MARINE BIOLOGICAL LABORATORY. Received Accession No. Given by Place, %*Ho book OP pamphlet is to be removed fi-om the Iiab- opatopy uiithout the pepmission of the TPustees. ESTABLISHED BY EDWARD L. YOUMANS. THE POPULAE SCIENCE MONTHLY. A jLiJ L EDITED BY WILLIAM J. Y0U3IAKS. VOL. XXXIV. NOVEMBER, 1888, TO APRIL, 1889. NEW YORK : D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 1, 3, ANT) 5 BOND STREET. 1889. COPTEIGHT, 188D, By D. APPLETON AND COMPANY. EDWARD ATKINSON. THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. X^^^ NOVEMBER, 1888. THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION". • By CHARLES S. ASHLEY. THE people of the United States are this year applying them- selves with a concentration very rare in great masses of men to the problem of tariff revision. It is inevitable that in a nation of so fresh and independent a spirit the claims of 'authority and scientific results should not receive any great recognition ; and I, for one, rejoice that the people rely upon themselves and their own judgment and experience, rather than on the theories, how- ever respectable, of eminent writers. We are therefore brought face to face with the question. What has been our experience in the matter ? What have been the effects of protection in this country ? It is especially interesting to examine the question from a strictly practical point of view, because this is the chosen battle-ground of the defenders of the existing system. Free trade is an 'extension of the practice of our daily lives. We each of us buy in the cheapest market what we wish to buy, and sell our wares or our labor where we can get the most for them. I do not make my own shoes, but employ the great length of time which it would take me to make them in doing something which enables me to buy several pairs and other things as well. Instead of making my own shoes (thus, in protection phraseology, " protecting " my own " labor "), I buy my shoes of a neighbor, and the Government does not attempt to prevent me or to tax me for so doing. Even my neighbor does not himself make the shoes which he sells me. He does not undertake to protect his labor, but buys of a wholesale house in New York, which in turn buys of a Lynn manufacturer. The result of all these complicated transactions going to give me a pair of shoes is, that I get them at an equivalent orf a very moderate amount of work, instead of by a great deal of direct exertion and personal sacrifice. So, too, VOL. XXXIT. — 1 _ 31763 2 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. the citizens of CMcago do not attempt to raise their wheat in their own " back yards," but send their money into distant parts and bny it ; while, on the other hand, the farmers of whom they buy do not attempt to make their own clothing, their furniture, or even their own flour. They buy them at Chicago. They do not think it good economy to expend $100 worth of their own labor for what costs but $10 in Chicago, but wisely prefer to use it in creating what will bring $100 in Chicago. So, too, rising in the scale of comparison, Iowa and Kansas do not "protect" them- selves against New York and Massachusetts, nor do they attempt by legal means to " foster industries " which exist in the latter States. The national Constitution, fortunately, forbids such a course ; and, as a party, the protectionists have not yet taken it on themselves to say that a " protection " policy would be for the advantage of the granger States as against the manufacturing States. But the moment we come to that imaginary line known as the national boundary, this simple and beneficent process ceases. The farmers of Manitoba would naturally buy their clothing, furniture, tools and machinery, and much of their food, at Minne- apolis and St. Paul. The merchants of those cities would like to sell to the Manitobans, but the two Governments prevent it. Only last year the Manitobans had a very good potato-crop, while that of Minnesota was a failure ; and, on the other hand, fruit was plenty in Minnesota and scarce in Manitoba. It would have been natural to have sold American fruit in Manitoba, and to have brought back potatoes. But no ; protection "protected" the peo- ple of Minnesota from potatoes that year, and the Manitobans, as they tried to imagine that their superfluous potatoes were apples and pears, doubtless consoled themselves with the idea that they were growing rich, because no Yankees were selling them fruit and taking their money away. It is useful to recur to these every-day facts of universal ex- perience in order that we may have the great and complicated question before us in its simplest elements. I think the homely illustrations I have used at the outset will lend certainty and sig- nificance to the results of a survey of the effects of protection in the larger and vaguer field of our national life. Let the reader keep in mind the consequences which would ensue if I did not buy my shoes of a neighbor — the poor shoes I would have, and the great labor with which I obtained them. Let him imagine the result of the Chicago people attempting to raise their wheat in their own " back yards," or of the farmers of Iowa refusing to buy any cloths or machinery not produced in their own neigh- borhood. Let him imagine the poverty and want which would prevail in the frontier States if from the moment of settlement they adopted the policy of prohibiting all these importations from THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. 3 the East, by which, they save labor and build up their country. He will then be in a position to see, by analogy, the evils which have followed in the train of protection, even in this country of vast extent and limitless resources. And, on the other hand, he will not fail to see the analogy between the success of that natural system which prevails in the United States, and is practiced by each of us in our private capacities, and the policy of industrial liberty which a few nations have been led to adopt. The plain primary effect of a tariff and its main jDurxDOse, so far as protection is concerned, is to raise the price of the article im- ported by the amount of the duty. It may be, and to some extent doubtless is true, as claimed, that internal competition afterward reduces the market price. But the jjrimary effect is manifestly as stated, if the article continues to be imported. This increase of price necessarily is borne entirely by the consumers, except in cer- tain special cases (as where the supply market is very small in extent, and where prices would consequently rise very fast with the unfettered demand of the American consumers), since we have no means of forcing foreigners to ship goods here except at the same rates which they would be willing to sell for if there were no tariff. But, of course, it may be that the tariff is so high that the imports practically cease, and the American market is supplied by American producers, though at an enhanced cost over what would have been necessary to pay, with the world to choose from. In this case the consumer, of course, still pays this enhanced price, whether or not, as the protectionist contends, he somehow gets it back. With these few points in mind we will proceed to determine in a few particulars, as nearly as may be what this country has actually paid by reason of our high tariff. It is greatly to be regretted that materials do not exist to make a com- plete showing of what the protective features of the tariff have cost the people without benefiting the Government; but a few instances may serve as illustrations, and will faintly indicate the enormous extent of that forcible transfer of wealth from buyers to sellers which has been made by prohibitory tariffs. The average price of steel rails in this country has for the past twenty years been at least $15 per ton more than in England. There has been a consumption of at least 30,000,000 tons neces- sary to lay and repair our 156,000 miles of railway. More than two thirds of this amount has been bought at home. The Gov- ernment has, therefore, forcibly transferred about $300,000,000 belonging to one class of American citizens to another class, by laying an embargo on the business of the first in favor of the second.* In some years the demand for steel has been so great * In the year 1887 Carnegie Brothers & Company, of Pittsburg, manufactured 192,- 998 tons of steel rails at a cost of $26.79 per ton, and sold them at an average of $37.12-^ 4 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. that rails have sold for double and even treble tlie natural cost ; but still buyers were forced to buy in the liome markets. And the reduction in duty from $28 to $17 per ton was accomplished only in the teeth of vigorous protestations that it would ruin American mills and workingmen. I say nothing of the effect of this tax on railroad building and operation in rendering transpor- tation scarcer and more expensive. But it is probable that a line of railway with which I am connected would by this time have been completed and have been paying handsomely but for the $300,000 additional expense of construction entailed by the pro- tection tariff. Pig-iron enters into articles used in every house and in every business. It is turned into plows, kettles, and stoves, as well as into vast engines, railway material, building material, and fire- arms. Four million and a half tons of this material were made in the United States in 1882 and sold at an average of $22 per ton. In 1880 the market value reached $-10, and in 1886 $17. According to Mr. Wilkeson, this material ought to be marketable at $9 per ton easily, and Mr. Vinton does not think its actual value much more. But making an allowance of $12 per ton as liberal, in fact very liberal, we may say that the people of the United States have paid an unnatural price for this product amounting in all to $45,000,000 in 1882 alone; and, assuming that to have been an average year, we may place the enhanced price of pig-iron to the American people for the past twenty years at the enormous aggre- gate of $900,000,000. On lumber it is difficult to make an accurate estimate. But assuming the cut of Michigan in 1880 (4,172,000,000 feet) to have been half the product affected, and to have been enhanced in price to the extent of half the duty, which, in view of the enor- mous forests of Canada, and the great value of our standing pine, is very moderate, the tariff on lumber has cost the people of the United States $8,000,000 per annum. One peculiarity about this tax, or rather levy, is, that it inures to the benefit solely of a few land-owners in Michigan and elsewhere, who were fortunate enough to get the pine-lands when they were worth $2 per acre. per ton; making a profit of about $1,158,000 on that item alone of their manufactures. For the making of these rails they paid out in wages $778,075, equal to about 68 per cent of their profits. During the same year the same firm turned out about 30,000 tons of iron and steel beams (used in large buildings, bridges, etc.), at a cost of about $28.02 per ton, and sold them at $66 per ton, through a trust; making a total profit of about $1,150,000, which is 135 per cent, of the total expenses and about seven times the sum paid by them to their labor employed on this product. The exorbitant profit thus made at the expense of the owners and patrons of railways and buildings was rendered possible solely by the h.igh tariff (on rails $17 per ton, or about 75 per cent; on beams, l^ cent per pound, or about 102 per cent).