fi V

The Principal

Navigations Voyages Traffiques and

Discoveries of the English Nation

In Twelve Volumes
Volume VI

GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON

THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK

SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON

MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE

DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH

MCMIV

Photogravure "by Annan & Sans.Glas^o

SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.

a? If?

The Principal j-j /y

Navigations Voyages Sbc,&
Traffiques & Discoveries
of the English Nation

Made by Sea or Over-land to the

Remote and Farthest Distant Quarters

of the Earth at any time within the

compasse of these 1600 Yeeres

By

RICHARD HAKLUYT

Preacher, and sometime Student of
Christ-Church in Oxford

VOLUME VI

Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons

Publishers to the University

MCMIV

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages of this sixth volume
made to the South and South-east quarters ;
with the Ambassages, Treatises, Priviledges,
Letters, and other observations, depending
upon the Voyages of this sixth Volume :

The voyage of M. John Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea,
and from thence by land and river to Babylon, and
Balsara, Anno 1583. . . . . • . 1

The money, weights, measures, and customes used in
Babylon, Balsara, Ormuz, Goa, Cochin, and Malacca :
written from Alepo in Syria, by M. William Barret,
Anno 1584. . . . . . . 10

The charge of a journey, by land and river, from Alepo in

Syria to Goa in the East India. . . . .23

A declaration of all the places from whence each particular

commoditie of the East Indies commeth. . . 24

The times or seasonable windes called Monsons, wherein

the ships depart from place to place in the East Indies. 28

A description of the Isle of S. Helena frequented by the

Portugales in their returne from the East India. . 33

The voyage of M. John Evesham by sea into ^Egypt,

Anno 1586. . . . . . . . 35

v

52625

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued, page

The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of

Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt, Anno 1586. . . 39

The voyage of five marchants ships of London into Turkie :
and their valiant fight in their returne with 1 1 gallies
and two frigats of the king of Spaine, at Pantalarea
within the Streits of Gibraltar, Anno 1586. . . 46

The voyage of Master William Hareborne over-land from

Constantinople to London, Anno 1588. . . 58

A Priviledge granted by Peter Prince of Moldavia, to the

English merchants, Anno 1588. .... 59

A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly payments
answered quarterly in time of peace, by the Grand
Signor, out of his treasury, to the officers of his
Seraglio or Court, successively in degrees. . . 61

The chiefe officers of the great Turkes Empire ; the num-
ber of souldiers attending upon each of his Beglerbegs ;
the principal officers in his Seraglio or Court ; his
yeerely revenues, and his allowances to forren Am-
bassadours. ....... 67

The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellor to Sultan Murad
Can the Grand Signor, An. 1590, to the sacred
Majestie of Elizabeth Queene of England : signifying,
that upon her request, and for her sake especially he
granted peace unto the king of Poland. ... 69

The second letters patents granted by the Queenes Majestie,
to the right wor. company of the English merchants
for the Levant, in the yere of our Lord 1592. . . 73

A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria
begun the 21 of March, 1593, and ended the ninth
of August 1595 : wherein is shewed the manner of
delivering the second present, by M. Edward Barton

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page

her Majesties ambassadour, which was sent from her
Majestie to Sultan Murad Can, the Emperour of
Turkic ......

93

A letter written by the most high and mighty Empresse
the wife of the Grand Signor Sultan Murad Can to
her most sacred Majesty of England, Anno 1594. . 114

The voyage of Macham the first discoverer of the Isle of

Madera, in the yeere 1344. . . . .119

A Note concerning the ayde and assistance given to king
John the first of Portugale, by certaine English mer-
chants, for the winning of Ceut in Barbary, Anno
1415. ....... 121

The Ambassage of John the second, king of Portugale to
Edward the 4. king of England, to stay John Tintam,
and William Fabian Englishmen, preparing for a
voyage to Guinea, Anno 148 1. . . . . 122

A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of English mar-
chants to the Canarie Isles, Anno 1526.. . .124

A description of the Canarie Islands, with their strange

fruits and commodities. . . . . .125

The first voyage to Barbary, Anno 1 5 5 1 . . . . 136

The second voyage to Barbary, Anno 1552. . . . 138

The voyage of M. Thomas Windam to Guinea and the

kingdom of Benin, Anno 1553. . . . . 141

The voyage of M. John Lok to Guinea, Anno 1554. . 154

The first voyage of Master William Towrson marchant of

London to Guinea, in the yeere of our Lord, 1555. . 177

The second voyage of M. William Towrson to Guinea and

the castle of Mina. An. 1556. . . . . 212

vii

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page

The third voyage of the sayd M. William Towrson to the

coast of Guinea and the river of Sestos, Anno 1557. . 231

The commodities and wares that are most desired in
Guinea, betwixt Sierra Leona, and the furthest place
of the Mina. . . . . . .252

Certaine articles of remembrance delivered to M. John

Lok, touching a voyage to Guinea, Anno 1 561. . 253

A letter of M. John Lok to the worshipfull company of

marchants adventurers of Guinea, Anno 1561. . . 255

The relation of one William Rutter concerning a voyage
set out to Guinea, Anno 1562. Described also in
verse by Robert Baker. . . . . .258

A meeting at Sir William Gerards house for the setting
foorth of a voyage to Guinea, with the Minion of the
Queenes, The John Baptist of London, and the
Merline of M. Gonson, Anno 1564. . . . 262

A relation of the successe of the same voyage, taken out of

a voyage of Sir John Haukins to the West Indies. . 263

The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinea and to the

Isles of Capo Verde, An. 1566. .... 266

The voyage and ambassage of Master Edmund Hogan to

the Emperour of Marocco, Anno 1577. . . . 285

The voyage of Thomas Stukeley into Barbary, 1578. . 293

Certaine reports of the mighty kingdome of China delivered

by Portugales which were there imprisoned. . . 295

A discourse of the Isle of Japan, and of other Isles in the

East Ocean, &c. . . . . . .327

An excellent description of the kingdome of China, and of

the estate and governement thereof. . . . 348

viii

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page

The vqyage of Thomas Stevens about the Cape of Buona

Esperanza unto Goa in the East India, Anno 1579. • 377

A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich trafficke

of the kingdom of Pegu, beyond the East India. . 385

The memorable voyage of M. James Lancaster about the
Cape of Buona Esperanza, along the Easterne coast of
Africa, beyond Cape Comori, as far as the maine land
of Malacca, and from thence home againe, begun in
the yeere 1 591 . ...... 387

Certaine remembrances of a voyage intended to Brasil, and
to the river of Plate, but miserably overthrowen neere
Rio grande in Guinea, in the yeere 1583. . . 408

The escape of the Primrose, a ship of London, from before
the towne of Bilbao in Biscay, and the taking of the
Corrigidor, Anno 1585.. . . . . 413

The king of Spaines Commission for the generall imbarg-

ment or arrest of the English &c. Anno 1585. . .417

The Letters patents granted by her Majestie to certaine
noblemen and merchants of London, for a trade to
Barbary, Anno 1585. . . . . . 419

The voyage and ambassage of Master Henry Roberts to

Mully Hamet Emperour of Marocco, Anno 1585. . 426

An edict from the Emperour of Marocco in favour of all
Englishmen trading throughout his dominions, Anno
1587. ....... 428

A letter of the sayd emperour written to the Erie of

Leicester, in the yeare 1587. .... 430

A letter of the gueenes Majestie written to the emperour

of Marocco, in the yere 1587. .... 432

The voyage made by two of sir Walter Raleghs Pinasses
called The Serpent and The Mary Spark of Plimouth

THE TABLE

A Catalogue of the Voyages — Continued. page

to the Azores : which tooke the governour of the Isle
of S. Michael, and Pedro Sarmiento governour of the
Streights of Magellan in the yere 1586. . . . 434

The voyage of Sir Francis Drake to Cadiz, and the memor-
able exploits and services performed by him as well
there as at diverse other places upon the coast of Spaine
and Portugale, and his taking of the great East Indian
Carak called The Sant Philip, neere the Isle of S.
Michael, Anno 1587. ..... 438

A patent graunted to certaine merchants of Exceter, and
others of the West parts, and of London, for a trade to
the rivers of Senega and Gambra in Guinea, Anno
1588 443

A voyage to Benin beyond the countrey of Guinea made
by Master James Welsh, who set foorth in the yeere
1588. 450

A relation concerning a voyage set foorth by M. John
Newton, and M. John Bird, merchants of London, to
the kingdome and citie of Benin, written by Antony
Ingram, An. 1588.. ..... 458

The second voyage made by M. James Welsh to Benin in

Africa, An. 1590. ...... 461

An advertisement to king Philip the 2. of Spaine, from
Angola, touching the state of the same countrey, An.
1 591 . ....... 468

The voyage to Spaine and Portugale written (as it is

thought) by Colonell Anthonie Wingfield, An. 1589. . 470

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Sir Francis Walsingham, .... Frontispiece

Sir Francis Walsingham was born about 1530. He
matriculated at King's College, Cambridge, and
subsequently entered Gray's Inn. On Queen
Mary's accession he left England and travelled on
the Continent, but returned home on her death.
He then entered Parliament as member for Ban-
bury, and later represented Lyme Regis and Surrey.
His knowledge of foreign affairs brought him under
the notice of Burghley, and through his foreign
friends and correspondents he obtained much valu-
able secret intelligence. In 1570 he went on an
embassy to Paris, and later in that year was ap-
pointed resident ambassador at the French Court.
In December, 1573, Walsingham was appointed one
of the principal Secretaries of State, and in 1577
was knighted. He was one of the Commissioners
who tried Mary, Queen of Scots, and it was largely
on the secret information obtained by him that she
was condemned. Walsingham died in London on 6th
April, 1590, and was buried privately the next night
in St. Paul's. The portrait here reproduced is from
the engraving in the British Museum of the original
formerly in the collection of the Duke of Dorset.

John Eldred, 8

According to the tablet beneath the monument, which
is here pictured, in Great Saxham Church, Suffolk,

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

' New Buckingham in Norfolke was John Eldred's
first being. In Babilon hee spent some parte of
his time, and the rest of his earthly pilgrimage hee
spent in London, and was Alderman of that Famous
Citric' He traded to the East, and was a member
of the Levant Company.

The Emperor Akbar, . . . . . .16

Akbar (or i the great ') Mogul Emperor of India, is the
1 Selabdim Echebar King of Cambaia,' frequently
mentioned by Hakluyt. He came to the throne
in 1556, when between thirteen and fourteen years
old, and reigned until 1605. In addition to being
a great conqueror, he was a wise and enlightened
ruler. The present picture represents him as he
appeared towards the middle of his reign, when at
the height of his power, and after he had founded
his new religion. It is reproduced from an original
in an album of miniatures and calligraphic speci-
mens of the seventeenth and early eighteenth
centuries, preserved in the Department of Oriental
MSS. in the British Museum.

PlanofOrmuz, ....... 32

From the copy in the British Museum of G. Braun and
F. Hohenberg's Civitates Orbis Terrarum, 1573.

English Sailing Chart, 1592, . . . .128

This chart, drawn by T. Hood, and engraved by Ryther
in 1 592, is reproduced from the original in a
volume of miscellaneous papers entitled Sea Tracts,
Vol. II., in the Pepys Library, Magdalene College,
Cambridge, by permission of the College authorities.
It gives the coast lines from the latitude of the
Orkneys to the Cape Verde Islands. Thomas
Hood, * Doctor in Phisicke,' was also a lecturer on
navigation, a seller of compasses, and author and
editor of various books on mathematics and naviga-
tion. Specimens of his charts are very rare.

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Map of Egypt, 176

From the copy in the British Museum of John Huighen
van Unschoten his Discours of Voyages unto ye Easte
and Weste Indies, printed at London, 1598. It is
of interest to note the l diche begonne in auncient
tyme and somewhat attempted of late by Sinan
the Bassa to joyne both the Seas together' — now
the Suez Canal.

George Fenner, . . . . • • .272

George Fenner, ' a man that had beene conversant in
many sea-fights,' belonged to a Sussex family, and
was probably a native of Chichester. The family
produced several other seamen, of whom William
Fenner, Viceadmiral under Drake and Norris in the
Portugal voyage (see p. 483), and Thomas Fenner,
captain of the ' Dreadnought ' in Drake's Cadiz Ex-
pedition (see p. 438), are best known. The action
off the Azores between the Portuguese squadron
and George Fenner's ships (see pp. 281-3) is
1 memorable as the earliest revelation to English
seamen of the power their superiority in gunnery
was to give them' (Corbett, Drake and the Tudor
Navy, I. 93). On his return from the voyage to
Guinea in 1566, Fenner traded with the Low
Countries. In 1588 he commanded the 'Galleon
Leicester' against the Armada, and in 1597 accom-
panied Essex in the Islands voyage. The portrait is
taken from that in John Pine's Tapestry Hangings oj
the House of Lords, London, 1753, in the British
Museum.

PlanofGoa, 3*H

From the copy in the British Museum of G. Braun and
F. Hohenberg's Civitates Orbis Ten-arum, 1573.

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

Despatch from Sir Francis Drake, .... 440

This despatch, dated 27th April, 1587, gives Drake's
account of the burning of the Spanish ships in Cadiz
Harbour. It is reproduced by permission from the
original preserved in the Public Record Office. The
postscripts are in Drake's own handwriting. The
despatch, which is addressed 'To the righte honor-
able Sir Ffrauncis Walsingham, Knighte principall
Secretary to Her Matie with all haste haste poste
haste ' runs as follows :

Righte honorable Theise are to geive to understande that
on the seconde of this moneth we departede out
of the sound of Plymouth we had sighte of the
Cape venester the vth : we were encountrede with
a violente storme duringe the space of five daies by
which meanes our fleate was putt a sonder and a
greate leake sprange uppon the Dreadenoughte :
the 16th we mette all together at the Rocke & the
19th we arrivede into the roade of Cales in Spaigne
where we founde sondrie greate shippes some laden
some halfe laden and some readie to be laden with
the kings provisions for Englande ; we staiede there
untill the 24th in which meane tyme we sanke a
Biskanie of I2C tonnes, burnte a shippe of the
Marquice of Santa Cruse of 15° Tonnes and 31
shippes more of 1000 800 600 : 400 to 200 tonnes
the peice carried awaie fower with us laden with
provision, And departede thence at our pleasure with
as moch honour as we coulde wishe notwithstand-
inge that duringe the tyme of our aboade there we
were bothe oftentymes foughte with all by 12 of
the kinges gallies (of whome we sanke two and
allwaies repulsed the rest) and were (withoute
Ceassinge) vehemently shott at from the shoare
but to our litle hurte, god be thanked, yeat at
our departure we were Curteouslie written unto
by one Don Pedro generall of those gallies ; I
assure your Ho : the like preparacion was never

ILLUSTRATIONS

hearde of nor knowen as the kinge of Spaigne
hathe and dailie makethe to invade Englande.
He is allied with mighte Prynces and Dukes in
the Straits of whome (besides the forces in his
owne domynyons) he is to have greate aide shortlie :
and his provisions of breade and wynes are so
greate as will suffice 40000 men a wholle yeere,
which, if they be not ympeached before they joyne,
wilbe verie perillous, Our entente therfore is (by
gods helpe) to intercepte their meetinges by all
possible meanes we maye, which I hope shall have
such a good successe as shall tende to thadvaunce-
ment of gods glorie, the savetie of her highnes royall
person, the quyett of her countrie, and than-
noyaunce of the Enemie. This service which by
gods sufferaunce we have done will (withoute
doute) breade some alteracyon of their pretences
howebeit all possible preparacions for defence are
very expediente to be made : Thus moch touch-
inge our proceedinges and farther entente in this
actyon I have thoughte meete to signifie unto
your honour & would use more larger discourse
but that wante of leisure causeth me to leave the
same to the reporte of this bearer, And so in verie
greate haste with remembraunce of my humble
duetie doe take my leave of your honour : ffrom
aboarde her highnes good ship the Elizabethe
Bonadventure the 27th of Aprill 1587

Your honours redye allwayes to
be comaunded

Fra : Drake

I leave the report of dyvers prisonars to the bearer
herof and pray pardon for not writtyng with my
owne hand, I am overcom with businesses
Your honours ever redy

Fra : Drake

I dare not a most writ unto your honour of the great
forces we hear the K. of Spayne hath out of the
xv

PAGE

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

straytts prepair in yngland strongly and most by
sea : stope him now and stope hym ever : look
well to the cost of Sussex I will sourly writ you
mor as ocasyon shalbe menestred and with the
grace of god will fight with them for it is the
Lord that geveth victory.

Chart of Cadiz Harbour by William Borough, . 448

This chart of Drake's operations in Cadiz Harbour, April,
1587, was drawn by William Borough Vice-admiral
on the ' Lion,' and is reproduced by permission from
the original preserved in the Public Record Office.
It was in this expedition that Borough was put under
arrest by Drake for insubordination, and afterwards
court-martialled and condemned to death. He was,
however, subsequently pardoned.

Map of the Coast of Guinea, . . . .528

From the copy in the British Museum of John Huighen
van Linschoten his Discours of Voyages unto ye Easte
and Weste Indies, printed at London, 1598.

THE SIXTH VOLUME

OF THE

Principall Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques
and Discoveries of the English Nation

Made to the South and South-east quarters of the

World, with the directions, letters, privileges

discourses, and observations incident

to the same

The voyage of M. John Eldred to Trypolis in Syria
by sea, and from thence by land and river to
Babylon and Balsara. 1583.

Departed out of London in the ship
called the Tiger, in the company of M.
John Newbery, M. Ralph Fitch, and sixe
or seven other honest marchants upon
Shrove munday 1583, and arrived in
Tripolis of Syria the first day of May
next insuing : at our landing we went

on Maying upon S. Georges Hand, a place where

Christians dying aboord the ships, are woont to be buried.

In this city our English marchants have a Consull, and

our nation abide together in one house with him, called

Fondeghi Ingles, builded of stone, square, in maner like

a Cloister, & every man hath his severall chamber, as it

is the use of all other Christians of severall nations. This The descrip-

towne standeth under a part of the mountaine of Libanus tl1on. 0*o ??
-r^ ,. , ., .. r r , . . . lis in byria.

two English miles distant from the port : on the side

of which port, trending in forme of an halfe Moone,

stand five blocke houses or small forts, wherein is some

very good artillery, and the forts are kept with about

an hundred Janisaries. Right before this towne from

the seaward is a banke of moving sand, which gathereth

and increaseth with the Westerne winds, in such sort,

that, according to an olde prophesie among them, this

banke is like to swallow up & overwhelme the towne :

for every yere it increaseth and eateth up many gardens,

although they use all policy to diminish the same, and

to make it firme ground. The city is about the bignesse

VI

A.D.

1583-

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Store of white
silke.

of Bristow, and walled about, though the walks be of
no great force. The chiefs strength of the place is in
a Citadell, which standeth on the South side within the
walles, and overlooketh the whole towne, and is strongly
kept with two hundred Janisaries and good artillery. A
river passeth thorow the midst of the city, wherewith they
water their gardens and mulbery trees, on which there
grow abundance of silke wormes, wherewith they make
great quantity of very white silke, which is the chiefest
naturall commodity to be found in and about this place.
This rode is more frequented with Christian marchants,
to wit, Venetians, Genouois, Florentines, Marsilians,
Sicilians, Raguses, and lately with English men, then any
other port of the Turks dominions. From Tripolis I
departed the 14 of May with a caravan, passing three
dayes over the ridge of mount Libanus, at the end
whereof we arrived in a city called Hammah, which
standeth on a goodly plaine replenished with corne &
cotton wooll. On these mountaines which we passed
grow great quantity of gall trees, which are somewhat
like our okes, but lesser and more crooked : on the best
tree a man shall not finde above a pound of galles.
This towne of Hammah is fallen and falleth more and
more to decay, and at this day there is scarse one halfe
of the wall standing, which hath bene very strong and
faire : but because it cost many mens lives to win it,
the Turke will not have it repaired ; and hath written
in the Arabian tongue over the castle gate, which
standeth in the midst of the towne, these words :
Cursed be the father and the sonne that shall lay
their hands to the repairing hereof. Refreshing our
selves one day here, we passed forward with camels three
dayes more untill we came to Aleppo, where we arrived
the 21 of May. This is the greatest place of traffique
for a dry towne that is in all those parts : for hither
[II. i. 269.] resort Jewes, Tartarians, Persians, Armenians, Egyptians,
Indians, and many sorts of Christians, and injoy free-
dome of their consciences, and bring thither many kinds

The city of
Hammah.

Cotton wooll.
Gall trees.

Aleppo.

JOHN ELDRED a.d.

1583.
of rich marchandises. In the middest of this towne also
standeth a goodly castle raised on high, with a garison
of foure or five hundred Janisaries. Within foure miles
round about are goodly gardens and vineyards and
trees, which beare goodly fruit neere unto the rivers
side, which is but small ; the walles are about three
English miles in compasse, but the suburbs are almost
as much more. The towne is greatly peopled. We
departed from thence with our camels the last of May
with M. John Newbery and his company, and came to
Birrah in three dayes, being a small towne situated upon Birrah.
the river Euphrates, where it beginneth first to take
his name, being here gathered into one chanell, whereas
before it commeth downe in manifolde branches, and
therefore is called by the people of the countrey by a
name which signifieth a thousand heads. Here is plenty
of victuals, wherof we all furnished our selves for a
long journey downe the aforesayd river. And accord-
ing to the maner of those that travell downe by water,
we prepared a small barke for the conveyance of our
selves and of our goods. These boats are flat bottomed,
because the river is shallow in many places : and when Euphrates
men travell in the moneth of July, August, and Septem- s a ow'
ber, the water being then at the lowest, they are con-
strained to cary with them a spare boat or two to lighten
their owne boats, if they chance to fall on the sholds.
We were eight and twenty dayes upon the water be- EtSht &

tweene Birrah and Felugia, where we disimbarked our wen ^ Jes

o ' journey by

selves and our goods. Every night after the Sun setteth, r-wer.
we tie our barke to a stake, go on land to gather sticks,
and set on our pot with rice or brused wheat, and
having supped, the marchants lie aboord the barke, and
the marmers upon the shores side as nere as they can
unto the same. In many places upon the rivers side
we met with troops of Arabians, of whom we bought Arabians upon
milke, butter, egges, and lambs, and gave them in barter, ^J^J^Jf
(for they care not for money) glasses, combes, corall,
amber, to hang about their armes and necks, and for

3

Euphrates.

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1583.

churned milke we gave them bread and pomgranat
peeles, wherewith they use to tanne their goats skinnes
which they churne withall. Their haire, apparell, and
colour are altogether like to those vagabond Egyptians,
The Arabian which heretofore have gone about in England. Their

ZVOTtlCTl weare 11*1 • 1

,, . . women all without exception weare a great round ring

golde rings in . r 1 • 1 r 1 i -i ° 1

their nostrels. in one °* tneir nostrels, or golde, silver, or yron, accord-
ing to their ability, and about their armes and smalles
of their legs they have hoops of golde, silver or yron.
All of them aswel women and children as men, are very
great swimmers, and often times swimming they brought
us milke to our barke in vessels upon their heads.
These people are very theevish, which I proved to my
cost: for they stole a casket of mine, with things of good
value in the same, from under my mans head as he was
asleepe : and therefore travellers keepe good watch as
Euphrates de- they passe downe the river. Euphrates at Birrah is
scribed. about the breadth of the Thames at Lambeth, and in

some places narrower, in some broader : it runneth
very swiftly, almost as fast as the river of Trent : it
hath divers sorts of fish in it, but all are scaled, some
Felugia. as bigge as salmons, like barbils. We landed at Felugia

the eight and twentieth of June, where we made our
abode seven dayes, for lacke of camels to cary our goods
to Babylon : the heat at that time of the yere is such
in those parts, that men are loth to let out their camels
to travell. This Felugia is a village of some hundred
houses, and a place appointed for discharging of
such goods as come downe the river : the inhabitants
are Arabians. Not finding camels here, we were con-
strained to unlade our goods, and hired an hundred
asses to cary our English marchandises onely to New
Babylon over a short desert, in crossing whereof we
spent eighteene houres travelling by night, and part of
the morning, to avoid the great heat.
The mines of \n this place which we crossed over, stood the olde
olde Babylon, ^^y c'lty Qf Babylon, many olde mines wherof are
easily to be seene by day-light, which I John Eldred

4

JOHN ELDRED ad.

1583.
have often beheld at my good leasure, having made
three voyages betweene the new city of Babylon and
Aleppo over this desert. Here also are yet standing
the ruines of the olde tower of Babel, which being
upon a plaine ground seemeth a farre off very great,
but the nerer you come to it, the lesser and lesser it
appeareth ; sundry times I have gone thither to see it,
and fouad the remnants yet standing above a quarter
of a mile in compasse, and almost as high as the stone-
worke of Pauls steeple in London, but it sheweth
much bigger. The bricks remaining in this most
ancient monument be halfe a yard thicke, and three
quarters of a yard long, being dried in the Sunne
onely, and betweene every course of bricks there lieth
a course of mattes made of canes, which remaine sound
and not perished, as though they had bene layed within
one yeere. The city of New Babylon joyneth upon New Babylon.
the aforsayd small desert where the Olde city was, and
the river of Tigris runneth close under the wall, and The r}ver
they may if they will open a sluce, and let the water ltSns-
of the same runne round about the towne. It is above
two English miles in compasse, and the inhabitants
generally speake three languages, to wit, the Persian,
Arabian and Turkish tongues : the people are of the
Spaniards complexion : and the women generally weare
in one of the gristles of their noses a ring like a wed- [II. i. 270.]
ding ring, but somewhat greater, with a pearle and a
Turkish stone set therein : and this they do be they
never so poore.

This is a place of very great traffique, and a very
great thorowfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. The
towne is very well furnished with victuals which come
downe the river of Tigris from Mosul which was called
Ninive in olde time. They bring these victuals and
divers sorts of marchandises upon rafts borne upon Rafts borne
goats skins blowen up ful of wind in maner of blad- uPon ^a^en
ders. And when they have discharged their goods, they °^g0
sel the rafts for fire, and let the wind out of their goats

5

A.D.

1583-

Seldome rain.

Eight y
twenty dayes
journey more
by river, from
Babylon to
Balsara.

Cum a Castle.

Balsara.

THE ENGLISH VrOYAGES

skins, and cary them home againe upon their asses by
land, to make other voyages downe the river. The
building here is most of bricke dried in the Sun, and
very litle or no stone is to be found : their houses are
all flat-roofed and low. They have no raine for eight
moneths together, nor almost any clouds in the skie,
night nor day. Their Winter is in November, Decem-
ber, January and February, which is as warme as our
Summer in England in a maner. This I know by good
experience, because my abode at severall times in this
city of Babylon hath bene at the least the space of two
yeres. As we come to the city, we passe over the river
of Tigris on a great bridge made with boats chained
together with two mighty chaines of yron. From
thence we departed in flat bottomed barks more strong
& greater then those of Euphrates, and were eight and
twenty dayes also in passing downe this river to Balsara,
but we might have done it in eighteene or lesse, if the
water had bene higher. Upon the waters side stand by
the way divers townes resembling much the names of
the olde prophets : the first towne they call Ozeah, &
another Zecchiah. Before we come to Balsara by one
dayes journey, the two rivers of Tigris and Euphrates
meet, and there standeth a castle called Curna, kept by
the Turks, where all marchants pay a small custome.
Here the two rivers joyned together begin to be eight
or nine miles broad : here also it beginneth to ebbe and
flow, and the water overflowing maketh the countrey
all about very fertile of corne, rice, pulse, and dates.
The towne of Balsara is a mile and an halfe in circuit : all
the buildings, castle and wals, are made of bricke dried
in the Sun. The Turke hath here five hundred Jani-
saries, besides other souldiers continually in garison and
pay, but his chiefe strength is of gallies which are about
five and twenty or thirty very faire and furnished with
goodly ordinance. To this port of Balsara come
monethly divers ships from Ormuz, laden with all sorts
of Indian marchandise, as spices, drugs, Indico and

6

JOHN ELDRED ad.

1584.
Calecut cloth. These ships are usually from forty to
threescore tunnes, having their planks sowed together
with corde made of the barke of Date trees, and in
stead of Occam they use the shiverings of the barke
of the sayd trees, and of the same they also make
their tackling. They have no kinde of yron worke SAJPS made
belonging to these vessels, save only their ankers. wU™utyron
From this place six dayes sailing downe the gulfe, m/a
they go to a place called Baharem in the mid way to
Ormus : there they fish for pearles foure moneths in the
yere, to wit, in June, July, August, and September.
My abode in Balsara was just sixe moneths, during which
time I received divers letters from M. John Newbery
from Ormus, who as he passed that way with her
Majesties letters to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia, Zelabdim
& unto the mighty emperour of China, was traiterously E^bar ktnS
there arrested, and all his company, by the Portugals, and
afterward sent prisoner to Goa : where after a long and
cruell imprisonment he and his companions were delivered
upon sureties, not to depart the towne without leave, at
the sute of one father Thomas Stevens an English re-
ligious man, which they found there : but shortly after
three of them escaped, whereof one, to wit, M. Ralph
Fitch, is since come into England. The fourth, which
was a painter called John Story, became religious in the
college of S. Paul in Goa, as we understood by their
letters. I and my companion William Shales having dis- He returneth
patched our businesse at Balsara, imbarked our selves in from ^alsara
company of seventy barks all laden with marchandise,
having every barke 14 men to draw them, like our
Westerne bargemen on the Thames, and we were forty
foure dayes comming up against the streame to Babylon,
where arriving and paying our custome, we with all other
sorts of marchants bought us camels, hired us men to
lade and drive them, furnished our selves with rice, Their prom-
butter, bisket, hony made of dates, onions and dates : ston °A
and every marchant bought a proportion of live muttons,
and hired certaine shepheards to drive them with us : we

7

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

also bought us tents to lie in, and to put our goods
A Caravan of under : and in this our caravan were foure thousand
tome t ousand camejs lac[en with spices and other rich marchandises.
These camels will live very well two or three dayes with-
out water : their feeding is on thistles, wormewood,
magdalene, and other strong weeds which they finde upon
the way. The government and deciding of all quarels
and dueties to be payed, the whole caravan committeth
to one speciall rich marchant of the company, of whose
honesty they conceive best. In passing from Babylon to
Aleppo, we spent forty dayes, travelling twenty, or foure
and twenty miles a day, resting ourselves commonly from
two of the clocke in the afternoone, until three in the
morning, at which time we begin to take our journey.
Eight dayes journey from Babylon toward Aleppo, neere
[II. i. 271.] unto a towne called Heit, as we crosse the river Euphrates
by boates, about 3. miles from the town there is a valley
wherein are many springs throwing out abundantly at
great mouths, a kind of blacke substance like unto tarre,
which serveth all the countrey to make stanch their
barkes and boates : every one of these springs maketh
a noise like unto a Smiths forge in the blowing & puffing
out of this matter, which never ceaseth night nor day,
and the noise may be heard a mile off continually. This
vale swaloweth up all heavie things that come upon it.
The people of the countrey cal it in their language Babil
gehenham, that is to say, Hell doore. As we passed
through these deserts, we saw certaine wild beasts, as
wild asses all white, Roebucks, wolfes, leopards, foxes,
and many hares, whereof we chased and killed many.
Aborise the king of the wandring Arabians in these
deserts, hath a dutie of 40.S. sterling, upon every Camels
lode, which he sendeth his officers to receive of the
Caravans, and in consideration hereof, he taketh upon
him to conduct the sayd Caravans if they need his helpe,
and to defend them against certaine prowling thieves.
I and my companion William Shales came to Aleppo
with the Caravan the eleventh of June, 1584. where we

8

JOHN ELDRED

JOHN ELDRED a.d.

1588.

were joyfully received 20. miles distant from the towne

by M. William Barret our Consull, accompanied with his WURam Bat-

people and Janissaries, who fell sicke immediately and j^™ n

departed this life within 8. dayes after, and elected before M.wll.Bar-

his death M. Anthonie Bate Consul of our English nation ret.

in his place, who laudably supplied the same roome 3.

yeeres. In which meane time, I made two voyages more Two voiages

unto Babylon, and returned by the way aforesayd, over m°re, ™ t0

the deserts of Arabia. And afterwards, as one desirous

to see other parts of the countrey, I went from Aleppo

to Antioch, which is thence 60. English miles, and from

thence went downe to Tripolis, where going aboord a

small vessell, I arrived at Joppe, and travelled to Rama,

Lycia, Gaza, Jerusalem, Bethleem, to the river of Jordan,

and the sea or lake of Zodome, and returned backe to

Joppe, & from thence by sea to Tripolis, of which places

because many others have published large discourses, I

surcease to write. Within few dayes after imbarking my

selfe at Tripolis the 22. of December, I arrived (God be

thanked) in safety here in the river of Thames with

divers English marchants, the 26. of March, 1588, in

the Hercules of London, which was the richest ship of

English marchants goods that ever was knowen to come

into this realme.

[The money

A.D.
[584.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The money and measures of Babylon, Balsara, and
the Indies, with the customes, &x. written
from Aleppo in Syria, An. 1584. by M. Will.
Barret.

BABYLON :

The weight, measure, and money currant there, and
the customes of merchandize.

Mana of Babylon is of Aleppo 1 roue
5 ounces and a halfe : and 68 manas and
three seventh parts, make a quintall of
Aleppo, which is 494 li. 8 ounces of
London: and 100 manas is a quintall
of Babylon, which maketh in Aleppo 146
roues, and of London 722 li. and so
much is the sayd quintall : but the marchants accord is
by so much the mana, and in the sayd place they bate
the tare in all sorts of commodities, according to the
order of Aleppo touching the tare.

The measure of Babylon is greater then that of Aleppo
21 in ye 100. For bringing 100 pikes of any measurable
ware from Aleppo thither, there is found but 82 pikes
in Babylon, so that the 100 pikes of Babylon is of Aleppo
121 pikes, very litle lesse.

The currant mony of Babylon are Saies, which Say is
5 medines, as in Aleppo, and 40 medines being 8 Saies
make a duckat currant, and 47 medines passe in value
as the duckat of gold of Venice, and the dollars of the
best sort are worth 33 medines. The roials of plate are
sold by the 100 drams at prise, according as they be in
request: but amongst the marchants they bargaine by
the 100 metrals, which are 150 drams of Aleppo, which
150 drams are 135 single roials of plate: but in the mint
or castle, they take them by the 100 drams, which is 90
roials of plate, and those of the mint give 5 medines
lesse in each 100 drams then they are woorth to be sold

10

THE MONEY OF BUSSORAH a.d.

1584.

among the marchants, and make paiment at the terme of
40 dayes in Sayes.

The custome in Babylon, as wel inward as outward,
is in this maner : Small wares at 6 per ioo, Coral and
amber at 5 and a halfe per 100, Venice cloth, English
cloth, Kersies, Mockairs, Chamblets, Silks, Velvets,
Damasks, Sattins & such like at 5 per 100 : & they
rate the goods without reason as they lust themselves.
The Toafo, Boabo, and other exactions 6 medines per
bale, all which they pay presently in ready mony, accord-
ing to the custome and use of the emperor.

To the Ermin of the mint ye ordinarie use is to give
30 Saies in curtesie, otherwise he would by authoritie
of his office come aboord, & for despight make such
search in the barke, that he would turne all things topsie
turvie.

BALSARA: [ii. i. 272 ]

The weight, measure, and money in the citie of

Balsara.

AMana of Balsara answereth 5 roues 2 ounces & a
halfe of Aleppo weight, & 19 manas and one 4 part
of Balsara, answereth the quintall of Aleppo, which is
494 roues, 8 ounces English, and 20 manas is the quintall
of Balsara, which is 104 Alepine, and of London 514
li. 8. ounces, and so much is the sayd quintall, but the
marchants bargaine at so much the mana or wolsene
(which is all one) and they abate the tare in every mana,
as the sort of spice is, and the order taken therefore in
that place.

The measure of Balsara is called a pike, which is just
as the measure of Babylon, to say, 100 pikes of Balsara
make of Aleppo 121 pikes, ut supra in the rate of
Babylon.

The currant mony of Balsara is as foloweth. There
is a sort of flusses of copper called Estivi, whereof 12
make a mamedine, which is the value of one medine
Aleppine, the said mamedine is of silver, having the

11

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

Moresco stampe on both sides, and two of these make
a danine, which is 2 medines Aleppine.

The said danine is of silver, having the Turkesco
stampe on both sides, & 2 and a halfe of these make
a Saie, which is in value as the Saie of Aleppo.

The said Saie is of the similitude and stampe of
Aleppo, being (as appeares) 60 estives. Also one Say
and 20 estives make a larine, which is of Aleppo
money 6 medines and a halfe.

The sayd larine is a strange piece of money, not
being round as all other currant money in Christianitie,
but is a small rod of silver of the greatnesse of the
pen of a goose feather, wherewith we use to write, and
in length about one eight part thereof, which is
wrested, so that the two ends meet at the just halfe
part, and in the head thereof is a stampe Turkesco,
and these be the best currant money in all the Indias,
and 6 of these larines make a duckat, which is 40
medines or eight Saies of Aleppo.

The duckat of gold is woorth there 7 larines, and
one danine, which is of Aleppo money 48 medines and
a halfe.

The Venetian money is worth larines 88 per 100
meticals, which is 150 drams of Aleppo, ut supra.

The roials of plate are worth 88 larines by the 100
meticals, & albeit among the marchants they sel by the
100 meticals, yet in the mint or castle, they sel by the
too drams, having there lesse then the worth 5 medines
in each hundred drams, and have their paiment in 40
dayes made them in Saies or larines.

The custome of the said places, aswell inward as
outward, are alike of all sorts of goods, to say 6 by
the 100, and Toafo, Boabo, & scrivan medines 6 by
the bale inward & outward, to say, 3 inward, and as
much outward : but who so leaveth his goods in the
custome house paieth nothing, where otherwise at the
taking thereof away, he should pay 3 med. by the bale,
and of the said goods there is no other duty to pay,

12

THE MONEY OF BUSSORAH a.d.

1584.
and this commeth to passe when the customers esteeme
the goods too high. For in such • a case they may be
driven to take so much commoditie as the custome
amounteth to, and not to pay them in money, for such
is the order from the Grand Signior.

Having paid the custome, it behoveth to have a
quittance or cocket sealed and firmed with the cus-
tomers hand, in confirmation of the dispatch and clear-
ing, and before departure thence, to cause the sayd
customer to cause search to be made, to the end that
at the voiages returne there be no cavillation made, as
it oftentimes happeneth.

Note that 100 meticals of Balsara weigh 17 ounces
and a halfe sottile Venetian, and of Aleppo drams 150,
ut supra.

The fraight of the barkes from Ormuz to Balsara, I
would say from Balsara to Ormuz, they pay according
to the greatnesse thereof. To say, for cariage of 10
cares 180 larines, those of 15 cares 270 larines, those
of 20 cares 360 larines, those of 30 cares 540 larines.
Note that a cara is 4 quintals of Balsara. They pay
also to the pilot of the barke for his owne cariage one
care, and to all the rest of the mariners amongst them
3 cares fraight, which is in the whole 4 cares, and
paying the abovesayd prises and fraights, they are at no
charges of victuals with them, but it is requisite that
the same be declared in the charter partie, with the
condition that they lade not aboord one rotilo more
then the fraight, under paines that finding more in
Ormuz, it is forfeit, and besides that to pay the fraight
of that which they have laden.

And in this accord it behoveth to deale warilie, and
in the presence of the Ermin or some other honest
man (whereof there are but few) for they are the worst
people in all Arabia. And this diligence must be put
in execution, to the end the barks may not be over-
laden, because they are to passe many sands betwixt
Balsara and Ormuz.

13

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

[II. i. 273.] ORMUZ :

The weight, measure, and money currant in the
kingdom of Ormuz :

SPices and drugs they weigh by the bar, and of every
sort of goods the weight is different. To say, of
some drugs 3 quintals, and 3 erubi or roues, and other
some 4 quintals 25 rotiloes, and yet both is called a
barre, which barre, as well great as litle, is 20 frasoli,
and every frasoli is 10 manas, and every mana 23
chiansi, and every chianso 10 meticals and a halfe. Note
that every quintall maketh 4 erubi or roues, and every
What a rot'rio roue 32 rotiloes, & every rotilo 16 ounces, and every
is' ounce 7 meticals, so that the quintall commeth to be

128 rotiloes, which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one
third part, which is 132 li. english weight. And con-
trarywise ye quintal of Aleppo (which is 494 rotiloes
8 ounces english) maketh 477 rotiloes and a halfe of
Ormuz, which is 3 quintals 2 roues, 29 rotiloes and a
halfe.

Note that there are bars of divers weights, ut supra,
of which they bargaine simply, according to the sort of
commoditie, but if they bargaine of the great barre, the
same is 7 quintals and 24 rotiloes, which is 958 li. 9
ounces of London weight, and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes
and a halfe.

Touching the money of Ormuz, they bargaine in
marchandize at so many leches by the barre, which lech
is 100 Asaries, and maketh larines 100 & a halfe,
which maketh pardaos 38, & larines one halfe, at larines
5 by the pardao. One asarie is sadines 10, and every
sadine is 100. danarie.

The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part,
so that the sadine is worth of Aleppo mony 1 medine
and 1 fourth part, & the larine as in Balsara worth of
Aleppo mony 6 medines & a half.

The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara.

There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold,

14

THE MONEY OF ORMUZ a.d.

1584.
which is litle and round, and is worth 24 sadines,
which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo.

The Venetian mony is worth in Ormuz larines 88
per 100 meticals, & the roials are worth larines 86
lesse one sadine, which is every thousand meticals, 382
asures : but those that will not sel them, use to melt
them, and make them so many larines in the king of
Ormuz his mint, whereby they cleare 2 per 100, and
somewhat more : and this they doe because neither
Venetian money nor roials run as currant in Ormuz,
per advise.

The measure of Ormuz is of 2 sorts, the one called
codo which increaseth upon the measure of Aleppo 3
per 100, for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable
wares from Aleppo to Ormuz, it is found in Ormuz to
be 103 codes. Also these measures of Ormuz increase
upon those of Balsara and Babylon 25 and two third
parts per 100: for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable
wares from Balsara or Babylon, there is found in Ormuz
125 codes and two third parts.

The other measure is called a vare, which was sent
from the king of Portugall to the India, by which they
sell things of small value, which measure is of 5 palmes
or spans, and is one code and two third parts, so that
buying 100 codes of any measurable wares, and return-
ing to measure it by the sayd vare, there are found but
60 vares, contrarywise 100 vares make 166 codes and
two third parts.

Note that al such ships as lade horses in Ormuz for
Goa or any other place of India, lading 10 horses or
upwards, in what places soever the said horses be taken
a shore in the India, the marchandize which is to be
discharged out of that ship wherein the said horses
come, are bound to pay no custome at all, but if they
lade one horse lesse then ten, then the goods are bound
to pay the whole custome. And this law was made by
Don Emanuel king of Portugall, but it is to be dili-
gently foreseene, whither all those horses laden be bound

*5

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

to pay the king his custome : for many times by the
king of Portugall his commandement, there is favour
shewed to the king of Cochin his brother in armes, so
that his horses that come in the same ship, are not to
answere custome. As for example : If there were 4
horses laden in one ship, all which were to pay custome
to the king, and one other of the king of Cochins
which were not to pay any custome, the same causeth
all the marchandize of that ship to be subject to pay
custome, per advise. But if they lade ten horses upon
purpose to pay the king his custome in Goa, and in
the voyage any of them should die in that case, if they
bring the taile of the dead horse to the custome in
Goa, then the marchandize is free from all custome,
because they were laden in Ormuz to pay custome in
Goa. Moreover, if the horses should die before the
midst of the voyage, they pay no custome at all,
and if they die in the mids of the voyage, then
they pay halfe custome, but if any horse die after
the mid voiage, they pay custome no lesse then if
they arrive safe. Notwithstanding, the merchandize
(whether the said horses die before or in the mid
voyage or after the mid voiage) are free from all
custome.

The custome of Ormuz is eleven in the 100, to say,
10 for the king, and 1 for the arming of the foists: but
for small wares as glasses, and looking glasses of all sorts,
and such like, made for apparell, pay no custome. But
cloth of Wooll, Karsies, Mockaires, Chamlets, and all
[II. i. 274.] sortes of Silke, Saffron, and such like, pay custome, being
esteemed reasonably.

There is also another custome, which they call caida,
which is, that one bringing his goods into Ormuz, with
purpose to send ye same further into India, the same are
bound to pay 3 by the 100, but none other are bound
to pay this custome, except the Armenians, Moores, and
Jewes : for the Portugals and Venetians pay nothing
thereof.

16

THE EMPEROR AKBAR

THE MONEY OF GOA a.d.

1584.

Note yl in Ormuz they abate tare of all sorts of com-
modities, by an order observed of custome.

The fraight from Ormuz to Chaul, Goa, and Cochin,
is as foloweth : Mokaires larines 6 per table of 60 pikes.
Aquariosa 8 larines by ordinarie chist, raisins 10 by chist,
which is a quintall of roues 128. Ruvia of Chalangi
larines 10 per quintall, glasses larines 8 per chist, of
4 foote and a halfe, glasses in great chists 14 & 15
larines by chist. Small wares larines 12 by chist of five
foot. Tamari for Maschat sadines 2 and a half, and
3 by the fardle. Tamarie for Diu and Chaul 4 sadines,
and 4 and a halfe by bale. Other drugs and things
which come from Persia pay according to the greatnesse
of the bales.

The fraight mentioned, they pay as appeareth, when
they ship the sayd goods in ships where horses goe :
otherwise not having horses, they pay somewhat lesse,
because of the custom which they are to pay.

The use of the India ships is, that the patrones thereof
are not at any charge neither with any passenger, nor yet
with any mariner in the ship, but that every one at the
beginning of the voyage doe furnish to maintaine his
owne table (if he will eate) and for drinke they have
a great Jarre of water, which is garded with great
custodie.

GOA.

The weight, measure, and mony currant in Goa.

THe quintall of Goa is 5 manas, and 8 larines, & the
mana is 24 rotilos, so that the quintall of Goa is
128 rot. and every rot. is 16 ounces, which is of Venice
weight 1 li. and a halfe, so that the quintall of Goa is 192
li. sotile Venice, which is 26 rotiloes 8 ounces Aleppine,
and of London weight 132 li. English, as the weight of
Ormuz.

All the marchandize, spices and drugs, are sold by this
quintal, except some drugs, as lignum de China, Galanga,
& others, whereof they bargaine at so much per candill,
vi 17 b

A.D.

.584.

Note that \
roues make a
quintall.

Muske ofTar-
tarle by ye
way of China.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

advertising that there be two sorts of candill, one of 1 6
manas, the other of 20 manas, that of 16 manas commeth
to be just 3 quintals, and that of 20 manas, 3 quintals,
3 roues. Note that 4 roues make a quintall, and the
roue is 32 rotiloes, as in Ormuz.

There is also another weight which they call Marco,
which is eight ounces or halfe a rotilo of Goa, & 9 ounces
of Venice sotile : with this they weigh amber, corall,
muske, ambracan, civet, and other fine wares.

There is also another sort of weight called Man-
giallino, which is 5 graines of Venice weight and
therewith they weigh diamants and other jewels.

Note that in Goa they use not to abate any tare of any
goods, except of sacks or wraps, & therfore it requireth
great advisement in buying of the goods, especially in the
muske of Tartaria which commeth by way of China in
bladders, and so weigh it without any tare rebating.

The measure of Goa is called a tode, which encreaseth
upon the measure of Babylon & Balsara after the rate of
17 & one eight part by the 100, so that bringing 100
pikes of any measurable ware from thence to Goa, it is
found 117 pikes 7 eight parts, and bringing 100 codes
from Ormuz to Goa, there is found but 93 codes and
one fourth part.

There is also the vare in Goa, which is just as the vare
of Ormuz, and therewith they measure onely things that
are of small value.

For the mony of Goa, there is a kind of mony made
of lead and tin mingled, being thicke and round, and
stamped on the one side with the spheare or globe of
the world, and on the other side two arrowes &
5 rounds : and this kind of mony is called Basaruchi,
and 15 of these make a vinton of naughty mony, and

5 vintons make a tanga, and 4 vintenas make a tanga of
base money : so that the tanga of base mony is 60
basaruchies, and the tanga of good mony 75 basaruchies,

6 5 tangas make a seraphine of gold, which in marchan-
dize is worth 5 tangas good money : but if one would

18

THE MONEY OF GOA ad.

1584.
change them into basaruchies, he may have 5 tangas,
and 16 basaruchies, which overplus they cal cerafagio, &
when they bargain of the pardaw of gold, each pardaw is
ment to be 6 tangas good mony, but in marchandize they
use not to demaund pardawes of gold in Goa, except it
be for jewels and horses, for all the rest they take of
seraphins of silver, per adviso.

The roials of plate, I say, the roial of 8 are worth per
custome & commandement of the king of Portugall 400
reies, and every rey is one basaruchie & one fourth part,
which maketh tangas 6, and 53 basaruchies as their just [II. i. 275.]
value, but for that the said roials are excellent silver and
currant in divers places of the India, and chiefly in
Malacca, when the ships are to depart at their due times
(called Monsons) every one to have the said roials pay
more then they are worth, & the overplus, as is above-
said they call serafagio. And first they give ye just value
of the 100 roials of 8, and 5 tangas 50 basaruchies a
piece, which done, they give seraphins 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,
12, 15, untill 22 by the 100, according as they are in
request.

The duckat of gold is worth 9 tangas and a halfe good
money, and yet not stable in price, for that when the
ships depart from Goa to Cochin, they pay them at
9 tangas and 3 fourth partes, and 10 tangas, and that is
the most that they are woorth.

The larines are woorth by just value basaruchies 93
and 3 fourth parts, and 4 larines make a seraphine of
silver, which is 5 tangas of good money, and these also
have serafagion of 6, 7, 8, 10, untill 16, by the 100, for
when the ships depart for the North, to say, for Chaul,
Diu, Cambaia, or Bassaim, all cary of the same, because
it is money more currant then any other.

There is also a sort of seraphins of gold of the stampe
of Ormuz, whereof there are but fewe in Goa, but being
there, they are woorth five larines and somewhat more,
according as they are in request.

There is also another litle sort of mony, round, having

19

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

on the one side a crosse, and on the other side a crowne,
which is woorth one halfe a tanga of good money, and
another of the same stampe lesse then that which they
call Imitivo de buona moneda, which is worth 18 basa-
ruches 3 fourth parts a piece.

Note that if a man bargaine in marchandize, it behoo-
veth to demaund tangas of good money : for by
nominating tangas onely, is understood to be base
money of 60 basaruches, which wanteth of the good
money ut supra.

The custome of Goa is 8 in the 100 inward, and as
much outward, and the goods are esteemed justly rather
to the marchants advantage then the kings. The custome
they pay in this order. Comming with a ship from
Ormuz to Goa without horses, they pay 8 in the 100
whether they sell part or all, but if they would carie of
the sayd marchandise to any other place, they pay
none other custome, except others buy it and carie it
foorth of the countrey, and then they pay it 8 in the 100.
And if one having paied the custome should sell to
another with composition to passe it forth as for his
proper accounts to save the custome, this may not be,
because the seller is put to his oth, whether he send the
goods for his owne account, or for the account of any
others that have bought the same, and being found to
the contrary, they pay custome as abovesaid. And in
this order the marchants pay of all the goods which come
from any part of the Indies. But if they come from
Ormuz to Goa with horses, they are not subject to pay
any custome inward, notwithstanding if they send all
or any part thereof for any other place, or returne it to
Ormuz, they pay the custome outward, although they
could not sell.

They use also in Goa amongst the common sort to
bargaine for coales, wood, lime & such like, at so many
braganines, accounting 24 basaruches for one braganine,
albeit there is no such mony stamped. The custome of
the Portugals is, that any Moore or Gentile, of what

20

THE MONEY OF MALACCA a.d.

1584.
condition or state soever he be, may not depart from
Goa to go within the land, without licence of certaine
deputies deputed for that office, who (if they be Moores
or Gentiles) doe set a seale upon the arme, having
thereon the armes of Portugal, to be knowen of the
porters of the citie, whether they have the said licence
or no.

COCHIN.

The weight, measure, and money, currant in Cochin.

A LI the marchandise which they sell or buy within
the sayd citie, they bargaine for it at so many
serafines per quintal, which is 128. rotilos of just weight
with ye quintall & rotilo of Goa and Ormuz : advertis-
ing that there are divers sorts of bars according to the
sorts of commodities, and in traffiquing, they reason at
so much the bar. Note that there are bars of 3 quintals
& 3 quintals and halfe, and 4 quintals. They abate a
used tare of all marchandize, according to the sort of
goods, and order taken for the same.

The measure of Goa and Cochin are all one.

The money of Cochin are all the same sorts which
are currant in Goa, but the duckat of gold in value is
10 tangas of good money.

The custome of Cochin as wel inward as outward for
all strangers, is eight in the hundred, but those that
have bene married foure yeere in the countrey pay but
foure in the hundred, per adviso.

MALACCA. pi. i. 276.]

The weight, measure, and money of Malacca.

FOr the marchandise bought and sold in the citie
they reckon at so much the barre, which barre is
of divers sorts, great and small; according to the ancient
custome of the said citie, & diversitie of the goods.
But for the cloves they bargaine at so much the barre,
which barre is 3 quintals, 2 roues and 10 rotilos. As I
have abovesaid, all kind of drugs have their sorts of

21

A°- THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

barres limited. Note that every quintal is 4 roues, and
every roue 32 rotilos, which is 128 rotilos the quintall,
the which answereth to Aleppo 95 rotilos, and to London
472 li. per quintal.

The measures of Malacca are as the measures of Goa.
In Malacca they abate tare according to their distinc-
tion and agreement, for that there is no just tare
limited.

For the money of Malacca, the least money currant is
of tinne stamped with the armes of Portugall, and 12
of these make a Chazza.

The Chazza is also of tinne with the said armes, and
2 of these make a challaine.

The Challaine is of tinne with the said armes, and 40
of these make a tanga of Goa good money, but not
stamped in Malacca.

There is also a sort of silver money which they call
Patachines, and is worth 6 tangas of good money, which
is 360 reyes, and is stamped with two letters, S. T.
which is S. Thomas on the one side, and the armes of
Portugall on the other side.

There is also a kind of mony called cruzados stamped
with the armes of Portugall, & is worth 6 tangas good
mony, the larines are every 9 of them worth 2 cruzados,
which is 12 tangas good money, and these larines be of
those which are stamped in Balsara and Ormuz.

The roials of 8 they call Pardaos de Reales, and are
worth 7 tangas of good money.

The custome of Malacca is 10 in the 100 as wel in-
ward as outward, and those which pay the custome
inwards, if in case they send the same goods for any
other place within terme of a yeere and a day, pay no
custome for the same.

22

CHARGES FROM ALEPPO TO GOA a.d.

1584.

A note of charges from Aleppo to Goa,
as foloweth.

TT^Or camels from Aleppo to

Birrha. Medines 60 per *somme. * 0r> h the

Cam'1-
den.

For mules from Aleppo to Camels bur-

Birrha, med. 45. per somme.

For custome at Birrha, med. 10. per somme.

For Avania of the Cady at

Birrha, med. 200.

For 4 dishes raisins, and 20

pounds sope, med. 35.

For a present to the Ermine

the summe of med. 400.

For a barke of 30 or 35

sommes. Due. 60 is med. 2400. per barke

For meat for the men the

summe of med. 200.

For custome at Racca the

summe of med. 5. per somme.

For 3 platters of raisins, and

15 pounds of sope, med. 25.

For custome to king Aborissei,

Due. 20. is med. 800.

For custome at Dea the summe

of med. 230.. per barke.

For 4 dishes raisins, and 20.

pounds of sope. med. 35.

For custome at Bosara, the

summe of med. 10. per barke.

For 2 dishes raisins, and 10

pound of sope, med. 17.

For custome in Anna, in 10 per

summe, med. 10. per somme.

For 4 dishes of raisins, and 20

pound of sope, med. 3$.

For custome in Adite, medines

10 per barke, med. 10. per barke.

23

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

For 2 dishes raisins, and 10

pound of sope, med. 17.

For custome at Gweke, med. 10. per barke.

For 2 dishes raisins, and 20

pound of sope, med. 17.

For custome in 1st, med. 10. per somme.

For 4 platters raisins, and 20

pound of sope, med. 35.

Charges of presents at Felugia, med. 30.
For camels from Felugia to

Babylon, med. 30. per somme.

For custome in Babylon, as in

the booke appeareth.
For a barke from Babylon to

Balsara, med. 900.

For custome of small wares, at

Corno, med. 20. per somme.

For custome of clothes at

Corno, the summe of med. per somme.
For 3 dishes raisins, and 20

pound of sope, med. 26.

[II. i. 277.] For fraight from Balsara to Ormus, according to the

greatnesse, as in this booke appeareth.
For custome in Ormus, as is abovesaid in this booke.
For fraight from Ormus to Goa, as is in this booke

shewed.
For custome in Goa, as is abovesaid.

A declaration of the places from whence the
goods subscribed doe come.

C Loves, from Maluco, Tarenate, Amboina, by way of
Java.
Nutmegs, from Banda.
Maces from Banda, Java, and Malacca.
Pepper Gawrie, from Cochin.
Pepper common, from Malabar.
Sinnamon, from Seilan.
Tinne, from Malacca.

24

EASTERN MERCHANDISE a.d.

1584.
Sandals wilde, from Cochin.
Sandales domestick, from Malacca.
Verzini, from S. Thomas, and from China.
Spicknard, from Zindi, and Lahor.
Quicksilver, from China.

Galls, from Cambaia, Bengala, I stria & Syria.
Ginger Dabulin, from Dabul.

Ginger Belledin, from the Countrie within Cambaia.
Ginger Sorattin, from Sorat within Cambaia.
Ginger Mordassi, from Mordas within Cambaia.
Ginger Meckin, from Mecca.
Mirabolans of all sorts, from Cambaia.
White sucket from Zindi, Cambaia and China.
Corcunia, from divers places of India.
Corall of Levant, from Malabar.
Chomin, from Balsara.
Requitria, from Arabia Felix.
Garble of Nutmegs from Banda.
Sal Armoniacke, from Zindi and Cambaia.
Zedoari, from divers places of India.
Cubeb, from China.
Amomum, from China.
Camphora, from Brimeo neere to China.
Myrrha, from Arabia Felix.
Costo duke, from Zindi, and Cambaia.
Borazo, from Cambaia, and Lahor.
Asa fetida, from Lahor.
Waxe, from Bengala.
Seragni, from Persia.

Cassia, from Cambaia, and from Gran Cayro.
Storax calami ta, from Rhodes, to say, from Aneda, and

Canemarie within Caramania.
Storax liquida, from Rhodes.
Tutia, from Persia.
Cagiers, from Malabar, and Maldiva.
Ruvia to die withall, from Chalangi.
Alumme di Rocca, from China, and Constantinople.
Chopra, from Cochin and Malabar.

25

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

Oppopanax, from Persia.

Lignum Aloes, from Cochin, China, and Malacca.

Demnar, from Siacca and Blinton.

Galangae, from China, Chaul, Goa, & Cochin.

Laccha, from Pegu, and Balagvate.

Carabbe, from Almanie.

Coloquintida, from Cyprus.

Agaricum, from Alemania.

Scamonea, from Syria, and Persia.

Bdellium, from Arabia felix, and Mecca.

Cardamomum small, from Barcelona.

Cardamomum great, from Bengala.

Tamarinda, from Balsara.

Aloe Secutrina, from Secutra.

Aloe Epatica, from Pat.

Safran, from Balsara, and Persia.

Lignum de China, from China.

Rhaponticum, from Persia, and Pugia.

Thus, from Secutra.

Turbith, from Diu, and Cambaia.

Nuts of India, from Goa, and other places of India.

Nux vomica, from Malabar.

Sanguis Draconis, from Secutra.

Armoniago, from Persia.

Spodio di Cana, from Cochin.

Margaratina, from Balagvate.

Muske from Tartarie, by way of China.

Ambrachan, from Melinde, and Mosambique.

Indico, from Zindi and Cambaia.

Silkes fine, from China.

Long pepper, from Bengala and Malacca.

Latton, from China.

Momia, from the great Cayro.

Belzuinum Mandolalo, from Sian, and Baros.

Belzuinum burned, from Bonnia.

Castorium, from Almania.

Corallina, from the red sea.

Masticke, from Sio.

26

EASTERN MERCHANDISE a.d.

1584.
Mella, from Romania.
Oppium, from Pugia, and Cambaia.
Calamus Aromaticus, from Constantinople.
Capari, from Alexandria and other places.
Dates, from Arabia felix, and Alexandria.
Dictamnum album, from Lombardia.
Draganti, from Morea.
Euphorbium, from Barbaria.
Epithymum, from Candia.
Sena, from Mecca.
Gumme Arabike, from Zaffo.
Grana, from Coronto.
Ladanum, from Cyprus and Candia.
Lapis lazzudis, from Persia.

Lapis Zudassi, from Zaffetto. [II. i. 278.]

Lapis Spongii is found in sponges.
Lapis Haematites, from Almanie.
Manna, from Persia.

Auripigmentum, from manie places of Turkic
Pilatro, from Barbaria.
Pistaches, from Doria.
Worme-seede, from Persia.
Sumack, from Cyprus.
Sebesten, from Cyprus.
Galbanum, from Persia.

Dente dAbolio, from Melinde, and Mosambique.
Folium Indicum, from Goa, and Cochin.
Diasprum viride, from Cambaia.
Petra Bezzvar, from Tartaria.
Sarcacolla, from Persia.
Melleghete, from the West parts.
Sugo di Requillicie, from Arabia felix.
Chochenillo, from the West India.
Rubarbe, from Persia, and China.

[The times

27

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

The times or seasonable windes called Monsons,
wherein the ships depart from place to place
in the East Indies.

NOte, that the Citie of Goa is the principall place of
all the Orientall India, and the winter there
beginneth the 1 5 of May with very great raine, and so
continueth till the first of August, so that during that
space, no shippe can passe over the barre of Goa, because
through the continuall shoures of raine all the sandes
joyne together neere unto a mountaine called Oghane,
and all these sandes being joyned together, runne into
the shoales of the barre and port of Goa, and can have
no other issue, but to remaine in that port, and therefore
it is shut up untill the first of August, but at the 10 of
August it openeth by reason of the raine which ceaseth,
and the sea doeth then scoure the sands away againe.
The monson from Goa to the Northward, to say, for
Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, Daman, Basaim, and other
places.
The ships depart betwixt the tenth and 24 of August,
for the Northward places abovesayde, and to these places
they may saile all times of the yeere, except in the winter,
which beginneth and endeth at the times abovesaid.
The monson from the North parts, for Goa.
The ships depart from Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, and other
places Northwards for Goa, betwixt the 8 and 15 of
Januarie, and come to Goa about the end of Februarie.
The first monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca.
The ships depart from Diu about the 1 5 of Januarie,
and returne from the straights to Diu in the moneth of
August.

