citizen of Illinois in his day, and took an active part with Gov. €oles in his efforts to prevent Illinois from becoming a slave State. He was Secretary of State from October 15, 1824, to January 15, 1825, when he resigned.
CHAPTER IX,
FOURTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY- 1824-28,
The Fourth General Assembly convened November 15, 1824, and adjourned January 18, 1825. A second session convened January 2, 1826, and adjourned January 28. Lieut.-Gov. Hubbard presided over the Senate, and Raphael Widen was elected Secretary. Thomas Mather was elected Speaker of the House, and David Blackwell Clerk.
David Blackwell, of St. Clair, became Secretary of State April 2, 1823. and resigned October 15, 1824, and was suc- ceeded by Morris Birkbeck, of Edwards.
Abner Field, of Union, became Treasurer, January 14, 1823.
George Forquer, of Sangamon, became Secretary of State in 1825.
Gov. Coles retired from office December 6, 1820. His administration was an eventful one. He had boldly met
572 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the party which had atttempted to make Illinois a slave State, and triumphantly defeated it, and thus preserved our fair inheritance to freedom.
Gov. Coles was born in Albemarle county, Virginia, December 15, 1786; he graduated at William and Mary College ; was Private Secretary to President Madison, who sent him on a mission to Russia, in 1817. On his return, in 1818, he removed to Illinois.
After his retirement from the office of Governor he mingled but little in politics, and in 1833 removed to Philadelphia, where he died July 7, 1868. His widow, his eldest son Edward, and a daughter, survived him. Gov. Coles was the companion and friend of such eminent men as Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, Nicholas Biddle and James Monroe, with whom he was in frequent correspond- ence ; and he wielded a considerable influence in shaping the affairs of the country.
CHAPTER X, SLAVERY IN ILLINOIS,
When and How Slaves were Held In Illinois— flalhitin County made an Ex- ception in the Constitution— An Attempt in 182i to make Illinois a Slave (State— Vote of the House of Representative)) on the Question — A Hot Campaign before the People— Vote of the State Against Slavery.
Illinois being originally a part of Virginia, there were naturally quite a number of slaves in the Territory when it was ceded to the United States, in 1784, nnd it was then stipulated that persons who claimed to have been citizens of Virginia prior to the cession should be protected in their property, which meant that they should be protected in the right to hold their slaves. But in 1787, Congress passed
APPENDIX. 578
an ordinance which declared that neither slavery nor in- voluntary servitude should exist in the Northwestern Ter- ritory, of whicn Illinois was a part ; and it will be observed that the framers of the constitution of 1818 endeavored to carry out the will of Congress. Sections 1, 2 and 8 of Article 6 read thus :
1. " Neither slavery or involuntary servitude shall here- after be introduced into this State, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; nor shall any male person, arrived at the age of 21 years, nor female person arrived at the age of 18 years, be held to serve any person as a servant, under any indenture hereafter made, unless such person shall enter into such indenture while in a state of perfect free- dom, and on condition of a bona fide consideration received or to be received for their service. Nor shall any inden- ture of any negro or mulatto, hereafter made and executed out of this State, or, if made in this State, where the term of service exceeds one year, be of the least validity, except those given in cases of apprenticeship.
2. " No person bound to labor in any other State, shall be hired to labor in this State, except within the tract reserved for the salt works near Shawneetown, nor even at that place for a longer period than one year at any one time ; nor shall it be allowed there after the year 1825. Any violation of this article shall effect the eman- cipation of such person from his obligation to service.
8. " Each and every person who has been bound to service by contract or indenture in virtue of the laws of Illinois Territory heretofore existing, and in conformity to the pro- visions of the same, without fraud or collusion, shall be held to a specific performance of their contracts or in- dentures ; and such negroes and mulattoes as have been registered in conformity with the aforesaid laws, shall serve out the time appointed by said laws: Provided, however, that the children hereafter born of such person, negroes or mulattoes, shall become free, the males at the age of 21 years, the females at the age of 18 years. Each and every child born of indentured parents, shall be entered with the clerk of the county in which they reside, by their owners, within six months after the birth of said child."
While Illinois was in no true sense a slave State, yet slavery existed in the State until 1840. The United States
574 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Census of 1810, shows that there were 168 slaves in the Territory ; that of 1820, that there were 917 in the State ; that of 1830, 747 ; that of 1840, 331, and that of 1850, that (he institution had become utterly extinct so far as the force of law governed it. Slavery, however, did not exist in the sense that it did in the slaves States proper, but merely in the form of an indenture.
But the constitution of 1818 did not fully settle the agitation of the slavery question in the State, for a most determined effort was made during the administration of Governor Coles to change the organic law so as to make Illinois a slave State, and the effort seems to have been as dishonest as it was earnest.
In his inaugural address, in December, 1822, Gov. Coles took the ground that, notwithstanding slavery was pro- hibited by the Ordinance of 1787, and by the constitution itself, yet it existed in Illinois, and he sought to impress- upon the attention of the law-making power the idea that the institution was inhuman and morally wrong, and that it was the duty of the General Assembly to pass such laws as would effectually overthrow the institution in what- ever form it might exist. But this rational and just rec- ommendation was utterly disregarded by the pro-slavery men, who, being largely in the majority, deliberately went to work to put in motion the machinery by which the constitution was to be so changed as to make of Illinois a slave State. In both houses the pro-slavery men had s? large majority; but when the final test came in the House, they lacked one vote of having the required constitutional majority. The journal of the House of that session shows that there had been a contest between Nicholas Hansen, anti-slavery, and John Shaw, pro- slavery, both of Pike county ; and that on the 9th of December, 1822, the House declared Hansen entitled to the seat. But when it became evident to the pro-slavery men that they needed one.
APPENDIX. 575-
additional vote to insure the passage of a resolution calling a convention to amend or revise the constitution, Alexander P. Fields, of Union county, moved to reconsider the mo- tion by which Hanseii was admitted. This was on the 28th of January, 1823, over two months after Mr. Hansen had been declared entitled to represent his district in that body. It was pretended that some new evidence had been developed, and on this pretext Hanseu was unseated and John Shaw admitted in his place. The convention reso- lution having previously passed the Senate, needed only the formality of a vote in the House to render its passage certain, and the election for a convention to frame a new constitution was therefore called for the first Monday in August, 1824. The contest was a bitter one from the very first hour the question was mooted, and it grew in bitter- ness as the canvass progressed.
Speaking of the passage of the convention resolution, Ex-Gov. Eeynolds, himself a pro-slavery man, thus refers to the proceedings of the General Assembly : " This pro- ceeding in the General Assembly looked revolutionary, and was condemned by all honest and reflecting men. This outrage was a death-blow to the convention."
Ex-Gov. Ford, in his History of Illinois, bears testimony to the same eifect, wherein he says:
" The night after this resolution passed, the convention party assembled to triumph in a great carousal. They formed themselves into a noisy, disorderly, and tumultu- ous procession, headed by Judge Phillips, Judge Smith, Judge Thomas Eeynolds, late Governor of Missouri, and Lieutenant-Governor Kinney, followed by the majority of the Legislature, and the hangers-on and rabble about the seat of Government ; and they marched, with the blowing of tin horns and the beating of drums nnd tin pans, to the residence of Gov. Coles, and to the boarding houses of their principal opponents, towards whom they manifested their contempt and displeasure by a confused medley of groans, wailings and lamentations. Their object was to- intimidate, and crush all opposition at once."
576 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
The Judge Phillips referred to was then the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, and his appearance in such company and in such a cause, shows how deeply seated was the slave power upon the very vitals of our State. The contest, as we have said, was waged with won- derful energy on both sides. Gov. Coles was the chosen leader of the anti- slavery party, and to his courage and sagacity may be ascribed the fact that Illinois was not cursed with the blight of slavery. We quote another pas- sage from Ford's history, as the best means of getting be- fore the reader the true character of the campaign:
"The anti-convention party took new courage, and rallied to a man. They established newspapers to oppose the convention: one at Shawneetown, edited by Henry Eddy; one at Edwardsville, edited by Hooper Warren, with Gov. Coles, Thomas Lippincott, George Churchill, and Judge Lockwood, for its principal contributors; and finally, one at Vandalia, edited by David Blackwell, the Secretary of State. The slave party had established a newspaper at Kaskaskia, under the direction of Mr. Kane and Chief Justice Reynolds; and one at Edwardsville, edited by Judge Smith: and both parties prepared to appeal to the interests, the passions, and the intelligence of the people. The contest was mixed with much personal abuse ; and now was poured forth a perfect avalanche of detraction, which, if it were not for the knowledge of the people that such matters are generally false, or greatly exaggerated, would have overwhelmed and consumed all men's reputations. Morris Birkbeck, an Englishman, who settled an English colony in Edwards county, Gov. Coles, David Blackwell, George Churchill, and Thomas Lippin- cott, wrote fiery hand-bills and pamphlets, and the old preachers preached against a convention and slavery. Elias K. Kane, Judge Thomas R&ynolds, Judge Samuel McRoberts, Judge Smith, and others, wrote hand-bills and pamphlets in its favor. These missive weapons of a fiery contest were eagerly read by the people. The State was almost covered with them; tbey flew everywhere, and everywhere they scorched and scathed as they flew. This was a long, excited, angry and bit'er contest. It was to last from the spring of 1823, until the August election of 1824 ; the rank and file of the people were no less excited
APPENDIX.
577
than their political leaders. Almost every stump in every county had its bellowing orator, on one side or the other ; and the whole people, for the space of eighteen months, did scarcely anything but read newspapers, hand-bills and pamphlets, quarrel, argue, and wrangle with each other whenever they met together to hear the violent harangues of their orators. The people decided by about two thou- sand majority in favor of a free State. Thus, after one of the most bitter, prolonged and memorable contests which over convulsed the politics of the State, the ques- tion of making Illinois a slave State was put to rest."
The vote of the counties, and there were then but thirty in the entire State, as shown by the election re- turns in the office of the Secretary of State, was, for convention, 4,950 ; against, 6,822 — majority against conven- tion, 1,872.
Subsequently, the question as to the right to hold slaves in the State under the indenture system, was frequently brought before the Supreme Court, but no further attempt was ever made to fasten the institution upon the State through the organic law.
CHAPTER XI. STATE GOVERNMENT-1826-1830,
The third State government was inaugurated December 6, 1826, with Ninian Edwards, of Madison, as Governor; Wm. Kinney, of St. Glair, Lieutenant-Governor ; George Forquer, of Sangamon, Secretary of State; James Turney, of Washington, Attorney-General; Elijah C. Berry, Auditor of Public Accounts, and Abner Field, of Union, Treasurer.
The Fifth General Assembly convened December 4, 1826, and adjourned February 9, 1827. Lieut.-Gov. Kinney presided over the Senate, and Emanuel J. West was elected Secretary. John McLean was elected Speaker of the House, and Wm. L. D. Ewing Clerk. 37
578 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
In this Assembly was Wm. S. Hamilton, of Sangamon, a son of Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury, who was killed in a duel with Aaron Burr, who was Vice -President under Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Win. S. Hamilton was born in New York, and came to Illinois in 1817, settling in Sangamon county. He emigrated to Wisconsin. in 1827, and from thence to California, where he distinguished himself. He died in that State October 9, 1850, and a monument marks his resting place.
CHAPTER XII. CAIRO IN 1818,
As far back as 1818, the territory now occupied by the city of Cairo was regarded as one of the best sites in Illi- nois for a flourishing city, and it will be both interesting and amusing to read the following preamble to an act which was approved January 9, 1818, incorporating the place :
" AND, WHEREAS, the said proprietors represent that there is, in their opinion, no position in the whole of the extent of these Western States better calculated, as respects com- mercial advantages and local supply, for a great and im- portant city, than that afforded by the junction of these two great highways— the Mississippi and Ohio rivers ; but that nature, having denied to the extreme point formed by their union a sufficient degree of elevation to protect the improvements made thereon from the ordinary inuntla- tions of the adjacent waters, such elevation is to be found only upon the tract above mentioned (the present site of Cairo), so that improvements made and located thereon may be deemed perfectly and absolutely secure from all such ordinary inundations, and liable to injury only from the concurrence of unusually high and simultaneous inun- dations in both of said rivers — an event which is alleged
APPENDIX. 579
but rarely happens, and the injurious consequences of which it is considered practicable, by proper embankments, wholly and effectually and permanently to obviate. And, whereas, there is no doubt but a city, erected at, or as near as is practicable to, the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, provided it be thus secured by sufficient embankments, or in such other way as experience may prove most efficacious for that . purpose, from every such extraordinary inundation — must necessarily become a place of vast consequence to the prosperity of this growing Ter- ritory, and, in fact, to that of the greater part of the. in- habitants of these Western States. And, whereas, the above named persons are desirous of erecting such city, under the sanction and patronage of the Legislature of this Territory, and also of providing for the security and prosperity of the same, and to that end propose to appro- priate the one-third of all the moneys arising from the sale and disposition of the lots into which the same may be surveyed, as a fund for the construction and preserva- tion of such dykes, levees and other embankments as may be necessary to render the same perfectly secure; and, also, if such fund' shall be deemed sufficient thereto, for the erection of public edifices and such other improve- ments in the said city as may be, from time to time, con- sidered expedient and practicable, and to appropriate the other two-thirds parts of the said purchase moneys to the ^operation of banking." (See Laws of the Session of 1818.)
John G. Comyges, Thomas H. Harris, Charles Slade, Thomas F. Herbert, Shadrach Bond, Michael Jones, War- ren Brown, Edward Humphreys and Charles W. Hunter were designated as proprietors of the then prospective city.
In the sixty-six years that have passed since this legis- lation, Cairo has had a hard struggle for the mastery of the floods. In the spring of 1882-83-84, respectively, the height of the rivers exceeded that of all former years, yet the levees successfully resisted the pressure of the water, which clearly demonstrates that human skill has placed Cairo beyond the power of the floods.
580
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
PEORIA IN 1824,
Peoria, now with her forty thousand busy, prosperous people, her many grand railways, her great commerce, her immense manufactories, and her flourishing schools, col- ieges and churches, had but a feeble existence when Ed- ward Coles was Governor. In a report to the Secretary of the Treasury (See Peck's Gazetteer of 1834), regarding the title to town lots in the then village of Peoria, Mr. Coles made the following minute reference to the early history of the place, which, in view of the great achieve- ments since, is worthy of preserving as a part of the his- tory of the State:
" The village of Peoria is situated on the northwest shore of Lake Peoria, about one and a half miles above the lower extremity or outlet of the lake. This village had been inhabited by the French previous to the recollection of any of the present generation. About the year 1778, the first house was built, in what was then called Laville de Maillet — afterwards the new village of Peoria — and of late the place has been known by the name of Fort Clark.% The situation being preferred in consequence of the water being better, and its being thought more healthy, the in- habitants gradually deserted the old village, and, by the year 1796 or 1797, had entirely abandoned it and removed to the new village.
" The inhabitants of Peoria consisted generally of Indian traders, hunters and voyagers, and had formed a link of connection between the French residing on the waters of the great lakes and the Mississippi river. From that happy facility of adapting themselves to their situation and associates, for which the French are so remarkable, the inhabitants of Peoria lived generally in harmony with their savage neighbors. It would seem, however, that about the year 1781, they were induced to abandon their village from the apprehension of Indian hostilities ; but soon after the peace of 1783, they again returned to it, and con- tinued to reside there until the autumn of 1812, when they were forcibly removed from it and the place destroyed by a Capt. Craig, of the Illinois militia, on the ground, it was
APPENDIX. 531
said, that he and his company were fired on in the night, while at anchor in the boats, before the village, by the Indians, with whom the inhabitants were suspected, by Craig, to be too intimate and friendly. The inhabitants of Peoria, it would appear, and from all I can learn, settled there without any grant or permission from the authorily of any government; that the only title they had to the land was derived from possession."
CHAPTER XIII SIXTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1828-30,
The Sixth General Assembly convened December 1, 1828, and adjourned January 23, 1829. Lieut.-Gov. Kianey pre- sided over the Senate, and Emanuel J. West served as Secretary. John McLean was elected Speaker of the House, and William L. D. Ewing Clerk.
James Hall, of Jackson, became Treasurer February 12, 1827. Alex. P. Field, of Union, became Secretary of State December 31, 1828.
Ninian Edwards ceased to be Governor December 9, 1830. Mr. Edwards discharged the duties of the Executive with ease to himself and satisfaction to the people, having had nine years experience as Governor of the Territory.
Gov. Edwards was born in Montgomery county, Mary- land, March, 1775. He graduated at Dickinson College; studied both medicine and law, but devoted himself to the practice of law. Removing to Kentucky, he was twice elected to the Legislature ; he was appointed Circuit Clerk and subsequently Judge of the General Court of Kentucky ; Judge of the Circuit Court; Judge of the Court of Appeals, and finally Chief Justice of the State, which position he
582 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
resigned to accept the office of Governor of the Territory of Illinois, and, while holding this trust, he had many conflicts with the Indians. Before Congress had adopted any measures on the subject of volunteer rangers, he organ- ized companies, supplied them with arms, built stockade forts, and established a line of posts from the mouth of the Missouri to the Wabash river, and was thus enabled to protect the people against the assaults of the Indians.
Gov. Edwards had three sons, Ninian W., Albert G. and Benjamin S.*-all of whom are living ; and two daughters, Julia Catherine, who married Daniel P. Cook, and Mary B., who married Joseph 8. Lane, of St. Louis, Missouri, — both of 'whom died some years ago.
Gov. Edwards died July 20, 1833.
CHAPTER XIV. ALTON AS A RIVAL TO ST, LOUIS,
Alton as a Rival to St. Louts— Massacre at Fort Massae— One of the Land- marks of 1837.
One of the things contemplated in the internal improve- ment system of this State in 1837, was to make Alton the rival of St. Louis, as a great commercial center; and all who did not bow down to that idea were regarded as com- mon enemies of the State, but it is interesting to know that all our public men did not accept as practical the policy of confining our commerce and the business of our railroads within the limits of the State. Among the pro- jected roads was one from Alton to Mt. Carmel, known as the Southern Cross railroad. Governor Zadok Casey,
*Benjamin 8. Edwards died Feb. 6, 1886, in his 68th year.
APPENDIX.
583
father of the well-known Samuel K. Casey, and also of Thomas S. and Newton E. Casey, hardly less well-known, clearly saw the inutility of making Alton its terminus, and made an earnest effort to secure its diversion to St. Louis, but it was unavailing, as the following incident will show : He planned an extensive campaign along the pro- posed line, and made his opening speech at F airfield, and, as it turned out, his last one on the subject. A great crowd gathered on the public square of that village, now a thriving little city, and the Governor, a man of fine presence and pleasing address, mounted a goods-box and proceeded to open up the subject in a manner which brought forth hearty applause, but when he suggested St. Louis, instead of Alton, as the terminus of the road, a change came over the spirit of his hearers, and they unceremoniously assisted him off the box; and here ended his campaign in the interest of a railroad from Mt. Carmel !io St. Louis. But it is creditable to his foresight to say i that such a road is now in operation. It is known as the Air-Line, running from Louisville to St. Louis, and tra- verses the identical section of country mapped out by Gov. Casey forty-six years ago.
MASSACRE AT FORT MASSAO.
Peck's Gazetteer of Illinois, of 1834, gives the following interesting account of an Indian massacre of French sol- diers at Fort Massac, in what is now Massac county, when Illinois was owned by the French government:
"Fort Massac, formerly a military post, was situated on the Ohio river, on the dividing line of Johnson and Pope counties, eight miles below Paducah, at the mouth of the Tennessee. A fort was erected here by the French when in possession of the Western country. The Indians, then at war with them, laid a curious stratagem to take it. A number of them appeared in the day time on the opposite side of the river, each of whom was covered wifcli & bear skin and walked on all fours. Supposing them to
r,34
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS Off ILLINOIS.
be bears, a party of the French crossed the river in pur- suit of them. The remainder of the troops left their quarters, to see the sport.
"In the meantime a large body of warriors, who were concealed in the woods near by, came silently behind the fort, entered it without opposition, and very few of the French escaped the massacre. They afterwards built another fort on the same ground, and called it Massac, in memory of this disastrous event."
On this memorable spot there is not now a vestige of the old fort.
ONE OF THE LANDMAKKS OF 1837.
One of the few landmarks of the internal improvement system of 1837, is the bank building of the "Bank of Illinois, " of Shawneetown, which was erected in 1838-40. It is of massive stone and brick, four stories high, fifty feet front and ninety feet deep. It is of Doric architect- ure, with five solid stone columns, forty feet high and sixty inches in diameter. The building, which cost $83,000, is imposing in appearance, and although constructed forty- six years ago, would grace any of our modern cities. The "Bank of Illinois" had six branches — Galena, Quincy, Alton, Jacksonville, Pekin, and Lawrenceville. The bank and its branches were forced to close business in 1843, and the banking house at Shawneetown was sold some years after to Joel A. Matteson, who started a bank there in 1853 or 1854, in charge of A. B. Safford, as cashier. Subsequently Mr. Safford removed to Cairo, when L. B. Leach took control of it until the war for the Union en- sued, when the bank ceased to do business, and Mr. Matteson, fearing that the country would be overrun by the rebels, sold it to Thos. S. Ridgway, for the trifling sum of $6,500, and since 1865 it has been occupied by the "First National Bank," with John McKee Peeples as President, and Thos. S. Eidgway as Cashier, until the death of Mr. Peeples, when Mr. Eidgway became Presi- dent, and Win. D. Phile Cashier.