— Abridged from the speech of W. L. Scott, in the House of Repre- sentatives, May 11, 1888. THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. 5 Labor does not produce the pine, nor does it gain any great pro- portion of its market value.* The American people are clothed very expensively. They im- port about half their woolen goods, and pay thereon an enormous tax to the Government, amounting in 1885-1886 to $35,600,000. The other half of their clothing they buy of domestic manufact- urers, and may be assumed to pay an unnaturally high price to about the same extent. We may say, then, that in twenty years the people have paid a bounty of about $700,000,000 to domestic manufacturers and about the same amount in taxes to the Gov- ernment, The average wage of Americans is, as is well known, consid- erably higher than that of the English ; yet Mr. Mulhall estimates that the American works forty-nine days in the year to supply himself with clothing, while the Englishman accomplishes the same thing in thirty-four. This result has been brought about by the wool tariff of 1867, which imposed a heavy duty on an article not made or greatly added to in value by labor, wool, and also on woolen clothing. The history of the effect of this duty is interesting and even ludicrous. Foreign wools are needed to mix with American wools to make good cloth. Accordingly, when the tariff was put on wool the manufacturers found that the people would not buy the high-priced product, but bought foreign goods. Then they began to adulterate their woolen goods with shoddy and cotton. But, in spite of everything, the woolen industry was depressed, and the price of wool refused to go up.f Some of them saw the moral; but only the other day I was talking with one who expressed his opposition to the Mills bill by saying, " We do not think it will hurt our business ; we know it." On being asked if he did not think free wool and a duty of thirty-eight per cent a fair equivalent for the present duty, he started and clearly showed he had no accurate idea of what the * Soon after the duty was put on pine-lumber the pine was advanced $1 per thousand feet. Seeing this, the men at the camps in Michigan thought it was a good time to ask for a slight increase in pay, inasmuch as the tariff was, they were assured, for their benefit. They asked an increase from $1.50 to $1.75 per day, an increase equivalent to perhaps 5 per cent of the increased profit. Thereupon they were all dismissed. Canadians were im- ported at $1.25 per day, and were only worked three fourths time at that. Great is "the American system." — " Indianapolis Signal " (Labor paper). f After the enactment of the high duty on wool in 186*7, both wool-manufacturing and wool-growing were very much depressed, owing to the fact that the public would not buy woolens at the enhanced prices. During this period it was very common for the commis- sion-merchant to find that he had over-advanced to the manufacturer. The almost invari- able result was a mortgage on the mill-property and a foreclosure. In this way A. T. Stewart acquired mill after mill, but even he failed to make his factories pay, and he is believed to have lost heavily by his woolen-mills. At his death his estate was burdened by a large number of these properties. — From the paper of Rowland Hazard, woolen manu- facturer, before the Chicago Free-Trade Conference, November 12, 1885. 6 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. bill did provide ; but he simply bad a vague notion that he had an illegitimate advantage which somebody was trying to take away. But, in addition to loss of this kind, the maintenance of the protection system has for a number of years resulted in a heavy surplus — a taxation of the people very far beyond the require- ments of our Government. This surplus, therefore, must be charged up as one of the costs which the system entails ujDon the people. For the past seven years this annual absorption by the Government of the annual product has been very heavy. This pres- ent year, it seems, the House and Senate have by systematic ex- travagance succeeded in diminishing the surplus between fifteen and thirty millions. But it is admitted on all sides that the sur- plus fairly amounts to a sum not less than $125,000,000 annually. This is ten dollars per annum for every family in the United States. The total amount of the tariff taxation is about twice that sum. But if we view the family solely as consumers, and not at all as the recipients of protective bounty (which is prac- tically a correct basis),* we have to add to this cost the enhanced prices of American products, some of which have been mentioned, and of which the Government gets no share. This indirect tax, of which examples have been given, is variously estimated in its total amount. On some articles it amounts to $13 when the tariff tax amounts to $1 ; that is to say, the consumer pays out $14 in enhanced prices, of which only $1 reaches the Government. On the whole, this indirect levy or transfer (it can not be called a tax) may be estimated to amount to about five times the tariff tax.f It amounts, therefore, to about $100 per family per annum, and, with the superfluous element of the tariff tax, to about $110. While this estimate is largely conjectural, no one who is aware of the increased expensiveness of our manufacturing, and even of our agricultural processes, will doubt that the figure is very large, and perhaps in excess of that named. This, be it remembered, is not a tax on property but a tax on consumption. The poor man pays as much on sugar and rice as the rich man. The carpenter with $2 per day pays nearly as much on clothing as Jay Gould, rated at $30,000 a day ; and on no article of consumption or use are the rich and poor taxed in proportion to their wealth, because ninety-five per cent of the poor man's income is required to pay his family's living expenses, while the rich man uses a much smaller proportion for that purpose. J * In 1886 W. C. Ford, E. B. Elliot, and Simon Newcomb, statistical experts, reported to the Secretary of the Treasury their estimate of the number of persons in " protected " industries. Their estimates vary from 4-'7 per cent to 5'2 per cent. f I believe this is Mr. Wells's estimate. t It is a frequently made reply to considerations like the above that, though protection THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. If the foregoing estimate is well founded, it is clear that very serious effects must be found both in the general state of the peo- ple and in that of various industries. Let us, therefore, make some general comparisons between this country and the greatest of those nations which have adopted a free-trade policy, and- then survey as far as practicable the several effects of high tariffs on the laboring, farming, and manufacturing classes. Such a com- parison must needs be more than fair to the United States, because they are growing rapidly in every respect, while England has more nearly reached a stationary state. The total wealth and annual product of this country and Eng- land (applying that name to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland) are given as follows : * 1870. 1880. Total wealth. Wealth per capita. Total wealth. Wealth per capita. United States $34,379,640,000 33,436,680,000 1899 1,065 $46,145,700,000 42,379,200,000 $923 England ... 1,210 1870. 1880. Annual product. Product per capita. Annual product, l^^-fp^t^. United States $5,098,000,000 4,613,000,000 $129 146 $6,901,200,000 5,549,000,000 $132 England 171 Thus we see that the United States are not only behind England in wealth per capita, but in product per capita ; and, still further, that the same relation existed in 1870, but not to the same degree as in 1880 ; England having made a greater gain during the dec- ade. America gained $24 per capita in wealth during the decade, England $145 ; while the product per capita in America increased $3, and that in England increased $25. In wealth per capita, Mr. Mulhall ranks the nations as follows : 1. England ; 2. Holland ; then France, Denmark, Australia, United States, Sweden, Canada, Belgium, Germany. In annual earnings per capita Australia is first ; then England, the United States, takes from some and gives to others, yet all are Americans — " it is all in the family." This proposition and the other great stand-by, that " foreigners pay the tariff-taxes," I find it difficult to answer seriously. When a philosopher starts out with an inconceivable proposi- tion, it is rather difficult to argue. But we may say, in the first place, that justice has some place in the family as well as elsewhere. Moreover, much of what is taken from the people is, from an economic point of view, wasted : it is used up in sustaining extravagant and . old-fashioned processes, unfavorable locations, and the like. * See Mulhall's " History of Prices," which is generally accepted as a work of the high- est authority. 