The second monson from Diu for the straight of

Mecca.
The ships depart betwixt the 25 and first of September,
and returne from the straights to Diu, the first and 15
of May.

28

THE MONSOONS FROM GOA ad.

1584.
The monson from Secutra for Ormus.
The ships depart about the tenth of August for
Ormus : albeit Secutra is an Island and hath but few
ships, which depart as abovesaid.

The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land
come to Goa.

About the fifteenth of September the Moores of the
rlrme lande beginne to come to Goa, and they come from
all parts, as well from Balagvate, Bezenegar, as also from
Sudalcan, and other places.

The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land

depart from Goa.
They depart from Goa betwixt the 10 and 15 day of
November. Note that by going for the North is ment
the departing from Goa, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia,
Daman, Basaim, Ghassain, and other places unto Zindi :
and by the South is understood, departing from Goa, for
Cochin, and all that coast unto Cape Comori.

The first monson from Goa for Ormus.
The shippes depart in the moneth of October from
Goa, for Ormus, passing with Easterly windes along the
coast of Persia.

The second monson from Goa to Ormus.
The ships depart about the 20 of Januarie passing by
the like navigation and windes as in the first monson,
and this is called of the Portugals and Indians Entre-
monson.

The third monson from Goa to Ormus.
The ships depart betwixt the 25 of March, and 6 of
Aprill, having Easterly windes, till they passe Secutra,
and then they find Westerly windes, and therfore they
set their course over for the coast of Arabia, till they
come to Cape Rasalgate and the Straight of Ormus, and
this monson is most troublesome of all : for they make [II. i. 279.]
two navigations in the heigth of Seylan, which is 6
degrees and somewhat lower.

29

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

The first monson from Ormus for Chaul
and Goa.
The ships depart from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa in
the moneth of September, with North and Northeast
windes.

The second monson from Ormus for Chaul
and Goa.
The second monson is betwixt the five and twentie
and last of December, with like winds as the former
monson.

The third monson from Ormus for Chaul,
and Goa.
The third monson the ships depart from Ormus, for
Chaul and Goa, betwixt the first and 15 of April, and
they saile with Southeast windes, East and Northeast
windes, coasting upon the Arabia side from Cape Mos-
andon unto Cape Rasalgate, and having lost the sight
of Cape Rasalgate, they have Westerly windes, and so
come for Chaul and Goa, and if the said ships depart not
before the 25 of April, they are not then to depart that
monson, but to winter in Ormus because of the
winter.

The first monson from Ormus for Zindi.
The ships depart for Ormus betwixt the 15 and 20
of Aprill.

The second monson from Ormus for Zindi.
The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 20 of October
for Zindi from Ormus.

The monson from Ormus for the red sea.
The ships depart from Ormus betwixt the first and
last of Januarie.

30

THE MONSOONS FROM GOA ad.

1584.

Hitherto I have noted the monsons of the ships
departing from Goa to the Northward : Now
follow the monsons wherein the ships depart
from Goa to the Southward.

The monson from Goa for Calicut, Cochin, Seilan,
and all that coast.

THe ships depart from those places betwixt the 1 and
15 of August, and there they find it navigable all
the yeere except in the winter, which continueth as is
aforesaid, from the 15 of May till the 10 of August. Note.
In like maner the ships come from these places for Goa
at every time in the yeere except in the winter, but of
all other the best time is to come in November, December
and January.

The first monson from Goa, for Pegu.

The ships depart from Goa, betwixt the 15 and 20
of April, and winter at S. Thomas, and after the 5 of
August, they depart from S. Thomas for Pegu.
The second monson from Goa for Pegu.

The ships depart from Goa betwixt the 8 and 24 of
August, going straight for Pegu, and if they passe the
24 of August, they cannot passe that monson, neither
is there any more monsons till April as is aforesaid.
Note that the chiefest trade is, to take money of S.
Thomas rials, and patechoni, and to goe to S. Thomas,
and there to buy Tellami, which is fine cloth of India,
whereof there is great quantitie made in Coromandel,
and brought thither, and other marchandise are not good
for that place except some dozen of very faire Emeraulds
orientall. For of golde, silver, and Rubies, there is
sufficient store in Pegu.

The monson from Pegu- for the Indies.

The ships depart from Pegu betwixt the 15 and 25
of Januarie, and come to Goa about the 25 of March,
or in the beginning of April. Note, that if it passe
the 10 of May before the sayde ships be arrived in Goa,

31

Marcha7idize
good for

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

they cannot come thither that monson, and if they
have not then fet the coast of India, they shall with great
perill fetch S. Thomas.

The first monson from Goa for Malacca.
The ships depart betwixt the 1 5 and last of September,
and arrive in Malacca about the end of October.

The second monson from Goa to Malacca.
The ships depart about the 5 of May from Goa, and
arrive in Malacca about the 1 5 of June.

The first monson from Malacca to Goa.
The ships depart about the 10 of September, and come
to Goa about the end of October.

The second monson from Malacca to Goa.
The ships depart from Malacca about the 10 of
February, and come to Goa about the end of March.
But if the said ships should stay till the 10 of May,
[II. i. 280.] they cannot enter into Goa, and if at that time also
they should not be arrived at Cochin, they are forced
to returne to Malacca, because the winter and contrary
windes then come upon them.

The monson from Goa for China.
The ships depart from Goa in the moneth of April.

The monson from China for Goa.
The ships depart to be the 10 of May in Goa, and
being not then arrived, they turne backe to Cochin,
and if they cannot fetch Cochin, they returne to
Malacca.

The monson from Goa to the Moluccaes.
The ships depart about the 10 or 15 of May, which
time being past, the shippes can not passe over the
barre of Goa for the cause abovesaid.

The monson of the ships of the Moluccaes arrivall

in Goa.
The ships which come from the Moluccaes arrive upon
the bar of Goa about the 15 of April.

32

THE MONSOONS FOR PORTUGAL ad.

1584.

The monsons of the Portingall ships for the
Indies.
The ships which come from Portugall depart thence
ordinarily betwixt the tenth & fifteenth of March,
comming the straight way during the moneth of July
to the coast of Melinde, and Mosambique, and from Note.
thence goe straight for Goa, and if in the moneth of
July they should not be at the coast of Melinde, they
can in no wise that yeere fetch Melinde, but returne
to the Isle of Saint Helena, and so are not able, that
time being past, to fetch the coast of India, and to
come straight for Goa. Therefore (as is abovesaid) they
returne to the Island of Saint Helena, and if they cannot
make the said Island, then they runne as lost upon the
coast of Guinea : but if the said ships be arrived in
time upon the coast of Melinde, they set forwardes for
Goa, and if by the fifteenth of September they cannot
fetch Goa, they then goe for Cochin, but if they see
they cannot fetch Cochin, they returne to Mosambique
to winter there upon the sayd coast. Albeit in the yeere Note.
of our Lord 1580 there arrived the ship called San
Lorenzo, being wonderfull sore sea-beaten, the eight of
October, which was accounted as a myracle for that the
like had not bene seene before.

The monson from India for Portugall.
The shippes depart from Cochin betweene the fifteenth
and last of January, going on till they have sight of
Capo de buona speranza, and the Isle of Saint Helena,
which lslande is about the midway, being in sixteene
degrees to the South. And it is a litle Island being
fruitfull of all things which a man can imagine, with
great store of fruit : and this Island is a great succour
to the shipping which returne for Portugall. And not
long since the said Island was found by the Portugales,
and was discovered by a shippe that came from the
Indies in a great storme, in which they found such
abundance of wilde beastes, and boares, and all sort of
vi 33 c

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

fruite, that by meanes thereof that poore ship which had
beene foure moneths at sea, refreshed themselves both
with water and meate very well, and this Island they
called S. Helena, because it was discovered upon S.
Helens day. And undoubtedly this Island is a great
succour, and so great an ayde to the ships of Portugall,
that many would surely perish if that helpe wanted*
And therefore the king of Portugall caused a Church
to be made there for devotion of S. Helena : where
there are onely resident Eremits, and all other are for-
bidden to inhabite there by the kings commaundement,
to the ende that the ships may be the more sufficiently
furnished with victuals, because the ships which come
Note, from India come but slenderly victualled, because there
groweth no corne there, neither make they any wine :
but the ships which come from Portugall to the Indies
touch not in the sayd Island, because they set out being
sufficiently furnished with bread and water from Portugall
for eight moneths voyage. Any other people then the
two Eremites abovesaid, cannot inhabite this Island,
except some sicke man that may be set there a shore
to remaine in the Eremites companie, for his helpe and
recovery.

The monson from Goa to Mosambique.
The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 15 of Januarie.

The monson from Mosambique to Goa.
The ships depart betweene the 8 and last of August,
and arrive in Chaul or Goa in the moneth of October,
till the 15 of November.

The monson from Ormus to Bengala.
The ships depart betwixt the 15 and 20 of June, and
goe to winter at Teve and depart thence about the 15
of August for Bengala.

34

A.D.

[586.

i. 2!

JOHN EVESHAM

The voyage passed by sea into Aegypt, by John [II. i. 281.]
Evesham Gentleman. Anno 1586.

He 5 of December 1586 we departed
from Gravesend in the Tiger of London,
wherein was Master under God for the
voyage Robert Rickman, and the 21. day
at night we came to the Isle of Wight :
departing from thence in the morning
following we had a faire winde, so that
on the 27 day wee came in sight of the rocke of Lisbone,
and so sayling along we came in sight of the South Cape,
the 29 of the same, and on the morrowe with a Westerly
winde we entred the straights : and the second of January
being as high as Cape de Gate, we departed from our
fleete towards Argier. And the 4 day we arrived at the
port of Argier aforesaid, where we staied till the first of
March. At which time we set saile towardes a place
called Tunis, to the Eastward of Argier 100 leagues, Tunis.
where we arrived the 8 of the same. This Tunis is a
small citie up 12 miles from the sea, and at the port or
rode where shipping doe ride, is a castle or fort called
Goletta, sometimes in the handes of the Christians, but
now of the Turkes : at which place we remained till the
third of Aprill : at which time wee set saile towardes
Alexandria, and having sometime faire windes, sometime
contrary, we passed on the 12 day betweene Sicilia and
Malta (where neere adjoyning hath beene the fort and
holde of the knights of the Rhodes) and so the 19 day
we fell with the Isle of Candy, and from thence to
Alexandria, where we arrived the 27 of April, and there
continued till the 5 of October.

The said citie of Alexandria is an old thing decayed or The descrip-
ruinated, having bene a faire and^ great citie neere two Hon of Ale x-
miles in length, being all vauted underneath for provision ondria.
of fresh water, which water commeth thither but once
every yeere, out of one of the foure rivers of paradise
(as it is termed) called Nilus, which in September floweth

35

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

neere eighteene foote upright higher then his accustomed
manner, and so the banke being cut, as it were a sluce,
about thirty miles from Alexandria, at a towne called
Rossetto, it doth so come to the saide Citie, with such
aboundance, that barkes of twelve tunne doe come upon
the same water, which water doth fill all the vauts,
cesternes, and wels in the said Citie, with very good
water, and doth so continue good, till the next yeere
following : for they have there very litle raine or none
at all, yet have they exceeding great dewes. Also they
have very good corne, and very plentifull : all the
Countrey is very hot, especially in the moneths of
August, September, and October. Also within the saide
Citie there is a pillar of Marble, called by the Turkes,
King Pharaoes needle, & it is foure square, every square
is twelve foote, and it is in height 90 foote. Also there
is without the wals of the said Citie, about twentie score
paces, another marble pillar, being round, called Pompey
his pillar : this pillar standeth upon a great square stone,
every square is fifteene foote, and the same stone is
fifteene foote high, and the compasse of the pillar is 37
foote, and the heigth of it is 10 1 feete, which is a wonder
to thinke how ever it was possible to set the said pillar
upon the said square stone. The port of the said Citie
is strongly fortified with two strong Castles, and one
other Castle within the citie, being all very well planted
with munition : and there is to the Eastward of this
Cayro. Citie, about three dayes journey the citie of Grand Cayro,
otherwise called Memphis : it hath in it by report of the
registers bookes which we did see, to the number of 2400
Churches, and is wonderfully populous, and is one dayes
journey about the wals, which was journeyed by one of
our Marriners for triall thereof. Also neere to the saide
citie there is a place called the Pyramides, being, as I may
well terme it, one of the nine wonders of the world :
that is, seven severall places of flint and marble stone,
foure square, the wals thereof are seven yards thicke in
those places that we did see : the squarenes is in length

36

JOHN EVESHAM a.d.

1586.

about twentie score every square, being built as it were
a pointed diamond, broad at the foote, and small or
narrow at the toppe : the heigth of them, to our judge-
ment, doth surmount twise the heigth of Paules steeple :
within the saide Pyramides, no man doth know what
there is, for that they have no entrance but in the one
of them, there is a hole where the wall is broken, and so
we went in there, having torch-light with us, for that it
hath no light to it, and within the same, is as it were
a great hall, in the which there is a costly tombe, which
tombe they say, was made for king Pharao in his life
time, but he was not buried there, being drowned in the
red sea : also there are certaine vauts or dungeons, which
goe downe verie deepe under those Pyramides with faire
staires, but no man dare venter to goe downe into them,
by reason that they can cary no light with them, for the
dampe of the earth doth put out the light : the red sea
is but three daies journey from this place, and Jerusalem
about seven dayes journey from thence : but to returne
to Cayro. There is a Castle wherin is the house that
Pharaoes wives were kept in, and in the Pallace or Court
thereof stande 55 marble pillars, in such order, as our
Exchange standeth in London : the said pillars are in
heigth 60 foote, and in compasse 14 foote: also in the [11.1.282.]
said Citie is the castle were Joseph was in prison, where
to this day they put in rich men, when the king would
have any summe of money of them : there are seven
gates to the sayd prison, and it goeth neere fiftie yardes
downe right : also, the water that serveth this castle,
commeth out of the foresaide river of Nilus, upon a wall
made with arches, five miles long, and it is twelve foote
thicke. Also there are in old Cayro two Monasteries,
the one called S. Georges, the other S. Maries : & in the
Courts where the Churches be, was the house of king
Pharao. In this Citie is great store of marchandize,
especially pepper, and nutmegs, which come thither by
land, out of the East India : and it is very plentifull of
all maner of victuals, especially of bread, rootes, and

37

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

hearbes : to the Eastwards of Cayro, there is a Well, five
miles off, called Matria, and as they say, when the Virgin
Marie fled from Bethleem, and came into JEgypt, and
being there, had neither water, nor any other thing to
sustaine them, by the providence of God, an Angell came
from heaven, and strake the ground with his wings, where
presently issued out a fountaine of water : and the wall
did open where the Israelites did hide themselves, which
fountaine or well is walled foure square till this day.
Also we were at an old Citie, all ruinated and destroyed,

Carthage, called in olde time, the great Citie of Carthage where
Hannibal and Queene Dido dwelt : this Citie was but
narrow, but was very long : for there was, and is yet to
bee seene, one streete three mile long, to which Citie
fresh water was brought upon arches (as afore) above 25
miles, of which arches some are standing to this day.
Also we were at divers other places on the coast, as we
came from Cayro, but of other antiquities we saw but

Arger. few. The towne of Argier which was our first and last
port, within the streights standeth upon the side of an
hill, close upon the sea shore : it is very strong both by
sea and land, and it is very well victualed with all manner
of fruites, bread and fish good store, and very cheape.
It is inhabited with Turkes, Moores, and Jewes, and so
are Alexandria and Cayro. In this towne are a great
number of Christian captives, wherof there are of English-
men onely fifteene, from which port we set sayle towardes
England, the seventh of Januarie, Anno 1587, and the
30 day of the sayd moneth, we arrived at Dartmouth on
the coast of England.

38

LAURENCE ALDERSEY

A.D.

1586.

The second voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey, to
the Cities of Alexandria, and Cayro in Aegypt.
Anno 1586.

Embarked my selfe at Bristoll, in the
Hercules, a good ship of London, and
set saile the 21 day of Februarie, about
ten of the clocke in the morning, having
a merry winde : but the 23 day, there
arose a very great storme, and in the
mids of it we descried a small boate of

the burden of ten tunnes, with foure men in her, in very
great danger, who called a maine for our helpe. Where-
upon our Master made towardes them, and tooke them
into our ship, and let the boate, which was laden with
timber, and appertained to Chepstow, to runne a drift.
The same night about midnight arose another great
storme, but the winde was large with us, untill the 27 of
the same moneth, which then grew somewhat contrary :
yet notwithstanding we held on our course, and the tenth
day of March, we descried a saile about Cape Sprat,
which is a litle on this side the streight of Gibraltare,
but we spake not with her. The next day we descried
twelve sayle more, with whom we thought to have
spoken, to have learned what they were, but they made
very fast away, and we gave them over.

Thursday the 16 of March, we had sight of the
streights, and of the coast of Barbary. The 1 8 day we
passed them, and sailed towards Patras. Upon the 23
of March, we met with the Centurion of London which
came from Genoa, by whom we sent letters to England,
and the foure men also which we tooke in, upon the
coast of England, beforementioned.

The 29 of March we came to Goleta a small Hand, Goleta.
and had sight of two shippes, which we judged to be
of England.

Tuesday the fourth of Aprill, we were before Malta, Malta.

39

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

and being there becalmed, our Maister caused the two
ship boates to be had out, and they towed the ship,
till we were out of sight of the Castle of Malta. The

Zante. 9 day of Aprill we came to Zante, and being before the

towne, William Aldridge, servant to Master Thomas
Cordall of London, came aboord us, with whom our
Master and twelve more of our company, thought to
have gone on shoare, but they could not be permitted :

Patras. so we all came aboord againe, and went to Patras, where

we arrived upon good Friday, and lay there with good
entertainement at the English house, where was the
Consull Master Grimes, Ralph Ashley, and John
Doddington, who very kindly went with us, and shewed
us the pleasures of the towne.

They brought us to the house of the Cady, who was

[II. i. 283.] made then to understand of the 20 Turks that wee had
aboord, which were to goe to Constantinople, being
redeemed out of captivitie, by sir Francis Drake in the
West Indies, and brought with him into England, and
by order of the Queenes Majestie sent now into their
Countrey. Whereupon the Cady commaunded them to
be brought before him, that he might see them : and when
he had talked with them, and understood howe strangely
they were delivered, hee marveiled much, and admired
the Queenes Majestie of England, who being but a
woman, is notwithstanding of such power and renowne
amongst all the princes of Christendome, with many
other honourable wordes of commending her Majestie.
So he tooke the names of those 20. Turkes, and recorded
them in their great bookes, to remaine in perpetuall
memory. After this, our foresaid countreymen brought
mee to the Chappel of S. Andrew where his tombe or
sepulchre is, and the boord upon which he was beheaded,
which boord is now so rotten, that if any man offer to
cut it, it falleth to powder, yet I brought some of it
away with me.

Upon Tuesday in Easter weeke, wee set out towards
Zante againe, and the 24. of April with much adoe, wee

40

LAURENCE ALDERSEY ad.

1586.

were all permitted to come on shoare, and I was caried

to the English house in Zante, where I was very well

entertained. The commodities of Zante are Currans and

oyle : the situation of the Towne is under a very great

hill, upon which standeth a very strong Castle, which

commaundeth the Towne. At Zante we tooke in a

Captaine and 16. souldiers, with other passengers. Wee

departed from Zante upon Tuesday the 15. of April,

and the next day we ankered at a small Island, called

Strivalia, which is desolate of people, saving a fewe Strivalia.

religious men, who entertained us well, without taking

any money : but of courtesie we bestowed somewhat

upon them for their maintenance, and then they gave

us a couple of leane sheepe, which we caried aboord.

The last day of Aprill, wee arrived at Candie, at a Castle', Candie.

called Sowday, where wee set the Captaine, Souldiers,

and Mariners ashoare, which wee tooke in at Zante,

with all their carriage.

The second day of May wee set saile againe, and the May.

fourth day came to the Islands of Milo, where we ™e,Is/ant°f

1 j 1 r 1 1 11 1 Mt/o, in olde

ankered, and round the people there very courteous, and t-me canej

tooke in such necessaries as we wanted. The Islands Sporades.

are in my judgement a hundred in number, and all within

the compasse of a hundred miles.

The 11. day, the Chaus, which is the greatest man
there in authoritie, for certaine offences done in a little
Chappell by the water side, which they saide one of our
shippe had done, and imputed it to mee, because I was
seene goe into it three dayes before, came to us, and
made much a doe, so that we were faine to come out
of our shippe armed : but by three pieces of golde the
brabling was ended, and we came to our shippe. This
day wee also set saile, and the next day passed by the
Castle of Serpeto, which is an old ruinated thing, and
standeth under a hils side.

The 13. day we passed by the Island of Paris, and
the Island of the bankes of Helicon, and the Island called
Ditter, where are many boares, and the women bee

41

A.o. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

witches. The same day also wee passed by the Castle
of Tino, standing upon a very high mountaine, and
neere unto it is the Island of Diana.

Sio. The 15. of May, wee came to Sio, where I stayed

thirtie and three dayes. In it is a very proper Towne,
after the building of that Countrey, and the people are
civil : and while we were here, there came in sixe Gallies,
which had bene at Alexandria, and one of them which
was the Admiral, had a Prince of the Moores prisoner,
whom they tooke about Alexandria, and they meant to
present him to the Turke. The towne standeth in a
valley, and a long the water side pleasantly. There are
about 26. winde-mils about it, and the commodities of
it are cotton wooll, cotton yarne, mastike, and some other
drugs.

As we remained at Sio, there grew a great controversie
betweene the mariners of the Hercules, and the Greekes
of the Towne of Sio, about the bringing home of the
Turkes, which the Greekes tooke in ill part, and the
boyes cried out, Vive el Re Philippe : whereupon our
men beate the boyes, and threwe stones, and so a broile
beganne, and some of our men were hurt : but the
Greekes were fetcht out of their houses, and manacled
together with yrons, and threatned to the Gallies : about
fourtie of them were sent to the prison, and what became
of them, when we were gone, we know not, for we went
thence within two dayes after, which was the 19. of
June.

Singonina. The 20. day wee passed by the Island of Singonina,
an Island risen by the casting of stones in that place :
the substance of the ground there is brimstone, and
burneth sometimes so much that it bloweth up the
rockes.

The 24. of June wee came to Cyprus, and had sight
in the way of the aforesaide sixe Gallies, that came
from Alexandria, one whereof came unto us, and required
a present for himselfe, and for two of the other Gallies,.
which we for quietnesse sake gave them.

42

LAURENCE ALDERSEY

The 27. of June, wee came to Tripolie, where I stayed
till the fift of July, and then tooke passage in a smal
barke called a Caramusalin, which was a passage boat,
and was bound for Bichieri, thirteene miles on this side
Alexandria, which boate was fraighted with Turkes,
Moores, and Jewes.

The 20. day of July, this barke which I passed in
ranne upon a rocke, and was in very great danger, so
that we all began some to be ready to swimme, some
to leape into the shippe boate, but it pleased God to
set us quickly off the rocke, and without much harme.

The 28. of July I came to Bichieri, where I was well
entertained of a Jewe which was the Customer there,
giving me Muskadine, and drinking water himselfe :
having broken my fast with him, he provided mee a
Camell for my carriage, and a Mule for mee to ride upon,
and a Moore to runne by me to the City of Alexandria,
who had charge to see mee safe in the English house,
whither I came, but found no Englishmen there : but
then my guide brought mee aboord a ship of Alderman
Martins, called the Tyger of London, where I was well
received of the Master of the said ship, whose name was
Thomas Rickman, and of all the company.

The said Master having made me good cheere, and
made me also to drinke of the water of Nilus, having the
keyes of the English house, went thither with me him-
selfe, & appointed mee a faire chamber, and left a man
with me to provide me all things that I needed, and every
day came himselfe to me, and caried me into the City,
and shewed me the monuments thereof, which be
these.

Hee brought mee first to Pompey his pillar, which is
a mighty thing of gray marble, and all of one stone,
in height by estimation above 52. yards, and the compasse
about sixe fadome.

The City hath three gates, one called the gate of
Barbaria, the other of Merina, and the thirde of
Rossetto.

A.D.

1586.

[II. i. 284.

Bichieri.

The English
house in
Alexandria.

The monu-
ments of Alex-
andria.

43

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

He brought me to a stone in the streete of the Citie,
whereupon S. Marke was beheaded : to the place where
S. Katherine died, having there hid herselfe, because she
would not marry : also to the Bath of S. Katherine.

I saw there also Pharaos needle, which is a thing in
height almost equall with Pompeys pillar, and is in
compasse five fadome, and a halfe, and all of one stone.

I was brought also to a most brave and daintie Bath,
where we washed our selves : the Bath being of marble,
and of very curious workemanship.

The Citie standeth upon great arches, or vawtes, like
unto Churches, with mightie pillars of marble, to holde
up the foundation : which arches are built to receive
the water of the river of Nilus, which is for the use
of the Citie. It hath three Castles, and a hundred
Churches : but the part that is destroyed of it, is sixe
times more then that part which standeth.

The last day of July, I departed from Alexandria
towards Cayro in a passage boate, wherein first I went
Rossetto. to Rossetto, standing by the river side, having 13. or
14. great churches in it, their building there is of stone
and bricke, but as for lodging, there is litle, except we
bring it with us.

From Rossetto wee passed along the river of Nilus,
which is so famous in the world, twise as broad as the
Thames at London : on both sides grow date trees in
great abundance. The people be rude, insomuch that a
man cannot traveile without a Janizary to conduct him.
The Turkes The time that I stayed in iEgypt was the Turkes
LenL and Moores Lent, in all which time they burne lamps

in their churches, as many as may hang in them : their
Lent endureth 40. dayes, and they have three Lents in
the yere : during which time they neither eate nor
drink in the day time, but all the night they do nothing
else.

Betwixt Rossetto and Cayro there are along the
water side three hundred cities and townes, and the
length of the way is not above three hundred miles.

44

LAURENCE ALDERSEY ad.

1586.

To this famous Citie of Cayro I came the fift day of Cayro.
August, where I found M. William Alday, and William
Caesar, who intertained me in very good sort. M.
Caesar brought mee to see the Pyramides which are
three in number, one whereof king Pharao made for
his owne tombe, the tombe it selfe is almost in the top
of it : the monuments bee high and in forme 4. square,
and every of the squares is as long as a man may
shoote a roving arrowe, and as high as a Church, I
sawe also the ruines of the Citie of Memphis hard by
those Pyramides.

The house of Joseph is yet standing in Cayro, which
is a sumptuous thing, having a place to walke in of
56. mighty pillars, all gilt with gold, but I saw it not,
being then lame.

The 1 1 . day of August the lande was cut at Cayro,
to let in the water of the river of Nilus, which was
done with great joy and triumph.

The 12. of August I set from Cayro towards Alex-
andria againe, and came thither the 14. of August.
The 26. day there was kept a great feast of the Turkes
and Moores, which lasted two dayes, and for a day they
never ceased shooting off of great Ordinance.

From Alexandria I sailed to Argier, where I lay with The English
M. Typton Consull of the English nation, who used Corisu/at
me most kindly, and at his owne charge. Hee brought r®er'
mee to the kings Court, and into the presence of the [II. i. 285.]
King, to see him, and the maners of the Court : the
King doeth onely beare the name of a King, but
the greatest government is in the hands of the souldiers.

The king of Potanca is prisoner in Argier, who
comming to Constantinople, to acknowledge a duety to
the great Turke, was betrayed by his owne nephew,
who wrote to the Turke, that hee went onely as a spy,
by that meanes to get his kingdome. I heard at Argier
of seven Gallies that were at that time cast away at a
towne called Formentera : three of them were of Argier,
the other foure were the Christians.

45

A.D.

1586.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

We found here also 13. Englishmen, which were by
force of weather put into the bay of Tunis, where
they were very ill used by the Moores, who forced
them to leave their barke : whereupon they went to the
Councell of Argier, to require a redresse and remedy
for the injurie. They were all belonging to the shippe,
called the Golden Noble of London, whereof Master
Birde is owner. The Master was Stephen Haselwood,
and the Captaine Edmond Bence.

The thirde day of December, the pinnesse called the
Mooneshine of London, came to Argier with a prize,
which they tooke upon the coast of Spaine, laden with
sugar, hides, and ginger : the pinnesse also belonging to
the Golden Noble : and at Argier they made sale both
of shippe and goods, where wee left them at our
comming away, which was the seventh day of Januarie,
and the first day of February, I landed at Dartmouth,
and the seventh day came to London, with humble
thankes to Almightie God, for my safe arrivall.

A true report of a worthy fight, performed in
the voyage from Turkie, by five Ships of
London, against 11. Gallies, and two Frigats
of the King of Spaines, at Pantalarea within
the Streights, Anno, 1586. Written by
Philip Jones.

He Marchants of London, being of the
incorporation of the Turky trade, hav-
ing received intelligences, and advertise-
ments, from time to time, that the
King of Spaine grudging at the pros-
peritie of this kingdome, had not onely

1 of late arrested al English ships, bodies,
and goods, in Spaine, but also maligning the quiet
trafique which they used to and in the dominions, and
provinces, under the obedience of the Great Turke,
had given order to the Captaines of his gallies in the

46

A REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT a.d.

1586.
Levant, to hinder the passage of all English ships, and
to endevour by their best meanes, to intercept, take,
and spoile them, their persons, and goods : they here-
upon thought it their best course to set out their fleete
for Turkie, in such strength and abilitie for their
defence, that the purpose of their Spanish enemie might
the better be prevented, and the voyage acomplished
with greater securitie to the men and shippes. For
which cause, five tall, and stoute shippes, appertaining
to London, and intending onely a Marchants voyage,
were provided and furnished with all things belonging
to the Seas ; the names whereof were these :

1. The Marchant Royall, a very brave and good

shippe, and of great report.

2. The Tobie.

3. The Edward Bonaventure.

4. The William, and John.

5. The Susan.

These five departing from the coast of England, in
the moneth of November 1585. kept together as one
fleete, til they came as high as the Isle of Sicile, within
the Levant. And there, according to the order and
direction of the voyage, each shippe began to take
leave of the rest, and to separate himselfe, setting his
course for the particular port, whereunto hee was
bounde : one for Tripolie in Syria, another for Con-
stantinople, the chiefe Citie of the Turkes Empire,
situated upon the coast of Romania, called of olde,
Thracia, and the rest to those places, whereunto they
were privatly appointed. But before they devided them-
selves, they altogether consulted, of and about a certaine
and speciall place for their meeting againe after the
lading of their goods at their severall portes. And in
conclusion, the generall agreement was to meete at
Zante, an Island neere to the maine continent of the
West part of Morea, well knowen of all the Pilots, &
thought to be the fittest place of their Rendevous.
Concerning which meeting, it was also covenanted on

47

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

eche side, and promised, that whatsoever ship of these
5. should first arrive at Zante, should there stay and
expect the comming of the rest of the fleete, for the
space of twentie dayes. This being done, ech man
made his best hast according as winde and wether
woulde serve him to fulfill his course, and to dispatch
his businesse ; and no neede was there to admonish or
incourage any man, seeing no time was ill spent, nor
opportunitie omitted on any side, in the performance
of ech mans duetie, according to his place.
[II. i. 286.] It fell out that the Tobie which was bound for
Constantinople had made such good speede, and gotten
such good weather, that she first of al the rest came
back to the appointed place of Zante, and not forget-
ting the former conclusion, did there cast ancre, attending
the arrivall of the rest of the fleete, which accordingly
(their busines first performed) failed not to keepe
promise. The first next after the Tobie was the Royal
Marchant, which together with the William and John
came from Tripolie in Syria, and arrived at Zante
within the compasse of the foresaide time limitted.
These ships in token of the joy on all parts conceived
for their happy meeting, spared not the discharging of
their Ordinance, the sounding of drums & trumpets,
the spreading of Ensignes with other warlike and joy-
full behaviours, expressing by these outward signes, the
inward gladnesse of their mindes, being all as ready to
joyne together in mutuall consent to resist the cruel
enemie, as now in sporting maner they made myrth
and pastime among themselves. These three had not
bene long in the haven, but the Edward Bonaventure
also, together with the Susan her consort, were come
from Venice with their lading, the sight of whom in-
creased the joy of the rest, and they no lesse glad of
the presence of the others, saluted them in most
friendly and kinde sort, according to the maner of the
Seas : and whereas some of these ships stoode at that
instant in some want of victuals, they were all content

48

A REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT a.d.

1586.

to stay in the port, till the necessities of ech shippe
were supplied, and nothing wanted to set out for their
returne.

In this port of Zante, the newes was fresh and cur-
rant, of two severall armies and fleetes provided by the
king of Spaine, and lying in waite to intercept them : the
one consisting of 30. strong Gallies, so well appointed
in all respects for the warre, that no necessary thing
wanted : and this fleete hovered about the Streights of
Gibraltar. The other armie had in it 20. Gallies, whereof
some were of Sicilie, and some of the Island of Malta,
under the charge and government of John Andrea
Dorea, a Captaine of name serving the king of Spaine.
These two divers and strong fleetes waited and attended
in the Seas for none, but the English shippes, and no
doubt made their accompt and sure reckoning that not
a shippe should escape their furie. And the opinion
also of the inhabitants of the Isle of Zante was, that in
respect of the number of Gallies in both these armies,
having received such streight commandement from the
king, our ships and men being but few, and little in
comparison of them, it was a thing in humane reason
impossible, that wee should passe either without spoil-
ing, if we resisted, or without composition at the least,
and acknowledgement of duetie to the Spanish king.

But it was neither the report of the attendance of
these armies, nor the opinions of the people, nor any
thing else, that could daunt or dismay the courages of
our men, who grounding themselves upon the goodnesse
of their cause, and the promise of God, to bee delivered
from such as without reason sought their destruction,
caried resolute mindes, notwithstanding all impediments
to adventure through the Seas, and to finish their Navi-
gation, maugre the beards of the Spanish souldiers. But
least they should seeme too carelesse, and too secure of
their estate, and by laying the whole and entire burden
of their safetie upon Gods providence, should foolishly
presume altogether of his helpe, and neglect the meanes
vi 49 d

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

which was put into their handes, they failed not to enter
into counsell among themselves, and to deliberate ad-
visedly for their best defence. And in the end with
generall consent, the Marchant Royall was appointed
Admirall of the fleete, and the Tobie Viceadmiral, by
whose orders the rest promised to be directed, and ech
shippe vowed not to breake from another, whatsoever
extremitie should fall out, but to stand to it to the
death, for the honour of their Countrey, and the
frustrating of the hope of the ambitious and proud
enemie.

Thus in good order they left Zante and the Castle of
Graecia, and committed themselves againe to the Seas,
and proceeded in their course and voyage in quietnes,
without sight of any enemie, till they came neere to
Pantalarea, an Island so called, betwixt Sicilie, and the
coast of Africke: into sight whereof they came the 13. day
of July 1586. And the same day in the morning about
7. of the clocke they descried 13. sailes in number,
which were of the Gallies, lying in waite of purpose for
them, in and about that place. As soone as the English
ships had spied them, they by and by according to a com-
mon order, made themselves ready for a fight, layed out
their Ordinance, scoured, charged, and primed them, dis-
played their ensignes, and left nothing undone to arme
themselves throughly. In the meane time, the Gallies more
and more approched the ships, and in their banners there
appeared the armes of the Isles of Sicilia, and Malta,
being all as then in the service and pay of the Spaniard.
Immediatly, both the Admirals of the Gallies sent from
ech of them a frigate, to the Admiral of our English
ships, which being come neere them, the Sicilian frigat
first hailed them, and demanded of them whence they
were ? They answered that they were of England, the
armes whereof appeared in their colours. Whereupon
the saide frigat expostulated with them, and asked why
they delayed to sende or come with their Captaines
and pursers to Don Pedro de Leiva their Generall, to

5°

A REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT a.d.

1586.

acknowledge their duty and obedience to him in the name [II. i. 287.]
of the Spanish king, Lord of those seas ? Our men
replied, and said, that they owed no such duetie nor
obedience to him, and therefore would acknowledge
none, but commanded the frigat to depart with that
answere, and not to stay longer a brabling, upon her
perill. With that away she went, and up comes toward
them the other frigat of Malta, and shee in like sort
hailed the Admiral, and would needs know whence they
were, and where they had bene. Our Englishmen in
the Admirall, not disdaining an answere, tolde them that
they were of England, Marchants of London, had bene
at Turkie, and were now returning home : and to be
requited in this case, they also demaunded of the frigat
whence she and the rest of the gallies were : the mes-
senger answered, we are of Malta, and for mine owne
part my name is Cavallero. These Gallies are in service
and pay to the king of Spaine, under the conduct of
Don Pedro de Leiva a noble man of Spaine, who hath
bene commanded hither by the King with this present
force and armie, of purpose to intercept you. You shall
therefore (quoth he) do well to repaire to him to know
his pleasure, he is a noble man of good behaviour and
courtesie, and meanes you no ill. The Captaine of the
English Admiral, whose name was M. Edward Wilkin-
son, replied and said. We purpose not at this time to
make triall of Don Pedro his courtesie, whereof we are
suspitious and doubtful, and not without good cause :
using withall good words to the messenger, and willing
him to come aboord him, promising securitie and good
usage, that thereby he might the better knowe the
Spaniards minde : whereupon he in deed left his frigat,
and came aboord him, whom hee intertained in friendly
sort, and caused a cuppe of wine^ to be drawne for him,
which he tooke and beganne, with his cap in his hand,
and with reverend termes to drinke to the health of the
Queene of England, speaking very honourably of her
Majestie, and giving good speeches of the courteous

51

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

usage and interteinement that he himselfe had received
in London, at the time that the duke of Alenson,
brother to the late French king was last in England :
and after he had well drunke, hee tooke his leave, speak-
ing well of the sufficiencie and goodnesse of our shippes,
and especially of the Marchant Royal, which he confessed
to have seene before, riding in the Thames neere Lon-
don. He was no sooner come to Don Pedro de Leiva
the Spanish general, but he was sent off againe, and
returned to the English Admirall, saying that the plea-
sure of the Generall was this, that either their Captaines,
Masters and Pursers should come to him with speed, or
else hee would set upon them, and either take them or
sinke them. The reply was made by M. Wilkinson
aforesaid, that not a man should come to him : and for
the bragge and threat of Don Pedro, it was not that
Spanish bravado that should make them yeeld a jot to
their hinderance, but they were as ready to make resist-
ance, as he to offer an injurie. Whereupon Cavallero
the messenger left bragging, and began to perswade them
in quiet sort, and with many wordes, but all his labour
was to no purpose, and as his threat did nothing terrifie
them, so his perswasion did nothing moove them to doe
that which hee required. At the last he intreated to
have the Marchant of the Admirall caried by him as a
messenger to the Generall, that so he might be satisfied,
and assured of their mindes by one of their owne com-
pany. But M. Wilkinson would agree to no such thing,
although Richard Rowit the marchant himselfe seemed
willing to bee imployed in that message, and laboured by
reasonable perswasions to induce M. Wilkinson to graunt
it, as hoping to be an occasion by his presence and
discreet answeres to satisfie the Generall, and thereby to
save the effusion of Christian blood, if it should grow
to a battel. And he seemed so much the more willing
to be sent, by how much deeper the othes and protes-
tations of this Cavallero were, that he would (as hee
was a true knight and a souldier) deliver him backe

52

A REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT a.d.

1586.

againe in safetie to his company. Albeit, M. Wilkinson,
which by his long experience had received sufficient
triall of Spanish inconstancie and perjurie, wished him
in no case to put his life and libertie in hazard upon
a Spaniards othe. But at last, upon much intreatie, hee
yeelded to let him go to the General, thinking in deed,
that good speeches and answeres of reason would have
contented him, whereas otherwise refusall to do so,
might peradventure have provoked the more discontent-
ment.

M. Rowit therefore passing to the Spanish Generall,
the rest of the Gallies having espied him, thought in
deed that the English were rather determined to yeelde,
then to fight, and therefore came flocking about the
frigat, every man crying out, Que nuevas, que nuevas,
Have these English men yeelded ? the frigat answered,
Not so, they neither have, nor purpose to yeeld, onely
they have sent a man of their company to speake with
our Generall : and being come to the Gallie wherein he
was, he shewed himselfe to M. Rowit in his armour, his
guard of souldiers attending upon him in armour also,
and began to speake very proudly in this sort : Thou
Englishman, from whence is your fleete, why stand ye
aloofe off, knowe ye not your duetie to the Catholique
King, whose person I here represent ? Where are your
billes of lading, your letters, pasports, and the chiefe of
your men? Thinke ye my attendance in these seas to
be in vaine, or my person to no purpose ? Let al these
things be done out of hand as I command, upon paine of
my further displeasure and the spoyle of you all : These [II.
wordes of the Spanish Generall were not so outragiously
pronounced as they were mildly answered by M. Rowit,
who tolde him that they were al Marchantmen, using
trafique in honest sort, and seeking to passe quietly, if
they were not urged further then reason. As for the
king of Spaine, he thought (for his part) that there was
amitie betwixt him and his soveraigne the Queene of
England, so that neither he nor his officers should goe

53

1. 2;

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

about to offer any such injurie to English Marchants,
who as they were farre from giving offence to any man,
so they would be loath to take an abuse at the handes of
any, or sit downe to their losse, where their abilitie was
able to make defence. And as touching his commande-
ment aforesaide, for the acknowledging of duetie, in such
particular sort, he told him, that where there was no
dutie owing, there none should be performed, assuring
him that their whole company and shippes in generall,
stood resolutely upon the negative, and would not yeeld
to any such unreasonable demaund, joyned with such
imperious and absolute maner of commanding. Why
then, said he, if they wil neither come to yeeld, nor shew
obedience to me in the name of my king, I wil either
sinke them or bring them to harbor, and so tell them
from me. With that the frigat came away with M.
Rowit, and brought him aboord the English Admiral
againe according to promise : who was no sooner entred
in, but by and by defiance was sounded on both sides :
the Spaniards hewed off the noses of the Gallies, that
nothing might hinder the levell of the shot, and the
English on the other side couragiously prepared them-
selves to the combat, every man according to his roome,
bent to performe his office with alacritie and diligence.
In the meane time a Cannon was discharged from the
Admirall of the gallies, which being the onset of the
fight, was presently answered by the English Admiral
with a Culvering : so the skirmish began, and grew hot
and terrible, there was no powder nor shot spared : ech
English ship matched it selfe in good order against two
Spanish Gallies, besides the inequalitie of the frigats on
the Spaniards side : and although our men performed
their parts with singular valure, according to their
strength, insomuch that the enemie as amased therewith
would oftentimes pause and stay, and consult what was
best to be done, yet they ceased not in the midst of
their businesse to make prayer to Almighty God the
revenger of al evils, and the giver of victories, that it

54

A REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT ad

1586.

would please him to assist them in that good quarell

of theirs, in defending themselves against so proud a

tyrant, to teach their handes to warre, and their fingers

to fight, that the glory of the victory might redound

to his Name, and to the honor of true Religion which

the insolent enemie sought so much to overthrowe.

Contrarily, the foolish Spaniardes cried out according to

their maner, not to God, but to our Lady (as they terme

the virgin Mary) saying, O Lady helpe, O blessed Lady

give us the victory, and the honor thereof shalbe thine.

Thus with blowes & prayers on both sides the fight

continued furious and sharpe, and doubtful a long time

to which part the victory would incline : til at the last

the Admiral of the Gallies of Sicilie began to warpe

from the fight, and to holde up her side for feare of

sinking, and after her went also two others in like case,

whom al the sort of them inclosed, labouring by all

their meanes to keepe them above water, being ready

by the force of English shot which they had received to

perish in the seas : & what slaughter was done among

the Spaniards themselves, the English were uncertaine,

but by a probable conjecture apparant afar off, they

supposed their losse was so great, that they wanted men

to continue the charging of their pieces: whereupon with Afightoffii

shame and dishonor, after 5. houres spent in the battel, houres-

they withdrew themselves : and the English contented

in respect of their deepe lading, rather to continue their

voyage then to follow the chase, ceased from further

blowes, with the losse onely of two men slaine amongst

them all, and another hurt in his arme, whom M.

Wilkinson with his good words and friendly promises

did so comfort, that he nothing esteemed the smart of

his wound in respect of the honour of the victory, and

the shamefull repulse of the enemy.

Thus with duetiful thankes to the mercy of God for
his gracious assistance in that danger, the English ships
proceeded in their Navigation, and comming as high as
Alger, a port towne upon the coast of Barbary, they fell

55

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

with it, of purpose to refresh themselves after their
wearinesse, and to take in such supply of fresh water &
victuals, as they needed : they were no sooner entred
into the port, but immediatly the king thereof sent a
messenger to the ships to knowe what they were, with
which messenger the chiefe master of ech shippe repaired
to the king, and acquainted him not onely with the state
of their ships, in respect of marchandize, but with the
late fight which they had passed with the Spanish Gallies,
reporting every particular circumstance in word as it fell
out in action : whereof the said king shewed himselfe
marveilous glad, interteining them in the best sort, and
promising abundant reliefe of all their wants, making
generall proclamation in the city upon paine of death,
that no man of what degree or state soever he were,
should presume either to hinder them in their affaires,
or to offer them any maner of injury in body or goods.
By vertue whereof they dispatched al things in excellent
good sort, with al favor & peaceablenesse : only such
prisoners and captives of the Spaniards as were in the
Citie, seeing the good usage which they received, and
[II. i. 289.] hearing also what service they had performed against the
foresaide Gallies, grudged exceedingly against them, and
sought as much as they could to practise some mischiefs
against them : and one amongst the rest seeing an
Englishman alone in a certaine lane of the Citie, came
upon him suddenly, and with his knife thrust him in
the side, yet made no such great wound, but that it was
easily recovered. The English company hearing of it,
acquainted the king with the fact, who immediatly sent
both for the party that had received the wound, and the
offender also, and caused an executioner in the presence
of himselfe and the English, to chastise the slave even
to death, which was performed to the ende that no man
should presume to commit the like part, or to doe any
thing in contempt of his royal commandement.

The English having received this good justice at the
kings hands, and al other things that they wanted, or

56

A REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT a.d.

1586.

could crave for the furnishing of their shippes, tooke

their leave of him, and of the rest of their friendes, that

were resident in Alger, and put out to Sea, looking to

meete with the second army of the Spanish king, which

waited for them about the mouth of the Straights of

Gibraltar, which they were of necessitie to passe. But

comming neere to the said Streight, it pleased God to

raise at that instant a very darke and mistie fogge, so

that one ship coulde not discerne another, if it were 40.

paces off: by meanes whereof, together with the notable

faire Easterne winds that then blewe most fit for their

course, they passed with great speed through the Streight,

and might have passed with that good gale, had there

bene 500. Gallies to withstand them, and the aire never

so cleare for every ship to be seene. But yet the Spanish The second

Gallies had a sight of them when they were come within sPamsh fiee!e

t^t, -iri 11 r 1 • tying in zvaite

3. English miles or the towne, and made arter them in for t^e
all possible haste, and although they saw that they were English.
farre out of their reach, yet in a vaine fury and foolish
pride, they shot off their Ordinance, and made a stirre
in the Sea as if they had bene in the midst of them,
which vanitie of theirs ministred to our men notable
matter of pleasure and mirth, seeing men to fight with
shadowes, and to take so great paines to so small
purpose.

But thus it pleased God to deride, and delude all the
forces of that proud Spanish king, which he had provided
of purpose to distresse the English, who notwithstanding
passed through both his Armies, in the one, little hurt,
and in the other nothing touched, to the glory of his
immortall Name, the honour of our Prince and Countrey,
and the just commendation of ech mans service per-
formed in that voyage.

[The returne

57

A.D.

1588.

The letters of
the Prince of
Moldavia to
the Queene.
Letters of the
Chanceler of
Poland to the
Queene.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The returne of Master William Harborne from
Constantinople over land to London, 1588.

Departed from Constantinople with 30.
persons of my suit and family the 3. of
August. Passing through the Countries
of Thracia, now called Romania the
great, Valachia & Moldavia, where ariv-
ing the 5. of September I was according
to the Grand Signior his commandement

very courteously interteined by Peter his positive prince,
a Greeke by profession, with whom was concluded that
her Majesties subjects there trafiquing should pay but
three upon the hundreth, which as well his owne Subjects
as all other nations answere : whose letters to her Majes-
tie be extant. Whence I proceeded into Poland, where
the high Chanceler sent for mee the 27. of the same
moneth. And after most honorable intertainment
imparted with me in secret maner the late passed and
present occurrents of that kingdome, & also he writ to
her Majestic

Thence 1 hasted unto Elbing, where the 12. of October
I was most friendly welcomed by the Senate of that
City, whom I finde and judge to be faithfully devoted
to her Majesties service, whose letters likewise unto the
same were presented me. No lesse at Dantzik the 27.
of that moneth I was courteously received by one of the
Buroughmasters accompanied with two others of the
Senate, & a Civil doctor their Secretarie. After going
through the land of Pomer I rested one day at Stetin,
where, for that ye duke was absent, nothing ensued. At
Rostoke I passed through the Citie without any stay, and
at Wismar received like friendly greeting as in the other
places : but at Lubeck, for that I came late and departed
early in the morning, I was not visited. At Hamburg
the 19. of November, and at Stoad the ninth of Decem-
ber in like maner I was saluted by a Boroughmaster and
the Secretarie, and in all these places they presented mee

58

PRINCE OF MOLDAVIA'S PRIVILEGE ad

1588.

sundry sorts of their best wine and fresh fish, every of
them with a long discourse, congratulating, in the names
of their whole Senate, her Majesties victory over the
Spaniard, and my safe returne, concluding with offer of
their ready service to her future disposing. Yet the
Dantziks after my departure thence caused the Marchants
to pay custome for the goods they brought with them in
my company, which none other towne neither Infidels nor
Christians on ye way ever demanded. And notwith-
standing the premisses, I was most certainly informed of
sundry of our nation there resident that most of the [II. i. 290.
Hanse-towns upon the sea coasts, especially Dantzik,
Lubeck, and Hamborough have laden and were ship-
ping for Spaine, great provision of corne, cables, ropes,
powder, saltpeter, hargubusses, armour, iron, leade,
copper, and all other munition serving for the warre.
Whereupon I gather their fained courtesie proceeded
rather for feare then of any good affection unto her
Majesties service, Elbing and Stoad onely excepted,
which of duetie for their commoditie I esteemed well
affected.

The privilege of Peter the Prince of Moldavia
graunted to the English Marchants.

Etrus Dei gratia princeps Valachiae &
Moldavian ; significamus praesentibus,
universis & singulis quorum interest ac
intererit, quod cum magnifico domino
Guilielmo Hareborne oratore Serenissimae
ac potentissimae dominae, dominae Eliza-
bethan Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, ac
Hiberniae Reginae apud Serenissimum ac potentissimum
Turcarum lmperatorem hanc constitutionem fecerimus :
Nimirum ut dehinc suae Serenitatis subditis, omnibusque
mercatoribus integrum sit hie in provincia nostra com-
morandi, conversandi, mercandi, vendendi, contrahendique,
imo omnia exercendi, quae mercaturae ac vitae humanae
societas ususque requirit, sine ulla alicujus contradictione,

59

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

aut inhibitione : salvo ac integro tamen jure Telonii
nostri ; hoc est, ut a singulis rebus centum ducatorum
pretii, tres numerent. Quod ratum ac firmum constitu-
tione nostra haberi volumus. In cujus rei firmius
testimonium, sigillum nostrum appressum est. Actum
in castris nostris die 27. mensis Augusti, anno Domini
1588.

The same in English.

PEter by the grace of God prince of Valachia and Mol-
davia ; we signifie by these presents to all and singuler
persons, whom it doth or shall concerne, that we have
made this agreement with the worthy gentleman William
Hareborne Ambassador of the right high and mighty
prince, the Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene
of England, France and Ireland, with the most puissant
and mightie Emperour of the Turkes : To witte, that
from hencefoorth it shalbe lawfull for her highnesse sub-
jects and all her Marchants, to remaine, converse, buy,
sel, bargaine and exercise all such things, as the trade of
marchandise, and humane societie and use requireth,
without any hinderance or let : the right of our Custome
alwayes reserved ; That is, that they pay three ducats
upon all such things as amount to the price of one hun-
dred ducats. Which by this our ordinance we command
to be surely and firmely observed ; For the more assured
testimony whereof, our seale is hereunto annexed. Given
in our Campe the 27. of the moneth of August in the
yeere of our Lord 1588.

60

THE GRAND SIGNIOR'S PAYMENTS

A.D.

I588.

A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly pai-
ments, answered quarterly in time of peace, by
the Grand Signior, out of his Treasurie, to the
Officers of his Seraglio or Court, successively
in degrees : collected in a yeerely totall summe,
as followeth.

Or his owne diet every day, one thousand
and one aspers, according to a former
custome received from his auncestors :
notwithstanding that otherwise his diur-
nall expence is very much, and not
I certainly knowen, which summe maketh
sterling money by the yere, two thou-
sand, one hundred, 92. pounds, three shillings, eight
pence.

The five and fourtie thousand Janizaries dispersed in
sundry places of his dominions, at sixe aspers the day,
amounteth by the yeere to five hundreth, fourescore and
eleven thousand, and three hundreth pounds.

The Azamoglans, tribute children, farre surmount that
number, for that they are collected from among the
Christians, from whom betweene the yeeres of sixe and
twelve, they are pulled away yeerely perforce : whereof I
suppose those in service may be equall in number with
the Janizaries abovesaid, at three aspers a day, one with
another, which is two hundred fourescore and fifteene
thousand, sixe hundred and fiftie pounds.

The five Bassas, whereof the Viceroy is supreme, at one
thousand aspers the day, besides their yerely revenues,
amounteth sterling by the yeere to ten thousand, nine
hundred and fiftie pounds.

The five Beglerbegs, chiefs presidents of Greece, Hun-
gary and Sclavonia, being in Europe, in Natolia, and
Caramania of Asia, at one thousande aspers the day :
as also to eighteene other governours of Provinces,
at five hundred aspers the day, amounteth by the

61

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

yeere, to thirtie thousand sixe hundred, and threescore
pounds.
[II. i. 291.] The Bassa, Admirall of the Sea, one thousand aspers
the day, two thousand, one hundred, foure score and ten
thousand pounds.

The Aga of the Janizaries, generall of the footemen,
five hundred aspers the day, and maketh by the yeere in
sterling money, one thousand, fourescore and fifteene
pounds.

The Imbrahur Bassa, Master of his horse, one hundred
and fiftie aspers the day, is sterling money, three hun-
dred and eight and twenty pounds.

The chiefe Esquire under him, one hundred and fiftie
aspers, is three hundred and eight and twenty pounds.

The Agas of the Spahi, Captaines of the horsemen,
sixe, at one hundred and fiftie aspers to either of them,
maketh sterling, one thousand, nine hundred, three score
and eleven pounds.

The Capagi Bassas head porters foure, one hundred
and fiftie aspers to ech, and maketh out in sterling money
by the yeere, one thousand, three hundred, and foure-
teene pounds.

The Sisinghir Bassa, Controller of the housholde, one
hundred and twentie aspers the day, and maketh out in
sterling money by the yeere, two hundred, threescore and
two poundes, sixteene shillings.

The Chaus Bassa, Captaine of the Pensioners, one hun-
dred and twentie aspers the day, and amounteth to by the
yeere in sterling money, two hundred, threescore and two
pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Capigilar Caiasi, Captaine of his Barge, one hun-
dreth and twentie aspers the day, and maketh out by the
yeere in sterling money, two hundred, threescore and two
poundes, sixteene shillings.

The Solach Bassi, Captaine of his guard, one hundred
and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two
pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Giebrigi Bassi, master of the armoury, one hun-

62

THE GRAND SIGNIOR'S PAYMENTS a.d.

1588.

dred and twenty aspers, two hundred, three score and

two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Topagi Bassi, Master of the artillerie, one hundred
and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two
pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Echim Bassi, Phisition to his person, one hundred
and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two
pounds, sixteene shillings.

To fourtie Phisitions under him, to ech fourtie aspers,
is three thousand, eight hundred, three score and sixe
pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Mustafaracas spearemen, attending on his person,
in number five hundred, to either three score aspers,
and maketh sterling, threescore and five thousand, and
seven hundred pounds.

The Cisingeri gentlemen, attending upon his diet,
fourtie, at fourtie aspers ech of them, and amounteth
to sterling by the yeere, three thousand, five hundred
and foure pounds.

The Chausi Pensioners, foure hundred and fourtie, at
thirtie aspers, twenty eight thousand, nine hundred, and
eight pounds.

The Capagi porters of the Court and City, foure
hundred, at eight aspers, and maketh sterling money by
the yeere, seven thousand, and eight pounds.

The Solachi, archers of his guard, three hundreth and
twenty, at nine aspers, and commeth unto in English
money, the summe of sixe thousand, three hundred and
sixe pounds.

The Spahi, men of Armes of the Court and the City,
ten thousand, at twenty five aspers, and maketh of
English money, five hundred, forty and seven thousand,
and five hundred pounds.

The Janizaires sixteene thousand, at six aspers, is two
hundred and ten thousand, and two hundred and forty
pounds.

The Giebegi furbushers of armor, one thousand, five
hundred, at sixe aspers, and amounteth to sterling

(>3

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

money, nineteene thousand, seven hundred, and foure-
score pounds.

The Seiesir, servitors in his Equier or stable,
five hundred, at two aspers, and maketh sterling
money, two thousand, one hundred, fourescore and ten
pounds.

The Saesi, Sadlers and bit makers, five hundred, at
seven aspers, seven thousand, six hundred, threescore
and five pounds.

The Catergi, Carriers upon Mules, two hundred, at
five aspers, two thousand, one hundred, fourescore and
ten pounds.

The Cinegi, Carriers upon Camels, one thousand, five
hundred, at eight aspers, and amounteth in sterling
money, to twenty sixe thousand, two hundred, and
fourescore pounds.

The Reiz, or Captaines of the Gallies, three hundred,
at ten aspers, and amounteth in English money by the
yeere, the summe of sixe thousand, five hundred, three-
score and ten pounds.

The Alechingi, Masters of the said Gallies, three
hundred, at seven aspers, foure thousand, five hundred,
fourescore and nineteene pounds.
[II. i. 292.] The Getti, Boateswaines thereof, three hundred, at
sixe aspers, is three thousande, nine hundred, fourty and
two pounds.

The Oda Bassi, Pursers, three hundred, at five aspers,
maketh three thousand, two hundred, and fourescore
pounds.

The Azappi souldiers two thousand sixe hundred at
foure Aspers, whereof the six hundred do continually
keepe the gallies, two and twentie thousand, seven hun-
dred fourscore and six pounds.

The Mariers Bassi masters over the shipwrights and
kalkers of the navie, nine, at 20. Aspers the piece,
amounteth to three thousand fourescore and foure
pound, foure shillings.

The Master Dassi shipwrights & kalkers, one thousand

64

THE GRAND SIGNIOR'S PAYMENTS ad

1588.

at fourteene aspers, which amounteth by the yeere, to
thirtie thousand, sixe hundred threescore pound.

Summa totalis of dayly paiments amounteth by the
yeere sterling, one million, nine hundred threescore
eight thousand, seven hundred thirty five pounds,
nineteene shillings eight pence, answered quarterly
without default, with the summe of foure hundred
fourescore twelve thousand, one hundred fourescore
and foure pounds foure shillings eleven pence, and is
for every day five thousand three hundred fourescore
and thirteene pounds, fifteene shillings ten pence.

Annuities of lands never improved, five times
more in value then their summes mentioned,
given by the saide Grand Signior, as followeth.

TO the Viceroy for his Timar or annuitie 60. thousand
golde ducats.
To the second Bassa for his annuitie 50. thousand

ducats.
To the third Bassa for his annuitie 40. thousand ducats.
To the fourth Bassa for his annuitie 30. thousand ducats.
To the fifth Bassa for his annuitie 20. thousand ducats.
To the Captaine of the Janizaries 20. thousand ducats.
To the Jeu Merhorbassi master of his horse 15. thousand

ducats.
To the Captaine of the pensioners 10. thousand ducats.
To the Captaine of his guard 5. thousand ducats.

Summa totalis 90. thousand li. sterling.
Beside these above specified, be sundry other annuities
given to divers others of his aforesaid officers, as also to
certaine called Sahims, diminishing from three thousand
to two hundreth ducats, esteemed treble to surmount
the annuitie abovesaid.

The Turkes chiefe officers.

THe Viceroy is high Treasurer, notwithstanding that
under him be three subtreasurers called Teftadars,
which bee accomptable to him of the receipts out of

VI 65 E

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

Europe, Asia and Africa, save their yeerely annuitie of
lands.

The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa, who
sealeth with a certaine proper character such licences,
safe conducts, passeports, especiall graunts, &c. as pro-
ceed from the Grand Signior : notwithstanding all letters
to forreine princes so firmed be after inclosed in a bagge,
and sealed by the Grand Signior, with a signet which he
ordinarily weareth about his necke, credited of them to
have bene of ancient appertayning to king Salomon the
wise.

The Admirall giveth his voyce in the election of all
Begs, Captaines of Islandes, to whom hee giveth their
charge, as also appointeth the Subbassas, Bayliffes or
Constables over Cities and Townes upon the Sea coastes
about Constantinople, and in the Archipelago, whereof
hee reapeth great profit.

The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yeerely fifteene
thousande ducats, and so likewise either of the others
according as they are placed.

The Ressistop serveth in office to the Viceroy and
Chancellor, as Secretary, and so likewise doeth the
Cogie Master of the Rolls, before which two, passe all
writings presented to, or granted by the said Viceroy
and Chancellor, offices of especiall credite and like
profite, moreover rewarded with annuities of lands.

There are also two chiefe Judges named Cadi Lesker,
the one over Europe, and the other over Asia and Africa,
which in Court doe sit on the Bench at the left hand of
the Bassas. These sell all offices to the under Judges
of the land called Cadies, whereof is one in every Citie
[II. i. 293.] or towne, before whom all matters in controversie are by
judgement decided, as also penalties and corrections for
crimes ordained to be executed upon the offenders by
the Subbassi.

66

THE BEGLERBEGS ATTENDANTS

The number of Souldiers continually attending
upon the Beglerbegs the governours of Pro-
vinces and Sanjacks, and their petie Captaines
mainteined of these Provinces.

The Beglerbegs of

GRaecia, fourtie thousand
Buda, fifteene thousand
Sclavonia, fifteene thousand
Natolia, fifteene thousand
Caramania, fifteene thousand
Armenia, eighteene thousand i persons.

Persia, twentie thousand
Usdrum, fifteene thousand
Chirusta, fifteene thousand
Caraemiti, thirtie thousand
Giersul, two and thirtie thousand

The Beglerbegs of

Agdat, five and twentie thousand
Balsara, two and twenty thousand
Lassaija, seventeene thousand
Alepo, five and twentie thousand
Damasco, seventeene thousand
Cayro, twelve thousand
Abes, twelve thousand
Mecca, eight thousand
Cyprus, eighteene thousand
Tunis in Barbary, eight thousand
Tripolis in Syria, eight thousand
Alger, fourtie thousand

Whose Sangjacks and petie Captaines be three hundred
sixtie eight, every of which retaining continually in pay
from five hundreth to two hundreth Souldiers, may be
one with another at the least, three hundreth thousand
persons.