APPENDIX.
585
CHAPTER XV. STATE GOVERNMENT -1830-34,
The fourth State government was inaugurated December 9, 1830, with John Reynolds, of St. Clair, as Governor; Zadok Casey, of Jefferson, Lieutenant- Go vernor ; Alex. P. Field, of Union, Secretary of State ; James T. B. Stapp, of Fayette, Auditor of Public Accounts ; James Hall, of Jackson, Treasurer; George Forquer, of Sangamon, At- torney-General.
The Seventh General Assembly convened December 6, 1830, and adjourned February 16, 1831. Lieut.-Gov. Casey presided over the Senate, and Jesse B. Thomas was elected Secretary. Wm. L. D. Ewing was elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett, Clerk.
CHAPTER XVI. PROGRESS IN SCHOOLS.
Novel School Laws— School Tax Paid In Produce— Alton the first to Es- tablish a Free School— Normal Schools— Colleges— State Teachers' Asso- ciation—Prominent Educators— Superintendents of Public Instruction- School Journals.
Among all the grand achievements of our State, there is none of which the people have reason to feel a greater pride than in the progress made in the school system. Its success has been the foundation stone of all other successes, whether moral, religious or industrial. A con- templation of the past and present of the system can not fail to prove both entertaining and instructive, if not amusing.
596 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS.
The General Assembly of 1821 passed an act which authorized Upper Alton to levy a tax not exceeding sev- enty-five cents on each town lot, to be applied to the support of teachers, erection of school buildings or repair- ing. The proprietors of Upper Alton having donated one hundred town lots, one-half of which was for the support of the gospel, and the other half for the support of public schools, the act exempted these lots from this tax. Under this act Alton established the first free school, which was declared to be free to all, of suitable age, within the limits of the town. Up to this time no school system had been adopted, and no provision made by the General Assembly for the support of the schools, with the exception of the small amount realized from leasing the school lands. In 1825, the General Assembly passed the first act establishing free schools throughout the State, the preamble of which reads as follows :
" To enjoy our rights and liberties we must understand them ; their security and protection ought to be the first object of a free people ; and it is a well-established fact, that no nation has ever continued long in the enjoyment of civil and political freedom, which was not both virtuous and enlightened. And believing that the advancement of literature always has been and ever will be the means of more fully developing the rights of man; that the mind of every citizen in a republic is the common property of society, and constitutes the basis of its strength and hap- piness, it is therefore considered the peculiar duty of a free government, like ours, to encourage and extend the improvement and cultivation of the intellectual energies of the whole."
Section one provided that there should be established a common school or schools in each of the counties of the State, which should be open and free to every class of white citizens between the ages of five and twenty-one years; provided, that persons over the age of twenty-one years might be admitted into such schools on such terms as the trustees might prescribe. The schools were wholly
APPENDIX. 587
under the direction of the trustees. The county boards in the several counties were required, by the same act, to establish school districts containing not less than fifteen families. The legal voters were given the power to vote an annual tax, either in cash or good merchantable pro- duce, upon the inhabitants of their respective districts, not exceeding one-half per centum, nor amounting to more than ten dollars per annum on any one person, and two dollars out of every hundred received into the State treasury was appropriated for the support of the schools. For the purpose of building or repairing school houses, supplying furniture and fuel, the people could classify themselves and determine the amount of work, material or money, in lieu thereof, each should give. But no one was required to contribute in this way unless he sent a child to school. The tax levy, made in produce, might be transferred to the teacher, who was empowered to make the collection. In case of disagreement as to the price of any produce offered, arbitration was provided for. .But this law went further than the wishes of the people, and in 1827 the General Assembly repealed the clause making the appropriation of two dollars from the State treasury, and the law was further amended so that no person might be taxed without his consent. This left the support of the schools so precarious that they made but .little progress. In 1829, the General Assembly passed an act which provided for the sale of school and seminary lands, which laid the foundation for the present township fund system.
In 1845, the General Assembly again empowered the dis- tricts to vote a tax, but a two-thirds vote was required, and the tax was limited to fifteen cents upon the hundred dollars. This power of taxation was enlarged by the Gen- oral Assembly in 1849, and again in 1851. But it was not until the enactment of the free school law of 1855, nearly
588 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
in the form prepared by Ninian W. Edwards, who had been appointed State Superintendent of Public Instruction the year before, that the school system was put upon a firm basis by the requirement that in each district the schools should be maintained for at least six months in ,each year, and by granting the school boards power to levy taxes for whatever amount they found necessary for building purposes and for current expenses. And a two- mill State tax for the support of schools was also author- ized. From this time our public school system made rapid progress.
The school for the Feeble-Minded at Lincoln, and the schools for the Deaf and Dumb, and for the Blind, at Jacksonville, all supported by the State, are properly con- sidered a part of the State's system of education.
The Industrial University, at Champaign, chartered in 18S7, is a State institution of high standing as a school of technology and art, and offers tine facilities for an ex- tended literary course. It is supported mainly by the in- come from the sale of lands, which were donated by Con- gress for the establishment of agricultural colleges in the several States, and partially by State aid. Tuition feea are nominal. Dr. Selim H. Peabody, a man of high char- acter and eminent scholarly attainments, is President.
The State maintains two normal schools, one at Normal and the other at Carbondale, partly by the income of college and seminary funds, and partly by direct appro- priations from the State treasury. In both, tuition is free to persons intending to teach. Cook county has for years maintained a normal school of high rank, which has been liberally patronized.
The frequent attempts made in the General Assembly to repeal the laws founding these Normal Schools, make it necessary to say that their purpose is simply to fit per- sons to teach and manage schools.
APPENDIX.
589
In Prussia, where the educational standard is of the highest order, no one is allowed to teach who has not a certificate from the Normal; and in our own country the Normal system is growing in greater favor daily. In many of the older States it has become widely founded ; in Penn- sylvania there are ten of these schools, and in Massa- chusetts seven, which will suffice to show that our State is not over-taxed in this regard.
In point of Colleges, we have made less progress than some of the older States, for the reason that we have not concentrated our energies in that direction. Where other States have taken one or two colleges as a basis on which to create great and grand schools, we have founded many, and the result has been that while we have a number which rank well, yet we have few which have become widely known. Prominent among these we mention Knox College, Galesburg; Elgin Academy, Elgin; Morris Ac- ademy and Scientific School, Morris; Wheaton College, Wheaton; Lombard University, Galesburg; University of Chicago, Bush Medical College, Chicago Manual Training School, Chicago ; Northwestern University, Evanston ; Mt. Carroll Seminary, Mt. Carroll ; Almira College, Greenville ; Baptist Union Theological Seminary, Morgan Park ; Shurt- lefif College, Upper Alton; Illinois Wesleyan University, Blooinington ; Eockford Seminary, Eockford; Monticello Female Seminary, Godfrey ; Eureka College, Eureka ; Illi- nois College and Whipple Academy, Jacksonville.
At the capital of the State is a school for the education of young ladies, which deserves more than a passing men- tion—the Bettie Stuart Institute — founded in 1868 by Mrs. McKee Homes, so named in memory of a lovely daughter of the late John T. Stuart, who was the early friend and preceptor of Abraham Lincoln. Unlike many schools of its character, it is not under the domination of any religious sect, yet it is surrounded by every moral and religious in- fluence that tends to direct the mind of the child to a life of purity and usefulness. Its government is all that
590 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
human agency can devise. The annual catalogues of the Bettie Stuart Institute show that its patrons are not con- fined to the boundaries of Illinois, but that they come from many of the States, North and South, East and West. Mrs. Homes is an able and gifted woman, and she has been most fortunate in the selection of her teachers, drawing from time to time upon the graduates of the best colleges in the country. Besides the regular classical course, which ia thorough in every department, the school excels in instruc- tion in German, French, music, drawing and painting; while the motherly care of Mrs. Homes over the manners and morals of the young ladies confided to her care, has given the institution great popularity at home and abroad. The proud position Illinois occupies, in an educational point of view, is due perhaps as much to the State Teach- ers' Association as to any other cause. It has really been the power behind the throne. Through its influence came the present school system, the State superintendency,. the County superintendency, the Normal and the Industral University. The primary organization of the association took place at Bloomington on the 23th of December, 1853. The circular calling the meeting was signed by Alexander Starne, Secretary of State and ex-officio Superintendent of Public Instruction, the Presidents and Professors of Shurtleff College, Wesleyan University and Knox College. The Rev. W. Goodfellow was elected President; Rev. H, Spaulding, Thomas Powell and C. C. Bonney, Vice Pres- \ idents, and Rev. D. Wilkins Secretary. Committees were - appointed to petition the Legislature to create the office of State Superintendent of Public Instruction, and for the passage of an act establishing Normal schools. The next meeting of the Association was held at Peoria, December 26, 1854,— since which time the organization has been kept intact, and each year it has increased in numbers and in usefulness.
In point of education, we hazard the opinion that Illinois is not behind other States. In the great array of men and
APPENDIX. 591
•women who have been foremost in the school work, we feel free to select the following as having been intimately connected with our educational advancement : Newton Bate- man, W. H. Powell, C. E. Hovey, Bronson Murray, Simeon Wright, B. G. Roots, Prof. J. V. N. Standish, W. H. Wells, W. M. Beeker, Dr. Richard Edwards, Ninian W. Edwards, George Howland. J. L. Pickard, E. C. Delano. Thomas Metcalf, H. L. Boltwood, E. L. Wells, E. A. Gast- man, Andrew M. Brooks, Flavel Mosely, John C. Dore, Miss -Harriet N. Haskell, Miss Anna P. Sill, Mrs. Francis
A. Wood Shimer, Henry llaab, George Bunsen, Julian M. Sturtevant, James H. Blodgett, Dr. Samuel Willard, W.
B. Powell, Prof. J. B. Turner, D. S. Wentworth, Samuel M. Etter, James P. Slade, S. W. Moulton, Dr. E. C, Hewett, Dr. Robert Allyn, and David A. Wallace. Messrs. N. W. Edwards, W. H. Powell, Bateman, John P, Brooks, Etter, Slade and Raab, have each been honored with the office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, while all of the others have been active workers and held many high trusts in our schools and colleges.
Mr. Edwards was appointed Superintendent of Public Instruction by Governor Matteson in 1854, and held the office until January, 1857, when Mr. Powell became his- successor through election by the people. Mr. Bateman was elected to the office five different times.
As an auxiliary to the school work, a number of excel- lent school periodicals and journals have been established in the State, the first of which was the Illinois Teacher, published from 1855 to 1872. It was first established by the State Teachers' Association, but later was published as a private enterprise by N. G. Nason, of Peoria. It ex- ercised a marked influence in leading and shaping public opinion upon school questions. Among the journals in ex- istence now, we take pleasure in mentioning the Illinois ScJiool
592 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Journal, published by John W. Cook, at Normal; Present Age, Practical Teacher, and the School Master, of Chicago. To review the history of the intellectual advancement of Illinois during the sixty-eight years she has been one of the sovereign States of the National Union, is to conclude that, under wise direction and liberal and judicious legislation, we shall continue to advance in literature, art, science and good government.
CHAPTER XVII. EIGHTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1832-34,
The Eighth General Assembly convened December 3, 1832, and adjourned March 2, 1833. Lieut. -Gov. Casey having resigned, Wm. L. D. Ewing was elected President pro tempore of the Senate, and Jesse B. Thomas, Jr., Secretary. Alex. M. Jenkins was elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett Clerk.
An able and influential member of this General Assem- bly was John T. Stuart, of Sangamon. Mr. Stuart was born in Kentucky, November 10, 1807; he graduated at Centerville College, Danville, and having studied law, settled in Illinois. Abraham Lincoln studied law under him. Mr. Stuart served three terms in Congress — 1839- 41-43 and 1863-65— the first two with ex- President John Quincy Adams, from whom he learned the useful lesson, that it was "better to wear out than rust out." Though advanced in years, Mr. Stuart*is yet hale and hearty. He is the oldest ex-member of Congress and practicing lawyer in the State, being the senior member of the well-known law firm of Stuart, Edwards & Brown.
John Dement, of Franklin, was elected Treasurer in February, 1831.
*Uicd November 28, 1885.
APPENDIX.
593
Gov. Reynolds was elected to Congress in 1834, and resigned the office of Governor November 17, when acting Lieut.-Gov. Ewing became Governor.
Gov. Reynolds was born in Montgomery county, Penn- sylvania, February 26, 1789, of Irish parents, who landed in Philadelphia in 1786; he belonged to a company of scouts in the campaigns against the Indians, in 1812 and 1813; he was a lawyer by profession, and prior to his election as Governor, he was a Justice of the Supreme Court, and served one term in the Legislature; he com- manded the Illinois volunteers during the Black Hawk war, 1832 ; he served in the Legislature from 1846 to 1848, and -from 1852 to 1854; the last term he was Speaker; he published a pioneer history of Illinois in 1848; "Glance at the Crystal Palace, and Sketches of Travel," in 1854; "My Life and Times," in 1855, and at one time he con- ducted the Belleville Eagle, a daily paper. He died at Belleville May 8, 1865.
MORMON WAR.
Among our early intestine troubles was the Mormon \var, led by Joseph Smith, who first organized the Mor- mon Society, at Fayette, New York, June 1, 1830. It then numbered but thirty members. In 1831, the whole < hurch removed, temporarily, to Kirtland, Ohio, and sub- sequently located at Independence, Missouri. At that time the sect numbered nearly 2,000. Their assumptions of superiority, their intolerance of "gentiles," and their anti- slavery opinions, made them obnoxious to the people of Missouri. In 1838, the whole colony was violently ex- pelled from that State, and in 1839, the society, in a body, came to Illinois, settling in Hancock county, where they founded a city called Nauvoo. The colony now numbered some 15,000, and among -the new accessions were Brigham Young, Orson Hyde, Herber C. Kimball, and Parley P. Pratt. As in Missouri, they soon became unpopular, and 38
594 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
for a series of years there was an open state of warfare existing between* them and the "gentiles." Their leaders were repeatedly arrested for violations of law. In June, 1844, there was an uprising of the Mormons against the laws of the State, and Gov. Ford took the field in person, with a militia force, to keep the peace. Joseph Smith and Hiram, his brother, and two or three other leaders, were surrendered to the Governor, upon his pledge of the honor of the State that they should have a fair trial. They were lodged in jail at Carthage, but during the after- noon of June 27th, a mob of 200 disguised men assem- bled at the jail, overpowered the guard, and shot and killed both of the Smiths. (See Ford'a History.)
At the death of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young was elected President, and he hurried forward the building of the great temple, which had been begun by Smith, but from that time forward there was a reign of terror in that section, and Nauvoo was fairly besieged. The temple was completed one day and demolished the next. The war was varied by arson and secret murder, on both sides. In January, 1846, the "high council" announced that a final home was to be sought beyond the Rocky Mountains. The emigration commenced in the following month, but in September, the impatient people of the neighborhood poured in and drove out the little remnant with fiie and sword. They settled at Satt Lake, Utah, which was then a part of the possessions of Mexico, and since it became a Territory of the United States, the Mormons have given the General Government quite as much trouble as they gave Illinois.
STATE GOVERNMENT — 1834-38.
The fifth State government was inaugurated December 3, 1834, with Joseph Duncan, of Morgan, as Governor; Alex. M. Jenkins, of Jackson, Lieutenant- Governor ; Alex. ,P. Field, of Union, Secretary of State; James T. B. Stapp,
APPENDIX.
595
of Fayette, Auditor of Public Accounts ; John Dement, of Franklin, Treasurer; Ninian W. Edwards, of Sangamon, Attorney-General.
The Ninth General Assembly convened December 1, 1834, and adjourned February 13, 1835. It convened again December 7, 1835, and adjourned January 18, 1836. Lieut. - Gov. Jenkins presided over the Senate, and Leonard White was elected Secretary. James Semple was elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett Clerk.
One of the eminent men of this General Assembly was Adam W. Snyder, of Belleville. He was the Democratic nominee for Governor in 1842, but died before the elec- tion, when Thomas Ford was nominated in his stead. He was buried at Belleville, and on his tombstone is in- scribed these words : "Ye men of genius, tread lightly o'er his grave : he was your kinsman."
Thomas Mather was another member of this body who became widely known, and exercised a controlling influence in the political affairs of the State.
INDIAN WARS.
Like all the, Territories of the United States, Illinois had her trials with the Indians, of which there were many tribes, whose conflicts among themselves were more fre- quent than with the whites, which kept the Territorial, State and National authorities under arms for many years in order to subdue them. In 1827, we had what is called the Winnebago War. In June of that year we had an engagement with the Winnebagoes in the Galena country, in which their Chief, Red Bird, was compelled to sur- render, which terminated the war. Red Bird was kept in jail a long time, and we are told by Ford that he died in prison the victim of regret and sorrow for the loss of his liberty. The Black Hawk War, which is minutely de- scribed by Ford, prevailed from the spring of 1831 to August 1832, and culminated in the battle of Bad Axe, on
596 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
the Mississippi river, August 2, in which the Indians were utterly routed. Black Hawk and a number of his tribe were taken prisoners, and afterward conveyed to Washington, where they had an interview with President Jackson, whom Black Hawk addressed as follows:
" I am a man and you are another. We did not expect to conquer the white people. I took up the hatchet to revenge injuries, which could no longer be borne. Had I borne them longer, my people would have said, Black Hawk is a squaw, — he is too old- to be a chief, — he is no Sac. This caused me to raise the war-whoop. I say no more of it All is known to you. Keokuk once was here ; you took him by the hand, and when he wanted to return you sent him back to his nation. Black Hawk expects that, like Keokuk, we will be permitted to return, too."
From Washington they were taken to Fortress Monroe, where they remained prisoners until the 4th of June, 1833, when they were returned to their own country, by order of the President. Black Hawk lived until the 3d of Octo- ber, 1840, when he was gathered to his fathers at the age of eighty years, and was buried on the banks of the great river where he had spent most of his life.
The Winnebago War terminated under the Adminis- tration of Gov. Edwards, and the Black Hawk under that of Gov. Pteynolds.
After the battle of Bad Axe the several Indian tribes turned their faces toward the setting sun, and we have now no visible recollections of them save through the mounds they builded, the counties, rivers, towns and cities which bear their names, and "Starved Rock," a most wonderful memento, which is situated on the east side of the Illinois river, a mile distant from Utica, LaSalle county. It stands two hundred feet above the level of the river, and its surface is equal to a half acre of ground, and is heavily studded with timber. It is perpendicular on all sides, except the southeast, where a natural rock stairway leads to the cavern, high up in the rock, which is capable of holding
APPENDIX.
597
many persons. Peck's Gazetteer of Illinois, issued in 1884, has this to say of an incident connected with this famous rock, and from which it derived its name :
" Tradition says that after the Illinois Indians had killed Pontiac, the French Governor, at Detroit, the northern Indians made war upon them. A band of the Illinois, in attempting to escape, took shelter on this rock, which they soon made inaccessible to their enemies, and where they were closely besieged. They had secured provisions, but their only resource for water was by letting down ves- sels with bark ropes to the river. The wily besiegers con- trived to come in canoes under the rock and cut off their buckets, by which means the unfortunate Illinois were starved to death. Many years after, their bones were whitening on this summit."
TENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY— 1836-38.
The Tenth General Assembly convened December 15, 1846, and adjourned March 6, 1837. It convened again July 10, 1837, and adjourned July 22, 1837. Lieut-Gov. Jenkins having resigned, William H. Davidson was elected President pro tempore of the Senate, and Jesse B. Thomas, Jr., Secretary. James Semple was elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett Clerk.
This was the General Assembly which put in operation the Internal Improvement system of 1837, of which we speak in detail in a subsequent chapter. In this body were many able, intellectual men. In the Senate, 0. H. Browning, Cyrus Edwards, William J. Gatewood and John Whiteside; and in the House, Edward D. Baker, John Dement, John Dougherty, Stephen A. Douglas, Jesse K. Dubois, Nmian W. Edwards, Wm. L. D. Ewing, Augustus C. French, John J. Hardin, Abraham Lincoln, U. F. Lin- der, John A. McClernand, William A. Eichardson, James Semple and James Shields, — all of whom afterward won distinction.