8 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. Canada, Holland, France, Denmark, Belgium, Germany, Sweden, in the order named, Mr. Mulhall also computes that the average man in the United States works 113 days to gain his food for a year, as compared with 114 days' work in England ; in England he works 34 days for his clothing, here he works 49 ; house-rent and taxes take 29 and 33 days in England, 30 and 33 days in the United States ; and the Englishman consequently has 91 days in the 300 left for other purposes, including savings, whereas the American has but 75. The banking capital and deposits of Eng- land are $125 per inhabitant ; of Australia, $150 ; of the United States, $50. The railroads of the United States carried 270,000,000 passengers in 1882, those of England carried 752,000,000 ; and the slight difference in railway rates is by no means an explanation of the difference. The school attendance in England has increased from forty per cent less per capita than ours in 1880 to about the same. The post-office returns show a greater increase in the use of the mails in England than here. And that faithful index of popular condition, the criminal calendar, shows a steady decrease for a long period, until, in 1885, there was but one conviction to 3,272 persons in England ; while America has one conviction to 930 persons, which has been about the rate for a considerable time. And the statistics of pauperism, while not so favorable for England, show a steady and rapid decrease for fifty years, and the ratio of paupers to population is about one fourth what it was in 1840. It would be interesting, had we space, to show the greater consumption per capita of many articles in England than in America, as of woolen clothing, sugar, and rice, the total con- sumption of food products being about the same per capita ; and to show the vast increase seen in England during the past forty years. Suffice it to say that the facts indicate a greater average of welfare in England than in this country. " There are few questions of fact upon which the general public are more misled by our public men than this," says Mr. Gunton, in his " Wealth and Progress " ; " but the facts all point to the same result, viz., that the increase in wealth, in projDortion to population, has been greater in England than in this country." Lastly, but most im- portant of all to lovers of liberalism, legal equality, and popular government, England has, during the past twenty years, grown democratic "by leaps and bounds," and her vast wealth is cer- tainly known to have been reaching a state of more equal distri- bution, while we have been erecting an aristocracy of wealth. The explanation of all this reduced to its simplest form is not dif- ficult. England's citizens buy in enormous quantities and in the cheapest markets, and sell in enormous quantities in the dearest markets. The Englishman buys at $10, puts $1 worth of labor on the material, and sells at $15. We buy at $15, put $1 worth of THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. g labor on the material, and sell only to ourselves. The American is not naturally slow, but he can not run with the Englishman while his feet are fettered. The protection system would obviously not stand for a year in this country were it not for the belief that it results in an increase of wages among our working-people. It is, therefore, especially important to observe the effects of protection upon our wage- earning class. First of all it is to be noted that great numbers of the working-people can not, in the nature of things, be any more subject to foreign competition under free trade than they are at present. This applies to railroad-men, now nearly 700,000 in num- ber ; men in the building trades, agricultural laborers, household servants, clerks, professional men, and the like. The numbers belonging to protected and non-protected industries stand about as five to ninety-five, as above noted. The vast discrepancy be- tween the two is not usually taken into account in tariff discus- sions ; but it is instructive, as tending to show that American labor is not in any danger of great displacement by any possible legisla- tion or by any possible competition. It is a startling fact, of which the application is not obvious, that, while the protected industries have produced more million- aires, perhaps, than any others, the wages paid to workmen in them reach a much lower level than the usual one in wages-paid occupations, and in some cases a most miserably low level. This circumstance is well known, and as such was stated by a num- ber of iron-manufacturers who united in a letter to the late Secre- tary Manning, in reply to that of the Iron and Steel Association — for there are manufacturers of iron who do not believe that the tariff duty should be three or four times as high as the labor cost of the product:* "The figures of the census show that in the year 1879-1880 the total wages of $9,538,117 paid for mining ore, distributed among 31,6G8 men and boys, averaged but $301 per working year each, or less than a dollar for each working day. Since that time wages have been again and again reduced. It is a notorious fact that men are working in the mines for eighty cents a day or less." So true is this that, while the cost of living is much higher in this country than in England — for the reason that taxes are there not levied altogether on articles consumed in daily use — the wage-workers receive in many cases about the same in both countries. For example, Joseph D. Weeks, special agent for the tenth census, gives (" Statistics of Wages," pp. 112 and 119) a table of wages paid in the iron-making business in the Cleve- land district in England, and in " an establishment in Pennsyl- * Letter of J. B. Sargeant and others to Hon. Daniel Manning, December 21, 1885. THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. EMPLOYMENT. Keepers, per day Keeper's helper, per day Common laborer, per day Cai'penter, per day Blacksmiths, per day . . . $1 47 1 35 1 00 1 23 1 23 and 1 00 English. $1 61 81 75 1 05 1 13 With this we compare American and English wages in non- protected occupations.* Mr. Wells gives from the last census the EMPLOYMENT. Carpenters, per week Bricklayers, per week Masons, per week Locomotive-engineers, per week English. |!9 45 9 45 9 45 1 30 to 12 15 average pay of the railroad employes of this country as $450 per annum ; and that of the iron- workers as $312. The difference in the degree of skill required is not obvious, nor apparently suffi- cient to explain the great discrepancy. Lastly, we may cite the statistics brought together by Mr. Gunton in his " Wealth and Progress," and comiDiled from the concurrent data and results of Giffin, Mulhall, Levi, the United States census, and other great authorities. The comparison is made between several countries, none of whom have a tariff anything like as high as that of the United States. Mr. Gunton thus states the " rise in actual wages " in non-agricultural occupations, making the most favorable allow- ance to France and Germany, as follows : Wages per week. Increase siace IScO. Hours of labor per week. England $7 44 5 04 3 84 $2 40 1 72 1 62 (1 87) 60 72 75 United States About 66 These are very surprising facts, which merit careful attention. The very idea that American workingmen are not in every way in a better position than the English is so strange that we are natu- rally incredulous. The fact that we have such vast quantities of land, practically free, inviting the poorly paid to settle, would seem to be a sure defense of high wages, and doubtless is such. But there is an explanation, though it is probably but a partial one, in the effects of the tariff. The cost of living has been con- stantly rising in this country, while that in England has been f all- * These figures are given for New York and London in the Government publication, "Labor in Foreign Countries," pp. 635 and 1663 to 1667. THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. n ing. The census estimate of tlie increase in the cost of living in the United States during the thirty years ending in 1880 was 20*17 per cent, while during the same period the cost of articles of com- mon use has fallen about twenty-four per cent. Obviously, the effect of this would be to put the English wage-worker in a con- stantly better position to demand better wages ; while the Ameri- can, with his cost of living tending more and more to consume his whole income, is in a constantly worse position to demand an in- crease. It need not be remarked how potent a factor this is, nor need the responsibility of the high tariff for the high prices pre- vailing be carefully demonstrated. There is not a thing eaten or a cloth worn which does not pay a tariff tax. The wheat is sown after a plow taxed twenty-five per cent in actual extra cost ; and is transported on railroads, ground up in mills, put in bags, and sold in stores, all heavily taxed in their construction and main- tenance by the tariff on iron. And on many articles, such as clothing, the amount of the tax is scandalously oppressive. This may or may not explain the failure of American wages to rise to the same extent as English in the non-protected occupa- tions, and, at any rate, there are other causes acting, such as the waste of capital caused by the war, and the heavy immigration of wage-workers. But we need a special explanation for the sin- gular fact that wages in the protected occupations continually fall, even while the general trend is upward. In General Lieb's recent book on the tariff he has a comparative table of wages in twelve unprotected and in twelve protected occupations. In the first, wages rose in the six years following 1880 from ten to thirty-five per cent, while wages in the protected occupations fell from five to thirty-five per cent at the same time. These facts are well au- thenticated and even " notorious," as remarked in the letter before mentioned to Secretary Manning; but we seldom if ever are shown the reason. I think this can be directly traced to the high tariff. Take, for example, the iron-manufacturing business. In general the American j^rices are much below the foreign price plus the duty, and importation is impracticable. When the ojDer- ators have this margin to work on they frequently accumulate a considerable supply beyond the immediate demands of the mar- ket. Then, asserting that the market is dull, they reduce wages. The men strike, of course, and the mills close. As production ceases, the price of iron goes up ; and, as the foreign iron can not come in, the masters are fairly coining money out of the necessi- ties of the public and the suffering of their own employes. In the course of a few months the latter accept the situation and go back to work at reduced wages. If foreign iron could come in the moment production ceased in this country, the masters would not be so quick to shut down as they are when they make money 12 TEE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTELY. out of it ; the laborers would be on an equal footing witb the masters. But^ as it is, the masters have both the public and their employes " in chancery/' and have so far been able to resist the otherwise universal tendency to advance in wages. The little cir- cle of events which I have outlined has taken place again and again in Pennsylvania, as the frequent strikes (more frequent, I believe, than anywhere else in the Union) in part testify. These circumstances can not long escape the attention of the leaders of the laboring-people, and from the rising unpopularity of protec- tion among them we may confidently predict that they will not much longer be deceived.