[Chiefe officers
67

A.D.
I588.

B

► persons.

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

fC

Be these

Chiefe officers in his Seraglio about his person.

Apiaga, High porter.
Alnader Bassi, Treasurer.
Oda Bassi, Chamberlaine.
Killergie Bassi, Steward.
Sarajaga, Comptroller.
Peskerolen, Groome of the chamber.
Edostoglan, Gentleman of the Ewer.
Sehetaraga, Armour bearer.
Choataraga, he that carieth his riding cloake.
Ebietaraga, Groome of the stoole.
There be many other maner Officers, which I esteeme
superfluous to write.

The Turkes yeerely revenue.

THe Grand Signiors annual revenue is said to be four-
teene Millions and an halfe of golden ducats, which
is sterling five millions, eight score thousand pounds.

The tribute payd by the Christians his Subjects is one
gold ducat yeerely for the redemption of every head,
which may amount unto not so litle as one Million of
golden ducats, which is sterling three hundred threescore
thousand pounds.

Moreover, in time of warre he exacteth manifolde
summes for maintenance of his Armie and Navie of
the said Christians.

The Emperour payeth him yeerely tribute for Hun-
gary, threescore thousand dollers, which is sterling
thirteene thousand pound, besides presents to the Vice-
roy and Bassas, which are said to surmount to twentie
thousand dollers.

[n. i- 294-] Ambassadors Allowances.

THe Ambassadour of the Emperor is allowed one
thousand Aspers the day.
The Ambassadour of the French king heretofore
enjoyed the like : but of late yeeres by meanes of

68

SINAN PASHAS LETTERS

displeasure conceived by Mahumet then Viceroy, it was
reduced to sixe crownes the day, beside the provision
of his Esquier of his stable.

The Ambassadours of Poland, and for the state of
Venice are not Ligiers as these two abovesaid. The
said Polack is allowed 12. French crownes the day during
his abode, which may be for a moneth. Very seldome
do the state of Venice send any Ambassador otherwise,
then enforced of urgent necessity : but in stead thereof
keepe their Agent, president over other Marchants, of
them termed a bailife, who hath none allowance of the
Grand Signior, although his port & state is in maner
as magnifical as the other aforesaid ambassadors. The
Spanish Ambassador was equall with others in Janizaries :
but for so much as he would not according to custome
folow the list of other ambassadors in making presents
to ye Grand Signior, he had none alowance. His abode
there was 3. yeres, at the end wherof, having concluded
a truce for 6. yeres, taking place from his first comming
in November last past 1580. he was not admitted to
the presence of the Grand Signior.

The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellour to
Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signior, to the
sacred Majestie of Elizabeth Queene of
England, shewing that upon her request, and
for her sake especially, hee graunted peace
unto the King and kingdome of Poland.

Loriosissima & splendore fulgidissima
fceminarum, selectissima Princeps magna-
nimorum Jesum sectantium, regni inclyti
Angliae Regina Serenissima Elizabetha,
moderatrix rerum & negotiorum omnium
plebis & familiae Nazarenorum sapientis-
sima ; Origo splendoris & glorias dulcis-
sima; nubes pluviarum gratissima, heres & domina
beatitudinis & gloriae regni inclyti Angliae ; ad quam

69

A.D.

[59O.

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

omnes supplices confugiunt, incrementum omnium rerum
& actionum Serenitatis vestrae beatissimum, exitusque
foelicissimos a Creatore omnipotente optantes, mutuaque
& perpetua familiaritate nostra digna vota & laudes
sempiternas offerentes : Significamus Ser. vestrae amicis-
sime ; Quia sunt anni aliquot, a quibus annis potentissima
Caesarea celsitudo bella inefFabilia cum Casul-bas, Principe
nempe Persarum gessit; ratione quorum bellorum in
partes alias bellum movere noluit, ob eamque causam
in partibus Poloniae latrones quidam Cosaci nuncupati,
& alii facinorosi in partibus illis existentes, subditos
Caesaris potentissimi turbare & infestare non desierunt.
Nunc autem partibus Persicis compositis & absolutis,
in partibus Polonias & aliis partibus exurgentes facino-
rosos punire constituens, Beglerbego Graeciae exercitu
aliquo adjuncto, & Principi Tartarorum mandato Caesaris
misso, anno proxime praeterito pars aliqua Regni Poloniae
infestata, turbata & devastata fuit, & Cosaci aliique
facinorosi juxta merita sua puniti fuerunt. Quo rex
Poloniae viso duos legatos ad Caesaream celsitudinem
mittens, quod facinorosos exquirere, & poena perfecta
punire, & ab annis multis ad portam Caesareae celsitudinis
missum munus augere vellet, signiflcavit. Caesarea autem
celsitudo (cui Creator omnipotens tantam suppeditavit
potentiam, & quae omnes supplices exaudire dignata est)
supplicatione Regis Poloniae non accepta, iterum in
regem Poloniae exercitum suum mittere, & Creatoris
omnipotentis auxilio regnum ejus subvertere constituerat.
Verum Legato Serenitatis vestrae in porta beata & fulgida
Caesareae celsitudinis residente sese interponente, Et quod
Serenitati vestrae ex partibus Poloniae, fruges, pulvis,
arbores navium, tormenta, & alia necessaria suppedi-
tarentur significante, & pacem pro regno & rege Poloniae
petente, neve regnum Poloniae ex parte Caesareae celsi-
tudinis turbaretur vel infestaretur intercedente, Serenita-
tisque vestrae hanc singularem esse voluntatem exponente,
Legati serenitatis vestrae significatio & intercessio cum
Caesareae celsitudini significata fuisset, In favorem sereni-

70

SINAN PASHAS LETTERS ad

1590.
tatis vestrae, cui omnis honos & gratia debetur, juxta
modum praedictum, ut Cosaci facinorosi exquirantur &
poena perfecta puniantur, aut ratione muneris aliquantuli
eorum delicta condonentur, hac inquam conditione literae
Caesareae celsitudinis ad Regem Poloniae sunt datae. Si
autem ex parte Serenitatis vestrae fcedus & pax sollicitata
non fuisset, nulla ratione Caesarea celsitudo fcedus cum
regno Poloniae injisset* In favorem autem Serenitatis
vestrae regno & Regi Poloniae singularem gratiam
Caesarea celsitudo exhibuit. Quod tarn Serenitas vestra,
quam etiam Rex & regnum Poloniae sibi certo persuadere
debent. Serenitatem vestram bene foelicissimeque valere
cupimus. Datum Constantinopoli in fine mensis Sabaum
nuncupati, Anno prophetae nostri sacrati Mahumedi
nongentesimo, nonagesimo, octavo. Jesu vero Anno
millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo, die duodecimo
mensis Junii.

The same in English. [II. i. 295.]

MOst glorious, and the most resplendent of women,
most select Princesse, most gratious Elizabeth
Queene of the valiant followers of Jesus in the famous
kingdom of England, most wise governesse of all the
affaires and businesses of the people and family of the
Nazarens, most sweet fountaine of brightnesse and glory,
most acceptable cloud of raine, inheritresse & Ladie
of the blessednesse and glory of the renowmed kingdome
of England, to whom in humble wise all men offer their
petitions : wishing of the almightie Creator most happie
increase and prosperous successe unto all your Majesties
affaires and actions, and offering up mutuall & per-
petuall vowes worthy of our familiarity, with eternall
prayses : In most friendly manner we signifie unto your
princely Highnesse, that certaine - yeeres past the most
mightie Cesarlike majestie of the Grand Signor waged
unspeakeable warres with Casul-bas the Prince of the
Persians, in regarde of which warres he would not goe
in battell against any other places ; and for that cause

71

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

certaine theeves in the partes of Polonia called Cosacks,
and other notorious persons living in the same partes
ceased not to trouble and molest the subjects of our
most mightie Emperour. But now having finished and
brought to some good issue his affaires in Persia, de-
termining to punish the saide malefactors of Poland, and
for that purpose committing an army unto the Beglerbeg
of Grecia, and the yeere last past, sending his imperiall
commaundement unto the Prince of the Tartars, he hath
forraged, molested, and layed waste some part of the
kingdome of Poland, and the Cosacks and other notorious
offenders have received condigne punishment. Which
the king of Poland perceiving sent two Embassadours to
his imperiall Highnesse signifying, that he would hunt
out the said malefactors, and inflict most severe punish-
ments upon them, and also that he would better his
gift, which he hath for many yeeres heretofore ordinarily
sent unto the porch of his imperiall Highnesse. Howbeit
his imperiall majestie (upon whom the almightie creator
hath bestowed so great power, and who vouchsafeth to
give eare unto all humble suppliants) rejecting the suppli-
cation of the King of Poland, determined againe to send
his armie against the said king, and by the helpe of the
Almightie creator, utterly to subvert and overthrowe
his kingdome. By your Majesties Embassadour resident
in the blessed and glorious porch of his imperiall High-
nesse interposing himselfe as a mediatour, signifying that
from the partes of Poland you were furnished with corne,
gun-powder, mastes of ships, guns, and other necessaries,
and craving peace on the behalfe of the kingdome and
king of Poland, and making intercession, that the said
king might not be molested nor troubled by the meanes
of the Grand Signor, & declaring that this was your
Majesties most earnest desire ; so soone as the report
and intercession of your Majesties Embassadour was
signified unto the Grand Signor, for your sake, unto
whom all honour and favourable regard is due, upon the
condition aforesaid, namely, that the wicked Cosacks

72

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER ad

1592.

might be sought out and grievously punished, or that
their offences might be remitted for the value of some
small gift, upon this condition (I say) the letters of his
imperiall Highnesse were sent unto the king of Poland.
Howbeit had not this conclusion of league and amitie
beene sollicited on the behalfe of your Majestie, his
imperiall Highnesse would never have vouchsafed the
same unto the kingdome of Poland. But for your
Majesties sake his imperiall Highnesse hath exhibited
this so singular a favour unto the said king and kingdome
of Poland. And hereof your Majestie and the king of
Poland ought certainely to be perswaded. We wish your
Majestie most happily and well to fare. Given at Con-
stantinople in the ende of the moneth called Sabaum, in
the yeare of our sacred prophet Mahomet 998, and in
the yeere of Jesus 1590, the 12 of June.

The second letters Patents graunted by the
Queenes Majestie to the Right worshipfull
companie of the English Marchants for the
Levant, the seventh of Januarie 1592.

Lizabeth by the grace of God Queene of
England, France, and Irelande, defender
of the faith &c. To all our Officers,
ministers and subjects, and to all other
people aswell within this our Realme of
England, as else where under our obey-
sance and jurisdiction or otherwise unto
whom these our letters shalbe seene, shewed, or read,
greeting.

Where our welbeloved subjects Edward Osborne
knight Alderman of our citie of London, William Hare-
borne Esquire, and Richard Staper of our saide citie
Marchant, have by great adventure and industrie with
their great cost and charges by the space of sundry late [II. i. 296.
yeeres travelled, and caused travell to be taken aswell
by secrete and good meanes, as by daungerous wayes

73

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

and passages both by lande and sea to finde out and set
open a trade of marchandize and traffike into the landes,
Ilandes, Dominions, and territories of the great Turke,
commonly called the Grand Signor, not before that time
in the memorie of any man now living knowen to be
commonly used and frequented by way of marchandize
by any the marchantes or other subjectes of us or our
progenitors : And also have by their like good meanes
and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde
Grand Signor in our name, amitie, safetie and freedome
for trade and traffike of marchandize to be used and
continued by our subjects within his sayd dominions,
whereby we perceive and finde that both many good
actions have beene done and performed, and hereafter
are likely continually to be done and performed for the
peace of Christendome : Namely by the reliefe and
discharge of many Christians which have beene, and which
hereafter may happen to be in thraldome and bondage
under the sayde Grand Signor and his vassals or subjects.
And also good and profitable vent and utterance of the
commodities of our Realme, and sundrie other great
benefites to the advancement of our honour and dignitie
Royall, the maintenance of our Navie, the encrease of
our customes, and the revenues of our Crowne, and
generally the great wealth of our whole Realme.

And whereas we are enformed of the sayd Edward
Osborne knight, William Hareborne, and Richard Staper,
that George Barne, Richard Martine, John Harte knights,
and other marchants of our sayd Citie of London have
by the space of eight or nine yeeres past joyned them-
selves in companie, trade and traffike with them the sayd
Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne and Richard
Staper, into the sayde dominions of the sayd great
Turke, to the furtherance thereof and the good of the
Realme.

And whereas further it is made knowen unto us, that
within fewe yeeres now past our loving and good subjects
Thomas Cordall, Edward Holmeden, William Garraway

74

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER a.d.

1592.
and Paul Banning, and sundry other marchants of our
said Citie of London, have likewise at their great costes
and charges, builded and furnished diverse good and
serviceable shippes and therewith to their like costs and
charges have traded and frequented, and from time to
time doe trade and frequent and traffike by sea with
the commodities of our Realme to Venice, Zante, Candie,
and Zephalonia and other the dominions of the Segniorie
and State of Venice, and thereby have made and main-
teyned, and doe make and continually maintaine divers
good shippes with mariners skilfull and fitte and necessarie
for our service : and doe vent out of our Realme into
those partes diverse commodities of our Realme, and
returne hither into our sayde Realme many good and
necessarie commodities for the common wealth thereof:
All which traffike, as well inward as outward untill it
hath beene otherwise brought to passe by the sayde
endevours, costs, and charges of our sayde subjects,
was in effect by our subjectes wholy discontinued.

Knowe yee, that hereupon we greatly tendring the
wealth of our people and the encouragement of them
and other our loving subjects in their good enterprises
for the advancement of lawfull traffike to the benefite
of our common wealth, have of our speciall grace, certaine
knowledge, and meere motion given and graunted, and
by these presents for us, our heyres, and successours, doe
give and graunt unto our sayd trustie and welbeloved
subjectes Edwarde Osborne Knight, George Barne Knight,
George Bonde knight, Richard Martine knight, John
Harte knight, John Hawkins knight, William Massam,
John Spencer, Richard Saltonstall, Nicholas Mosley Alder-
men of our sayde Citie of London, William Hareborne,
Edwarde Barton, William Borrough Esquires, Richard
Staper, Thomas Cordall, Henrie Parvis, Thomas Laurence,
Edwarde Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe,
Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henrie Anderson, Robert
Offley, Philip Grimes, Andrewe Banning, James Staper,
Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicholas

75

A.D.
1592.

The marchants
above named
be made afel-
lozuship and
companie for
1 2 yeeres by
the name of
the Governor
and companie
of the mar-
chants of the
Levant.

[ii. i. 297.]

Sir Edward
Osborne ap-
pointed the
first Gover-
nour.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Leate, John Eldred, William Shales, Richard May,
William Wilkes, Andrewe Fones, Arthur Jackson,
Edmund Ansell, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington,
Roberte Sandie, Thomas Garraway, Edwarde Lethlande,
Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Bate, Edward
Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martine Junior, Ralph
Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas Simons, and Francis
Dorrington, that they and every of them by the name
of Governour and company of Marchants of the Levant
shall from hence foorth for the terme of twelve yeeres
next ensuing the date hereof bee one bodie, fellowshippe
and companie of themselves both in deede and in name :
And them by the name of Governour and companie of
marchantes of the Levant wee doe ordayne, incorporate,
name, and declare by these presentes, and that the same
fellowshippe and companie from hence foorth shall and
may have one Governour. And in consideration that
the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight hath beene of the
chiefe setters foorth and actors in the opening and putting
in practise of the sayde trade to the dominions of the
sayde Grand Signor : Wee doe therefore specially make,
ordaine, and constitute the sayde Edwarde Osborne
Knight, to bee nowe Governour during the time of one
whole yeere nowe next following, if hee so long shall
live : and after the expiration of the sayde yeere, or
decease of the sayde Edward Osborne the choyse of the
next Governour, and so of every Governour from time
to time during the sayde terme of twelve yeeres to be
at the election of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of
marchantes of the Levant or the more part of them
yeerely to be chosen, and that they the sayde Sir Edwarde
Osborne, and all the residue of the sayde fellowshippe
or companie of Marchantes of the Levant and everie of
them, and all the sonnes of them and of every of them,
and all such their apprentises and servants of them and
of every of them, which have beene or hereafter shall be
imployed in the sayde trade by the space of foure yeeres
or upwardes by themselves, their servantes, factors or

76

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER ad.

1592.

deputies, shall and may by the space of twelve yeeres

from the day of the date of these our letters Patents

freely traffike, and use the trade of Marchandize as well

by sea as by lande into and from the dominions of the

sayde Grand Signor, and into and from Venice, Zante, A prtvijedge

Candie and Zephalonia, and other the dominions of the •& r*te East

Signiorie and State of Venice, and also by lande through

the Countries of the sayde Grand Signor into and from

the East India, lately discovered by John Newberie,

Ralph Fitch, William Leech, and James Storie, sent with

our letters to that purpose at the proper costs and charge

of the sayde Marchants or some of them : and into and

from everie of them in such order, manner, forme, libertie

and condition to all intentes and purposes as shall be

betweene them of the sayde fellowshippe or companie

of Marchantes of the Levant or the more part of them

for the time being limited and agreed, and not otherwise,

without any molestation, impeachment, or disturbance ;

any lawe, statute, usage, or diversitie of Religion or faith,

or any other cause or matter whatsoever to the contrarie

notwithstanding.

And that the sayde Governour and companie of
Marchantes of the Levant, or the greater part of them
for the better governement of the sayde fellowshippe and
companie, shall and may within fortie dayes next and
immediatly following after the date heereof, and so from
thence foorth yeerely during the continuance of this our
graunt, assemble themselves in some convenient place,
and that they or the greater parte of them being so
assembled, shall and may elect, ordaine, nominate, and
appoint twelve discreete and honest persons of the sayde
companie to be assistants to the sayde Governour, and to
continue in the sayde office of assistants, untill they shall
die or bee remooved by the sayde Governour and com-
panie or the greater part of them. And if it happen the
sayde assistantes or any of them to die, or be remooved
from their sayde office at anie time during the continuance
of this our graunt : that then and so often it shall and

77

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

may bee lawfull to and for the sayde Governour and
companie of marchantes of the Levant, or the greater
part of them to elect and chuse one or more other persons
of the sayd companie into the place or places of every
such person or persons so dying or happening to be
remooved, as is aforesayde. And wee will and ordaine
that the same person or persons so as is aforesayde to be
elected shall be of the sayd number of assistants of the
sayde companie. And this to be done so often as the
case shall so require. And that it shall and may be
lawfull to and for the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight,
George Barne Knight, George Bonde knight, Richard
Martine knight, John Hart knight, John Hawkins knight,
William Massam, John Spencer, Richard Saltonstall,
Nicholas Mosley, William Hareborne, Edwarde Barton,
William Borrough, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall,
Henrie Parvis, Thomas Laurence, Edwarde Holmeden,
William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger
Clarke, Henrie Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes,
Andrewe Banning, James Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde
Power, George Salter, Nicholas Leate, John Eldred,
William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrewe
Fones, Arthur Jackson, Edmund Ansell, Ralph Ashley,
Thomas Farrington, Roberte Sandie, Thomas Garraway,
Edwarde Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden,
Robert Bate, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard
Martine Junior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas
Simons, and Francis Dorrington aforesayde, or any of
them to assemble themselves for or about any the matters,
causes or affaires or businesses of the sayde trade in any
place or places for the same convenient from time to
time during the sayde terme of twelve yeeres within our
dominions or else where. And that also it shall and may
bee lawfull for them or the more part of them to make,
ordaine and constitute reasonable lawes and orders for
the good governement of the sayde companie, and for
the better advancement and continuance of the sayde
[II. i. 298.] trade and traffike : the same lawes and ordinances not

78

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER a.d.

1592.
being contrarie or repugnant to the lawes, statutes or
customes of our Realme : And the same lawes and
ordinances so made to put in ure, and execute accord-
ingly, and at their pleasures to revoke and alter the same
lawes and ordinances or any of them as occasion shall
require.

And we doe also for us, our heyres and successors of
our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion
graunt to and with the sayd Governour and companie
of marchantes of the Levant, that when and as often
at any time during the sayde terme and space of twelve
yeeres as any custome, pondage, subsidie or other duetie
shall be due and payable unto us, our heires, or suc-
cessors for any goods or marchandize whatsoever, to be
carried or transported out of this our port of London
into any the dominions aforesayde, or out of or from
any the sayde dominions unto our sayde port of London,
that our Customers, and all other our Officers for receites
of custome, pondage, subsidie or other duetie unto whom
it shall appertaine, shall upon the request of the sayde
Governour for the time being, give unto the sayde
companie three monethes time for the payment of the
one halfe, and other three monethes for the payment of
the other halfe of their sayde custome, pondage, or other
subsidie or duetie for the same, receiving good and
sufficient bonde and securitie to our use for the payment
of the same accordingly. And upon receipt of the sayde
bonde to give them out their cockets or other warrants
to lade out and receive in the same their goods by vertue
hereof without any disturbance. And that also as often
as at any time during the sayde terme of twelve yeeres
any goods or marchandize of any of the sayde com-
panie laden from this our port of London in any the
dominions beforesayde shall happen to miscarie before
their safe discharge in the partes for and to the which
they be sent : That then and so often so much custome,
pondage, and other subsidie as they answered us for the
same, shall after due proofe made before the Treasurour

79

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

of England for the time being of the sayde losse, and
the just quantitie thereof, be by the vertue hereof allowed
unto them, by warrant of the sayde Treasurour to the
sayde Customers in the next marchandize that they shall
or may shippe for those partes, according to the true
rates of the customes, pondage, or subsidies heretofore
payde for. the goods so lost or any part or parcell
thereof.

And for that the sayde companie are like continually
to bring into this our Realme a much greater quantitie
of forren commodities from the forren Countreyes,
places, or territories aforesaide, then here can be spent
for the necessarie use of the same, which of necessitie
must be transported into other countreyes, and there
vented, we for us, our heires and successors of our
speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion doe
graunt to and with the sayd Governour and companie
that at all times from time to time during the space of
thirteene moneths next after the discharge of any the
sayde goods so brought in, and the subsidies, pondage,
customes and other duties for the same being before
hande payde or compounded for as aforesayd, it shall
be lawfull for them or any of them or any other person
or persons whatsoever being naturall subjects of the
Realme which may or shall buy the same of them or
any of them to transport the same in English bottomes
freely out of this Realme without payment of any
further custome, pondage, or other subsidie to us, our
heires or successors for the same, whereof the sayde
subsidies, pondage, or customes or other duties shall be
so formerly payde and compounded for, as aforesayd,
and so proved. And the sayd customer by vertue
hereof shall upon due and sufficient proofe thereof made
in the custome house give them sufficient cocket or
certificate for the safe passing out thereof accordingly.
And to the ende no deceipt be used herein to us our
heires, and successors, certificate shall be brought from
our collector of custome inwardes to our customer out-

80

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER ad.

1592.

wardes that the sayd marchandizes have within the time
limited answered their due custome, subsidie, pondage
and other duties for the same inwards.

And furthermore we of our ample and aboundant
grace, meere motion, and certaine knowledge have
graunted, and by these presents for us our heyres and
successours doe graunt unto the said Governours and
companie of marchantes of the Levant, that they and
such onely as be and shall be of that companie, shall
for the sayd terme of twelve yeeres have, use, and enjoy
the whole and onely trade and traffike, and the whole
entire and onely libertie, use, and priviledge of trading
and traffiking, and using feate of marchandise by and
through the Levant seas otherwise called the Mediterran
seas into and from the sayd dominions of the Grand
Signor, and dominions of the state of Venice ; and by
and through the sayd Grand Signors dominions to and
from such other places in the East Indies discovered as
aforesayd. And that they the sayd Governour and com-
panie of marchants of the Levant and every particular
and severall person of that companie their and every
one of their servants, factors, and deputies shall have
full and free authoritie, libertie, facultie, licence, and
power to trade and trafficke by and through the sayd
Levant seas into and from all and every the sayd
dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, and the dominions [II. i. 299.]
of the state of Venice, and the sayde Indies, and into
and from all places where by occasion of the sayd trade
they shall happen to arrive or come, whither they be
Christians, Turkes, Gentiles, or others : And by and
through the sayd Levant seas into and from all other
seas, rivers, portes, regions, territories, dominions, coastes
and places with their ships, barkes, pinases and other
vessels, and with such mariners and men as they will
leade or have with them, or sende for the sayde trade
as they shall thinke good at their owne proper costes
and expenses.

And for that the shippes sayling into the sayde

VI 81 F

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

Countreyes must take their due and proper times to
proceede in these voyages, which otherwise as wee well
perceive can not be performed in the rest of the yeere
following : Therefore we of our speciall grace, certaine
knowledge, and meere motion for us our heyres and
successors doe graunt to and with the sayd Governour
and companie of Marchantes of the Levant, that foure
good shippes well furnished with ordinance and other
munition for their defence, and two hundred marriners
English men to guide and sayle in the same foure
shippes at all times during the sayde twelve yeeres shall
quietly bee permitted and suffered to depart and goe in
the sayde voyages, according to the purport of these
presents, without any stay or contradiction by us, our
heyres and successors, or by the Lorde high Admirall
or any other officer or subject of us, our heires or suc-
cessours in any wise : Any restraint, lawe, statute,
usage or matter whatsoever to the contrarie notwith-
standing.

Provided neverthelesse, that if wee shall at any time
within the sayde twelve yeeres have just cause to arme
our Navie in warrelike manner in defence of our Realme,
or for offence of our enemies : and that it shall be founde
needefull and convenient for us to joyne to our Navie
the shippes of our subjects to be also armed for warres
to such number as cannot bee supplied if the sayd foure
shippes should be permitted to depart as above is men-
tioned ; then upon knowledge given by us or our
Admirall to the sayde Governour or companie about the
fifteenth day of the moneth of March, or three monethes
before the saide companie shall beginne to make readie
the same foure shippes that we may not spare the sayd
foure ships and the marriners requisite for them to be
out of our Realme during the time that our Navie shall
be upon the seas, that then the sayde companie shall
forbeare to send such foure shippes for their trade of
marchandise untill that we shall retake our sayd Navie
from the sayd service.

82

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER a.d.

1592.

And further our will and pleasure is, and wee doe by
these presentes graunt that it shall be lawfull to and for
the sayd Governour and companie of Marchantes of the
Levant to have and use in and about the affaires of the
sayde companie a common seale for matters concerning
the sayde companie and trade. And that also it shall
be lawfull for the Marchants, Mariners, and Sea-men,
which shall be used and imployed in the sayde trade and
voyage to set and place in the toppes of their ships
or other vessels the Armes of England with the redde-
crosse in white over the same as heretofore they have
used.

And we of our further Royall favour and of our
especiall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion
have graunted and by these presents for us our heyres
and successors doe graunt to the sayd Governour and
companie of Marchants of the Levant, that the sayde
landes, territories, and dominions of the sayde Grand
Signor, or the dominions of the Signiorie of Venice, or
any of them within the sayde Levant or Mediterran
seas shall not be visited, frequented, or haunted by the
sayde Levant sea by way of marchandize by any other'
our subjects during the saide terme of twelve yeeres
contrarie to the true meaning of these presentes. And
by vertue of our prerogative Royall, which wee will
not in that behalfe have argued or brought in question,
wee straightly charge, commaunde and prohibite for us,
our heyres and successours all our subjects of what
degree or qualitie soever they bee, that none of them
directly or indirectly doe visite, haunt, frequent, trade,
traffike or adventure by way of marchandise into or
from any of the sayd dominions of the sayd Grand
Signor, or the dominions of the saide Segniorie of
Venice, by or through the sayde Levant sea other then
the sayd Governour and companie of marchants of the
Levant, and such particular persons as be or shall be
of that companie, their factors, agents, servants and
assignes. And further for that wee plainely understande

83

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

that the States and Governours of the citie and Segniorie
of Venice have of late time set and raysed a newe impost
and charge over and besides their auncient impost, cus-
tome, and charge of and upon all manner of marchandize
of our Realme brought into their dominions, and also
of and upon all marchandise caried or laden from their
sayd Countrey or dominions by our subjects or in the
ships or bottoms of any of our subjectes to the great
and intollerable charge and hinderance of our sayd sub-
jects trading thither, wee therefore minding the redresse
thereof, doe also by these presents for us, our heires
[II. i. 300.] and successors further straightly prohibite and forbid
not onely the subjects of the sayde State and Segniorie
of Venice, but also of all other Nations or Countries
whatsoever other then the sayd Governour and companie
of marchants of the Levant, and such onely as be or
shall be of that companie, their factors, agents, servantes,
and assignes : That they or any of them during the sayde
terme of twelve yeeres, shall bring or cause to be brought
into this our Realme of Englande, or any part thereof
anie manner of small fruites called corrants, being the
raysins of Corinth, or wine of Candie, unlesse it be by
and with the licence, consent, and agreement of the sayde
Governour and companie in writing under their sayd
common seale first had and obteyned upon paine unto
every such person and persons that shall trade and traffike
into any the sayde dominions of the State and Segniorie of
Venice by sea, or that shall bring or cause to be brought
into our saide Realme any of the said corrants being the
raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, other then the
sayd companie in paine of our indignation, and of forfai-
ture and losse aswell of the shippe and ships with the
furniture thereof, as also of the goods, marchandize, and
thinges whatsoever they be of those which shall attempt
or presume to commit or doe any matter or thing con-
trarie to the prohibition aforesayd. The one halfe of all
the saide forfeitures to be to us, our heires and suc-
cessours, and the other halfe of all and every the sayde

84

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER a.d.

1592.
forfeitures we doe by these presents, of our speciall grace,
certaine knowledge, and meere motion clearely and wholie
for us, our heires and successors, give and graunt unto
the saide Governour and companie of marchantes of the
Levant.

And further all and every the sayde offendours for
their sayde contempt to suffer imprisonment during our
pleasures, and such other punishment as to us for so high
a contempt shall seeme meete and convenient, and not to
be in any wise delivered untill they and every of them
shall be come bounde unto the sayd Governour for the
time being in the summe of one thousand poundes or
lesse at no time, then after to sayle or traffike by sea into
any the dominions aforesaide, or to bring or cause to be
brought from any the places aforesayde any corrants,
raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candia contrarie to our
expresse commaundement in that behalfe herein set downe
and published.

Provided alwayes, and our expresse will is notwith-
standing the premisses that if our sayde subjectes shall at
any time hereafter be recompensed of and for all such
newe impostes and charges as they and every of them
shall pay, and likewise be freely discharged of and from
the payment of all manner of newe imposte or taxe for
any of their marchandise which they hereafter shall bring
into or from any the dominions of the sayde State or
Segniorie of Venice, and from all bondes and other
assurances by them or any of them to be made for or in
that behalfe, that then immediatly from and after such
recompence and discharge made as aforesayde our sayde
prohibition and restraint in these presentes mentioned,
shall not be of any strength or force against the sayde
Citie or State of Venice, or any the subjects thereof, but
for and during such time onely and in such case when
hereafter the sayde State of Venice shall againe beginne
to taxe or levie any manner of newe imposte within the
sayde dominions upon any the goods or marchandizes of
our sayde subjectes heereafter to be brought into any the

85

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

dominions of the said State or Segniorie of Venice. Any
thing in these our letters Patents contayned to the con-
trarie thereof in any wise notwithstanding.

And further wee straightly charge and commaunde,
and by these presentes prohibite all and singular Cus-
tomers and Collectors of our Customes, pondage, and
subsidies, and all other Officers within our Porte and
Citie of London and else where, to whom it shall apper-
taine and every of them, That they or any of them by
themselves, their clarkes, or substitutes shall not receive
or take, or suffer to be received or taken for us or in our
name, or to our use, or in the name, or unto the use of
our heires or successors of any person or persons, any
summe or summes of money, or other consideration
during the sayde terme of twelve yeeres for any custome,
pondage, taxe or subsidie of any corrants, raysins of
Corinth, or wines of Candie aforesayd save onely of and
in the name of the sayde Governour and companie of
marchantes of the Levant, or of some of that companie
without the consent of the sayde Governour and com-
panie in writing under their sayd common seale, first
had and obteyned, and unto them shewed for the
testifying their sayd consent. And for the better and
more sure observation thereof wee will and graunt for
us, our heires or successors by these presentes, that our
Treasurour and Barons of the Exchequer for the time
being by force of these presentes, and the inrollment
thereof in the sayde Court of our Exchequour, at all and
every time and times during the sayde terme of twelve
yeeres, at and upon the request of the sayde Governour
and companie, their Attourney or Attourneys, Deputies
or assignes, shall and may make and direct under the
seale of the sayde Court one or more sufficient writte
[II. i. 301.] or writtes close or patent, unto every or any of the sayd
Customers or other Officers to whom it shall appertaine,
commaunding them and every of them thereby, that
neither they nor any of them at any time or times during
the sayd space of twelve yeeres shall take entrie of any

86

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER ad.

I592-
corants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, or take or
make any agreement for any custome, pondage, or other
subsidie for any of the sayd corants, raisins of Corinth,
or wines of Candie, with any person or persons whatso-
ever, other then with, or in the name and by the privitie
of the sayd governour and company or some of the same
company.

And further of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge,
and meere motion we have condescended and graunted,
and by these presents for us our heires and successours
doe condescend and graunt to the sayd Governour and
company of marchants of Levant, that wee our heires and
successours, during the sayd terme, will not graunt
libertie, licence, or power to any person or persons what-
soever contrary to the tenour of these our letters patents,
to saile, passe, trade, or traffique by the sayde Levant
Sea, into, or from the sayde dominions of the sayd Grand
Signior or the dominions of the State of Venice or any of
them, contrary to the true meaning of these presents,
without the consent of the sayd Governour and Com-
panie or the most part of them.

And whereas Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet
have not yet assented to bee incorporated into the sayd
societie of Governour and companie of marchants of
Levant, neverthelesse sithence, as we be informed, they
have bene traders that way heretofore ; our will and
pleasure is, and we doe hereby expressely commaund and
charge that if it happen at any time within two moneths
next following after the date hereof, the sayd Henry
Farrington and Henry Hewet or either of them, to sub-
mit themselves to be of the sayd companie, and doe give
such assurance as the sayd Governour and companie, or
the more part of them shall allow of, to beare, pay, and
performe such orders, constitutions, paiments and con-
tributions, as other of the sayd company shall be ordered
to beare, pay, and performe, that then every of the sayd
Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet so doing and sub-
mitting himselfe, shall upon his or their request unto the

87

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

sayd Governour bee admitted into the sayd companie and
corporation of Governour and companie of marchants of
Levant, and have and enjoy the same, and as great liber-
ties, privileges, and preheminences, as the rest of the
sayde corporation or companie may, or ought to have by
vertue of this our graunt. Any thing in these presents
contained to the contrary notwithstanding.

And our will and pleasure is, and hereby wee doe also
ordaine that it shall and may bee lawfull, to, and for the
sayde Governour and company of marchants of Levant
or the more part of them, to admit into, and to be of the
sayd companie, any such as have bene or shall bee
employed as servants, factors, or agents in the trade of
marchandise by the sayd Levant seas, into any the coun-
tries, dominions or territories of the sayd Grand Signior
or Signiorie or State of Venice, according as they or the
most part of them shall thinke requisite.

And where Anthony Ratcliffe, Steven Some, and
Robert Brooke Aldermen of the saide Citie of London,
Simon Laurence, John Wattes, John Newton, Thomas
Middleton, Robert Coxe, John Blunt, Charles Faith,
Thomas Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth,
Henry Cowlthirste, Caesar Doffie, Martine Bonde, Oliver
Stile and Nicolas Stile Marchants of London for their
abilities and sufficiencies have bene thought fit to be also
of the sayd Company of the saide governour and Com-
pany of Marchants of Levant: Our will and pleasure
and expresse commaundement is, and wee doe hereby
establish and ordeine, that every such of the same
Anthony Radcliffe, Steven Some, Robert Brooke, Simon
Laurence, John Wattes, John Newton, Thomas Midle-
ton, Robert Coxe, John Blunt, Charles Faith, Thomas
Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry
Cowlthirst, Caesar Doffie, Martine Bonde, Oliver Style,
and Nicolas Style, as shall pay unto the saide Governour
and company of Marchants of Levante the summe of one
hundred and thirtie poundes of lawfull English money
within two monethes next after the date hereof towards

88

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER ad.

1592.

the charges that the same Company have already bene at
in and about the establishing of the sayde trades shall
from thencefoorth bee of the same company of Marchants
of Levant as fully and amply and in like maner, as any
other of that societie or Company.

Provided also, that wee our heires and successours at
any time during the sayd twelve yeeres may lawfully
appoynt and authorize two other persons exercising the
lawfull trade of marchandize, and being fit men to bee
of the sayd companie of Governour and companie of
marchants of Levant, so that the sayd persons to bee
nominated or authorized, shall aide, doe, beare, and paie
such payments and charges touching and concerning the
same trade and Companie of marchants of Levant, [II. i. 302.J
ratablie as other of the sayd Companie of marchants
of Levant shall, and doe, or ought to beare and pay :
and doe also performe and observe the orders of the
sayd Companie allowable by this our graunt, as others
of the same doe or ought to doe. And that such
two persons so to bee appoynted by us our heires or
successours, shall and may with the sayd Company use
the trade and feate of marchandise aforesayd, and all the
liberties and privileges herein before granted, according
to the meaning of these our letters patents, any thing
in these our letters patents contained to the contrary
notwithstanding.

Provided also, that if any of the marchants before by
these presents named or incorporated, to bee of the sayd
fellowship of Governour and companie of the merchants
of Levant, shall not bee willing to continue or bee of
the same companie, and doe give notice thereof, or make
the same knowen to the sayd Governour within two
moneths next after the date hereof, that then such per-
son so giving notice, shall no further or any longer be
of that companie, or have trade into those parties, nor
be at any time after that of the same corporation or
companie, or use trade into any the territories or
countries aforesayd.

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

Provided alwayes neverthelesse, that every such person
so giving notice and having at this present any goods
or marchandises in any the Territories or countreys of
the sayd Grand Signior, or Segniorie or State of Venice,
may at any time within the space of eighteene moneths
next, and immediately following after the date hereof,
have free libertie, power, and authoritie to returne the
same or the value thereof into this Realme, without using
any traffique there, but immediately from thence hither,
paying, bearing, answering, and performing all such
charges, dueties and summes of money ratably as other
of the same corporation or company doe or shall pay,
beare, answere, or performe for the like.

Provided also, that if any of the persons before by
these presents named or incorporated to bee of the sayd
fellowship of Governour and Companie of the marchants
of Levant, or which hereafter shall bee admitted to bee
of the sayde Corporation or Companie, shall at any time
or times hereafter refuse to bee of the sayd Corporation
or Companie, or to beare, pay, or be contributorie to, or
not beare and pay such ratable charges and allowances, or
to observe or performe such ordinances to bee made as
is aforesayd, as other of the same company are, or
shall bee ordered, to beare, paie, or performe, that then
it shall and may bee lawfull for the rest of the sayd
Governour and companie of marchants of Levant, pre-
sently to expell, remoove, and displace every such person
so refusing, or not bearing or paying out, of, and from
the sayd Corporation and companie, and from all privi-
lege, libertie, and preheminence which any such person
should, or might claime, or have by vertue of this our
graunt, and in place of them to elect others exercising
the lawfull trade of marchandise to bee of the sayd
Companie. And that every such person so expelled, re-
mooved, or displaced by consent of the sayd Governour
and companie of marchants of Levant, or the more part
of them, shall bee from thencefoorth utterly disabled to
take any benefite by vertue of this privilege, or any time

90

THE SECOND LEVANT CHARTER ad.

1592.

after to bee admitted or received againe into the same,
any thing in these presents contained to the contrary
notwithstanding.

Provided alwayes, that if it shall hereafter appeare to
us our heires and successours, that this graunt or the
continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof,
shall not bee profitable to us our heires and successours,
or to this our realme, that then and from thencefoorth,
upon and after eighteene moneths warning to bee given to
the sayd companie by us our heires and successours, this
present graunt shall cease, bee voyd, and determined
to all intents, constructions and purposes.

And further of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge,
and meere motion, wee have condescended and graunted,
and by these presents for us, our heires and successours,
doe condescend and graunt to the sayde Governour and
companie of marchants of Levant, that if at the ende of
the sayd terme of twelve yeeres it shall seeme meete
and convenient to the sayde Governour and Companie,
or any the parties aforesayd, that this present graunt
shall bee continued : And if that also it shall appeare
unto us, our heires and successours, that the continu-
ance thereof shall not bee prejudiciall or hurtfull to this
our realme, but that wee shall finde the further continu-
ance thereof profitable for us our heires and successours
and for our realme with such conditions as are herein
mentioned, or with some alteration or qualification
thereof, that then wee our heires and successours at
the instance and humble petition of the sayde Governour
and Companie, or any of them so suing for the same,
and such other person and persons our subjectes as they
shall nominate and appoint, or shall bee by us, our
heires and successours newly nominated, not exceeding
in number twelve, new letters patents under the great
seale of England in due forme of lawe with like cove- [II. I 303.]
nants, graunts, clauses, and articles, as in these presents
are contained, or with addition of other necessarie articles
or changing of these in some partes, for, and during

91

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.

the full terme of twelve yeeres then next following.
Willing now hereby, and straightly commaunding and
charging all and singular our Admirals, Vice-admirals,
Justices, Maiors, Shiriffes, Escheators, Constables, BailifFes,
and all and singular other our Officers, Ministers, Liege-
men and subjects whatsoever, to bee aiding, favouring,
helping, and assisting unto the sayd Companie and their
successours, and to their Deputies, Officers, Factors,
servaunts, assignes and ministers, and every of them,
in executing and enjoying the premisses as well on land
as on Sea, from time to time, & at all times when you
or any of you shal thereto bee required, any Statute,
Acte, ordinance, Proviso, Proclamation or restraint here-
tofore had, made, set foorth, ordained or provided, or
any other matter, cause or thing whatsoever to the
contrary in any wise notwithstanding.

Although expresse mention of the true yeerely value
or certaintie of the premisses, or any of them, or of any
other gifts or graunts by us, or any of our progenitours
to the sayde Governour and Companie of the marchants
of Levant before this time made, in these presents is not
made : Or any Statute, Acte, Ordinance, provision, pro-
clamation or restraint to the contrary thereof before this
time had, made, done, or provided, or any other matter,
thing or cause whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding.
In witnesse whereof wee have caused these our letters
to be made patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster
the seventh day of Januarie in the foure and thirtieth
yeere of our raigne.

Per breve de privato Sigillo.

Bailie.

92

RICHARD WRAG

A.D.
1597

To the Worshipfull and his very loving Uncle
M. Rowland Hewish Esquier, at Sand in
Devonshire.

Ir, considering the goodnesse of your
Nature which is woont kindely to accept
from a friend, even of meane things
being given with a good heart, I have
presumed to trouble you with the read-
ing of this rude discourse of my travailes
into Turkie, and of the deliverie of the
present with such other occurrents as there happened
woorthie the observation : of all which proceedings I
was an eie-witnesse, it pleasing the Ambassadour to
take mee in with him to the Grand Signior. If for
lacke of time to put it in order I have not performed
it so well as it ought, I crave pardon, assuring you that
to my knowledge 1 have not missed in the trueth of any
thing. If you aske mee what in my travels I have
learned, I answere as a noble man of France did to the
like demaund, Hoc unum didici, mundi contemptum :
and so concluding with the wise man in the booke of
the Preacher, that all is vanitie, and one thing onely is
necessarie, I take my leave and commit you to the
Almightie. From London the 16. March 1597.

Your loving Nephew

Richard Wrag.

[A description

93

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1593-

A description of a Voiage to Constantinople and
Syria, begun the 21. of March 1593. and
ended the 9. of August, 1595. wherein is
shewed the order of delivering the second
Present by Master Edward Barton her ma-
jesties Ambassador, which was sent from her
Majestie to Sultan Murad Can, Emperour of
Turkie.

E set saile in the Ascension of London,
a new shippe very well appointed, of
two hundred and three score tunnes
(whereof was master one William
Broadbanke, a provident and skilfull
man in his facultie) from Gravesend
the one and twentie of March 1593.
And upon the eight of Aprill folowing wee passed the
streights of Gibraltar, and with a small Westerne gale,
the 24. of the same, we arrived at Zante an Hand
under the Venetians. The fourth of May wee departed,
and the one and twentie wee arrived at Alexandretta in
Cilicia in the very bottome of the Mediterrane sea, a
roade some 25. miles distant from Antioch, where our
marchants land their goods to bee sent for Aleppo.
[II. 1. 304.] From thence wee set saile the fift of June, and by
contrary windes were driven upon the coast of Cara-
mania into a road neere a litle Hand where a castle
standeth, called Castle Rosso, some thirtie leagues to
the Eastwards of the Rhodes, where after long search
for fresh water, we could finde none, until certaine
poore Greekes of the Hand brought us to a well where
we had 5 or 6 tuns. That part of the country next
the sea is very barren & full of mountains, yet found
we there an olde tombe of marble, with an epitaph of
an ancient Greeke caracter, by antiquity neere worne out
and past reading ; which to the beholders seemed a
monument of the greatnesse of the Grecian monarchy.

94

RICHARD WRAG a.d.

1593-
From thence we went to the Rhodes, and by contrary
windes were driven into a port of Candy, called Sittia : Candle.
this Hand is under the Venetians, who have there 600
souldiers, beside certaine Greeks, continually in pay.
Here with contrary winds we stayed six weeks, and in
the end, having the winde prosperous, we sailed by
Nicaria, Pharos, Delos, and Andros, with sight of many
other Hands in the Archipelago, and arrived at the two
castles in Hellespont the 24 of August. Within few
dayes after we came to Galipoli some thirty miles from
this place, where foure of us tooke a Parma or boat
of that place, with two watermen, which rowed us
along the Thracian shore to Constantinople, which
sometime sailing and sometime rowing, in foure dayes
they performed. The first of September we arrived at
the famous port of the Grand Signior, where we were
not a little welcome to M. Edward Barton untill then
her Majesties Agent, who (with many other great
persons) had for many dayes expected the present. Five
or sixe dayes after the shippe arrived neere the Seven The Ascension
towers, which is a very strong hold, and so called of arr*ved atthe
so many turrets, which it hath, standing neere the sea '
side, being the first part of the city that we came unto.
Heere the Agent appointed the master of the Ascension
to stay with the shippe untill a fitte winde and oppor-
tunity served to bring her about the Seraglio to salute
the Grand Signior in his moskyta or church : for you
shall understand that he hath built one neere the wall
of his Seraglio or pallace adjoyning to the Sea side ;
whereunto twise or thrise a weeke hee resorteth to
performe such religious rites as their law requireth :
where hee being within few dayes after, our shippe set
out in their best maner with flagges, streamers and
pendants of divers coloured silke, with all the mariners,
together with most of the Ambassadours men, having
the winde faire, and came within two cables length of
this his moskita, where (hee to his great content
beholding the shippe in such bravery) they discharged

95

luteth the
grand Signlor.

ad THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

J593-

The ship sa- first two volies of small shot, and then all the great
ordinance twise over, there being seven and twentie or
eight and twentie pieces in the ship. Which performed,
he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of the
great and spacious garden or parke, to give our men
thankes, with request that some other day they would
shew him the like sporte when hee would have the
Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof, which few
dayes after at the shippes going to the Custome-house
they performed.

The grand Signiors salutation thus ended, the master
brought the ship to an anker at Rapamat neere the
ambassadors house, where hee likewise saluted him with
all his great ordinance once over, and where he landed
the Present, the deliverie whereof for a time was staied :
the cause of which staie it shall neither be dishonorable
for our nation, or that woorthie man the ambassador to
shew you. At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe
Vizir, and our ambassadors great friend toward the

The cause of warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed

staying the 'm j^g p]acej a churlish and harsh natured man, who
upon occasion of certaine Genouezes, escaping out of
the castles standing toward the Euxine Sea, nowe called
the blacke Sea, there imprisoned, apprehended and
threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called
John Field, for that hee was taken thereabouts, and
knowen not many dayes before to have brought a letter
to one of them : upon the sollicking of whose libertie
there fell a Jarre betweene the Bassa (being now chiefe
Vizir) and our ambassador, and in choler he gave her
majesties ambassador such words, as without sustaining
some great indignitie hee could not put up. Where-
upon after the arrivall of the Present, he made an

An Arz to Arz, that is, a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior
against him, the maner in exhibiting whereof is thus
performed.

The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad
from his pallace, either to Santa Sophia or to his

96

present.

the grand
Signior,

RICHARD WRAG a.d.

church by the sea side, whither, with a Perma (that is
one of their usuall whirries) they approch within some
two or three score yards, where the plaintife standeth
up, and holdeth his petition over his forehead in sight
of the grand Signior (for his church is open to the Sea
side) the rest sitting still in the boat, who appointeth
one of his Dwarfes to receive them, and to bring them
to him. A Dwarfe, one of the Ambassadors favorites,
so soone as he was discerned, beckned him to the
shore side, tooke his Arz, and with speed caried it to
the grand Signior. Now the effect of it was this ; that
except his highnesse would redresse this so great an
indignitie, which the Vizir his slave had offered him
and her majestie in his person, he was purposed to
detaine the Present untill such time as he might by
letters over-land from her majestie bee certified, whither
she would put up so great an injurie as it was. [II. i. 3°5-]
Whereupon he presently returned answere, requesting
the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the
Dovan of the Vizir, unto whom himselfe of his charge The great hall
would send a gowne of cloth of gold, and commaund ^
him publikely to put it upon him, and with kind
entertainment to embrace him in signe of reconciliation.
Whereupon our ambassador returning home, tooke his
horse, accompanied with his men, and came to the
Vizirs court, where, according to the grand Signiors
command, he with all shew of kindnesse embraced the
ambassador, and with curteous speeches reconciled him- ^conciliation •
selfe, and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth ma^
of gold upon his backe. Which done, hee with his
attendants returned home, to the no small admiration
of all Christians that heard of it, especially of the
French and Venetian ambassadors, who never in the like
case against the second person of- the Turkish Empire
durst have attempted so bold an enterprise with hope
of so friendly audience, and with so speedie redresse.
This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made, the
ambassador prepared himselfe for the deliverie of the
vi 97 g

A.D.

I593-

The ambassa-
dor goeth to
the court with
the present.

The Ambass.
came to the
Seraglio.

* All these are
captaines of
hundreds and
of fifties.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Present, which upon the 7 of October 1593. in this
maner he performed.

The Ascension with her flags and streamers, as afore-
said, repaired nigh unto the place where the ambassador
should land to go up to the Seraglio : for you must
understand that all Christian ambassadors have their
dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide, from
which place, except you would go 4 or 5 miles about,
you cannot by land go to Constantinople, whereas by
Sea it is litle broder then the Thames. Our Ambas-
sador likewise apparelled in a sute of cloth of silver,
with an upper gowne of cloth of gold, accompanied with
7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin, with 30 other of
his men very well apparelled, and all in one liverie of
sad French russet cloth gownes, at his house tooke
boate : at whose landing the ship discharged all her
ordinance, where likewise attended 2 Bassas, with 40 or
50 Chauses to accompany ye ambassador to the court,
& also horses for the ambassador & his gentlemen,
very richly furnished, with Turkish servants attendant
to take the horses when they should light. The
ambassador thus honorably accompanied, the Chauses
foremost, next his men on foote all going by two
and two, himselfe last with his Chause and Drugaman
or Interpreter, and 4 Janissaries, which he doeth
usually entertaine in his house to accompany him
continually abroad, came to the Seraglio about an
English mile from the water side, where first hee passed
a great gate into a large court (much like the space
before White hall gate) where he with his gentlemen
alighted and left their horses. From hence they passed
into an other stately court, being about 6 score in
bredth, and some 10 score yards long, with many trees
in it : where all the court was with great pompe set in
order to entertaine our ambassador. Upon the right
hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched
over, and borne up with stone pillars, much like the
Roiail Exchange, where stood* most of his guard in

98

RICHARD WRAG

rankes from the one end to the other in costly aray, with
round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt over,
with a great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush
standing up before. On the left hand stood the Cap-
pagies or porters, and the Chauses. All these courtiers
being about the number of 2000. (as I might well gesse)
most of them apparelled in cloth of gold, silver, velvet,
sattin and scarlet, did together with bowing their bodies,
laying their hands upon their brests in curteous maner of
salutation, entertain the Ambassador : who likewise
passing between them, & turning himself somtime to
the right hand and sometime to the left, answered them
with the like. As he thus passed along, certaine Chauses
conducted him to the Dovan, which is the seat of Justice,
where certaine dayes of the weeke the grand Vizir, with
the other Vizirs, the Cadi-lesker or lord chiefe Justice,
& the Mufti or high priest do sit to determine upon such
causes as be brought before them, which place is upon the
left side of this great court, whither the ambassador with
his gentlemen came, where hee found the Vizir thus
accompanied as aforesayd, who with great shew of kind-
nes received him : and after receit of her majesties letters,
& conference had of the Present, of her majesties health,
of the state of England, and such other matters as con-
cerned our peaceable traffique in those parts : dinner
being prepared was by many of ye Courtiers brought
into another inner roome next adjoining, which consisted
of an hundred dishes or therabouts, most boiled & rosted,
where the ambassador accompanied w* the Vizirs went to
dinner, his gentlemen likewise with the rest of his men
having a dinner with the like varietie prepared upon ye
same side of the court, by themselves sate downe to their
meat, 40 or 50 Chauses standing at the upper end attend-
ing upon the gentlemen to see them served in good
order; their drinke was water mingled with rose water
& sugar brought in a Luthro (that is a goates skinne)
which a man carieth at his backe, and under his arme
letteth it run out at a spout into cups as men wil call for

99

A.D.

I593-

The ambassa-
dor received
by the Vizir
with all
kindnesse.

Diner brought
in.

A.D.

I593-

Diner taken
away.

[II. i. 306.]

Gownes of
cloth of gold
for the
ambassador
and his
gentlemen.

The Present.

The Present
viewed.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

it. The dinner thus with good order brought in, and for
halfe an houre with great sobrietie and silence performed,
was not so orderly taken up ; for certaine Moglans
officers of the kitchin (like her majesties blacke guard)
came in disordered maner and tooke away the dishes,
and he whose hungry eie one dish could not satisfie,
turned two or three one into the other, and thus of a
sudden was a cleane riddance made of all. The ambas-
sador after dinner with his gentlemen, by certaine officers
were placed at the upper ende upon the left side of the
court, nere unto a great gate which gave entrance to a
third court being but litle, paved with stone. In the
midst whereof was a litle house built of marble, as I take
it, within which sate the grand Signor, according to whose
commandement given there were gownes of cloth of gold
brought out of the wardrope, and put upon the ambas-
sador and 7 of his gentlemen, the ambassador himselfe
having 2, one of gold, and the other of crimosin velvet,
all the rest one a piece. Then certaine Cappagies had
the Present, which was in trunks there ready, delivered
them by the ambassadors men, it being 12 goodly pieces
of gilt plate, 36 garments of fine English cloth of al
colors, 20 garments of cloth of gold, 10 garments of
sattin, 6 pieces of fine Holland, and certaine other things
of good value ; al which were caried round about the
court, each man taking a piece, being in number very
neere 100 parcels, and so 2 and 2 going round that all
might see it, to the greater glory of the present, and of
him to whom it was given : they went into the innermost
court passing by the window of that roome, where the
grand Signior sate, who, as it went by to be laid up in
certaine roomes adjoining, tooke view of all. Presently
after the present followed the ambassador with his gentle-
men ; at the gate of which court stoode 20 or 30 Agaus
which be eunuchs. Within the court yard were the
Turkes Dwarfes and Dumbe men, being most of them
youths. At the doore of his roome stood the Bustangi-
bassa, with another Bassa to lead the ambassador and his

100

RICHARD WRAG a.d.

*593-

folowers to the grand Signior who sate in a chaire of

estate, apparelled in a gowne of cloth of silver. The

floore under his feete, which part was a foote higher then

the rest, was covered with a carpet of green sattin embro-

dered most richly with silver, orient perles & great

Turkeses ; ye other part of the house was covered with

a carpet of Carnation sattin imbrodered wl gold, none

were in the roome with him, but a Bassa who stood next

the wall over against him hanging down his head, &

looking submissely upon the ground as all his subjects

doe in his presence. The ambassador thus betwixt two ™e "mba* sa~

which stood at the doore being led in, either of them ^anjsigniJs

taking an arme, kissed his hand, and so backward with im£%

his face to the Turke they brought him nigh the dore

againe, where he stood untill they had likewise done so

with all the rest of his gentlemen. Which ended, the

ambassador, according as it is the custome when any

present is delivered, made his three demaunds, such as

he thought most expedient for her majesties honor, & the

peaceable traffique of our nation into his dominions :

whereunto he answered in one word, Nolo, which is in

Turkish as much as, it shal be done : for it is not the

maner of the Turkish emperor familiarly to confer with

any Christian ambassador, but he appointeth his Vizir in his The ambassa-

person to graunt their demaunds if they be to his liking ; do}r^Je^mnds

as to our ambassador he granted all his demands, & gave

order that his daily allowance for his house of mony,

flesh, wood, & haie, should be augmented with halfe as

much more as it had bene before. Hereupon the

ambassador taking his leave, departed with his gentlemen

the same way he came, the whole court saluting him as

they did at his comming in ; & comming to the second

court to take our horses, after we were mounted, we

staied halfe an houre, until the captain of the guard with

2000 horsmen at the least passed before, after whom

folowed 40 or 50 Chauses next before the ambassador

to accompany him to his house. And as before at his

landing, so now at his taking boat, the ship discharged

IOI

A.D.

I593-

The Sultanas
present.

The Sultanas
present to the
Queene.

Letters sent
for England.

The others Vi-
zirs presented.

{II. i. 307.]

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

all her great ordinance, where arriving, he likewise had a
great banquet prepared to entertaine those which came to
bring him home. The pompe & solemnitie of the
Present, with the day thus ended, he shortly after pre-
sented the Sultana or empresse who (by reason that she
is mother to him which was heire to the crown Imperial)
is had in far greater reverence then any of his other
Queens or concubines. The Present sent her in her
majesties name was a jewel of her majesties picture, set
with some rubies and diamants, 3 great pieces of gilt
plate, 10 garments of cloth of gold, a very fine case of
glasse bottles silver & gilt, with 2 pieces of fine Holland,
which so gratefully she accepted, as that she sent to know
of the ambassador what present he thought she might
return y' would most delight her majestie : who sent
word that a sute of princely attire being after the Turkish
fashion would for the rarenesse thereof be acceptable in
England. Whereupon she sent an upper gowne of cloth
of gold very rich, an under gowne of cloth of silver,
and a girdle of Turkie worke, rich and faire, with a letter
of gratification, which for the rarenesse of the stile,
because you may be acquainted with it, I have at the
ende of this discourse hereunto annexed, which letter and
present, with one from the grand Signor, was sent by
M. Edward Bushell, and M. William Aldridge over-land
the 20 of March, who passed through Valachia and Mol-
davia, & so through Poland, where Michael prince of
Valachia, and Aron Voivoda prince of Moldavia receiving
letters from the ambassador, entertained them with al
curtesie, through whose meanes by the great favour
which his lordship had with the grand Signior, they had
not long before both of them bene advanced to their
princely dignities. Hee likewise presented Sigala the
Admirall of the Seas, with Abrim Bassa, who maried the
great Turkes daughter, and all the other Vizirs with
divers pieces of plate, fine English cloth & other costly
things : the particulars whereof, to avoid tedious-
nesse, 1 omit. All the presents thus ended, the ship

102

RICHARD WRAG ad.

1594.

shooting ten pieces of ordinance at the Seraglio point, as

a last farewell, departed on her journey for England the The Ascension

first of November, my selfe continuing in Constantinople deParteth-

untill the last of July after. This, yere in the spring

there was great preparation for the Hungarian wars ; and Grea{ Pre-

the great Turke threatened to goe himselfe in person : Para^l0nf0f[
1 1-1 tt i- 11 1 • rr • 1 • r the Hungarian

but like Jrieliogabalus, his affections being more service- warreSm

able to Venus then to Mars, he stayed at home. Yet a
great army was dispatched this yere ; who, as they came
out of Asia to goe for Hungary, did so pester the streets
of Constantinople for the space of two moneths in the
spring time, as scarse either Christian or Jew could
without danger of losing his money passe up and downe
the city. What insolencies, murders and robberies were
committed not onely upon Christians but also upon
Turks I omit to write, and I pray God in England the
like may never be seene : and yet I could wish, that such
amongst us as have injoyed the Gospel with such great and
admirable peace and prosperity under her Majesties
government this forty yeeres, and have not all this time
brought forth better fruits of obedience to God, and
thankfulnesse to her Majesty, were there but a short
time to beholde the miserable condition both of Chris-
tians and others living under such an infidell prince, who
not onely are wrapped in most palpable & grosse ignor-
ance of mind, but are cleane without the meanes of the
true knowledge of God : I doubt not but the sight
hereof (if they be not cleane void of grace) would stirre
them up to more thankefulnesse to God, that ever they
were borne in so happy a time, and under so wise
and godly a prince professing the true religion of
Christ.

The number of souldiours which went to the warres
of Hungary this yere were 470000, as by the particulars
given by the Admirall to the Ambassadour hereunder
doe appeare. Although all these were appointed and
supposed to goe, yet the victories which the Christians
in the spring had against the Turks strooke such a

103

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

*594-

terrour in many of the Turkish souldiours, as by re-
port divers upon the way thither left their Captaines
and stole away.

The number of Turkish souldiers which were
appointed to goe into Hungary against the
Christian Emperour. May 1594.

SI nan Bassa generall, with the Sanjacke masould, that
is, out of office, with the other Sanjacks in office
or of degree, 40000.

Achmigi, that is, Adventurers, 50000.

The Agha or Captaine with his Janisaries, and his
Giebegies, 20000.

The Beglerbeg of Graecia, with all his Sanjacks, 40000.

The company of Spaheis or horsemen, 10000.

The company of Silitari, 6000.

The company of Sagbulve and of Solbulve both to-
gether, 8000.

The Bassa of Belgrad,

The Bassa of Temiswar.

The Bassa of Bosna. V 80000.

The Bassa of Buda.

The Sanjack of Gersech.

Out of Asia

The Bassa of Caramania.

The Bassa of Laras.

The Bassa of Damasco.

The Bassa of Suas.

The Bassa of Van or Nan.

The Bassa of Usdrum.

Of Tartars there be about 1 00000.

Thus you may see that the great Turke maketh
warre with no small numbers. And in anno 1597,
when Sultan Mahomet himselfe went in person into
Hungary, if a man may beleeve reports, he had an
army of 600000.