598 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
We Lave spoken elsewhere of most all these men, and will be excused if we digress to say a word of Col. Edward D. Baker, who was born in England, brought to this coun- try when a child, and was early left an orphan in Phila- delphia. His father was a weaver, and when a boy he worked at that business himself. He obtained an educa- tion under many difficulties ; first studied for the ministry, but soon turned his attention to the law, becoming famous as an advocate. He was serving in Congress when the Mexican war ensued, but resigned his seat and went to Mexico as a Colonel of volunteers, acquitting himself with credit at the battle of Cerro Gordo. On his return to Illinois he was re-elected to Congress from the Galena district. In 1852, he settled in San Francisco, devoting him- self to his profession ; he subsequently removed to Oregon, which State he represented as a Senator in Congress, taking his seat in March, 1861. At the outbreak of the Eebellion he raised a regiment, and while gallantly leading it in battle at Leesburg, Virginia, against a superior force, he was shot from his horse and killed, October 21, 1861. Col. Baker was a man of great intellectual ability, and in his day was not excelled as an orator.
Governor Duncan was bom in Kentucky in 1790 ; he was self-educated ; was an ensign at the brilliant defense of Fort Stephenson under Col. Croghan, for which he received from Congress the testimonial of a sword, February 13, 1835. He settled in Illinois, and was soon elected Major- General of Militia. Prior to his election as Governor, he was a Senator in the Legislature, and originated the law which established common schools in the State, and was a Rep- resentative in Congress from 1827 to 1835, resigning his seat to become Governor. He died at Jacksonville, Flor- ida, January 15, 1844.
Jesse B. Thomas, Jr., became Attorney-General Feb- ruary 12, 1835 ; Walter B. Scates succeeded him January
APPSNDIX. 599
18, 1836, and U. F. Linder succeeded Scates February 4, 1837. Levi Davis became Auditor of Public Accounts November 16, 1835. Charles Gregory became Treasurer, December 5, 1836; he was succeeded by John D. White- side March 4, 1837.
FIEST AND ONLY DUEL IN ILLINOIS.
In Ford's History we find this account of the first and only duel in Illinois :
" The year 1820 was signalized by the first and last duel which was ever fought in Illinois. This took place in Belleville, St. Clair county, between Alphonso Stewart and William Bennett, two obscure men. The seconds had made it up to be a sham duel, to throw ridicule upon Bennett, the challenging party. Stewart was in the secret, but Bennett, his adversary, was left to believe it a reality. "They were to fight with rifles ; the guns were loaded with blank cartridges ; and Bennett, somewhat suspecting a trick, rolled a ball into his gun, without the knowledge of Ins seconds, or of the other party. The word to fire was given, and Stewart fell, mortally wonnded. Bennett made his escape, but two years afterwards he was captured in Arkansas, brought back to the State, indicted, tried and convicted of murder. A great effort was made to procure him a pardon, but Gov. Bond would yield to no entreaties in his favor, and Bennett suffered the extreme penalty of the law, by hanging, in the presence of a great multitude of people.
"This was the first and last duel ever fought in the State by • any of its citizens. The hanging of Bennett made dueling discreditable and unpopular, and laid the foundation for that abhorrence of the practice which has ever since been felt and expressed by the people of Illi- nois."
There were afterward some pretences at duels between some of the distinguished men of the State, notably that of 1842, between James Shields and Abraham Lincoln, which was caused by the publication of an article in a news- paper, the Sangamo Journal, reflecting on the official con- duct of Shields, while Auditor of State; and between Shields and Wm. Butler, growing out of the same matter. <B;it .the framers of the constitution of 1848 put an
609 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
end to the barbarous practice, in a summary manner, in the adoption of Section 25 of Article 13, which is in these words :
"Any person who shall, after the adoption of this con- stitution, fight a duel, or send or accept a challenge for that purpose, or be aider or abettor in fighting a duel, shall be deprived of the right of holding any office of honor or profit in this State, and shall be punished other- wise, in such manner as is or may be prescribed by law."
The framers of the constitution of 1870, doubtless be- lieving that the civilization of the age was against duel- ing, did not carry that provision into the new constitution, thus leaving public opinion to frown down the code.
STATE GOVERNMENT — 1838-42.
The sixth State government was inaugurated December 7, 1838, with Thomas Carlin as Governor; Stinson H. Anderson, Lieutenant-Governor ; Alexander P. Field, Sec- retary of State; Levi Davis, Auditor of Public Accounts; John D. Whiteside, Treasurer ; George W. Olney, Attor- ney-General.
The Eleventh General Assembly convened December 3, 1838, and adjourned March 4, 1839. In 1839, the capital was removed to Springfield, and a second session convened there December 9, and adjourned February 3, 1840.
Lieut. -Gov. Anderson presided over the Senate, and Benjamin Bond was elected Secretary. William L. D. Ewing was' elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett Clerk.
There was quite a number of eminent men in this Legislature, among whom we mention Isaac P. Walker, who subsequently emigrated to Wisconsin, and was elected a United States Senator from that State in 1848.
APPENDIX.
CHAPTER XVIII, HOW A CHALLENGE WAS AVOIDED,
This laughable, not to say serious, incident in the earlv life of Dr. Isaac Vande venter, is related to us by one who* was cognizant of the affair, and knew all of the parties, mentioned. When W. A. Richardson was elected to- the State Senate in 1833, his opponent was Dr. Isaac? Vandeventer, a Whig, and one of the purest men in tho- State, but wholly ignorant of party usages or practice?- He had been selected by the Whigs as the man most likely to defeat Richardson, for the District was largely Democratic, and T. Lyle Dickey, now of the Supreme bench, and James W. Singleton, since a member of Con- gress, then both young men, undertook the management of his campaign. When the returns came in, it was foun.l that Richardson had beaten him only four or five votes - and investigation showed that, on Sugar Creek, seven or eight illegal votes had been cast for him, some of which were polled by men having in their veins African blood- Dickey and Singleton resided at Rnshville, and they sent for Vandeventer to come and see them, with the view oi instituting proceedings to contest the election. Contesting: was regarded as unpopular, and to throw the burden or* Richardson, they induced Vandeventer to send him a letter^ setting forth the fact that he claimed to be the Senator elect, and to save expense and trouble, to request Rich- ardson to resign his certificate and run the race over at a special election, — to which Richardson replied, ini
€02 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
substance, that he was fairly elected, but had no objections io running the race over, provided he could be assured that the Doctor would "stay beat," and if he would give bond, with approved security, to that effect, he would consent to make the race over.
Dickey and Singleton were indignant, and insisted that it was a personal insult, that could only " be wiped out in blood," and urged Vandeventer to challenge Eichard- son, and consenting to do so, they undertook the prepar- ation of the letter inviting the hostile meeting. Vande- venter went to his hotel for dinner and was to return to Dickey's office at 1 o'clock that day and sign the chal- lenge, and then one of them was to bear it to Eichard- son, but 1 o'clock came, 2, and then 3, and Vandeventer •came not ; and on inquiry it was ascertained that he had paid his bill and left for home. Thus ended the duel and the contest, for Dr. Vandeventer was never again seen in Mr. Dickey's office.
TWELFTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY — 1840-42.
The Twelfth General Assembly convened November 23, 1840, and adjourned December 5. It convened again De- cember 7, and adjourned March 1, 1841.
Lieut.-Gov. Anderson presided over the Senate, and Merritt L. Covell was elected Secretary. William L. D. Ewing was elected Speaker of the House, and John Cal- houn Clerk.
Wickliffe Kitchell became Attorney-General, March 5, 1839; Stephen A. Douglas, Secretary of State, November 30, 1840; James Shields, Auditor of Public Accounts, March 4, 1841, and Milton Carpenter, Treasurer, March <6, 1841.
Josiah Lamborn, of Morgan, became Attorney-General, December 3, 1840.
Gov. Caiiin was born in Kentucky, July 18, 1789; he was self-educated; removed to Illinois in 1812; his first
APPENDIX. 603
office was Sheriff of Greene county; in 1834, President Jackson appointed him Receiver of Public Moneys. He was Governor at the time Illinois became overwhelmingly involved in debt through the internal improvement sys- tem, and he used his best ability in piloting the ship of State through the financial storm. After his term as Governor he removed to, Carrollton, and in 1849, was elected Representative to the Legislature, vice J. D. Fry, resigned. He died February 14, 1852.
CHICAGO.
No city in the world has had so prosperous or marvel- ous a growth as Chicago, and a history of Illinois would not be complete without a special reference to this great and grand metropolis. The Gazetteer of 1823 describes Chicago as "a village in Pike county, situated on Lake Michigan, near Chicago creek, containing twelve or fifteen houses and about sixty or seventy inhabitants."
Chicago was first laid out as a town in the autumn of 1829. The first map made of the place was drawn by James Thompson, and bears date of August 4, 1830. Cook county, of which Chicago is the county seat, was not organized until January 15, 1831. The first steamer to enter the port was in 1832. Gen. Winfield Scott was a passenger, en route to take part in the conference of the army, which related to the treaty of peace with Black Hawk, who had been utterly routed at the battle of Bad Axe. The year 1833 was signalized by the establishment of a postoffice and weekly mail ; the same year a town government was organized, and a weekly newspaper, en- titled the Chicago Democrat, was founded by John Calhoun. In 1836, the then great enterprise of the western world, the Illinois and Michigan Canal, was inaugurated. In 1837, the Legislature passed an act incorporating the City of Chicago, (see House and Senate Journals of 1837), and in the
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
May following the city was organized under that charter, and William B. Ogden was elected mayor. The popula- tion of the city was then but 4,179. The records of the office of the Secretary of State show that Chicago has- been listed as one of the towns of the State in eight dif- ferent counties : first as being in St. Clair ; then Madison ; then Edwards ; then Crawford ; then Clark ; then Pike ; then attached to Fulton temporarily ; then Putnam ; then it occupied a place in what is known as unorganized ter- ritory, and then the county of Cook was organized.
The first railroad built to Chicago was the Galena and Chicago Union, the first ten miles of which was con- structed in 1847. Now that road forms a part of the Chicago and Northwestern Eailway, whose main lines and branches number 3,584 miles of magnificent railway,, reaching far out into the broad domain of the great West.
When the great fire of October, 1871, laid the city in ashes, it had acquired a population of 334,270. Within twelve months after, the city was rebuilt upon a grander scale than before. The United States census of 1880 gave the city a population of 503,000; aiid from a single railroad in 1847, they have multiplied to twenty-one, which aggregate, in miles, 21,394, and radiate to all points of the compass.
New York and Boston have, respectively, according to- the United States census of 1880, populations of 1,200,000 and 350,000. In these cities one sees the growth of over two hundred years, or ten generations, and the relics of colonial times, while in Chicago is seen the growth of less- than fifty years, and a population, as shown by the same census, of 503,000.
From that single weekly newspaper the press has mag- nified indefinitely, and in character, power and circulation is not surpassed, if equaled, by that of any city in the world.
APPENDIX.
605
STATE GOVERNMENT — 1842-46.
The seventh State government was inaugurated Decem- ber 8, 1842, with Thomas Ford, of Ogle, as Governor; John Moore, of McLean, Lieutenant- Governor ; Lyman Trumbull, of St. Clair, Secretary of State ; James Shields, of Eandolph, Auditor of Public Accounts ; Milton Carpen- ter, of Hamilton, Treasurer; Josiah Lamborn, Attorney- General.
The Thirteenth General Assembly convened December .5, 1842, and adjourned March 6, 1843. Lieut.-Gov. Moore presided over the Senate, and Isaac S. Berry was elected Secretary. Samuel Hackelton was elected Speaker of the House, and Wm. L. D. Ewing Clerk.
There were many strong men, intellectually, in this body. The names which will sound familiar to the reader are Orlando B. Ficklin, of Coles; Gustavus Kosrner, of St. Clair ; Stephen T. Logan, of Sangamon ; John A. Mc- Clernand, of Gallatin, now of Sangamon ; and ex-Lieu,t.- Gov. Pierre Menard, of Tazewell, all of whom attained prominence, and have often been honored with various public trusts.
CHAPTER XIX, MURDER OF ELIJAH P, LOVEJOY,
Establishment of his Press in St. Louis— Its Kemovalto Alton— Its Destruc- tion by a Mob— Re-establishment of the Paper— An Attempt to Tar and Feather Lovejoy— Meeting of the Citizens of Alton to Compel him to Abandon the Publication of his Paper— A Brave Speech in Self-De- fense—Murder of Lovejoy and Destruction of His Fourth and Last Press— His Funeral.
In all her history, Illinois has never been famed for deeds of cruelty and wrong; but one of the most terrible
603 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
crimes, which stands as a living disgrace in the history of Illinois, is the heartless murder of Kev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, brother of the late Owen Lovejoy, by a- pro- slavery mob at Alton, on the night of November 7, 1837. The event is worthy of more than a passing mention. Mr. Lovejoy was the editor of the Alton Observer, a reli- gious paper, which had been originally started in St. Louis in 1833, under the auspices of the Presbyterian Church, which he conducted for nearly three years; but in June, 1836, the owners, fearing that the press would be destroyed by mob violence, deter- mined to remove it to Alton, and it had hardly been packed for shipment before a lawless body of men entered the premises and carried away a portion of the press and type and threw them into the Mississippi river. The rem- nant was shipped to Alton, arriving there on Sunday ; but the mob spirit of St. Louis had preceded Mr. Lovejoy, and that night a mob collected and threw what was left of the printing office and Mr. Lovejoy's household furniture into the river. Next day, however, the better class of citizens assembled in a public meeting, denounced the action of the mob in the strongest terms, and subscribed money sufficient to buy another printing office and reim- burse Mr. Lovejoy in his personal losses ; and on the 8th of September the first number of the Alton Observer made its appearance; but in Alton Mr. Lovejoy's life and property were as much at the mercy of the whims of the pro-slavery outlaws as they had been in St. Louis, and he was never free from personal insult or assault ; he was- pursued by day and by night, at home and abroad; four times was his press destroyed, and in defending the last he fell a martyr to the cause of free speech and free press. It is generally understood that Mr. Lovejoy was an ex- treme abolitionist, but a careful reading of the utter- ances of his paper, as reproduced in his Life, written by
APPENDIX. 607
his brother Owen warrants us in saying, that he was sim- ply an emancipationist.
In Tanner's Martyrdom of Lovejoy, we find the follow- ing incident, illustrative of the moral courage of Mr. Love- joy:
"On one occasion, some eight or ten citizens of Alton determined to tar and feather him and then send him adrift in a canoe down the Mississippi river. He lived at Hunterstown about three-quarters of a mile from Alton, and between ten and eleven o'clock at night, while on his way to a drug store in Alton to procure some medicine for his wife, he was met by these men, all disguised, who stopped him and at once disclosed to him their pur- pose. "With the most perfect composure he replied : 'Gen- tlemen, I have but a single request to make of you ; my wife is dangerously ill, and it is necessary that she should have this prescription, which I was on the way to town to procure. Will one of you take it and see that it is delivered at the house, but without intimating what is about to befall me? I am in the hands of God, and am ready to go with you.' For a few moments entire silence reigned, which was broken by a physician, who made up in part the disguised party, exclaiming : ' Boys, I cannot lay my hands on as brave a man as this,' and, turning away, was followed by his accomplices, and Mr. Lovejoy was spared the degradation of being tarred and feathered."
It would seem that Mr. Lovejoy had resigned himself to fate and was ready for the worst; but he did not have long to wait for the culmination of the outrages which had followed his pathway for so many years. On the 2d of November, a public meeting of the citizens of Alton was held to take action in regard to the further publication of the Observer under his editorship, and after the appoint- ment of a committee to prepare resolutions expressive of the sense of the people of the community, adjourned until the 3d. On the reassembling of the meeting, the committee, through its chairman, Cyrus Edwards, then a. Whig State Senator, reported the resolutions, the purport of which was that Mr. Lovejoy should abandon the pub- lication of the Observer. U. F. Linder, a member of the
€08 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
•committee, and then the Attorney-General of the State, supported the passage of the resolutions in a speech of much earnestness; and as Mr. Lovejoy was present, he was permitted to reply in his own behalf. We copy his remarks in full, as we find them printed in a little volume published in 1838, by Kev. Edward Beecher, brother of Henry Ward Beecher:
"I feel, Mr. Chairman, that this is the most solemn moment of my life. I feel, I trust, in some measure, the responsibilities which, at this hour, I sustain to these, my fellow citizens, to the church of which I am a min- ister, to my country, and to God. And let me beg of you, before I proceed further, to construe nothing I shall say as being disrespectful to this assembly. I have no such feeling ; far from it. And if I do not act or speak accord- ing to their wishes at all times, it is because I can not con- scientiously do it.
" It is proper I should state the whole matter, as I under- stand it, before this audience. I do not stand here to argue the question, as presented by the report of the com- mittee. My whole wonder is that the honorable gentleman (Hon. Cyrus Edwards, Senator from Madison county, and the Whig candidate for Governor), the chairman of that committee, for whose character I entertain great respect, though I have not the pleasure of his personal acquaint- ance, my only wonder is how that gentleman could have brought himself to submit such a report.
" Mr. Chairman, I do not admit that it is the business of this assembly to decide whether I shall or shall not publish a newspaper in this city. The gentlemen have, as the lawyers say, made a wrong issue. I have the right to do it. I know that I have the right freely to speak and publish my sentiments, subject only to the laws of the land for the abuse of that right. This right was given me by my Maker; and is solemnly guaranteed to me by the Constitution of these United States and of this State. What I wish to know of you is, whether you will protect me in the exercise of this right ; or whether, as heretofore, I am to be subjected to personal indignity and outrage. These resolutions, and the measures proposed by them, are spoken of as a compromise — a compromise between two parties. Mr. Chairman, this is not so. There is but one party here. It is simply a question whether the law .shall be enforced, or whether the mob shall be allowed,
€08
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
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APPENDIX. 609
•&s they dp now, to continue to trample it under their feet, by violating with impunity the rights of an innocent in- dividual.
" Mr. Chairman, what have I to compromise ? If freely to forgive those who have so greatly injured me, if to pray for thpdr temporal and eternal happiness, if still to wish for the prosperity of your city and State, notwithstanding all the indignities I have suffered in it ; if this be the com- promise intended, then do I willingly make it. My rights have been shamefully, wickedly outraged; this I know, and feel, and can never forget. But I can and do freely forgive those who have done it.
" But if by a compromise is meant that I should cease from doing that which duty requires of me, I cannot make it. And the reason is, that I fear God more than I fear man. Think not that I would lightly go contrary to pub- lic sentiment around me. The good opinion of my fellow- men is dear to me, and I would sacrifice anything but principle to obtain their good wishes; but when they ask me to surrender this, they ask for more than I can — than I dare give. Keference is made to the fact that I offered a few days since to give up the editorship of the 'Observer' into other hands. This is true. I did so, because it was thought or said by some that perhaps the paper would be better patronized in other hands. They declined accept- iug my offer, however, and since then we have heard from the friends and supporters of the paper in all parts of the State. There was but one sentiment among them, and this was that the paper could be sustained in no other hands than mine. It is also a very different question, whether I shall voluntarily, or at the request of friends, yield up my post ; or whether I shall forsake it at the de- mand of a mob. The former I am at all times ready to do, when circumstances occur to require it, as I will never put my personal wishes or interests in competition with the cause of that Master whose minister I am. But the latter, be assured, I never will do. God, in his providence — so say all my brethren, and so I think, — has devolved upon me the responsibility of maintaining my ground here ; and, Mr. Chairman, I am determined to do it. A voice comes to me from Maine, from Massachusetts, from Con- necticut, from New York, from Pennsylvania; yea, from Kentucky, from Mississippi, from Missouri, calling upon me in the name of all that is dear in heaven or earth, to stand fast; and by the help of God, I will stand. I 39
CIO POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
know I am but one, and you are many. My strength would avail but little against you all. You can crush me if you will ; but I shall die at my post, for I can not, and will not, forsake it.
" Why should I flee from Alton ? Is not this a free State? When assailed by a mob at St. Louis, I came hither, as to the home cf freedom and of the law. The mob has pursued me here, and why should I retreat again ? Where can I be safe, if not here ? Have I not a right to claim the protection of the law ? What more can I have in any other place? Sir, the very act of retreating will embolden the mob to follow me wherever I go. No, sir; there is no way to escape the mob, but to abandon the path of duty ; and that, God helping me, I will never do.
" It has been said here, that my hand is against every man, and every man's hand is against me. The last part of the declaration is too painfully true. I do indeed lind almost every hand lifted against me ; but against whom in this place has my hand been raised? I appeal to every individual present ; whom of you have I injured ? Whose character have I traduced ? Whose family have I molested ? Whose business have I meddled with? If any, let him rise here and testify against me. No one answers.
"And do not your resolutions say that you find nothing against my private or personal character ? And does any one believe that if there was anything to be found, it would not be found and brought forth ? If, in anything, I have offended against the law, I am not so popular in this community as that it would be difficult to convict me. You have courts, and judges, and juries; they find nothing against me. And now you come together for the purpose of driving out a confessedly innocent man, for no cause but that he dares to think and speak as his conscience and his God dictates. Will conduct like this stand the scrutiny of your country? of posterity? above all, of the judgment-day? For, remember, the Judge of that day is no respecter of persons. Pause, I beseech you, and reflect. The present excitement will soon be over; the voice of conscience will at last be heard. And at some season of honest thought, even in this world, as you review the scenes of this hour, you will be com- pelled to say, 'He was right; he was right.'