* The depression of American agriculture is well known. In the ten years 1850-'60 the value of American farms more than doubled. In the following twenty years the value increased slightly over 50 per cent. So far as the influence of the tariff is felt in the value of farms, it might be supposed that its operation would be very favorable in the manufacturing States. Yet even here the percentage of increase in value for the decade 1850-60 is greater than for the twenty years following 1860. All the New England States, save Massachusetts and Rhode Island, show a nominal decrease in the decade 1870-'80, and, even allowing for the 25-per-cent depreciation of greenbacks in 1870, the increase is not great ; it does not by any means keep pace with the decade of 1850-'60, during which there was a low tariff. The State of Illinois should be a fair example of what has happened in purely agricultural States. From 1850 to 1860 the increase was 412 per cent; from 1860 to 1880 it was but 250 per cent. The census does not show the mortgages on farms ; but, according to the statis- tics printed in the "New York Times," ten agricultural States have their farms mortgaged for $3,422,000,000 on a total valuation of less than four times as much. It would be surprising if agri- culture were not depressed. The same state of affairs exists in American farming as existed in 1840 in English manufacturing, when Cobden and his friends associated themselves to bring in free wheat and to break the power of the landlords. Every tool which farmers use, and nearly every article they consume, bears a heavy tax, just as in Great Britain the high-tariff prices of pro- visions made it impossible for the manufacturers to pay subsist- ence wages to workmen. This country naturally manufactures agricultural machinery, and would do so even under absolute free trade, as is proved by the fact that we export it, but the duty on iron-ore and pig-iron makes the price from 15 to 25 per cent higher. Sugar is enhanced in price about 75 per cent by the tariff, and clothing, furniture, and lumber are largely raised in price to * This explanation was first made, T think, by Mr. Benjamin Reece, at the Free-Trade Conference of 1885. THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. 13 the farmer. In return, lie gets the " home market " ; but, inas- much as he gets precisely the same for his grain, whether it is sent to Liverpool or to Pittsburg for consumption, this does not seem quite compensatory. As might be expected, the manufacturing interests make a better showing than the agricultural. Yet even in this favored branch of business the percentage of increase in 1850 and 1860 is greater than that between 18 GO and 1880 ; if the rate shown in the former period had been maintained, the manufactured products for 1880 would have been greater in value than it is shown to be by the census by about a billion dollars. It will be observed that these figures are based upon the products of the census years 1860 and 1880, and, as the year of 1860 was one of great depression and that of 1880 of great prosperity, the facts are more strongly in favor of the low-tariff period than is indicated on the face of the figures. Thus, though the manufacturing interest is supposed to be the particular beneficiary of j^rotection, it, too, shoulders some of the burdens of the tariff ; and the New York " Evening Post " publishes a list of two hundred manufacturers who favor a reduc- tion. Some industries, such as ship-building, have been nearly destroyed by the high tariff on everything which goes into a ship, and while in 1860 there were twenty ship-yards about New York, there is hardly one left. So with many manufacturers of hard- ware, which is made altogether too expensive to be readily mar- ketable, by reason of the high cost of the material of which it is made.* And countless derangements and dislocations of indus- try might be instanced as manifestly due to the tariff'. The loss of the carrying-trade has perhaps been sufficiently dwelt upon, but it is still somewhat startling to be brought face to face with the fact that, while in 1860 our ocean marine equaled England's, it at present is about seven per cent of that great country's, and is yearly decreasing. It is calculated that nearly four billion dollars have been paid out on American ocean freights since the war, of which the Americans have got very little. Not only have we lost the carrying-trade, which was rapidly falling into our * In the "New York Times" of July 18, 1888, Mr. Frank Wilkeson makes a remark- able showing of the effect of the tariff on iron- and steel-making. He computes that pig- iron ought to be produced in Alabama and on the southern shore of Lake Erie at $Y per ton cheaper than anywhere else in the woi'ld, and with no reduction of wages whatever. (Moreover, he takes no account of natural gas.) He claims that iron is now made in Ohio and Alabama for little more than that amount, and that the duty of $7 per ton has simply enabled furnaces to stay in Pennsylvania, where every element of cost is very great except the cost of labor, and that the manufacture of iron is thus unnaturally expensive and profit- less to everybody. Pig-iron has within eight years sold for |40 per ton, and manufacturers claim that it costs them $15. Mr. Wilkeson says, "The iron-works which will inevitably be built on the shores of Lake Erie will bankrupt every blast-furnace and rolling-mill in Europe." But not so long as a high tariff and combinations protect every manner of ex- travagance. 14 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. hands, "but we have thus lost opportunities of export. If an American locomotive is shipped, as many have been, to the Ar- gentine Republic in competition with English engines, it has to be sent in English boats via Liverpool, our people standing the disadvantage of the additional charges, time of transport, and interest. Under these circumstances we lose all trade except that gained by great superiority, as in the case of locomotives. Thus the very duty intended to benefit the iron industry reacts. It secures the home market for the manufacturer, but destroys the foreign market, and in times of inactivity, or when the market is glutted by overproduction, there is no opportunity for relief by recourse to a foreign customer. Again, if our manufacturers wanted a machine not to be obtained in America, or raw materials to be had here only at great expense, the Government taxes them at a fearful rate. I am credibly informed that it is for this reason that Mecham & Co., glass-manufacturers of Pittsburg, have re- solved to locate in Belgium, where they can get their materials and machines free. So with the Rochester tumbler- works, which, I am also informed, are about to leave an illiberal country. It is thus that we may see one reason for the existence of the great American business colony in Europe. This country pays a pre- mium to many industries to get out of it. Obviously, too, our railway lines lose heavily by the diminished volume of exchanges, just as they would if State or country tariffs were set up. They pay thirty per cent extra for their supplies, and, by way of com- pensation, are deprived of part of their natural trade. Turn where we will, we find derangements, if not actual loss. Placing, as protection does, everything upon an unnatural footing, liable at any moment to give way, it would be irrational to expect sound and healthy industrial growth. The hysterical fear of some of the protectionists, that English competition and "pauper labor'' will " crush " American industry, is rather ludicrous, in view of the history of the American and English competition. If there has been any instance where English competition has not been successfully met in America I do not know it. Indeed, Cobden himself recognized that the United States were the great and only menace to English commercial supremacy. Not to mention others, Mr. Gladstone is quoted as saying, in a public speech : " I will say this, that as long as America adheres to the protective system your commercial primacy is secure. Nothing in the world can wrest it from you while America continues to fetter her own strong hands and arms, and with those fettered arms is content to compete with you, who are free, in neutral markets." That protection has any effect in fostering " trusts " has been vehemently denied, but so have many other obvious propositions. Protection lessens the number of possible competitors, and conse- THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. 15 quently makes combination easier. It might be practicable to get up a combination to control production and prices in the United States, and yet be impracticable to form one to cover the entire world. Of the enormous sums beyond a reasonable profit which these concerns have taken from the people we have no accurate knowledge, but the amount even in single cases, such as the sugar trust, is simply vast. It is not argued here that these combinations are criminal. But will it, on the other hand, be argued that we are bound to " protect " them ? Are they to com- bine to force high prices from the people, and are the people to meekly assist in the process ? The central idea of the protective system is to compel our peo- ple to buy at home, while allowing them to sell abroad — thus retaining our money at home and adding to it. This is the old mercantile theory so popular during the middle ages. It needs but little reflection to see that such a programme can not be in- definitely carried on. If hundreds of millions of gold are brought into this country, gold becomes cheap, while abroad it becomes dear. There soon comes a time, therefore, when the gold will seek purchases abroad in consequence of its high value there. If we " corraled " all the gold in the world, the only thing we could do with it would be to send it abroad and buy with it. This process has already begun ; for, during the year 1887, and much more the year ending June 30, 1888, the balance of international trade was against us. Some protection organs, failing to see the meaning of this, called for still higher tariffs. But that gold is only valu- able as it enables our people to buy with it would seem to be axio- matic, however much it is forgotten. It might be inferred from the above, as it is certainly demon- strated by experience and well understood by economists, that in the long run imports and exports must balance each other, except where, as in the case of England, imports are made to balance in- comes derived from foreign investments. But if this be true, then a tariff on imports is also a restriction on exports. Have we found this to be true ? Not to rely on such general principles as that all international trade is essentially barter — an exchange of product for product — because payment in gold instead of bills of exchange is too expensive ; because freights without return freights are too high ; and because, as experience everywhere shows, people learn to buy wherever they sell ; not to rely on abstract propositions, let us appeal to the statistics of American and English exports and imports : Great Britain United States Exports.