104

RICHARD WRAG ad.

1594-
For the city of Constantinople you shall understand
that it is matchable with any city in Europe, aswell in
bignesse as for the pleasant situation thereof, and com-
modious traffike and bringing of all maner of necessary
provision of victuals, and whatsoever els mans life for
the sustentation thereof shall require, being seated upon
a promontory, looking toward Pontus Euxinus upon the
Northeast, and to Propontis on the Southwest, by which
two seas by shipping is brought great store of all maner [II. i. 308.]
of victuals. The city it selfe in forme representeth a
triangular figure, the sea washing the walles upon two
sides thereof, the other side faceth the continent of
Thracia; the grand Signiors seraglio standeth upon that
point which looketh into the sea, being cut off from the
city by a wall ; so that ye wall of his pallace conteineth
in circuit about two English miles : the seven towers
spoken of before stand at another corner, & Constan-
cies olde pallace to the North at the third corner.
The city hath a threefolde wall about it ; the inner-
most very high, the next lower then that, and the third
a countermure, and is in circuit about ten English miles :
it hath foure and twenty gates : and when the empire was
remooved out of the West into the East, it was inriched
with many spoiles of olde Rome by Vespasian and other
emperours, having many monuments and pillars in it
worthy the observation ; amongst the rest in the midst
of Constantinople standeth one of white marble called
Vespasians pillar, of 38 or 40 yards high, which hath
from the base to the top proportions of men in armour
fighting on horsebacke : it is likewise adorned with divers
goodly buildings & stately Mesquitas, whereof the biggest
is Sultan Solimans a great warriour, which lived in the
time of Charles the fifth ; but the fairest is Santa Sophia, Santa Sophia.
which in the time of the Christian emperours was the
chiefe cathedrall church, and is^ still in greatest account
with the great Turke : it is built round like other
Greekish churches, the pavements and walles be all of
marble, it hath beneath 44 pillars of divers coloured

105

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1594.

marble of admirable heigth and bignesse, which stand
upon great round feet of brasse, much greater then the
pillars, and of a great heigth, some ten yards distant from
the wall : from which unto these pillars is a great gallery-
built, which goeth round about the church ; and upon
the outside of the gallery stand 66 marble pillars which
beare up the round roofe being the top of the church :
it hath three pulpits or preaching places, and about 2000
lampes brought in by the Turke. Likewise upon one
side in the top is the picture of Christ with the 12
Apostles, but their faces are defaced, with two or three
ancient tombs of Christians : to the West sticketh an
arrow in the toppe of the church, which, as the Turks
report, Sultan Mahomet shot when he first tooke the
city. Neere adjoyning be two chapels of marble, where
lie buried most of the emperours with their children &
sultanas. The 1 6 of July, accompanied with some other
of our nation we went by water to the Blacke sea, being
16 miles distant from Constantinople, the sea al the way
thither being little broader then the Thames ; both sides
of the shore are beautified with faire & goodly buildings.
At the mouth of this Bosphorus lieth a rocke some foure-
score yards from the maine land, whereupon standeth
Pompeys pillar a white marble pillar called Pompeys pillar, the shadow
whereof was 23 foote long at nine of the clocke in the
forenoone : over against it is a turret of stone upon the
maine land 120 steps high, having a great glasse-lanthorne
in the toppe foure yards in diamiter and three in heigth,
with a great copper pan in the midst to holde oile, with
twenty lights in it, and it serveth to give passage into
this straight in the night to such ships as come from all
parts of those seas to Constantinople : it is continually
kept by a Turke, who to yl end hath pay of the grand
Signior. And thus having spent eleven moneths in
Constantinople, accompanied with a chause, & carying
certaine mandates from the grand Signior to the Bassa
of Aleppo for the kinde usage of our nation in those
parts, the 30 of July I tooke passage in a Turkish car-

106

RICHARD WRAG ad.

1594.
mosale or shippe bound for Sidon ; and passing thorow
Propontis, having Salimbria with Heraclia most pleasantly
situated on the right hand, and Proconesus now called
Marmora on the left, we came to Gallipoly, and so by Gallipoly.
Hellespont, betweene the two castles before named called
Sestos and Abydos, famous for the passages made there
both by Xerxes and great Alexander, the one into Thracia,
the other into Asia, and so by the Sigean Promontory,
now called Cape Janitzary, at the mouth of Hellespont
upon Asia side, where Troy stood, where are yet ruines Troy.
of olde walles to be seene, with two hils rising in a pira-
midall forme, not unlikely to be the tombs of Achilles
and Ajax. From thence we sailed along, having Tenedos
and Lemnos on the right hand, and the Trojan fields on
the left: at length we came to Mitylen and Sio long Zio.
time inhabited by the Genoueses, but now under the
Turke. The Hand is beautified with goodly buildings
and pleasant gardens, and aboundeth with fruits, wine,
and the gum masticke. From thence sailing alongst the
gulfe of Ephesus with Nicaria on the right hand, Samos
and Smirna on the left, we came to Patmos, where S. Patmos.
John wrote the Revelation. The Hand is but small,
not above five miles in compasse : the chiefe thing it
yeeldeth is corn : it hath a port for shipping, and in it is
a monastery of Greekish Caloieros. From thence by Cos Cot.
(now called Lango) where Hipocrates was borne : & pass-
ing many other Hands and rocks, we arrived at Rhodes, Rhodes.
one of the strongest and fairest cities of the East : here we
stayed three or foure dayes ; and by reason of a By
which went in the ship to Paphos in Cyprus, who
used me with all kindnesse, I went about the city, and
tooke the view of all : which city is still with all the
houses and walles thereof maintained in the same order
as they tooke it from the Rhodian knights. Over the
doores of many of the houses, which be strongly built
of stone, do remaine undefaced, the armes of England, [II. i. 309.]
France, Spaine, and many other Christian knights, as
though the Turkes in the view thereof gloried in the

107

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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taking of all Christendome, whose armes there they
beholde. From thence we sailed to Paphos an olde
ruinous towne standing upon the Westerne part of
Cyprus, where S. Paul in the Acts converted the gover-

Sidon. nor. Departing hence, we came to Sidon, by the Turks

called Saytosa, within tenne or twelve miles of the place

Ezek. 26. 5. where Tirus stood, which now being eaten in by the
sea, is, as Ezekiel prophesied, a place for the spreading
out of a net. Sidon is situated in a small bay at the
foot of mount Libanus, upon the side of an hill look-
ing to the North : it is walled about, with a castle
nigh to the sea, and one toward the land which is
ruinated, but the walle thereof standeth. Some halfe
mile up toward the mountaine be certaine ruines of
buildings, with marble pillars, remaining : heere for three
dayes we were kindly entertained of the captaine of the
castle : and in a small barke we sailed from hence along
the shore to Tripoli, & so to Alexandretta, where the
24 of August we arrived. From thence with a Vene-
tian caravan we went by land to Aleppo, passing by
Antioch, which is seated upon the side of an hill, whose
walles still stand with 360 turrets upon them, and
neere a very great plaine which beareth the name of the
city, thorow which runneth the river Orontes, in Scrip-

Akppo. ture called Farfar. In Aleppo I stayed untill February

following; in this city, as at a mart, meete many nations
out of Asia with the people of Europe, having con-
tinuall traffike and interchangeable course of marchandise
one with another : the state and trade of which place,
because it is so well knowen to most of our nation I
omitte to write of. The 27 of February I departed
from Aleppo, and the fifth of March imbarked my
selfe at Alexandretta in a great ship of Venice called
the Nana Ferra, to come for England. The 14 we put
into Salino in Cyprus, where the ship staying many
dayes to lade cotton wooll, and other commodities, in
the meane time accompanied with M. William Barret
my countrey man, the master of the ship a Greeke,

108

Antioch.

RICHARD WRAG ad.

1595-
and others we tooke occasion to see Nicosia, the chiefe Nicosia.
city of this Hand, which was some twenty miles from
this place, which is situated at the foot of an hill : to
the East is a great plaine, extending it selfe in a great
length from the North to the South : it is walled about,
but of no such strength as Famagusta (another city in
this Hand neere the Sea side) whose walles are cut out
of the maine rocke. In this city be many sumptuous
and goodly buildings of stone, but uninhabited ; the
cause whereof doth give me just occasion to shew you
of a rare judgement of God upon the owners sometime
of these houses, as I was credibly informed by a Cipriot
a marchant of good wealth in this city. Before it came A great judges
in subjection to the Turks, while it was under the mentofGo(i
Venetians, there were many barons and noble men of mln of Cyprus
the Cipriots, who partly by usurping more superiority
over the common people then they ought, and partly
through their great revenues which yeerely came in by
their cotton wooll and wines, grew so insolent and
proud, and withall so impiously wicked, as that they
would at their pleasure command both the wives and
children of their poore tenants to serve their uncleane
lusts, & holding them in such slavery as though they
had beene no better then dogges, would wage them
against a grayhound or spaniell, and he who woon the
wager should ever after holde them as his proper goods
and chattels, to do with them as he listed, being
Christians aswell as themselves, if they may deserve so
good a name. As they behaved themselves most un-
christianly toward their brethren, so and much more
ungodly (which I should have put in the first place)
did they towards God : for as though they were too
great, standing on foot or kneeling to serve God, they
would come riding on horsebac.ke into the church to
heare their masse : which church now is made a publike
basistane or market place for the Turkes to sell com-
modities in : but beholde the judgement of the righteous
God, who payeth the sinner measure for measure. The

109

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

'595-

Turkes the yeere before the overthrowe given them
at Lepanto by Don John tooke Cyprus. These mighty
Nimrods fled some into holes & some into mountaines
to hide themselves ; whereupon the Turkes made
generall proclamation, that if they would all come in
and yeeld themselves, they would restore them to their
former revenues and dignities : who not mistrusting the
mischievous pretense of the Turkes, assembled together
to make themselves knowen ; whom after the Turkes
had in possession, they (as the Lords executioners) put
them with their wives and children all to the sword,
pretending thereby to cut of all future rebellion, so
that at this day is not one of the noble race knowen
alive in the Iland, onely two or three remaine in
Venice but of litle wealth, which in the time of the
warres escaped. After we had stayed in this Iland some
thirty dayes, we set saile in the foresayd shippe being
about the burthen of 900 tunnes, having in her pas-
sengers of divers nations, as Tartars, Persians, Jewes,
and sundry Christians. Amongst all which I had often
conference with a Jew, who by reason of his many
yeeres education at Safet a place in Judea neere Jeru-
salem, where they study the Rabbines with some other
arts as they thinke good, as also for his travels into
Persia and Ormus, he seemed to be of good experience
in matters abroad, who related unto me such conference
[ILL 310.] as he had with a Baniane at Ormus, being one of the
Indians inhabiting the countrey of Cambaia. This
Baniane being a Gentile had skill in Astronomie, as
many of that nation have, who by his books written in
his owne tongue and Characters, could tell the time
of Eclipses both of Sunne and Moone, with the Change
and Full, and by judgement in Astrologie gave answere
to any question demanded. Being asked concerning his
opinion in religion, what he thought of God ? He
made answere, that they held no other god but the sun,
(to which planet they pray both at the rising and set-
ting) as I have seene sundry doe in Aleppo : his reason

no

Indians skil-
ful/ in
Astronomy.

RICHARD WRAG ad.

I595-
was drawen from the effects which it worketh in giving
light to the moone & other starres, and causing all
things to grow and encrease upon the earth : answere
was made, that it did moove with the rest as the
wheeles of a clocke, and therefore of force must have
a moover. Likewise in the Eclipse being darkened it
is manifestly prooved that it is not god, for God is
altogether goodnesse and brightnesse, which can neither
be darkened nor receive detriment or hurt : but the
Sun receiveth both in the Eclipse, as it is apparant : to
which hee could not answere ; but so they had received
from their ancestors, that it was without beginning or
ende, as in any Orbicular or round body neither begin-
ning or end could be found. He likewise sayd, that
there were other Gentiles in ye Indies which worship
the moone as chiefe, and their reason is. The moone
when she riseth goeth with thousands of starres accom-
panied like a king, and therefore is chiefe : but the
Sunne goeth alone, and therefore not so great. Against
whom the Banianes reason, that it is not true, because
the Moone and starres receive their light from the
Sunne, neither doth the Sunne vouchsafe them his
company but when he list, and therefore like a mighty
prince goeth alone, yet they acknowledge the Moone as
Queene or Viceroy. Law they hold none, but onely Tke seven
seven precepts which they say were given them from P™cePu °J
their father Noe, not knowing Abraham or any other.
First, to honor father and mother ; secondly, not to
steale ; thirdly not to commit adultery ; fourthly not to
kill any thing living ; fiftly, not to eate any thing
living ; sixtly, not to cut their haire ; seventhly, to go
barefoot in their churches. These they hold most
strictly, & by no meanes will breake them : but he
that breaketh one is punished with twenty stripes ; but
for the greatest fault they will kill none, neither by a
short death nor a long, onely he is kept some time in
prison with very little meat, and hath at the most not
above twenty or five & twenty stripes. In the yere

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

I595-

they have 16 feasts, and then they go to their church,
where is pictured in a broad table the Sun, as we use
to paint it, the face of a man with beames round
about, not having any thing els in it. At their feast
they spot their faces in divers parts with saffron all
yellow, and so walke up and downe the streets ; and
this they doe as a custome. They hold, there shalbe a
resurrection, and all shall come to judgement, but the
account shalbe most streight, insomuch that but one of
1 0000 shalbe received to favor, and those shall live
againe in this world in great happinesse : the rest shalbe
tormented. And because they will escape this judge-
ment, when any man dieth, he and his wife be both
burnt together even to ashes, and then they are throwen
into a river, and so dispersed as though they had never
bene. If the wife will not burne with her dead hus-
band, she is holden ever after as a whore. And by
this meanes they hope to escape the judgement to come.
As for the soule, that goeth to the place from whence it
came, but where the place is they know not. That the
body should not be made againe they reason wl the
phylosophers, saying, that of nothing nothing can be
made (not knowing that God made the whole world
and their god the Sun of nothing) but beholding the
course of nature, that nothing is made but by a
meanes, as by the seed of a man is made another, and
by corne cast into the ground there commeth up new
corne : so, say they, man cannot be made except some
part of him be left, and therefore they burne the
whole : for if he were buried in the earth, they say
there is a small bone in the necke which would never
be consumed : or if he were eaten by a beast, that
bone would not consume, but of that bone would
come another man ; and then the soule being restored
againe, he should come into judgement, whereas now,
the body being destroyed, the soule shall not be judged :
for their opinion is, that both body and soule must be
united together, as they have sinned together, to receive

112

RICHARD WRAG ad.

1595.
judgement; and therfore the soule alone cannot. Their
seven precepts which they keepe so strictly are not for
any hope of reward they have after this life, but onely
that they may be blessed in this world, for they thinke
that he which breaketh them shall have ill successe in
all his businesse.

They say, the three chiefe religions in the world
be of the Christians, Jewes, & Turks, & yet but one
of them true : but being in doubt which is the truest
of the three, they will be of none : for they hold that
all these three shall be judged, and but few of them
which be of the true shall be saved, the examination
shall be so straight ; and therefore, as I have sayd before,
to prevent this judgement, they burne their bodies to
ashes. They say, these three religions have too many
precepts to keepe them all wel, & therfore wonderful
hard it wil be to make account, because so few doe
observe all their religion aright. And thus passing the
time for the space of three moneths in this sea voyage, [II i. 311.]
we arrived at Venice the tenth of June : and after I
had seene Padua, with other English men, I came the
ordinary way over the Alpes, by Augusta, Noremberg,
and so for England ; where to the praise of God I safely
arrived the ninth of August 1595.

[A letter
vi 113 h

A.D.
1594.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

A letter written by the most high and mighty
Empresse the wife of the Grand Signior Sultan
Murad Can to the Queenes Majesty of
England, in the yeere of our Lord, 1594.

L principio del ragionamento nostro sia
scrittura perfetta nelle quatro parte del
mondo, in nome di quello che ha creato
indifFerentemente tante infinite creature,
che non havevano anima ni persona, &
di quello che fa girar gli nove cieli, & che
la terra sette volte una sopra Y altra fa

firmar ; Signor & Re senza vicere, & che non ha compa-
racion alia sua creatione ne opera, & uno senza precio,
adorato incomparabilmente, V altissimo Dio creatore ; che
non ha similitudine, si come e descrito dalli propheti :
a la cui grandessa non si arrive, & alia perfettione sua
compiuta non si oppone, & quel omnipotente creatore
& cooperatore ; alia grandessa del quale inchinano tutti
li propheti ; fra quali il maggior & che ha ottenuto gracia,
horto del paradiso, ragi dal sole, amato del altissimo Dio
e Mahomet Mustarfa, al qual & suoi adherenti & imi-
tatori sia perpetua pace : alia cui sepultura odorifera si
fa ogni honore. Quello che e imperator de sette climati,
& delle quatro parti del mondo, invincibile Re di Grascia,
Agiamia, Ungeria, Tartaria, Valachia, Rossia, Turchia,
Arabia, Bagdet, Caramania, Abessis, Giouasir, Sirvan,
Barbaria, Algieri, Franchia, Corvacia, Belgrado, &c.
sempre felicissimo, & de dodeci Avoli possessor della
corona, & della stirpe di Adam, fin hora Imperator,
figliolo del'Imperatore, conservato de la divina provi-
denza, Re di ogni dignita & honore, Sultan Murat, che
II Signor Dio sempre augmenti le sue forzze, & padre
di quello a cui aspetta la corona imperiale, horto &
cypresso mirabile, degno della sedia regale, & vero herede
del commando imperiale, dignissimo Mehemet Can, filiol

114

THE SULTANAS LETTER a.d.

1594.

de Sultan Murat Can, che dio compisca li suoi dissegni,
& alunga li suoi giorni felici : Dalla parte della madre del
qual si scrive la presente alia serenissima & gloriosissima
fra le prudentissime Donne, & eletta fra li triomfanti sotto
il standardo di Jesu Christo, potentissima & ricchissima
regitrice, & al mondo singularissima fra il feminil sesso,
la serenissima Regina d'Ingilterra, che segve le vestigie
de Maria virgine, il fine della quale sia con bene & per-
fettione, secondo il suo desiderio. Le mando una
salutacion di pace, cosi honorata, che non basta tutta la
copia di rosignoli con le loro musiche arivare, non che
con questa carta : V amore singulare che e conciputo fra
noi, e simile a un' horto di Uccelli vagi ; che il Signor
Dio la faci degna di salvacione, & il fine suo sia tale,
che in questo mondo & nel' futuro sia con pace. Doppo
comparsi li suoi honorati presenti da la sedia de la Serenita
vostra, sapera che sono capitati in una hora che ogni punto
e stato una consolation di lungo tempo, per occasione
del Ambassadore di vostra serenita venuto alia felice porta
del Imperatore, con tanto nostro contento, quanto si
posso desiderare, & con quello una lettera di vostra
sereneta, che ci estata presentata dalli nostri Eunuchi
con gran honore ; la carta de la quale odorava di camfora
& ambracano, & l'inchiostro di musco perfetto, & quella
pervenuta in nostro mano tutta la continenza di essa
a parte a parte ho ascoltato intentamente. Quello che
hora si conviene e, che correspondente alia nostra
affecione, in tutto quello che si aspetta alle cose attenente
alii paesi che sono sotto il commando di vostra serenita,
lei non manchi di sempre tenermi, dato noticia, che in
tutto quello che li occorera, Io possi compiacerla ; de
quello che fra le nostre serenita e conveniente, accioche
quelle cose che si interprenderano, habino il desiderato
buon fine ; perche Io saro sempre ricordevole al altissimo
Imperatore delle occorenze di vostra serenita, per che
sia in ogni occasione compiaciuta. La pace sia con vostra
serenita, & con quelli che seguitano dretamente la via
di Dio.

115

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1594.

Scritta al primi dell luna di Rabie Livol, anno del
profeta 1002, & di Jesu 1594.

L

The same in English.

Et the beginning of our discourse be a perfect writing
in the foure parts of the world, in the name of him
which hath indifferently created such infinite numbers
of creatures, which had neither soule nor body, and
of him which mooveth the nine heavens, and stablisheth
the earth seven times one above another, which is Lord
and king without any deputy, who hath no comparison to
his creation and worke, and is one inestimable, worshipped
without all comparison, the most high God, the creator,
which hath nothing like unto him, according as he is
described by the Prophets, to whose power no man can
attaine, and whose absolute perfection no man may
controll ; and that omnipotent creatour and fellow-worker,
[II. i. 312.] to whose Majesty all the Prophets submit themselves,
among whom the greatest, and which hath obtained
greatest favour, the garden of Paradise, the beame of the
Sunne, the beloved of the most high God is Mahomet
Mustaffa, to whom and to his adherents and followers
be perpetuall peace, to whose fragrant sepulture all honour
is performed. He which is emperour of the seven climats
and of the foure parts of the world, the invincible king
of Grascia, Agiamia, Hungaria, Tartaria, Valachia, Rossia,
Turchia, Arabia, Bagdet, Caramania, Abessis, Giouasir,
Sirvan, Barbaria, Alger, Franchia, Corvacia, Belgrade, &c.
alwayes most happy, and possessour of the crowne from
twelve of his ancestours ; and of the seed of Adam, at
this present emperour, the sonne of an emperour, pre-
served by the divine providence, a king woorthy of all
glory and honour, Sultan Murad, whose forces the Lord
God alwayes increase, and father of him to whom the
imperiall crowne is to descend, the paradise and woonder-
full tall cypresse, worthy of the royall throne, and true
heire of the imperiall authority, most woorthy Mehemet

116

THE SULTANAS LETTER ad.

1594-
Can, the sonne of Sultan Murad Can, whose enterprises
God vouchsafe to accomplish, and to prolong his happy
dayes : on the behalfe of whose mother this present letter This Sultana
is written to the most gracious and most glorious, the f^m^r/°
wisest among women, and chosen among those which w^ now
triumph under the standard of Jesus Christ, the most reigneth as
mighty and most rich governour, and most rare among Emperor.
womankinde in the world, the most gracious Queene
of England, which follow the steps of the virgine Mary,
whose end be prosperous and perfect, according to your
hearts desire. I send your Majesty so honorable and
sweet a salutation of peace, that al the flocke of Nightin-
gales with their melody cannot attaine to ye like, much
lesse this simple letter of mine. The singular love which
we have conceived one toward the other is like to a
garden of pleasant birds : and the Lord God vouchsafe
to save and keepe you, and send your Majesty an happy
end both in this world and in the world to come. After
the arrivall of your honourable presents from the Court
of your Majesty, your Highnesse shall understand that
they came in such a season that every minute ministred
occasion of long consolation by reason of the comming
of your Majesties Ambassadour to the triumphant Court
of the Emperour, to our so great contentment as we
could possibly wish, who brought a letter from your
Majestie, which with great honour was presented unto us
by our eunuks, the paper whereof did smell most
fragrantly of camfor and ambargriese, and the incke of
perfect muske ; the contents whereof we have heard very
attentively from point to point. I thinke it therefore
expedient, that, according to our mutuall affection, in
any thing whatsoever may concerne the countreys which are
subject to your Majesty, I never faile, having information
given unto me, in whatsoever occasion shall be ministred,
to gratifle your Majesty to my power in any reasonable
and convenient matter, that all your subjects businesses
and affaires may have a wished and happy end. For I
will alwayes be a sollicitour to the most mighty Emperour

117

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

!594-

for your Majesties affaires, that your Majesty at all times
may be fully satisfied. Peace be to your Majesty,
and to all such as follow rightly the way of
Ann. Dom. God. Written the first day of the

I594' Moone of Rabie Livol in the

yere of the Prophet,

I002.

118

THE SECOND PART OF THIS SECOND VOLUME

containing the

Principall Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and
Discoveries of the English Nation,

made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world

without the Straights of Gibraltar, namely to the Hands

of Madera, and of the Canaries, to the kingdome of

Barbarie, to the lies of Capo Verde, to the River

of Senga, to the Coast of Ghinea and Benin, about

the Cape of Buona Esperanza, and so to Goa in the

East Indies, and likewise beyond cape Comori

to the lies of Nicubar, to Sumatra, to the

Channell of Sincapura over against

the City of Malacca, and to

divers other places

The voyage of Macham an English man, wherein [II. ii. i.]
he first of any man discovered the Hand of
Madera, recorded verbatim in the Portugall
history, written by Antonio Galvano.

N the yeere 1344, King Peter the fourth

of that name reigning in Aragon, the

Chronicles of his age write that about

this time the Hand of Madera, standing Madera first

in 72 degrees, was discovered by an dlscoveredh
t? 1- 1 a , • 1 1 tv /r 1 one Macham

English man, which was named Macham, an Englishman

who sailing out of England into Spaine,

with a woman that he had stollen, arrived by tempest in
that Hand, and did cast anker in that haven or bay,
which now is called Machico after the name of Macham.

119

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1344.

And because his lover was sea-sicke, he went on land
with some of his company, and the shippe with a good
winde made saile away, and the woman died for thought.
Macham made Macham, which loved her dearely, built a chapell, or
Vamlngl?61' nermitage> to bury her in, calling it by the name of
Jesus chapell Jesus, and caused his name and hers to be written or
graven upon the stone of her tombe, and the occasion
of their arrivall there. And afterward he ordeined a boat
made of one tree (for there be trees of a great compasse
about) and went to sea in it, with those men that he
had, and were left behinde with him, and came upon
the coast of Afrike, without saile or oare. And the
Moores which saw it tooke it to be a marvellous thing,
and presented him unto the king of that countrey for
a woonder, and that king also sent him and his com-
panions for a miracle unto the king of Castile.

In the yeere 1395, King Henry the third of that name
reigning in Castile, the information which Macham gave
of this Hand, and also the ship of his company, mooved
many of France and Castile to go and discover it, and
also the great Canaria, &c.

In the yeere 141 7, King John the second reigning in
Castile, and his mother Lady Katherine being Regent,
one Monsieur Ruben of Bracamont, which was Admiral!
of France, demanding the conquest of the Hands of the
Canaries, with the title of King, for a kinsman of his
named Monsieur John Betancourt, after that the Queene
hath given him them, and holpen him, he departed from
Sivil with a good army. And they affirme also, that the
principall cause which moved him to this, was to discover
the Hand of Madera, which Macham had found, &c.
ibidem pag. 2. of Anthonio Galvano.

20

ENGLISH AID TO PORTUGAL a.d.

1415.

This note following, concerning the ayde and
assistance of the English Marchants, given to
King John the first of Portugall, for the
winning of Ceuta in Barbarie, which was the
first occasion of all the Portugall discoveries,
is taken out of Thomas Walsingham his
Latine Chronicle. Anno 141 5.

Oc anno Joannes primus Rex Portugalliae fretus
auxilio Mercatorum Angliae quam maxime, &
Alemannorum, vicit Agarenos in terra Regis
Betinarinorum, multis eorum millibus ad generum
Cereris destinatis : cepitque civitatem eorum quam
amplissimam supra mare sitam, vocatam Ceut eorum
lingua.

The same in English. [II. ii. 2.]

THis yere John the first king of Portugall, being
principally assisted by the helpe of the English
Marchants, and Almaines, overcame the Moores in the
dominion of the king of Barbary, putting many thousands
of them to the sword, and he tooke their city which was
very mighty, seated upon the sea, which is called Ceuta
in their language.

[Conflrmatio
121

A.D.

I482.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Anglia?
Eduardum quartum, & Joannem secundum
Regem Portugalliae, datarum in oppido montis
Majoris 8 Februarii, & apud Westmonasterium
12 Septembris, 1482, anno regni 22 Regis
Eduardi quarti, lingua Lusitanica ex opere
sequenti excerpta.

Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende, que tracta
da vida e feitos del Rey dom Jobam secundo.

Embaixada que el Rey mandov a el Rey
d'Inglaterra, cap. 33.

Da qui de Monte Mor mandov el Rey

por embaixadores a el rey dom Duarte

de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa

principal e de muyto bon saber e credito,

de que el Rey muyto confiava, e ho

doutor Joam d'Elvas, e Fernam de Pina

por secretario. E foram por mar muy

honradamente com muy boa companhia : hos quaes

foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com

Inglaterra, que polla condisan dellas ho novo Rey de

hum reyno e do outro era obrigado a mandar confirmar :

e tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no

senhorio de Guinee, pera que depois de visto el rey

d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos, que nin-

guen armasse nem podesse mandar a Guinee : e assi

mandasse desfazer huna armada, que pera laa faziam, per

mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia, hum Joam

Tintam e hum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses. Com ha

qual embaixada el rey d'Inglaterra mostrov receber grande

contentamento, e foy delle com muyta honra recebida,

e em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores

|| These writ- Ihe foy requerido. De que ellcs trouxeran || autenticas

ings are in escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones
the Tower. r , • 5 • n j r r 5

fizeram : e assi as provisones das aprovasones que eran

A PORTUGUESE AMBASSAGE a.d.

1481.
necessarians : e com tudo muyto ben acabado, e ha vontade
del rey se vieram.

The Ambassage which king John the second, king
of Portugall, sent to Edward the fourth king
of England, which in part was to stay one
John Tintam, and one William Fabian English
men, from proceeding in a voyage which they
were preparing for Guinea, 1481, taken out of
the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende,
which intreateth of the life and acts of Don
John the second, king of Portugall. Chap. 33.

Nd afterwards the king sent as Ambas-
sadours from the towne of Monte major
to king Edward the fourth of England,
Ruy de Sousa, a principall person, and
a man of great wisedome and estimation,
and in whom the king reposed great
trust, with doctor John d'Elvas, and Fer-
dinand de Pina, as secretarie. And they made their
voyage by sea very honourably, being very well accom-
panied. These men were sent on the behalfe of their The first cause
king, to confirme the ancient leagues with England, °f this ambas-
wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one sa^e'
and of the other kingdome, should be bound to send to
confirme the olde leagues. And likewise they had order The second
to shew and make him acquainted with the title which came'
the king held in the segneury of Ginnee, to the intent
that after the king of England had seene the same, he
should give charge thorow all his kingdomes, that no
man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee : and The third
also to request him, that it would please him to give cause'
commandement to dissolve a certaine fleet, which one
John Tintam and one William Fabian, English men,
were making, by commandement of the duke of Medina
Sidonia, to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee. With

123

A.D.
I481.

[II. H. 3.]

The English
had an ordin-
ary tj-ade to
the Canaries
1526.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very
well pleased, and they were received of him with very
great honour, and he condescended unto all that the
ambassadours required of him, at whose hands they re-
ceived authenticall writings of the diligence which they
had performed, with publication thereof by the heralds :
and also provisoes of those confirmations which were
necessary. And having dispatched all things well, and
with the kings good will, they returned home into their
countrey.

A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the
English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands,
gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M.
Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull mar-
chant of the city of Bristoll.

T appeareth evidently out of a certaine note or
letter of remembrance, in the custody of me
Richard Hakluyt, written by M. Nicolas Thorne
the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll, to his friend
and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne servant
William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in
Andaluzia; that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 (and
by all circumstances and probabilities long before) cer-
taine English marchants, and among the rest himselfe
with one Thomas Spacheford exercised usuall and ordi-
nary trade of marchandise unto the Canarie Hands. For
by the sayd letter notice was given to Thomas Midnall
and William Ballard aforesayd, that a certaine ship called
The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies
had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and
fine, broad and narrow of divers sorts and colours, some
arovas of packthreed, sixe cerons or bagges of sope with
other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne, to be delivered at
Santa Cruz the chiefs towne in Tenerifa one of the seven
Canary-ilands. All which commodities the sayd Thomas
and William were authorised by the owner in the letter

124

A DESCRIPTION OF THE CANARIES

before mentioned to barter & sell away at Santa Cruz.
And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale
of those goods they were appointed to returne backe
into England good store of Orchell (which is a certaine
kinde of mosse growing upon high rocks, in those dayes
much used to die withall) some quantity of sugar, and
certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes. For the procuring of
which and of other commodities at the best and first
hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their
abode at Santa Cruz, and to remaine there as factours
for the abovesayd M. Nicolas Thorne.

And here also I thought good to signifie, that in the
sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an
English man, who before the foresayd yere 1526 had
found the way to the West Indies, and was there resi-
dent, unto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent
certaine armour and other commodities specified in the
letter aforesayd.

A description of the fortunate Hands, otherwise
called the Hands of Canaria, with their strange
fruits and commodities : composed by Thomas
Nicols English man, who remained there the
space of seven yeeres together.

Ine intent is particularly to speake of the
Canaria Hands, which are seven in
number, wherein I dwelt the space of
seven yeres and more, because I finde
such variety in sundry writers, and
especially great untruths, in a booke
called The New found world Antarctike,

A.D.

550.

set out by a French man called Andrew Thevet, the
which his booke he dedicated to the Cardinall of Sens,
keeper of the great seale of France.

It appeareth by the sayd booke that he had read the
works of sundry Phylosophers, Astronomers, and Cos-
mographers, whose opinions he gathered together. But

125

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

c. 1550.

touching his owne travell, which he affirmeth, I refer
to the judgement of the expert in our dayes, and there-
fore for mine owne part I write of these Canaria Hands,
as time hath taught me in many yeres.

The Hand of Canaria.

THe Hand of Canaria is almost equal in length and
bredth, containing 12 leagues in length, touching
the which as principall and the residue, the Spanyards
holde opinion, that they discovered the same in their
navigation toward America, but the Portugals say, that
their nation first found the sayd Hands in their navi-
gation toward Aethiopia and the East Indies.
English men gut truth it is that the Spanyards first conquered these

at t epst Hands, with divers English gentlemen in their company,
conquest of the . ' . ,.& to . . . , . k n

Canaries. whose posterity this present day injoyeth them, borne

write that this Hand was named Canaria by meane of the

number of dogs which there were found : as for example,

Andrew Thevet sayth, that one Juba carried two dogs from

thence : but that opinion could I never learne by any of

the naturall people of the countrey, although I have

talked with many in my time, and with many of their

children. For trueth it is, that there were dogs, but

such as are in all the Northwest lands, and some part

of the West India, which served the people in stead of

sheepe for victuall. But of some of the conquerors of

those Hands I have heard say that the reason why they

were called the Canaria Islands is, because there grow

generally in them all fouresquare canes in great multitude

together, which being touched will cast out a liquor as

[II. ii. 4.] white as milke, which liquor is ranke poison, and at

the first entry into these llands some of the discoverers

were therewith poisoned : for many yeeres after that

conquest the inhabitants began to plant both wine and

sugar, so that Canaria was not so called by sugar canes.

The people which first inhabited this land were called

Canaries by the conquerors, they were clothed in goat

skinnes made like unto a loose cassocke, they dwelt in

126

A DESCRIPTION OF THE CANARIES a.d.

c. 1550.

caves in the rocks, in great amity and brotherly love.
They spake all one language : their chiefe feeding was
gelt dogges, goates, and goates milke, their bread was
made of barley meale and goates milke, called Gofia,
which they use at this day, and thereof I have eaten
divers times, for it is accounted exceeding holesome.

Touching the originall of these people some holde
opinion, that the Romans which dwelt in Africa exiled
them thither, aswell men as women, their tongues
being cut out of their heads, for blasphemy against the
Romane gods. But howsoever it were, their language
was speciall, and not mixed with Romane speech
or Arabian.

This Hand is now the principallest of all the rest,
not in fertility, but by reason it is the seat of justice
and government of all the residue. This Hand hath a
speciall Governour for the Hand onely, yet notwithstand-
ing there are three Judges called Auditours, who are
superiour Judges, and all in one joyntly proceed as the
Lord Chanceller of any realme.

To this city from all the other Hands come all such
by appeale, as have sustained any wrong, and these good
Judges do remedy the same. The city is called Civitas Civitas Pal-
Palmarum, it hath a beautifull Cathedrall church, with marum-
all dignities thereunto pertaining. For the publike
weale of the Hand there are sundry Aldermen of great
authority, who have a councell house by themselves.
The city is not onely beautifull, but the citizens curious
and gallant in apparell. And after any raine or foule
weather a man may goe cleane in Velvet slippers, because
the ground is sandy, the aire very temperate, without
extreame heat or colde.

They reape wheat in February, and againe in May,
which is excellent good, and maketh bread as white as
snow. This Hand hath in it other three townes, the one
called Telde, the second Galder, and the third Guia. It
hath also twelve sugar houses called Ingenios, in which
they make great quantity of good sugar.

127

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

c. 1550.
The planting The maner of the growth of sugar is in this sort, a
and growth of gOOCJ ground giveth foorth fruit nine times in 18 yere :
sugar canes. ^^ jg tQ ga^ ^ £rst jg caQej Planta> which is layd

along in a furrow, so that the water of a sluce may
come over every roote being covered with earth : this
root bringeth foorth sundry canes, and so consequently
all the rest. It groweth two yeeres before the yeelding
of profit, and not sixe moneths, as Andrew Thevet the
French man writeth.
The making Then are they cut even with the ground, and the tops
of sugar. gj. }eaves called Coholia cut off, and the canes bound

into bundels like faggots, and so are caried to the sugar
house called Ingenio, where they are ground in a mill,
and the juyce thereof conveyed by a conduct to a great
vessell made for the purpose, where it is boiled till it
waxe thicke, and then is it put into a fornace of earthen
pots of the molde of a sugar loafe, and then is it carried
to another house, called a purging house where it is
placed to purge the blacknesse with a certaine clay that
is layd thereon. Of the remainder in the cauldron is
made a second sort called Escumas, and of the purging
liquor that droppeth from the white sugar is made a
third sort, and the remainder is called Panela or Netas,
the refuse of all the purging is called Remiel or Malasses :
and thereof is made another sort called Refinado.

When this first fruit is in this sort gathered, called
Planta, then the Cane-field where it grew is burned over
with sugar straw to the stumps of the first canes, and
being husbanded, watred and trimmed, at the end of
other two yeeres it yeeldeth the second fruit called Zoca.
The third fruit is called Tertia Zoca, the fourth Quarta
Zoca, and so orderly the rest, til age causeth the olde
Canes to be planted againe.
Wine. This Hand hath singular good wine, especially in the

towne of Telde, and sundry sorts of good fruits, as
Batatas, Mellons, Peares, Apples, Orenges, Limons,
Pomgranats, Figs, Peaches of divers sorts, and many
other fruits : but especially the Plantano which groweth

128

."-" -i' ^"'- .

'- - \.l ' < '

HOOD'S SAILING CHART «.d. 1592

u

A DESCRIPTION OF THE CANARIES a.d

c. 1550.
neere brooke sides, it is a tree that hath no timber in it,
but groweth directly upward with the body, having
marvelous thicke leaves, and every leafe at the toppe
of two yards long and almost halfe a yard broad. The
tree never yeeldeth fruit but once, and then is cut
downe ; in whose place springeth another, and so still
continueth. The fruit groweth on a branch, and every
tree yeeldeth two or three of those branches, which beare
some more and some lesse, as some forty and some
thirty, the fruit is like a Cucumber, and when it is ripe
it is blacke, and in eating more delicate then any
conserve.

This Hand is sufficiently provided of Oxen, Kine,
Camels, Goats, Sheepe, Capons, Hens, Ducks, and
Pidgeons, and great Partridges. Wood is the thing
that most wanteth : and because I have particularly to [II. ii. 5.]
intreat of the other sixe Hands, I leave further inlarging
of Canaria, which standeth in 27 degrees distant from
the Equator.

The He of Tenerif.

THe Hand of Tenerif standeth in 27 degrees and a
halfe from the equator, and is distant from Canarir,
12 leagues Northward. This Hand containeth 17 leagues
in length, and the land lieth high in forme of a ridge
of sowen lande in some part of England, and in the
midst of the sayd place standeth a round hill called Pico
Deteithe, situated in this sort. The top of this pike
conteineth of heigth directly upward 1 5 leagues & more,
which is 45 English miles, out of the which often times
proceedeth fire and brimstone, and it may be about halfe
a mile in compasse : the sayd top is in forme or like-
nesse of a caldron. But within two miles of the top
is nothing but ashes & pumish stones : yet beneath that
two miles is the colde region covered all the yere with
snow, and somwhat lower are mighty huge trees grow-
ing, called Vinatico, which are exceeding heavy, and
will not rot in any water, although they lie a thousand
vi 129 1

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

c. 1550.

yeeres therein. Also there is a wood called Barbusano,
of like vertue, with many Savine trees and Pine trees.
And beneath these sorts of trees are woods of Bay trees
of 10 & 12 miles long, which is a pleasant thing to
travell thorow, among the which are great numbers of
small birds, which sing exceeding sweet, but especially
one sort that are very litle, and of colour in all respects
like a Swallow, saving that he hath a little blacke spot
on his breast as broad as a peny. He singeth more
sweetly then all the rest, but if he be taken and impri-
soned in a cage, he liveth but a small while. This Hand
bringeth foorth all sorts of fruits, as Canaria doth : and
also all the other Hands in generall bring foorth shrubs
or bushes, out of the which issueth a juice as white
as milke, which after a while that it hath come out

Lime. waxeth thicke, and is exceeding good birdlime, the bush

is called Taybayba. This Hand also bringeth foorth
another tree called Drago, which groweth on high among
rocks, and by incision at the foot of the tree issueth
out a liquor like blood, which is a common drug
among Apothecaries. Of the wood of this tree are
made targets greatly esteemed, because if any sword or
dagger hit thereon, they sticke so fast that it is hard
plucking them out.

This is the most fruitfull Hand of all the rest for
corne, and in that respect is a mother or nurse to all
the others in time of need. There groweth also a

Orchelgood certaine mosse upon the high rocks called Orchel,

for dying, ^j^ }s bought for Diars to die withall. There are 1 2
sugar houses called Ingenios, which make great quantity
of sugar. There is also one league of ground which
standeth between two townes, the one called Larotava,
and the other Rialeio, and it is thought that the like
plot of ground is not in all the world. The reason is,
that this one league of ground produceth sweet water
out of the cliffes or rocky mountaines, corne of all sortes,
fruites of all sortes, and excellent good silke, flaxe, waxe,
and hony, and very good wines in abundance, with great

130

A DESCRIPTION OF THE CANARIES a.d.

c. 1550.

store of sugar and fire-wood. Out of this Hand is
laden great quantity of wines for the West India, and
other countreys. The best groweth on a hill side called
the Ramble.

There is in that Hand a faire city, standing three
leagues from the sea, nere unto a lake called Laguna,
wherein are two faire parish churches, there dwelleth
the governour who ruleth all that Hand with justice.
There are also aldermen for the publike weale, who buy
their offices of the king : the most of the whole in-
habitants of this city are gentlemen, merchants, and
husband men.

There are other foure townes called Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz.
Larotava, Rialeio, and Garachico.

In this Hand before the conquest dwelt seven kings,
who with all their people dwelt in caves, and were
clothed in goat skinnes, as the Canaria people were, and
used such like order of diet as they had. Their order
of buriall was, that when any died, he was carried naked
to a great cave, where he was propped up against the
wall standing on his feet. But if he were of any
authority among them, then had he a staffe in his hand,
and a vessell of milke standing by him. I have seene
caves of 300 of these corpses together, the flesh being
dried up, the body remained as light as parchment.
These people were called Guanches, naturally they spake
another language cleane contrary to the Canarians, and so
consequently every Hand spake a severall language.

Note (gentle reader) that the Hand of Canaria, the He
of Tenerif, and the He of Palma appertaine to the king
of Spaine, unto whom they pay fifty thousand duckats
yeerely for customet and other profits. All these Hands
joyntly are one bishopricke, which pay to the bishop
twelve thousand duckats yeerely. And thus I conclude
of the He of Tenerif, which standeth in 27 degrees and
a halfe, as I have before declared.

[Gomera
131

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

c. 1550.

T

Gomera.

lHe Hand of Gomera standeth Westward from
Tenerif, in distance sixe leagues : this is but a
small Hand conteining eight leagues in length. It is an
[II. ii. 6.] Earledome, & the Lord thereof is called the earle of
Gomera. But in case of any controversie the vassals may
appeale to the kings superior Judges which reside in
Canaria.

This Hand hath one proper towne called Gomera,
which hath an excellent good port or harbour for ships,
where often times the Indian fleet take refreshing for
their voyage.

There is also sufficient graine and fruit for the main-
tenance of themselves.

There is one Ingenio or Sugar-house, with great plenty
of wine and other sorts of fruits, as Canaria and Tenerif
hath.

This Hand yeeldeth no other commodity but onely
orchell ; it standeth in 27 degrees distant from the
Equator toward the pole Arcticke.

The He of Palma.

THe He of Palma standeth twelve leagues distant
from the He of Gomera Northwestward. This
Hand is fruitfull of wine and sugar : it hath a proper
city called the city of Palma, where is great contraction
for wines, which are laden for the West India & other
places. This city hath one faire church, and a govern our,
and aldermen to maintaine and execute justice. It hath
also another prety towne, called S. Andrewes. It hath
also foure Ingenios which make excellent sugar, two
of the which are called Zauzes, and the other two,
Tassacort.

This Hand yeeldeth but little bread-corne ; but rather
is thereof provided from Tenerif and other places.

Their best wines grow in a soile called the Brenia,
where yerely is gathered twelve thousand buts of wine

132

A DESCRIPTION OF THE CANARIES a.d.

c. 1550.
like unto Malmsies. This Hand standeth round, and
containeth in circuit neere five and twenty leagues. It
hath plenty of all sorts of fruits, as Canaria and Tenerif
have, it standeth in twenty seven degrees and a halfe.

The Hand of Yron, called Hierro.

THis Hand standeth ten leagues distant from the
Hand of Palma Westward : it is but a little Hand,
which containeth sixe leagues in circuit, and hath but
small extension. It appertaineth to the earle of Gomera.
The chiefest commodity of this Hand is goats flesh and
orchell. There is no wine in all that Hand, but onely T^e oneb .
one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the H^^p/anted
West countrey planted among rocks, his name was ty jg^m Hill
John Hill. of Taunton.

This Hand hath no kind of fresh water, but onely in
the middle of the Hand groweth a great tree with leaves
like an Olive tree, which hath a great cisterne at the foot
of the sayd tree. This tree continually is covered with
clouds, and by meanes thereof the leaves of the sayd
tree continually drop water, very sweet, into the sayd
cisterne, which commeth to the sayd tree from the clouds
by attraction. And this water sufficeth the Hand for all
necessities, aswell for the cattell, as for the inhabitants.
It standeth in 27 degrees.

The Hand of Lanzarota.

THe Hand of Lanzarota standeth eighteene leagues
distant from grand Canaria Southeastward. The
onely commodity of this Hand is goats flesh and orchell.
It is an earledome, and doth appertaine to Don Augustine
de Herrera, with title of earle of Fortaventura and Lan-
zarota. But the vassals of these earledomes may in any
cause of wrong appeale to the Kings Judges, which
reside in Canaria, as I have sayd before : because
although the king hath reserved to himselfe but onely
the three fruitful Hands, called Canaria, Tenerif, and
Palma, yet he also reserved the rod of justice to him-

i33

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

c. 1550.

selfe, because otherwise the vassals might be evill
intreated of their Lords.

From this Hand do weekly resort to Canaria, Tenerif,
& Palma, boats laden with dried goats flesh, called
Tussmetta, which serveth in stead of bacon, and is very-
good meat. This Hand standeth in 26 degrees, and is
in length twelve leagues.

The He of Forteventura.

THe He of Forteventura standeth fifty leagues from
the promontory of Cabo de Guer, in the firme
land of Africa, and foure & twenty leagues distant from
Canaria Estward. This Hand doth appertaine to the
lord of Lanzarota. It is reasonable fruitfull of wheat
and barley, and also of kine, goats, and orchel : this He
is fifteene leagues long and ten leagues broad. On the
North side it hath a little Hand about one league distant
from the maine Hand, betweene both of the which it is
navigable for any ships, and is called Graciosa.

Both Forteventura and Lanzarota have very little wine
of the growth of those Hands. It standeth in 27
degrees.
[II. ii. 7.] Thus much have I written of these seven Hands by
experience, because I was a dweller there, as I have sayd
before, the space of seven yeeres in the affaires of master
Thomas Locke, master Anthonie Hickman, and master
Edward Castelin, who in those dayes were worthy mer-
chants, and of great credite in the citie of London.

A description of the Hand of Madera.

THe Hand of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant
from the equinoctinall line, and seventie leagues
from the He of Tenerif Northeastward and Southwest
from Hercules pillars. This Hand was first discovered
by one Macham an Englishman, and was after conquered
and inhabited by the Portugall nation. It was first
called the Hand of Madera, by reason of the great
wildernesse of sundry sortes of trees that there did

i34

A DESCRIPTION OF MADEIRA ad.

c. 1550.

growe, and yet doe, as Cedars, Cypres, Vinatico, Bar-
buzano, Pine trees, and divers others, and therefore the
sayd Hand continueth still with the same name. How-
beit they hold opinion, that betweene the sayd Hand and
the He of Palma is an Hand not yet discovered, which is
the true Hand Madera called saint Brandon. This Hand
yeeldeth a great summe of money to the king of
Portugall yeerely : it hath one faire citie called Fouchall,
which hath one faire port or harbour for shippes, and
a strong bulwarke, and a faire Cathedrall church, with a
bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining. There
is also justice and government according to the Portugall
use. But causes of appellation are remitted to the citie
of Lisbone in Portugall to the kings superior judges
there. This Hand hath another towne called Machico,
which hath likewise a good road for ships, which towne
and road were so called after the name of Macham the
Englishman, who first discovered the same. There are
also sixteene sugar houses called Ingenios, which make
excellent good sugar.

There is besides the goodly timber before declared,
great store of divers sortes of fruites, as Peares, Apples,
Plummes, wild Dates, Peaches of divers sortes, Mellons,
Batatas, Orenges, Lemmons, Pomgranates, Citrons, Figges,
and all maner of garden herbes. There are many Dragon
trees, such as grow in the Canarie Hands, but chiefly this
land produceth great quantitie of singular good wines
which are laden for many places. On the North side
of this land three leagues distant from the maine Hand
standeth another litle Hand called Porto santo : the people
thereof liveth by husbandrie, for the Hand of Madera
yeeldeth but litle corne, but rather is thereof provided
out of France and from the Hand of Tenerif. On the
East side of the He of Madera sixe leagues distant
standeth another litle Hand called the Desert, which pro-
duceth onely Orchell, and nourisheth a great number of
Goates, for the provision of the maine Hand, which may
be thirtie leagues in circuit: and the land is of great

i35

;A.D.

c 1550.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

heigth where the foresayd trees growe. It is woonder
to see the conveyance of the water to the Ingenios by
Mines through the mountaines.

In the mid way betweene Tenerif and the Hand of
Madera standeth a litle solitarie Hand called the Salvages,
which may bee about one league in compasse, which hath
neither tree nor fruit, but is onely food for Goates.

The originall of the first voyage for traffique into
the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie, begun
in the yeere 1 55 1 . with a tall ship called the
Lion of London, whereof went as captaine
Master Thomas Windam, as appeareth by this
extract of a letter of James Aldaie, to the
worshipfull master Michael Locke, which
Aldaie professeth himselfe to have bene the
first inventer of this trade.

Orshipful Sir, having lately bene ac-
quainted with your intent to prosecute
the olde intermitted discoverie for Catai,
if therein with my knowledge, travell or
industrie I may doe you service, I am
readie to doe it, and therein to adven-
ture my life to the uttermost point.
Trueth it is, that I have bene by some men (not my
friends) evill spoken of at London, saying that although
I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Navigation and
Cosmographie, and that I have bene the inventer of some
voyages that be now growen to great effect ; yet say
they maliciously and without just cause, that I have not
bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages
that I have taken in hand, taking example especially of
two voyages. The one was when I was master in the
great Barke Aucher for the Levant, in which voyage I
went not, but the causes they did not know of my let
from the same, nor of the other. But first the very

136

A LETTER FROM JAMES ALDAY ad.

1551.

trueth is, that I was from the same voyage letted by the [II. ii. 8.]

Princes letters, which my Master Sebastian Gabota had

obtained for that purpose, to my great griefe. And as

touching the second voyage which I invented for the

trade of Barbarie, the living God knoweth that I say

most true, that when the great sweate was, (whereon

the chiefe of those with whom I joyned in that voyage

died, that is to say, Sir John Lutterell, John Fletcher,

Henry Ostrich and others) I my selfe was also taken

with the same sweate in London, and after it, whether

with evill diet in keeping, or how I know not, I was

cast into such an extreame fever, as I was neither able to

ride nor goe : and the shippe being at Portesmouth,

Thomas Windam had her away from thence, before I

was able to stand upon my legges, by whom I lost at

that instant fourescore pound. Besides I was appointed

by them that died (if they had lived) to have had the

whole government both of shippe and goods, because I

was to them the sole inventer of that trade.

In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores,
being noble men, whereof one was of the Kings
blood, convayed by the said Master Thomas Wind-
ham into their Countrey out of England.

Yours humble at your commandement,

James Alday.

[The second
i37

A.D.
1552.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552.
Set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir John
Yorke, Sir William Gerard, Sir Thomas Wroth,
Master Frances Lambert, Master Cole, and
others ; Written by the relation of Master
James Thomas then Page to Master Thomas
Windham chiefe Captaine of this voyage.

He shippes that went on this voyage were
three, whereof two were of the River of
Thames, That is to say, the Lyon of
London, whereof Master Thomas Wind-
ham was Captaine and part owner, of
about an hundred & fiftie tunnes : The
other was the Buttolfe about fourescore

tunnes, and a Portugall Caravel bought of certaine Portu-
gals in Newport in Wales, and fraighted for this voyage,
of summe sixtie tunnes. The number of men in the
Fleete were an hundred and twentie. The Master of
the Lyon was one John Kerry of Mynhed in Somerset-
shire, his Mate was David Landman. The chiefe
Captaine of this small Fleete was Master Thomas
Windham a Norffolke gentleman borne, but dwelling
at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire. This Fleete
departed out of King-rode neere Bristoll about the be-
ginning of May 1552. being on a Munday in the
morning : and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in
the evening came to an ancker at their first port in the

Asafi. roade of Zafia, or Asafi on the coast of Barbarie, stand-

ing in 32. degrees of latitude, and there put on land
part of our marchandise to be conveied by land to the
citie of Marocco : which being done, and having re-
freshed our selves with victuals and water, we went to

Santa Cruz, the second port callecl Santa Cruz, where we discharged
the rest of our goods, being good quantitie of linnen
and woollen cloth, corall, amber, Jet, and divers other
things well accepted by the Moores. In which road we

138

THE SECOND VOYAGE TO BARBARY ad.

1552.

found a French ship, which not knowing whether it were
warre or peace betweene England and France, drewe her
selfe as neere under the towne wals as she could possible,
craving aide of the towne for her defence, if need were,
which in deed seeing us draw neere, shot at us a piece
from the wals, which came over the Lion our Admirall,
between the maine mast & her foremast. Whereupon
we comming to an anker, presently came a pinnes aboord
us to know what we were, who understanding that we
had bene there the yere before, & came with the good The English
leave of their king in marchant wise, were fully satisfied, ™reatJ>anta
and gave us good leave to bring our goods peaceably yeer~ ' iefore
on shore, where the Viceroy, whose name was Sibill being \$$\.
Manache, within short time after came to visite us, and
used us with all curtesie. But by divers occasions we
spent here very neere three moneths before we could
get in our lading, which was Sugar, Dates, Almonds,
and Malassos or sugar Syrrope. And for all our being
here in the heate of the Sommer, yet none of our com-
pany perished by sicknesse. Our ships being laden, wee
drew into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England.
But being at sea, a great leake fell upon the Lion, so
that we were driven to Lancerota, and Forteventura,
where, betweene the two Hands, we came to a road,
whence wee put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chestes
of Sugar upon Lancerota, with some dozen or sixteene
of our company, where the inhabitants supposing we
had made a wrongfull prize of our caravell, suddenly
came with force upon our people, among whom I my
selfe was one, tooke us prisoners, and spoiled the sugars :
which thing being perceived from our ships, they manned [II. ii. 9.]
out three boates, thinking to rescue us, and drave the
Spaniards to flight, whereof they slew eighteene, and
tooke their governour of the Hand prisoner, who was
a very aged gentleman about 70. yeeres of age. But
chasing the enemie so farre, for our recoverie, as pouder
and arrowes wanted, the Spaniardes perceiving this, re-
turned, and in our mens retire they slew sixe of them.

i39

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1552.

Then a Parle grew, in the which it was agreed, that we
the prisoners should be by them restored, and they
receive their olde governour, giving us a testimonie
under his and their hands, what damages wee had there
received, the which damages were here restored, and
made good by the king of Spaine his marchants upon
our returne into England. After wee had searched and
mended our leake, being returned aboord, we came under
saile, and as wee were going to the sea on the one side
of the Hand, the Cacafuego and other ships of the king
of Portugals Armada entered at the other, and came to
anker in the road from whence we were but newly
departed, and shot off their great ordinance in our hear-
ing. And here by the way it is to bee understood
that the Portugals were much offended with this our
new trade into Barbarie, and both in our voiage the
yeere before, as also in this they gave out in England
by their marchants, that if they tooke us in those partes,
they would use us as their mortall enemies, with great
threates and menaces. But by God and good provi-
dence wee escaped their handes. From this Hand shap-
ing our course for England, we were seven or eight
weekes before we could reach the coast of England.
The first port wee entered into was the haven of Plim-
mouth, from whence within short time wee came into
the Thames, and landed our marchandise at London,
about the ende of the moneth of October, 1552.

140

THE FIRST VOYAGE TO GUINEA

A.D.

1553-

A voiage made out of England unto Guinea and
Benin in Affrike, at the charges of certaine
marchants Adventurers of the Citie of London,
in the yeere of our Lord 1553.

Was desired by certaine of my friends to
make some mention of this Voiage, that
some memorie thereof might remaine to
our posteritie, if either iniquitie of time
consuming all things, or ignorance creep-
ing in by barbarousnesse and contempt of
knowledge should hereafter bury in obli-

vion so woorthie attempts, so much the greatlier to bee
esteemed, as before never enterprised by Englishmen, or
at the least so frequented, as at this present they are,
and may bee, to the great commoditie of our marchants,
if the same be not hindered by the ambition of such, as
for the conquering of fortie or fiftie miles here and there,
and erecting of certaine fortresses, thinke to be Lordes of
halfe the world, envying that other should enjoy the
commodities, which they themselves cannot wholy
possesse. And although such as have bene at charges in
the discovering and conquering of such landes ought by
good reason to have certaine privileges, preheminences,
and tributes for the same, yet (to speake under correc-
tion) it may seeme somewhat rigorous, and agaynst good
reason and conscience, or rather agaynst the charitie that
ought to be among Christian men, that such as invade the
dominions of other should not permit other friendly to
use the trade of marchandise in places neerer, or seldome
frequented of them, whereby their trade is not hindered
in such places, where they themselves have at their
owne election appointed the Martes of their traffike.
But forasmuch as at this present it is not my intent
to accuse or defend, approove or improove, I will cease
to speake any further hereof, and proceed to the descrip-
tion of the first voyage, as briefly and faithfully as I

141

A.D.

1553-

[II. ii. 10.]

Tunis.

Tripoli.
Numidia.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

was advertised of the same, by the information of such
credible persons, as made diligent inquisition to know
the trueth thereof, as much as shall be requisite, omitting
to speake of many particular things, not greatly neces-
sarie to be knowen : which neverthelesse, with also the
exact course of the navigation, shall be more fully
declared in the second voiage. And if herein favour
or friendship shall perhaps cause some to thinke that
some have bene sharply touched, let them lay apart
favour and friendship, and give place to trueth, that
honest men may receive prayse for well doing, and
lewd persons reproch, as the just stipend of their evill
desertes, whereby other may be deterred to doe the like,
and vertuous men encouraged to proceed in honest
attempts.

But that these voyages may be more plainly under-
stood of all men, I have thought good for this purpose,
before I intreat hereof, to make a briefe description of
Africa, being that great part of the world, on whose West
side beginneth the coast of Guinea at Cabo Verde, about
twelve degrees in latitude, on this side the Equinoctiall
line, and two degrees in longitude from the measuring
line, so running from the North to the South, and by
East in some places, within 5, 4, and 3 degrees and a
halfe unto the Equinoctiall, and so foorth in maner
directly East and by North, for the space of 36 degrees
or thereabout, in longitude from the West to the East,
as shall more plainly appeare in the description of the
second voyage.

A briefe description of Afrike gathered by
Richard Eden.

N Africa the lesse are these kingdoms : the
kingdom of Tunis and Constantina, which is at
this day under Tunis, and also the region of
Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Afrike is
very barren by reason of the great deserts, as the
deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principall ports

142

THE FIRST VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

1553-
of the kingdome of Tunis are these : Goletta, Bizerta,
Potofarnia, Bona, and Stora. The chiefe cities of
Tunis are Constantina and Bona, with divers other.
Under this kingdom are many Hands, as Zerbi, Lam- Hands of
padola, Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta, ^f^f'

r i ^ ■ -i ' r i Malta.

where at this present is the great master or the

Rhodes. Under the South of this kingdom are the

great deserts of Lybia. All the nations in this Africa The deserts of

the lesse are of the sect of Mahomet, and a rusticall Lybta-

people, living scattred in villages. The best of this part

of Afrike is Barbaria lying on the coast of the sea Barbarie.

Mediterraneum.

Mauritania (now called Barbaria) is divided into two Mauritania.
parts, as Mauritania Tingitana, and Caesariensis. Mauri-
tania Tingitana is now called the kingdom of Fes, and The kingdom
the kingdom of Marocco. The principall citie of Fes °ffes ^
is called Fessa : and the chiefe citie of Marocco is named
Marocco.

Mauritania Csesariensis is at this day called the king-
dom of Tremisen, with also the citie called Tremisen or Tremisen.
Telensin. This region is full of deserts, and reacheth
to the Sea Mediterraneum, to the citie of Oram, with the Oram.
port of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fes reacheth Mersalquiber.
unto the Ocean Sea, from the West to the citie of
Argilla : and the port of the sayd kingdom is called
Sala. Sa/a.

The kingdom of Marocco is also extended above the
Ocean Sea, unto the citie of Azamor and Azafi, which Jzamor.
are upon the Ocean Sea, toward the West of the sayd
kingdom. Nere Mauritania Tingitana (that is to say, by
the two kingdoms of Fes, and Marocco) are in the Sea,
the Hands of Canarie, called in old time, The fortunate The Hands of
Hands. Toward the South of this region is the kingdom Canana-
of Guinea, with Senega, Jalofo, Gambra, and many other Guinea.
regions of the Blacke Moores, called Aethiopians or Aethiopians.
Negros, all which are watered with the river Negro
called in old time Niger. In the sayd regions are no
cities, but onely certaine lowe cottages made of boughes

H3

A.D.
1553

Marocco.
Fes.

Tremisen.
Guinea.

Africa ye
great.

Africa the
lesse.

Carthage.

Prester John.

Cape de Bona
Speranza.