" But you have been exhorted to be lenient and compas- sionate ; and in driving me away to affix no unnecessary disgrace upon me. Sir, I reject all such compassion. You can not disgrace me. Scandal and falsehood and calumny
APPENDIX. 611
have already done their worst. My shoulders have borne the burthen till it sits easy upon them. You may hang me up, as the mob hung up the individuals of Vicksburg ! You may burn me at the stake, as they did Mclntosh at St. Louis ; or, you may tar and feather me, or throw me into the Mississippi, as you have often threatened to do, but you can not disgrace me. I, and I alone, can dis- grace myself ; and the deepest of all disgrace would be, at a time like this, to deny my Master by forsaking his cause. He died for me; and 1 were most unworthy to bear his name, should I refuse, if need be, to die for him.
" Again, you have been told that I have a family, who are dependent on me ; and this has been given as a reason why I should be driven off as gently as possible. It is true, Mr. Chairman, I am a husband and a father; and this it is that adds the bitterest ingredient to the cup of sorrow I am called to drink. I am made to feel the wisdom of the apostle's advice : ' It is better not to marry. ' I know, sir, that in this contest I stake not my life only, but that of others also, I do not expect my wife will ever recover from the shock received at the awful scenes, through which she was called to pass, at St. Charles. And how was it the other night, on my return to my house? I found her driven to the garret, through fear of the mob, who were prowling round my house. And scarcely had I entered the house ere my windows were broken in by the brickbats of the mob ; and she so alarmed, that it was impossible for her to sleep or rest that night. I am hunted as a partridge upon the mountains ; I am pursued as a felon through your streets ; and to the guardian power of the law I look in vain for that protection against violence, which even the vilest criminal makes claim.
"Yet, think not that 1 am unhappy. Think not that I regret the choice that I have made. While all around me is violence and tumult, all is peace within. An approving conscience, and the rewarding smile of God, is a full recompense for all that I forego and all that I endure. Yes, sir, I enjoy a peace which nothing can destroy. I sleep sweetly and undisturbed, except when awakened by the brickbats of the mob.
"No, sir, I am not unhappy. I have counted the cost, and stand prepared freely to offer up my all in the service of God. Yes, sir, I am fully aware of all the sac- rifice I make, in here pledging myself to continue this contest to the last. (Forgive these tears, — I had not
612 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
intended to shed them, and they flow not for myself, but others.) But I am commanded to forsake father and mother, and wife and children, for Jesus' sake ; and as his professed disciple I stand prepared to do it. The time for fulfilling this pledge in my case, it seems to me, has come. Sir, I dare not flee away from Alton. Should I attempt it, I should feel that the angel of the Lord, with his flaming sword, was pursuing me wherever I went. It is because I fear God that I am not afraid of all who oppose me in this city. No, sir, the contest has com- menced here; and here it must be finished. Before God and you all, I here pledge myself to continue it, if need be, till death. If 1 fall, my grave shall be made in Alton."
The speech of Mr. Lovejoy, powerful as it was, failed to allay the madness of the hour; and he was followed in reply by Rev. John Hogan, a Methodist minister, who afterwards figured, to some extent, in the politics of St. Louis, in a speech of much bitterness, and when he con- cluded, resolutions 1, 2 and 4 were unanimously adopted, jvhile 3, 5 and 6, those which counseled peace and order, were rejected, and, four days after, Lovejoy lost his life at the hands of the mob.
We give place to an account of the affair by Mr. Tanner, who was in the warehouse at the time as one of the de- fenders of the property :
" We have now arrived at the fatal night of the 7th of November, 1837, and I give the details of the occurrence from personal notes of my own. The fourth press had been shipped to Alton from Cincinnati, and had been received in the dead of the night on the 6th by the friends of Mr. Lovejoy, in presence of the mayor, and taken to its final destination. We were fully prepared to receive and de- fend it, having, in the building, about sixty men, well armed and drilled, stationed on different floors in squads or companies of sufficient strength to do full execution if the mob should attempt to take the press when landed from the boat.
" All was quiet in the city, and we considered the press safe from harm, as it lay on storage with the most re- sponsible and most respected firm in the city. As night approached, we gathered in the building to talk over the
APPENDIX. 613
situation, and congratulated each other on peace. About nine o'clock the company of men began to disperse to their homes, when Mr. Oilman asked if some few of the number would not volunteer to remain through the night with him, for he intended staying, as a precaution in case the warehouse was attacked. Nineteen men answered the call, and the devoted little band prepared themselves for whatever might occur. An hour elapsed before any signs of disturbance were noticed, but then it was evident that a mob was gathering. Messrs. Keating and West asked per- mission to enter into the warehouse to confer with Mr. Gil- man, and being admitted, informed us that unless the press was given up the building would be burned over our heads. We had, early in the evening, selected for our captain, Enoch Long, who had seen some service, think- ing occasion might require concerted action on our part. His method of defense was much milder than some of us advocated, for we considered it best to fire on the mob and make short work of it ; but he commanded that no one should shoot without his order, an order which, from mistaken motives of mercy, he hesitated to give until it was too late to intimidate the besiegers.
"The crowd gathered and attempted to force an en- trance, but were temporarily checked in consequence of the order of our captain to one of his men to fire upon them in return for their shot, which had entered the building. Our shot proved fatal, killing one of the mob, whose name was Bishop. The lull was short; the mob returned, reinforced by ruffians who had been drinking, and with savage yells they shouted that they would 'fire the building and shoot every d — d Abolitionist as he tried to make his escape !' No orders were given us for con- centrated fire at any time ; it was all nap-hazard, and every man did as he thought best. At this juncture, the mayor appeared, and we asked him to lead us out to face the mob, and, if they would not disperse upon his command, that he should order us to fire upon them. His answer was, that he had too much regard for our lives to do that, but at the same time he most distinctly justified us in our defense. He attempted, afterward, to disperse th«m himself, but his power was gone — they merely laughed at his authority, as his weak and nerve- less treatment of them on former occasions had destroyed all his influence as a magistrate.
"Attempts were now made to fire the building, and against one side, in which there were no openings, a
614 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
ladder was placed to reach the roof, on which a man ascended with a burning torch. Captain Long called for volunteers to make a sortie, in order to prevent the accomplishment of their purpose, and Amos B. Roff, | Royal Weller, and Elijah P. Lovejoy promptly stepped forth to execute his order. As they emerged from the building, shots were fired from behind a shelter, and five balls were lodged in the body of Mr. Lovejoy, others wounding Mr. Eoff and Mr. Weller. Mr. Lovejoy had strength enough to run back and up the stairs, crying out as he went, 'I am shot! I am shot! I am dead!' When he reached the counting-room, he fell back into the arms of a bystander, and was laid upon the floor, where he instantly passed away without a struggle, and without speaking again.
" 80011 Messrs. Keating and West again approached the building, and informed Mr. Gilrnan that the roof was on fire, but that 'the boys' would put it out if the press should be given up — that was what they wanted — and nothing should be destroyed or any one harmed if the surrender was made. Mr. Oilman, consulting with us all, said that there was property of great value on storage, and the interest of firms all over the State were repre- sented, that he felt great responsibility, as Mr. Godfrey, his partner, was absent. To save these interests, he thought the building had better be abandoned and the press given up. Others coinciding in the opinion, it was decided to surrender the press, on condition that the mob would not enter the warehouse until we had left, and fur- ther, that our departure should be without molestation. These terms being accepted, we secreted our arms, and left the building together, but we were hardly out before the rioters broke their truce and more than a hundred bullets passed harmlessly over our heads. The fire in the warehouse was extinguished, and the press was taken out and destroyed.
" The next morning we returned to where the dead body of Lovejoy lay, and removed it to his late home.
," His wife was absent at the house of a friend, so pros- trated by the shock of these terrible events that her life was despaired of for many days. Owen Lovejoy received the corpse of his brother at the house, and preparations for the funeral, to take place 'the following day, were then made.
" It was a rainy, depressing day, and I well remember now how Abram Breath, still a resident of Alton, and'
APPENDIX.
615
myself walked together, through mud and water, to the grave. The burial service was simple, consisting merely of prayers, by Mr. Lovejqy's constant friend, the Rev. Thomas Lippincott ; no remarks being made, lest the mob should disturb the last sacred rites of our beloved friend. There had been no inquest over his body, no flowers were strewn over his coffin. Mob-law not only reigned, but was insultingly triumphant.
"It was thought that the silence of death, under such circumstances, well became the burial of Liberty."
At the time this murder was perpetrated, Henry Clay was a United States Senator from Kentucky, and he boldly advocated gradual emancipation, in Congress, with the same freedom that he would have supported an appro- priation bill, and went forth in the discharge of his daily duties without the fear of molestation by anybody. Yet in Illinois Elijah P. Lovejoy could not write or print his •views upon the same subject without having his property destroyed, being himself personally abused and at last murdered by an infuriated mob.
But the crowning act of this heartless outrage was the utter neglect of the courts to take cognizance of the mur- der of Lovejoy.
John Carroll Power, custodian of the National Lincoln Monument, who visited the burial place of Lovejoy in 1870, writes that his grave was left unmarked by a stone until 1864, when Thomas Dimmock, a citizen of Alton, visited Boston, and procured a neat granite pedestal 25x 30 inches and 15 inches high, with a white marble slab 17x20 inches, which bears this simple inscription :
HIC JACIT
LOVEJOY;
Jam parce Sepulto.
616 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER XX,
FOURTEENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1844-46-
The Fourteenth General Assembly convened December 2, 1844, and adjourned March 3, 1845.
Lieut. -Gov. Moore presided over the Senate, and Mer- ritt L. Covell was elected Secretary. William A. Richard- son was elected Speaker of the House, and Newton Cloud Clerk.
James A. McDougall, of Morgan county, became Attor- ney-General, January 12, 1843 ; Thompson Campbell, Sec- retary of State, March 4, 1843; William L. D. Ewingr Auditor of Public Accounts, March 26, 1843.
Mr. McDougall was born in New York; he removed to Pike county, Illinois, in 1837 ; in 1849, he originated and accompanied an exploring expedition to Rio del Norte, the Gila and Colorado ; he afterward emigrated to Cali- fornia, and followed his profession at San Francisco ; in 1850, he was elected Attorney-General of California; was a Representative in Congress from that State from 1853 to 1855, and in 1861 he was elected United States Sena- tor ; he was a delegate to the Chicago Convention in 1864. He died at Albany, New York, September 3, 1867.
The administration of Gov. Ford was a very arduous and embarrassing one. Besides the financial embarrass- ments of the State, he had the Mormon war upon his hands ; but he successfully subdued the Mormons, and by his wise counsel greatly assisted the General Assembly in j passing laws which gave the State and the people partial' relief from their indebtedness.
APPENDIX. 617
Gov. Ford was born in Pennsylvania. In 1804, while a. child, his parents emigrated to Illinois. When he attained manhood's estate, and prior to his election as Governor, he was a Justice of the Supreme bench, which position he resigned to become Governor. He wrote a history of Illi- nois from 1818 to 1847, which was printed by his friend, Gen. James Shields, after Gov. Ford's death, which occurred at Peoria, November 2, 1850.
MEXICAN WAR.
In the war between the United States and Mexico, which Congress declared on the llth of May, 1846, and which prevailed two years, Illinois bore an honorable and con- spicuous part. Six regiments of volunteer soldiers was her contribution in that sanguinary struggle. In a volume re- cently prepared by Adj. -Gen. Isaac H. Elliott, by author- ity of the General Assembly, we find the familiar names of Colonel John J. Hardin, who fell while gallantly lead- ing the first regiment in a charge at the battle of Buena Vista, February 23, 1847; Major William A. Kichardson, Lieutenant. Colonel B. M. Prentiss, First Lieutenant Isham N. Haynie, Second Lieutenant John A. Logan, Lieutenant-Colonel James L. D. Morrison, Colonel Ste- phen G. Hicks, Major S. D. Marshall, Captain M. K. Lawler, Second Lieutenant Green B. Field, Colonel Edward D. Baker, Second Lieutenant William B. Fondey, Ser- geant Dudley Wickersham, First Lieutenant Richard J.. Oglesby, Captain L. W. Ross, Sergeant Robert M. Pee- ples, Second Lieutenant John G. Ridgway, Colonel Win. H. Bissell, and Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. B. Warren. The re- ports of that campaign, printed in the volume referred to, show that, in their official reports, Generals Taylor, Wool,. Scott, Tvviggs and Patterson each warmly commended the gal- lantry of Illinois soldiers ; and Gen. Taylor complimented personally the services of Colonel Bissell, Lieutenant-Colonel
618
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Morrison, Lieutenant- Colonel William B. Warren, Colonel William Weatherford, Major X. F. Frail, Adjutant A. G. Whiteside, and Major Noah Fry, for gallant conduct at the tattle of Buena Vista.
Most, if not all, of these men subsequently became dis- tinguished in civil or military life, but death has claimed all of them except Prentiss, Logan, Morrison, Wickersham, Oglesby and Ross.
STATE GOVERNMENT — 1846-49.
The eighth State Government was inaugurated De- cember 9, 1846, with Augustus C. French, of Crawford, as Governor; Joseph B. WTells, of Bock Island, Lieu- tenant Governor; Horace S. Cooley, of Adams, Secretary of State; Thomas H. Campbell, of Randolph, Auditor of Public Accounts; Milton Carpenter, of Hamilton, Treas- urer ; David B. Campbell, of Sangamon, Attorney-General.
The Fifteenth General Assembly convened December 7, 1846, and adjourned March 1, 1847.
Lieutenant-Governor Wells presided over the Senate, and Henry W. Moore was elected Secretary. Newton Cloud was elected Speaker of the House, and John Mc- Donald Clerk.
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1847.
The Convention which framed the Constitution of 1848 convened at Springfield, June 7, 1847. Zadok Casey was elected President pro tempore ; Newton Cloud President, and Henry W. Moore Secretary. There were one hun- dred and sixty-two delegates, whose names are given below :
William Laughlin, Wm. B. Powers, Jacob M. Nichols, Archibald Williams, Martin Atherton, Michael G. Dale, Daniel H. Whitney, James W. Singleton, James Brock- man, Alexander McHatton, Simon Kinney, Wm. Bosby- shell, Garner Moffett, Henry B. Dummer, Thompson R. Webber, D. D. Shumway, Wm. Tutt, Justin Harlan, Uri Manly, Peter Green, Benjamin Bond, Thomas A. Marshall,
APPENDIX. 619
Thomas B. Trower, Patrick Ballingall, Francis C. Sher- man, Eeuben B. Heacock, E. F. Colby, David L. Gregg, Nelson Hawley, Wm. H. Blakely, George H. Hill, George B. Lemen, Jeduthun Hatch, Samuel Anderson, Wm. Shields, •George W. Eives, Alvin R. Kenner, John W. F. Edmonson, Joseph T. Eccles. George W. Akin, David Markley, Heze- kiah M. Wead, Isaac Linley, George Kreider, Albert G. Caldwell, Jacob Smith, Franklin Witt, L. E. Worcester, D. M. Woodson, George W. Armstrong, James M. Lasater, Thomas C. Sharpe, William S. Moore, Charles Choate, Robert Miller, Thomas Geddes, Andrew McCallen, Gilbert Turnbull, Joshua Harper, Lewis J. Simpson, Jesse 0. Norton, Alexander M. Jenkins, Richard G. Morris, Frank- lin S. Casey, Zadok Casey, Walter B. Scates, A. R. Knapp, Thompson Campbell, W. B. Green, 0. C. Pratt, John Oliver, Alfred Churchill, Augustus Adams, Thomas Judd, John West Mason, Curtis K. Harvey, James Knox, Horace Butler, Hurlbut Swan, Wm. Stadden, Abraham Hoes, John Mieure, John Dement, Samuel Lander, James Tuttle, David Davis, F. S. D. Marshall, James Graham, John M. Palmer, James M. Campbell, John Huston, John Sibley, Peter W. Deitz, Stephen A. Hurlbut, Cyrus Ed- wards, E. M. West, Benaiah Robinson, George T. Brown, Henry D. Palmer, George W. Pace, Edward 0. Smith, Thomas G. C. Davis, Benjamin F. Northcott, Frederick Frick, Hiram Roundtree, James M. Davis, Anthony Thornton, Newton Cloud, James Dunlap, Samuel D. Lockwood, William Thomas, James A. James, John D. Whiteside, Daniel J. Pinckney, H. B. Jones, John Crain, "Wm. W. Thompson, Lincoln B. Knowlton, Onslow Peters, Wm. R. Archer, Harvey Dunn, William A. Grimshaw, Montgomery Blair, William Sim, Oaks Turner, Ezekiel W. Robbins, Richard B. Servant, Alfred Kitchell, John W. Spencer, John Dawson, James H. Matheuy, Ninian W. Edwards, Stephen T. Logan, N. M. Knapp, Daniel Dunsmore, William A. Minshall, Edward Evey, Wm. W. Roman, Wm. C. Kinney, John McCulley, George Bunsen, Seth B. Farwell, Thomas B. Carter, William H. Holmes, Henry R. Green, Samuel Hunsaker, John Canady, John W. Vance, Charles H. Constable, Abner C. Harding, Zenos H. Vernor, James M. Hogue, Aaron C. Jackson, S. Siiowden Hayes, Daniel Hay, Samuel J. Cross, Selden M. Church, Robert J. Cross, John T. London, Willis Allen, Hugh Henderson, William McClure.
620 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Politically, this convention was rather evenly balanced. On the Democratic side there were such representatives as Zadok Casey, John Dement, John M. Palmer, Anthony Thornton, Walter B. Scates, Willis Allen, L. B. Knowl- ton, Thompson Campbell; and among the Whigs, Archi- bald Williams, James W. Singleton, Henry E. Dumrner, Jesse 0. Norton, Stephen A. Hurlbut, David Davis, Cyrus Edwards, Samuel D. Lockwood, Stephen T. Logan and Abner C. Harding.
The convention was in session eighty-four days. The constitution was voted upon and adopted by the people, March 6, and went into effect April 1, 1848. We note some of its peculiar features : It provided that the salary of the Governor should be $1,500; Secretary of State, $830 and fees ; Auditor of Public Accounts, $800 and " no more ;" State Treasurer, $800 and " no more ;" Judges of Supreme Court, $1,200 and " no more ;" Circuit Judges, $1,000 and " no more;" military duty was confined to " all free male able-bodied persons, between the ages of 18 and 45, ne- groes, mulattoes and Indians excepted;" a capitation tax was to be collected from " all able-bodied free white male inhabitants ;" the pay of members of the General Assembly was fixed at $2.00 per day for forty-two days, and $1.00 per day for each day thereafter, and 10 cents mileage each way. Article fourteen provided that "the General Assembly, at its first session under the amended constitution, should pass such laws as would effectually prohibit free persons of color from immigrating to and settling in this State ;. and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves from bring- ing them into this State for the purpose of setting them free." Article fifteen provided that there should be annu- ally assessed and collected a tax of two mills upon each dollar's worth of taxable property, in addition to all other taxes, to be kept separate and to be apportioned to the payment of the State indebtedness other than the canal
APPENDIX. 621
and school indebtedness. This article was also submitted to a separate vote of the people; the vote for it was 41,- 449; against, 31,869; majority for, 9,580. This article laid the foundation for the extinguishment of the State debt, incurred by the internal improvement system of 1837, and it is of itself enough to immortalize the t'ramers of that constitution, because it gave hope and courage to the people who wanted to pay the obligations of the State dollar for dollar, and it enabled them to do it.
STATE GOVEBNMENT — 1849-53.
Under the constitution of 1848, a new election for State officers had occurred in that year, and Gov. French was re-elected ; William McMurtry, of Knox, was elected Lieut. - Governor ; Horace S. Cooley, of Adams, Secretary of State ; Thomas H. Campbell, of Randolph, Auditor of Public Ac- counts ; John Moore, of McLean, Treasurer. No provision having been made in the constitution for an Attorney- General, that office became extinct.
The first session of the Sixteenth General Assembly convened January 1, 1849, the new constitution having changed the time of the meeting of the General Assembly from December to January. A second session convened October 22, and adjourned November 7, 1849.
Lieut. -Gov. McMurtry presided over the Senate, and William Smith was elected Secretary. Zaclok Casey was elected Speaker of the House, and Nathaniel Niles Clerk.
The duties of this General Assembly were more than routine legislation. A new era marked the progress of the State. The framers of the new constitution had adopted a feasible plan for providing means for relieving the State of its financial embarrassment, and wise legislation was necessary to carry into effect the provisions of the con- stitution, and the people happily selected many able rep- resentatives, among whom may be mentioned, of the
622 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Senate, John T. Stuart of Sangamon, Joseph Gillespie of Madison, J. L. D. Morrison of St. Glair, William Roddick of LaSalle, Joel A. Matteson of Will, and Norman B. Judd of Cook. Of the House, were Wesley Sloan of Pope, Za- dok Casey of Jefferson, U. F. Linder of Clark, Thomas Carlin of Greene, Richard Yates of Morgan, Ninian W. Edwards of Sangamon, Onias C. Skinner of Adams, and William Kellogg of Fulton.