- £245,000,000 74,000,000 -Average, 1861-18S0. £321,000,000 74,000,000 i6 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. Passing by sucli important facts as that we- have almost en- tirely lost our South American trade ; that EurojDe shows an increasing tendency to buy her grain elsewhere than here — I ap- peal to the following interesting fact cited in one of Mr. Kurd's speeches : In 1870, before sugar was admitted free from the Ha- waiian Islands, our exports to them amounted to $590,000 ; and in 1883, after the sugar kings had been favored, our exports were $3,683,460. In a few years our exports increased sixfold ; and Americans now control both the business and the politics of the isl- ands. There is no reason why something like the same proportion should not hold for other countries, especially for Australia, South America, Canada (whose trade has been most senselessly sacri- ficed), and even for England. But supposing that our whole trade would have increased in only half the above proportion, we find that our exports might have been, in 1887, $2,250,000,000 instead of $750,000,000. Had this been the case, our imports would simi- larly have increased, and our people would have bought and sold to an advantage of at least a billion dollars more than they have, and would have been at least a billion dollars better off. Heretofore we have taken a survey, necessarily rapid and in- complete, of the strictly industrial effects of the tariff. Let us now pass to a consideration of its general social and moral effects. We shall find their mere enumeration a serious task. The tend- ency to undervaluing of imports is well known, and is inevitably inherent in the tariff system ; and on this account alone the tariff has been said to make us "a nation of liars." Newspapers are subsidized by its beneficiaries, and false information is systemati- cally spread and groundless fears aroused among the ignorant. Money is sent to districts of tariff reformers to defeat them. Each protected industry maintains a watchful lobby at Washington in its interest. Sham conventions are got up to affect public opinion. In short, it is the old story of privilege maintaining itself by all means fair and foul. Just as Bright and Cobden were denounced as red-handed revolutionists for advocating untaxed bread for the people, so the mildest revenue reformer is now " in favor,'' in the words of General Alger, of Michigan (who owns several millions' worth of protected pine), " of moving American industries to Eng- land." Mr. Cleveland, according to other profound statesmen, " desires to ruin American workingmen." Ludicrous as such talk is, it has its serious side in the debasement of politics and the de- struction of intelligent discussion. It is not indeed to be expected that the political discussion of any subject will be remarkable for research or breadth of view. Still, one must be surprised at the manner in which the protection side has been defended by its chief supporters. Mr. William McKinley, Jr., is supposed to be the ablest and most intellectual of the champions of a high tariff, THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. 17 and his speech on the Mills hill, which was carefully revised, con- tains some interesting examples of the political and intellectual effects of protection. In one place (p. 32) he asserts that "the working-people of England find that competition with countries employing cheaper labor is too oppressive to bear longer, and are demanding to be saved from further degradation," etc. This, in the face of the marvelous and universally admitted increase in wages and comfort of English labor already mentioned, and also in the face of the conspicuous fact that not a single prominent politician in England champions protection, and that the only protectionists are landlords whose rents are being reduced. In the same speech (p. 27) he attacked the Administration because it bought two thousand blankets for the army of an English firm, when, by paying $606 more, it might have patronized an American firm. Mr. McKinley's theory was that this money should not be saved to the tax-payers, but should be paid, as a bounty, to the American firm. On page 18 he said, " I would not allow a single ton of steel to come into the United States if our own labor could make it." If this is economic wisdom, why should not each State, each county, take the same policy ? Mr. McKinley offers no ex- planation, save that we have " one flag " ; but leaves to the imagi- nation what the flag has to do with industrial success. But the ne plus ultra doctrine is on page 13 : "I would rather have my political economy founded on the every -day experience of the peddler than the professor." In other words, the more we study the subject the less we know about it. Science is a delusion and snare for the impracticable. Ignorance alone is learned. We should not expect to hear from Mr. McKinley that industrial growth, like all organic growth, should be in the line of least resistance and greatest traction, which is the opinion of a sociolo- gist ; but we are hardly prepared for his assumption that labor cost is identical with the rate of daily wages. I instance Mr. Mc- Kinley's speech, because it is a type. On looking through the other leading speeches against the Mills bill we find the same neglect of facts, the same contempt for science, violence of asser- tion, disregard of business principles, and coarseness of reasoning. Nowhere do we find any account taken of the history of trade, the prosperity of trading nations, or even the elementary fact that English labor successfully competes with Indian and Chinese labor five times as poorly paid. Indeed, their theory would make this impossible, and therefore it can not be true. Another very serious indirect effect of the high tariff is that the surplus revenue obtained breeds profligate schemes without number. It seems to be forgotten that the Government of the United States was carried on during J. Q. Adams's administration — one of the best this country has seen — for about $10,000,000 a TOL. XXXIV. 2 i8 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. year. While our population has only increased five times since then, and our area doubled in extent, the Government spends twenty-five times as much. Extravagance has permeated every department of Government. Perhaps $150,000,000 is wasted in this way every yqar. Aside from this, however, we have to notice a few of the ridiculous schemes which have been ad- vanced to dispose of the surplus. The worst is probably the proposal to use it to bring up the price of silver, advanced in a congressional speech against the Mills bill.* This was devotion to " labor " with a vengeance. Then it is proposed to use it in educating the South, in defiance of the Constitution and of every healthful dictate of expediency. Another proposition, likewise well supported in Congress, has been to dig the Hennepin Canal, which can not be soberly regarded as anything more than a local enterprise of so poor a commercial character that no private com- pany would think of going into it. And in the improvement of harbors, the supporters of protection have encouraged the waste of enough money seriously to diminish the surplus, f Governor Foraker proposes that the Government buy land and put up pub- lic buildings in every town of three thousand inhabitants and over. Then there are innumerable people who want bounties and subsidies for their enterprises. Not to speak of the extravagance and heedlessness of our present pension legislation, we are dan- gerously near the institution of civil pensions. Lastly, there are schemes to spend any imaginable surplus in fortifications against imaginary enemies and on a navy, which, amounting to nothing with $400,000,000 put upon it since the war, might possibly amount to something if twice that amount were expended. The surplus has also attracted the attention of one of the Labor parties, which thinks the Government ought to " loan '' it to " the people." Other protection countries have had the same experience. Canada has been given over to profligate government ever since she adopted a protection policy. Where the Government goes on the theory that the more money taken from the peojDle the better for every- body, it will not be very careful of its expenditures. One further serious effect to be apprehended, if the protection idea obtains sway, must be mentioned. This is a demand for State and local protection. No logic that makes it advantageous for Kansas to protect herself against England can long resist the conclusion that it would also be well to protect her against Penn- sylvania. This idea would the more readily spread because it is obvious that the tariff is a tax on the Western States for the bene- fit of the Eastern, it being as certain as anything can well be that * By Congressman Cheadle. f One harbor within my knowledge has had more spent upon it by the Government than the entire town is worth. THE EFFECTS OF PROTECTION. 