Alcair.
[II. ii. 11.]

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

of trees, plastered with chalke, and covered with strawe.
In these regions are also very great deserts.

The kingdom of Marocco hath under it these seven
kingdoms : Hea, Sus, Guzula, the territorie of Marrocco,
Duccala, Hazchora, and Tedle. The kingdom of Fes
hath as many : as Fes, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, JErrif,
Garet, and Elcair. The kingdom of Tremisen hath these
regions : Tremisen, Tenez, and Elgazair, all which are
Machometists. But all the regions of Guinea are pure
Gentiles, and idolatrous, without profession of any
religion, or other knowledge of God, then by the law
of nature.

Africa the great is one of the three parts of the world,
knowen in old time, and severed from Asia, on the East
by the river Nilus, on the West from Europe by the
pillars of Hercules. The hither part is now called
Barbarie, and the people Moores. The inner part is
called Lybia and Aethiopia. Afrike the lesse is in this
wise bounded. On the West it hath Numidia ; On the
East Cyrenaica : On the North, the sea called Mediter-
raneum. In this countrey was the noble city of
Carthage.

In the East side of Afrike beneath the red sea, dwelleth
the great and mighty Emperour and Christian king
Prester John, well knowen to the Portugales in their
voyages to Calicut. His dominions reach very farre on
every side : and hath under him many other Kings both
christian and heathen that pay him tribute. This mightie
prince is called David the Emperour of Aethiopia. Some
write that the king of Portugall sendeth him yeerely
eight ships laden with marchandize. His kingdom con-
fineth with the red Sea, and reacheth far into Afrike
toward Aegypt and Barbarie. Southward it confineth
with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza : and on
the other side with the sea of sand, called Mare de
Sabione, a very dangerous sea lying between ye great
citie of Alcair, or Cairo in Aegypt, and the country of
Aethiopia : In the which way are many unhabitable

144

THE FIRST VOYAGE TO GUINEA

deserts, continuing for the space of five dayes journey.
And they affirme, that if the sayd Christian Emperor
were not hindered by those deserts (in the which is great
lacke of victuals, & especially of water) he would or
now have invaded the kingdom of Egypt, and the citie
of Alcair. The chiefe city of Ethiopia, where this great
emperor is resident, is called Amacaiz, being a faire citie,
whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Olive. There
are also many other cities, as the city of Sava upon the
river of Nilus, where the Emperour is accustomed to
remaine in the Sommer season. There is likewise a
great city named Barbaregaf, and Ascon, from whence
it is said that the Queene of Saba came to Hierusalem
to heare the wisedom of Salomon. This citie is but
litle, yet very faire, and one of the chiefe cities in Ethiope.
In this province are many exceeding high mountains, upon
the which is said to be the earthly paradise : and some
say that there are the trees of the Sunne and Moone,
whereof the antiquitie maketh mention : yet that none
can passe thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred
daies journey. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape
of Bona Speranza. And to have said thus much of
Afrike it may suffice.

The first voiage to Guinea and Benin.

N the yeere of our Lord 1553. the twelfth
day of August, sailed from Portsmouth
two goodly ships, the Primerose and the
Lion, with a pinnas called the Moone,
being all well furnished aswell with men
of the lustiest sort, to the number of
as also with ordinance and

A.D.

1553-

Amacaiz,,

From whence
the Queene of
Saba came.

The earthly
Paradise.
The trees of
the Sunne and
the Moone.

seven
to

score,

victuals requisite to such a voiage : having also two
captaines, the one a stranger called Anthonie Anes Pin-
teado, a Portugall, borne in a towne named The Port
of Portugall, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who for
his cunning in sailing, being as well an expert Pilot as
a politike captaine, was sometime in great favour with
vi 145 K

Pinteado.

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1553-
Brasi/e. the king of Portugall, and to whom the coasts of Brasile

Guinea, and Guinea were committed to be kept from the French-

men, to whom he was a terrour on the Sea in those parts,
and was furthermore a gentleman of the king his masters
house. But as fortune in maner never favoureth but
flattereth, never promiseth but deceiveth, never raiseth
but casteth downe againe : and as great wealth & favour
have alwaies companions, emulation and envie, he was
after many adversities & quarels made against him,
inforced to come into England : where in this golden
voyage he was evil matched with an unequal companion,
and unlike match of most sundry qualities & conditions,
with vertues few or none adorned. Thus departed these
noble ships under saile on their voyage : But first
captaine Windam putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth
a kinsman of one of the head marchants, and shewing
herein a muster of the tragicall partes hee had conceived
in his braine, and with such small beginnings nourished
so monstrous a birth, that more happy, yea and blessed
was that yong man being left behind, then if he had bene
taken with them, as some do wish he had done the like
by theirs. Thus sailed they on their voyage, untill they
The Hands of came to the Hand of Madera, where they tooke in
Madera. certaine wines for the store of their ships, and paid for
them as they agreed of the price. At these Hands they
met with a great Galion of the king of Portugall, full of
men and ordinance : yet such as could not have prevailed
if it had attempted to withstand or resist our ships, for
the which cause it was set foorth, not onely to let and
interrupt these our shippes of their purposed voiage, but
al other that should attempt the like : yet chiefly to
frustrate our voiage. For the king of Portugall was
sinisterly informed, that our ships were armed to his
The castle of castle of Mina in those parties, whereas nothing lesse
Mina. was ment#

After that our ships departed from the Hand of
Madera forward on their voiage, began this worthy
captaine Pinteados sorow, as a man tormented with the

146

THE FIRST VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

1553-
company of a terrible Hydra, who hitherto flattred with
him, & made him a faire countenance and shew of love.
Then did he take upon him to command all alone,
setting nought both by captain Pinteado, and the rest
of the marchants factors, sometimes with opprobrious
words, and somtimes with threatnings most shamfully
abusing them, taking from Pinteado the service of the
boies and certain mariners that were assigned him by
the order and direction of the worshipful merchants, and
leaving him as a common mariner, which is the greatest
despite and grief that can be to a Portugale or Spaniard,
to be diminished of their honor, which they esteem above
all riches. Thus sailing forward on their voiage, they
came to the Hands of Canarie, continuing their course The Hands of
from thence until they arrived at the Hand of S. Nicholas, ^na?f' ,
where they victualled themselves with fresh meat, of 5 Nicholas.
the flesh of wild goats, whereof is great plenty in that
Hand, & in maner of nothing els. From hence folowing
on their course and tarying here & there at the desert
Hands in the way, because they would not come too
timely to the countrey of Guinea for the heat, and tarying
somwhat too long (for what can be well ministred in
a common wealth, where inequalitie with tyrannie wil
rule alone) they came at the length to the first land of the
country of Guinea, where they fel with the great river of The river of
Sesto, where they might for their marchandizes have laden f?sJ°\.
their ships with the graines of that countrey, which is Qr'J*'es
a very hote fruit, and much like unto a fig as it groweth
on the tree. For as the figs are full of small seeds, so is
the said fruit full of graines, which are loose within the
cod, having in the mids thereof a hole on every side.
This kind of spice is much used in cold countries, & may
there be sold for great advantage, for exchange of other
wares. But our men, by the perswasion or rather inforce-
ment of this tragicall captaine, not regarding and setting
light by that commoditie, in comparison of ye fine gold The thirst of
they thirsted, sailed an hundred leagues further, until i0^-
they came to the golden land : where not attempting to

i47

A.D.
1553-

The castle of
Mina.

The quantitie
of gold.

Furie admitt-
ed no counsel.

The Rossia.

Rotting heat.
Benin.

Francisco.

Nich.

Lambart.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

come neere the castle pertaining to the king of Portugall,
which was within the river of Mina, they made sale of
their ware only on this side & beyond it, for the gold of
that country, to the quantitie of an hundred and fiftie
pounds weight, there being in case that they might have
dispatched all their ware for gold, if the untame braine of
Windam had, or could have given eare to the counsell
and experience of Pinteado. For when that Windam not
satisfied with the gold which he had, and more might
have had if he had taried about the Mina, commanding
the said Pinteado (for so he tooke upon him) to lead the
ships to Benin, being under the Equinoctial line, and an
hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina, where he
looked to have their ships laden with pepper : and being
counselled of the said Pinteado, considering the late time
of the yeere, for that time to go no further, but to make
sale of their wares such as they had for gold, wherby they
might have bene great gainers : Windam not assenting
hereunto, fell into a sudden rage, reviling the sayd
Pinteado, calling him Jew, with other opprobrious words,
saying, This whoreson Jew hath promised to bring us to
such places as are not, or as he cannot bring us unto :
but if he do not, I will cut off his eares and naile them to
the maste. Pinteado gave the foresaid counsell to go no
further for the safegard of the men and their lives, which
they should put in danger if they came too late, for the
Rossia which is their Winter, not for cold, but for
smothering heate, with close and cloudie aire and storming
weather, of such putrifying qualitie, that it rotted the
coates of their backs : or els for comming to soone for
the scorching heat of the sunne, which caused them to
linger in the way. But of force and not of will brought
he the ships before the river of Benin, where riding at an
Anker, they sent their pinnas up into the river 50 or 60
leagues, from whence certaine of the marchants with
captaine Pinteado, Francisco a Portugale, Nicholas Lam-
bart gentleman, and other marchants were conducted to
the court where the king remained, ten leagues from the

148

THE FIRST VOYAGE TO GUINEA

river side, whither when they came, they were brought
with a great company to the presence of the king, who
being a blacke Moore (although not so blacke as the rest)
sate in a great huge hall, long and wide, the wals made of
earth without windowes, the roofe of thin boords, open in
sundry places, like unto lovers to let in the aire.

And here to speake of the great reverence they give to
their king, it is such, that if we would give as much to
our Savior Christ, we should remoove from our heads
many plagues which we daily deserve for our contempt
and impietie.

So it is therfore, that when his noble men are in his
presence, they never looke him in the face, but sit cow-
ring, as we upon our knees, so they upon their buttocks,
with their elbowes upon their knees, and their hands
before their faces, not looking up until the king command
them. And when they are comming toward the king, as
far as they do see him, they do shew such reverence,
sitting on the ground with their faces covered as before.
Likewise when they depart from him, they turn not their
backs toward him, but goe creeping backward with like
reverence.

And now to speake somewhat of the communication
that was between the king and our men, you shall first
understand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall
tongue, which he had learned of a child. Therefore after
he had commanded our men to stand up, and demanded
of them the cause of their comming into that countrey,
they answered by Pinteado, that they were marchants
traveiling into those parties for the commodities of his
countrey, for exchange of wares which they had brought
from their countries, being such as should be no lesse
commodious for him and his people. The king then
having of old lying in a certaine store-house 30 or 40
kintals of Pepper (every kintall being an hundred weight)
willed them to looke upon the same, and againe to bring
him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought
with them. And thereupon sent with the captaine and

149

A.D.
1553-

The king of
Benin his
court.

Reverence to-
ward the king.

The communi-
cation between
the king of
Benin and our

Pepper,

tlenes toivards
our men.

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the
waters side, with other to bring the ware from the pinnas

The kings gen- to the court. Who when they were returned and the
wares seen, the king grew to this ende with the merchants
to provide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with
pepper. And in case their merchandizes would not
extend to the value of so much pepper, he promised
to credite them to their next returne, and thereupon sent
the country round about to gather pepper, causing the
same to be brought to the court: So that within the
space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne
of pepper.

In the meane season our men partly having no rule of

[II. ii. 13.] themselves, but eating without measure of the fruits of
the countrey, and drinking the wine of the Palme trees
that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches
of the same, and in such extreme heate running con-
tinually into the water, not used before to such sudden
and vehement alterations (then the which nothing is more
dangerous) were thereby brought into swellings and
agues : insomuch that the later time of the yeere com-
ming on, caused them to die sometimes three & some-
times 4 or 5 in a day. Then Windam perceiving the
time of the 30 daies to be expired, and his men dying so
fast, sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado, & the
rest to come away and to tary no longer. But Pinteado
with the rest, wrote backe to him againe, certifying him of
the great quantity of pepper they had alreadie gathered
& looked daily for much more : desiring him furthermore
to remember the great praise and name they should win,
if they came home prosperously, and what shame of the
contrary. With which answere Windam not satisfied, and
many of their men dying dayly, willed and commaunded
them againe either to come away forthwith, or els
threatened to leave them behinde. When Pinteado heard
this answere, thinking to perswade him with reason, hee
tooke his way from the court toward the ships, being
conducted thither with men by the kings commandement.

i5°

used of the
mariners.

THE FIRST VOYAGE TO GUINEA ad

1553-
In the meane season Windam all raging, brake up

Pinteados Cabin, brake open his chestes, spoiled such

provision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had

provided for his health, and left him nothing, neither

of his instruments to saile by, nor yet of his apparell :

and in the meane time falling sicke, himselfe died also. The death of

Whose death Pinteado comming aboord, lamented as Windam-

much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the

world. But certaine of the mariners and other officers Pinteado evill

did spit in his face, some calling him Jewe, saying that he

had brought them thither to kill them : and some drawing

their swords at him, making a shew to slay him. Then

he perceiving that they would needs away, desired them

to tary that he might fetch the rest of the marchants

that were left at the court, but they would not grant

this request. Then desired he them to give him the

ship-boate, with as much of an old saile as might serve

for the same, promising them therwith to bring Nicholas This Lambert

Lambert and the rest into England, but all was in vaine. ™?s a , on
__. ,11 diner borne,

Ihen wrote he a letter to the court to the marchants, whose father

informing them of all the matter, and promising them had bin Lord

if God would lend him life to returne with all haste to Maior of

fetch them. And thus was Pinteado kept ashipboord on>

against his will, thrust among the boyes of the ship, not

used like a man, nor yet like an honest boy, but glad

to find favour at the cookes hand. Then departed they,

leaving one of their ships behind them, which they sunke

for lacke of men to cary her. After this, within 6 or

7 dayes sayling, dyed also Pinteado for very pensivenesse The death of

& thought that stroke him to the heart. A man worthy

to serve any prince, and most vilely used. And of

sevenscore men came home to Plimmouth scarcely forty,

and of them many died. And that no man should

suspect these words which I have saide in commendation

of Pinteado, to be spoken upon favour otherwise then

trueth, 1 have thought good to adde hereunto the copie

of the letters which the king of Portugall and the infant

his brother wrote unto him to reconcile him, at such

151

Pinteado.

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1553.

time as upon the king his masters displeasure (and not

for any other crime or offence, as may appeare by the

said letters) he was only for povertie inforced to come

Time ado first jnto England, where he first perswaded our marchants to

perswa e our attempt the saij voyages to Guinea. But as the king

wen to the vot- 1/0 o

age of Guinea. °f Portugall too late repented him that he had so

punished Pinteado, upon malicious informations of such

as envied the mans good fortune : even so may it hereby

appeare that in some cases even Lions themselves may

either be hindered by the contempt, or aided by the help

of the poore mise, according unto the fable of Esope.

The copie of Anthonie Anes Pinteado his letters
patents, whereby the king of Portugall made
him knight of his house, after all his troubles
and imprisonment, which, by wrong infor-
mation made to the king, he had susteined
of long time, being at the last delivered, his
cause knowen and manifested to the king by
a gray Frier the kings Confessor.

The king doe give you to understand lord Francis
Desseaso, one of my counsell and overseer of my
house, that in consideration of the good service which
Anthony Anes Pinteado, the sonne of John Anes, dwel-
ling in the towne called the Port, hath done unto me,
my will and pleasure is, to make him knight of my
Seven hun- house, allowing to him in pension seven hundred reis
area rets are m0nethly, and every day one alcayre of barly, as long as
J k awe if ^e keepeth a horse, & to be paid according to the
halfeabushell. ordinance of my house. Providing alwaies that he shall
receive but one marriage gift. And this also in such
condition, that the time which is accepted in our ordi-
nance, forbidding such men to marry for getting such
children as might succeede them in this allowance, which
is 6 yeres after the making of this patent, shalbe first
expired before he do marry. 1 therfore command you
to cause this to be entred in the booke called the

i52

1

THE FIRST VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

1551.

Matricula of our houshold, under the title of knights.

And when it is so entred, let the clarke of the Matricula, [II. ii. 14.]

for the certeintie therof, write on the backside of this

Alvala, or patent, the number of the leafe wherein

this our grant is entred. Which done, let him returne

this writing unto the said Anthonie Anes Pinteado for

his warrant.

I Diego Henriques have written this in Almarin the

two and twentie day of September, in the yeere of our

Lord 1 55 1. And this benevolence the king gave unto

Anthonie Anes Pinteado, the five and twentie day of

July this present yeere.

Rey.

The Secretaries declaration written under the
kings grant.

YOur Majestie hath vouchsafed, in respect and con-
sideration of the good service of Anthony Anes
Pinteado, dwelling in the port, and sonne of John Anes,
to make him knight of your house, with ordinarie
allowance, of seven hundred reis pension by the moneth,
and one alcaire of barley by the day, as long as he
keepeth a horse : and to be paide according to the
ordinance of your house, with condition that hee shall
have but one marriage gift : and that not within the
space of sixe yeres after the making of these letters
Patents. The Secretaries note. Entred in the booke of
the Matricula. Fol. 683.

Francisco de Siquera.

The copie of the letter of Don Lewes the infant,
and brother to the king of Portugall, sent
into England to Anthonie Anes Pinteado.

ANthony Anes Pinteado, I the infant brother to the
king, have me heartily commended unto you. Peter
Gonsalves is gone to seeke you, desiring to bring you
home again into your countrey. And for that purpose
he hath with him a safe conduct for you, granted by the

i53

A.D.
1552.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

king, that therby you may freely and without all feare
come home. And although the weather be foule and
stormie, yet faile not to come : for in the time that his
Majestie hath given you, you may doe many things to
your contentation and gratifying the king, whereof I
would be right glad : and to bring the same to passe,
I will do all that lieth in me for your profite. But foras-
much as Peter Gonsalves will make further declaration
hereof unto you, I say no more at this present. Written
in Lisbone, the eight day of December. Anno 1552.

The infant Don Lewes.

A LI these foresaid writings I saw under seale, in the
house of my friend Nicholas Liese, with whom
Pinteado left them, at his unfortunate departing to
Guinea. But, notwithstanding all these friendly letters
and faire promises, Pinteado durst not attempt to goe
home, neither to keepe companie with the Portugals his
countrey men, without the presence of other : forasmuch
as he had secrete admonitions that they intended to slay
him, if time and place might have served their wicked
intent.

The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir
George Barne, Sir John Yorke, Thomas Lok,
Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin, in
the yere 1554. The Captaine whereof was
M. John Lok.

]|S in the first voiage I have declared rather
the order of the history, then the course
of the navigation, whereof at that time
I could have no perfect information : so
in the description of this second voyage,
my chiefe intent hath beene to shew
the course of the same, according to the
observation and ordinarie custome of the mariners, and
as I received it at the handes of an expert Pilot, being
one of the chiefe in this voyage, who also with his owne

i54

THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

I554-
hands wrote a briefe declaration of the same, as he found
and tried all things, not by conjecture, but by the art
of sayling, and instruments perteining to the mariners
facultie. Not therefore assuming to my selfe the com-
mendations due unto other, neither so bold as in any
part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this
voyage so well observed by art and experience, I have
thought good to set forth the same, in such sort and
phrase of speech as is commonly used among them, and
as 1 received it of the said Pilot, as I have said. Take
it therefore as followeth.

In the yeere of our Lord 1554 the eleventh day of
October, we departed the river of Thames with three [II. ii. 15.]
goodly ships, the one called the Trinitie, a ship of the
burden of seven-score tunne, the other called the Bartho-
lomew, a ship of the burden of ninetie, the third was the
John Evangelist, a ship of seven score tunne. With RobertGainsh
the sayd ships and two pinnesses (wherof the one was was master °f
drowned on the coast of England) we went forward on J- * n V[
our voyage, and stayed at Dover fourteene dayes. We
staied also at Rie three or foure dayes. Moreover last
of all we touched at Dartmouth.

The first day of November at nine of the clocke at
night, departing from the coast of England, we set ofF
the Start, bearing Southwest all that night in the sea, and
the next day all day, and the next night after, untill the
third day of the said moneth about noone, making our
way good, did runne threescore leagues.

The 1 7 day in the morning we had sight of the He The lie of
of Madera, which doth rise to him that commeth in the Madera.
Northnortheast part upright land in the west part of it,
and very high : and to the Southsoutheast a low long
land, and a long point, with a saddle thorow the middest
of it, standing in two and thirtie degrees : and in the
West part, many springs of water running downe from
the mountaine, and many white fieldes like unto corne
fields, & some white houses to the Southeast part of
it : and the toppe of the mountaine sheweth very ragged,

i55

A.D.

1554.

The lie of
Palmes.
Teneriffa.
The Canaries.

From Madera
to the Isle of
Palmes.

Gran

Canada.
Forteventura.
The Hand of
Gomera.

Teneriffa.
Snow.

The coast of
Barbarie.
Cape Blanke.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

if you may see it, and in the Northeast part there is a
bight or bay as though it were a harborow : Also in the
said part, there is a rocke a little distance from the shoare,
and over the sayd bight you shall see a great gappe
in the mountaine.

The 19 day at twelve of the clocke we had sight of
the isle of Palmes and Teneriffa and the Canaries.
The He of Palme riseth round, & lieth Southeast and
Northwest, and the Northwest part is lowest. In the
South is a round hill over the head land, and another
round hill above that in the land. There are betweene
the Southeast part of the He of Madera & the Northwest
part of the He of Palme seven and fifty leagues. This
Isle of Palme lieth in eight and twenty degrees. And
our course from Madera to the lie of Palme was South
and South and by West, so that we had sight of Teneriffa
and of the Canaries. The Southeast part of the He of the
Palme, & the Northnortheast of Teneriffa lie Southeast
and Northwest, and betweene them are 20 leagues.
Teneriffa and the great Canary called Gran Canaria, and
the West part of Forteventura stande in seven and
twenty degrees and a halfe. Gomera is a faire Island
but very ragged, & lieth Westsouthwest off Teneriffa.
And whosoever wil come betweene them two Hands must
come South and by East, and in the South part of
Gomera is a towne and a good rode in the said part
of the Hand : and it standeth in seven and twentie degrees
and three terces. Teneriffa is an high land, with a great
high pike like a sugar loafe, and upon the said pike is
snow throughout all the whole yeere. And by reason
of that pike it may be knowen above all other Hands, and
there we were becalmed the twentieth day of November,
from sixe of the clocke in the morning, untill foure
of the clocke at afternoone.

The two and twentieth day of November, under the
Tropike of Cancer the Sunne goeth downe West and
by South. Upon the coast of Barbarie five and twentie
leagues by North Cape blanke, at three leagues off the

156

THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA

A.D.

1554-

Oro.

The crossiers
or crosse stars.

maine, there are rlfteene fadomes and good shelly ground,
and sande among and no streames, and two small Hands
standing in two and twentie degrees and a terce.

From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is an hundred
leagues, and our course was South and by East. The
said Cape standeth in two and twentie and a halfe : and
all that coast is flatte, sixteene or seventeene fadome
deepe. Seven or eight leagues off from the river del Tit river del
Oro to Cape de las Barbas, there use many Spaniardes
and Portugals to trade for fishing, during the moneth
of November : and all that coast is very low lands. Also
we went from Cape de las Barbas Southsouthwest, and
Southwest and by South, till we brought our selves in
twentie degrees and a halfe, reckoning our selves seven
leagues off: and there were the least sholes of Cape
Blanke.

Then we went South untill we brought our selves
in 13 degrees, reckoning our selves five and twentie
leagues off. And in 15 degrees we did reare the Cros-
siers, and we might have reared them sooner if we had
looked for them. They are not right a crosse in the
moneth of November, by reason that the nights are short
there. Neverthelesse we had the sight of them the 29
day of the said moneth at night.

The first of December, being in 13 degrees we set our
course South and by East, untill the fourth day of
December at 12 of the clocke the same day. Then we
were in nine degrees and a terce, reckoning our selves
30 leagues off the sholes of the river called Rio Grande, Rio Grande.
being Westsouthwest off them, the which sholes be 30
leagues long.

The fourth of December we beganne to set our course
Southeast, we being in sixe degrees and a halfe.

The ninth day of December we set our course East- [II. ii. 16.]
southeast : the fourteenth day of the sayde moneth we
set our course East, we being in five degrees and a halfe,
reckoning our selves thirty and sixe leagues from the
coast of Guinea.

i57

A.D.
I554-

Cape Men-

surado.

The river of

Sesto.

The river of
Sesto.

Rio Duke.

Cape de
Monte.

Cate de las
Pa/mas.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The nineteenth of the said moneth we set our course
East and by North, reckoning our selves seventeene
leagues distant from Cape Mensurado, the said Cape
being Eastnortheast of us, and the river of Sesto being
East.

The one and twentieth day of the said moneth, we fell
with Cape Mensurado to the Southeast, about two leagues
off. This Cape may be easily knowen, by reason y* the
rising of it is like a Porpose-head. Also toward the
Southeast there are three trees, whereof the Eastermost
tree is the highest, and the middlemost is like a hie
stacke, & the Southermost like unto a gibet : and upon
the maine are foure or five high hilles rising one after
another like round hommocks or hillocks. And the
Southeast of the three trees, brandiernwise : and all the
coast along is white sand. The said Cape standeth
within a litle in sixe degrees.

The two and twentieth of December we came to the
river of Sesto, & remained there untill the nine and
twentieth day of the said moneth. Here we thought it
best to send before us the pinnesse to the river Duke,
called Rio Dulce, that they might have the beginning of
the market before the comming of the John Evangelist.

At the river of Sesto we had a tunne of graines. This
river standeth in sixe degrees, lacking a terce. From
the river of Sesto to Rio Dulce are five and twentie
leagues. Rio Dulce standeth in five degrees and a halfe.
The river of Sesto is easie to be knowen, by reason there
is a ledge of rockes on the Southeast part of the Rode.
And at the entring into the haven are five or sixe trees
that beare no leaves. This is a good harborow, but very
narow at ye entrance into the river. There is also a
rocke in the havens mouth right as you enter. And
all that coast betweene Cape de Monte, and cape de las
Palmas, lieth Southeast & by East, Northwest & by West,
being three leagues off the shore. And you shal have in
some places rocks two leagues off: and that, betweene
the river of Sesto and cape de las Palmas.

158

THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

1555-

Betweene the river of Sesto and the river Dulce are
five and twentie leagues : & the high land that is betweene
them both, is called Cakeado, being eight leagues from The land °f
the river of Sesto. And to the Southeastwarde of it is Ca ea °'
a place called Shawgro, and an other called Shyawe or
Shauo, where you may get fresh water. Off this Shyawe Sham.
lieth a ledge of rockes : and to the Southeastward lieth
a hedland called Croke. Betweene Cakeado and Croke Croke.
are nine or ten leagues. To the Southeastward off, is
a harborow called S. Vincent : Right over against S. 5- Vincents
Vincent, is a rocke under the water, two leagues & a
halfe off the shore. To the Southeastward of that rocke
you shal see an island about three or foure leagues off:
this island is not past a league off the shore. To the
Eastsoutheast of the island is a rocke that lieth above
the water, and by that rocke goeth in the river Dulce, The river
which you shall know by the said river and rocke. The
Northwest side of the haven is flat sand, and the South-
east side therof is like an Island, and a bare plot without
any trees, and so is it not in any other place.

In the Rode you shall ride in thirteene or foureteene
fadomes, good oaze and sand, being the markes of the
Rode to bring the Island and the Northeast land together,
and here we ankered the last of December.

The third day of Januarie, we came from the river
Dulce.

Note that Cape de las Palmas is a faire high land, Cape de las
but some low places thereof by the water side looke like Palmas.
red cliffes with white strakes like hie wayes, a cable
length a piece, and this is the East part of the cape.
This cape is the Southermost land in all the coast of The coast of
Guinea, and standeth in foure degrees and a terce. Guinea.

The coast from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes,
or de Tres Puntas, is faire & cleare without rocke or
other danger.

Twentie and five leagues from Cape de las Palmas,
the land is higher then in any place, untill we come
to Cape Trepointes: And about ten leagues before you

i59

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1555.

come to Cape Trepointes, the land riseth still higher and

higher, untill you come to Cape Trepointes, Also before

you come to the said Cape, after other 5 leagues to the

Northwest part of it, there is certaine broken ground,

with two great rockes, and within them in the bight of a

The castle of Day} is a castle called Arra, perteining to the king of

Portugall. You shall know it by the said rockes that lie

off it : for there is none such from Cape de las Palmas to

Cape Trepointes. This coast lieth East and by North,

West and by South. From Cape de las Palmas to the

said castle is fourescore and fifteene leagues. And the

coast lieth from the said castle to the Westermost point

of Trepoyntes, Southeast and by South, Northwest and

by North. Also the Westermost point of Trepoyntes

is a low lande, lying halfe a mile out in the sea : and

[II. ii. 17.] upon the innermost necke, to the land-ward, is a tuft

of trees, and there we arrived the eleventh day of

January.

The towne of The 1 2 day of January we came to a towne called

Samma. Samma or Samva, being 8 leagues from Cape Trepointes

toward Eastnortheast. Betweene Cape Trepointes and

the towne of Samva is a great ledge of rockes a great

way out in the sea. We continued foure dayes at that

Towne, and the Captaine thereof would needs have a

The pledge pledge a shore. But when they received the pledge,

ms sir John they jcept him stij^ anj WOuld traffike no more, but

Nephew snot °^ tne^r ordinance at us. They have two or three

pieces of ordinance and no more.

The sixteenth day of the said month we made reckon-

Cape Corea. ing to come to a place called Cape Corea, where captaine

Don John dwelleth, whose men entertained us friendly.

The castle of This Cape Corea is foure leagues Eastwarde of the castle

Mina pertein- 0f ]y[ma) otherwise called La mina, or Castello de mina,

ingto t e ing ^^g we arrived the 1 8 day of the moneth. Here we
oj Portugall. J

made sale or all our cloth, saving two or three packes.

The 26 day of the same moneth we weighed anker,

and departed from thence to the Trinitie, which was

seven leagues Eastward of us, where she solde her wares.

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THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA ad.

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Then they of the Trinitie willed us to go Eastward of
that eight or nine leagues, to sell part of their wares,
in a place called Perecow, and another place named Pere- Perecow.
cow Grande, being the Eastermost place of both these, Pereco™
which you shal know by a great round hill neere unto it, gta'
named Monte Rodondo, lying Westward from it, and Monte Rodon-
by the water side are many high palme trees. From •
hence did we set forth homeward the thirteenth day of
February, & plied up alongst till we came within seven
or eight leagues to Cape Trepointes. About eight of
the clocke the 1 5 day at afternoone, wee did cast about
to seaward : and beware of the currants, for they will The currants.
deceive you sore. Whosoever shall come from the coast
of Mina homeward, let him be sure to make his way From Mina
good West, untill he reckon himselfe as farre as Cape homeward-
de las Palmas, where the currant setteth alwayes to the
Eastward. And within twentie leagues Eastward of Cape
de las Palmas is a river called De los Potos, where you Ri° de hs
may have fresh water and balast enough, and plenty of otos'
ivory or Elephants teeth. This river standeth in foure Ivory.
degrees, and almost two terces. And when you reckon
your selfe as farre shot as Cape de las Palmas, being in Gabo de las
a degree, or a degree and a halfe, you may go West, and
West by North, untill you come in three degrees : and
then you may go Westnorthwest, and Northwest and by
West, untill you come in five degrees, and then North-
west. And in sixe degrees, we met Northerly windes,
and great ruffling of tides. And as we could judge, the
currants went to the Northnorthwest. Furthermore be-
tweene Cape de Monte, and Cape Verde, go great
currants, which deceive many men. Currants.

The 22 day of Aprill, we were in 8 degrees and two
terces : and so we ran to the Northwest, having the
winde at Northeast and Eastnortheast, and sometimes
at East, untill we were at 18 degrees and a terce, which
was on May day. And so from 1 8 and two terces, we
had the winde at East and Eastnortheast, and sometimes
at Eastsoutheast : and then we reckoned the Islands of
vi 161 L

A.D.

1555-

The lie de
Flores.

The lie of
Corvo.

IVhere they

lost the sight

of the North

starre.

How the com-

passe doeth

varie.

pi.

11.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Cape verde Eastsoutheast of us, we judging our selves
to be 48 leagues off. And in 20 and 21 degrees, we had
the winde more Easterly to the Southward then before.
And so we ran to the Northwest and Northnorthwest,
and sometimes North and by West and North, untill
we came into 31 degrees, where we reckoned our selves
a hundred and fourescore leagues Southwest and by
South of the Island de los Flores, and there wee met
with the winde at Southsoutheast, and set our course
Northeast.

In 23 degrees we had the winde at the South and
Southwest, and then we set our course Northnortheast,
and so we ran to 40 degrees, and then we set our course
Northeast, the winde being at the Southwest, and having
the Isle de Flores East of us, and 17 leagues off.

In the 41 degrees we met with the winde at North-
east, and so we ran Northwestward, then we met with
the winde Westnorthwest, and at the West within 6
leagues, running toward the Northwest, and then we
cast about, and lay Northeast, untill we came in 42
degrees, where we set our course Eastnortheast, judging
the He of Corvo South and by West of us, and sixe and
thirtie leagues distant from us.

A remembrance, that the 21 day of May we com-
muned with John Rafe, and he thought it best to goe
Northeast, and judged himselfe 25 leagues Eastward to
the Isle de Flores, and in 39 degrees and a halfe.

Note, that on the fourth day of September, under nine
degrees, we lost the sight of the North starre.

Note also, that in 45 degrees, the compasse is varied
8 degrees to the West.

Item, in 40 degrees the compasse did varie 15 degrees
in the whole.

Item, in 30 degrees and a halfe, the compasse is varied
5 degrees to the West.

Be it also in memory that two or three daies before
we came to Cape de 3 puntas, the pinnesse went alongst
the shore, thinking to sell some of our wares, and so

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THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

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we came to anker three or foure leagues West and by-
South of the Cape de 3 puntas, where we left the
Trinitie.

Then our pinnesse came aboord with all our men,
the pinnesse also tooke in more wares. They told me
moreover that they would goe to a place where the
Primrose was, and had received much gold at the first The Primrose.
voyage to these parties, and tolde me furthermore that
it was a good place : but I fearing a brigantine that was
then upon the coast, did wey and follow them, and left
the Trinitie about foure leagues off from us, and there
we rode against that towne foure dayes : so that Martine
by his owne desire, and assent of some of the Com-
missioners that were in the pinnesse, went a shoare to
the towne, and there John Berin went to trafique from
us, being three miles off trafiquing at an other towne.
The towne is called Samma or Samva, for Samma and The towne of
Sammaterra, are the names of the two first townes, where Samma-
we did trafique for gold, to the Northeast of Cape de 3 Golde.
puntas.

Hitherto continueth the course of the voyage, as it
was described by the sayde Pilot. Nowe therefore I
will speake somewhat of the countrey and people, and
of such things as are brought from thence.

They brought from thence at the last voiage foure Gold foure
hundred pound weight and odde of gold, of two and JJ^Jjf'
twentie carrats and one graine in finenesse : also sixe and
thirtie buts of graines, & about two hundred and fifty Graines.
Elephants teeth of all quantities. Of these I saw & Elephants
measured some of nine spans in length, as they were
crooked. Some of them were as bigge as a mans thigh
above the knee, and weyed about fourescore and ten
pound weight a peece. They say that some one hath
bin seene of an hundred and five & twentie pound
weight. Other there were which they call the teeth of
calves, of one or two or three yeeres, whereof some were
a foot and a halfe, some two foot, and some 3 or more,
according to ye age of the beast. These great teeth or

163

A.D.
1555.

The head of
an Elephant.

Sir Andrew
Judde.
The contem-
plations of
Gods works.

The descrip-
tion and pro-
perties of the
Elephant.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

tusks grow in the upper jaw downeward, and not in the
nether jaw upward, wherein the Painters and Arras
workers are deceived. At this last voyage was brought
from Guinea the head of an Elephant, of such huge
bignesse, that onely the bones or cranew thereof, beside
the nether jaw & great tusks, weighed about two hundred
weight, and was as much as I could well lift from the
ground : insomuch that considering also herewith the
weight of two such great teeth, the nether jaw with
the lesse teeth, the tongue, the great hanging eares, the
bigge & long snout or troonke, with all the flesh, braines,
and skinne, with all other parts belonging to the whole
head, in my judgement it could weigh litle lesse then
five hundred weight. This head divers have seene in
the house of the worthy marchant sir Andrew Judde,
where also I saw it, and beheld it, not only with my
bodily eyes, but much more with the eyes of my mind
and spirit, considering by the worke, the cunning and
wisedome of the workemaister : without which considera-
tion, the sight of such strange and wonderfull things may
rather seeme curiosities, then profitable contemplations.

The Elephant (which some call an Oliphant) is the
biggest of all foure footed beasts, his forelegs are longer
then his hinder, he hath ancles in the lower part of his
hinder legges, and five toes on his feete undivided, his
snout or tronke is so long, and in such forme, that it
is to him in the stead of a hand : for he neither eateth
nor drinketh but by bringing his tronke to his mouth,
therewith he helpeth up his Master or keeper, therewith
he overthroweth trees. Beside his two great tusks, he
hath on every side of his mouth foure teeth, wherewith
he eateth and grindeth his meate : either of these teeth
are almost a span in length, as they grow along in the
jaw, and are about two inches in height, and almost as
much in thicknesse. The tuskes of the male are greater
then of the female : his tongue is very litle, and so farre
in his mouth, that it cannot be seene : of all beastes they
are most gentle and tractable, for by many sundry wayes

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THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA ad.

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they are taught, and doe understand : insomuch that

they learne to doe due honor to a king, and are of

quicke sense and sharpenesse of wit. When the male

hath once seasoned the female, he never after toucheth

her. The male Elephant liveth two hundreth yeeres, or

at the least one hundred and twentie : the female almost

as long, but the floure of their age is but threescore

yeres, as some write. They cannot suffer winter or cold :

they love rivers, and will often go into them up to the

snout, wherewith they blow and snuffe, and play in the

water : but swimme they cannot, for the weight of their

bodies. Plinie and Soline write, that they use none

adulterie. If they happen to meete with a man in

wildernesse being out of the way, gently they wil go

before him, & bring him into the plaine way. Joyned in

battel, they have no small respect unto them that be

wounded : for they bring them that are hurt or weary

into the middle of the army to be defended : they are

made tame by drinking the juise of barley. They have Debate

continual warre against Dragons, which desire their betzveejie the

blood, because it is very cold : and therfore the Dragon ^/^agm

lying awaite as the Elephant passeth by, windeth his taile

(being of exceeding length) about the hinder legs of the

Elephant, & so staying him, thrusteth his head into his

tronke and exhausteth his breath, or else biteth him

in the eare, wherunto he cannot reach with his tronke,

and when the Elephant waxeth faint, he falleth downe on [11. ii. 19.]

the serpent, being now full of blood, and with the poise

of his body breaketh him : so that his owne blood with

the blood of the Elephant runneth out of him mingled

together, which being colde, is congealed into that

substance which the Apothecaries call Sanguis Draconis, Sanguis Dra-

(that is) Dragons blood, otherwise called Cinnabaris, coms'

although there be an other kinde of Cinnabaris, com- Cinnabaris.

monly called Cinoper or Vermilion, which the Painters

use in certaine colours.

They are also of three kinds, as of the Marshes, the Three kinds
plaines, and the mountaines, no lesse differing in con- °f '&&&**&-

165

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

I555-

ditions. Philostratus writeth, that as much as the
Elephant of Libya in bignes passeth the horse of Nysea,
so much doe the Elephants of India exceed them of
Libya : for the Elephants of India, some have bene seene
of the height of nine cubits : the other do so greatly
feare these, that they dare not abide the sight of them.
Of the Indian Elephants onely the males have tuskes,
but of them of Ethiopia and Libya both kindes are
tusked : they are of divers heights, as of twelve, thirteene,
and fourteene dodrants, every dodrant being a measure
of nine inches. Some write that an Elephant is bigger
then three wilde Oxen or Buffes. They of India are
black, or of ye colour of a mouse, but they of Ethiope or
Guinea are browne : the hide or skinne of them all is
very hard, and without haire or bristles : their eares are
two dodrants broad, and their eyes very litle. Our men
saw one drinking at a river in Guinea, as they sailed
into the land.

Of other properties & conditions of the Elephant, as
of their marveilous docilitie, of their fight and use in the
warres, of their generation and chastitie, when they were
first seene in the Theaters and triumphes of the Romanes,
how they are taken & tamed, and when they cast their
tusks, with the use of the same in medicine, who so
desireth to know, let him reade Plinie, in the eight booke
of his naturall history. He also writeth in his twelft
Workes of booke, that in olde time they made many goodly workes
Ivorie. 0f ivorv or Elephants teeth : as tables, tressels, postes of
houses, railes, lattesses for windowes, images of their
gods, and divers other things of ivory, both coloured and
uncoloured, and intermixt with sundry kindes of precious
woods, as at this day are made certaine chaires, lutes,
and virginals. They had such plenty thereof in olde
time, that (as far as I remember) Josephus writeth, that
one of the gates of Hierusalem was called Porta Eburnea,
(that is) the Ivory gate. The whitenesse thereof was so
much esteemed, that it was thought to represent the
natural fairenesse of mans skinne : insomuch that such as

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THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA ad.

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went about to set foorth (or rather corrupt) naturall
beautie with colours and painting, were reproved by this
proverbe, Ebur atramento candefacere, that is, To make
ivory white with inke. The Poets also describing the
faire necks of beautifull virgins, call them Eburnea colla,
that is, Ivory necks. And to have said thus much of
Elephants and Ivory, it may suffice.

Now therefore I will speake somewhat of the people The people of
and their maners, and maner of living, with an other Africa.
briefe description of Africa also. It is to be understood,
that the people which now inhabite the regions of the
coast of Guinea, and the midle parts of Africa, as Libya
the inner, and Nubia, with divers other great & large
regions about the same, were in old time called TEthiopes
and Nigritae, which we now call Moores, Moorens, or
Negroes, a people of beastly living, without a God, lawe,
religion, or common wealth, and so scorched and vexed
with the heat of the sunne, that in many places they curse
it when it riseth. Of the regions and people about the
inner Libya (called Libya interior) Gemma Phrysius Libyainterior.
writeth thus.

Libya interior is very large and desolate, in the which
are many horrible wildernesses & mountaines, replenished
with divers kinds of wilde and monstrous beastes and
serpents. First from Mauritania or Barbary toward the
South is Getulia, a rough and savage region, whose in- Getulia.
habitants are wilde and wandering people. After these
follow the people called Melanogetuli and Pharusii, which
wander in the wildernesse, carrying with them great
gourdes of water. The Ethiopians called Nigritae occupy ^Ethiopes.
a great part of Africa, and are extended to the West Ntif'tt£e-
Ocean. Southward also they reach to the river Nigritis, The river
whose nature agreeth with the river of Nilus, forasmuch Ntgntts or
as it is increased and diminished at the same time, and
bringeth forth the like beasts as the Crocodile. By
reason whereof, I thinke this to be the same river which
the Portugals call Senega : For this river is also of the same j strange
nature. It is furthermore marveilous and very strange

167

A.D.
1555.

Garamantes.

People of
Libya.

[II. ii. 20.]
Prester John.

Regnum
Orguene.

Gambra.

Guinea.

Cabo Verde.
The Portugals
Navigation to
Brasile.

Aethiopia.

The Island of
Meroe.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

that is said of this river : And this is, that on the one
side thereof, the inhabitants are of high stature and black,
and on the other side, of browne or tawnie colour, and
low stature, which thing also our men confirme to be
true.

There are also other people of Libya called Garamantes,
whose women are common : for they contract no matri-
monie, neither have respect to chastitie. After these
are the nations of the people called Pyrei, Sathiodaphnitae,
Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamatae, Dolopes, Aganginae,
Leuci Ethiopes, Xilicei Ethiopes, Calcei Ethiopes, and
Nubi. These have the same situation in Ptolome that
they now give to the kingdome of Nubia. Here are
certaine Christians under the dominion of the great
Emperour of ^Ethiopia, called Prester John. From these
toward the West is a great nation of people called
Aphricerones, whose region (as farre as may be gathered
by conjecture) is the same that is now called Regnum
Orguene, confining upon the East parts of Guinea.
From hence Westward, and somewhat toward the North,
are the kingdoms of Gambra and Budomel, not farre
from the river of Senega. And from hence toward the
inland regions, and along by the sea coast, are the regions
of Ginoia or Guinea, which we commonly call Ginnee.
On the Westside of these regions toward the Ocean, is
the cape or point called Cabo verde, or Caput viride,
(that is) the greene cape, to the which the Portugals
first direct their course when they saile to America, or
the land of Brasile. Then departing from hence, they
turne to the right hand toward the quarter of the winde
called Garbino, which is betweene the West and the
South. But to speake somewhat more of ^Ethiopia :
although there are many nations of people so named, yet
is Aethiopia chiefly divided into two parts, whereof the
one is called Aethiopia under Aegypt, a great & rich
region. To this perteineth the Island Meroe, imbraced
round about with the stremes of the river Nilus. In this
Island women reigned in old time. Josephus writeth,

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THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

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that it was sometime called Sabea : and that the Queene The Queene

of Saba came from thence to Jerusalem, to heare the °fSaba-

wisedom of Salomon. From hence toward the East

reigneth the said Christian Emperor Prester John, whom Prester John

some cal Papa Johannes, & other say that he is called EJ*jj^ °f

Pean Juan (that is) great John, whose Empire reacheth

far beyond Nilus, and is extended to the coasts of the

Red sea & Indian sea. The middle of the region is

almost in 66. degrees of longitude, and 12. degrees of

latitude. About this region inhabite the people called People of the

Clodi, Risophagi, Babylonii, Axiunitas, Molili, and EJj?f°f

Molibae. After these is the region called Troglodytica,

whose inhabitants dwel in caves and dennes : for these

are their houses, & the flesh of serpents their meat, as

writeth Plinie, and Diodorus Siculus. They have no

speach, but rather a grinning and chattering. There are

also people without heads, called Blemines, having their People without

eyes and mouth in their breast. Likewise Strucophagi, e '

and naked Ganphasantes : Satyrs also, which have nothing

of men but onely shape. Moreover Oripei, great hunters.

Mennones also, and the region of Smyrnophora, which

bringeth foorth myrrhe. After these is the region of Myrrh.

Azania, in the which many Elephants are found. A great Azania.

part of the other regions of Africke that are beyond the

Aequinoctiall line, are now ascribed to the kingdome of

Melinde, whose inhabitants are accustomed to trafique Regnum

with the nations of Arabia, and their king is joyned in Melinde-

friendship with the king of Portugal, and payeth tribute

to Prester John.

The other Ethiope, called ^Ethiopia interior (that is) Aethiopia
the inner Ethiope, is not yet knowne for the greatnesse tntertor-
thereof, but onely by the sea coastes : yet is it described
in this maner. First from the Aequinoctiall toward ye
South, is a great region of Aethiopians, which bringeth
forth white Elephants, Tygers, and the beastes called White
Rhinocerotes. Also a region that bringeth foorth plenty ElePhants-
of cynamome, lying betweene the branches of Nilus.
Also the kingdome of Habech or Habasia, a region of Habasia.

169

A.D.
1555.

Ichthiophagi.

Anthropo-
phagi.

Monies Lunee.
Gazatia.

Cap. bonce
Spei.

Africa with-
out colde.

The winter
of Africa.

Flames of fire
and noise in
the aire.

The middle
region of the
aire is cold.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Christian men, lying both on this side and beyond Nilus.
Here are also the Aethiopians, called Ichthiophagi (that is)
such as live onely by fish, and were sometimes subdued
by the warres of great Alexander. Furthermore the
Aethiopians called Rhapsii, & Anthropophagi, yt are
accustomed to eat mans flesh, inhabite the regions neere
unto the mountains called Montes Lunae (that is) the
mountaines of the Moone. Gazatia is under the Tropike
of Capricorne. After this followeth the front of Afrike,
the Cape of Buena Speranza, or Caput Bonae Spei, that is,
the Cape of good hope, by the which they passe that saile
from Lisbon to Calicut. But by what names the Capes
and gulfes are called, forasmuch as the same are in every
globe and card, it were here superfluous to rehearse
them.

Some write that Africa was so named by the Grecians,
because it is without colde. For the Greeke letter Alpha
or A signifieth privation, voyd, or without : and Phrice
signifieth colde. For in deed although in the stead of
Winter they have a cloudy and tempestuous season, yet
is it not colde, but rather smoothering hote, with hote
showres of raine also, and somewhere such scorching
windes, that what by one meanes and other, they seeme
at certaine times to live as it were in fornaces, and in
maner already halfe way in Purgatorie or hell. Gemma
Phrisius writeth, that in certaine parts of Africa, as in
Atlas the greater, the aire in the night season is seene
shining, with many strange fires and flames rising in
maner as high as the Moone : and that in the element are
sometime heard as it were the sound of pipes, trumpets
and drummes : which noises may perhaps be caused by
the vehement and sundry motions of such fine exhala-
tions in the aire, as we see the like in many experiences
wrought by fire, aire and winde. The hollownesse also,
and divers reflexions and breaking of the cloudes may be
great causes hereof, beside the vehement colde of the
middle region of the aire, whereby the said fiery exhala-
tions, ascending thither, are suddenly stricken backe with

170

THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA

great force : for even common and dayly experience
teacheth us, by the whissing of a burning torch, what
noise fire maketh in the aire, and much more where it
striveth when it is inclosed with aire, as appeareth in
gunnes, and as the like is seene in onely aire inclosed, as
in Organ pipes, and such other instruments that go by
winde. For winde (as say the Philosophers) is none
other then aire vehemently moved, as we see in a paire
of bellowes, and such other.

Some of our men of good credit that were in this last
voiage to Guinea, affirme earnestly that in the night
season they felt a sensible heat to come from the beames
of the moone. The which thing, although it be strange
and insensible to us that inhabite cold regions, yet doeth
it stand with good reason that it may so be, forasmuch as
the nature of starres and planets (as writeth Plinie) con-
sisteth of fire, and conteineth in it a spirit of life, which
cannot be without heat.

And, that the Moone giveth heate upon the earth
the Prophet David seemeth to confirme in his 121.
Psalme, where speaking of such men as are defended
from evils by Gods protection, hee saith thus : Per diem
Sol non exuret te, nee Luna per noctem. That is to say,
In the day the Sunne shall not burne thee, nor the
Moone by night.

They say furthermore, that in certaine places of the
sea they saw certaine streames of water, which they call
spouts, falling out of the aire into the sea, & that some
of these are as bigge as the great pillars of Churches :
insomuch that sometimes they fall into shippes, and
put them in great danger of drowning. Some faine
that these should be the Cataracts of heaven, which were
all opened at Noes floud. But I thinke them rather to
be such fluxions and eruptions as Aristotle in his booke
de Mundo saith, to chance in the sea. For speaking
of such strange things as are seene often times in the sea,
he writeth thus. Oftentimes also even in the sea are
seene evaporations of fire, and such eruptions and break-

171

A.D.
1555-

[II. ii. 21.]

The strife of
Elements.

Winde.

The heate of
the Moone.

The nature of
the starres.

Spoutes of
water falling
out of the aire.

Cataracts of
heaven.

A.D.
1555.

Vehement
motions in the
Sea.

A strange
thing.

The power of
nature.

They rase
their skinnes.

Fine jewels.
A bracelet.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

ing foorth of springs, that the mouthes of rivers are
opened. Whirlepooles, and fluxions are caused of such
other vehement motions, not only in the middest of the
sea, but also in creeks & streights. At certaine times
also, a great quantity of water is suddenly lifted up and
carried about with the Moone, &c. By which wordes of
Aristotle it doth appeare that such waters be lifted up in
one place at one time, and suddenly fall downe in an
other place at another time. And hereunto perhaps
perteineth it that Richard Chanceller told me that he
heard Sebastian Cabot report, that (as farre as I remember)
either about the coasts of Brasile or Rio de Plata, his
shippe or pinnesse was suddenly lifted from the sea,
and cast upon land, I wot not howe farre. The which
thing, and such other like wonderfull and strange workes
of nature while I consider, and call to remembrance the
narrownesse of mans understanding and knowledge, in
comparison of her mightie power, I can but cease to
marvell and confesse with Plinie, that nothing is to her
impossible, the least part of whose power is not yet
knowen to men. Many things more our men saw and
considered in this voyage, woorthy to be noted, whereof I
have thought good to put some in memory, that the
reader may aswell take pleasure in the variety of things,
as knowledge of the historic Among other things
therefore, touching the maners and nature of the people,
this may seeme strange, that their princes & noble men
use to pounce and rase their skinnes with pretie knots in
divers formes, as it were branched damaske, thinking that
to be a decent ornament. And albeit they goe in maner
all naked, yet are many of them, & especialy their women,
in maner laden with collars, bracelets, hoopes, and chaines,
either of gold, copper, or ivory. I my selfe have one
of their braslets of Ivory, weighing two pound and sixe
ounces of Troy weight, which make eight and thirtie
ounces : this one of their women did weare upon her
arme. It is made of one whole piece of the biggest part
of the tooth, turned and somewhat carved, with a hole in

172

THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

1555-
the midst, wherin they put their hands to weare it on their
arme. Some have on every arme one, and as many on
their legges, wherewith some of them are so galled, that
although they are in maner made lame thereby, yet will
they by no meanes leave them off. Some weare also
on their legges great shackles of bright copper, which Shackles.
they thinke to bee no lesse comely. They weare also
collars, bracelets, garlands, and girdles, of certain blew
stones like beads. Likewise some of their women weare
on their bare armes certaine foresleeves made of the
plates of beaten golde. On their fingers also they weare
rings, made of golden wires, with a knot or wreath, like Rings.
unto that which children make in a ring of a rush.
Among other things of golde that our men bought of
them for exchange of their wares, were certaine dog- Dogs chaines
chaines and collers. °* ® '

They are very wary people in their bargaining, and
will not lose one sparke of golde of any value. They
use weights and measures, and are very circumspect in
occupying the same. They that shall have to doe with
them, must use them gently : for they will not traflque or
bring in any wares if they be evill used. At the first
voyage that our men had into these parties, it so chanced,
that at their departure from the first place where they
did trafick, one of them either stole a muske Cat, or A .muske cat.
tooke her away by force, not mistrusting that that should
have hindered their bargaining in another place whither
they intended to goe. But for all the haste they coulde
make with full sailes, the fame of their misusage so
prevented them, that the people of that place also, offended
thereby, would bring in no wares : insomuch that they
were inforced either to restore the Cat, or pay for her [II. ii. 22.]
at their price, before they could trafique there.

Their houses are made of foure postes or trees, and Their houses.
covered with boughes.

Their common feeding is of roots, & such fishes as Their feeding.
they take, whereof they have great plenty.

There are also such flying fishes as are seene in the Flyingjishes.

i73

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1555-

sea of the West Indies. Our men salted of their fishes,
hoping to provide store thereof: but they would take
no salt, and must therfore be eaten forthwith as some
say. Howbeit other affirme, that if they be salted
immediatly after they be taken, they wil last uncor-

A strange rupted ten or twelve dayes. But this is more strange,

thing. that part of such flesh as they caried with them out of

England, which putrified there, became sweete againe at
their returne to the clime of temperate regions.

Their bread. They use also a strange making of bread, in this
maner. They grinde betweene two stones with their
handes as much corne as they thinke may suffice their
family, and when they have thus brought it to floure,
they put thereto a certaine quantitie of water, and
make thereof very thinne dough, which they sticke upon
some post of their houses, where it is baked by the
heate of the Sunne : so that when the master of the
house or any of his family will eate thereof, they take
it downe and eate it.

Their wheat. They have very faire wheate, the eare whereof is two
handfuls in length, and as bigge as a great Bulrush,
and almost foure inches about where it is biggest. The
stemme or straw seemeth to be almost as bigge as the
litle finger of a mans hand, or litle lesse. The graines
of this wheate are as big as our peason, round also,
and very white, and somewhat shining, like pearles that
have lost their colour. Almost all the substance of
them turneth into floure, & maketh litle bran or none.
I told in one eare two hundred & threescore graines.
The eare is inclosed in three blades longer then it selfe,
& of two inches broad a piece. And by this fruitfulnes

The Sunne. the Sunne seemeth partly to recompence such griefes and
molestations as they otherwise receive by the fervent
heate thereof. It is doubtlesse a worthy contemplation to
consider the contrary effects of the sunne : or rather the
contrary passions of such things as receive the influence
of his beames, either to their hurt or benefit. Their

Their drinke. drinke is either water, or the juise that droppeth from

174

THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA a.d.

1555-
the cut branches of the barren Date trees, called Palmitos.
For either they hang great gourdes at the said branches
every evening, and let them so hang all night, or else
they set them on the ground under the trees, that the
droppes may fall therein. They say that this kinde of
drinke is in taste much like unto whey, but somewhat
sweeter, and more pleasant. They cut the branches
every evening, because they are seared up in the day
by the heate of the Sunne. They have also great beanes
as bigge as chestnuts, and very hard, with a shell in
the stead of a huske.

Many things more might be saide of the maners of
the people, and of the wonders and monstrous things
that are engendred in Africke. But it shall suffice to
have saide thus much of such things as our men partly
sawe, and partly brought with them.

And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines, Graines
I described the same to have holes by the side (as in
deede it hath, as it is brought hither) yet was I afterward
enfourmed, that those holes were made to put stringes
or twigges through the fruite, thereby to hang them
up to dry at the Sunne. They grow not past a foote
and a halfe, or two foote from the ground, and are as
red as blood when they are gathered. The graines
themselves are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi.

At their comming home the keeles of their shippes Shels that
were marveilously overgrowne with certaine shelles of cleave to ships
two inches length and more, as thicke as they could
stand, and of such bignesse that a man might put his
thumbe in the mouthes of them. They certainely
affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie
substance, which at the length slipping out of the shell
and falling in the sea, becommeth those foules which
we call Barnacles. The like shelles have bene seene in Barnacles.
ships returning from Iseland, but these shels were not
past halfe an inch in length. Of the other that came
from Guinea, I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke,
and in maner covered with the said shels, which in my

i75

A.D.
1555.

Bromas.

A secret.

The death of
our men.

Five blacke
Moores
brought into
England.
[II. ii. 23.]
Colde may be
better abiden
then heate.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

judgement should greatly hinder her sayling. Their
ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes
called Bromas or Bissas, whereof mention is made in
the Decades. These creepe betweene the plankes, which
they eate through in many places.

Among other things that chanced to them in this
voyage, this is worthy to be noted, that wheras they
sailed thither in seven weekes, they could returne in
no lesse space then twentie weekes. The cause whereof
they say to be this : That about the coast of Cabo Verde
the winde is ever at the East, by reason whereof they
were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the
maine Ocean, to finde the winde at the West to bring
them home. There died of our men at this last voyage
about twentie and foure, whereof many died at their
returne into the clime of the colde regions, as betweene
the Islands of Azores and England. They brought with
them certaine blacke slaves, whereof some were tall and
strong men, and could wel agree with our meates and
drinkes. The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat
offend them. Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot
Regions may better abide colde, then men that are borne
in colde Regions may abide heate, forasmuch as vehement
heate resolveth the radicall moysture of mens bodies, as
colde constraineth and preserveth the same.

This is also to be considered as a secret worke of
nature, that throughout all Africke, under the Equi-
noctial line, and neere about the same on both sides, the
regions are extreeme hote, and the people very blacke.
Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as
are under the same line are very temperate, and the
people neither blacke, nor with curlde and short wooll
on their heads, as they of Africke have, but of the
colour of an Olive, with long and blacke heare on their
heads : the cause of which variety is declared in divers
places in the Decades.

It is also worthy to be noted that some of them
that were at this voyage told me : That is, that they

176

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WILLIAM TOWERSON

overtooke the course of the Sunne, so that they had it
North from them at noone, the 14. day of March.
And to have said thus much of these voyages, it may
suffice.

A.D,

1555'

The first voyage made by Master William
Towrson Marchant of London, to the coast
of Guinea, with two Ships, in the yeere 1555.

Pon Munday the thirtieth day of Sep- September.
tember wee departed from the Isle of
Wight, out of the haven of Neuport
with two good shippes, the one called
the Hart, the other the Hinde, both of
London, and the Masters of them were
John Ralph, and William Carter, for
a voyage to bee made unto the River de Sestos in
Guinea, and to other havens thereabout.

It fell out by the varietie of windes, that it was the
foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch October.
Dartmouth : and being there arrived wee continued in
that roade sixe dayes, and the 20. of October we warpt
out of the haven, and set saile, directing our course
towards the Southwest, and the next morning we were
runne by estimation thirty leagues.

The first of November we found ourselves to be in November.
31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master.
This day we ranne about 40. leagues also.
The second day we ranne 36. leagues.

The third day we had sight of Porto Santo, which is Porto Santo.
a small Island lying in the sea, about three leagues long,
and a league & a halfe broad, & is possessed by
Portugals. It riseth as we came from the Northnorth-
west like two small hilles neere together. The East
end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle
with a valley, which makes it to beare that forme.
The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round
hillocks. This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees,
vi 177 M

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1555.

The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle
Madera, of Madera, which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo,
towards the Southwest : that Island is a faire Island and
fruitfull, and is inhabited by Portugals, it riseth afarre
off like a great whole land and high. By three of the
clocke this day at after noone we were thwart of Porto
Santo, and we set our course Southwest, to leave the
Isle of Madera to the Eastward, as we did Porto Santo.
These two Islands were the first land that we saw since
wee left the coast of England. About three of the
clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera, within
three leagues of the West ende of it, and by meanes of
the high hilles there, we were becalmed : We suppose
we ranne this day and night 30. leagues.

The fourth day wee lay becalmed under the Isle of
Madera, untill one of the clocke at afternoone, and then,
the winde comming into the East, wee went our course,
and ranne that day fifteene leagues.

The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more.

The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of
Tenerif. Tenerif, otherwise called the Pike, because it is a very
high Island, with a pike upon the top like a loafe of
Palma. suger. The same night we raised the Isle of Palma,
which is a high land also, and to the Westward of
the Isle of Tenerif.
Gomera. The 7. day we perceived the Isle of Gomera, which
is an Island standing betwixt Tenerif and Palma, about
12. leagues Eastward from Palma, and 8. leagues
Westward from Tenerif: and for feare of being be-
calmed with the Isle of Tenerif, we left both it, and
Gomera to the Eastward of us, and went betwixt
Palma and Gomera. We ranne this day and night 30.
leagues.

Note that these Islands be 60. leagues from Madera,
and that there are 3. Islands more to the Westward of
Tenerif, named the Grand Canaria, Forte-ventura, &
Lancerot, of which Islands we came not in sight : they
be inhabited by Spaniards.

178

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1555.