CHAPTER XXI.
IMPROVEMENT SYSTEM,
Internal Improvement System of 1837— Appointment of Fund Commis- sioners—Illinois and Michigan Canal— Board of Public Works— System of Railroads— Mail Routes— Improvement of the Rivers— $10,607,000 Ap- propriated by the General Assembly for Public Improvements— Who- Voted for the Bill— Bankruptcy.
The internal improvement system of 1837, which bank- rupted the State and wrecked many private fortunes, was- a gigantic enterprise, and while it was a signal failure^ yet it taught the people a valuable lesson. In this sys- tem was included, incidentally, the project of construct- ing the Illinois and Michigan Canal, which had been mooted in the message of Gov. Bond as early as 1818, and it continued to be the subject of discussion and legis- lation by every Governor and General Assembly, until the collapse of the whole system. The canal was regarded as the means above all others for the development of the State. The General Assembly of 1826, in a memorial ad- dressed to Congress, asking for a donation of lands in aid of the construction of the canal, gave vent to their views-
APPENDIX.
623-
upon the importance of the work in these words : " The construction of a canal connecting the waters of Lake Michigan with the Illinois river, will form an important addition to the great connecting links in the chain of in- ternal navigation, which will effectually secure the indis- soluble union of the confederate members of this great and powerful Kepublic. By the completion of this great and valuable work, the connection between the North and* the South, the East and the West, would be strengthened by the ties of commercial intercourse and social brother- hood, and the Union of States might bid defiance to in- ternal commotion and sectional jealousy, and foreign inva- sion." Acting on this memorial, Congress passed an act March 2, 1827, granting some 300,000 acres of land to the State, in aid of the canal. Stimulated by what Congress had done, the Legislature passed an act, January 22, 1829, authorizing the construction of the canal, but the termini was not fixed until March 1, 1833. The total expenditures for the construction of the canal, under the direction of the Canal Commissioners and Trustees, up to 1848, when it was opened for business, was $6,557,681.50. (See Keport of Auditor of Public Accounts to the Constitutional Con- vention of 1870.) The Eecords of the Auditor of Public Accounts further show that the total expenditures on this 92 miles of waterway was over $10,000,000. This enormous expenditure would have built, on the prairies of Illinois, 666 miles of railway.
The law which authorized the internal improvement system was passed by the General Assembly in February, 1837. It provided for the appointment of Fund Commis- sioners, whose duties were to negotiate loans of money, on the credit of the State, and to promote and maintain a general system of internal improvements. The same act provided for the biennial election, by the Legislature, of a Board of Public Works, whose duty it was to take
624 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
charge of and prosecute the public improvements ; and it provided for the improvement of the navigation of the Wabash, Illinois, Eock, Kaskaskia and Little Wabash rivers ; the construction of a mail route from Vincennes to East St. Louis, and the following railroads : Cairo to Galena, Alton to Mt. Carmel, Alton to Shawneetown, Quincy to Danville and the State line, a branch from the Cairo and Galena via Hillsboro and Shelbyville east to Terre Haute; Peoria to Warsaw, Lower Alton via Hills- boro, to intersect the Cairo and Galena, Belleville to intersect the Alton and Mt. Carmel, Bloomington to Pekin and Peoria. There was appropriated by this act $400,000 for ihe improvement of the rivers, $250,000 for the mail routes, $9,460,000 for railroads, and $200,000 to counties in which no railroads were to be built. Provision was made for creating an internal improvement fund, and cer- tificates of stock were to be issued on the faith of the State. The journal of the House of that session shows that John Grain, John Dougherty, John Dawson, John Dement, Stephen A. Douglas, Jesse K. Dubois, Ninian W. Edwards, William F. Elkin, Augustus C. French, William W. Happy, John J. Hardin, John Hogan, Abraham Lin- coln, U. F. Linder, John A. McClernand, John Moore, Joseph Naper, James Shields, Robert Smith, Dan Stone and James Semple voted for the bill, and that Milton Carpenter, John Harris, William McMurtry, William A. Minshall and William A. Richardson voted against it. It will thus be seen that the internal improvement system was not the work of bad men, nor was it the creature of a combination for speculative purposes, for it was cham- pioned by some of the purest and ablest men of the State.
In March, 1839, an act was passed by the Legislature providing for the construction of a railroad from Upper Alton via Hillsboro to Carlinville, and one from Rushville
APPENDIX. 625
to Era. At the same session $150,000 was appropriated to the improvement of the Little Wabash ; $20,000 to im- prove the Big Muddy; $7,000 to improve the Embarrass, and $20,000 for mail routes.
In 1840, the Legislature passed an act prohibiting the Board of Public Works from letting any more contracts, and providing for the settlement of the debts incurred by the system, and the offices of the Board of Public Works and the Board of Fund Commissioners were abolished.
In 1841, the Legislature passed an act authorizing the Auditor and Treasurer of State to audit and settle the claims of contractors on public works. At the same ses- sion $100,000 was appropriated for the completion of the Northern Cross Railroad. Here we have the beginning and ending of the legislation relating to the internal im- provement system, in which was included the construc- tion of the Illinois and Michigan Canal.
To illustrate the utter blindness of the system, we note the fact that Ford says, there were no previous surveys of the proposed roads, nor estimates of their cost of con- struction, and that the work was commenced on all of them at the same time, and at each end. Large brick depots were built at different points regardless as to whether the roads were built or not. One of these was burned at Equality some years ago, and another is still standing on the bank of the Ohio river at Shawneetown, as a monument to the folly of that age.
When the affairs of the internal improvement system were settled, it was shown that the State was involved in a debt of $12,000,000, with nothing to show for it. Here, indeed, was a crisis in the affairs of the young State. The population was less than half a million. There was neither business nor commerce ; and a loud cry went forth in favor of repudiation, but this was soon checked, 40
626 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
and by judicious legislation the people obtained temporary relief as to their personal financial burdens, and measures were devised for paying the public debt. It required years- of toil and hardship, but the debt was finally paid in full, principal and interest, and the honor and credit of the State maintained.
It is a remarkable fact that while all the roads pro- jected in 1837 failed of construction, private companies- have since built them, in whole or in part.
SEVENTEENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY — 1850-52.
The first session of the Seventeenth General Assembly convened January 6, 1851, and adjourned February 17, A second session convened June 7, 1852, and adjourned June 23.
Lieut.-Gov. McMurtry presided over the Senate, and William Smith served as Secretary. Sidney Breese was- elected Speaker of the House, and Isaac R. Diller Clerk,
The work of enacting laws to conform to the new consti- tution, was one of the grave duties of this Assembly. Of the new members there were such names as John M. Palmer, of Macoupin ; Wm. B. Plato, of Kane, in the Senate ; and in the House, Isham N. Haynie, of Marion; James C. Allen, of Crawford ; Sidney Breese, of Clinton ; William H. Snyder, of St. Clair; S. A. Buckmaster, of Madison; Wm. Thomas, of Morgan; Anthony Thornton, of Shelby; James W. Singleton, of Brown ; Jesse 0. Norton, of Will, and 0. M. Hatch, of Pike.
Gov. French retired from xDffice in January, 1853, leav- ing behind him an honorable record. He had been the Ex- ecutive when the darkest clouds of the financial storm hovered over the State, but had ever counseled an honest payment of the State's obligations, and he lived to see the debt almost wholly canceled.
Gov. French was born in New Hampshire, in August, 1808 ; he attended Harvard University ; removed to Illinois
APPENDIX.
627
in his youth, and as early as 1835 becams closely identi- fied with the politics of the State. He was a lawyer by profession, and was for several years President of the Board of Trustees of McKendree College, and Professor of Law in that institution. His last appearance in public life was as a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1862. He died at Lebanon, September 4, 1864.
CHAPTER XXII. OUR FIRST RAILROADS,
•Gov. Duncan's Opposition to Railroads— Senator Gatewood's Opposition- Report of Committee Favoring Canals in Preference to Railroads— Num- ber of Miles of Railway— Number of Miles of Canal— Amount of Taxes Paid by Illinois Central Railway— Amount Paid by Other Railways fa 1883— Gov. Duncan's Problem Solved.
It will be difficult for the reader to realize, amidst the many grand railways which cross and re-cross the broad domain of Illinois, that there should have ever been any- body to oppose their construction, or doubt their success, but a study of the early legislation of the State shows that there was serious opposition, even among the brightest minds of the State. Gov. Duncan, in his message to the General Assembly, in 1834, gave utterance to the thought that it was yet to be determined whether railroads would be more benefit to the State than the Illinois and Michi- gan canal. Said he:
" No one who has visited the different canals and railroads in the United States, and compared the country through which they pass with the fertile lands which lie between the Lakes and the Mississippi, to say nothing of the un- bounded country that is washed by the twenty-five thou- sand miles of river and lake navigation, which this canal will unite by the shortest and most certain route that can possibly be made, can doubt that it will yield a larger
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
profit upon its cost, in a very few years, than any other work of the kind that has ever been, or can be, con- structed in this country.
"In commencing this great work it should be borne in mind that its utility and success, as well as it expense, will greatly depend upon the kind of improvement that the Legislature shall adopt, and upon the plan of its con- struction. Of the different plans proposed, I find that the Board of Canal Commissioners and my worthy prede- cessors, have recommended a railroad, in which I regret that I am compelled to differ with them in opinion.
" In my judgment, experience has shown canals to be much more useful, and generally cheaper of construction, than railroads. When well made they require less expen- sive repairs, and are continually improving, and will last forever, while railroads are kept in repair at a very heavy expense, and will last but about fifteen years. In the pres- ent case especially, a canal should be preferred, because it connects, by a short and direct route, two great naviga-- ble waters, that wash the shores of most of the States and Territories of the United States and British Provinces of North America, and thus opening a commerce between •the remotest parts of the continent. By using the lake :as a feeder to this canal, a large body of water will be iurned into the Illinois river, which will improve its navi- gation, and by increasing the current, will, probably, ren- der its shores more healthy.
" An additional argument in favor of a canal, which should justly have great weight with you, is to be found in the fact, that it puts it in the power of every farmer to carry his own produce to market, which renders him independent of that monopoly which must always control the transportation on railroads. There appears to be but little force, in the present case, in the argument commonly used in favor of railroads — that transportation upon them is uninterrupted in winter — as this canal will be open several weeks longer in the fall and spring than either the lake or river, consequently no inconvenience can re- sult from its closing, especially as at that season the roads will be sufficiently good to accommodate all the traveling which will be required." (See House Journal of 1835.)
Acting on the views of Gov. Duncan, a committee was appointed by the Senate to determine which system of internal commerce should be adopted. The committee
APPENDIX. 629
gave the subject a wide consideration, and in the course of an elaborate report, expressed the deliberate opinion that canals were preferable to railroads, in these terms :
"From all the lights of which the committee have been able to avail themselves, it would seem that the public judgment, in this State and elsewhere, lias settled down in favor of canals in preference to railro.uls, whererer the country is peculiarly suited to their construction; and there can be no doubt that nature has declared that this is the character of the region of country lying between the navigable waters of the Illinois and Lake Michigan. That railroads are better adapted to the speedy trans- portation of passengers than canals, seems to be admitted; and whenever that is the main object intended to be effected by their construction, they are, doubtless, entitled to a preference over canals. But such can not be the case in reference to this work.
" If we glance at the institutions and improvements of civilized man, in every portion of the world, we are struck with the fact that, in those countries, and among those people, where the means of promoting the happiness of the social state are most profoundly understood, there canals abound ; and there the Government has been most anxious to increase the facilities for internal commerce and inter-communication between different parts of the same country. But we are not left to that brilliant ex- ample alone to cheer us to the undertaking— our neigh- bors, Ohio and Indiana, have profited by the wisdom and experience of other enlightened States, and their citizens are now enjoying an unparalleled prosperity, as the fruit of their sagacity and enterprise. Shall not Illinois do likewise? . . . The probable cost of the canal, to be supplied with water, will be $2,956,260.56."
It will be observed, from these figures, that the com- mittee went into details in calculating the cost of the construction of the canal, as fractions of dollars form a part of the estimated cost. (See Senate Journal of 1835.) At that session William J. Gatewood, a State Senator from Gallatin county, and a man of eminent ability, was one of many who earnestly opposed legislation in favor of railroads, but, nevertheless, the agitation of the ques- tion continued, and in 1839, the completion of the first
630 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
railroad in the State, known as the Northern Cross Kail- road, was celebrated, and George Gregory, now of Spring- field, run its first locomotive. The road extended from Jacksonville to Meredosia, a distance of twenty-four miles ; it was built by the State, and laid with flat iron. In 1841, it was extended from Jacksonville to Springfield, and in 1845, from Jacksonville to Naples. The State operated the road until 1847, when the Legislature passed an act, February 16, authorizing the sale of the road between the Illinois river and Springfield, fifty-two miles in length, at public vendue. One of the peculiar features of this law was, that it provided for a forty years' lien upon the road, in order to secure the amount for which it might be sold. The sale took place soon after the approval of the act, and Nicholas H. Kidgely, of Springfield, became the pur- chaser, paying $21,100 in State indebtedness. Mr. Kidgely afterward sold Thomas Mather, of Springfield, and James Dunlap, of Jacksonville, each an interest.
They changed its name to the Sangamon and Morgan Kailroad. During the time the State had operated it but two engines had been obtained, and when the new owners took possession they found them so worn as to be unfit for use, and for nine months they were compelled -to run their trains with mules. The trains consisted of two cars drawn by two mules. There were two trains daily, one of which left Springfield in the morning for Naples, and the other, Naples for Springfield. Reddick M. Kidgely was one of the conductors.
About the close of the year 1847, the company received three new engines, when the services of the mules were dispensed with. The Legislature passed an act extending the charter of the road to the Indiana line, and in 1857, Mr. Mather visited New York and negotiated a sale of the road to Robert Schuyler, who was then deemed the great railroad manager of the country, for $100,COC;
APPENDIX. 631
Mather and Riclgely continued stock-holders, and were elected local directors. In the same year Mr. Schuyler became the purchaser of the thirty-three miles of railroad between Meredosia and Camp Point, which had been built through the influence of Gen. James W. Singleton ; it was known as the Quincy and Toledo . Railroad. In 1859, the name was changed to the Great Western Railway, and the work of extending it eastward was begun in earnest. In 1865, it was consolidated with the Toledo and Wabash Railway; January 6, 1877, the Wabash Railway Company was organized, and acquired the property of the Toledo, Wabash and Western Railway at foreclosure sale, in Feb- ruary, 1877, and in 1879, the name was changed to the Wabash, St. Louis and Pacific Railway.
Now, that insignificant twenty-four miles of fiat railroad is a part of what is known as the "Gould system," which has business connections from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, and is esteemed one of the greatest railway com- binations in the world. The company owns in fee simple, or operates by lease, 1,598 miles of railway in Illinois alone, and altogether 3,482 miles.
In 1847, the Galena and Chicago Union Railroad, which was chartered January 16, 1836, was put under construc- tion, and the close of 1848 found only ten miles completed. The capital stock of the company was then fixed at $100,000, with power to increase it to $1,000,000. So timid were the projectors of the road that they put a clause in the charter which authorized them to build a turnpike in case they failed with the railroad. It was in these words :
"That if at any time after the passage of this act it shall be deemed advisable by the directors of ihe said corporation to make and establish a good, permanent turn- pike road upon any portion of the route of the railroad by this act authorized to be constructed, then the said directors are hereby authorized and empowered to con- struct a turnpike on any portion of the said route."
032 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
i
Passing over the subsequent struggles of the road, we will say that from this modest beginning has grown the great Chicago and Northwestern Railway, with its 3,584 miles of unsurpassed track, traversing the Western States and Territories, and reaching far in the direction of the Pacific coast.
The ninety-nine miles of railroad, connecting Qnincy with Galesburg, which was built under a charter granted by the Legislature in 1849, by Nehemiah Buslmell, was- bought by the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad Company, under a sale of foreclosure by the bondhold- ers, and it now forms an important link in the great sys- tem of roads operated by that rich and progressive com- pany. The total number of miles of main line and branches owned and operated by this company in Illinois- is 853. The total number of miles in and out of the State is 1,674.
February 10, 1851, the Illinois Central Railroad, which had been projected during the internal improvement sys- tem of 1837, was chartered, and Congress gave the com- pany every alternate section of land along its line in aid of its construction, in consideration of which the State was to receive seven per cent, of the gross earnings. The line of road was from Cairo to Dunleith, now East l)u- buque, with a branch to Chicago, embracing 700 miles — the whole of which was completed September 27, 1856.
The completion of this great line of railroad at once opened up a market for the products of the State, and brought the lands in active demand, and emigration poured in as never before.
The United States census of 1850 had given the State a population of but 851,470, while that of 1860 swelled it to 1,711,051.
Thus it will be seen that under the influence of this one railroad the State had gained in less than ten years-
APPENDIX. 63$
1,060,485 inhabitants, as against 651,470 in the thirty-two years previous. No grant of land to a railroad company was ever more judiciously made. It enriched alike the railroad company and the State. The road is one of the very best in the entire country, and is managed with con- summate skill. The company now owns, in and out of the State, of main lines and branches, 1,927 miles, which includes a continuous line from Chicago to New Orleans.
From March 24, 1855, to October 31. 1883, this com- pany had paid into the State treasury, of the seven per- cent, gross earnings, $9,476,578.99.
Since the completion of the first 24 miles of railway in. 1839, there has been built, of main lines and branches, in Illinois, 8,766 miles; and the annual report of the Bail- road and Warehouse Commission, for the fiscal year end- ing June 30, 1883, shows that there were fifty-six railroad companies within the State, of which we speak in detail in another chapter.
As to the canal, it has cost the State over $10,000,000, and notwithstanding that enormous expenditure, it is atill unfinished, being only 92 miles in length, and has long since ceased to be a source of revenue to the State. The money involved in this enterprise would have built on the prairies of Illinois 666 miles of railway.
The problem suggested by Gov. Duncan has been fully solved. As shown by the report of the Auditor of Public Accounts for 1882, the aggregate tax paid to the State, counties, cities and towns for that year, by the rail- roads, other than that paid by the Illinois Central, was- $1,835,118.
STATE GovERNMENT^-1853-57.
The tenth State Government was inaugurated with Joel A. Matteson, of Will, as Governor ; Gustavus Kcerner, of St. Clair, Lieutenant-Governor ; David L. Gregg, of Cook,
-634 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Secretary of State; Thomas H. Campbell, of Randolph, Auditor of Public Accounts; John Moore, of McLean, Treasurer.
The first session of the Eighteenth General Assembly •convened January 3, 1853, and adjourned February 14. A second session convened February 9, 1854, and adjourned March 4.
Lieut. -Gov. Koerner presided over the Senate, and R. E. Goodell was elected Secretary. John Reynolds was -elected Speaker of the House, and John Calhoun Clerk.
This Legislature became famous for passing the black laws, of which an extended mention has been made in a preceding chapter. The bill passed the House February .5, 1853, by a vote of 45 yeas to 23 nays ; seven members were absent, or refrained from voting. The Senate passed the bill February 11, as it came from the House, by a vote of 13 yeas to 9 nays ; three Senators were absent or refrained from voting. On February 12, the bill received the approval of Gov. Matteson.
CHAPTER XXIII. PRINTING,
First Newspapers in Illinois— First Books Printed— Printing Presses Then and Now— First Daily Papers— Chicago Papers— Papers at the Capital —Weekly Journals— Interior Dailies— Eminent Journalists.
When Illinois was organized as a Territory of the United "States, the arts of printing and journalism were in their infancy, not only in this, but in all countries. Research shows that Matthew Duncan was the pioneer journalist •of Illinois, establishing the Herald, at Kaskaskia, in 1814. Prior to the establishment of the Herald legal notices were published, by act of December, 1813, in the Louisiana Territory (Missouri).
APPENDIX.
635
The Herald was a three-column folio until 1816, when it was enlarged to a four-column folio. In 1817, Daniel P. Cook and Robert Blackwell bought it. Subsequently, its name was changed to Intelligencer, and in 1820 it was moved to Vandalia. The second paper in the State was the Emigrant, established as an anti-slavery paper, at Shawneetown, in 1818,- by Henry Eddy and S. H. Kim- raell. The third paper, the Spectator, was established as an anti-slavery paper, at Edwardsville, in 1819, by Hooper "Warren. In 1835, the number of weekly newspapers had multiplied to eighteen. The first daily paper in the State — Daily Express — was established at Chicago, in 1839, and the second — Democrat — in the same city, in 1840. John Wentworth was the editor of the latter.