19 tariff taxes cost Kansas SlOO where they bring lier $1. Various efforts made by Tennessee and other States to fetter interstate exchange by taxation of drummers, etc., have already been made, but have happily been nullified by the Supreme Court of the United States. Nevertheless, if the idea becomes implanted that this is the best policy, the true way to get rich, the will of the people will in the end prevail. The legitimate and logical out- come of protection is a dissolution of the Union, and the establish- ment of fifty tariffs instead of one. Although I do not believe that any such thing will happen, it is worth while to point it out to those who, like Mr. McKinley, are logical and thorough-going protectionists, and believe in the speedy and permanent triumph of their idea. But this is not the American idea. It is not the idea of the Declaration of Independence or of the Constitution. Our fathers did not intend that Congress should have the power to create an industrial aristocracy, that certain classes should be saddled on the rest, and that American citizens should be deprived of the manifest and inalienable right to exchange the fruits of their labor wherever they saw fit. A more liberal spirit pervades that document, and in an important case the Supreme Court, through Justice Miller, has used language clearly implying that protec- tion per se is unconstitutional.* Si'EAKiNG of the lessons that the last twenty years of its activity had given to the Church, the Bishop of Lichfield said, in the opening address of the last English Church Congress : " Twenty years ago we discussed in our Congress the relations of the Bible and science. The discussion has gone on unceasingly, and is likely to continue for a long time to come. But its character and conditions are chang- ing. The time of loud assertion and angry controversy is passing. Timid minds are still staggered by the discoveries of science, but they are beginning to remem- ber that all truth is of God. The honest doubter is no longer regarded as a crimi- nal, but as an invalid. It is even admitted that there may be a considerable religious element in doubt." * Judge Story (sections 1077-1097 of his book on the Constitution) has lent the weight of his name to the opposite view. But Judge Cooley says (" Principles of Constitutional Law " ) : " Constitutionally, a tax can have no other basis than the raising of revenue for public purposes, and whatever has not this basis is tyrannical and unlawful. A tax on imports, therefore, the purpose of which is not to raise revenue, but to discourage and indirectly prohibit some particular import for the sake of some manufacturer, may well be questioned as merely colorable, and therefore not warranted by constitutional principles." And in Citizens' Savings-Bank vs. Topcka, 20 Wall, 635, the court said : " There are limita- tions" on all American legislatures " which rise out of the essential nature of all free gov- ernment. Among these is the limitation of taxation that it can only be used in the aid of a public object. It can not, therefore, be exercised in the aid of enterprises strictly private for the benefit of individuals, though in a remote or collateral way the public may be bene- fited thereby." It was decided in this case that it was illegal to tax Topeka to pay manu- facturers to locate there. THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. PALEOLITHIC MAN IN AMERICA: HIS ANTIQUITY AND ENVIRONMENT. By W J McGEE, OF THE U. S. GEOLOGICAL SCBVEY. DURING the unlettered youtli of the race there were no writ- ten records from which the antiquity of man can be read. So the anthropologist on the one hand, and the geologist on the other, have sought to construct an early human history from prehistoric relics, and from the formations in which they are imbedded or the fossils with which they are associated. Lubbock divided prehis- toric time into four great epochs, viz. : 1. The Paleolithic or rough stone epoch, during which primitive man flourished ; 2. The Neo- lithic or polished stone epoch, during which higher development was reached ; 3. The Bronze age ; and 4. The Iron age.* These divisions, at first supposed to represent successive eras, are now regarded as representing cultural phases rather than periods of time (in fact, all are found among the present population of the world), and they are accordingly valueless as measures of the antiquity of man upon the globe. The geologist classifies later geologic time as Cenozoic or the era of modern life, divides it into Tertiary and Quaternary (or Pleistocene), and subdivides the Ter- tiary into Eocene, Miocene, and Pliocene. But no part of the geologic record, as hitherto interpreted, is more indefinite than that of the transition from Tertiary to Quaternary, or from Plio- cene to Pleistocene ; and this indefiniteness is especially unfor- tunate for American anthropology, since it was about this period that the autochthon — the primeval inhabitant of the continent — first appeared. It is, indeed, customary to recognize the geologi- cally recent glacial period, during which northern United States was overspread by an ice-sheet extending southward to the thirty- eighth parallel, as the initial episode of the Quaternary ; but it is becoming apparent that this period is too long and too vaguely defined to satisfy inquirers for a date of man's origin. Recent researches in the Great Basin of western America, in the Mississippi Valley, and in the Atlantic slope, have shown (1) that the glacial period consisted of two epochs of humid climate and glaciation (the later comprising two or more sub-epochs) ; (2) that these cold and wet epochs were preceded, separated, and followed by climatal conditions much like those of to-day; (3) that the intervening a-glacial epoch was of considerable dura- * " Prehistoric Times," American edition, 18V5, pp. 2, 3. PALEOLITHIC MAN IN AMERICA. 21 tion ; and (4) that the earlier epoch, of cold was the longer, though the cold was the more intense and the climate more variable during the later epoch. The latest researches in the Atlantic slope have shown more definitively (1) that the interval of mild climate separating the two cold epochs was from five to ten times as long as the post-glacial interval ; (2) that the cold epochs themselves were brief in com- parison with the inter-glacial and post-glacial intervals ; and (3) that the earlier and longer epoch of cold was attended by conti- nental submergence reaching four or five hundred feet in the la,titude of New York and extending to South Carolina, while the land depression of the later refrigeration was but forty or fifty feet at New York, and scarcely extended beyond the great terminal moraine of Long Island and northern New Jersey.* During the first epoch of cold and wet local glaciers formed in the Rocky Mountains and in the Sierras, the Great Basin (which these ranges bound) was flooded and the now extinct Lakes Bon- neville and Lahontan were formed, and into the lakes great vol- umes of sand and silt — the lower lacustral beds of Gilbert and Russell — were swept by the flooded rivers ; at the same time the northern ice-sheet stretched down into the Mississippi Valley as far as the Missouri River, the land was depressed, and both glacial and aqueo-glacial deposits were laid down ; and it was at the same time, too, that the Atlantic coast was depressed until the high hills overlooking New York, Philadelphia and Washington were half submerged, and that the rivers built great deltas of gravel and loam along the shore of the expanded ocean, while the waves dropped shallow-water sediments all over the lowlands. With the interglacial warmth the glaciers of the Western mountains were melted, the lakes were dried, and river - gravels were de- posited by the shrunken streams over and canons were cut into the old lake-bottoms ; in the Mississippi Valley the glaciers re- treated and the drift-plains became forest-covered ; while in the East the land underwent re-elevation, and there was erosion of such extent as to afford a rough measure of the duration of the warm interval. During the later epoch of cold and wet glaciers again formed in the Rocky Mountains and in the Sierras, Lakes Bonneville and Lahontan were refilled — the former to overflowing —and the upper lacustral beds were laid down within them ; the northern ice again invaded the Mississippi Valley and formed two or more drift-sheets, together with the peculiar glacial-mud deposit (or loess) into which they graduate, as well as the great terminal moraine stretching from Ohio to Dakota; and in the East the ice again overrode the Adirondacks and the New Eng- * "American Journal of Science" for May and June, 1888; "Seventh Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey," 1888, p. 537 et sea. 22 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. land ranges, crept southward to Long Island and northern New Jersey, and heaped up the eastern extension of the terminal mo- raine, and, as it melted, gave origin to the Champlain deposits of the New England rivers and to certain distinctive aqueo- glacial gravels, of which those of the Delaware at Trenton are the type. The lower lacustral deposits of the Great Basin, the aqueo- glacial deposits of the Mississippi Valley, and the ancient deltas of the Atlantic slope are correlated, partly because (1) each attests a great and similar climatal episode, because (2) it is evident that each of these episodes was so extreme as to affect the entire breadth of the continent, and because (3) there are no indications among American geologic deposits of other episodes with which these might be confused ; the upper lacustral beds of the Great Basin, the upper glacial and aqueo-glacial deposits of the Missis- sippi Valley, and the glacial deposits of the Atlantic slope, are correlated upon similar grounds ; and the harmony among the various records gives cumulative proof of the accuracy of each. By these researches of the last decade the earlier conceptions of Quaternary history are greatly expanded, and the hitherto ob- scure relation between the Tertiary and Quaternary is made clear. Where they contain vertebrate fossils, the earlier and even the later of these deposits are, it is true, referred to the Pliocene by paleontologists, while physical geologists refer the entire series to the Quaternary; but this discrepance is one of classification only, and in no way affects the phenomena classified. The sequence of events made out independently in the three widely separated regions may be depicted as in the accompanying diagram (Fig. 1), representing the temperatures and land-altitudes TERTIABY aUATERNAOY DCISTENCC or MAM DOUBTFUL PALEOLITHIC MAN • Fig. 1.— Graphic Repeesentation op Climate and Changes in Altitude op the Land. during late Tertiary and Quaternary time. By such a chrono- graph alone is it possible to accurately measure the antiquity of paleolithic man. Marsh has well shown that only long seons can be measured by plant fossils, that somewhat shorter periods may be measured by the records of invertebrate life, and that the ver- tebrates afford by far the most delicate of the paleontologic time- measures ; but the swing of even the vertebrate life-pendulum is PALEOLITHIC MAN IN AMERICA. 