This day also we had sight of the Isle of Ferro, Ferro.
which is to the Southwards 13. leagues from the other
Islands, and is possessed by Spaniards. All this day
and night by reason of the winde we could not double [II. "• 24-
the point of the Isle of Ferro, except we would have
gone to the Westward of it, which had bene much out
of our course : therefore we kept about, and ranne
backe five houres Eastnortheast to the ende we might
double it upon the next boord, the winde continuing
Southeast, which hath not bene often seene upon that
coast by any travailers : for the winde continueth there
for the most part Northeast, & East Northeast : so
upon the other boord by the next morning we were
in a maner with the Island, and had roome ynough to
double the same.

The 8. day we kept our course as neere the winde
as wee could, because that our due course to fetch the
coast of Barbary was Southeast and by East, but by
the scant winde wee could not goe our due course,
but went as neere it as we could, and ranne . this day
and night 25. leagues.

The 9. day we ranne 30. leagues, the 10. 25. leagues,
the 12. 24.

The 12. day we sawe a saile under our Lee, which
was as we thought a fisherman, so that wee went roome
to have spoken with him, but within one houre there
fell such a fogge, that wee could not see the shippe
nor one of us the other : we shot off divers pieces to
the Hinde, but she heard them not : at after noone she
shot off a piece which wee heard, and made her answere
with another : and within one halfe houre after the
fogge brake up, and we were within 4. leagues of the
shoare upon the coast of Barbary, and wee sounded and
had 14. fadom water. The Barke also came roome with
us and there ankered by reason of the contrary winde.
When we fell with the land, we could not judge justly
what part of the land it was, because the most part of
that coast is lowe land, and no part to be judged of it

179

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

I555-

but the forepart of the shoare, which is white like
chalke or sand, and very deepe unto the hard shoare :
there immediatly we began to fish, and found great
store of a kinde of fish which the Portugals commonly
fish for upon that coast, which they cal Pergosses, the
Frenchmen call them Saders, and our men salt-water
breames. Before the clearing up of the fogge, the
shippe which we followed shaped us such a course that
we could see her no more, by reason of our shooting
ofF to finde the Hinde againe. This part of the coast
of Barbary, by our Pilots reckoning, is about 16. leagues
River del Oro. to the Eastwards of the river del Oro.

The 13. day in the afternoone wee spyed a saile
comming towards us, which wee judged to be the saile
that wee sawe the day before, and as soone as we
spied him, wee caused the Hinde to way her ancre and
to goe towardes him, and manned out our SkifFe in
like case to lay him aboorde, or to discerne what hee
was, and wee our selves within halfe an houre after
wayed also : but after the saile had espied us, hee kept
about, and turned backe againe, and shortly after there
fell such another fogge, that wee coulde not see him :
which fogges continued all that night, so that we were
constrained to leave the chase. This afternoone the
winde came about, and wee went our course Southwest
and by West, to goe cleare off the coast, wee ranne
that night sixteene leagues.

The foureteenth day in the morning was very foggie :
but about twelve a clocke wee espied a Carvell of 60.
tunne which was fishing, and we sent our SkifFe to him
with five men, and all without any weapon saving
their Oares. The Carvell for haste let slippe her ancre,
and set saile ; and they seeing that, fearing that they
should not fetch her, would tary for no weapons, and
A Carvell in the ende overtooke the Carvell, and made her to
taken. strike saile, and brought her away, although they had

foureteene or fifteene men aboord, & every man his
weapon, but they had not the hearts to resist our men.

180

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1555-
After they were come to us, they let fall their ancre,
for wee had cast ancre because the winde was not
good : I caused then the Skiffe to come for mee, and
I went aboorde of them to see that no harme should
bee done to them, nor to take any thing but that
which they might spare us for our money. So we
tooke of them 3. Tapnets of figges, two small pots of
oyle, two pipes of water, foure hogsheads of saltfish
which they had taken upon the coast, and certaine fresh
fish which they did not esteeme, because there is such
store upon that coast, that in an houre and sometime
lesse, a man may take as much fish as will serve Great store °J
twentie men a day. For these things, and for some ^fjf*? the
wine which wee dranke aboorde of them, and three or Barbary.
foure great Cannes which they sent aboord of our
shippes, I payed them twentie and seven Pistolets,
which was twise as much as they willingly would have
taken : and so let them goe to their ancre and cable
which they had let slippe, and got it againe by our
helpe. After this wee set saile, but the winde caused
us to ancre againe about twelve leagues off the river
del Oro, as the Portugals tolde us. There were five
Carvels more in this place, but when they sawe us, they
made all away for feare of us.

The 15. day we ridde still because of the winde.

The 16. day we set saile and ranne our course 40.
leagues. This day, by the reckoning of our Pilots, we
were right under the Tropike of Cancer. The 17. day The Tropike
we ranne 25. leagues within sight for the most part of °{Ca™j'tn
the coast of Barbary. j^m

The 18. day wee ranne thirtie leagues, and at twelve
of the clocke by the reckoning of our Pilots we were
thwart of Cape Blanke. Cape Blanke.

The 22. day our Pilots reckoned us to be thwart [n- "• 25-J
Cape Verde. Ca?e Verde'

The 12. day of December we had sight of land of The coast of
Guinea, which as soone as we saw we hailed into the Guinea.
land Northeast, and about 12. of the clocke at night

181

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

we were neere the shoare within lesse then 2. leagues:
and then we kept about and sounded, and found 18.
fadom water. Afterwards we saw a light towards the
shoare, which we thought to have bene a ship, and
thereby judged it to be the river de Sestos, which light
as soone as we espied, we came to an anker & armed
our tops, and made all things ready to fight, because
we doubted that it might be some Portugal or French
man : this night we remained at an anker, but in the
morning we saw no man, only we espied 4. rockes
about 2. English miles from us, one great rocke, and
the 3. other smal ones, which when we sawe, we sup-
posed that the light came from the shore, and so
wayed and set saile East Southeast along the shoare,
because the Master did not well know the place, but
thought that we were not so farre to the East as the
river de Sestos.

This land all a long is a low land, and full of very
high trees all along the shoare, so that it is not possible
to know the place that a man doth fall withall, except
it be by the latitude : In these 24. houres I thinke
we ran 16. leagues, for all the night we had a great
gale as we were under saile, and had withall store of
thunder and lightnings.

The 13. day for the most part we ran East South-
east all along the shoare, within two leagues alwayes of
the same, and found the land all as at the first, ful
of woods and great rocks hard aboord the shoare, and
the billow beating so sore, that the seas brake upon the
shoare as white as snow, and the water mounted so
high that a man might easily discerne it 4. leagues
off, in such wise that no boate could land there. Thus
we ran until 12. of the clocke, and then they tooke
the Sunne and after judged themselves to be 24.
leagues past the river de Sestos to the Eastwards, by
reason whereof we hailed into the shoare within two
English miles, and there ancred and found fifteene
fadom water, and all off from the shoare the sea so

182

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1555.
smooth, that we might wel have rid by an Hawser. All
that after-noone we trimmed our boate and made her a
saile, to the ende that she might go along by the shoore
to seeke some place to water in : for wee could not
goe backe againe to the river de Sestos, because the
winde blowes alwayes contrary, and the Currant run- The. Currant
neth alwayes to the Eastwards, which was also against s£**j>
us.

The 14. day we set saile & went back againe along
the coast, and sent our boats hard aboord the shoare to
seeke a watering place, which they found about 12. of
the clock, and we being farre into the sea, met with
divers boats of the Countrey, small, long and narrow,
& in every boate one man and no more : we gave them
bread which they did eat, & were very glad of it. About
4 of the clocke our boats came to us with fresh water :
and this night we ankered against a River.

The 15. day we wayed and set saile to goe neere the
shoare, and with our leade wee sounded all the way,
and found sometimes rockes, and sometimes faire ground,
and at the shallowest found 7. fadoms alwayes at the
least. So in fine we found 7. fadom and a halfe within
an English mile of the shoare, and there we ankered in
a maner before the mouth of the River, and then wee
sent our boats into the River for water, which went about
a mile within the River, where they had very good water. Riv'r & Vtn'
This River lieth by estimation 8. leagues beyond the cent'
River de Sestos, and is called in the Carde River S.
Vincent, but it is so hard to finde, that a boat being
within halfe a mile of it shall not be able to discerne
that it is a River: by reason that directly before the
mouth of it there lyeth a ledge of rockes, which is
much broader then the River, so that a boate must
runne in along the shoare a good way betwixt the
rockes and the shoare before it come to the mouth of
the River, and being within it, it is a great River and
divers other Rivers fall into it: The going into it is
somewhat ill, because that at the entring the seas do

183

A.D.
I555-

Cloth made of
the barke of
trees.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The Negroes
race their
skinnes.

Graines of

Guinea.

Elephants

teeth.

[II. ii. 26.]

goe somewhat high, but being once within it, it is as
calme as the Thames.

There are neere to the Sea upon this River divers
inhabitants, which are mighty bigge men and go al
naked except some thing before their privie parts, which
is like a clout about a quarter of a yard long made of
the barke of trees, and yet it is like a cloth : for the
barke is of that nature, that it will spin small after the
maner of linnen. Some of them also weare the like
upon their heades being painted with divers colours, but
the most part of them go bare headed, and their heads
are clipped and shorne of divers sorts, and the most part
of them have their skin of their bodies raced with divers
workes, in maner of a leather Jerkin. The men and
women goe so alike, that one cannot know a man from
a woman but by their breastes, which in the most part
be very foule and long, hanging downe low like the
udder of a goate.

The same morning we went into the River with our
Skiffe, and caried certaine basons, manels, &c. And there
we tooke that day one hogs-head and 100. Ii. waight of
Graines, and two Elephants teeth at a reasonable good
reckoning. Wee solde them both basons, and Manelios,
and Margarits, but they desired most to have basons :
For the most part of our basons wee had by estimation
about 30. Ii. for a piece, and for an Elephants tooth of
30. Ii. waight, we gave them 6.

The 16. day in the morning we went into the river
with our Skiffe, and tooke some of every sort of our
marchandize with us, and shewed it to the Negroes, but
they esteemed it not, but made light of it, and also of
the basons, Manellios and Margarits, which yesterday
they did buy : howbeit for the basons they would have
given us some graines, but to no purpose, so that this
day wee tooke not by estimation above one hundreth
pound waight of Graines, by meanes of their Captaine,
who would suffer no man to sell any thing but through
his hands, and at his price : he was so subtile, that for

184

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1555.
a bason hee would not give 15. pound waight of Graines,
and sometimes would offer us small dishfuls, whereas
before wee had baskets full, and when he saw that wee
would not take them in contentment, the Captaine de-
parted, and caused all the rest of the boates to depart,
thinking belike that wee would have followed them, and
have given them their owne askings. But after that wee
perceived their fetch, wee wayed our Grapnel and went
away, and then wee went on land into a small Towne to
see the fashions of the Countrey, and there came a three-
score of them about us, and at the first they were afraid
of us, but in the ende perceiving that wee did no hurt,
they would come to us and take us by the hand and be
familiar with us, and then we went into their Townes, The descrip-
which were like to twentie small hovels, all covered over tlon °fthetr
with great leaves and baggage, and all the sides open, , ownes an
and a scaffolde under the house about a yard high, where
they worke many pretie things of the barkes of trees,
and there they lye also. In some of their houses they
worke yron and make faire dartes, and divers other
things to worke their boates, and other things withall,
and the women worke as well as the men. But when
wee were there divers of the women to shew us pleasure
danced and sung after their maner, full ill to our eares.
Their song was thus :

Sakere, sakere, ho, ho. Sakere, sakere, ho, ho.

And with these words they leape and dance and clap
their hands. Beastes we could see none that they had,
but two goates, small dogges, and small hennes : other
beastes we saw none. After that we had well marked
all things we departed and went aboord our ships : which
thing the Captaine of the other towne perceiving, sent
two of his servants in a boat with a basket of Graines,
and made us signes that if when we had slept wee would
come againe into their river, wee should have store of
Graines, and so shewed us his Graines and departed.

The 17. day in the morning because we thought that
the Negroes would have done something because the

185

A.D.

1555-

Diago the
name of a
Captaine.

The latitude
ofS. Vincent
river is 4.
degrees and a
halfe.

Leaves of ex-
ceeding length.

Long pease
stalkes.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Captaine sent for us, I required the Master to goe on
shoare, and sent the rest of our Marchants with him,
and taried aboord my selfe by reason that the last day he
esteemed our things so litle : so when the Master and the
rest came into the river, the captaine with divers others
came to them, and brought Graines with them, & after
that he saw that I was not there, he made signes to know
where I was, and they made signes to him againe that
I was in the ships : and then hee made signes to know
who was Captaine by the name of Diago, for so they call
their Captaine, & they pointed to the master of the ship :
then he began to shew his Graines, but he held them
so unreasonably, that there was no profit to be made of
them : which things the Master perceiving, and seeing
that they had no store of Graines, came away, and tooke
not above 50. pound waight of Graines. Then he went
a shoare to the litle Towne where we were the day before,
& one of them plucked a Gourd, wherewith the Negroes
were offended, & came many of them to our men with
their darts and great targets, and made signes to them
to depart : which our men did, having but one bow and
two or three swords, and went aboord the boate and
came away from them : and assoone as they were come
aboord we wayed and set saile, but the winde was off the
Sea, so that we could not get out cleare of certaine rocks,
and therefore we came to an ancre againe.

This river is called River S. Vincent, standing in 4.
degrees and a halfe, and it ebbeth and floweth there
every 12. houres, but not much water when it ebbeth
the most : while wee were there, it ebbed one fadome and
a halfe water.

This countrey as farre as we could perceive is alto-
gether woody, and al strange trees, whereof wee knewe
none, and they were of many sorts, with great leaves like
great dockes, which bee higher then any man is able to
reach the top of them.

There are certaine peason by the Sea side, which grow
upon great and very long stalkes, one of the stalkes I

186

WILLIAM TOWERSON

A.D.
1555-

measured and found it 27. paces long, and they grow

upon the sand like to trees, and that so neere the Sea,

that sometimes the Sea floweth into the woods as we

might perceive by the water markes. The trees and all

things in this place grow continually greene. Divers of

the women have such exceeding long breasts, that some Long women*

of them wil lay the same upon the ground and lie downe °reasU-

by them, but all the women have not such breasts.

At this place all the day the winde bloweth off the [II. ii. 27,]
Sea, and all the night off the land, but wee found it to
differ sometimes, which our Master marveiled at.

This night at 9. of the clocke the winde came up at
the East, which ordinarily about that time was wont to
come out of the North Northwest off the shoare : yet we
wayed and hailed off South with that winde all night into
the Sea, but the next morning we hailed in againe to the
lande, and tooke in 6. Tunnes of water for our ship, and
I thinke the Hinde tooke in as much.

I could not perceive that here was any gold, or any
other good thing : for the people be so wilde and idle,
that they give themselves to seeke out nothing : if they
would takes paines they might gather great store of
graines, but in this place I could not perceive two Tunne.

There are many foules in the Countrey, but the people
wil not take the paines to take them.

I observed some of their words of speach, which I
thought good here to set downe.

Bezow, bezow,
Manegete afoye,
Crocow afoye,
Zeramme afoye,
Begge sacke,
Begge come,
Borke,
Coutrecke,
Veede,
Brekeke,
Diago,

187

Is their salutation.
Graines ynough.
Hennes ynough.
Have you ynough ?
Give me a knife.
Give me bread.
Holde your peace.
Ye lye.

Put foorth, or emptie.
Rowe.
^ Their Captaine, and some

The language
about the
River o/S.
Vincent.

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

I555-

call him Dabo. These and other wordes they speake
very thicke, and oftentimes recite one word three times
together, and at the last time longer then at the two
first.

The 18. day towards night, as we were sailing along
the coast, we met with certaine boats in the sea, & the
men shewed us that there was a river thwart of us, where
there were Graines to be sold, but we thought it not
good to tary there, least the other ships should get
before us. This river hath lying before it three great
rockes, and 5. small rocks, one great tree, and a litle tree
right by the river, which in height exceeded all the rest :
we hailed this night along the coast 10. leagues.

The 19. day as we coasted the shoare, about twelve of
the clocke there came out to us 3. boates to tell us that
they had graines, & brought some with them for a shew,
but we could not tary there. We proceeded along the
coast, & ancred by the shore all the night, and ran this
day 10. leagues.

The 20. day the Hinde having ankered by us amongst
rockes, and foule ground, lost a small anker. At noone,
as we passed along the coast, there came forth a Negro
to us, making signes, that if we would goe a shoare, wee
should have Graines, and where wee ankered at night,
there came another to us, and brought Graines, and
shewed us them, and made signes that wee should tary,
and made a fire upon the land in the night, meaning
thereby to tell us where we should land, and so they did
in divers other places upon the coast, where they saw us
to anker.
The tides and In al the places where we have ancred, since we came
from our watring place, we have found the tide alwayes
running to the Westwards, and all along the coast many
rockes hard aboord the shoare, and many of them a
league off the shoare or more, we ran this day 12.
leagues.

The 21. day, although we ranne all day with a good
gale of winde, yet the tides came so sore out of the coast,

188

nature of the
shoare

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

1555.
that we were not able to runne above sixe leagues : and
this day there came some Negroes to us, as there had
done other times.

The 22. wee ranne all day and night to double a The point oj
point, called Das palmas, and ranne sixteene leagues. Palmas.

The 23. day about 3. of the clocke we were thwart of
the point, & before we came to the Westermost part of it,
we saw a great ledge of rocks, which lie West from the
Cape about 3. leagues and a league or more from the
land. Shortly after we had sight of the Eastermost part
of the Cape, which lieth 4. leagues from the Westermost
part, and upon the very corner thereof lie two greene
places, as it were closes, and to the Westwards of the
Cape the land parted from the Cape, as it were a Bay,
whereby it may well be knowen. Foure leagues more
beyonde that there lieth a head-land in the sea, and about
two leagues beyond the head-land there goeth in a great
Bay, as it were a river, before which place we ankered all
that night, which wee did, least in the night wee should
overrunne a river, where the *last yeere they had all * 'That was
their Elephants teeth. ^^1554.

This Cape Das palmas lieth under foure degrees and a
halfe, and betwixt the said Cape, and the river de Sestos
is the greatest store of Graines to be had, and being past
the said Cape, there is no great store else where.

Where we ankered this night, we found that the tide, The tides
which before ran alwayes to the Westward, from this ™nmng
Cape runneth all to the Eastward : this day we ranne rjj n 2gn
some 16. leagues.

The 24. day running our course, about eight of the
clock there came forth to us certaine boats, which brought
with them small egges, which were soft without shels,
and they made us signes, that there was within the land
fresh water, and Goates : and the Master thinking that it
was the river which we sought, cast ancker and sent the
boate on shoare, with one that knew the river, and
comming neere the shoare, hee perceived that it was not
the river, and so came backe againe, and went along the

189

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1555.

shoare, with their oares and saile, and wee weyed and
ranne along the shoare also : and being thirteene leagues
beyond the Cape, the Master perceived a place which he
judged to be the river, when wee were in deede two
miles shot past it : yet the boate came from the shoare,
and they that were in her saide, that there was no river :
notwithstanding wee came to an ancker, and the Master
and I tooke five men with us in the boat, and when hee
came neere the shoare, hee perceived that it was the same
river which hee did seeke : so we rowed in, and found
the entrance very ill, by reason that the sea goeth so
high : and being entred, divers boates came to us, and
shewed us that they had Elephants teeth, and they
brought us one of about eight pound, & a little one of a
pound, which we bought : then they brought certaine
teeth to the river side, making signes, that if the next
day we would come againe, they would sell us them : so
we gave unto two Captaines, to either of them a manillio,
and so we departed, and came aboord, and sent out the
other boate to another place, where certaine boates that
came into the sea, made us signes that there was fresh

A Towne. water : and being come thither, they found a towne, but
no river, yet the people brought them fresh water, and
shewed them an Elephants tooth, making signes that the
next day they would sel them teeth, and so they came
aboord.

This river lieth by the Carde thirteene leagues from
the Cape Das palmas, and there lieth to the Westwards of
the same a rocke about a league in the sea, and the river
it selfe hath a point of lande comming out into the Sea,
whereupon grow five trees, which may well bee discerned
two or three leagues off, comming from the Westward,
but the river cannot bee perceived untill such time as a
man be hard by it, and then a man may perceive a litle
Towne on ech side the river, and to ech Towne there
belongeth a Captaine. The river is but small, but the
water is good and fresh.

Two miles beyond the river, where the other towne is,

190

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1555.
there lieth another point into the Sea, which is greene
like a close, and not above sixe trees upon it, which
growe one of them from the other, whereby the coast
may well be knowen : for along all the coast that we
have hitherto sailed by, I have not seene so much bare
land.

In this place, and three or foure leagues to the West-
ward of it, al along the shoare, there grow many Palme Many Palme
trees, whereof they make their wine de Palma. These trees-
trees may easily be knowen almost two leagues off, for
they be very high and white bodied, and streight, and be
biggest in the midst : they have no boughes, but onely a
round bush in the top of them : and at the top of the
same trees they boare a hole, and there they hang a
bottell, and the juyce of the tree runneth out of the said
hole into the bottle, and that is their wine.

From the Cape das Palmas, to the Cape Tres puntas, Cape Tres
there are 100. leagues : and to the port where we pur- Puntas-
pose to make sales of our cloth beyond the Cape Tres
puntas 40. leagues.

Note, that betwixt the river De Sestos, and the Cape
Das palmas, is the place where all the graines be
gathered.

The language of the people of this place, as far as I
could perceive, differeth not much from the language of
those which dwel where we watred before : but the
people of this place be more gentle in nature then the
other, and goodlier men : their building & apparel is all
one with the others.

Their desire in this place was most of all to have
Manillios and Margarites : as for the rest of our things,
they did litle esteeme them.

About nine of the clocke there came boates to us Their maner
foorth, from both of the places aforesaid, and brought f s™f*"fer
with them certaine teeth, and after they had caused me Zthe ™ea% r
to sweare by the water of the Sea that I would not
hurt them, they came aboord our ship three or foure
of them, and we gave them to eate of all such things

191

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

as we had, and they did eate and drinke of all things,
as well as we our selves. Afterwards we bought all
their teeth, which were in number 14. and of those 14.
there were 10. small: afterwards they departed, making
us signes that the next day we should come to their
Townes.

The 26. day because we would not trifle long at this
place I required the Master to goe unto one of the
townes, and to take two of our marchants with him, &
I my selfe went to the other, and tooke one with me,
because these two townes stand three miles asunder.
To these places we caried somewhat of every kinde of
marchandize that we had : and hee had at the one Towne,
nine teeth, which were but small, and at the other towne
where I was, I had eleven, which were also not bigge,
and we left aboord with the Master certaine Manillios,
wherewith he bought 12. teeth aboord the ship, in our
absence : and having bought these of them, wee per-
ceived that they had no more teeth : so in that place
where I was one brought to me a small goat, which I
bought, and to the Master at the other place they
brought five small hennes, which he bought also, and
after that we saw there was nothing else to be had, we
departed, and by one of the clocke we met aboord, and
then wayed, and went East our course 18. leagues still
within sight of land.

The 28. the wind varied, and we ranne into the sea,
and the winde comming againe of? the sea, wee fell with
the land againe, and the first of the land which we raised
shewed as a great red cliffe round, but not very high,
and to the Eastward of that another smaller red cliffe,
and right above that into the land a round hummoke
and greene, which we tooke to be trees. We ranne in
these 24. houres, not above foure leagues.

The 29. day comming neere to the shoare, we per-
ceived the red cliffe aforesaide to have right upon the
top of it a great heape of trees, and all to the Westwards
of it ful of red cliffes as farre as we could see, and all

192

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1556.

along the shoare, as well upon the cliffes, as otherwise,

full of wood : within a mile of the said great cliffe there

is a river to the Eastwards, and no cliffes that we

could see, except one small cliffe, which is hard by

it. We ran this day and night 12. leagues.

The windes that wee had in this place by the reports
of the people and of those that have bene there, have
not bene usuall, but in the night, at North off the
lande, and in the day South off the sea, and most
commonly Northwest, and Southwest.

The 3 1 . day we went our course by the shoare
Northwards : this land is al along a low shoare, and full
of wood, as all the coast is for the most part, and no
rockes. This morning came out many boates which went
a fishing, which bee greater boates then those which we
sawe before, so that in some of them there sate 5. men,
but the fashion of the boats is all one. In the after-
noone about three of the clocke wee had sight of a
Towne by the sea side, which our Pilots judged to
be 25. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape Tres
puntas.

The third of January in the morning we fell with
the Cape Tres puntas, and in the night passed, as our Cape Tres
Pilots saide, by one of the Portugals castles, which is 8. Puntas-
leagues to the Westwards of the Cape : upon the first
sight of the Cape wee discerned it a very high land,
and all growen over with trees, and comming neere to
it, we perceived two head lands, as it were two Bayes
betwixt them, which opened right to the Westward, and
the uttermost of them is the Easterne Cape, there we
perceived the middle Cape, and the Eastermost Cape:
the middle Cape standeth not above a league from the
West Cape, although the Card sheweth them to be 3.
leagues one from the other : and that middle Cape hath
right before the point of it a small rocke so neere to
it, that it cannot be discerned from the Cape, except a
man be neere to the shoare, and upon the same Cape
standeth a great heape of trees, and when a man is thwart
vi 193 n

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1556.

the same Cape to the Eastward, there riseth hard by it a
round greene hommoke, which commeth out of the
maine.

The thirde Cape is about a league beyond the middle
Cape, and is a high land like to the other Capes, and
betwixt the middle, and the thirde commeth out a litle
head or point of a land out of the maine, and divers
rocks hard aboord the shoare.

Before we came to the Capes, being about 8. leagues
off them, wee had the land Southeast, and by East, and
being past the Capes, the land runneth in againe East
Northeast.

About two leagues beyond the farthest Cape there is
a lowe glade about two miles long, and then the land
riseth high againe, and divers head-lands rise one beyond
another, and divers rockes lie at the point of the first
head-land. The middest of these Capes is the neerest
to the Southwards, I meane, further into the sea then
any of the other, so that being to the Eastward of it,
it may be discerned farre off, and being so to the East-
ward it riseth with two small rockes.

This day we ankered for feare of overshooting a towne
called S. Johns. Wee ran this day not above 8. leagues.
In the afternoone this day there came a boate of the
countrey from the shoare, with five men in her, and went
along by us, as we thought, to discerne our flagges, but
they would not come neere us, and when they had well
looked upon us, they departed.

The fourth day in the morning, sailing by the coast,
we espied a ledge of rockes by the shoare, and to the
Westwards of them two great greene hils joyning
together, so that betweene them it was hollow like a
saddle : and within the said rockes the Master thought
the aforenamed Towne had stoode, and therefore we
manned our boates, and tooke with us cloth, and other
marchandize, and rowed ashoare, but going along by
the coast, we sawe that there was no towne, therefore
wee went aboord againe.

194

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1556.

From these two hils aforesaid, about two leagues to
the Eastward, lie out into the Sea almost two miles
a ledge of rockes, and beyond that a great Bay, which
runneth into the North Northwestward, and the land
in this place lieth North Northeast along the shoare :
but the uttermost point of land in that place that we [II. ii. 30.]
could see, lay Northeast, and by East from us.

After that we were with a small gale of winde runne
past that uttermost head-land, we sawe a great red cliffe,
which the Master againe judged to be the towne of S.
Johns, and then wee tooke our boate with marchandize,
and went thither, and when we came thither, we per-
ceived that there was a towne upon the toppe of the
hill, and so wee went toward it, and when we were hard
by it, the people of the towne came together a great
sort of them, and waved us to come in, with a peece
of cloth, and so we went into a very faire Bay, which
lieth to the Eastward of the cliffe, whereupon the towne
standeth, and being within the cliffe, wee let fall our
grapnell, and after that we had taried there a good
space, they sent a boate aboord of us, to shewe us that
they had golde, and they shewed us a peece about halfe
a crowne weight, and required to know our measure,
& our weight, that they might shewe their Captaine
thereof: and wee gave them a measure of two elles, and
a waight of two Angels to shew unto him, which they
tooke, and went on shoare, and shewed it unto their
Captaine, and then they brought us a measure of two
elles, one quarter and a halfe, and one Crusado-weight
of gold, making us signes that so much they would give
for the like measure, and lesse they would not have.
After this, we taried there about an houre, and when
we sawe that they would doe no otherwise, and withall
understood, that all the best places were before us, wee
departed to our shippes and wayed, and ranne along the
shoare, and went before with our boate, and having sailed
about a league, we came to a point where there lay foorth
a ledge of rockes, like to the others before spoken of,

i95

Don John.

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1556.

and being past that people, the Master spied a place
which hee saide plainely was the towne of Don John :
and the night was come upon us, so that we could not
well discerne it, but we ankered as neere unto the
place as we could.
The towm of The fift day in the morning we perceived it to be
the same towne in deede, and we manned our boates
and went thither, and because that the last yeere the
Portugals at that place tooke away a man from them,
and after shot at them with great bases, and did beate
them from the place, we let fall our grapnel almost a
base shot off the shoare, and there we lay about two
houres, and no boats came to us. Then certaine of our
men with the Hindes boate went into the Bay which
lieth to the Eastward of the towne, and within that Bay
they found a goodly fresh river, and afterwards they
came and waved to us also to come in, because they
perceived the Negroes to come downe to that place,
which we did : and immediatly the Negroes came to usr
and made us signes that they had golde, but none of
them would come aboord our boates, neither could wee
perceive any boates that they had to come withall, so
that we judged that the Portugals had spoiled their
boates, because we saw halfe of their towne destroyed.
Wee having stayed there a good space, and seeing that
they would not come to us, thrust our boates heads a
shoare, being both well appointed, and then the Captaine
of the Towne came downe being a grave man : and he
came with his dart in his hand, and sixe tall men after
him, every one with his dart & his target, and their
darts were all of yron, faire and sharpe, and there came
another after them which caried the Captaines stoole :
wee saluted him, and put off our caps, and bowed our
selves, and hee like one that thought well of himselfe,
did not moove his cap, nor scant bowed his body, and
sate him downe very solemnly upon his stoole : but all
his men put off their caps to us, and bowed downe
themselves.

196

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

1556.

He was clothed from the loines downe with a cloth
of that Countrey making, wrapped about him, and made
fast about his loynes with a girdle, and his cap of a
certaine cloth of the Countrey also, and bare legged,
and bare footed, and all bare above the loynes, except
his head.

His servants, some of them had cloth about their
loines, and some nothing but a cloth betwixt their legges,
and made fast before, and behinde to their girdles, and
cappes of their owne making, some like a basket, and
some like a great wide purse of beasts skinnes.

All their cloth, cordes, girdles, fishing lines, and all
such like things which they have, they make of the bark
of certaine trees, and thereof they can worke things
very pretily, and yron worke they can make very fine,
of all such things as they doe occupy, as darts, fishhookes, Their
hooking yrons, yron heads, and great daggers, some of weaPons-
them as long as a woodknife, which be on both sides
exceeding sharpe, and bended after the maner of Turkie
blades, and the most part of them have hanging at their
left side one of those great daggers.

Their targets bee made of such pils as their cloth is
made of, and very closely wrought, and they bee in
forme foure square, and very great, and somewhat longer
then they bee broad, so that kneeling downe, they make
their targets to cover their whole body. Their bowes be
short, and of a pretie strength, as much as a man is able
to draw with one of his fingers, and the string is of the
barke of a tree, made flat, and about a quarter of an inch
broad : as for their arrowes, I have not as yet seene any
of them, for they had wrapped them up close, and
because I was busie I could not stand about it, to have
them open them. Their golde also they worke very
well.

When the Captaine was set, I sent him two elles of [II. ii. 31.]
cloth, and two basons, and gave them unto him, and hee
sent againe for a waight of the same measure, and I sent
him a weight of two Angels, which he would not take,

197

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nether would hee suffer the towne to buy any thing,
but the basons of brasse : so that wee solde that day 74.
basons unto the men of the towne, for about halfe an
Angel weight, one with another, and nine white basons,
which we solde for a quarter of an Angell a peece, or
thereabouts.

We shewed them all our other things which we had,
but they did not esteeme them.

About two of the clocke, the Captaine who did depart
in the morning from us, came againe, and brought with
him to present mee withall, a henne, and two great
rootes, which I received, and after made me signes that
the countrey would come to his towne that night, and
bring great store of gold, which in deed about 4. of the
clocke they did: for there came about 100. men under
3. Captaines, well appointed with their darts and bowes,
and when they came to us, every man sticked downe
his dart upon the shoare, and the Captaines had stooles
brought them, and they sate downe, and sent a young
man aboord of us, which brought a measure with him
of an ell, and one fourth part, and one sixteenth part,
and he would have that foure times for a waight of
one Angell and twelve graines : I offered him two elles,
as I had done before for two Angels weight, which he
esteemed nothing, but still stucke at his foure measures
aforesaid : yet in the ende, when it grew very late, and
I made him signes that I would depart, he came to foure
elles for the weight abovesaid, and otherwise he would
not deale, and so we departed. This day we tooke for
basons sixe ounces and a halfe and one eight part.

The sixt day in the morning we manned our boates
and the skiffe well, for feare of the Portugals which
the last yeere had taken away a man from the other ships,
and went on shoare, and landed, because they had no
boates to come to us, and so the young man which was
with us the night before was sent aboord, who seemed
to have dealt and bargained before with the Portugals for
he could speake a litle Portuguise, and was perfect in

198

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1556.
weights and measures : at his comming he offered us,
as he had done before, one Angell, and twelve graines
for foure elles, and more he would not give, and made
signes, that if we would not take that, we should depart,
which we did : but before we did indeede depart, 1
offered him of some rotten cloth three elles for his waight
of an Angell and twelve graines, which he would not
take, and then we departed making signes to him that
we would go away, as indeede we would have done,
rather then have given that measure, although the cloth
was ill, seeing we were so neere to the places, which we
judged to be better for sale. Then we went aboord our
ships, which lay about a league off, and came backe againe
to the shoare for sand and balaste : and then the Captaine
perceiving that the boats had brought no marchandize
but came onely for water and sand, and seeing that we
would depart, came unto them, making signes againe to
know whether we would not give the foure elles, and
they made signes againe, that we would give them but
three, and when they sawe that the boates were ready
to depart, they came unto them and gave them the
weight of our Angell and twelve graines, which we
required before and made signes, that if we would come
againe, they would take three elles. So when the boates
came aboord, we layde wares in them both, and for the
speedier dispatch I and John Savill went in one boat, and
the Master John Makeworth, and Richard Curligin, in
the other, and went on shoare, and that night I tooke for
my part riftie and two ounces, and in the other boate they
tooke eight ounces and a quarter, all by one weight and
measure, and so being very late, we departed and went
aboord, and tooke in all this day three pound.

The seventh day we went a shoare againe, and that
day I tooke in our boate three pound 19 ounces, so
that we dispatched almost all the cloth that we caried with
us before noone, and then many of the people were
departed & those that remained had litle golde, yet they
made us signes to fetch them some latten basons, which

199

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I would not because I purposed not to trifle out ye time,
but goe thence with speede to Don Johns towne. But
John Savill and John Makeworth were desirous to goe
againe : and I, loth to hinder them of any profite,
consented, but went not my selfe : so they tooke eighteene
ounces of gold and came away, seeing that the people at
a certaine crie made, were departed.

While they were at the shoare, there came a young
fellow which could speake a little Portuguise, with three
more with him, and to him I solde 39 basons and two
small white sawcers, for three ounces, &c. which was the
best reckoning that we did make of any basons : and in
the forenoone when I was at the shoare, the Master solde
five basons unto the same fellow, for halfe an ounce of
golde.

This fellow, as farre as we could perceive, had bene
taken into the Castle by the Portugales, and was gotten
away from them, for he tolde us that the Portugales were
[II. ii. 32.] bad men, and that they made them slaves if they could
take them, and would put yrons upon their legges, and
besides he told us, that as many Frenchmen or English-
men, as they could take (for he could name these two
very well) they would hang them: he told us further,
60. Portugales that there were 60 men in the castle, and that every yeere
™thecastleof there came thither two shippes, one great, and one small
carvell, and further, that Don John had warres with the
Portugals, which gave mee the better courage to goe
to his towne, which lieth but foure leagues from the
Castle, wherehence our men were beaten the last yeere.
This fellowe came aboord our shippe without feare,
and assoone as he came, he demaunded, why we had not
The English brought againe their men, which the last yeere we tooke
^ooteZw^ away> and could tell us that there were five taken away
Negroes.^ D7 Englishmen : we made him answere, that they were
in England well used, and were there kept till they
could speake the language, and then they should be
brought againe to be a helpe to Englishmen in this
Countrey: and then he spake no more of that matter.

200

WILLIAM TOWERSON

Our boates being come aboord, we wayed and set
sayle and a litle after spied a great fire upon the
shoare, and by the light of the fire we might discerne
a white thing, which they tooke to be the Castle, and
for feare of overshooting the towne of Don John we
there ankered two leagues off the shoare, for it is hard
to fetch up a towne here, if a ship overshoot it. This
day we tooke seven pound, and five ounces of golde.

This towne lieth in a great Bay, which is very deepe.

The people in this place desired most to have basons
and cloth. They would buy some of them also many
trifles, as knives, horsetailes, homes : and some of our
men going a shoare, sold a cap, a dagger, a hat, &c.

They shewed us a certain course cloth, which I thinke
to be made in France, for it was course wooll, and a
small threed, and as thicke as wosted, and striped with
stripes of greene, white, yellow &c. Divers of the
people did weare about their neckes great beades of
glasse of diverse colours. Here also I learned some
of their language, as followeth :

A.D.
1556.

Mattea, mattea,
Dassee, dassee,
Sheke,
Cowrte,
Cracca,
Bassina,
Foco, foco,
Molta,

' Is their salutation.
I thanke you.
Golde.

\ i Sut'

1 Knives. .
Basons.
Cloth.
Much, or great store.

This language
seemeth partly
to be corrupt.

The eight day in the morning we had sight of the
Castle, but by reason of a miste that then fell we
could not have the perfect sight of it, till we were
almost at the towne of Don John, and then it cleared
up, and we saw it and a white house, as it were a
Chappell, upon the hill about it : then we hailed into
the shoare, within two English miles of Don Johns
towne, and there ankered in seven fadome water.
Here, as in many other places before, we perceived that
the currant went with the winde.

Sight of the
castle of Mina.

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1556.

The land here is in some places low and in some
high, and full of wood altogether.

The towne of Don John is but litle, of about
twentie houses, and the most part of the towne is
walled in with a wall of a mans height, made with
reede or sedge, or some such thing. Here we staied
two or three houres after we had ankered, to see if any
man would come unto us : and seeing that none did
come, we manned our boates and put in marchandize,
and went and ankered with our boates neere to the
shoare : then they sent out a man to us who made us
signes that that was the towne of Don John, and that
he himselfe was in the Countrey, and would be at home
at the going downe of the Sunne, and when he had
done, he required a reward, as the most part of them
will doe which come first aboord, and I gave him one
ell of cloth and he departed, and that night we heard
no more of him.

The ninth day in the morning we went againe with
our boates to the shoare, and there came foorth a boate
to us, who made signes that Don John was not come
home, but would be at home this day : and to that
place also came another boate from the other towne a
mile from this, which is called Don Devis, and brought
with him gold to shew us, making signes that we should
come thither. I then left in this place John Savill, and
John Makeworth, and tooke the Hinde, and went to
the other towne and there ankered, and tooke cloth and
went to shore with the boate, and by and by the boates
came to us and brought a measure of foure yards long
& a halfe, and shewed us a weight of an angell and
twelve graines, which they would give for so much, and
not otherwise : so I staied and made no bargaine. And
[II. ii. 33.] all this day the barke lay at Don Johns towne, and did
nothing, having answere that he was not come home.

The tenth day we went againe to the shoare, and
there came out a boat with good store of gold, and
having driven the matter off a long time, and having

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1556.

brought the measure to a nayle lesse then three elles,
and their weight to an angell and twentie graines, and
could not bring them to more, I did conclude with them
and solde, and within one quarter of an houre I tooke
one pound and a quarter of an ounce of golde : and
then they made me signes to tary, till they had parted
their cloth upon the shoare as their manner is, and they
would come againe, and so they went away, and layde
the cloth all abroad upon the sande peece by peece, and
by and by one came running downe from the towne to
them, and spake unto them, and foorthwith every man
made as much haste as he could away, and went into
the woods to hide his golde and his cloth : we mis-
trusted some knavery, and being waved by them to
come a shoare, yet we would not, but went aboorde the
Hinde, and perceived upon the hill 30 men which we
judged to be Portugals : and they went up to the toppe of
the hill and there mustered and shewed themselves, having
a flagge with them. Then I being desirous to knowe
what the Hart did, tooke the Hindes boate and went
towards her, and when I came neere to them they
shot off two pieces of ordinance which I marveiled at :
I made as much haste as I could to her, and met her
boate and skiffe comming from the shoare in all haste,
and we met aboord together. They shewed me that
they had beene a shoare all that day, and had given
to the two sonnes of Don John, to either of them
three yardes and a halfe of cloth, and three basons
betwixt them, and had delivered him 3 yards of cloth
more and the weight of an angell and 12 graines, and
being on land did tarie for his answere, and in the
meane time the Portugals came running from the hill The Portu-

upon them, whereof the Negroes a litle before had given g * vjTL.
.' : , 1 1 1 & 1 1 & castle of M in a

them warning, and bad them to go away but they per- i„vaded our

ceived it not. The sonne of Don John conspired with men.

the Portugales against them, so that they were almost

upon them, but yet they recovered their boate and set

off from the shoare, and the Portugales shot their

203

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1556.

calievers at them, but hurt no man, and then the
shippe perceiving it, shot off the two peeces aforesayde
among them. Hereupon we layde bases in both the
boates, and in the Skiffe and manned them well, and
went a shoare againe, but because of the winde we
could not land, but lay off in the sea about ten score
and shot at them, but the hill succoured them, and
they from the rockes and from the hilles shotte at us
with their halfe hakes, and the Negroes more for feare
then for love stoode by them to helpe them, and when
we saw that the Negroes were in such subjection unto
them that they durst not sell us any thing for feare
of them we went aboord, and that night the winde
kept at the East, so that we could not with our ship
fetch the Hinde, but I tooke the boate in the night
and went aboord the barke to see what was there to
be done, and in the morning we perceived the towne
to be in like case layde with Portugales, so we wayed
The towne of and went along the coast. This towne of John de
Don John de yiso stan(}eth upon an hill like the towne of Don
John, but it hath beene burned, so that there are not
passing sixe houses in it : the most part of the golde
that comes thither comes out of the countrey, and no
doubt if the people durst for feare of the Portugals
bring forth their gold, there would be had good store :
but they dare not sell any thing, their subjection is so
great to the Portugales. The 1 1 day running by the
shoare we had sight of a litle towne foure leagues
from the last towne that we came from, and about
halfe a league from that, of another towne upon a hill,
and halfe a league from that also of another great
towne upon the shoare : whither we went to see what
could there be done : if we could doe nothing, then to
returne to the other towne, because we thought that the
Portugales would leave the towne upon our departure.
Along from the castle unto this place are very high
hilles which may be seene above all other hilles, but they
are full of wood, and great red cliffes by the sea side.

204

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

1556.
The boates of these places are somewhat large and bigge,
for one of them will carrie twelve men, but their forme
is alike with the former boates of the coast. There are
about these townes few rivers : their language differeth
not from the language used at Don Johns towne : but
every one can speake three or foure words of Portuguise,
which they used altogether to us.

We sawe this night about 5 of the clocke 22 boates
running along the shoare to the Westward, whereupon
we suspected some knavery intended against us. The
12 day therefore we set sayle and went further along
the coast, and descried more townes wherein were greater
houses then in the other townes, and the people came out
of the townes to looke upon us, but we could see no
boates. Two mile beyond the Eastermost towne are
blacke rocks, which blacke rockes continue to the utter-
most cape of the land, which is about a league off, and
then the land runnes in Eastnortheast, and a sandy shoare
againe : upon these blacke rockes came downe certaine
Negroes, which waved us with a white flagge, but we
perceiving the principall place to be neere, would not
stay, but bare still along the shoare : and as soone as
we had opened the point of the land, we raysed another
head-land about a league off the point, which had a rocke
lying off it into the sea, and that they thought to be the [II. ii. 34.]
place which we sought. When we came thwart the place
they knew it, and we put wares into our boate, and the
ship being within halfe a mile of the place ankered in five
fadome water and faire ground. We went on shoare
with our boate, and ankered about ten of the clocke in the
forenoone : we saw many boates lying upon the shoare,
and divers came by us, but none of them would come
neere us, being as we judged afraid of us: because that
foure men were taken perforce the last yeere from this Foure men
place, so that no man came to us, whereupon we went ^ke1! a^
aboord againe, and thought here to have made no saile :
yet towardes night a great sort came downe to the water
side, and waved us on shoare with a white flagge, and

205

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'556.

afterwarde their Captaine came downe and many men

with him, and sate him downe by the shore under a tree :

which when I perceived, I tooke things with me to give

him : at last he sent a boat to call to us, which would not

come neere us, but made us signes to come againe the

next day : but in fine, I got them to come aboord in

offering them things to give to their captaine, which were

two elles of cloth, one latten bason, one white bason, a

bottle, a great piece of beefe, and sixe bisket cakes, which

they received making us signes to come againe the next

day, saying, that their Captain was Grand Capitane as

appeared by those that attended upon him with their darts

and targets, and other weapons.

Agreattowne. This towne is very great and stands upon a hill among

trees, so that it cannot well be seene except a man be

neere it : to the Eastward of it upon the hill hard by the

towne stand 2. high trees, which is a good marke to

knowe the towne. And under the towne lieth another

hill lower then it, whereupon the sea beates : and that end

next the sea is all great blacke rockes, and beyonde the

towne in a bay lieth another small towne.

The 13 day in the morning we tooke our boate and

went to shoare, and stayed till ten a clocke and no man

came to us : we went about therefore to returne aboord,

and when the Negroes saw that, they came running

downe with a nagge to wave us againe, so we ankered

againe, and then one shewed us that the Captaine would

come downe by and by : we saw a saile in the meane time

passe by us but it was small, and we regarded it not.

Being on shore wee made a tilt with our oares and sayle,

and then there came a boate to us with five men in her,

The like they who brought us againe our bottle, and brought me a hen,

doe tn the making signes by the sunne, that within two houres

tounttey of ^ marchants of the countrey would come downe and
Prete Janni. T J . . .„.

buy all that we had : so 1 gave them sixe Manillios

to carry to their Captaine, and they made signes to have

a pledge of us, and they would leave us another man :

and we willing to doe so, put one of our men in their

206

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1556.
boate, but they would not give us one of theirs, so we
tooke our man againe, and there tarried for the mar-
chants : and shortly after one came downe arrayed like
their Captaine with a great traine after him, who saluted
us friendly, and one of the chiefest of them went and sate
downe under a tree, where the last yere the Captaine was
wont to sit : and at last we perceived a great many of
them to stand at the ende of a hollow way, and behinde
them the Portugales had planted a base, who suddenly
shotte at us but overshot us, and yet we were in a
manner hard by them, and they shot at us againe before
we could ship our oares to get away but did no hurt.
Then the Negroes came to the rocks hard by us, and
discharged calievers at us, and againe the Portugales shot
off their base twise more, and then our ship shot at them,
but the rockes and hilles defended them.

Then we went aboord to goe from this place, seeing Master Robert
the Negroes bent against us, because that the last yeere Gainshe* v°y-
M. Gainsh did take away the Captaines sonne and three ^ean°no ^f*
others from this place with their golde, and all that they
had about them : which was the cause that they became
friends with the Portugales, whom before they hated, as
did appeare the last yeere by the courteous intertainement
which the Trinitie had there, when the Captaine came The English
aboord the shippe, and brought them, to his towne, were offered to
and offered them ground to build a Castle in, and there m n f towne
they had good sales.

The 14 day we wayed and plyed backe againe to seeke
the Hinde, which in the morning we met, and so we
turned both backe to the Eastwardes to see what we could
doe at that place where the Trinitie did sell her eight
frises the last yeere. The Hinde had taken eighteene
ounces and a halfe more of golde of other Negroes,
the day after that we left them. This day about one of
the clocke we espied certaine boates upon the sand and
men by them and went to them with marchandizes,
and tooke three ounces of gold for 18 fuffs of cloth,
every fuffe three yards and a halfe after one angell and 1 2

207

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1556.

graines the fuffe, and then they made me signes that the
next day I should have golde enough : so the Master
tooke the Hinde with John Savill and John Makeworth,
and went to seeke the place aforesaid, & I with Richard
Pakeman remained in this place to see what we could do
the next day : and when the Negroes perceived our ship
to go away, they feared that the other would follow, & so
sent forth 2 boats to us with 4 men in them, requiring us
to tary & to give them one man for a pledge, and 2 of
them should tary with us for him, so Edward M. Morleis
[II. ii. 35.] servant seeing these men so earnest therein offered him-
selfe to be pledge, and we let him goe for two of them,
one whereof had his waights and scales, and a chaine
of golde aboute his necke, and another about his arme.
They did eate of such things as we had and were
well contented. In the night the Negroes kept a light
upon the shoare thwart of us, and about one of the clocke
we heard and saw the light of a base which shot off twise
at the said light, and by and by discharged two calievers,
A Portugale which in the end we perceived to be the Portugals
Brigandme. brigandine which followed us from place to place, to give
warning to the people of the countrey, that they should
not deale with us.

The 1 5 day in the morning the Captaine came downe
with 100 men with him, and brought his wife, and many
others brought their wives also, because their towne was 8
miles up in the countrey, and they determined to lie
by the sea side till they had bought what they would.
When he was come he sent our man aboord, and required
to have two men pledges, and he himselfe would come
aboord, and I sent him two, of whom he tooke but one,
and so came aboord us, he and his wife with divers of his
friends, and brought me a goate and two great rootes, and
I gave him againe a latten bason, a white bason, 6
manillios, and a bottell of Malmesie, and to his wife a
small casket. After this we began to make our measure
and weight : and he had a weight of his owne which held
one angell and 14 graines, and required a measure of 4

208

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1556.

elles and a halfe. In fine we concluded the 8 part for one
angell and 20 graines, and before we had done, they
tooke mine owne weight and measure.

The 16 day I tooke 8 li. 1 ounce of gold: and since
the departure of the Hinde I heard not of her, but when
our pledge went into the countrey the first night, he said
he saw her cast anker about five leagues from this place.
The 17 day I sold about 17 pieces of cloth, & tooke 4. li.
4 ounces and a halfe of gold. The 1 8 day the captaine
desired to have some of our wine, and offered halfe a
ducket of gold for a bottell : but I gave it him freely, and
made him and his traine drinke besides. And this day
also I tooke 5 li. 5 ounces of gold. The 19 day we sold
about 18 clothes, and tooke 4 li. 4. ounces and one
quarter of golde.

The 20 day we tooke 3 li. sixe ounces and a quarter of
golde. The 21 we tooke 8. li. 7. ounces and a quarter.
The 22. 3. li. 8. ounces and a quarter. And this night
about 4 of the clocke the Captaine who had layen all this
while upon the shoare, went away with all the rest of
the people with him.

The 23 day we were waved a shoare by other Negroes,
and sold them cloth, caskets, knives, and a dosen of bels,
and tooke 1. li. 10. ounces of gold. The 24 likewise
we sold bels, sheetes, and thimbles, and tooke two li. one
ounce and a quarter of gold. The 25 day we sold 7
dosen of smal bels and other things, and then perceiving
their gold to be done, we wayed and set sayle & went to
leeward to seeke the Hinde, and about 5 of the clocke at
night we had sight of her, and bare with her, and under-
stood that shee had made some sales. The 26 day wee
received out of the Hinde 48 li. 3 ounces and one eight
part of golde, which they had taken in the time that we
were from them. And this day upon the request of a
Negro that came unto us from a captaine, we went to
shoare with our marchandize, and tooke 7 li. and one
ounce of gold. At this place they required no gages of
us, but at night they sent a man aboord us, which lay
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a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1556.

with us all night, because we might knowe that they
would also come to us the next day. The 27 day in
both our shippes we tooke 8. li. one ounce, three quarters
and halfe a quarter of golde. The 28 we made sales
for the companie, and tooke one pound and halfe an
ounce of gold. The 29 day in the morning we heard
two calievers shot off upon the shore, which we judged
to be either by the Portugales or by the Negroes of the
Portugales : we manned our boates and armed our selves
and went to shoare, but could finde nothing : for they
were gone. The 30 day we made more sales for the
companie and for the Masters.

The 31 we sent our boate to shoare to take in sand
for balast, and there our men met the Negroes, with
whom they had made sale the day before a fishing which
did helpe them to fill sand, and having no gold, sold
fish to our men for their handkerchiefes and nightker-
chiefes.

Februarie. The i. day of February we wayed and went to another

place, and tooke 1. li. 9. ounces 3 quarters of gold. The
2 day we made more sales : but having viewed our
victuals, we determined to tarie no long time upon the
coast, because the most part of our drinke was spent,
& that which remained grew sowre. The 3 and 4 dayes
we made some sales, though not great, and finding the

They retume wind this 4. day to come off the shoare, we set saile and

fir England. ranne a}0ng the shoare to the Westwards: upon this
coast we found by experience that ordinarily about 2 of
the clocke in the night the winde comes off the shoare
at Northnortheast, and so continueth untill eight of the
clocke in the morning : and all the rest of the day and
night it comes out of the Southwest : and as for the
tide or currant upon this shore, it goeth continually with
the winde. The 5 day we continued sayling and thought
to have met with some English ships, but found none.

[II. ii. 36.] The sixt day we went our course Southwest to fetch
under the line, and ranne by estimation 24 leagues.
The 13 day wee thought our selves by our reckoning

210

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1556.
to be cleare off the Cape das Palmas, and ranne 12
leagues.

The 22 day we were thwart of the Cape de Monte, Cape de
which is to the Westward of the River de Sestos, about Monte-
30 leagues.

The first day of March in a Ternado we lost the March.
Hinde, whereupon we set up a light and shot off a
piece but could not heare of her, so that then we
strooke our saile and taried for her, and in the morn-
ing had sight of her againe three leagues a sterne
off us.

Upon the 22 day we found our selves to be in the Cape Verde
height of Cape Verde, which stands in 14. degrees and ™ latitude 14

a halfe. Mfi!^*

From this day till the 29 day we continued our course,
and then we found our selves to be in 22 degrees. This
day one of our men called William King, who had bene
long sicke, died in his sleepe, his apparell was distri-
buted to those that lackt it, and his money was kept for
his friends to be delivered them at his comming home.

The 30 day we found our selves to be under the
Tropike.

The 31 day we went our course, and made way 18
leagues.

From the first day of Aprill to the 20 we went our Aprill
course, and then found our selves to bee in the height
of the Asores.

The seventh day of May we fell with the South part May.
of Ireland, and going on shoare with our boate had fresh
drinke, and two sheepe of the countrey people, which
were wilde Kernes, and we gave them golde for them,
and bought further such other victuals as we had neede
of, and thought would serve us till we arrived in
England.

The 14 day with the afternoone tide we went into Their arrival/
the Port of Bristoll called Hungrode, and there ankered at BristolL
in safetie and gave thankes to God for our safe
arrivall.

211

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1556.

The second voyage made by Maister William
Towrson to the coast of Guinea, and the
Castle of Mina, in the yeere 1556. with the
Tiger of London, a ship of 120 tunnes, the
Hart of London of 60 tunnes, and a Pinnesse
of sixteene tunnes.

He fourteenth day of September, the
yeere abovesayd, we departed from Har-
wich, and directed our course for the
Isle of Sillie, to meete there with the
Hart and Pinnesse, which were rigged
and victualed at Bristoll, but arriving
there the eight and twentieth day we
found them not, and therefore after long lying at hull
to tarrie for them, but not espying them, we turned
backe to Plimmouth the 12 day of October, and being
there, the Hart and the Pinnesse came to us, so that the
November. 1 5 of November we all departed together from Plim-
mouth at one of the clocke in the after noone, and the
28 day we had sight of the Isle of Porto Santo, and
the next day in the morning of Madera.
December. The third day of December we fell with the He of

Palma, and the 9 we were thwart of Cape Blanke, and
found there certaine Caravels fishing for Pargoes.
Sierra Leona. The 1 9 we found our selves in the height of Sierra
Leona, and all this day we ranne thwart of certaine
Currants, which did set to the West Southwestward so
fast as if it had bene the overfall of a sand, making a
great noyse like unto a streame or tide-gate when the
water is shoale : and to proove whither we could finde
ground in this place, we sounded and had 150 fadome,
and no ground, and so departed.

The 30 of December we fell with the coast of Guinea,
and had first sight of it about 4 leagues off. The best
marke that we could take of the place to knowe it was
three hilles, which lay Northeast and by East from us:

212

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

1556.

betwixt the Nothermost two hilles there are two high
and great trees standing in sight as it were a sailes
breadth one from another, and a litle more to the
Northwestwards are certaine hommocks. Having sayled
somewhat into the shoare wee tooke our selves to be
shotte somewhat past the river de Sestos, so that we
kept about to fetch it. And a litle after we had sight
of three sayles of shippes and two pinnesses which were
in the weather of us, and having sight of them we made
our selves readie to meete them, and hailed off our ships
to fetch the winde as neere as we could : and having
sayled about an houre or two, they also went about, and
went as we went to make themselves readie, and when
we had them in chase, they went away from us : but
when they had made themselves readie, they kept about
againe, and came with us verie finely appointed with their
streamers, and pendants and ensignes, and noyse of trum- [II. ii. 37.]
pets very bravely : so when we met, they had the weather
of us, and we being determined to fight, if they had
bene Portugals, waved them to come under our Lee,
which they denied stoutly : then we demaunded of them
whence they were, and they sayd of France, we told
them againe that we were of London in England. They
asked of us what Portugals wee had seene, we answered,
none but Fishermen : then they told us that there were
certaine Portugall ships gone to the Mina to defend it,
and that they met with another at the river de Sestos, The river of
which was a ship of two hundred which they had burned, *esios-
and had saved none but the master and two or three
Negroes, and certaine others which were sore burned
which they left a shore there. Then they desired to
come aboord of us with their boates to talke with us,
and wee gave them leave. Then the captaine of the
Admirall and divers others came aboord very friendly,
desiring us to keepe them company because of the
Portugals, and to goe to the Mina with them : wee
told them that we had not watered, and that we were
but now fallen with the coast, and they shewed us that

213

A.D.

1556.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

we were fiftie leagues past the river de Sestos : notwith-
standing there was water enough to be had, and they
would helpe us to water with their owne boats because
they would have our companie. And told us further,
that they had bene sixe weekes upon the coast, and had
gotten but three tunnes of graines amongst them all :
and when wee had heard them, we made our reckoning
that although the Mina were cleare, yet if they did goe
before us, they would marre our market ; and if it were
not cleare, then if the Portugals were there and did take
them, they would understand that we were behind, and
They admit So would waite for us. And further we made account
certaine t^at jf we went wjtn them we should doe as well as they,
into their ^ t^le coast were cleare : if it were not cleare, then by
companie. them we were assured to be the stronger. Therefore
having considered thus much of their gentle offers, wee
told them that the next day wee would conferre more
largely of the matter. Whereupon they desired me to
come the next day to dinner to them, and to bring the
masters of our ships with me, and such marchants as I
thought good, promising to give us water out of their
owne ships if we would take it, or els to tarie with
us and helpe us to water with their own boats and pin-
nasses.

The 31 day in the morning the Admirall sent his
boat aboord for me, and I tooke our masters and cer-
taine of our marchants and went to him, who had
provided a notable banquet for us, and intreated us very
friendly, desiring us still to keepe his company, promising
that what victuals were in his ships, or other things that
might doe us pleasure untill the end, we should have
the one halfe of it, offering us if we would to furle
his Flags, and to bee at our commaundement in all
things.

In the ende we agreed to come to an anker, and to
send our boat on shore with the Admirals boat, and one
of his pinnasses, and an Almaine which they had brought
out of France, to seeke water, as for our pinnasse she

214

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

«5"57-

came to an anker to seaward of us all, and would not
come at us. All this night the boats continued on
shore.

The first day of January our boats came to us againe
and had found no river. Whereupon we weighed and
set saile, and ankred againe at another river.

The 2 day we went into the river and bargained, and
tooke 5 small Elephants teeth.

The 3 day we tooke 5 more.

The fourth day the French Admirall and we tooke 4n assault
fifteene small teeth. This day wee tooke thirtie men uPon
with us and went to seeke Elephants, our men being ^ '
all well armed with harquebusses, pikes, long bowes,
crossebowes, partizans, long swordes, and swordes and
bucklers : wee found two Elephants which wee stroke
divers times with harquebusses and long bowes, but they
went away from us and hurt one of our men. The fift
day we set saile and ranne along the coast.

The 6 day we fell with the river de S. Andre, at Rt0 de s-
which place the land is somewhat high to the Westward fe'
of the river, and a faire Baie also to the Westward of
it : but to the Eastward of it it is lowe land.

The 7 day we went into the River and found no
village, but certaine wild Negros not accustomed to
trade. It is a very great river and 7 fadome water in
some places at the entring. Here we filled water, and
after set saile.

The 8 day we sailed along the shore and came to
the Red cliffes, and went forward in sailing the 9 day
also.

The 10 day we came together to confer with captaine Captaine
Blundel Admiral of the French ships, Jerom Baudet his f™fhlthe
vice admiral, and John de Orleans master of a ship of ^mirall.
70 tunne, and with their marchants, and agreed that
when God should send us to any place where wee might
make sale, that we should be of one accord and not
one of us hurt the market of the other, but certaine of
our boates to make the price for all the rest, and then

215

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1557-
[II. ii. 38.] one boate to make sale for every shippe. This night
our boats going to the shore met with certaine Negros,
who said that they had gold, and therefore we here cast
anker.

The 1 1 day all the day we tooke but one halfe
angel weight of 4 graines, which we tooke by hand, for
the people of this place had no weight : the Negros
Allow. called this place Allow.

The 1 2 day we ran along the coast and found but one
towne, but no boates would come out to us, and there-
fore we went our course.

The 13 day I tooke my boat and went along the
shore, and passed by divers small townes, and was waved
to come on shore at 3 places, but the sea went so high
upon the shore, that it was not possible for us to land,
neither could they come to us if they had had boats,
as I could see none but at one place, where there was
one that would have come unto us, but the Land-wash
went so sore that it overthrew his boat, and one of
the men was drowned, which the people lamented, and
cried so sore, that we might easily heare them, and they
got his body out of the sea, and caried it amongst them
to their towne.