The first book or pamphlet, of which we have any knowl- edge, printed in Illinois, was by Matthew Duncan, at Kas- kaskia ; it bears date December 24, 1814. It contained an act establishing a Supreme Court, the letter of Judges Jesse JB. Thomas and William Sprigg to the Legislature, challeng- ing the legality of the act ; the answer of the Legislature to the Judges, the address of Gov. Edwards to the Legis- lature, and the memorial of the Legislature to Congress, numbering, in all, 46 pages. In printing this book, there were but three fonts of type used — burgeois, small-pica and English. In an address delivered by William L. Gross before the Illinois State Bar Association, at Springfield, January 6, 1881, we find that Matthew Duncan also pub- lished tlje first volume of what is known as Pope's Digest, in June, 1815. These books are in the possession of Mr. Gross, and they show the art of printing in its most primitive state.
The first printing press used in Illinois was known as the Franklin Ramage, which was capable of printing but one page of a folio newspaper at a time, with a capacity of 240
036
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
impressions per hour. This required the services of one- man and a boy. The next press in use was the Wash- ington, which printed two pages at a time, with a capacity of 300 impressions per hour. Then followed the power presses. The Konig, with a capacity of 1,000 to 1,800 impressions per hour ; the Applegate, 5,000 to 10,000 ; the Hoe cylinder, 6,000 to 8,000; Hoe lightning, 10,000 to 15,000 ; Hoe ten-cylinder, 25,000. Then came the presses which printed the paper complete. The Walter, with a- capacity of 11,000 ; Bullock, 11,000 to 20,000. The Walter and Bullock presses print from a web or continuous roll of paper. The last and most successful invention in newspaper presses, however, is the perfecting press, whose capacity is 30,000 to 32,000 per hour. On this press 1 he- paper is printed from a web, on both sides, cut, pasted and folded ready for the carrier. This is equivalent ta 60,000 or 64,000 impressions per hour.
The Inter Ocean was the first newspaper in this country to adopt the use of the perfecting press. The fokler wa& an invention of Mr. Walter Scott, of Scotland, who was an employee of the Inter Ocean office, for a number of years, and at that time foreman of the machinery department of that office. For a long time the question of attaching a folder to the web presses had been agitating ihe press- men and press- builders, but all attempts had failed until Mr. Scott perfected his experiment and attached it suc- cessfully to the several Bullock presses of the Inter Ocean, since which time his invention has been applied to all the web presses by whate%rer name manufactured, and* the in- vention rightfully belongs to Illinois.
Journalism did not begin in Chicago until 1833, when John Calhoun established the Chicago Democrat, a weekly paper. In 1840, the Chicago Democrat was issued as a daily under the editorship of John Wentworth, and in 1858 it was consolidated with the Tribune.
APPENDIX. 637
In 1835 T. 0. Davis established the American as a weekly, which became an evening daily April 9, 1839, with Wm. Stuart as publisher. W. W. Brackett bought the Evening American in October, 1842, and changed its name to the Daily Express. In 1844, a company of Whigs bought the Express office and established the Daily Evening Jour- nal, with E. L. Wilson as editor, the first number of which was issued April 22, of that year. This was the beginning of the present Chicago Evening Journal, with whose editorial management Andrew Shuman has bten connected for thirty years. He became chief assistant editor in 1856, managing editor in 1861, and editor-in- chief in 1878.
April 4, 1840, Charles N. Halcomb & Co. issued the Weekly Tribune, the first newspaper of that name in the United States. The first number of the Daily Tribune was issued July 10, 1847. Its owners were James Kelly, John E. Wheeler and J. C. K. Forrest, the two last named being the editors. August 23, 1848, John L. Scripps be- came editor and owner. In September, 1855, Dr. Charles H. Ray, J. C. Vaughn and J. Medill became editors, and continued as such until July 1, 1858, when the Democratic Press and the Tribune were consolidated. Dr. Ray, J. Medill, J. L. Scripps and Wm. Bross became the editors. In 1861, Mr. Scripps was appointed Postmaster of Chi- cago, when his editorial connection with the Tribune ceased. Horace White became editor of the Tribune Jan- uary 20, 1867, and retired November 10, 1874, since which time J. Medill has been editor-in-chief. His brother, S. J. Medill, was managing editor from 1874 to the time of his death, which occurred in February, 1883.
Of the subsequent dailies in Chicago, which are now in existence, The Times was established in 1854, with James W. Sheahan editor, until 1861, when he was succeeded by W. F. Storey; the Illinois Staats Zeitung was established
633 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
in 1855; Demokrat, in 1870. John Y. Scam in on estab- lished the Inter Ocean, in 1872, on the ruins of the Chi- cago Republican. In the latter part of that year the Inter Ocean was purchased by a stock company, and shortly after, William Penn Nixon became business manager, and subsequently secured a controlling interest, and the paper is now conducted under his direction. In 1870, the Ne-ue Freie Presse was established; in 1875, the News; in 1876,. the Arbeiter Zeitung, and in 1881, the Herald.
From first to last there have been printed many news- papers at the Capital, of which there are but seven in. existence. The Illinois State Journal was established in 1881, under the name of Sangamo Journal; the first num- ber of the Daily Journal was issued in 1848. The State Register was established at Vandalia in 1836, but was re- moved to Springfield when the capital was removed; the- first number of the Daily Register was issued in 1848. The Illinois Freie Presse was established in 1872; the Sangamo Monitor, in 1873 ; the Daily Monitor, in 1877 ; the Staats Wochenblait, in 1878 ; the Evening Post, in 1880, and the Saturday Mirror, in 1883.
Among the older weekly papers published in the interior portions of the State, we find the following: Journal, Jacksonville, established 1831 ; Gazette, Galena,. 1834 ; Herald, Quincy, 1835 ; Telegraph, Alton, 1836 ; Taze- well County Republican, Pekin, 1836 ; Home Journal, Lacon,, 1837 ; Whig, Quincy, 1837 ; Advocate, Belleville, 1839 ; Regis- ter, Mt. Carmel, 1839; Register, Rockford, 1840; Signal, Joliet, 1842; Republican, Ottawa, 1844; Lake County Patriot, Waukegan, 1845 ; Beacon, Aurora, 1846 ; Pantograph, Bloomington, 1846; Gazette, Carrollton, 1846; Atla-s, Mon- mouth, 1846.
Of the dailies in Illinois, outside of Chicago and Spring- field, we find the following, as given in Eowell's Newspaper Directory for 1884. They are given chronologically :
APPENDIX. 039
Whig, Quincy, established 1848; Gazette, Galena, 1848; Herald, Quincy, 1849 ; Argus, Rock Island, 1851 ; Trans- cript, Peoria, 1855 ; Pantagraph, Bloomington, 1857 ; Demo- krat, Peoria, 1860 ; Union, Rock Island, 1861 ; Telegraph,. Alton, 1861 ; National Democrat, Peoria, 1865 ; Journal? Jacksonville, 1866; Bulletin, Cairo, 1868; Leader, Bloom- iugton, 1869; Evening Review, Peoria, 1869; Republican Register, Galesburg, 1870 ; News, Aurora, 1872 ; Republican, Decatur, 1872 ; Journal, Mattoon, 1873 ; Register, Rockford, 1873; Zeitung und Stern, Belleville, 1874; Republican and Sun, Joliet, 1874 ; Germania, Quincy, 1874 ; Democrat, Alton, 1874; News, Danville, 1876; News, Elgin, 1876; Illinois: Courier, Jacksonville, 1876 ; Evening Post, Aurora, 1877 ;: Republican, Braidwood, 1877 ; Bulletin, Freeport, 1877 ; News, Joliet, 1877; Times, Ottawa, 1877; Journal, Peoria,. 1877; News, Quincy, 1877; Argus, Cairo, 1878; Commer- cial, Danville, 1878 ; Review, Decatur, 1878 ; Frank, Elgin,. 1878; Journal, Lincoln, 1878; Dispatch, Moline, 1878; Journal, Freeport, 1879; Sonne, Peoria, 1879; Gazette? Rockford, 1879; Morning Herald, Decatur, 1880; Journal, Ottawa, 1880; Bulletin, Bloomington, 1881; Advocate, El- gin, 1881 ; Times, Pekin, 1881 ; Free Press, Streator, 1881 ; Monitor, Streator, 1882; Gazette, Sterling, 1882; Express? Aurora, 1882 ; Evening Eye, Roodhouse, 1882 ; News-Dem- ocrat, Belleville, 1883; Daily Gazette, Champaign, 1883; Republican, Moline, 1883 ; Evening Gazette, Monmouthr 1883; Times, Lincoln, 1884; Daily Sentinel, Centralia, 1884,
Rowell's Directory for 1884, places the total number of papers, weeklies and dailies, in Illinois, at 1,009.
We have spoken of the wonderful improvements made in printing presses, and now a word is due journalism generally, and we hazard nothing in saying that the- weekly papers in Illinois are not surpassed by those of any State in the Union, as regards their moral tone, in- dependence of character, neatness in make-up, local
640 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
interest or editorial ability, while the daily press stands unrivaled.
The Illinois Press Association, which was organized in 1866, has done much toward elevating the character and advancing the interests of the profession.
With the journalism of Illinois there have been con- nected many eminent men, who have taken a prominent part in shaping the politics or destiny of the State, and we call to mind a few who have been a power in its councils : Henry Eddy, Shawneetown, who was the editor of the Illinois Emigrant, and wielded a vigorous pen in 1823, in opposition to the attempt to make Illinois a slave State; Eev, Elijah P. Lovejoy, Alton; John Wentworth, C. L. Wilson, Jas. W. Sheahan, T. Lyle Dickey, C, H. Kay, Joseph Medill, A. C. Hessing, Andrew Shuman, Horace White, John L. Scripps, W. F. Storey, Wm. Bross, Herman Easter, Herman Lieb, Samuel J. Medill, W. K. Sullivan, Chicago ; Austin Brooks, Quincy ; John W. Merritt, Salem ; E. B. Eoe, Bloomington ; George Scroggs, Champaign ;
C. H. Lanphier, who commenced his apprenticeship in the State Register, and afterwards became sole proprietor ;
D. L. Phillips, John M. Palmer, John A. McClernand, who established, edited and published the first Democratic newspaper in Southern Illinois; George Walker, Simeon Francis, who established the Sangamo Journal, Spring- field; Enoch Emery, Peoria; W. W. Sellers, Pekin. We might swell this list indefinitely, but this will suffice to show that the men who have guided the press of the State have not lacked in ability or force of character.
640 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
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APPENDIX. 641
CHAPTER XXIV. NINETEENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1854-56.
The Nineteenth General Assembly convened January 1, 1855, and adjourned February 15.
Lieut.-G-ov. Kcerner presided over the Senate, and Greo. T. Brown was elected Secretary. Thomas J. Turner was •elected Speaker of the House, and Edwin T. Bridges Clerk.
Among the familiar names in this Legislature were ihese: In the Senate, Norman B. Judd, Burton C. Cook, John M. Palmer, Silas L. Bryan and Joseph Gillespie ; and in the House, Wm. J. Allen, S. W. Moulton, Stephen T. Logan, Chauncey L. Higbee and Owen Lovejoy.
One of the important duties devolving upon this Legis- lature was the election of a United States Senator, to succeed Senator Shields, and the two houses met in joint session February 8, and balloted for Senator. James Shields was the Democratic candidate, and Abraham Lincoln the Whig. On the first ballot Shields received 41 votes ; Lincoln, 45 ; scattering, 13. On the second, Shields received 41; Lincoln, 43; scattering, 15. On the third, Shields received 41; Lincoln, 41; scattering, 16. On the fourth, Shields received 41; Lincoln, 38; scattering, 19. On the fifth, Shields received 42 ; Lincoln, 34 ; scattering, 23. On the sixth, Shields received 41 ; Lincoln, 36 ; scat- tering, 21. On the seventh Shields' name was withdrawn, and that of Joel A. Matteson substituted, who on this ballot received 44; Lincoln, 38; scattering, 16. On the eighth, Matteson received 46 ; Lincoln, 27 ; scattering, 25. On the ninth, Matteson received 47; and Lincoln's name having been withdrawn, Trumbull received 35 ; scattering, 16. On the tenth, Trumbull received 51; Matteson, 47; 41
612 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
scattering, 1. Mr. Trumbull having received a majority of all the votes cast, was declared by the Speaker Sen- ator-elect.
This was at the time of the Kansas-Nebraska excite- ment. John M. Palmer, Norman B. Judd and Burton C. Cook, of the Senate, and Henry S. Baker and Geo. T. Allen, of the House, were Anti-Nebraska Democrats, and it was expected that in some stage of the contest they would vote with the Whigs, who were all Anti-Nebraska, for Lin- coln, which would have secured his election ; but when Mr. Lincoln found, through his friend John T. Stuart, whom he had authorized to confer with them, that they could not vote for him for the reason that they were in- structed by their constituents to vote for an anti-Nebraska Democrat, then it was that Mr. Lincoln, standing in the lobby, reached over with his long arm, touched a member of the House and directed him to withdraw his name, which being done, Mr. Trumbull was elected on the next ballot. This was the first break in the political control of the State by the Democratic party since its organization, and the election of Lyman Trumbull as an outspoken anti-slavery man was the forerunner of the or- ganization of the Republican party in 1856.
RAILROADS.
It seems almost incredible to say, that in 1841 there was but one Railroad in Illinois, and that it was laid with flat iron, and only twenty-four miles in length, or that for a time its cars were drawn by mules, but such is the true beginning of Railroad building in the State. The termini of this road were Jacksonville and Meredosia. From that one, the number has increased to fixty-six, whose aggregate number of miles, in main lines and branches, is 8,766. We enumerate them as they are given in the annual report of the Railroad and Warehouse Commission for 1883:
APPENDIX. G43
Baltimore & Ohio & Chicago, 262.60; Belt Railway, of Chicago, 23.67; Central Iowa Railway, 504; Chicago & Alton, 849.78; Chicago & Atlantic, 249.10; Chicago & Eastern Illinois, 2±7.50; Chicago & Grand Trunk, 330.50 ; Chicago & Iowa, 104; Chicago & Nor+iiwestern, 3,584.10; Chicago & Western, 1.50; Chicago & Western Indiana, 27.90; Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, 1,67352; Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, 4,514.22; Pekin & Southwestern, 85.50 ; Rock Mand & Pacific, 1,380.42 ; St. Louis & Pitts- burgh, 580.50; Cincinnati, Indianapolis, St. Louis & Chi- cago, 342.91; Danville, Olney & Ohio River, 86.10; East St. Louis & Carondelet Railway, 1150; East St. Louis Connecting Railway, 2.66; Fulton County Narrow Gauge Railway, 61 ; Grand Tower & Carbondale, 24.21 ; Grand Trunk Junction, 3.90; Illinois, St. Louis and Coal, 25; Illinois Central, 1,927.78; Illinois Midland Railway, 173.13; Indiana & Illinois Southern Railway, 56; Indiana, Blooin- ington & Western, 685.20; Indiana, Illinois & Iowa, 110; Indianapolis & St. Louis, 266.20; Jacksonville Southeast- ern Railway, 82.90 ; Kankakee & Seneca, 42.30 ; Lake Erie & Western Railway, 386.91 ; Lake Shore & Michigan South- ern Railway, 1,339.54; Louisville & Nashville, 2,065.27; Louisville, Evansville & St. Louis Railway, 249.13; Louis- ville, New Albany & Chicago, 446; Michigan Central, 270; Moline & Southeastern, 8 ; New York, Chicago & St. Louis, 523 ; Ohio & Mississippi Railway, 616.20 ; Pennsylvania Co., 467.97 ; Peoria & Pekin Union Railway, 18 ; Peoria, Deca- tur & Kvansville, 240.69 ; Pittsburgh, Cincinnati & St. Louis, 580.50; Rock Island & V.'.-et Co., 26.71; Rock Island & Peoria, 91 ; St. Louis, Al en \- Terre Haute, 137; St. Louis tt Cairo, 151.60; St. Louis Coal, 92.66; St. Louis, Rock Island & Chicago, 307,67 ; Sycamore, Cortland & Chicago, 4.90; Terre Haute & Indianapolis, 159.13; Toledo, Cin- cinnati & St. Louis, 781.96 ; Union Stock Yards & Transit Co., 50; Wabash, St. Louis & Pacific Railway, 3,482.40.
€44 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
.Poor's Eailroad Manual, for 1883, reports the whole num- ber of miles of Eailroad in the United States at 113,907. In this Manual it is shown that Illinois has more miles of railway than any other State in the Union ; the number of miles given her was 8,722. New York ranks next to Illi- nois; she had 7,037; Iowa, 6,962; Pennsylvania, 6,792; •Ohio, 6,931 ; Texas, 6,006 ; while the other States and Terri- tories have from 211 miles to 4,646. Ehode Island has a less number of miles of railway than any State or Territory in the Union, having only 211 miles.
The first railway projected in any country was in Eng- land, in 1822, by Thomas Gray, of Nottingham, but he being .unsuccessful, it was left to Joseph Sanders to construct the first railway ; the termini were Liverpool and Manchester. It was commenced October 29, 1824, and was formally opened for traffic September 15, 1830. The locomotive was the in- vention of George Stephenson. This locomotive afterward became the property of the Pennsylvania Eailroad Company, ;and but recently the company presented the locomotive to •the United States National Museum. The first railroad pro- jected in the United States was in Pennsylvania, leading from the coal mines of Mauch Chunk, 13 miles of which was completed in January, 1827. The great Baltimore and Ohio Eailroad was commenced July 4, 1828, and was in- tended for horse cars only.
APPENDIX. 645
CHAPTER XXY. PHYSICAL RESOURCES,
Washington Advocates the Establishment of an Agricultural Bureau— Organi- zation of the State Agricultural Society— Lincoln Signs the Bill— Law Authorizing the Organization of the Society— First Fair— Primitive Farm- ing—Pleasing Address by Professor Turner— Wonderful Advancement- Personnel of the State Board of Agriculture.
On the physical resources of a State is dependent every- thing that contributes to make it great and grand, and Illi- nois possesses such elements in an eminent degree. In her onward march in greatness and wealth, agriculture and its kindred pursuits have kept pace with the rapid progress in other branches of industry, and a retrospective reference to the primitive days of agriculture will be pleasing and in- structive. In contrast with the early mode of doing farm work, we print an extract from a paper penned by W. C. Flagg, in 1876, which gives a vivid picture of early farming :
"Forty or fifty years ago the mould-boards of the plows were made of wood, which were possibly, in some cases, covered with hoop iron. The plows were about the only implements used in working with the soil, harrows with wooden teeth and rollers being poorly made and but little used. Corn planters had not yet superseded the barefooted boys and girls, and wheat drills were entirely unknown. Tlie grain cradle, a great improvement on the sickle, though used in Madison County, it is said, as early as 1819, was but just coming into vogue. Grass was still cut with the scythe and raked with hand rakes. Wheat and other grain was tramped out with horses, who traveled in a circle over a carefully adjusted ring of bundles, laid with heads lapping over the but-ends, and toward the coming hoofs. All this has changed. The gang and sulky plows have increased the capacity of human labor and decreased its severity. Ma- chines drill wheat, cut and even bind the grain, and thresh and winnow it. Machines cut, rake, load and pitch the hay."
641) POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
The farmers of Illinois were slow in pressing their claims upon the attention of the law-makers of the State and Nation. Although President Washington, in his annual message in 1796, recommended to Congress the necessity of the passage of an act creating an agricultural bureau, such a bureau was not authorized until April 15th, 1862, when the law received the approval of President Lincoln, and it is fitting that the names of these illustrious men, the one the father of his country and the other its preserver, should be so intimately connected with the great interests of agriculture. Prior to this time the interests of this industry were assigned to a division in the Patent Office, in the Interior Department.
The State Agricultural Society was not formed until as late as 1853, when a delegate convention was held at Spring- field, February 5, of that year, for that purpose, and out of the ninety-nine counties then organized, only seven were rep- resented. L. S. Pennington represented Whiteside County ; H. C. Johns, Piatfc ; C. R. Potter, Bronson Murray, L. W. Weston and T. L. Bullock, La Salle; I. N. Haynie, James T. Dwyer, J. M. Oglesby, C. W. Webster and A. J. Piercy, Marion; J. B. Turner, W. H. Hart'ey and Corridon Cox, Morgan ; A. G. Herndon, A. B. Cast, J. C. Crowder, Simeon Francis, A. B. McConnell, James McConnoll, G. L. Lums- den, F. Dychus, C. W. Chatterton and Job Fletcher, Sanga- mon ; James McBurney and A. E. Whitney, Lee.
James McConnell was called to the chair, and Charles W. Chatterton was appointed Secretary pro tern. The per- manent organization was effected by the selection of L. W. Weston as President, L. S. Penninglon, Vice-President, and C. W. Webster, Secretary.