23 long as compared with, that marking the transitory stages of human development, and must give place to the still more precise chronometer afforded by the brief and sharply defined climatal episodes of later geologic time ; the human records of diverse regions can only be correlated in terms of these brief episodes ; and in ascertaining the relations of paleolithic man to the two best known climatal episodes of the past, it is immaterial whether these be called Tertiary or Quaternary. It is the special merit of the graphic method that it exhibits quantitative relations (for while verbal language is commonly qualitative, graphic language is always quantitative) ; and in the present case it affords a means of measuring the consistency of the evidence, and of instantly de- tecting the inconsistent records, of human antiquity. There are several well-authenticated discoveries of human rel- ics in this country in geologic deposits whose places may be fixed in the graphic time-record forming Fig. 1. Aughey records two chipped implements from the loess of the Missouri Valley, one of them coming from immediately beneath an elephantine vertebra ; Miss Babbitt has found great numbers of quartz-chips in a Cham- plain terrace of the Mississippi at Little Falls, Minnesota, which are regarded by many archaeologists as unquestionably artificial ; N. H. Winchell records polished stone and copper implements as well as human bones from the same aqueo-glacial terrace of the Mississippi near Minneapolis ; Belt several years ago found a fossilized human skull in what appears to be the westernmost ex- tension of the loess in Colorado ; Gilbert has shown that the geo- logic position of an ancient hearth found in excavating a well in northern New York indicates that it was constructed during the closing episodes of the last glacial epoch ; a few years since McGee discovered a chipped obsidian implement imbedded in the upper lacustral marls of western Nevada ; McAdams notes the finding of a stone axe in loess seventy feet beneath the surface in Illinois ; and among the most recent and satisfactory archseologic discoveries of this country are those of two chipped implements of black flint found in Ohio by Dr. C. G. Metz, at Madisonville and Lovelands respectively, in deposits of loess and aqueo-glacial gravel which G. F. Wright has shown to represent a closing episode of the later glacial epoch. But it is in the aqueo-glacial gravels of the Delaware River at Trenton, which were laid down contem- poraneously with the terminal moraine one hundred miles farther northward, and which have been so thoroughly studied by Ab- bott, that the most conclusive proof of the existence of glacial man is found ; and it is here, too, that the most satisfactory evi- dence is obtained concerning the conditions by which paleolithic man was surrounded. It is significant that in all these cases 24 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. the human relics were found in deposits representing the closing episodes of the later epoch of Quaternary cold. There are several cases in which traces of human activity have been reported from older deposits, but in which the discov- eries are not so well authenticated. E. g., there is Dr. Koch's well-known record of the finding of mastodon remains in the Osage Valley, Missouri, associated with human implements and traces of fire, in deposits probably contemporaneous with those of the earlier ice-sheet ; but the geologic relations have never been clearly made out, and the verity of the discovery has always been (perhaps unjustly) questioned. The finding of a fossilized human bone at Natchez, Mississippi, apparently associated with an early Quaternary fauna, is equally well known ; but the attendant cir- cumstances were not such as to carry conviction to the minds of contemporary students. Lewis, also, has described a paleolithic implement from aqueo-glacial gravels at Philadelphia ; but he did not personally witness the discovery, and was not certain that the object came from the older (earliest glacial) and not the newer (latest glacial) gravels. It is significant that in all these cases the testimony is internally defective ; and, since its acceptance would many times multiply human antiquity as established by collateral evidence (as clearly shown in Fig. 1), it would seem especially wise to reserve judgment upon it. There are other cases in which human remains have been found in such position as to indicate great antiquity measured in years — e. g., the shell-heaps of Damariscotta River in Maine and St. John's River in Florida, representing a fauna now extinct or displaced ; the enormous shell-heap at San Pablo on the Bay of San Francisco, which e^ddently represents a vast period of build- ing ; the shell-beds and superimposed deposits of the Aleutian Islands, which have been shown by Dall to represent at least three thousand years of accumulation, etc. ; but in none of these cases is it possible to reduce the historic time-units to definite geologic time-units. There are still other cases in which human relics have been reported from deposits of considerable geologic age — e. g., in Cala- veras County, California, near Golden, Colorado, etc. ; but, while the arch^eologic evidence would seem conclusive in at least one of these instances, it is impossible to confidently transmute the paleontologic record of the age of the deposits into the physical record which alone is sufficiently refined for the measure of hu- man development ; and it would thus seem wise to reserve judg- ment in these cases, also, with respect to the correlation of the deposits as well as to the association of the relics. Excluding all doubtful cases, there remains a fairly consistent body of testimony indicating the existence of a widely distributed PALEOLITHIC MAN IN AMERICA. 25 human population upon the North American Continent during the later ice epoch. The records are not equally decisive, it is true ; the artificial character of Miss Babbitt's quartz-chips has been questioned, and they represent a stage of culture widely dif- ferent from that represented by Winchell's objects from the same deposit ; it has been suggested that McAdams's axe may have been an adventitious inclusion ; Belt's untimely death prevented final statement of the geologic position of the Colorado skull ; the apparently conclusive structural evidence of the antiquity of the Nevada obsidian is opposed by its fresh aspect and modern form ; and Gilbert's hearth was not seen by the geologist who studied its relations. Yet, however the doubtful cases may be weighted, the testimony is cumulative, parts of it are unimpeachable, and the proof of the existence of glacial man seems conclusive. But the evidence of man's existence during the earlier epoch of gla- cial cold is not conclusive ; and the evidence of still earlier human occupancy of the continent is not reducible to the terms of defi- nite geologic chronology. Moreover, there is a body of negative evidence which is worthy of consideration. The lower lacustral deposits of the Great Basin have been as carefully explored as the upper, but have yielded no trace of human remains ; the oldest glacial and aqueo-glacial deposits of the Mississippi Valley have been explored in Nebraska, Illinois, Missouri, and Ohio, as care- fully as the later deposits, but (if Dr. Koch's famous find be ex- cluded) no traces of human occupancy have been found ; and, most significant of all, the deposits of the earlier cold epoch throughout the District of Columbia have been scanned for years by a dozen trained collectors and not a single object of human manufacture has been found within them, though thousands have been found on the surface, and though it might be shown that the conditions for savage life were as favorable on the Potomac dur- ing this epoch as they were on the Delaware during the later. The various archseologic discoveries of America display strik- ing diversity in the degree of development exhibited in the relics, which range from the rudest " turtle-backs" to finely chipped flint, polished stone, and even copper ; but whether this disparity indi- cates adventitious inclusion in certain cases — and thus weakens the chain of evidence of human antiquity^or heterogeneity in the primitive population, can not yet be decided. Whatever in- terpretation be placed upon the questionable cases, however, there is convincing proof not only of man's existence, but of the definite stage of culture called paleolithic, in the later cold epoch of the glacial period. It is indeed obvious that the autochthon must have found birth anterior to this epoch, but the objective evidence of pre-paleolithic art has not been ascertained ; and, since the date of origin of a higher culture is unknown, it can only be said that the THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY paleolithic stage began toward the close of the later cold epoch and extended well toward the historic period, probably overlapping far upon the neolithic stage. Thus the place of paleolithic man in the chronograph afforded by geology is that shown in Fig. 1. It should be pointed out that the human period of America can not be synchronized with that of Europe, since the geologic chronometer employed abroad is not sufficiently sensitive. It is true that Penck * and others have recently read from the glacial and associated deposits of the Alps a climatal record coinciding exactly with that recognized in this country \ (save that the du- ration of the episodes is less closely measured), and that Mortillet J and others have inferred a definite climatal sequence from the Conspectus of Quaternary History. is- ^2 li Formation of Lake Agassiz clays and Champlaiu depos- its. Terminal mo- raines and third drift-sheet. f Relatively short a-glacial interval. Erosion of river- valleys. Loess passing into second drift-sheet in central U. S. Upper lake-beds in the Great Ba- sin. Moraine-bor- dered drift in east- ern U. S. f Long a-glacial in- I terval. Formation I of medial gravels J in Great Basin and forest bed in Mis- sissippi Valley. Ercsion in eastern U. S. Lower lake-beds in Great B'sin, "Gum- bo" passing into first drift-sheet in Mississippi Valley, Columbia forma- tion in eastern U.S. The German Alps. Post- glacial period. Last glacial period. Last inter- glacial period. Erosion of valleys ; filling up of gla- cial lakes. Erosion in the cen- tral part, moraine building at the pe- riphery, and sedi- mentation by ice- fed streams with- out the glaciated districts. Erosion of valleys ; I filling up of gla- l cial lakes ; torma- I tion of Innsbruck [^ coal, etc. Northern France. Middle "| (sec- I Moraine - building ; ond) j- sedimentation by glacial I glacial streams, period. J f Erosion of valleys ; filling up of gla- First I cial lakes ; forma- inter- J tion of old deltas glacial I and breccias, river period. alluvium, and lig- nites with associ- [ ated deposits. First i Erosion and depo- glacial •] sition by ice and period. ( glacial streams. rColdanddry. For- ' mation of red al- luvium ; atmos- pheric deposits. Milder tempera- ture ; very short relatively. Con- tinuation of ter- race formation ; retreat of glaciers f Cold and wet. For- I mation of ter- I races, great ex- tension of gla- ciers, clearing out of valleys, and ac- cumulat'n of soil. Warm and wet. Su- perior loam, high Ic^el alluvium, filling up of val- leys, and remo- val of soil. (Not represented.) * " Die Vergletscherung der dcutschen Alpen," 1882, Tabelle IL ■)• "American Journal of Science," third series, xxxv, 1888, pp. 462-466. X "La Prehistorique Antiquit6 de THomme," 1885, p. 131. PALEOLITHIC MAN IN AMERICA. 