The 14 day we came within Saker-shot of the castle,

& straightway they set forth an Almade to descry us,

and when they perceived that we were no Portugals,

they ranne within the towne againe : for there is a great

Dondou a towne by the Castle which is called by the Negros

great towne. Dondou. Without this there lie two great rockes like

Hands, and the castle standeth upon a point which

sheweth almost like an Hand. Before we came at this

castle, we found the land for five or six leagues to be

high land, and about seven leagues before we came to

The castle of the castle, lowe land, until we came at the castle, and

Mina. then wee found the land high againe. This castle

Cape de Tres standeth about five leagues to the East of Cape de

puntas. Tres puntas. Here I tooke the boate with our Negros

and ranne alongst the shore till I came to the Cape

216

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

I557-
and found two small townes, but no boates at them,
neither any traffique to be had. At these places our
Negros did understand them well, and one of them
went a shore at all the places and was well received of
them. This night we ankred at the Cape de Tres
puntas.

The 15 day I tooke our boat and went along the
shore, & about 3 leagues beyond the Eastermost part
of the Cape we found a faire Bay where we ran in, and
found a smal towne and certaine boates which belonged
to the same towne, but the Negros in a long time
would not come to us, but at the last by the perswasion
of our owne Negros, one boat came to us, and with
him we sent George our Negro a shore, and after he
had talked with them, they came aboord our boates
without feare, and I gave to their captaine a bason,
and two strings of Margarets, and they shewed us about
5 duckats weight of gold, but they required so much
for it that wee would not take it, because the Frenchmen
and we had agreed to make price of our goods all in
one boat, and the price being made then every man to
sell in his owne boat, and no man to give more then
the price which should be set by us al. This place is
called Bulle, and here the Negros were very glad of Bulk.
our Negros, and shewed them all the friendship they
could, when they had told them that they were the men
that were taken away being now againe brought by us.

The Negros here shewed us that a moneth since there
were 3 ships that fought together, & the two shippes
put the other to flight : and before that at the castle of
Mina there were 4 ships of the Portugals which met
with one Frenchman, which Frenchman caused them all
to flee, which shippe we tooke to be the Roebarge : for
the Frenchmen of our company judged her to be there-
about that time with her pinnasse also. And further,
that after her went a shippe of twelve score named the
Shaudet all alone, and after her a ship of fourescore,
and both for the Mina. And there were two others also

217

A.D.

*557-

Hanta.

[ii. ii. 39.]

Shamma.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

which they left, one at Cape Verde called the Leuriere
of Diepe, and another at the river De Sestos, besides
these 3 which all this time be in our company, whose
names be these :

The Espoier of Hableneff which is the Admirall, whose
captaine is Denis Blundell.

The Leuriere of Roan Viceadmirall, whose master is
Jerome Baudet.

The other is of Hunfleur whose master is called John
de Orleans.

The sixteenth day I went along the shore with two
pinnasses of the Frenchmen, and found a Baie and a
fresh river, and after that went to a towne called Hanta,
twelve leagues beyond the Cape. At this towne our
Negros were well knowen, and the men of the towne
wept for joy when they saw them, and demanded of
them where Anthonie and Binne had bene : and they
told them that they had bene at London in England, and
should bee brought home the next voyage. So after
this, our Negros came aboord with other Negros which
brought a weight with them, which was so small that wee
could not give them the halfe of that which they de-
maunded for it.

The Negros here told us that there were five Portugall
shippes at the Castle and one pinnasse, and that the
Portugals did much harme to their Countrey, and that
they lived in feare of them, and we told them againe,
that we would defend them from the Portugals whereof
they were very glad.

The 17 day we went a shore and the Frenchmen with
us, but did no great good, the Negros were so unreason-
able, we sold 80 Manellios for one ounce of gold.

Then wee departed and went to Shamma, and went
into the river with five boates well appointed with men
and ordinance, and with our noises of trumpets and
drummes, for we thought here to have found some
Portugals but there were none : so wee sent our Negros
on shore, and after them went divers of us, and were

218

brought home
by our me?i.

Robert
Gaynsh.

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1557-

very well received, and the people were very glad of our
Negros, specially one of their brothers wives, and one The Negros
of their aunts, which received them with much joy, and
so did all the rest of the people, as if they had bene
their naturall brethren : we comforted the captaine and
told him that hee should not feare the Portugals, for wee
would defend him from them : whereupon we caused our
boats to shoote off their bases and harquebusses, and
caused our men to come on shore with their long bowes,
and they shot before the captaine, which he, with all the
rest of the people, wondred much at, specially to see
them shoot so farre as they did, and assaied to draw their
bowes but could not. When it grew to be late, we de-
parted to our ships, for we looked every houre for the
Portugals. * And here the Negros shewed us that there * Note,
was an English ship at the Mina, which had brought
one of the Negros againe, which Robert Gaynsh tooke
away.

The 1 8 day we went into the river with no lesse
strength then before, and concluded with the Negros to
give them for every Fuffe two yards and three nailes of
Cloth, and to take for it one angel-duckat : so that we
tooke in all 70 Duckats, whereof the Frenchmen had
fortie, and wee thirtie.

The nineteenth day wee went a shore every man for
himselfe, and tooke a good quantitie of gold, and I for
my part tooke foure pound and two ounces and a halfe
of gold, and our Hartes boate tooke one and twentie
ounces. At night the Negros shewed us that the next
day the Portugals would be with us by land or by Sea :
and when wee were ready to depart, we heard divers
harquebusses shoote off in the woods by us which wee
knew to bee Portugals, which durst come no nearer to us,
but shot off in the woods to see if they could feare us
and so make us to leave our traffique.

The 20 day we manned our five boats, and also a
great boat of the Frenchmens with our men and the
Admirals, 12 of them in their murrians and corslets, and

219

A.D.

1557-

Hanta.

Five sailes of

Poriingals

descried.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

the rest all well appoynted, with foure trumpets, a
drumme and a Fife, and the boate all hanged with
streamers of Silke and pendants very faire, and went into
the river and traffiqued, our man of warre lying off and
on in the river to waft us, but we heard no more of the
Portugals. This day the Negros told us that there were
certain ships come into Hanta, which towne is about 2
leagues to the Westward of this place.

This 21 day we manned our boats againe & went to
a place a league from this to the Westwards, and there
found many Negros with another Captaine, and sold at
the same rate that wee had done with the others.

The 22 day we went a shore againe and traffiqued in
like sort quietly, and I tooke 4 pound and six ounces
of gold.

The 23 day about night the Negros with their captaine
came to us and told us that the king of Portugals ships
were departed from the Castle, meaning the next day to
plie to the windward to come to us, giving us warning
to take heed to our selves : we told them againe that
wee were very glad of their comming, and would be
ready at all times to meet them, and to assure them that
we were glad of it, wee sounded our trumpets, and shot
off certaine bases whereof the Negros were very glad, and
requested us that if the Portugals sought to hinder our
traffique, to shew them all the extremitie that we could,
promising us that if they came by land, they would
advertise us thereof.

The 24 we went a shore with our trumpets and
drummes, and traffiqued, and I bade the captaine of the
towne to dinner.

The 25 day we being a shore, our ships had descried
five sailes of the king of Portugals, & our ships shot off
ordinance to call us away, and we threw every man his
caske a shore for water, and went to our ships, and by
that time we had weighed and given order one to another
what to do, it was night, so yl that night nothing was
done. We set saile and lay close all night to get the

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

I557-
wind if we could : we were neere some of them, and one
shot off a piece which wee judged to be the Admirall
of the Portugals, to cause the rest to come and speake
with him : so all this night we made our selves ready for
fight.

The 26 we came in with the shore and had sight of
the Portugals where they rid at anker, and we bare with
them, and we gave all our men white scarffes, to the ende
that the Frenchmen might know one the other if we came [II. ii. 40.]
to boording : but the night came upon us that we could
not fetch them, but we ankered within demie-Culvering
shot of them.

The 27 day we weighed and so did the Portugals, and
about eleven of the clocke wee had the wind of them,
and then we went roome with them, which when they
perceived, they kept about to the shore againe, and wee
after them, and when they were so neere the shore that
they could not well runne any further on that boord,
they kept about againe, and lay to the Seaward, and then
we kept about with them, and were a head of them, and
tooke in our topsailes and taried for them : and the first
that came up was a small barke which sailed so well
that she cared not for any of us, and caried good ordi-
nance : and assoone as she came up, she shot at us, and
overshot us, and then she shot at the Admirall of the
Frenchmen, and shot him through in two or three places, The fight with
and went foorth a head of us, because we were in our e Pertuia's-
fighting sailes : then came up another caravell under our
Lee in like case which shot at us and at the Frenchman,
and hurt two of his men and shot him through the
maine maste. And after them came up the Admirall
under our Lee also, but he was not able to doe us so
much harme as the small shippes, because he caried
ordinance higher then they, neither were we able to make
a good shot at any of them, because our shippe was so
weake in the side, that she laid all her ordinance in the
Sea : wherefore we thought to lay the great ship aboord,
and as soone as the French Admirall went roome with

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1557-

him, he fell a sterne and could not fetch him, and after
he fell a sterne of two caravels more and could fetch none
The French 0f them, but fell to Leeward of them all : and when he
forsake our was tQ Leewarci) ne kept about to the shoreward, and
left us, and then we put out our topsailes and gave them
chase, and both the other Frenchmen kept the wind, and
would not come neere us, and our owne ship was a sterne
so that she could not come to us : and after we had
folowed them about two houres to the seaward, they kept
about againe towards the shore, thinking to pay us as
they went along by, and to have the wind of the French
Admirall which before ran in towards the shore, and we
kept about with them, and kept still the wind of them
thinking that our Viceadmiral and the other would have
folowed us as wee willed them to do : but after that the
Portugall was past by them, and every one had shot at
us and our Viceadmirall, both our Viceadmirall and the
two Frenchmen, & our owne pinnasse left us in the laps,
and ran to seaward, and we ran still along, and kept the
wind of them to succour the French Admirall, who was
under all of their Lees, and when they met with him,
every one went roome with him, and gave him the broad
side, and after they cast about againe, and durst not boord
him, because they sawe us in the weather of them, or els
without doubt they had taken or sunke them, for three
of them which were the smallest, went so fast that it
was not possible for a ship to boord them, and caried
such ordinance that if they had had the weather of us,
they would have troubled 3 of the best ships that we
had, and as for their Admirall and Viceadmirall they were
both notablie appointed.

When the Frenchman was cleare of them, hee laie as
neere the winde as hee could, and wee followed them
still towardes the shore, and then the Admirall ranne to
Sea after the rest, and left us all alone : and when the
Portugals perceived that we were alone, and gave them
chase, they kept about with us and we with them, to
keepe the wind of them, and we ranne still within base

222

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1557-
shot of them, but they shot not at us, because we had
the weather of them, and sawe that they could do us
no hurt : and thus we folowed one another until night,
and in the night we lost them, but as for all the rest of
our ships, they packed on all the sailes that they could
and ranne to sea, and as they themselves confesse, they
praied for us, but as for helpe at their hands we could
have none.

The 28 day we met with our Viceadmirall, our pin-
nasse, and two of the Frenchmen, and the third was fled
which was a ship of fourscore tunne, and belonged to
Roan : and when I had the sight of the rest of our ships,
I tooke our skiffe and went to them to know why they
lost us in such a case, and John Kire made me answere
that his ship would neither reare nor steere, and as for
the pinnasse, John Davis made me answere that she
would doe nothing, and that he could cary her no further,
for her rudder was broken, so that the Hart was glad to
towe her. Then I went to the French Admirall, and
found himselfe to be a man of good stomacke, but the
one halfe of his men were sicke and dead : and then I
talked with the smaller Frenchman, and he made mee
answere that he could doe nothing, saying, that his ship
would beare no saile, and had 16 of his men dead and
sicke, so he made us plaine answere that he was able to
doe nothing. After this the Frenchmen durst not anker
for feare of the Portugales.

The 29 day the master of the pinnasse came to us and
sayd that they were not able to keepe her any longer,
and then wee viewed her and seeing there was no
remedie, her rudder with all the iron worke being broken
both aloft and belowe, wee agreed to breake her up
and to put the men into the Hart. So we tooke out [II. ii. 41.]
of her foure bases, one anker, and certaine fire wood,
and set her on fire, and afterwards ran along the
coast.

The thirtie day we went in to the shore, and spake
with certaine Negros, who told us that some French

223

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1557-

shippes had bene there, but wee could not bargaine with
them they were so unreasonable.

The 31 day I went to shore but did not traffike.
Februarie. The i day of Februarie we weighed, seeing we could
not bring the Negros to any reason, and came to another
place which standeth upon an hill.

The third day I went to a towne foure leagues from
us, and shot off two pieces, and the Captaine came to us,
and I sent Thomas Rippen a land who knew the Captaine,
and assoone as he came on shore the Captaine knew
him and divers of the Negros who then began to aske
for mee, and having told the Captaine that I was in the
boate, hee made no longer tarying but by and by caused
two boates to be put to the Sea, and came to me him-
selfe, and when he sawe me, he cryed to me before hee
came to the boat and seemed to be the gladdest man
alive, and so did all the companie that knew mee, and I
gave him a reward as the maner of the Countrey is, and
caused the Frenchmen to give another, promising the
next day to give him wine : and that night because it was
late, he would not talke of any price, but left me a
pledge, and tooke another of me and so departed.

The 4 day going on shore, I found that the ships of
France which had bin there, had done much hurt to our
markets, but yet I tooke five ounces and a halfe of gold.

The fift day I tooke eight ounces and one eight part
of gold : but I saw that the Negros perceived the differ-
ence in Cloth betwixt ours and that which the French-
men had, which was better, and broader then ours : and
then I told captaine Blundel that I would goe to the
Leeward, because I perceived that being there where his
Cloth was sold, I should do no good, whereof hee was
sorie.

The 6 day there came an Almade & Negros aboord
me, requesting me to come to their towne for they had
much gold and many marchants : and so I went and
found their old Captaine gone, and another in his place :
but this night wee did no good, because the marchants

224

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1557-
were not come downe : so he required a pledge which I
let him have, and tooke another of him.

The 7 day George our Negro came to us, who had George our
followed us at the least 30 leagues in a small boat, and e&0'
when he came, the Negros and we soone concluded of
price. I tooke this day five pound and one ounce, and 3
quarters of gold. This Negro we had left at Shamma
at the time of the fight, who said that he saw the fight
being on shore, and that when we were gone from the
Portugals, the Portugals came into their river, and told
them that the Englishmen had slaine two Portugals with Two Portugals
a piece, which was in deed out of our ship, and they ^^lish
required harbour there, but the captaine of Shamma
would not suffer them.

The 8 day we tooke nineteene pound three ounces
and a halfe.

The 9 day we tooke two pound six ounces and a
halfe.

The 10 day three pound.

The 1 1 day came to us Jerome Bawdet the Vice-
admirall of the Frenchmen and his pinnasse, and he
shewed us that where we left them there was no good to
be done, and sayd he would goe to the Eastward, but
wee told him hee should not : and thereupon com-
maunded him to goe to his company which he was
appointed to bee with, which hee refused to doe untill The f;?T^~
wee had shot three or foure pieces at their pinnasse, and ^v/^£w;^
when the ship sawe that, she kept about, and ranne to
Seaward, and durst come no neerer to us, so the pinnasse
went after her. We tooke this day one pound five
ounces.

The 12 day there came one of the Frenchmens pin-
nasses to us laden with cloth, and would have made sale,
but I would not suffer him, and therefore tooke him and
sent him aboord of our ship, and caused him to ride
there all day. We tooke five pound six ounces and a
halfe.

The 14 day we tooke of some Negros 4 ounces of gold,
vi 225 p

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1557-

The 16 we came to another towne.
The 17 day I went a shore and understood that 3 of
the Portugall ships were at the Castle, and the other two
at Shamma. The captaine of this towne was gone to the
principall towne, to speake with their king, and would
returne shortly as they told me, and so he did, and
brought me a weight and measure, and I sent a man to
see that principall towne, and their king. The Portugal!
ships rid so neere us, that within 3 houres they might be
with us, yet were all contented to tary for sales.

The 1 8 day certaine of the kings servants came to us,
and we tooke one pound two ounces, and one eight part
of gold.
[II. ii. 42.] The 10 day we tooke five pound one ounce.
The 20 day one pound and foure ounces.
The 21 I tooke foure pound and one ounce, and the
Negroes enquired for fine cloth, and I opened two pieces
which were not fine enough, as they sayd, but seeing that
we had no other, they bought of them. At night I
provided a gift, or present, and sent one marchant and a
mariner with it to the king, to certifie him of our want
of victuals, by reason whereof we could not stay long :
for in deed we searched our ship, and the most part of
our beere was leaked out of all our barrels.

The 22 day we tooke three ounces and a halfe.

King Abaan. The 23 our men came from the king Abaan, and told

us, that he had received them very friendly, but he had

litle gold, but promised, if we would tary, to send into all

The offer of his countrey for gold for us, and he willed our men at

*f /• Y t0 the t^le^r comming home to speake to our king to send men

build a Fort. an<^ provision into his countrey, to build a castle, and

to bring Tailors with them, to make them apparell, and

good wares, and they should be sure to sell them : but

for that present the Frenchmen had filled them full of

cloth.

This towne standeth about foure leagues up in the
circuit as big land, and is, by the estimation or our men, as big in
as London. circuit as London, but the building is like to the rest of

226

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

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the countrey. They have about this Towne great store

of the wheate of the Countrey, and they judge, that on
one side of the towne there were one thousand rikes of
Wheate, and another sort of Corne which is called Mill,
which is much used in Spaine. About this towne they
keepe good watch every night, and have to warne the
watchmen certaine cordes made fast over their wayes,
which lead into the towne, and certaine bels upon them, A pretie
so that if any man touch the cordes, the bels ring, and , se. t0,

' . o descrte the

then the watchmen runne foorth of their watch houses enem\e
to see what they be : and if they be enemies, if they passe
the cord, they have provision with certaine nets hanged
over the wayes, where they must passe, to let fall upon
them, and so take them, and otherwise then by the
wayes it is not possible to enter the towne, by reason of
the thickets and bushes which are about the same, and
the towne is also walled round about with long cords,
and bound together with sedge and certaine barkes of
trees.

When our men came to the towne, it was about five
of the clock in the morning, for there they travell alwayes
in the night by reason of the heate of the day : and about
nine of the clocke, the king sent for them, for there may
no man come to him before he be sent for, and then
they would have caried their present with them : but the
Negros told them, that they must bee three times
brought before him, before they might offer their gift :
and when they came to him, he talked with them, and The kings
received them very friendly, and kept them about halfe fn?ndly enter-
an houre, and then they departed, and after that sent for 0^men
them againe three times, and last of all, they brought
him their present, which he received thankfully, and then
caused a pot of wine of Palme to be brought foorth, and
made them drinke : and before they drinke, both here
and in all the Countrey, they use certaine ceremonies.

First, they bring foorth their pot of drinke, and then Their cere-
they make a hole in the ground, & put some of the w°nies in
drinke into it, and they cast the earth upon it, which Ci ms'

227

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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they digged forth before, and then they set the pot upon
the same, then they take a litle thing made of a goord,
and with that they take out of the same drinke, and put
it upon the ground in three places, and in divers places
they have certaine bunches of the pils of Palme trees set
in the ground before them, and there they put in some
drinke, doing great reverence in all places to the same
Palme trees.

All these ceremonies first done, the king tooke a cup
of gold, and they put him in wine, and hee dranke of it,
and when he dranke, the people cried all with one voice,
Abaan, Abaan, with certaine other words, like as they cry
commonly in Flanders, upon the Twelfe night, The
kinning drinks : and when he had drunke, then they
gave drinke to every one, and that done, the king licensed
them to depart, and every one that departeth from him
boweth 3 times towards him, and waveth with both hands
together, as they bow, and then do depart. The king
hath commonly sitting by him 8 or io ancient men with
gray beards.

This day we tooke one pound and io ounces of gold.

The 24 day we tooke 3 pound and 7 ounces.

The 25 we tooke 3 ounces and 3 quarters.

The 26 we tooke 2 pound and 10 ounces.

The 27 two pound and five ounces.

The 28 foure pound, and then seeing that there was
no more gold to be had, we weighed and went foorth.

The first day of March we came to a towne called

Mown. Mowre, but we found no boats nor people there: but

being ready to depart, there came two Almades to us

[II. ii. 43.] from another towne, of whom we tooke two ounces

and a halfe of golde : and they tolde us that the

Negroes that dwelled at Mowre were gone to dwell

Lagova. at Lagova.

They retume. The second day we came thwart of the castle, and
about two leagues off, and there saw all the five Portugall
ships at anker, and this day by night we fetched
Shamma.

228

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

*557-

The third day we had sight of one tall ship, of about
two hundred tunnes, in the weather of us, and within
lesse then two leagues of our ships, and then we saw two
more a sterne of her, the one a ship of five hundred or
more, and the other a pinnesse : and these were a new
fleet at that present arrived out of Portugall. Whereupon Ships of
we waved, and made shift to double out of the land, and PortuSa"-
then the winde comming to the South-southwest, the
Hart going roome with them fell three leagues to the
leewards of us. These Portugals gave us the chase from
nine of the clocke in the morning, till five at night,
but did no good against us. At last, we perceiving the
Admirall to be farre a sterne of his company, because
his maine topmast was spent, determined to cast about
with them againe, because we were sure to weather them,
and the winde being as it was, it was our best course :
but the Hart was so farre to the leeward, that we could
not doe it, except we would lose her company, so that
we tooke in some of our sailes, and went roome with
him : which when he perceived, he looffed to, and was
able to lie as neere as he did before. At night, when we
came to him, he would not speake to us : then we asked
of his company why he went so roome ; and they made
excuse that they were able to beare no saile by, for feare
of bearing their foretopmast over boord : but this was
a simple excuse.

The fourth day, being put from our watring place
we began to seethe our meat in salt water, and to rebate
our allowance of drinke, to make it indure the longer :
and so concluded to set our course thence, for our
owne countrey.

The 12 of March I found my selfe thwart of Cape
das palmas.

The 1 6 day we fell with the land, which we judged
to be the Cape Mensurado, about which place is very Cape
much high land. Mensurado.

The 1 8 day we lost sight of the Hart, and I thinke
the willfull Master ran in with the shore of purpose

229

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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to lose us, being offended that I tolde him of his owne

folly.
Two small The 27 day we fell in sight of two small Hands, which

I lands by j*e ^ our reckoning sixe leagues off the headland of
terra eona. g-erra Leona . anc[ before we came in sight of the same
Hands, we made our reckoning to be forty or thirty
leagues at the least off them. Therefore all they that
Note. saile this way are to regard the currents which set North-

northwest, or els they may be much deceived.

The 14 of Aprill we met with two great ships of
Portugall, which although they were in the weather of
us, yet came not roome with us, whereby we judged
that they were bound for Calicut.

The 18 day we were in the heigth of Cape verde.

The 24 we were directly under the tropike of Cancer.

The first day of May Henry Wilson our Steward

died : and the next day died John Underwood.

The fift day we were in the heigth of S. Michael.

A French The 23 we had sight of a shippe in the weather of

bravado. us^ wj1jcj1i was a Frenchman of 90 tunne, who came with

us as stoutly and as desperately as might be, and

comming neere us perceived that we had bene upon a

long voyage, and judging us to be weake, as in deed we

were, came neerer us, and thought to have layed us

aboord, & there stept up some of his men in armour,

and commanded us to strike saile : whereupon we sent

them some of our stuffe, crossebarres, and chaineshot,

and arrowes, so thicke, that it made the upper worke

of their shippe flie about their eares, and we spoiled him

with all his men, and toare his shippe miserably with

our great ordinance, and then he began to fall a sterne

of us, and to packe on his sailes, and get away : and we

seeing that, gave him foure or five good pieces more

for his farewell; and thus we were rid of this French

man, who did us no harme at all. We had aboord us

a French man a Trumpetter, who being sicke, and

lying in his bed, tooke his trumpet notwithstanding,

and sounded till he could sound no more, and so died.

230

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

1577.

The 28 we conferred together, and agreed to go into
Severne, and so to Bristoll, but the same night we had
sight of the Lizard, and by reason of the winde, we were
not able to double the lands end to go into Severne,
but were forced to beare in with the Lizard.

The 29 day, about nine of the clocke in the morning,
we arrived safely in Plimmouth, and praised God for
our good arrivall.

The third and last voyage of M. William [n. ii. 4+-]
Towrson to the coast of Guinie, and the
Castle de Mina, in the yeere 1577.

He thirtieth day of January, the yeere
abovesayd, we departed out of the sound
of Plimmouth, with three ships, and a
pinnesse, whereof the names are these :

1 The Minion Admirall of the fleet.

2 The Christopher Viceadmirall.

3 The Tyger.

4 A pinnesse called the Unicorne : being all bound
for the Canaries, and from thence, by the grace of God,
to the coast of Guinie.

The next day, being the last of this moneth, we met It is to be
with two hulks of Dantzick, the one called the Rose, ^Tthis
a ship of foure hundred tunnes, and the other called time there was
the Unicorne, of an hundred and fifty tunnes, the Master warre betwixt
of the Rose was called Nicholas Masse, and the Master England and
of the Unicorne Melchior White, both laden at Bour- France-
deaux, and for the most part with wines. When we
came to them, we caused them to hoise foorth their
boats, and to come and speake with us, and we examined
every one of them apart, what French mens goods they
had in their shippes, and they sayd they had none : but
by the contrarieties of their tales, and by the suspicion
which we gathered of their false chartar-parties, we per-
ceived that they had French mens goods in them : we
therefore caused one of them to fetch up his bils of

231

AD THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

*S77-

lading, and because he denied that he had any, we sent
certaine with him, who caused him to goe to the place
where he had hid them, and by the differences of his
billes of lading, and his talke, we gathered, as before,
that they had Frenchmens goods. Whereupon we
examined them straightly, and first the Purser of the
Unicorne, which was the smaller shippe, confessed that
they had two and thirty tunnes and a hogshead of a
French mans. Then we examined the Master in like
case, and he acknowledged the same to be true. Then
we examined also the Master of the great ship, and he
confessed that he had an hundred and eight and twenty
tunnes of the same French mans, and more they would
not confesse, but sayd that all the rest was laden by
Peter Lewgues of Hamburg, to be delivered to one
Henry Summer of Camphire, notwithstanding all their
letters were directed to Hamburg, and written in Dutch
without, and within in French.

When they had confessed that they had thus much
French mens goods within their shippes, we conferred
together what was best to be done with them. William
Cretton and Edward Selman were of the opinion, that
it should be good either to carry them into Spaine, and
there to make sale of the goods, or els into Ireland,
or to returne backe againe into England with them, if
the winde would permit it. But I, waying what charge
we had of our Masters, first by mouth, and afterwards
by writing, that for no such matter we should in any
case prolong the time, for feare of losing the voyage, and
considering that the time of the yeere was very farre
spent, and the money that we should make of the wines
not very much, in respect of the commodity which we
hoped for by the voyage, perswaded them that to goe
into Ireland, the winde being Easterly as it was, might be
an occasion that we should be locked in there with that
winde, and so lose our voyage : and to cary them into
Spaine, seeing they sailed so ill, that having all their sailes
abroad, we kept them company onely with our foresailes,

232

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

1577-
and without any toppe sailes abroad, so that in every
two dayes sailing they would have hindered us more then
one ; and besides that (the winde being Easterly) we
should not be able to seaze the coast with them : besides
all this the losse of time when we came thither was to
be considered, whereupon I thought it not good to carry
them any further.

And as for carying them into England, although the
winde had bene good, as it was not, considering what
charge we had of our Masters, to shift us out of the
way for feare of a stay by reason of the warres, I held
it not in any wise convenient.

But notwithstanding all this, certeine of our company
not being herewith satisfied went to our Master to know
his opinion therein, who made them a plaine answere,
that to cary them into any place, it was not the best The French
way nor the profit of their Masters. And he tolde ™'™ 8>°&
them further, that if the time were prolonged one moneth time 0fthe
longer before they passed the Cape, but a few men warre upon
would go the voyage. All these things considered, we the losse of
all paused, and determined at the last, that every man Cales-
should take out of the hulks so much as he could well
bestow for necessaries, and the next morning to conclude
what should be further done with them. So we tooke
out of them for us foureteene tunnes and a halfe of
wine, and one tunne we put into the pinnesse.

More we tooke out one hogshead of Aquavitas.

Sixe cakes of rozzen.

A small halser for ties : and certeine chesnuts.
The Christopher tooke out, [II. ii. 45.]

Ten tunnes of wine, and one hogshead.

A quantity of Aquavitse.

Shall-lines.

Chesnuts.

Sixe double bases with their chambers. And their
men broke up the hulks chests, and tooke out their
compasses, and running glasses, the sounding leade and
line, and candles : and cast some of their beefe over

233

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

i577>

boord, and spoiled them so much, that of very pity we
gave them a compasse, a running glasse, a lead and a
line, certaine bread and candles, and what apparell of
theirs we could finde in their ship, we gave them againe,
and some money also of that which William Crompton
tooke for the ransome of a poore Frenchman, who being
their Pilot downe the River of Bordeux, they were not
able to set him a shore againe, by reason of the foule
weather.

The Tyger also tooke out of the smaller hulke sixe
or seven tunnes of wine, one hogshead of Aquavitae, and
certeine rozzen, and two bases he tooke out of the
great hulke.

The first day of February in the morning we all came
together againe saving W. Crompton who sent us word
that he was contented to agree to that order which we
should take.

Now Edward Selman was of this opinion, that it was
not best to let the ships depart, but put men into them
to cary them into England, which thing neither we nor
our Master would agree unto, because we thought it
not good to unman our ships going outward, considering
how dangerous the time was : so that in fine we agreed
to let them depart, and give them the rest of the wine
which they had in their ships of the Frenchmens for
the fraight of that which we had taken, and for their
ordinance, rozzen, aquavitae, chesnuts, and other things
which the company had taken from them. So we
received a bill of their handes, that they confessed how
much Frenchmens goods they had, and then we let them
depart.

The 10 day we reckoned our selves to be 25 leagues
from the Grand Canarie, and this day about nine of
the clocke our pinnesse brake her rudder, so that we
were forced to towe her at the sterne of the Minion,
which we were able to doe, and yet kept company with
the rest of our ships. About eleven of the clocke this
day we had sight of the Grand Canarie.

234

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1577.

The 1 1 day when we came to the Hand we perceived
that it was the He of Tenerif, & then in deed wee had
sight of the Grand Canarie, which lieth 12 leagues to
the Eastwards of Tenerif: and because the road of
Tenerif is foule ground, and nothing was there to be
gotten for the helping of our pinnesse, having the winde
large, we agreed to go with the Grand Canarie.

The 12 day we came into the roade of the towne of

Canarie, which lieth one league from the same towne.

And after we had shot off divers pieces of ordinance to

salute the towne and the castle, the governour and

captaines of the Hand sent to us which were the captaines

of the ships, requiring us to come a shore. And when

we came to them they received us very frendly, offering

us their owne Jennets to ride to the towne, and what

other friendship they could shew us : and we went to

the towne with two English Marchants which lay there, Two English

and remained in their house that day. The second day ; ^chants
ri1 . ., ji- ii- Lmers in the

following we came aboord to deliver our marcnandise, Qranj

and to get our pinnesse mended. Canary.

The 14 day came into the road the Spanish fleet which
was bound to the Emperours Indies, which were in
number nineteene saile, whereof sixe were ships of foure The Spanish
hundred and five hundred a piece, the rest were of two West Indian
hundred, an hundred and fifty, and of an hundred. teene sa^
When they were come to an ancre they saluted us with
ordinance, and so we did them in like case. And after-
wards the Admirall (who was a knight) sent his pinnesse
to desire me to come to him ; and when I came to him
he received me friendly, and was desirous to heare
somewhat of the state of England and Flanders. And
after he had made me a banquet, I departed; and I
being gone unto the boat, hee caused one of his gentle-
men to desire Francisco the Portugall, which was my
interpreter, to require me to furle my flagge, declaring
that hee was Generall of the Emperours fleet. Which
thing (being come aboord) Francisco shewed me: and
because I refused to furle it, and kept it foorth still,

23S

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1577-

certaine of the souldiers in the ships shot divers harque-
bush shot about the ship, and over the flagge : and at
the same time there came certeine gentlemen aboord
our ship to see her : to whom I sayd, that if they would
not cause those their men to leave shooting, I would
shoot the best ordinance I had thorow their sides. And
when they perceived that I was offended, they departed,
and caused their men of warre and souldiers to shoot
no more, and afterwards they came to me againe, and
tolde me that they had punished their men. That done,
I shewed them the ship, and made them such cheere
as I could, which they received very thankfully : and the
day following they sent for mee to dine with them, and
sent me word that their General was very sory that any

[II. ii. 46.] man should require me to furle my flagge, and that it
was without his consent : and therefore he requested
me not to thinke any ungentlenesse to be in him,
promising that no man of his should misdemeane
himselfe.

The 17 day we set saile in the road of Grand Canarie,
and proceeded on our voyage.

The 20 in the morning we had sight of the coast
of Barbarie, and running along the shore we had sight

Rio del Oro. of Rio del Oro, which lieth almost under the tropike
of Cancer.

The 21 day we found ourselves to be in 20 degrees
and a halfe, which is the heigth of Cape Blank.

The 25 we had sight of the land in the bay to the
Northward of Cape Verde.

Francis The 26 I tooke Francisco and Francis Castelin with

Castehn. me^ ancj wenf- \n±0 the pinnesse, and so went to the
Tyger which was neerer the shore then the other ships,
and went aboord her, and with her and the other ships
we ranne West and by South, and West-southwest,
untill about foure of the clocke, at which time we were

Cape verde. hard aboord the Cape, and then we ran in Southwest,
and beyond the Cape about foure leagues we found a

Foure Hands, faire Hand, and besides that two or three Hands, which

236

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1577-

were of very high rocks, being full of divers sorts of

sea-foule, and of pigeons, with other sorts of land-

foules, and so many, that the whole Hand was covered

with the dung thereof, and seemed so white as if the

whole Hand had bene of chalke ; and within those

Hands was a very faire bay, and hard aboord the rocks

eighteene fadom water, and faire ground. And when A Sreai trade

we perceived the bay, and understanding: that the °ftheFr™ch-
-r^ i 11 ji 1 • i men at Cape

frenchmen had a great trade there, which we were verde.

desirous to know, we came to an ancre with the Tyger.

And after that the Minion and the Christopher ancred

in like case : then we caused the pinnesse to runne

beyond another Cape of land, to see if there were any

place to trade in there.

It being neere night I tooke our cocke and the
Tygers skiffe, and went to the Hand, where we got
certaine foules like unto Gannards : and then I came
aboord againe and tooke two of the Gannards which
we had taken, and caried them to the captaine of the
Christopher, and when I had talked with him, I found
him not willing to tary there, neither was I desirous to
spend any long time there, but onely to attempt what
was to be done. The Master of the Christopher tolde
me he would not tary, being not bound for that place.

The 27 the Captaine of the Tyger and Edward
Selman came to me, and John Makeworth from the
Christopher, and then we agreed to take the pinnesse,
& to come along the shore, because that where we
rid no Negros came to us, and the night before our
pinnesse brought us word that there was a very faire 4 faire Hand
Iland. And when I came beyond the point I found it ™here the
so, and withall a goodly bay, and we saw upon the maine
certaine Negros which waved us on shore, and then we
came to an ancre with the pinnesse, and went a shore with
our cocke, and they shewed us where their trade was,
and that they had Elephants teeth, muske, & hides, and Elephants
offered us to fetch downe their Captaine, if we would *"j7h"™ke
send a man with them, and they would leave a pledge for

237

A.D.

l577-

Cabo de
Monte.

The river de
Sestos.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

him : then we asked them when any ship had bene there ;
and some of them sayd not in eight moneths, others, in
sixe moneths, and others in foure, and that they were
Frenchmen.

Then we perceiving the Christopher not willing to
tary, departed from them, & set saile with the pinnesse
and went aboord the Tyger.

The 10 day of March we fell with the coast of Guinea,
five leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Monte, beside a
river called Rio das Palmas.

The 1 1 we went to the shore, and found one man
that could speake some Portuguise, who tolde us that
there were three French ships passed by ; one of them
two moneths past, and the other one moneth past. At
this place I received nineteene Elephants teeth, and two
ounces and halfe a quarter of golde.

The 12 we set saile to go to the river de Sestos.

The 13 at night we fell with the same river.

The 14 day we sent in our boats to take water, and
romaged our shippes, and delivered such wares to the
Christopher and Tyger, as they had need of.

The 15 we came together, and agreed to send the
Tyger to another river to take in her water, and to
see what she could do for graines. After that we tooke
marchandise with us, and went into the river, and there
we found a Negro which was borne in Lisbone, left there
by a ship of Portugal which was burned the last yere at
this river in fighting with three Frenchmen ; and he told
us further, that two moneths past there were three
Frenchmen at this place ; and sixe weeks past there
were two French ships at the river ; and fifteene dayes
past there was one. All which ships were gone towards
the Mina. This day we tooke but few graines.

The 1 9 day considering that the Frenchmen were gone
before us, and that by reason of the unholesome aires of
this place foureteene of our men in the Minion were fallen
sicke, wee determined to depart, and with all speed to
go to the Mina.

238

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

1577-

The 21 wee came to the river de Potos, where some [II. ii. 47.]
of our boats went in for water, and I went in with Rt0 de Potos-
our cocke, and tooke 12 small Elephants teeth.

The 23. day, after we had taken as many teeth as we
could get, about nine of the clocke we set saile to go
towards the Mina.

The 31 we came to Hanta, and made sale of certaine
Manillios.

The first Aprill we had sight of five saile of Portugals, They descrie
whereupon we set saile and went off to sea to get the five j™ °J .
winde of them, which wee should have had if the winde
had kept his ordinary course, which is all the day at the
Southwest, and West-southwest : but this day with a flaw
it kept all the day at the East, and East-southeast, so
that the Portugals had the winde of us, and came roome
with the Tyger and us untill night, and brought them-
selves all save one, which sailed not so well as the rest,
within shot of us : then it fell calme, and the winde came
up to the Southwest, howbeit it was neere night, and the
Christopher, by meanes of her boat, was about foure
leagues to the leewards of us. We tacked and ranne
into the weather of the Admirall, and three more of his
company, and when we were neere him we spake to him,
but he would not answere. Then we cast about and lay The fight.
in the weather of him ; and casting about he shot at us,
and then wee shot at him, and shot him foure or five
times thorow. They shot divers times thorow our sailes,
but hurt no man. The Tyger and the pinnesse, because
it was night, kept out their sailes, & would not meddle
with them. After we had thus fought together 2 houres
or more, and would not lay him aboord because it was
night, we left shooting one at the other, and kept still
the weather of them. Then the Tyger and the pinnesse
kept about and came to us, and afterward being neere
the shore, wee three kept about and lay to the sea, and
shot off a piece to give warning to the Christopher.

This night about 12 of the clocke, being very litle
winde, and the Master of the Tyger asleepe, by the ill

239

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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worke of his men the ship fel aboord of us, and with her
sheare-hooks cut our maine saile, and her boat being
betwixt us was broken and suncke, with certaine mar-
chandise in her, and the ships wales were broken with her
outleger : yet in the ende we cleared her without any
more hurt, but she was in hazzard to be broken downe
to the water.

The second day we had sight of the Christopher, and
were neere unto her, so that I tooke our boat and went
to her. And when I came thither, they shewed me, that
after the Portugals had left us, they went all roome with
him, and about twelve a clocke at night met him, and
shot at him, and hee at them, and they shot him thorow
the sailes in divers places, and did no other great hurt.
And when we had understood that they had beene with
him as well as with us, we agreed altogether to seeke
them (if wee might finde them) and keepe a weather
our places of traffique.

The third day we ran all day to the Southwestwards to
seeke the Portugals, but could have no sight of them,
and hailed into the shore.

The fourth day, when we had sight of land, we found
that the currant had set us thirty leagues to the East-
wards of our reckoning, which we woondered at : for the
Lagua. first land we made was Lagua. Then I caused our boat
to be manned, and the Christophers also, and went to the
shore and tooke our Negro with us. And on shore we
learned that there were foure French ships upon the
Perinnen. coast ; one at Perinnen, which is six leagues to the
Weamba. Westward of Laguoa: another at Weamba, which is
foure leagues to the Estward of Laguoa : a third at
Perecow. Perecow, which is foure leagues to the Eastward of
Egrand. Weamba: and the fourth at Egrand, which is foure
leagues to the Eastward of Perecow.

When we had intelligence of these newes we agreed to
go to the Eastwards with the French men to put them
from their traffique, and shot off two or three pieces in
our boats to cause the ships to way : and having bene

240

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

1577-
about one houre under saile, we had sight of one of the
French men under saile, hailing off from Weamba to
whome we gave chase, and agreed in the night for feare
of overshooting them, that the Minion should first come
to ancre, and after that about three houres, the Tyger
and the Christopher to beare along all night.

The 5. day we found three of the French ships at
ancre : one called La foye de Honfleur, a ship of 220
tunnes, another called the Ventereuse or small Roebarge
of Honfleur, of 100 tunnes, both appertaining to Shawdet
of Honfleur, the third was called the Mulet de Batuille
a ship of 120 tunnes, and this ship belonged to certaine
Marchants of Roan.

When we came to them, we determined to lay the
Admiral aboord, the Christopher the Viceadmirall, and
the Tyger the smallest : but when we came nere them
they wayed, and the Christopher being the headmost
& the weathermost man, went roome with the Admirall :
the Roebarge went so fast that wee could not fetch her.
The first that we came to was the Mulet, and her wee The English
layed aboord, and our men entred and tooke her, which b^fncf*ien
ship was the richest except the Admirall : for the Admirall rjj - g'-i
had taken about 80 pound of golde, and the Roeberge
had taken but 22 pound ; and all this we learned of
the Frenchmen, who knew it very well : for they were all
in consort together, and had bene upon the coast of
Mina two moneths and odde dayes : howbeit the Roe-
berge had bene there before them with another ship
of Diepe, and a caravel, which had beaten all the coast,
and were departed one moneth before our arriving
there, and they three had taken about 700 pound of
golde.

Assoone as we had layed the ship aboord, and left
certaine men in her to keepe her, we set saile and gave
chase to the other two ships, and chased them all day
and night, and the next day untill three a clocke in
the afternoone, but we could not fetch them : and ther-
fore seeing that we brought our selves very farre to

VI 241 Q

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1577-

leeward of our place, we left the chase, and kept about

againe to go with the shore.

Fifty pound The 7 day I sent for the captaine, marchants & Masters

of golde taken Qf fae other ships, and when they came we weighed

prise t^ie g°lde which we had from the Frenchmen, which

weighed fifty pound and five ounces of golde : this done,

we agreed to put men out of every ship into the prise to

keepe her.

The 12 day we came to the further place of the Mina
called Egrand, and being come to an ancre, discharged all
the marchants goods out of the prise, and would have
sold the ship with the victuals to the Frenchmen, but
because she was leake they would not take her, but
desired us to save their lives in taking them into our
owne ships : then we agreed to take out the victuals and
sinke the ship, and divide the men among our ships.

The 15 at night we made an end of discharging the
prise, and divided all the Frenchmen except foure which
were sicke and not able to helpe themselves ; which foure
both the Christopher and the Tyger refused to take,
leaving them in their ship alone in the night, so that
about midnight I was forced to fetch them into our
ship.

The 15 of April, mooving our company for the

Benin. voyage to Benin, the most part of them all refused it.

The 16, seeing the unwillingnesse of the company to

goe thither, we determined to spend as much time upon

the coast as we could, to the end we might make our

voyage, and agreed to leave the Minion here at Egrand,

the Tyger to go to Pericow which is foure leagues off",

and the Christopher to goe to Weamba, which is ten

leagues to the weatherward of this place : and if any of

them both should have sight of more sailes then they

thought good to meddle withall, to come roome with

their fellowes : to wit, first the Christopher to come with

the Tyger, and then both they to come with us.

Our men die We remained in this place called Egrand, untill the

of stcknesse. jast ^ Qf April, in which time many of our men fell

242

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

x577-
sicke ; and sixe of them died. And here we could have
no traffique with the Negros but three or foure dayes in
the weeke, and all the rest of the weeke they would
not come at us.

The 3 of May not having the pinnesse sent us with
cloth from the other ships, as they promised, we solde
French cloth, and gave but three yards thereof to every
fuffe.

The 5 day the Negros departed, and told us they
would come to us againe within foure dayes, which we
determined there to tary, although we had divers of our
men sicke.

The 8 day, all our cloth in the Minion being sold,
I called the company together, to know whether they
would tary the sale of the cloth taken in the prise at this
place or no : they answered, that in respect of the death
of some of their men, and the present sicknesse of twenty Sicknesse.
more, they would not tary, but repaire to the other ships,
of whom they had heard nothing since the 27 of April:
and yet they had our pinnesse with them, onely to cary
newes from one to another.

The 9 day we determined to depart hence to our
fellowes, to see what they had done, and to attempt what
was to be done at the towne of Don John.

The 10 day in the morning we sat saile to seeke the
Christopher and the Tyger.

The 1 1 day the captaine of the Christopher came to
us, and told us that they could finde small doings at the
places where they had bene.

The 12 William Crompton and I in our small pinnesse
went to the Tyger and the Christopher at Perenine.

The 13 we sent away the Tyger to Egrand, because
we found nothing to doe at Perenine, worth the tarying
for.

The 14 our great pinnesse came to us, and presently
we put cloth into her, and sent her backe to Weamba,
where she had bene before, and had taken there ten
pound of golde.

243

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1577

The 1 5 the Minion came to us, and the next day we

went a shore with our boats, and tooke but one ounce

of golde.

The 1 9 day having set saile we came to an ancre before

Mozvre. Mowre, and there we tarried two dayes, but tooke not

an ounce of golde.

[II. ii. 49.] The 21 we came to an ancre before Don Johns
towne.

The 22 we manned our boats and went to shore, but
the Negros would not come at us ; then the Captaine of
the Christopher and I tooke a skiffe and eight men with
us, and went and talked with the Negros, and they sayd

The great fa^ t^ey WOuld send a man to the great towne, where

John °n D°n Jonn himselfe lay, to advertise him of our comming.
The 23 we went a shore againe, and the Negros tolde
us that this day the marchants of Don John would come
downe : so we tarried there untill night, and no man
would come to us : but divers of the Negros made us
signes to depart.

The 24 the Captaine of the Christopher tooke his boat
& went to Mowre, and when he came thither, certaine
Negros came to him to know the price of his wares, but
in the end there came an Almade, which he judged came
from the castle, and caused all the Negros to depart from
him : and when he saw they would come no more to
him, he went a shore and tooke certaine men with him,
and then the Negros cast stones at them, & would not
suffer them to come up to their towne. And when they
saw that, they tooke certaine of the Almades, and put
them to the sea, and afterwards departed. The same
morning I went a shore at Don Johns towne, and tooke
a white flag with me, but none of the Negros could come
to me, which caused us to judge that the Portugals were
in the towne. After this, our boat came to us well
manned, and I sent one man up to the towne with a
white flag in his hand, but when he was come thither,
all the Negros went away & would not speake with him.
Then I sent one alone into the woods after them, but

244

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

*577-
they in no case would come to us. When we saw that,
we tooke twelve goats and fourteene hennes, which we
found in the towne, and went aboord without doing any
further hurt to the towne : and when I came aboord, I
found our pinnesse come from Cormatin, which had taken Cormatin.
there two pound & five ounces of golde. Then after
much ado with the froward Mariners, we went thither-
wards with our ship, and the Christopher went to Mowre.

The 25 day the Master of the Christopher sent his
boat to the shore for balast, and the Negros would have A fight with
beaten the company from the shore, whereupon the tie e®05'
company resisted them, and slew and hurt divers of
them, and having put them to flight, burned their towne,
and brake all their boats.

The 26 day our pinnesse came to us from Cormatin,
and had taken two pound & eleven ounces of golde : and
John Shirife tolde us that the Negros of that place were
very desirous to have a ship come backe againe to their
towne.

The 27 we wayed and went to Cormatin.

The 28 the Christopher came to us from Mowre, and
traffiqued there two dayes.

The second day of June the Tyger came to us from
Egrand, and the pinnesse from Weamba, and they two
had taken about fifty pound of golde since they departed
from us.

The 4 day we departed from Cormatin to plie up to
Shamma, being not able to tary any longer upon the
coast for lacke of victuals, and specially of drinke.

The 7 day we had sight of five of the king of Portugals
ships, which came to an ancre besides the castle.

The 8 day George and Binny came to us, and brought
with them about two pound of golde.

The 10 day in the morning I tooke our small pinnesse,
and the Captaine of the Christopher with me, and
manned her well, and went to the castle to view the
Portugals ships, and there we found one ship of about
300 tunne, and foure caravels : when we had well viewed

245

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1577-

them, we returned backe againe to our ships which we
found seven leagues at sea.

The 1 1 day in the morning we found our selves wel
shot toward Shamma, & the Tyger with us, but the
Minion & the pinnesse had not waved that night, so
that we were out of sight of them : and having brought
our selves in the weather of the Portugals ships, we came
to an ancre to tary for the Minion, or els we might have
fetched Shamma. At night the Minion and the pinnesse
came up to us, but could not fetch so farre to the
weatherward as we, and therefore they ancred about a
league a weather The castle, and we waied in the Chris-
topher, and went roome with her.

The 12 day the Tyger came roome with us, and she
and the Christopher finding themselves to stand in great
need of victuals, would have gone with the Portugals
ships to have fetched some of them forth : but our
master and company would in no case consent to goe
with them, for feare of hanging when we came home :
and the other two ships being fully minded to have gone,
and fearing that their owne company would accuse them,
durst not go to them.

After this, by reason of the want of victuals in the
pinnesse, which could receive no victuals from the other
shippes, but from us onely, we tooke out all our men,
and put twelve Frenchmen into her, and gave them
victuals to bring them to Shamma.
[II. ii. 50.] The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arrived at Shamma,
Note. anc[ tne Christopher within two leagues off them, but

could not fetch the winde by reason of the scantnesse of
the winde, which hath bene so scant, that in fifteene
dayes we have plied to the windewards but twelve
leagues, which before we did in one day and a
night.

The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse, and went to the
towne of Shamma to speake with the captaine, and he
tolde me that there was no golde there to be had, nor
so much as a hen to be bought, and all by reason of

246

WILLIAM TOWERSON a.d.

I577-
the accord which he had made with the Portugals, and I
seeing that departed peaceably from him.

The 21 I put such things as we had into our small
pinnesse, and tooke one marchant of our ship, and
another of the Tyger, and sent her to Hanta, to attempt,
if she could doe any thing there. That night they
could do nothing but were promised to have golde the
next day.

The next day (which was the 22) being come, we sent
our pinnesse to Hanta againe, but there neither the
captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with us, but intised
us from place to place, and all to no purpose.

This day we put away our pinnesse, with five and They put the
twentv Frenchmen in her, and gave them such victuals Frfnchnien

J , , - rr c -\ 1 Wlt"- actuals

as we could spare, putting nrteene or them to the ransome -tnt0 the
of sixe crownes a man. pinnesse.

The 23 of June our pinnesse came to us from Hanta,
and tolde us that the Negros had dealt very ill with
them, and would not traffike with them to any purpose.

The 24 we tooke our boat and pinnesse and manned
them well, and went to the towne of Shamma, and Skamma burnt
because the Captaine thereof was become subject to the htheEnghsn<
Portugals we burned the towne, and our men seeking
the spoile of such trifles as were there found a Portugals
chest, wherein was some of his apparell, and his weights,
and one letter sent to him from the castle, whereby we
gathered that the Portugall had bene there of a long
time.

The 2 c day, about three of the clocke at afternoone, Their returne
we set saile, and put into the sea, for our returne to meward-
England.

The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore
againe, and made our reckoning to be eighteene leagues
to the weatherward of the place where we set off. When
we came to make the land, we found our selves to be
eighteene leagues to the leeward of the place, where we
set off, which came to passe, by reason of the extreame
currant that runneth to the Eastward : when we perceived The currant.

247

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

*577-

our selves so abused, we agreed to cast about againe, and
to lie as neere the winde as we could, to fetch the line.

S. Thome The seventh of July we had sight of the He of S.

Hand. Thome, and thought to have sought the road to have

ancred there : but the next morning the winde came
about, and we kept our course.

The ninth, the winde varying, we kept about againe,
and fell with the Hand of S. Thome, and seeking the
road, were becalmed neere the Hand, and with the currant
were put neere the shore, but could have no ground to
ancre : so that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse,
and the other ships their skifs to towe from the Hand,
which did litle good, but in the end the winde put us
three leagues off the shore.

The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast
about, whereby we judged them to have agreed together,
to goe seeke some ships in the road, and to leave us :
our men were not willing to goe after them, for feare of
running in with the Hand againe, and of putting our
selves into the same danger that we were in the night
before : but we shot off a piece, and put out two lights,
and they answered us with lights againe : whereupon we
kept our course, and thought that they had followed us,
but in the morning we could not see them, so that they
left us willingly, and we determined to follow them no
more. But the eleventh day we altered our opinion and
course, and consented to cast about againe for the Hand,
to seeke our ships ; and about foure of the clocke in the
afternoone we met with them.

The 13 we fell againe with the Hand of S. Thome;
and the same night we found our selves directly under
the line.

The descrip- This Hand is a very high Hand, and being upon the

tln0Jl^'Vh ?f West side of it, you shall see a very high pike, which is
very small, and streight, as it were the steeple of a church,
which pike lieth directly under the line, and at the same
South end of the Hand to the Westward thereof lieth a
small Hand, about a mile from the great Hand.

248

of S. Thome.

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

1577-

The third of August we departed from the He of S.
Thome, & met the winde at the Southwest.

The 12 day we were in the height of Cape verde.

The 22 day we fell with one of the lies of Cape verde,
called The He of Salt, and being informed by a Scotish The lland °f
man that we tooke among the Frenchmen upon the at'
coast, that there were fresh victuals to be had, we came
to an ancre there.

The 23 day in the morning we manned our skiffe,
and went a shore, and found no houses, but we saw foure
men, which kept themselves alwayes farre from us, as
for cattell we could finde none, but great store of goats, [II. ii. 51.]
and they were so wilde, that we could not take above
three or foure of them : but there we had good store of
fish, and upon a small Hand which lay by the same we
had great store of sea-birds.

At night the Christopher brake her cable, and lost an
ancre, so that she could tary no longer, so we all wayed,
and set saile. Upon the same Hand we left the Scotish
man, which was the occasion of our going aland at that
place, but how he was left we could not tell : but, as we
judged, the people of the Hand found him sleeping, and
so caried him away : for at night I went my selfe
to the Hand to seeke him, but could hear nothing of
him.

The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord us,
& tolde us that his men were so weake, and the shippe
so leake, that he was not able to keepe her above the
water, and therefore requested us to go backe againe
to the Hand, that we might discharge her, and give her
up : but we intreated him to take paine with her a while,
and we put a French Carpenter into her, to see if he
could finde the leake. This day we tooke a view of all The Srfat »-
our men, both those that were hole, and the sicke also, con^emenceh
and we found that in all the three ships, were not above upon the foast
thirty sound men. ofGuinie.

The 25 we had sight of the He of S. Nicholas, and the
day following, of the other lies, S. Lucia, S. Vincent,

249

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

I577-

and S. Anthony ; which foure lies lie the one from the
other Northwest and by West, Southeast and by East.

The 26 we came againe with the Hand of S. Anthony,
and could not double the Cape. This day Philip Jones,
the Master of the Christopher, came aboord us, who had
beene aboord the Tyger, and tolde us that they were not
able to keepe the Tyger, because she was leake, and
the Master very weake, and sayd further, he had agreed
with the Master and the company, that if the next
day we could double the Hand, we should runne to
the leeward of it, and there discharge her : but if we
could not double it, then to put in betwixt the Hand
of S. Vincent and S. Anthony, to see if we could dis-
charge her.

The third day of September I went aboord the
Tyger, with the Master and marchants with me, to
view the shippe and men: and we found the shippe
very leake, and onely six labouring men in her, whereof
one was the Master gunner : so that we seeing that
they were not able to keepe the ship, agreed to take
in the men, and of the goods what we could save, and
then to put the ship away.

The fift day we went to discharge the Tyger.

The eight day, having taken out the artillery, goods,
The Tyger victuals, and gold of the Tyger, we gave her up 25
given up. degrees by North the line.

The 27 we had sight of two of the lies of the
Azores, S. Mary, and S. Michael.

The fourth of October we found our selves to be
41 degrees and a halfe from the line.

The sixt day the Christopher came to us, and willed
us to put with the Cape, for they also were so weake,
that they were not able to keepe the sea, and we being
weake also, agreed to goe for Vigo, being a place
which many English men frequent.

The 10 day the Christopher went roome with the
Cape, but we having a mery wind for England, and
fearing the danger of the enemies, which ordinarily lie

250

WILLIAM TOWERSON ad.

lS77-
about the Cape : besides, not knowing the state of
our countrey and Spaine, and although it were peace,
yet there was little hope of friendship at their hands,
considering the voyage that we had made, and we also
being so weake, that by force and violence we could
come by nothing, and doubting also that the King of
Portugall knowing of our being there, might worke
some way with the Councell of Spaine to trouble us :
and further, considering that if we did put in with any
harbor, we should not be able to come out againe, till
we sent for more men into England, which would be
a great charge, and losse of time, and meanes of many
dangers. All these things pondred, we agreed to shoot
off two pieces of ordinance, to warne the Christopher,
and then we went our course for England : she hear-
ing our pieces followed us, and we carried a light for
her, but the next day in the morning it was thicke,
and we could not see her in the afternoone neither, so
that we suspected that either she was gone with Spaine,
or els that she should put foorth more sailes then we in
the night, and was shot a head of us, so that then we
put forth our top-sailes, and went our course with
England.

At the time when the Christopher left us, we were
within 1 20 leagues of England, and 45 leagues North-
west and by West from Cape Finister : and at the
same time in our ships we had not above sixe Mariners
and sixe Marchants in health, which was but a weake
company for such a ship to seeke a forren harbour.

The 16 day, about sixe of the clocke at night, we
met with a great storme at the Westsouthwest, &
West, and our men being weake, and not able to Extreame
handle our sailes, we lost tire same night our maine weaknesse of
saile, foresaile, and spreetsaile, & were forced to lie a °
hulling, untill the eighteenth day, and then we made
ready an olde course of a foresaile, and put it to the
yard, and therewith finding our selves far shot into the [II. ii. 52.]
sleeve, we bare with our owne coast ; but that fore-

251

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

*577-

saile continued not above two houres, before it was
blowen from the yard with a freat, and then we were
forced to lie a hull againe, untill the nineteenth day
of October in the morning, and then we put an olde
bonnet to our foreyard, which, by the good blessing and
providence of God, brought us to the He of Wight,
where we arrived the 20 of October in the afternoone.

The commodities and wares that are most desired
in Guinie, betwixt Sierra Liona and the
furthest place of the Mine.

M Anils of brasse, and some of leade.
Basons of divers sorts, but the most lattin.

Pots of course tinne, of a quart and more.

Some wedges of yron.

Margarites, and certaine other sleight beads.

Some blew Corall.

Some horse tailes.

Linnen cloth principally.

Basons of Flanders.

Some red cloth of low price, and some kersie.

Kettles of Dutch-land with brasen handles.

Some great brasse basons graved, such as in Flanders
they set upon their cupboords.

Some great basons of pewter, and ewers graven.

Some lavers, such as be for water.

Great knives of a low price.

Sleight Flanders-caskets.

Chests of Roan of a lowe price, or any other chests.

Great pinnes.

Course French coverings.

Packing sheets good store.

Swords, daggers, frise mantels, and gownes, clokes, hats,
red caps, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short
pieces of yron, sleight belles, gloves of a lowe price,
leather bags, and what other trifles you will.

252

A REMEMBRANCE FOR JOHN LOK

A.D.
I561,

Certaine Articles delivered to M. John Lok, by
Sir William Gerard Knight, M. William
Winter, M. Benjamin Gonson, M. Anthony
Hickman, and M. Edward Castelin the 8
of September 1561, touching a voyage to
Guinea.

A remembrance for you M. Lok at your com-
ming to the coast of Guinie.

Irst, when God shal send you thither, to
procure, as you passe alongst the coast,
to understand what rivers, havens, or
harboroughs there be ; and to make
your selfe a plat thereof, setting those
places which you shall thinke materiall
in your sayd plat, with their true eleva-
tions.

Also you shall learne what commodities doe belong
to the places where you shall touch, and what may be
good for them.

It is thought good, that having a fort upon the coast
of Mina in the king of Habaans country, it would serve
to great purpose : wherfore you are especially sent to
consider where the fort might be best placed, and upon
what ground : wherein are to be noted these things
following.

1. That the ground so serve, that it joyne to the
sea on the one part, so as shippes and boats may come
to lade and unlade.

2. What molde of earth the ground is of.

3. What timber or wood may be had, and how it
will be caried.

4. What provision of victuals may be had in the
countrey : and what kinde of our victuals will best
serve to continue.

5. The place must be naturally strong, or such as

253

The English
marchants
intend to
fortifie in
Ghinea, in the
king of
Habaans
countrey.

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1561.

may be made strong with a small charge, and afterwards
kept with a few men.

6. How water may be provided, if there be none to
be had in the ground where the fort shall stand, or
neere to it.

7. What helpe is to be had from the people of the
countrey, either for the building of it, or for the
defence thereof.

[II. ii. 53.] To moove the king of Haban a farre off, for

TRabang °^ t^ie mak^ng °f a f°rt> anc* to note how he will like it ;
but use your communication so, that although there
might fall out good cause for the doing of it, yet he
do not understand your meaning.

Search the countrey so farre as you may, both alongst
the coast, and into the land.

To learne what became of the marchants that were
left at Benin.

The matters which shall be of importance to be noted
we nothing doubt that you will omit, wherefore we
referre the order of these affaires to your good dis-
cretion.

Also we pray you as occasion shall serve that you ayd
and helpe our factours, both with your counsell and
otherwise ; and thus God send you safely to returne.

William Gerrard, William Winter, Benjamin Gonson,
Anthony Hickman, Edward Castelin.

254

A LETTER FROM JOHN LOK ad.

1561,

A letter of M. John Lok to the worshipfull
company of Marchants adventurers for Guinie,
written 1 56 1 , shewing reasons for his not
proceeding in a voyage then intended to the
foresayd countrey.

Orshipfull sirs ; since the arrivall of M.
Pet and Buttoll Monjoy (as I understand)
for the voyage it is concluded that the
Minion shall proceed on her voyage, if
within 20 dayes she may be repaired of
those hurts she hath received by the last
storme : or in the moneth of January
also, if the wind wil serve therfore. Wherefore for that
your worships shall not be ignorant of my determined
purpose in the same, with the reasons that have perswaded
me thereunto ; I have thought good to advertise you
thereof, trusting that your worships will weigh them, as I
uprightly and plainly meane them. And not for any feare
or discouragement that I have of my selfe by the raging
of the stormes of the sea, for that (I thanke the Lord)
these have not beene the first that I have abiden, neither
trust I they shalbe the last. First the state of the ship, in
which, though I thinke not but M. Pet can do more
for her strengthening then I can conceive, yet for all that,
it will neither mend her conditions, nor yet make her
so stanch that any cabin in her shalbe stanch for men to
lie drie in : the which sore, what a weakening it will be to
the poore men after their labour, that they neither can
have a shift of apparell drie, nor yet a drie place to rest in,
I referre to your discretion. For though that at Harwich
she was both bound and caulked as much as might be,
both within and without, yet for all that she left not,
afore this flaw, in other weathers, being stressed, to open
those seames, and become in the state she was before ; I
meane, in wetting her men : notwithstanding her new
worke. And my judgement, with that little experience

255

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1561.