The Illinois State Agricultural Society was chosen as the name the organization should be known by. A constitution was adopted, and the following persons became members by paying the sum of $1 and signing the constitution : John Wood, David Wolf and Michael Collins, of Adams County;
APPENDIX. 647
John A. Kennicott, Cook; John Wil banks, Jefferson; T. L. Bullock, L. W. Westoii, Bronson Murray, W. Chermesero, La Salle ; James McBurney and A. R. Whitney, Lee ; J. B. Turner, W. Brown, W. H. Hartley, Corridon Cox and Edward Lusk, Morgan; Smith Fry and E. M. Powell, Peoria ; H. C. Johns, J. Brittenhain and John G. Hubbard, Piatt ; Wm. Ross, Pike ; W. K. Johnson, Fulton ; Giles H. Turner, Greene; Lewis Ellsworth, DuPage; H. Prather, Macon; G. Haskell, Winnebago ; Silas Bryan, C. W. Web- ster, J. M. Oglesby, J. T. Dwyer, Urial Mills, Jesse Ray and A. J. Piercy, Marion; J. M. Palmer, Macoupin; Asahel •Gridley, J. E. McClun, W. F. M. Arny and George Young, McLean ; A. B. McConnell, Alonzo Holcomb, S. P. Opdycke, -J. N. Brown, J. A. Pickrell, A. B. Cast, A. G. Herndon, Pascal P. Enos, C. W. Chatterton and J. B. Perkins, San- gamon; W. H. Bennett, St. Clair; E. A. Paine, Warren; L. S. Pennington, Whiteside, and T. L. Harris, Menard.
James N. Brown was elected President ; George Haskell, John A. Kennicott, J. E. McClun, Smith Fry, M. Collins, Francis Aerenz, H. C. Johns, C. W. Webster, and I. Mitchell, Vice-Presidents ; Pascal P. Enos, Recording Secre- tary; Bronson Murray, Corresponding Secretary, andE.M. Powell, Treasurer. The Vice-Presidents represented the several Congressional districts. A resolution was passed asking the Legislature to appropriate $1,000 a year, for two years, and I. N. Haynie, Bronson Murray and H. C. Johns were appointed a committee to lay the matter before the General Assembly. J. B. Turner, Wm. Brown and T. L. Harris, were appointed a committee to draft an agricultural address to the people of the State.
On the 8th of February, a bill signed by John Reynolds, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and G. Koertier, Speaker of the Senate, was approved by' Joel A. Matteson, •Governor, which constituted the society a legal corporation.
648 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
On February llth, the Governor approved an act appro- priating $1,000 per annum for two years, for the promotion of agricultural and mechanical arts. (See first volume of State Agricultural Report.)
The first State Fair was held at Springfield, October llth 12th, 13th and 14th, 1853, the total expenses of which were $3,893.49, leaving a balance in the treasury of $852.71. The total amount paid in premiums was $944.45 ; other expenses, $2,954.04. Contrasting this exhibition with that held at Chicago in 1885, where the premiums paid by the State Board of Agriculture alone aggregated $19,461 66, it shows a marvelous progress in the field of agriculture. At the time the first fair was held, incredible as it may seem, there was only one railroad in the State, the North- ern Cross, the termini being Meredosia and Springfield. The Illinois Central was then only in course of construc- tion. But how the world moves. Now Illinois has more miles of railway than any State in the Union. (See Poor's Railroad Manual for 1885.) Stimulated by the efforts of the Agricultural Society, the General Assembly of 1855 made an appropriation of $50 to county societies, to be paid as- annual premiums to exhibitors, which sum was subsequently increased to $100. Such was the beginning of what is now known as the Illinois State Board of Agriculture, which stands pre-eminent in this country.
In an address delivered by Professor J. B. Turner at the fair grounds at Jacksonville, October 14, 1853, the speaker paid a very high and deserved eulogy to labor. Said he :
"There is a good time coming. Poets have sung of their golden era. The devout of all ages have clung to this hope, and their sages and prophets, in the hour of the darkest gloom, have ever fixed their eyes upon the future rising of this millenium dawn. God seems to have impressed the con- viction of its approach upon the mind and heart of the race.
"But when poetry and art, and philosophy and faith shall greet the first risings of this long desired day, labor shall be
APPENDIX. 649
there — labor — first in the primeval paradise before the fall — first companion of the Son of God ; first at the cross and first at the tomb ; first and almost sole to bear the triumphs of that cross abroad. LABOR — the source and producer of all else shall be there, too, acknowledged tri- umphant, and crowned as the true glory and giver of all.
"This millenium of labor is fast coming. I see it in its errand-boys, borne from the thunder-cloud, outmcing the sun; in its horses and chariots of fire and steel, that dash across every continent and every mountain height."
Speaking of the advancement the country had then made in point of new modes of travel, he said :
"No longer ago than February 25, 1811, the celebrated Robert Fulton wrote from New York to his brother-in-law, Chancellor Livingston, in Albany, proposing to construct a locomotive that would run at the rate of four miles an hour.
"The Chancellor replied in substance, that he thought so- great speed for such enormous bodies exceedingly danger- ous and utterly impracticable
"It took Fulton's letter, as the correspondence shows, thirteen days to reach its destination
"What has made the difference between this vast con- course of freemen, with all thei rmultiform and varied pro- ducts, and the great councils of naked sachems and war- riors that gathered upon these same plains not half a century since ? The same sun and stars shone on them as on us ; the same soil and climate and productive powers of nature were theirs, and had been for ages ; while in bodily and muscular strength and hardihood they were greatly our superiors. Where, then, lies the difference ? You have MIND, which they had not, and this is the whole of it— mind, MIND, the great motive power of the universe, exists and works through you, as it did through them. This alone is the steam power of the eternities. It is the high prerogative of this mind to overmaster and enslave all matter and reduce it to a perfect subjection to its wants and uses. Min<l is the only freeman, and matter the only slave God ever made. That man, therefore, or that class of men who have most mind, will most nearly approximate the condition of free- dom, and those who have least will invariably sink to the nearest level with the slave."
650 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Addressing himself to the education of the farmer, he said :
"Do not imagine that when I speak of education, I have in my heart the malice prepense of designing to set you all, as industrial men, to jabbering Greek and Latin, or poring over the abstractions of mathematics and metaphysics, as though you, and ah1 your great interests, and the whole uni- verse of God, were all tongue, or all cones and cobweb. . . .
"I would have you look abroad upon the green earth, as God made it, and view at one and the same glance, with the true poet's and philosopher's eye, the fields and woods you range — the soil you till — the flocks you tend — the products you raise or produce — their highest adaptations and capabili- ties— the latest causes of their failure or success — the best means of evolving from the productive powers of earth the finest products and greatest amount of human weal with the least amount of toil — your personal rights, and your highest duties to your family, your neighbors, your country, to posterity and to God. These are themes that pertain to your business, as industrial freemen— to your interests, and the interests of your race — to the development in each of you, your sons and your daughters, of that health and vigor of body, peace and serenity of mind, self-respect, and re- spect of the world, in your vocations, so essential to your highest interests, and the entire perfection of your man- hood.
"These are themes which shall give you that power of mind and enlargement of soul in your pursuits, which moves the world — that has this day exhibited its products and its triumphs over our more savage predecessors, on this same soil — and shall, at no distant future, achieve such miracles of wonder as the world has never before seen
"We must awake to a sense of our own need, our dignity and our rights. We must respect ourselves, and our pro- fessions, as God and nature designed that we should, and then we shall have no need to challenge the respect of man- kind. We are not oppressed by our brethren of the pro- fessional classes ; we are simply depressed by neglecting to do for ourselves what they have already wisely and properly done for themselves ; and they now exhort us to do the same; and we must do it."
Professor Turner has lived to see the desire of his heart fulfilled almost to the letter. -The farmers have made rapid
APPENDIX. 651
progress in general intelligence, and have improved the pro- ducts of the farm in an amazing degree. The native hog weighing at maturity 150 pounds, has been metamorphosed into different breeds distinguished for symmetry and beauty, weighing from 600 to 800 pounds; the native cow, which yielded two gallons of milk per day, has been exchanged for one which yields six ; the blooded horse has supplanted the oxen at the plow : the elegant mansion has been sub- stituted for the log-cabin ; the daily and weekly newspapers, books, magazines and agricultural journals have taffen the place which was once almost wholly occupied by the almanac sent out by the patent medicine man ; the farmer takes his carriage or railroad to town, in place of the old time ox- cart ; school houses and churches dot the hills, valleys and prairies ; machinery has added to the dignity of farm life, and largely relieved it of its drudgery ; by wise legislation a system of drainage has been instituted which has almost doubled the producing power of the soil. An agricultural university, which Prof. Turner labored long and ardently to found, has been successfully established at Champaign, and last, though not least, an elaborate and imposing museum has been orgairzed at the seat of the State government, which is the first of its kind in the United States, in which has been collected a fine display of the products of the soil, embracing all the cereals, and the coal, building stone and woods of the State as well. Strange as it may seem, there are over one hundred varieties of valuable merchantable wood in the State of Illinois, and more than twenty of build- ing stone, some of which are not excelled in beauty and durability, except by the granite.
The agricultural journals of Illinois have been foremost in pointing the way to advanced methods in farm work. The Prairie Farmer, founded in 1841, was the first agricul- tural paper established in the State, and as the wants of the
652 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLTNOIS.
farmer increased, it was followed by the Western Rur>ilr Farmers' Review, Farm, Field and Stockman, Breeders* Gazette, and the National Lire Stock Journal — all reputable, enterprising publications.
In the thirty-three years of the existence of the Illinois State Agricultural Society, there have been held thirty-three fairs, as follows : Four at Springfield, eight at Chicago, five at Peoria, four at Decatur, three at Ottawa, three at Free- port, two at Quincy, and one each at Alton, Centralia, Du Quoin, and Jacksonville. The fairs for the last four years have been held at Chicago. A fat stock show has been established by the State Board of Agriculture, which haa been attended with remarkable success, and has done much toward stimulating farmers in improving their stock. Eight exhibitions have been held, all at Chicago, in the last of which the premiums paid amounted to $8,365.
In the accretions to the wealth of Illinois, a great deal is due to the development of our mineral resources, which have attracted the attention of capitalists throu ?h the Geo- logical Survey, which had its beginning in 1851, at which time comparatively little was known of the 36,090 acres of coal measures. Prof. Joseph G. Norwood became State Geologist under an act of February 17, 1851. IIj was suc- ceeded in 1858, by Prof. Amos H. Worthen, the present in- cumbent. The valuable discover es of these eminent scien- tists have exercised a wide influence in placing Illinois in her proud position in the sisterhood of States. Prof. Worthen has given the best years of his life to the geological work of the State, and he has ready for the printer the 8th volume of the Geological Survey, which, associated with the museum collected under his supervision, fully illustrates the mineral resources of the State.
Some idea may be obtained as to the progress made in the industries of the State, by consulting the following;
APPENDIX. 653
statement, which is based upon the census returns of the United States, and the records of the Auditor of Public Accounts :
In 1860, Illinois had 4,268 manufacturing establishments, with $27,548,563 capital invested. There were 22,489 em- ployes. There was paid out for labor $7,637,921. The value of the products was $57,580,886. In 1880, the number of manufacturing establishments was 13,347. Capital in- vested $117,273,585, employes 126,547. There was paid out for labor $53,693,461. The value of the products was $346,- 454,393.
In 1860, there were 73 coal mines in operation. The cap- ital invested was $3,169,290. The number of employes 1,483. The number of tons of coal mined was 728,400. In 1880, there were 590 coal mines in operation. The capital invested was $10,416,552. The number of employes 16,301. The number of tons of coal mined was 6,115,377.
In 1860, there were 7,364,626 acres of land under cultiva- tion. In 3880, the number had increased to 34,511,4-15.
In 1860, the aggregate value of real estate was $189,286,- 287. The value of personal property was $88,884,115. The aggregate value of railroad property was $12,085,472. In 1880, the aggregate value of real estate was $398,338,737. The aggregate value of personal property was $165,091,710. The aggregate value of railroad property was $47,365,259. These figures show a marvelous progress, and the imagina- tion will fail to foretell what is to be the future power and greatness of the State.
The personnel of the State Board of Agriculture began with one member from each Congressional District, and as the State grew in population and the representation in Con- gress was increased, its numbers were increased accordingly, until now they number twenty. Of the Presidents of the Board, the following names represent the men who have
654 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
served in that capacity from the beginning of the society to the present time, and who, under a by-law, have also- served as Vice-Presidents :
James N. Brown, Harvey C. Johns, C. W. Webster, Lewis Ellsworth, W. H. VanEpps, A. B. McConnell, William Kile, David A. Brown, John P. Reynolds, D. B. Gillham, James R. Scott, John Landrigan.
The following names represent all the persons who have been associated with the society as Vice-Presidents, ex- elusive of those who have been Presidents :
George E. Haskell, Sr., John A. Kennicott, J. E. McCl n, Smith Fry, M. Collins, L. Mitchell, F. Arenz, John Gage, William Strawn, William Ross, J. M. Blackburn, P. L. Ward, Horace Capron, J. H. Sipp, J. W. Singleton, A. B. McConnell, S. A. Buckmaster, Hawkin S. Osborn, C. B, Demo, John Garrard, A.Dunlap, S.Dunlap, S. B. Chandler, Charles H. Rosenstiel, A. J. Matson, R. H. Holder, R. H. Whiting, W. S. Wait, John Wentworth, George W. Gage, R. P. Lane, Graham Lee, W. A. Pennell, 0. B. Galusha, J. H. Pickrell, G. W. Minier, John Lasbury, D. D. Shum- way, A. J. Pearcy, H. D. Emery, Moses Dean, E. H. Clapp, J. H. Spears, Urial Mills, D. T. Parker, A. H. Dalton, A. J. Dunlap, Emory Cobb, John G. Taylor, M. C. Goltra, James Herrington, George Edmunds, Jr., S. D. Fisher, D. W. Vit- tum, Jr., Jonathan Periam, George W. Stone, Charlea Snoad, Samuel Douglass, K. K. Jones, W. H. Russell,. Samuel Dysart, W. J. Neely, David E. Beaty, James W. Judy, W. M. Smith, E. H. Bishop, M. T. Stookey, George- S. Haskell, J. L. Moore, B. Pullen, J. M. Washburn, J. M. Epler, William Voorhies, Jr., E. B. David, David Gore.
Recording Secretaries. — Pascal P. Enos, Simeon Francis, Phil. Warren, John Cook.
Corresponding Secretaries. — Bronson Murray, John A. Ken- nicott, Simeon Francis, John P. Reynolds.
APPENDIX. 655
Recording and Corresponding Secretary.— John P. Rey-
nolds.
Secretaries.— John P. Beynolds, A. M. Garland, S. D, Fisher, Charles F. Mills.
Assistant Secretaries. — James M. Burney, James J. Dwyeiv Charles F. Mills.
Treasurers.— E. N. Powell, John Williams, John W. Bunn..
The Board as now constituted, is as follows:
President, John Landrigan, Albion ; Ex- President, J. R. Scott, Champaign ; Secretary, Chas. F. Mills, Springfield ; Treasurer, John W. Bunn, Springfield ; Chief Clerk, W. C. Garrard, Spriugfield.
Vice-Presidents. — 1st. Dist. — J. Irving Pearce, Chicago; 2d Dist. — M. A. Morse, Chicago ; 3d Dist. — J. C. Vaughan, Chicago ; 4th Dist. — John P. Reynolds, Chicago ; 5th Dist. — John Griffith, Batavia ; 6th Dist.— George S. Haskell, Bock- ford; 7th Dist. — Samuel Dysart, Franklin Grove; 8fch Dist. — E. C. Lewis, OttaAva; 9th Dist. — John Virgin, Fairbury; 10th Dist.— D. W. Vittum, Jr., Canton ; llth Dist.— E. B. David, Aledo; 12th Dist.— Allan C. Rush, Perry; 13th Dist— J. W. Judy, Tallula ; 14th Dist.— LaFayette Funk, Shirley ; 15th Dist. — E. E. Chester, Champaign; 16th Dist. — Joseph Skeavington, Albion ; 17th Dist. — David Gore, Carlinville ; 18th Dist.— D. B. Gillham, Upper Alton; 19th Dist.— B. Pullen, Centralia ; 20th Dist. — J. M. Washburn, Carterville.
The Illinois State Board of Agriculture has been composed, from its earliest organization to the present time, of the most enlightened and progressive minds connected with the agricultural industry, and it has done a wonderful work in developing the physical resources of the State, so far as they relate to agriculture and kindred subjects ; and the economy and prudence with which its affairs have been managed, commend it to the favor of the people whose in- terests have'been served so ably and well.
65G POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
CHAPTER XXVI, JUDICIARY,
First Supreme Court— The Chief Justice and Justices Hold the Circuit Courts— First Circuit Judges — Circuit Courts Abolished— The Chief Jus- tice and Justices of the Supreme Court Again Required to Hold the Cir- cuit Courts— One Circuit Judge Provided for— Supreme Court Again Be- lieved from Holding the Circuit Courts— Circuit Courts Again Abolished, and the Chief Justice and Associate Justices Again Required to Hold the Circuit Courts— Constitution of 1848— The Judiciary Elected by the Peo- ple—A Chief Justice and Two Associate Justices Comprise the Supreme Court— Constitution of 1870— The Elective System Continued— Personnel of the Courts — The Supreme Court Increased from Three Members to Seven— Organization of the Circuit Courts— Creation of the Appellate Court— Clerks of the Supreme Court— Reporters of the Supreme Court- Illinois Reports.
Illinois may well be proud of her judiciary, for it stands without a blemish upon its character, and a reference to its early organization and the many changes it has undergone under the three constitutions will doubtless prove a pleasing subject to many who read these pages. The Constitution of 1818 provided that the judicial power of the State should be vested in a Supreme Court, and such inferior courts as the Legislature should from time to time create. The Jus- tices of the Supreme Court, and the judges of the inferior courts, were selected 'by joint ballot of the General Assem- bly and commissioned by the Governor. The Justices of the Supreme Court were required at different times to hold the Circuit Courts in the several counties. In Freeman's his- tory of the Supreme and Circuit Courts, found in "Treatise on Pleadings and Practice," we find that the first Supreme Court of the State consisted of Joseph Phillips, Chief Jus- tice ; Thomas C. Browne, William P. Foster an4 John Eey- nolds, Associate Justices, all of whom were commissioned
APPENDIX. 657
on the 9th day of October, 1818. Chief Justice Phillips re- signed July 4, 1822, and was succeeded by Thomas Rey- nolds, as Chief Justice, who was appointed August 31, 1822, and re-commissioned January 14, 1823. Justice Foster resigned July 7, 1819, and on the same day William Wilson was appointed as his successor, and was re-commissioned February 6, 1821. Those whose commissions expired at the end of the first session of the General Assembly, which was begun and held after January 1, 1824, were : Thomas Rey- nolds, Chief Justice; Thomas C. Browne, John Reynolds, William Wilson, Associate Justices.
The new court, commissioned January 19, 1825, consisted of William Wilson, Chief Justice; Samuel D. Lockwood, Theophilus W. Smith, Thomas C. Browne, Associate Jus- tices.
The Supreme Court, as thus constituted, continued until the number was increased to nine, under the act of February 10, 1841.
On the 29th of December, 1824, an act was passed provid- ing for five Circuit Judges. By this act the Justices of the Supreme Court were relieved of the performance of circuit duties. The Judges appointed under this act were John Y. Sawyer, Judge First Circuit; Samuel McRoberts, Judge Second Circuit ; Richard M. Young, Judge Third Circuit ; James Hall, Judge Fourth Circuit; James 0. Wattles, Judge Fifth Circuit ; all of whom were commissioned Jan- uary 19, 1825, and legislated out of office by act of January 12, 1827. The State was then divided into four judicial cir- cuits, and the Chief Justice and Justices of the Supreme Court were again required to perform circuit duties, and these continued to hold all the courts until a Circuit Judge was elected by the General Assembly in pursuance of an act of January 8, 1829, which provided for the election of one Circuit Judge, who should preside in the circuit to which —42
658 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
he might be appointed, north of the Illinois River, and at the same session the Fifth Judicial Circuit was created, in which the Circuit Judge was required to preside. Richard M. Young was commissioned Circuit Judge, January 23, 1829, and assigned to duty in the Fifth Circuit.
The Circuit Courts thus continued to be held until the passage of an act, January 7, 1835, which relieved, for a second time, the Justices of the Supreme Court from hold- ing courts in the circuits, and authorized the election of five Circuit Judges. The Judges elected under this act were Stephen T. Logan,1 First Judicial Circuit; Sidney Breese, Second Judicial Circuit; Henry Eddy.2 Third Judicial Circuit ; Justin Harlan, Fourth Judicial Circuit ; Thomas Ford,3 Sixth Judicial Circuit. At the same ses- sion a Sixth Judicial Circuit was created. Richard M. Young4 continued to hold the courts of the Fifth Circuit.
A Seventh Judicial Circuit was created by act of Feb- ruary 4, 1837, and John Pearson was commissioned Julge February 8, 1837, and resigned November 20, 1840. By act of February 23, 1839, the Eighth and Ninth Circuits were created. Stephen T. Logan was commissioned Judge of the eighth, February 25, 18S9, but soon after resigned, and the Governor appointed Samuel H. Treat his successor, May 27, 1839. Judge Treat was elected and re-commis- • sioned January 81, 1840. Thomas Ford was commissioned as Judge of the Ninth Circuit, February 25, 1839.