27 relic-bearing deposits of central France ; but, as shown in the ac- companying table, the records are not accordant in their entirety, and can only be reduced to common terms by juxtaposing the earliest recognized Quaternary episode of the lowlands with one of the episodes of the later Quaternary in the mountains. This allocation harmonizes the evidence as to the antiquity of man on opposite sides of the Atlantic, but runs counter to current opinion and appears inconsistent with certain cavern phenomena, and can therefore be set forth as only a possible one. In this as in other cases, paleontologic correlation is incompetent if not utterly meaningless, since the episodes dealt with were so brief that chorologic diversity among the higher animals was unquestion- ably more important than chronologic variation — indeed, the latest lacustral (and relic-bearing) deposits of the Great Basin, which are referred to the Pliocene upon paleontologic grounds,* appear to have an older facies than the oldest relic-bearing river-deposits of France. 11. The chipped implements found by Aughey appear to have been dropped on the bottom of the shallow lake or muddy swamp within which the loess was accumulated ; since the loess itself con- sists of glacial mud, and since the basin in which it was deposited was bounded on the north by the Quaternary mer de glace, the cli- mate must have been cold; and the associated elephantine re- mains prove the association of man and mammoth. The relics themselves throw little light upon the habits of their makers, but suggest that they were well advanced in the fabrication of chipped implements. If the obsidian implement from the Nevada lake- beds was really in situ (as all appearances indicated), it must have been dropped in a shallow and quiet bay of the saline and alkaline lake Lahontan, and gradually buried beneath its fine mechanical sediments and chemical precipitates ; as indicated by the asso- ciated fossil bones and teeth, its makers must have been contem- porary with the indigenous horse, an elk or deer, an elephant or mastodon, the camel, a gigantic ox, and other extinct animals com- monly referred to the later Pliocene ; but the single implement tells little of the habits and customs of the people it rejjresents, save that they had advanced far in the art of stone-chipping. Gil- bert's hearth was located on the southern shore of Lake Ontario, when it was greatly expanded by continental tilting and obstruc- tion of its present outlet by the later Quaternary glacier, and was buried beneath lacustral deposits when further tilting of the land altered the position of the lake-shore ; and since the lake was con- fined on the north and east by the wer de glace, the temperature of the times must have been low and the surface of the water dotted * "American Naturalist," xxi, ISST, pp. 458, 459. 28 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. by floes and icebergs in spring-time, if not all the year round. The hearth itself tells only that its builders knew the uses of fire, and constructed rude fireplaces, but is silent as to their knowledge of water-craft, as to their implements and utensils, as to whether they were hunters or fishermen, and so as to nearly all of their habits and customs. Miss Babbitt's quartz-chips appear (though the geologic relations are somewhat obscure) to represent the site of a primitive workshop or rendezvous on the banks of a river heading in the ice-sheet a few miles or scores of miles up-stream. The artificial origin of the chips has been disputed, and is in- dicated by their concentration in a certain local stratum and their absence from contiguous strata and other localities rather than by their form — the distribution being apparently explicable only on the hyiDothesis that they were artificially accumulated, whether or not they were artificiaLy fabricated. The rude chips throw no light on the habits, customs, or environment of the men Fig. a— Margin of the later Quatebnabt Ice-Sheet in the Vallet of Delaware River. by whom they may have been fashioned, save that, if artificial, they exhibit the lowest known grade of culture ; but this testi- mony of the quartz-chips is apparently antagonized by that of the polished-stone axe and disk, the copper spear-head, etc., recorded by N. H. Winchell from another part of the same terrace-plain. The deposit in which the Madisonville imjjlement was found PALEOLITHIC MAN IN AMERICA. 29 by Metz was laid down by a turbulent ice-bearing river but a few miles from the glacier's margin. The implement, unlike those recorded by Aughey, McGee, and N. H. Winchell, is of the rude type commonly called paleolithic, and thus indicates primitive customs among its makers; but neither alone nor in conjunction with the similar implement found by the same indi- vidual under like conditions at Lovelands does it tell whether the inhabitant of the ice-front in the Ohio valley was hunter, fisher- man, or husbandman, troglodyte, nomad, or house-builder; and only the geologic evidence suggests conditions of life approaching those of the modern Esquimau. When the primitive man of Trenton flourished, the later Quaternary mer de glace covered New York and New England, and extended far into northern New Jersey and Pennsylvania. The ice was from five hundred to one thousand feet in thickness near its margin, and overflowed the highest mountains, though they somewhat impeded its progress ; the land beneath was some- what depressed and was tilted northward toward the ice-front; and flooded rivers, born upon and beneath the edge of the ice- sheet, swept into their lower courses and into the sea, glacial mud, sand, and pebbles, while upon their surfaces floated ice-floes laden sometimes with larger pebbles and anon with great bowl- ders. Among these rivers was the Delaware, which was trans- formed in its middle course from a constricted torrent rushing swiftly over a rocky bottom (as it is to-day and as it was anterior to the second ice-epoch) into a broad slack-water estuary, tidal probably to the mouth of the Lehigh. This estuary found its source at the edge of the ice, where now lies the terminal moraine (just below Belvidere) ; and at what is now the head of tide at Trenton it embouched into a broad, shallow bay. At the ice- front it gathered a harvest of cobble-stones which were washed down-stream and deposited in a series of terraces more than one hundred feet in height and two miles or more in width, extend- ing ten miles down the river ; the cobbles growing finer and finer and finally passing into beds of gravel and sand. There, too, the waters became charged with glacial mud — the rock-flour forming the grist of the glacial mill — which was more slowly deposited in the form of fine loam sometimes enveloping the cobbles and abundantly intermixed with the finer gravel and sand as far south as Philadelphia, but most abundantly above Trenton. There, also, the river gathered sand, fine and coarse pebbles, great bowlders, and heterogeneous debris, which were frozen into ice-floes, floated gently down-stream, and dropped as the floes melted, equally far southward, but most abundantly where the river embouched into the bay and where the floes lingered longest in the slackened cur- rent, These aqueo-glacial deposits extend continuously from the '30 THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. terminal moraine to Philadelphia. They are most conspicuous in the great gravel terrace just south of Belvidere, gradually dimin- ish in volume and height and even merge into the modern allu- vium by which they are in part overlaid between Easton and Trenton, become conspicuous again at Trenton (where they cover an area of fully fifty square miles, and are exposed in every natu- ral and artificial excavation below their maximum altitude in and near the city), and finally disappear near Bristol, though the cobbles are largely dredged from the channel to and beyond Philadelphia. They are in part overlaid by modern alluvium, into which they appear to merge midway between the moraine and Trenton ; and they repose unconformably upon the greatly eroded surface of the Columbia formation — the aqueo-glacial de- posits of the earlier cold epoch of the Quaternary — notably at Trenton, where they fill a basin lined with Columbia brick-clays and gravels. By structure, composition, and topographic relations the de- posits tell the story, as by their geologic relations they fix the date, of their origin. At Trenton the de- posits consist of stratified gravels more heterogene- ous than, but otherwise undistinguishable from, those of the terraces into which the terminal mo- raine merges, interspersed with bowlders up to one hundred cubic feet in vol- ume, the whole imbedded in a matrix of sand and loam. The entire mass is unquestionably water-laid ; its continuous bedding is indicative of wave-action, and thus of shallow waters ; and the bowlders scattered throughout it are evident- ly ice-borne. Its structure is shown in Fig. 3, repro- duced from a photograph taken in the extensive gravel-pit half a mile east of the depot at Trenton. The relations of these gravels to the subjacent Colum- bia formation are shown in Fig. 4, also reproduced from a photo- graph taken at Chambersburg — the coarse, stratified gravels. Fm. 3.— Abtipicial Clip