'Judge Logan resigned in 1837, and was succeeded by William Brown, who was commissioned March 20, 1837. Jesse B. Thomas, Jr.. was commissioned July 20, 1837, as the successor of Judge Brown, and William Thomas was commissioned February 25, 1839, as successor to Jesse B. Thomas, Jr.
2Judge Eddy resigned February 10, 1835, and was succeeded by Alex. F. Grant, who was commissioned the same month, and Walter B. Scates was commissioned December 26, 1836, as successor to Judge Grant.
3Judge Ford resigned in March, 1837, and Dan Stone was commissioned as his successor on March 4, 1837.
4Judge Young resigned January 2, 1837, and was succeeded by James H_ Ralston, who was commissioned February 4, 1837, and resigned August 31, 1839. He was succeeded by Peter Lott, who was appointed by the Governor September 9, 1839, and elected and re-commissioned in the December follow- ing.
APPENDIX. 659
The judiciary was reorganized by the act of February 10, 1841. It repealed all former laws relating to Circuit Courts, and legislated the judges out of office, and it pro- vided for the election of five Associate Justices of the Su- preme Court, who, in connection with the Chief Justice and three Associates then in office, were to constitute the Supreme Court, and were required also to perform circuit duties. The Supreme Court, as organized under this act, was as follows : First Circuit, Justice Lockwood ; Second Circuit, Justice Breese1 ; Third Circuit, Justice Scates"; Fourth Circuit, Chief Justice Wilson ; Fifth Circuit, Justice Doug- las3 ; Sixth Circuit, Justice Browhe ; Seventh Circuit, Justice Smith4; Eighth Circuit, Justice Treat; Ninth Circuit, Justice Ford3.
The Judiciary thus constituted continued until the adop- tion of the Constitution of 1848.
'Justice Breese resigned December 19, 1842, and was succeeded by James Semple, who was Elected and commissioned January 16, 1843. Resigned. August 10, 1843, and was succeeded by James Shields, who was re-appointed; by the Governor August 16, 1843, elected by the General Assembly February ' 17, 1845, and commissioned February 18, 1845. Justice Shields resigned April* 2, 1845, and was succeeded by Gustavus P. Koerner, who was appointed by | the Governor April 2, 1845, elected by the General Assembly December 19, 1 1846, and commissioned December 21, 184(i.
*Justice Scates resigned January 11, 1847, and was succeeded by William A. Denning, who was elected by the General Assembly, January 18, 1847; anil commissioned January 19, 1847.
'Justice Douglas resigned June 28, 1843, and was succeeded by Jesse B. Thomas!" who was appointed by the Governor August 6, 1843, elected by the General Assembly February 17, 1845, and commissioned February 18, 1846. and resigned August 8, 1845. Justice Thomas was succeeded by Norman H. Purple, who was appointed by the Governor August 8, 1845, elected by the General Assembly December 19, 1846, and commissioned December 21, 1846.
*Justice Smith resigned December 26, 1842, and was succeeded by Eichard M. Young, who was elected by the General Assembly, and commissioned February 4, 1843, and resigned January 25, 1847. Justice Young was succeeded by Jesse B. Thomas, who was elected by the General Assembly, and com- missioned January 27. 1847.
^Justice Ford resigned August 1, 1842, and John D. Caton was appointed his successor by the Governor August 20, 1842. Justice Caton was succeeded by John M. Robinson, who was elected by the General Assembly, and com- missioned March 6, 1843, and died April 27, 1843. Justice Caton was re-ap- pointed by the Governor May 2, 1843, as successor to Justice Robinson; elected by the General Assembly February 17, 1845, and commiBKioned Febru- ary 18. 1845.
POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Under the Constitution of 1848, the tenure of office of the Judges was wisely placed beyond the control of partisan Legislatures, being for the first time, in the history of the Judiciary of the State, elected directly by the people, and their tenure of office was fixed by the Constitution itself, thereby giving greater stability, independence and useful- ness to that department of the State Government. Eemark- icg on the existence of the Circuit Courts under the Con- stitution of 1818, Mr. Freeman, in his treatise referred to, says:
"There can be but little doubt that it is correct to say, that originally, the Circuit Courts formed no part of the ' judicial system of the State as created by the Constitution of 1818. It is true, that there are some evidences in that instrument of the recognition of the existence of Circuit Courts; it is declared that the Justices of the Supreme Oourt should "hold Circuit Courts" in the several counties, in such manner and at such times, and should have and • exercise such jurisdiction as the General Assembly should «by law prescribe; but that after a certain period (1824) the said Justices "should not hold Circuit Courts" unless re- quired by law; and that the Circuit Courts, or the Justices thereof, should appoint their own clerks.
"But it can hardly be said that a recognition of such courts in this manner would give them an existence without legis- lative enactment, when by the same instrument it was declared that the judicial power of the State should be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts an the General Assembly should, from time to time, ordain and establish. The General Assembly undoubtedly understood that all other courts in the State, except the Supreme Court, depended upon legislative enactment for their existence. The language in several acts, embracing the period from 1827 to 1841, clearly indicates that the Legislature believed that the Circuit Courts were so far the creatures of that body that they had the power at any time to repeal them, and thereby to legislate out of office the Circuit Judges, whose tenure of office was during good behavior, and this was done, once in 1827, and again in 1841."
The Supreme Court created under the Constitution of 1848, consisted of a Chief Justice and two Associate Justices, whose
APPENDIX. C61
terms of office were fixed at nine years, with alternate elec- tions. The first election took place September 4, 1849, and Samuel H. Treat, of the Second Grand Division, was chosen Chief Justice; Lyman Trumbull, of the First Grand Division, and John D. Caton, of the Third Grand Division,. Associate Justices.
Chief Justice Treat resigned in 1855, having been ap- pointed to the bench of the United States District Court, for the Southern District of Illinois. Onias C. Skinner was elected by the people to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Treat. Justice Skinner having also re- signed, his vacancy was filled by the appointment, by the Governor, of Pinkney H. Walker, who was afterwards elected by the people. ,
Justice Trumbull resigned July 4, 1853, and Walter B. Scates was elected to fill the vacancy, and became the Chief Justice; and upon his resignation, Sidney Breese was elected to fill the vacancy. Justice Caton became Chief Justice upon the resignation of Mr. Scates.
Chief Justice Caton resigned in January, 1864, and Cory- don Beckwith was appointed by the Governor to fill the va- cancy ; Charles B. Lawrence was elected June 6, 1864, to succeed Justice Beckwith; Pinkney H. Walker* was re- elected June 3, 1867, Justice Breese was re-elected June 6, 1870. This constituted the Supreme Court up to the time of the adoption of the present constitution, on July 2, 1870,
"Justice Walker became Chief Justice at the June term, 1864; Justice Breese succeeded him in June. 1867 ; Justice Lawrence Jbecame Chief Justice in June. 1870; Justice Breese again became Chief Justice in June, 1873; Justice Walker again became Chief Justice in June, 1874; Justice Scott became Chief Justice in June, 1875; Justice Sheldon became Chief Justice in June, 1876; Jus- tice Scholfleld became Chief Justice in June, 1877; Justice Craig became Chief Justice in June, 1878 ; Justice Walker became Chief Justice for the third time in June. 1879; Justice Dickey became Chief Justice in June, 1880; Justice Craig again became Chief Justice in June, 1881; Justice Scott again became Chiof Justice in 1882 ; Justice Sheldon again became Chief Justice in June, 1883; Jus- tice Scholfleld again became Chief Justice in June, 1884; Justice Mulkey be- came Chief Justice in June, 1885 ; and Justice Scott became Chief Justice for the third time in June, 1886.
662 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
when the Supreme Court was increased from three to seven members. At this election Anthony Thornton, John M. Scott, Benj. li. Sheldon, and Wm. K. McAllister, were elected as the four additional Justices. Justice Thornton resigned May 3, 1873, and John Scholfield was elected June 4, 1873. Justice McAllister resigned Nov. 26, 1875 ; T. Lyle Dickey was elected Dec. 21, 1S75, to fill the vacancy ; Alfred M. Craig was elected June, 1873, to succeed Justice Lawrence. Chief Justice Walker was re-elected June 5, 1876; Chief Justice Breese died June 28, 1878 ; David J. Baker was ap- pointed by the Governor to fill the vacancy ; John H. Mul- key was elected June 2, 1879, to succeed Justice Baker, and Justices Scott, Sheldon, Scholfield and Dickey were re- elected at the same election. Justice Walker died February 7, 1885, and D. G. Tunnicliff was appointed by the Gover- nor to fill the vacancy ; Simeon P. Shope was elected in 1885, to succeed Justice Tunnicliff ; Justice Dickey died July 22, 1885, and Benjamin D. Magruder was elected to fill the vacancy. The Court as now constituted, is as follows :
John M. Scott, Chief Justice, Blooming! on ; Alfred M. Craig, Justice, Galesburg; Simeon P. Shope, Justice, Lewistown ; Benj. B. Sheldon, Justice, Rockford; John Scholfield, Justice, Marshall; Benj. D. Magruder, Justice, Chicago ; John H. Mulkey, Justice, Metropolis.
Under the present constitution it is possible for the people to change a majority of the personnel of the Supreme Court at a single election. In June, 1870, Judge Breese was re- elected under the constitution of 1848, and on July 2, of the same year, four of the seven Judges of the court, as pro- vided for in the new constitution, were elected for the period of nine years, from the first Monday in June, 1870. The constitution of 1870 did not interfere with the tenure of office of the then members of the Supreme Court, and there- fore five Judges are to be elected every nine years.
APPENDIX. 6C3
CIRCUIT COURTS.
Under the Constitution of 1848, there were created by the General Assembly twenty-nine judicial circuits, and we give below the names of all persons who became Circuit Judges in the several districts, whether by election or appointment, but without indicating the dates on which they became judges, naming them, however, in the order in which they were selected :
First Circuit. — David M. Woodson, Charles D. Hodges.
Second Circuit. — William H. Underwood, Sidney Breese, Harvey K. O'Melveny, Silas L. Bryan.
Third District — Wm. A. Denning, W. K. Parrish, Alex- ander M. Jenkins, John H. Mulkey, Wm. H. Green, Mon- roe C. Crawford.
Fourth Circuit. — Justin Harlan, Charles H. Constable, Hiram B. Decius.
Fifth Circuit.— Wm. A. Minshall, Pinkney H. Walker, John S. Bailey, Chauncey L. Higbee.
Sixth Circuit. — Benjamin R. Sheldon, Ira 0. Wilkinson2, J. Wilson Drury, John H. Howe, Geo. W. Pleasants.
Seventh Circuit. — Hugh T. Dickey, Buckner S. Morris, Geo. Maniere, Erastus S. Williams.
Eighth* Circuit. — David Davis, John M. Scott, Thomas F. Tipton.
Ninth Circuit. — T. Lyle Dickey, Edwin S. Leland2, Madi- son E. Hollister.
Tenth Circuit. — Wm. Kellopg, Hezekiah M. Wead, John S. Thompson*, Aaron Tyler, Charles B. Lawrence, Arthur A. Smith.
Eleventh Circuit. — Hugh Henderson, S. H. Randall, Jesse O. Norton, Sidney W. Harris, Josiah McRoberts.
Twelfth Circuit. — Samuel S. Marshall2, Downing Baugh, Edwin Beecher, James M. Pollock.
Thirteenth Circuit. — Isaac J. Wilson, Allan C. Fuller, Theodore D. Murphy.
Fourteenth Circuit. — Benjamin R. Sheldon, Wm. Brown.
Fifteenth Circuit. — Onias C. Skinner, Joseph Sibley.
-S.-i-ved more than one term.
664 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Sixteenth Circuit. — Onslaw Peters, Jacob Gale, Elisha N, Powell, Amos L. Merriman, Marion Williamson, ISabin D. Puterbaugh.
Seventeenth Circuit. — Charles Emerson, Arthur J. Gal- lagher.
Eighteenth Circuit. — Edward Y. Rice.
Nineteenth Circuit. — Wesley Sloan, John Olney, David J. Baker.
Twentieth Circuit. — Charles R. Starr, Charles H. Wood. Twenty-first Circuit. — James Harriott, Charles Turner. Twenty-second Circuit.— John. V. Eustace, Wm. W. Heaton,
Twenty-third Circuit. — Martin Ballou, Mark Bangs2, Sam- uel L. Richmond.
Twenty-fourth Circuit. — Wm. H. Snyder, Joseph Gillespie.
Twenty-fifth Circuit. — Alfred Kitchell, James C. Allen, Aaron Shaw, Richard S. Canby.
Twenty-sixth Circuit. — Willis Allen, Wm. J. Allen, Andrew D. Duff.
Twenty-seventh Circuit. — Oliver L. Davis, James Steel. Twenty-eighth Circuit. — Isaac G. Wilson, Sylvanus Wilcox.
Thirtieth Circuit*. — Benjamin S. Edwards, John A. McClernand.
Under the Constitution of 1870, there were created by act of the General Assembly, of March 28, 1873, twenty-six circuits, in which there were elected or appointed the follow- ing judges:
First Circuit. — William Brown.
Second Circuit. — Theodore D. Murphy.
Third Circuit.— Wm. W. Heaton.
Fourth Circuit. — Sylvanus Wilcox, Hiram J. Cody.
Fifth Circuit. — Geo. W. Pleasants.
Sixth Circuit. — Edwin S. Leland.
Seventh Circuit. — Josiah McRoberts.
3 Served more than one term.
The records of the offices of the Secretary of State and Auditor of Pub- lic Accounts, do not show that there ever was a Twenty-ninth Circuit. The presumption is that tho number was overlooked in the law creating circuits-
APPENDIX. 665
Eighth Circuit. — Arthur A. Smith.
Ninth Circuit. — Joseph W. Cochran.
Tenth Circuit. — Joseph Sibley.
Eleventh Circuit. — Chauncey L. Higbee.
Twelfth Circuit. — John Burns.
Thirteenth Circuit. — Nathaniel J. Pillsbury.
Fourteenth Circuit. — Thomas F. Tipton, Owen T. Beeves.
Fifteenth Circuit.— Oliver L. Davis.
Sixteenth Circuit. — Charles B. Smith.
Seventeenth Circuit. — Lyman Lacey.
Eighteenth Circuit. — Cyrus Epler.
Nineteenth Circuit. — Charles S. Zane.
Twentieth Circuit. — Horatio M. Vandeveer.
Twenty-first Circuit. — James C. Allen.
Twenty-second Circuit. — Wm. H. Snyder.
Twenty-third Circuit. — Amos Watts.
Twenty-fourth Circuit. — Tazewell B. Tanner.
Twenty-fifth Circuit. — Monroe C. Crawford.
Twenty-sixth Circuit. — David J. Baker.
In 1877, the law was changed reducing the number of Circuits to thirteen, and making the number of Judges three to a circuit, whose term of office was six years, and from whom the Supreme Court was authorized to make the as- signment of Judges to the Appellate Court. The following persons became Judges in the respective circuits, either by election or appointment :
First Circuit. — David J. Baker1, Monroe C. Crawford, Joha Dougherty, Oliver A. Harker4, D. M. Browning, K. W. Mc- Cartney3.
Second Circuit. — Tazewell B. Tanner6, James C. Allen*, John H. Halley, Chauncey C. Conger1, Thomas S. Casey% Wm. C. Jones4, Carroll C. Boggs3.
Third Circuit.— A.moa Watts4, Wm. H. Snyder4, Geo. W. Wall.1
Fourth Circuit.— Charles B. Smith4, 0. L. Davis9, Wm. E. Nelson, Jacob W. Wilkin1, J. F. Hughes3.
663 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
Fifth Circuit. — Horatio M. Vandeveer, Charles S. Zane*, Wm. R. Welch1, Jesse J. Phillips4, Wm. L. Gross8, James A. Creighton8.
Sixth Circuit. — Chauncey L. Higbee8, Joseph Sibley6, Simeon P. Shope2, John H. Williams, A. C. Matthews9, Wil- liam Marsh3, Charles J. Schoneld3, John C. Bagby3.
Seventh Circuit. — Cyrus Epler4, Lyman Lacey1, Albert G. Burr2, Geo. W- Hurdman3.
Eighth Circuit. — John Burns2, Joseph W. Cochran, David McCulloch6, Milton Laws, Thomas Shaw8, Samuel S. Page3, Nathaniel W. Green7.
Ninth Circuit. — Joseph McRoberts2, Edwin S. Leland5, Francis Goodspeed2, Geo. W. Stipp4, Charles Blanchard3, Carrene Dibel10.
Tenth Circuit. — Arthur A. Smith4, Geo. W. Pleasants1, John J. Glenn4.
Eleventh Circuit. — Owen T. Beeves4, Nathaniel J. Pills- bury6, Franklin Blades2, Alfred Semple3.
Twelfth Circuit. — Theodore Murphy6, Hiram H. Cody, Clark W. Upton4, Isaac G. Willson11, Charles Kellum4.
Thirteenth Circuit. — Wm. W. Heaton, Wm. Brown4, Joseph M. Bailey1, John V. Eustace4.
COOK COUNTY CIRCUIT JUDGES.
William W. Farwell2, Henry Booth3, John G. Rogers4, Lambert Tree2, Erastus S. Williams, Wm. K. McAllister1, Thomas A. Moran1, M. F. Tuley4, Wm. H. Barnum, Lorin €. Collins, Jr3.
APPELLATE COURT. The Appellate Court, as now organized, is as follows :
First District. — Joseph M. Bailey, Freeport; W. K. McAllister, Chicago; Thomas A. Moran, Chicago; John J. Healy, Clerk, Chicago.
'Elected more than once, and now a member of the Appellate Court. ^Served more than one term. 8Present Judge. 4Served more than one term, and present Judge. 6Was a member of the Appellate Court. 'Served more than one term, and was member of Appellate Court. 8Appointed by the Gov- ernor to fill vacancy caused by the resignation of Judge Zane. 'Appointed by the Governor to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Judge Higbeo.
'Member of Appellate Court. 10Elected to succeed Judge McRoberts, deceased. "Served more than one term; was a member of the Appellate and Court, present Judge.
APPENDIX. 667
Second District. — Lyman Lacey, Havana ; W. R. Welch, Carlinville; David J. Baker, Cairo; James R. Combs, Clerk, Ottawa.
Third District.— Geo. W. Wall, DuQuoin; Geo. W. Pleasants, Rock Island; Chauncey S. Conger, Carmi; Geo. W. Jones, Clerk, Springfield.
Fourth District. — N. J. Pillsbury, Pontiac; Jacob W. Wilkin, Danville; N. W. Green, Pekin; John W. Burton, Clerk, Mt. Vernon.
We have thus brought together the names of the men who have occupied positions upon the Supreme, Circuit and Appellate Courts, either by election by the General Assem- bly, appointed by the Governor, or elected by the people, and it is a proud satisfaction to know that the judiciary of Illinois has been as able as that of any State in the Union, and that it stands unsullied in reputation.
Under the Constitution of 1818, the Clerks of the Supreme Court were appointed by the Court. James M. Duncan was appointed Clerk July 12, 1819. Ebenezer Peck suc- ceeded Mr. Duncan, and Wm. B. Warren succeeded Mr. Peck. Under the Constitutions of 1848 and 1870, the Clerks were elected by the people. Finney D. Preston was elected Clerk of the First Grand Division, September 4, 1848 ; Noah Johnson, June 4, 1855, and re-elected June 3, 1861. R. A. D. Wilbanks was elected June 3, 1867, as the successor of Mr. Johnson. Wm. B. Warren was elected Clerk of the Second Grand Division, September 4, 1848; Wm. A. Tur- iiey was elected June 4, 1855, as the successor of Mr. War- ren, and was re-elected in June, 1861 and 1867.
Lorenzo Leland was elected Clerk of the Third Grand Division, September 4, 1848, and re-elected in 1855 and in 1861. Woodbury M. Taylor was elected June 3, 1867, as the successor of Mr. Leland. These were all the elections held under the Constitution of 1848. Under the Constitu- tion of 1870, the divisions of the court were denominated Southern Grand, Central Grand and Northern Grand Divisions.
668 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS.
K. A. D. Wilbanks was elected Clerk of the Southern Grand Division, November 5. 1872; Jacob 0. Chance was elected November 5, 1878, to succeed Mr. Wilbanks, and was re-elected November 4, 1884.
E . C. Hamburger was elected Clerk of the Central Grand Division, November 5, 1872 ; Ethan A. Snively was elected November 5, 1878, and re-elected in 1884.
Cairo D. Trimble was elected Clerk of the Northern Grand Division, November 5, 1872; E. F. Dutton was elected November 5, 1878, and A. H. Taylor, November 4, 1884.
There have been, from first to last, five Eeporters of the Supreme Court, namely i Sidney Breese, John Young Scammon, Charles Gilman, Ebenezer Peck and Norman L, Freeman. Mr. Breese published the first volume of the Eeports, Mr. Scammon published four, Mr. Gilman pub- lished five, Mr. Peck published twenty, and Mr. Freeman has his eighty-fifth volume ready for the printer, making a total of one hundred and fifteen volumes.
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