I have had, leadeth me to thinke that the ship whose
water works and footings be spent and rotten cannot be
but leake for men. Next, the unseasonable time of the
yere which is now present. And how onely by meanes of
the unseasonable times in the returne from the voyage
home, many thereby have decayed, to the great misery and
calamity of the rest, and also to the great slander of the
voyage (which I much respect) the last and other voyages
have declared. And what it is to make the voyage in
unseasonable time, that hath the second voyage also
declared. Wherefore weying and foreseeing this (as
I may wel terme it) calamity and unevitable danger of
men, and that by men she must be brought home againe
(except that God will shew an extraordinary miracle) I
purpose not nor dare I venture with a safe conscience to
tempt God herein. Againe, forsomuch as she is alone,
and hath so little helpe of boat or pinnesse in her trade, &
also for her watering, where a long time of force must be
spent, my going, to the accomplishment of your expecta-
tions, will be to small effect for this time, because I shall
want both vessell and men to accomplish it. And I would
not gladly so spend my time and travell, to my great
charges and paine, and after, for not falling out accordingly,
to lose both pot and water, as the proverbe is. As for the
Primrose, if she be there, her trade will be ended or ever
we come there, so that she of force, by want of provision,
must returne : yea, though we should carry with us a
supply for her, yet is the meeting of her doubtfull, and
though we met her, yet will the men not tarry, as no
reason is they should : howbeit my opinion of her is that
she is put into Ireland. The Flowerdeluce was in Mil-
ford. Thus for that your worships might understand
the whole cause why I doe not proceed, I have troubled
you at this time with this my long Letter. And, as God
is my Judge, not for feare of the Portugals, which there
we shall meet (and yet alone without ayde) as here is
a shippe which was in Lisbon, whose men say that there
are in a readinesse (onely to meet us) foure great ships, of

256

A LETTER FROM JOHN LOK a.d.

1561.
the which one is accounted 700 tunnes, & other pinnesses :
yet not for feare of them, nor raging of the seas (whose
rage God is above to rule) but onely for the premisses :
the sequell whereof must by reason turne to a great [II, ii. 54.
misery to the men : the which I for my part (though it
might turne me to as much gaine as the whole commeth
to) yet would I not be so tormented, as the sight
thereof would be a corsive to my heart, and the more,
because foreseeing the same, I should be so leud, as
yeelding, to have runne into the danger thereof, and
therefore I have absolutely determined with my selfe not
to goe this voyage. Howbeit if in a seasonable time of
the yeere I had but one ship sufficient, though much
lesse by the halfe, I would not refuse (as triall being made
thereof should appeare) or if I had ability of my selfe
to venture so much, it should well be seene. And this I
speake to give you to understand that I refuse not this
for feare : If you purpose to proceed heerein, send some
one whom you please ; to whom I will not onely deliver
the articles which I have received, but also will give
some particular notes which I have noted in the
affaires which you have committed unto mee, with
the best helpe and counsell I can. Thus the living God
keepe your worships all. Bristoll this 1 1 of December
1561.

Your worships to comand to his power
John Lok.

[The relation
vi 257 R

A.D.

I562.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The relation of one William Rutter to M.
Anthony Hickman his master touching a
voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562,
by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester,
M. Thomas Lodge, the sayd Antony Hick-
man, and Edward Castelin : which voyage is
also written in verse by Robert Baker.

Orshipfull sir, my duty remembred, this
shalbe to declare unto you the discourse
of this our voyage, since our departure
out of England from Dartmouth ; at
which time I gave you to understand of
our departure, which was the 25 of
February 1562. Then having a prosper-
ous winde we departed from thence, and sailed on our
Cape verde. voyage untill we arrived at Cavo verde the 20 of March,
making no abode there, but sailed along the coast to our
Rio de Sestos. first appointed port Rio de sestos, at which port we
arrived the third of Aprill in the morning, having the
sight of a Frenchman, who assoone as he perceived us,
set saile and made to the sea : in the meane time we
came to an anker in the rode : and after that he had
espied our flag, perceiving us to be Englishmen, he bare
with the shore, & hailed our ships with his ordinance, at
which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the
river in traffike, and had understanding of the Negros
that he had bene there three dayes before our comming :
so we concluded together, that if he sent his pinnesse
to traflike, we would not suffer him, untill we had taken
further order with their captaine & marchants. In the
afternoone the pinnesse came into the river, whose men
we willed to make no trafrike untill we had talked further
with their captaine, whom we willed that night to come
aboord our admirall ; which was done. At which sayd
The Minion, time M. Burton and John Munt went aboord the Minion
where the Frenchmen were, & there concluded that they

258

WILLIAM RUTTER ad.

1562.
should tary by us eight dayes, and suffer us quietly to
traffike, wherewith they were not well pleased. Where-
upon the next morning they departed from us, sailing
alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis, which he
did to hinder our traffike that way : wherefore the
marchants of the Minion & we concluded (forasmuch as
at that present we understood that there were no sailes
past alongst) that we should go before, to the end we
might not be hindred of our traffike by the Frenchmen ;
which thing we did : and at our comming thither we
found the Frenchman in traffike to the West of Potis, by
whom we passed, & arrived at Rio de Potis the 1 2 of Rio de Potis.
April, where we remained in traffike untill the 1 5 of the
sayd moneth, and then departed from thence along the
coast toward Sant Andre, where we appointed by agree- Rio de S.
ment to tary for the Minion: and the 17 at night we Andre-
came to the river of S. Andre ; in which very day the
Minion came unto us, telling us that they met at cavo das Cavo das
Palmas a great ship and a carvell of the king of Portugals Palmas-
bound to the Mina, who gave chase unto them, and shot
freely at them, and the Minion in her defence returned
her the like : but God be praised the Minion had no
hurt for that time. In the end we concluded to hasten
towards cavo de tres puntas to have put them from the Cam de tres
castle, if by any meanes wee might ; and when wee Puntas-
were come to the Cape, we lay a hull one night and
two dayes, and doubting they had bene past, the Minion
went neere the shore, and sent her merchants to a place
called Anta, where beforetime we had traffike, and the Anta.
next morning very early being the 2 1 of the sayd moneth,
we againe had sight of the ship and the caravell a good
way to sea-boord of us. Then we presently set saile,
and bare with the formost of them, hoping to have got
betweene the castle and them, but we came short of our
purpose, which was no small griefe unto us all ; and when
they had gotten the castle to friend, they shot at us freely,
and we at them, and the castle at us ; but we profited
litle. In the afternoone we set saile & came to the town

259

A.D.
I562.

Equi.

[a ii. 55.]

Two galies.

Mowre.

Cormantin.

Much hurt
done in the
Minion with
firing a barre
of gunpouder.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

of Don Juan called Equi, where the 22 in the morning
we went a shore to traffike, but the Negros would not
untill they had newes from Don Luis, for at that time
Don Juan was dead, and the 23 came Don Luis his sonne
and Pacheco minding to traffike with us, at which said
day came two galies rowing along the shore from the
castle, minding to keepe us from our traffike. The 24
we set saile and chased the galies to the castle againe.
The Negros being glad of that required us to goe to
Mowre, which is some 3 leagues behind, and thither
would they come for that they stood in feare of the
Portugals, and there we remained for the marchants that
came out of the countrey which were come with their
gold, but Anthonio don Luis his sonne, and Pacheco
were aboord the Minion. And the 25 in the morning
came the two galies from the castle againe unto us, the
weather being very calme, they shot at us and hit us
3 times, and shortly after the wind came from the shore,
at which instant we descried the ship, & the caravell
comming towards us, then we weighed and set saile, and
bare as neere unto them as we could : but it was night
or ever wee met with them, and the night being very
darke we lost them. The next day plying to the shore,
at night we agreed to go with Cormantin, but the next
morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from
the great ship and the 2 galies, having no wind at all,
and the caravell hard aboord the shore. Then being
calme, came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the
Minion, and fought with her the most part of the fore-
noone : and in the fight a mischance hapned in the
Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell of pouder
that tooke fire, wherewith were hurt the master gunner,
the steward, and most part of the gunners ; which the
galies perceiving, began to be more fierce upon them,
and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in twaine, that
without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile,
and presently upon this the great ship sent her boat to
the galies, who suddenly departed from us. And after

260

WILLIAM RUTTER ad

1562.

their departure we went aboord the Minion to counsell
what were best to be done, at which time they were sore
discomfited. Whereupon we devised what was best to
be done : and because wee knew that the Negros neither
would nor durst traffike so long as the galies were on
the coast ; it was therefore agreed that we should prepare
our selves to depart to Rio de Sestos, and so we departed They retume.
that day. The 14 of May in the morning we fell with
the land, and when wee came to it, we doubted what
place it was, and sent our boates on land to know the
trueth, and we found it to be Rio de Barbos, which is to RiodeBarbos.
the Eastward of sant Andre, and there remained in getting
of water untill the 21, where we lost the day before 5
of our men by meanes of overthrowing our blacke pin- The hlacke
nasse. The 22 we departed from thence to Rio de Sesto, %"&$#&.
where we arrived the 2 of June, and the 4 wee departed
from Rio de Sesto, and arrived (God bee thanked) the
6 of August within sight of the Stert in the West part
of England, our men being very sicke and weake. We
have not at this present above 20 sound men that are
able to labour, and we have of our men 21 dead, and
many more very sore hurt and sicke. Master Burton
hath bene sicke this 6 weekes, and at this present (God
strengthen him) is so weake that I feare he will hardly
escape. Herein inclosed your worship shall receive a
briefe of all the goods sold by us, & also what com-
modities we have received for the same. Thus I leave
to trouble your worship, reserving all things els to our
generall meeting, and to the bringer hereof. From
aboord the Primerose the 6 of August 1563.
Your obedient servant

William Rutter.

There are brought home this voiage An. 1563. Elephants
teeth 166. weighing 1758 pounds. Graines 22 buts
full.

[A meeting
261

A.D.
I564.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

A meeting at Sir William Gerards house the 1 1
of July 1564. for the setting foorth of a
voyage to Guinea, with the Minion of the
Queens, the John Baptist of London, and
the Merline of M. Gonson.

T this meeting were these chiefe adven-
turers, Sir William Gerard, sir William
Chester, sir Thomas Lodge, Anthonie
Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Where
it was agreed that Francis Ashbie should
be sent to Deptford to M. Gonson for
his letters to Peter Pet to goe about the
rigging of the Minion upon the Queenes majesties
charges, and so the said Francis to repaire with the
same letters to Gillingham with money to supplie our
charge there.

Also that every one of the five partners shall foorth-
with call upon their partners to supply towards this new
rigging and victualling, 29 li. 10s. 6d. for every 100 li.
value.

Also that every one of the five partners shall foorth-
with bring in 50 li. towards the furniture of the
premisses.

Likewise it is agreed that if M. Gonson give his con-
sent that the Merline shall be brought about from
Bristoll to Hampton, that a letter be drawen where-
unto his hand shall be, before order be given for the
same.

262

SIR JOHN HAWKINS ad.

1564.

The successe of this Voiage in part appeareth [H. ii. $6.]
by certaine briefe relations extracted out of
the second voyage of Sir John Hawkins to
the West Indies, made in the sayd yeere
1564. which I thought good to set downe
for want of further instructions, which hither-
to I could not by any meanes come by, albeit
I have used all possible indevour for the
obtaining of the same : Take them therefore
in the meane season as foloweth.

Aster John Hawkins, with the Jesus of
Lubeck a ship of 700. tunnes, and the
Salomon, a ship of 7 score, the Tiger a
barke of 50, and the Swalow of 30
tunnes, being all well furnished with
men to the number of one hundred
threescore and ten, as also with ordi-

nance and victuall requisite for such a voiage, departed
out of Plimmouth the 18 day of October in the yeere
of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde : at which
departing, in cutting the foresaile, a marvellous misfor-
tune happened to one of the officers in the ship, who
by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand being
a sorowfull beginning to them all. And after their
setting out 10 leagues to the Sea, hee met the same
day with the Minion a ship of the Queens Majesties, 7he Minion
whereof was captaine David Carlet, & also her consort °fthe Queene-
the John Baptist of London being bound to Guinea like-
wise, who hailed one the other after the custome of the
sea, with certaine pieces of ordinance for joy of their
meeting : which done, the Minion departed from him
to seeke her other consort the Merline of London, which
was a sterne out of sight, leaving in M. Hawkins com-
panie the John Baptist her other consort.

Thus sailing forwards on their way with a prosperous
wind until the 21 of the same moneth, at that time a

263

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1564.

great storme arose, the wind being at Northeast about 9
of the clocke at night, and continued so 23 houres to-
gether, in which storme M. Hawkins lost the company
of the John Baptist aforesaid, and of his pinnasse called
the Swallow, the other 3 ships being sore beaten with
the storme. The 23 day the Swalow, to his no small
rejoicing, came to him againe in the night 10 leagues to
the Northward of Cape Finister, having put roomer and
not being able to double the Cape, in that there rose a
contrary wind at Southwest. The 25 the wind con-
tinuing contrary, he put into a place in Galicia called
Ferol, where he remained 5 daies and appointed all the
masters of his ships an order for the keeping of good
company.

The 26 day the Minion came in also where he was,
for the rejoycing whereof he gave them certaine pieces of
ordinance after the curtesie of the Sea for their welcome,
but the Minions men had no mirth because of their
The firing and consort the Merline, whom at their departure from M.
s*"ki*& °fthe Hawkins upon the coast of England, they went to seeke,
for Guinea anc^ having met with her, kept company two dayes to-
gether, and at last by misfortune of fire (through the
negligence of one of the gunners) the pouder in the
gunners roome was set on fire, which with the first blast
stroke out her poope, and therewithall lost 3 men, besides
many sore burned (which escaped by the Brigandine
being at her sterne) and immediatly to the great losse
of the owners, and most horrible sight of the beholders,
she sunke before their eies. The 30 day of the moneth
M. Hawkins with his consorts and company of the
Minion having now both the Brigandines at her sterne,
weighed anker, and set saile on their voiage having a pros-
perous wind thereunto. The 4 of November they had
sight of the Hand of Madera, and the 6 day of TenerifFa,
which they thought to have bene the Canarie, in that they
supposed themselves to have bene to the Eastward of
TenerifFa but were not : but the Minion beyng 3 or 4
leagues a head of us kept on her course to TenerifFa,

264

SIR JOHN HAWKINS ad.

1564.

having better sight thereof then the other had, and by
that means they parted company.

The aforesaid Sir John Hawkins passing on his voiage
by Cavo Verde, and Sierra Leona, and afterward crossing
over the maine Ocean comming to the towne of Bur-
boroata upon the coast of Terra firma in the West Indies,
had further information of the evill successe of this
Guinean voyage, as in the same hereafter is verbatim
mentioned.

The 29 of April, we being at anker without the road,
a French ship called the green Dragon of Newhaven,
whereof was captaine one Bon Temps came in, who
saluted us after the maner of the sea, with certaine pieces
of ordinance, and we resaluted him with the like againe :
with whom having communication, he declared that hee
had bene at the Mina in Guinea, and was beaten off by
the Portugals gallies, and enforced to come thither to
make sale of such wares as he had : and further that the
like was hapned unto the Minion : also, that captaine
David Carlet, & a march ant, with a dozen mariners were
betraied by the Negros at their first arrivall thither, re-
maining prisoners with the Portugals, besides other
misadventures of the losse of their men hapned through
the great lacke of fresh water, with great doubts of bring-
ing home the ships: which was most sorowfull for us
to understand.

[The voyage
265

A.D.

1566.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

[II. ii. 57.] The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinie, and
the Islands of Cape Verde, in the yeere of
1566. with three ships, to wit, the Admirall
called the Castle of Comfort, the May Flower,
and the George, and a Pinnasse also:

Written by Walter Wren.

He 10 day of December, in the yeere
abovesayd, we departed from Plimmouth,
and the 12 day we were thwart of
Ushant.

The 15 day in the morning being

Sunday, wee had sight of Cape Finister,

and the same night we lost the company

of our Admirall, wherefore we sayled along the coast of

Portugall, hoping that our Admirall had bene before us.

The 1 8 day we met with a French ship of whom wee

made inquirie for our Admirall, but he could not tell

us newes of him : so we followed our course to the

Hands of the Canaries.

The 25 day in the morning we fell with a small Hand
called Porto Santo, & within 3 houres wee had sight of
another Hand called Madera which is 6 leagues from
Porto Santo.

The said 25 day being the day of the Nativitie, we
hoised out our boat, and fet master Edward Fenner
captaine of the May Flower aboord us, being in the
George, with the master whose name was Robert Cortise
and others of the sayd shippe, and feasted them with
such cheere as God had sent us.

The 28 day we fel with an Hand called Tenerif, which
is 27 leagues from the said Hand, and on the East side
thereof we came to an anker in 40 fadome water, within
a base shot of the shore, in a litle Baie wherein were
3 or 4 small houses : which Baie and houses were distant
from a litle towne called Santa Cruz, a league or there-
about, and as we rode in the said Baie, we might see

266

GEORGE FENNER ad.

1566.

an Hand called The grand Canarie which was 6 or
7 leagues from us.

The 29 day the May Flower for that she could not
fet into ye road where we were at an anker, by reason
the wind was off the shore, & because she bare more
roomer from the land then we did, in the morning came
bearing in with the towne of Santa Cruz, thinking to
come to an anker in the road against the towne, and
before she came within the reach of any of their ordinance,
they shot at her foure pieces which caused her to come
roome with us, and came at last to an anker by us. And
about one of the clocke in the afternoone, the forenamed
captaine of the May Flower wrote a letter a shore,
directing it to the head officer of the towne of Santa
Cruz, to the intent to understand the pretense of the
shooting off the said ordinance.

The letter being written, Robert Courtise master of the
May Flower, and Walter Wren were appointed to deliver
the same a land at 3 or 4 houses to bee conveid to the
foresayd towne, and so went with six men in the boate,
and rowed to the shore as neere as they might, for
setting the boat on ground, for the sea went cruelly
at the shore.

The people stood in number 30 persons with such
armour as they had : the foresayd Wren called to them
in Spanish, declaring to them that they had a letter
which they would very gladly have conveid unto the
towne, shewing that they would traffique with them as
marchants, desiring their helpe for the conveiance of the
same letter. With that one of the Spaniards willed us
to come on land, and we should be welcome, but
doubting the worst, the said Walter answered them that
they would not come on land, until they had answere
of their letter which they had brought.

Whereupon one of the Spaniards unraied himselfe, and
lept into the water, and swam to the boat, whom we
received. And he saluted us, and demaunded what our
request was : we made him answere, that by misfortune

267

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1566.

we lost the companie of our Admirall, and being bound
to this Hand to traffique for wines and other things
necessary for us, do here mind to stay untill he come.

Concerning our letter he made us answere, that he
would with all diligence cary it, and deliver it according
to the direction, and so the said Walter knit the letter
in a bladder, and delivered it unto him, and also gave
him foure roials of Spanish money for his paines : and
promising that we should have answere of it, he tooke
his leave and swamme againe on shore, where the people
stood ready to receive him. And after that they had
talked with him, and understood our meaning, some of
them threw up their hats, & the other put them off
holding them in their hands, and made us very curteous
signes, alwaies desiring that the boat would come a land,
but we resaluting them rowed backe againe aboord.

The 30 day the Governours brother of Santa Cruz
came aboord the May Flower with sixe or seven Spaniards
with him, who concluded with the Captaine that we might
come a shore and traffique with them, but that day we
did not, for we had no sufficient pledge of theirs for our
assurance. Our Captaine entertained them well, and at
[II. ii. 58.] their departure gave them foure pieces of ordinance for
a farewell, and bestowed upon them two cheeses with
other things.

The sayd Governours brother promised our Captaine
that hee should have sufficient pledges the morrow
folowing, which was not done, whereupon wee grew
suspicious, and went not that day a shore.

The first day of January our captaine sent Nicholas
Day and John Sumpter a shore, who were very well
entertained with as many of our company as went after
them.

In the said Hand is a marveilous high hill called the
Pike, which is a far off more like a cloud in the aire,
then any other thing : the hill is round and somewhat
small at the top, it hath not bene knowen that ever any
man could goe up to the top thereof. And although

268

their A dmirall
againe.

GEORGE FENNER ad

1567.
it stand in 28 degrees which is as hote in January, as it
is in England at Midsommer, yet is the top of the said
hil Winter and Sommer seldome without snow.

In this Hand about two leagues from the said Santa
Cruz is a citie called Anagona.

The third day wee departed about the Westerne point
of the Hand, about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz,
into a Baie which is right agaynst the house of one Petro
de Souses, in which Baie we came to an anker the 5 day,
where we heard that our Admirall had bene there at
an anker 7 dayes before us, and was gone thence to an
Hand called Gomera, whereupon wee set saile presently
to seeke him.

The 6 day we came to an anker against the towne They meet
of Gomera, where we found our Admirall, which was
very joyfull of our comming, and we also of his sight.

In the sayd road we found Edward Cooke in a tall
ship, and a shippe of the Coppersmiths of London, which
the Portugals had trecherously surprised in the Baie of
Santa Cruz, upon the coast of Barbarie, which ship we
left there all spoiled.

Our General & marchants bought in the said towne
for our provision, 14 buts of wine, which cost 15 duckats
a but, which were offred us at Santa Cruz in Tenerif
for 8, 9, and 10 duckats.

The 9 day we departed from this road to another Baie,
about 3 leagues off, and there tooke in fresh water :
& so the 10 day we set saile towards Cape Blanke, which
is on the coast of Guinea.

The 12 day we fell into a Baie to the Eastward of
Cape Pargos, which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanke.
But having no knowledge of that coast, we went with
Cape Blanke, and at the fall of the land we sounded and
had 1 6 fadome water two leagues from the shore. The
land is very lowe and white sand. Upon the fall of the A good caveat.
sayd coast beware how you borow in 12 or 10 fadome,
for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on
ground.

269

A.D.
I567.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The 17 day we set saile from Cape Blanke, directing
our course South and by East, & South among, and so
fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Verde, about
16 leagues, and about sixe leagues from the shore. The
sayd land seemed unto us as if it had bene a great
number of shippes under saile, being in deed nothing
els but the land which was full of Hammoks, some
high some lowe, with high trees on them. We bare with
the said land till we were within 3 leagues of the shore,
and then we sounded, and found 28 fadome water, blacke
oase. This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs swim-
ming with their noses with the brim of the water.

Passing along this coast we might see two small round
hils, seeming to us about a league one from the other,
which is the Cape, and betweene them are great store
of trees, and in all our dayes sailing we saw no land so
high as the said two hils.

The 19 day we came to an anker at the Cape, in a
roade fast by the Westermost side of two hils in 10
fadome of water where you may ride in five or sixe
fadome, for the ground is faire, and alwayes you shall
have the winde off the shore. And as soone as we were
all at an anker, our Generall came aboord us, and with
him the master of the Admirall, whose name was William
Bats, and with them the captaine of the Viceadmirall,
whose name was master Edward Fenner, and Robert
Curtise the master, and dined aboord of us being in
the George, wherein was Captaine John Heiwood, and
John Smith of Hampton master, and there we concluded
to goe aland, which was halfe a mile from us: and by
the counsell of William Bats both Captaine and mar-
chants and divers of the companie went without armour :
for he sayd, that although the people were blacke and
naked, yet they were civill : so that hee would needs
give the venter without the consent of the rest to go
without weapon. Thus they rowed to shore, where, we
being in the shippe might see a great companie of Negros
naked, walking to and fro by the sea side where the

270

GEORGE FENNER a.d.

1567.
landing place was, waiting for the comming of our men,
who came too soone, and landed to their losse as it
fell out afterwards.

There went a shore the Admirals skiffe, and the
May Flowers boate, and in them the number of 20
persons or thereabouts, as M. George Fenner the
Generall, his brother M. Edward Fenner, Thomas
Valentine, John Worme and Francis Leigh marchants,
John Haward, William Bats, Nicholas Day, John
Tomson and others.

At their comming to the shore there were 100 Negros [II. ii. 59.]
or upward, with their bowes and arrowes : our Captaines
and merchants talked with them, & according to the
use of the country, the one demanded pledges of the
other, & they were content to deliver 3 of their Negros
for 5 of our men. Our 5 mens names were these,
John Haward, Wil. Bats, Nich. Day, Joh. Tomson, &
John Curtise : these were delivered them, and we re-
ceived 3 Negros into our Admirals skiffe.

Our men being a shore among the Negros, began to Civet, muske,
talke with them, declaring what ware and marchandize &r~ &gratm,
we had, as woollen cloth, linnen cloth, iron, cheese t-tes 0fcape
& other things. The Negros answered againe, they had Verde.
civet, muske, gold and graines, which pleased our cap-
taines and marchants very well. Then the Negros
desired to have a sight of some of our wares, to the
which our marchants were content, and forthwith sent
aboord one of the boats for part of their marchandise,
and in the meane time while the boate went to the
ship, our five men were walking on the shore with
the Negros, and our Generall and marchants staied in
the other boat by the sea side, having the 3 Negros
with them.

Our boate then came againe and brought iron and
other marchandise, with bread, wine, and cheese which
they gave unto them. Then two of the Negros (which
were the pledges) made themselves sicke, desiring to
goe a shore, promising to send other two for them.

271

trecherie.

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1567.

Captaine Haiward perceiving that our men had let the
Negros come a shore, asked what they meant, and doubt-
ing the worst began to drawe toward the boate, and
two or three of the Negros folowed him. And when
hee came to the boate they began to stay him, and he
made signes unto them that hee would fetch them more
drinke and bread : notwithstanding, when he was entering
into the boate, one of them caught him by the breeches
and would have staied him, but hee sprang from him
and leapt into the boate, and as soone as hee was in,
one of the Negros a shore beganne to blow a pipe, and
presently the other Negro that was in our boate sitting
on the boates side, and master Wormes sword by him,
The Negros suddenly drew the sword out of the scabberd, and cast
himselfe into the Sea and swamme a shore, and presently
the Negros laied handes on our men that were on shore,
and tooke three of them with great violence, and tore
all their apparell from their backes and left them
nothing to cover them, and many of them shot so
thicke at our men in our boates, that they could scarse
set hand to any Oare to rowe from the shore, yet (by
the helpe of God) they got from them with their
boates, although many of them were hurt with their
poysoned arrowes : and the poison is uncurable, if the
arrow enter within the skin and drawe blood, and
except the poison bee presently suckt out, or the place
where any man is hurt bee foorthwith cut away, hee
dieth within foure dayes, and within three houres after
they bee hurt or pricked, wheresoever it be, although
but at the litle toe, yet it striketh up to the heart,
and taketh away the stomacke, and causeth the partie
marveilously to vomite, being able to brooke neither
meat nor drinke.

The Negros having used our men with such cruelty,
whose names were Nicholas Day, William Bats and John
Tomson, led them away to a towne which was within
a mile of the water side, or thereabout.

The 20 day we sent to land a boate or skiffe wherein

272

SS^smf^^^L^i^

GEORGE FENNER

GEORGE FENNER a.d.

1567.

were eight persons, and one of them was the foresayd
John Tomson and our interpreter which was a French- <A French in-
man, (for there was one of the Negros which spake good te^Prete^f°J
French :) and they caried with them two harquebusses, a*e
two targets and a mantell.

The cause of sending them was to learne what ransome
they demaunded for Bats and Day whom they detained.
And when they came to the shore and told the Negros
what they desired, they went and fetched them from
among the trees, and brought them loose among fortie
or fiftie of them. And being come within a stones cast
of the sea side, William Bats brake from them, and ran
as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat, and
he was not so soone in the water but hee fell downe,
either being out of breath or his foote failing him in
the sand being soft : so that the Negros came and fell
on him and tooke him and haled him, that we thought
they had torne him in pieces : for they tore againe all
the apparell from his backe, so that some of them caried
our men againe to the towne, and the rest shot at us
with their poisoned arrowes, and hurt one of our men The danger of
called Androwes in the smal of the leg, who being come P0lS0ned
aboord, (for al that our Surgeons could do) we thought
he would have died.

Our Generall (notwithstanding all this villanie) sent
agayne to them, and offered them any thing that they
desired for the raunsome of our men, but they would not
deliver them : giving us this answere : That there was The answere
in the foresayd roade, three weekes before wee came, °fthe Negros.
an English shippe which had taken three of their people,
and untill wee did bring or send them againe, wee should
not have our men although wee would give our three
shippes with their furniture.

The 21 day a French shippe of the burden of 80 [II. ii. 60.]
tunnes (or thereabouts,) came to the place where we
were, being bound to traffique at the Cape : we told them
of the detaining of our two men by the Negros : and
seeing that these Frenchmen were very well welcome
vi 273 s

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1567.

to the Negros, we wished them to see whether they
could procure them againe of the Negros, and bring
them along with them, and our Generall promised the
Frenchmen 100 li. to obtaine them. So wee committed
the matter to the Frenchmen and departed.

Of our men that were hurt by the Negros arrowes,
foure died, and one to save his life had his arme cut
off. Androwes that was last of all hurt, lay lame not
able to helpe himselfe : onely two recovered of their
hurts. So we placed other men in the roomes of those
that we lost, and set saile.

The 26 day betweene Cape Verde and Bona vista we
sawe many flying fishes of the bignesse of herrings,
whereof two flew into our boat, which we towed at our
sterne.
Bona vista. The 2 8 day we fell with an Hand called Bona vista,

which is from Cape Verde 86 leagues. The Northside
of the sayde Hand is full of white sandie hils and dales,
and somewhat high land.

The sayd day wee came to an anker within the Wester-
most point, about a league within the point, and found
in our sounding faire sand in ten fadome water, but you
may goe neere till you be in five or six fadome, for the
ground is faire.

As soone as we were at an anker, our Generall sent
his pinnasse a land, and found five or sixe small houses,
but the people were fled into the mountains : and the
next day he sent a shore againe, and met with two
Portugals, who willingly went aboord with his men, and
at their comming he welcommed them, although they
were but poore & simple, and gave each of them a paire
of shoes, and so set them a shore againe.

The 30 day we weighed & sailed into a Bay within
a smal Hand about a league from us, and tooke plentie
of divers sortes of fishe. The foresayd Hand lieth in
sixteene degrees. And if you meane to anker in the
said Bay, you may borow in foure or five fadome of the
Southermost point of the sayd Hand, which you may see

274

GEORGE FENNER ad.

1567.
when you ride in the road. But beware of the middle 4 good
of the Baie, for there lieth a ledge of rocks, which at a adm0ttitio»:
lowe water breaketh, yet there is three fadome water over
them.

The last day of Januarie our Generall with certaine
of his men went a shore in the Baie to the houses, where
he found 12 Portugals. In all the Hand there were not Banished
above 30 persons, which were banished men for a time, Portuga^-
some for more yeeres, some for lesse, and amongst them
there was one simple man which was their captaine.

They live upon goats flesh, cocks, hennes, and fresh
water : other victuals they have none, saving fish, which
they esteeme not, neither have they any boats to take them.

They reported that this Hand was given by the king
of Portugall to one of his gentlemen, who hath let it
foorth to rent for one hundreth duckats a yeere, which
rent is reared onely in goats skinnes. For by their Great store of
speaches there hath bene sent foorth of the sayd Hand S°ates-
into Portugall 40000 skins in one yeere.

We were to these men marveilously welcome, and to
their powers very wel entertained, and they gave us the
flesh of as many hee-goates as wee would have, and tooke
much paines for us in taking them, and bringing them
from the mountains upon their asses.

They have there great store of the oyle of Tortoises,
which Tortoise is a fish which swimmeth in the Sea, with
a shell on his backe as broad as a target. It raineth not
in this Hand but in three moneths of the yeere, from the
midst of July to the midst of October, and it is here
alwayes very hote. Kine have bene brought hither, but
by reason of the heate and drought they have died.

The 3 of February wee departed from this Hand, and
the same day fell with another Hand called the Hand of The He of
Maiyo, which is 14 leagues from the other Hand: there Mab°-
is in the midst of the way between these two Hands a
danger which is alwayes to be seene.

We ankred in the Northwest side of the sayd He in
a faire Baie of eight fadomes water and faire sand, but

275

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1567.

here we staied not, but the fourth day weighed and sailed

S. Jagp. to another Hand called S. Jago, which lieth off the said
Hand of Maiyo East and by South, and about five leagues
one from the other. Being come within the Westermost
point, we saw a faire road, and a small towne by the water
side, and also a fort or platforme by it : there we purposed
to come to anker, and our marchants to make some sale.
But before we came within their shot, they let flie at us
two pieces, whereupon we went roomer and sailed along
the shore two or three leagues from the road, where we
found a small Baie and two or three small houses, where
we came to an anker in 14 fadome faire ground.

[II. ii. 61.] Within an houre after we had ankered we might see
divers horsemen and footmen on the land right against
us riding and running to and fro.

The next day being the fift of Februarie, a great com-
panie of their horsemen and footemen appeared on the
shoare side, unto whom our Generall sent to understande
whether they would quietly trafike with them : And they
sent him worde againe, desiring that they might speake
with him, promising that if he came to trafike as a
marchant he should be welcome, and also that he should
have any thing that he or the marchant would with
reason demaund.

When this answere was brought unto our Generall he
was very glad thereof and the whole companie, and
presently (with as much speede as he could) he caused
his boates to be made readie : but doubting the villanie
of the Portugales, he armed his boates putting a double
base in the head of his pinnesse, and two single bases in
the head of the SkifFe, and so sent to the May-floure
and the George, and willed them in like sort to man
their two boates.

These boates being thus manned and well appointed,
our Generall entered into his SkifFe, and with the rest
rowed to the shoare where were threescore horsemen or
more, and two hundreth footemen readie to receive them.
Our Generall marveiled that they came in so great a

276

GEORGE FENNER a.d.

1567.

number and all armed, and therefore with a flagge of
truce sent to them to knowe their pleasure : and they
answered him with many faire promises and othes, that
their pretence was all true, and that they meant like
Gentlemen and Marchantes to trafike with him, declaring
also that their Captaine was comming to speake with him,
and therefore desired our Generall to come and speake
with him himselfe.

With this answere the boate returned, and then our
Generall caused his pinnesse to rowe to them, and as he
came neere the shoare they came in a great companie with
much obeysance, opening their hands and armes abroade,
bowing themselves with their bonnets off, with as much
humble salutations outwardly as they might: earnestly
desiring our Generall and Marchants to come on lande
to them, whereunto he would not agree without sufficient
gages of Gentlemen and Marchants. At length they
promised to sende two gages to our Generals content-
ment, promising fresh water, victuall, money, or Negroes
for ware, if it were such as they liked : and therefore
desired our Generall and Marchants to sende them a
shoare in writing the quantitie of their wares, and the
names of them : all which our Generall departed to per-
forme, looking for their answere the morrowe following.
And being gone a litle from the shoare, he caused his
bases, curriers, and harquebusses to be shot off, and our
ships in like case shot off five or sixe pieces of great
ordinance, and so came aboord to prepare the note. The
Portugales most of them departed, saving those that were
left to watch and to receive the note, which about foure
or five a clocke in the afternoone was sent, and it was
received. But all the purposes of the Portugals were ^he treason of
villainously to betray us (as. shal appeare hereafter) ^ jS**
although we meant in truth and honestie, friendly to mr mn%
trafike with them.

There was to the Westwards of us and about two
leagues from us, a towne behinde a point fast by the sea
side, where they had certaine Caravels, or shippes and

277

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1567.

also two Brigandines, whereof they (with all the speede
that they might) made readie foure Caravels, and both
the brigandines which were like two Gallies, and furnished
them both with men and ordinance as much as they could
carrie, and as soone as it was night, they came rowing
and falling towardes us : so that the land being high and
weather somewhat cloudie or mystie, and they comming
all the way close under the shoare we could not see them
till they were right against one of our ships called the
May-floure.

By this time it was about one or two of the clocke in
the morning, and the May-floure roade neerer them then
the other two by a base shotte, so that they made a sure
account either to have taken her or burnt her. In the
meane time our men that had the watch (litle thinking
of such villanous treacheries after so many faire wordes)
were singing and playing one with the other, and made
such a noyse, that (being but a small gale of winde, and
riding neere the lande) they might heare us from the
shoare : so that we supposed that they made account that
we had espyed them, which indeede we had not, neither
had any one piece of ordinance primed, or any other thing
in a readinesse.

They came so neere us that they were within gunshot
of us, & then one of our men chanced to see a light, &
then looking out spied the 4 ships, and suddenly cried
out, Gallies, gallies, at which cry we were all amazed, and
foorthwith they shot at us all the great ordinance that
they had, and their harquebusses, and curriers, and so
lighted certaine tronkes or pieces of wilde fire, and all
of them with one voice (as well they on the shoare as
they in the shippes) gave a great shoute, and so continued
hallowing with great noyses, still approching neerer and
neerer unto the May-floure. We (with all the speede
that we might) made readie one piece of ordinance and
[II. ii. 62.] shotte at them, which caused them somewhat to stay, so
they charged their ordinance and shot at us freshly againe,
and while they shotte this second time at us, we had

278

GEORGE FENNER a.d.

1567.

made readie three pieces which we shot at them, but they
approched still so neere, that at last we might have shot
a sheafe arrowe to them. Whereupon we having a gale
of winde off the shoare hoysed our foresayle, and cut our
cable at the hawse, and went towarde our Admirall, and
they continued following and shooting at us, and some-
time at our Admirall, but our Admirall shotte one such
piece at them, that it made them to retire, and at length
to warpe away like traiterous villaines, and although they
thus suddenly shot all their shot at us, yet they hurt
neither man nor boy of ours, but what we did to them
we know not.

But seeing the villanie of these men we thought it
best to stay there no longer, but immediatly set sayle
towards an Hand called Fuego, 1 2 leagues from the said The I*k °f
Island of S. Jago. At which Island of Fuego we came FueS°-
to an anker the 1 1 day of this moneth, against a white
chappell in the West end of the sayd Island, within halfe
a league of a litle towne, and within a league or there-
about of the uttermost point of the said Island.

In this Island is a marveilous high hill which doth
burne continually, and the inhabitants reported that
about three yeeres past the whole Island was like
to be burned with the abundance of fire that came out
of it.

About a league from the said chappel to the Westward
is a goodly spring of fresh water, where we had as much
as we would. Wheate they have none growing here, but
a certaine seede that they call Mill, and certaine peason Mill.
like Guinie peason, which Mill maketh good breade, but
they have here good store of rother beasts and goates.
Their marchandize is cotton, which groweth there. Cotton in

The inhabitants are Portugals which have commande- Fuei°-
ment from the king to trafike neither with Englishmen
nor Frenchmen for victuall or any other thing, except
they be forced so to doe.

There lieth off this Island another called Ilha Brava, The Isle of
which is not passing two leagues over, it hath good store Brava-

279

A.D.

I567.

They returne.
March.

Aprill.

Woad,

May.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

of goates and many trees, but there are not passing three
or foure persons dwelling in it.

The 25 day of February we departed towardes the
Islands of Azores: and on the 23 day of March we
had sight of one of them called Flores, and then wee
might see another Island to the Northward of it called
Cuervo, lying two leagues or thereabouts off the other.

The 27 we came to an anker in Cuervo over against
a village of about twelve simple houses ; but in the night
by a gale of winde, which caused us to drawe our anker
after us, we hoysed sayle and went to the aforesayd Island
of Flores, where we sawe strange stream es of water
running downe from the high cliffes by reason of the
great abundance of raine that had suddenly fallen.

The 29 day we came againe to Cuervo and cast anker,
but a storme arose and continued seven or eight houres
together, so that we let slip a cable and anker, and after
the storme was alayed we came againe thinking to have
recovered the same, but the Portugals had either taken it,
or spoiled it : the cable was new and never wet before,
and both the cable and anker were better worth then 40
li. So that we accompt our selves much beholding to
the honest Portugales.

The 1 8 day of April we tooke in water at the Island of
Flores, and having ankered, our cable was fretted in
sunder with a rocke and so burst, where wee lost that
cable and anker also, and so departed to our coast.

Then wee set sayle to an Islande named Faial, about
the which lie three other Islands, the one called Pico, the
other Saint George, and the other Graciosa, which we had
sight of on the eight and twentieth day.

The 29 we came to an anker in the Southwest side of
Faial in a faire bay, and 22 fadom water against a litle
towne where we had both fresh water and fresh victuall.
In this Island by the report of the inhabitants, there
groweth certaine greene woad, which by their speeches is
farre better then the woad of S. Michael or of Tercera.

The 8 day of May we came to Tercera where we met

280

GEORGE FENNER ad

1567.

with a Portugall ship, and being destitute of a cable and

anker, our Generall caused us to keepe her companie, to

see if she could conveniently spare us any. The next

morning we might see bearing with us a great shippe and

two Caravels, which we judged to be of the king of

Portugals Armada, and so they were, whereupon we

prepared our selves for our defence. The said ship was A Portugall

one of the kings Galliasses, about the burden of foure GaRasse °f

hundred tunnes, with about three hundred men in her, the

shippe being well appointed with brasse pieces both great

and small, and some of them so bigge that their shot was

as great as a mans head, the other two Caravels were also

very warlike and well appointed both with men and

munition.

As soone as they were within shotte of us, they waved [II. ii. 63.]

us amaine with their swords, we keeping our course, the

greatest shippe shot at us freely and the caravell also, and A fight be-

we prepared our selves, and made all things cleare for our t'^eene^ne

c r 1 1 j T-i i 1 • English ship

sategard as neere as we could. 1 hen the great shippe an^ -

shot at us all her broad side, and her foure greatest pieces Portugals.

that lay in her sterne, and therewith hurt some of our

men, and we did the best we could with our shot to

requite it. At last two other Caravels came off the shoare,

and two other pinnesses full of men, and delivered them

aboord the great shippe, and so went backe againe with

two men in a piece of them. The ship and the Caravell

gave us the first day three fights, and when the night

was come they left off shooting, yet notwithstanding kept

hard by us all the night. In the meane time we had

as much as wee could doe all the night to mende our

ropes, and to strengthen our bulwarkes, putting our trust

in God, and resolving our selves rather to die in our

defence then to bee taken by such wretches.

The next day being the 10 of May in the morning,

there were come to aide the said Portugals foure great

Armadas or Caravels more which made seven, of which 4

three of them were at the least 100 tunnes a piece, the

other not so bigge, but all well appointed and full of men.

281

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1567.

All these together came bearing with us being in our
Admirall, and one of the great Caravels came to lay us
aboorde (as we judged) for they had prepared their false
nettings, and all things for that purpose, so that the
Gallias came up in our larboord side, and the Caravell
in our starboord side.

Our Captaine and Master perceiving their pretence,
caused our gunners to make all our ordinance readie
with crossebarres, chaineshotte and haileshot : so the ship
and Caravell came up, and as soone as they were right in
our sides, they shotte at us as much ordinance as they
could, thinking to have layde us presently aboord : where-
upon we gave them such a heate with both our sides,
that they were both glad to fall asterne of us, & so
paused the space of two or three houres being a very
small gale of winde.

Then came up the other five and shot all at us,
and so fell all asterne of us, & then went to counsell
together.

Then our small barke named the George came to us,
and wee conferred together a great space. And as the
Portugall shippes and Caravels were comming to us
againe, our barke minding to fall asterne of us and so to
come up againe, fell quickly upon the lee, and by reason
of the litle winde, it was so long before she could fill her
sailes againe, that both the shippe and Caravels were
come up to us, and she falling in among them made
reasonable shift with them, but they got a head of her, so
that she could not fetch us : then 5 of the Caravels
followed her, but we saw she defended her selfe against
them all.

Then came the great shippe and the Caravell to us,
and fought with us all that day with their ordinance.

The May-floure our other consort being very good by
the winde, tooke the benefite thereof and halde all that
day close by the winde, but could not come neere us.
So when night againe was come, they gave over their
fight and followed us all the night.

282

GEORGE FENNER a.d.

1567.

In these many fights it could not otherwise be but
needes some of our men must be slaine, (as they were
indeede) and divers hurt, and our tackle much spoyled :
yet for all this we did our best indevour to repaire
all things, and to stand to it to the death with our
assured trust in the mercie and helpe of God.

This night the May-floure came up to us, and our
Captaine tolde them his harmes and spoyles, and wished
them if they could spare halfe a dosen fresh men to hoyse
out their boate and sende them to him, but they could not
spare any, and so bare away againe. Which when our
enemies sawe in the next morning that we were one
from another, they came up to us again and gave us a
great fight with much hallowing and hooping, making
accompt either to boorde us or els to sinke us : but
although our companie was but small, yet least they
should see us any whit dismayed, when they hallowed
we hallowed also as fast as they, and waved to them
to come and boorde us if they durst, but that they would The 7 Portu-
not, seeing us still so couragious : and having given us &»**&**
that day foure fights, at night they forsooke us with Jrm (me
shame, as they came to us at the first with pride. English ship.

They had made in our ship some leakes with their
shot which we againe stopped with al speed, and that
being done, we tooke some rest after our long labour
and trouble.

The next day in the morning the May-floure came
to us, and brought us sixe men in her boate which did us
much pleasure, and we sent to them some of our hurt
men.

Then we directed our course for our owne countrey,
and by the second day of June we were neere to our June.
owne coast and sounded being thwart the Lyzard.

The third day we had sight of a shippe which was
a Portugall, who bare with us, and at his comming to us [II. ii. 64.]
(the weather being calme) our Captaine caused him to
hoyse foorth his boate to come aboord to speake with
him, and at their comming our Captaine and Marchants

283

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1567.

demanded of them what ware they had, and whither
they were bound, and they made answere that their
lading was sugar and cotton. Then our Captaine and
Marchants shewed them five Negroes that we had, and
asked them whether they would buy them, which they
were very desirous to doe, and agreed to give for them
40 chests of sugar, which chests were small having not
above 26 loaves in a piece: so they with their boate
did fetch five of the chestes and delivered them and
went for more, and when they had laden their boate
and were come againe, we might see bearing with us
A Portugall a great ship and a small, which our Captaine supposed

^tLdin^dt t0 be mCn °f WarrC °r RoverS> and then willed the

their viknies) Fortugales to carie their sugar to their ship againe,

defended by purposing to make our selves readie for our defence.

our men from But the Portugales earnestly intreated our Captaine not

Rovers. so to forsake them, and promised him (if he would

safegard them) to give him above the bargaine ten

chests of sugar : whereupon our Captaine was content,

and the Portugall not being good of sayle, we spared

our topsayles for her : so at last the foresaid ship bare

with us, and (seeing that we did not feare them) gave

us over. And the next morning came two others

bearing with us, and seeing us not about to flie a jot

from them forsooke us also.

The 5 day of June we had sight of the Stert, and
about noone we were thwart of the bay of Lime, and
so sounded and had 35 fadom water.

The sixt day we came in at the Needles and so
came to an anker under the Isle of Wight at a place
called Meadhole, and from thence sayled to South-
hampton where we made an ende of this voyage.

284

EDMUND HOGAN'S AMBASSAGE a.d.

1577-

The Ambassage of M. Edmund Hogan, one of
the sworne Esquires of her Majesties person,
from her Highnesse to Mully Abdelmelech
Emperour of Marocco, and king of Fes and
Sus: in the yeere 1577, written by himselfe.

Edmund Hogan being appointed Am-
bassadour from the Queenes Majestie
to the above named Emperour and King
Mully Abdelmelech, departed with my
company and servants from London the
two and twentie day of Aprill 1577,
being imbarked in the good ship called
the Gallion of London, and arrived in Azafi a port of M. Hogan his
Barbarie the one and twentie day of May next follow- a%^finU
ing. Immediatly I sent Leonell Edgerton a shoare Barbarie.
with my letters directed to John Williams and John May.
Bampton, who dispatched a Trottero to Marocco to
knowe the kings pleasure for my repaire to the Court,
which letters came to their hands on the Thursday
night.

They with all speede gave the king understanding
of it, who being glad thereof speeded the next day
certaine Captaines with souldiers and tents, with other
provision to Azafi : so that upon Whitsunday at night
the said Captaines with John Bampton, Robert Wash-
borne, and Robert Lion, and the kings officers came
late to Azafi.

In the meane time I remained a boord, and caused
some of the goods to be discharged for lightning of
the shippe, and I wrote in my letter that I would not
lande, till I knewe the Kings pleasure.

The 22 day being Saturday, the Make-speede arrived

in the roade about two of the clocke in the afternoone.

The 27 day, being Whitsunday, came aboord the

Gallion John Bampton, and others, giving me to

understande how much the King rejoyced of my safe

285

A.D.

1577.

[II. li. 65.]

In Barbary
they have no
Innes but they
lodge in open
fieldes where
they can find
water.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

arrivall, comming from the Queenes Majestie, and how
that for my safe conduct to the Court he had sent
foure Captaines and an hundred souldiers well appointed,
with a horse furnished which he used himselfe to ride
on with all other furniture accordingly : they wished
mee also to come on lande in the best order I could,
as well for my selfe as my men, which I did, having
to the number of tenne men, whereof three were
trumpetters.

The ships being foure appointed themselves in the
best order they could for the best shew, and shot off
all their ordinance to the value of twentie Markes in
powder.

At my comming a shoare, I found all the souldiers
well appointed on horsebacke, the Captaines and the
Governour of the towne standing as neere the water
side as they could, with a Jennet of the kings, and
received mee from the boate declaring how glad his
Majestie was of my safe arrivall, comming from the
Queenes Majestie my Mistresse, and that hee had sent
them to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I
should tarie there on shoare five or sixe dayes for my
refreshing.

So being mounted upon the Jennet, they conducted
mee through the Towne into a faire fielde upon the
Sea-side where was a tent provided for mee, and all the
ground spread with Turkie carpets, and the Castle
discharged a peale of ordinance, and all things necessarie
were brought into my tent, where I both tooke my
table and lodging, and had other convenient tents for
my servants.

The souldiers environed the tents, and watched about
us day and night as long as I lay there, although I
sought my speedier dispatch.

On the Wednesday towards night, I tooke my horse
and traveiled ten miles to the first place of water that
we could finde, and there pitched our tents till the
next morning, and so traveiled till ten of the clocke,

286

EDMUND HOGAN'S AMBASSAGE ad.

1577.

and then pitched our tents till foure, and so traveiled
as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that
day.

The next day being Friday I traveiled in like order
but eight and twentie miles at the most, and by a River
being about sixe miles within sight of the Citie of
Marocco we pitched our tents.

Immediatly after came all our English marchants, and
the French on horsebacke to meete me, and before
night there came an Alcayde from the king with fiftie
men, & divers mules laden with victuall and banket,
for my supper, declaring unto me how glad the king The singular
shewed himselfe to heare of the Queenes Majestie, and ^£^ ^
that his pleasure was I should be received into his Ambassadour.
countrey as never any Christian the like : and desired
to knowe what time the next day I would come into
his citie, because he would that all the Christians as
also his nobilitie should meete me, and willed John
Bampton to be with him early in the morning, which
he did.

About seven of the clocke being accompanied with
the French and English marchants, and a great number
of souldiers, I passed towards the citie, and by that
time I had traveiled 2 miles, there met me all the The Spaniards
Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receive me, an^PortuSa^s
which I knowe was more by the kings commandement mandedbvthe
then of any good wils of themselves : for some of them kinginpahe
although they speake me faire hung downe their heads of death, to
like dogs, and especially the Portugales, and I coun- m^etethe
tenanced them accordingly. Ambassadour.

So 1 passed on till I came within two English miles
of the Citie, and then John Bampton returned, shewing
me that the king was so glad of my comming, that
hee could not devise to doe too much, to shewe the
good will that hee did owe to the Queenes Majestie,
and her Realme.

His counsellers met me without the gates, and at
the entrie of the gates, his footmen & guard were

287

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1577-

placed on both sides of my horse, and so brought me
to the kings palace.

The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about
him, as well the Moores as the Elchies, and according
to his order given unto me before, I there declared my
message in Spanish, and made deliverie of the Queenes
Majesties letters, and all that I spake at that present
in Spanish, hee caused one of his Elchies to declare the
same to the Moores present, in the Larbe tongue.

Which done, he answered me againe in Spanish,
yeelding to the Queenes Majestie great thankes, and
offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at her Graces
commaundement, and then commaunded certaine of his
Counsellers to conduct mee to my lodging, not being
farre from the Court.

The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey,
being daily well furnished with al kind of victuall at
the kings charge.

The same night he sent for mee to the Court, and
I had conference with him about the space of two
houres, where I throughly declared the charge com-
mitted unto mee from her Majestie, finding him con-
formable, willing to pleasure and not to urge her
Majestie with any demaundes, more then conveniently
shee might willingly consent unto, hee knowing that
out of his countrey the Realme of England might be
better served with lackes, then hee in comparison
from us.
The king of Further he gave me to understand, that the king of

Spaing sought Spaine had sent unto him for a licence, that an Ambas-
o isgrace t e sac[olir Qf j^g mjprnt come into his countrey, and had
Ambassadour. made great meanes that it the Queenes majesty or
England sent any unto him, that he would not give him
any credit or intertainment, albeit (said he) I know what
the king of Spaine is, and what the Queene of England
and her Realme is : for I neither like of him nor of his
religion, being so governed by the Inquisition that he
can doe nothing of himselfe.

288

EDMUND HOGAN'S AMBASSAGE a.d.

1577.

Therefore when he commeth upon the licence which
I have granted, he shall well see how litle account I will
make of him and Spaine, and how greatly I will extoll
you for the Queenes majestie of England.

He shall not come to my presence as you have done, [II. ii. 66.]
and shall dayly: for I minde to accept of you as my
companion and one of my house, whereas he shall attend
twentie dayes after he hath done his message.

After the end of this speech I delivered Sir Thomas
Greshams letters, when as he tooke me by the hand, and
led me downe a long court to a palace where there ranne
a faire fountaine of water, and there sitting himselfe in
a chaire, he commanded me to sit downe in another, and
there called for such simple Musicians as he had.

Then I presented him with a great base Lute, which Tie king of
he most thankfully accepted, and then he was desirous ^r"^
to heare of the Musicians, and I tolde him that there was jor Musicians.
great care had to provide them, and that I did not doubt
but upon my returne they should come with the first ship.
He is willing to give them good intertainment with pro-
vision of victuall, and to let them live according to their
law and conscience wherein he urgeth none to the contrary.

I finde him to be one that liveth greatly in the feare
of God, being well exercised in the Scriptures, as well
in the olde Testament as also in the New, and he beareth
a greater affection to our Nation then to others because
of our religion, which forbiddeth worship of Idols, and
the Moores called him the Christian king.

The same night being the first of June, I continued
with him till twelve of the clocke, and he seemed to have
so good liking of me, that he tooke from his girdle a A rich gift
short dagger being set with 200 stones, rubies and turkies, hestowed
and did bestow it upon me, and so I being conducted jmbassadour.
returned to my lodging for that time.

The next day because he knew it to be Sunday &
our Sabboth day he did let me rest. But on the munday
in the afternoone he sent for me, and I had conference
with him againe, and musicke.

vi 289 T

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Likewise on the tuesday by three of the clocke he sent
for me into his garden, finding him layd upon a silke
bed complayning of a sore leg : yet after long conference
he walked into another Orchard, where as having a faire
banketting-house and a great water, and a new gallie in
it, he went aboord the gallie and tooke me with him, and
passed the space of two or three houres, shewing the
great experience he had in Gallies, wherein (as he said)
he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeres in his youth.
After supper he shewed me his horses and other com-
modities that he had about his house, and since that
night I have not seene him, for that he hath kept in with
his sore legge, but he hath sent to me daily.
June. The 1 3 of June at sixe of the clocke at night I had

againe audience of the king, and I continued with him
till midnight, having debated as well for the Queenes
commission as for the well dealing with her marchants
for their traffike here in these parts, saying, he would do
much more for the Queenes majesty and the Realme,
The offers of offering that all English ships with her subjects may with
*E Ih* °°Ur &ooc* secur^^e enter into his ports and dominions as
merchants. well in trade of marchandize, as for victuall & water, as
also in time of warre with any her enemies to bring in
prises and to make sales as occasion should serve, or
else to depart againe with them at their pleasure.

Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along
his coast of Barbarie, & thorow the straites into the
Levant seas, that he would graunt safe conduct that the
said ships and marchants with their goods might passe
into the Levant seas, and so to the Turks dominions,
and the king of Argiers, as his owne, and that he would
write to the Turke and to the king of Argier his letters
for the well using of our ships and goods.

Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any meanes
may be taken captives, shall be solde within any of his
dominions : whereupon I declared that the Queenes
majesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to con-
firme the intercourse & trade of our marchants within

290

EDMUND HOGAN'S AMBASSAGE a.d.

1577-
this his countrey, as also to pleasure him with such
commodities as he should have need of, to furnish the A good
necessities and wants of his countrey in trade of mar- Promso-
chandize, so as he required nothing contrarie to her
honour and law, and the breach of league with the
Christian princes her neighbours.

The same night I presented the king with the case of
combes, and desired his majestie to have special regard
that the ships might be laden backe againe, for that I
found litle store of salt-peter in readinesse in John
Bamptons hands. He answered me that I should have
all the assistance therein that he could, but that in Sus
he thought to have some store in his house there, as
also that the Mountayners had made much in a readi-
nesse : I requested that he would send downe, which he
promised to doe.

The eighteene day I was with him againe and so con-
tinued there till night, and he shewed me his house with
pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels, and baiting buls
with his English dogges.

At this time I mooved him againe for the sending
downe to Sus, which he granted to doe, and the 24. day [II. ii. 67.]
there departed Alcayde Mammie, with Lionell Edgerton,
and Rowland Guy to Sus, and caried with them for our .
accompts and his company the kings letters to his brother
Muly Hammet, and Alcayde Shauan, and the Viceroy.

The 23. day the king sent me out of Marocco to his
garden called Shersbonare, with his gard, and Alcayde
Mamoute, and the 24. at night I came to the court to
see a Morris dance, and a play of his Elchies. He
promised me audience the next day being Tuesday, but
he put it off till Thursday : and the Thursday at night I
was sent for to the king after supper, and then he sent
Alcayde Rodwan, and Alcayde Gowry to conferre with
me, but after a little talke I desired to be brought to
the King for my dispatch. And being brought to him,
I preferred two bils of John Bamptons which he had
made for provision of Salt-peter : also two bils for the

291

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

I577-

quiet traffique of our English Marchants, and bils for
sugars to be made by the Jewes, as well for the debts
past, as hereafter, and for good order in the Ingenios.
Also I mooved him againe for the Salt-peter, and other
dispatches, which he referred to be agreed upon by the
two Alcaydes. But the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes
could not intend it, and upon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan
fell sicke, so on Sunday we made meanes to the King,
and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre upon the
bargaine with the Alcaydes and others, but did not agree.

Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my
dispatch, and the same afternoone I was called againe to
the Court, and referred all things to the King, accepting
his offer of Salt-peter.

That night againe the King had me into his Gallie,
and the Spaniels did hunt the ducke.

The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals
grosse of Salt-peter, and that afternoone the Tabybe came
unto mee to my lodging, shewing mee that the king was
offended with John Bampton for divers causes.

The Sunday night late being the 7. of July, I got
the King to forgive all to John Bampton, and the King
promised me to speake againe with me upon Munday.

Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch,
and then hee sent Fray Lewes to mee, and said that he
had order to write.

Upon Wednesday I wrote againe, and he sent me
word that upon Thursday I should come and be dis-
patched, so that I should depart upon Friday without
faile, being the twelfth of July.

So the friday after according to the kings order &
appointment I went to the court, & whereas motion and
petition was made for the confirmation of the demaunds
which I had preferred, they were all granted, and like-
wise the privileges which were on the behalfe of our
~* * EmPer°r English marchants requested, were with great favour
privileges to * anc^ readinesse yeelded unto. And whereas the Jewes
there resident were to our men in certaine round

292

THOMAS STUKELEY ad.

1578.
summes indebted, the Emperors pleasure and com-
mandement was> that they should without further ex-
cuse or delay, pay and discharge the same. And thus
at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall
countenance, such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed
to other Ambassadors of the Christians.

And touching the private affaires intreated upon be-
twixt her Majestie and the Emperour, I had letters from
him to satisfie her highnesse therein. So to conclude,
having received the like honourable conduct from his
Court, as I had for my part at my first landing, I
embarked my selfe with my foresaid company, and
arriving not long after in England, I repaired to her
Majesties court, & ended my Ambassage to her high-
nesse good liking, with relation of my service performed.

The voyage of Thomas Stukeley, wrongfully
called Marques of Ireland, into Barbary 1578.
Written by Johannes Thomas Freigius in
Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitanias.

Enerant autem ad regem etiam sexcenti
Itali, quos Papa subministrarat, Comiti
Irlandiae : qui cum Vlissiponem tribus
instructis navibus appulisset Regi operam
suam condixit, eumque in bellum sequi
promisit. Cap. 7.

Totum exercitum divisit in quatuor
acies quadratas : In dextro latere primum agmen erat
Velitum & militum Tingitanorum, eosque ducebat Alvarus
Peresius de Tavara : sinistram aciem seu mediam tenebant
Germani & Itali, quibus imperabat Marchio Irlandiae, &c.
Cap. 11.

Inter nobiles qui in hoc praelio ceciderunt, fuerunt,
praeter regem Sebastianum, dux de Avero, Episcopi
Conimbricensis & Portuensis, Commissarius generalis a
Papa missus Marchio Irlandiae, Christophorus de Tavora,
& plures alii. Cap. 13.

293

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

i578.

T

The same in English.

Here came also to Don Sebastian the King of
Portugal 600. Italians, whom the Pope sent under
Thomas the conduct of the * Marques of Irland : who being
Stukeley was arrived at Lisbone with three tall ships, proffered his

wrongfully service to the king, and promised to attend upon him

indued with . ., c

this title in the warres> &c-

[II. ii. 68.1 He divided the whole Armie into 4. squadrons : upon
the right wing stood the first squadron, consisting of men
lightly armed or skirmishers and of the souldiers of
Tangier, Generall of whom was Don Alvaro Perez de
Tavara : the left or midle squadron consisted of Ger-
manes and Italians, under the command of the Marques
of Irland, &c. cap. 7.

Of Noblemen were slaine in this battell (besides Don
Sebastian the king) the duke de Avero, the two bishops
of Coimbra & of Porto, the Marques of Irland sent by
the Pope as his Commissary generall, Christopher de
Tavara, and many others, cap. 13.

IT is further also to be remembred, that divers other
English gentlemen were in this battell, whereof the
most part were slaine ; and among others M. Christopher
Lyster was taken captive, and was there long detained
in miserable servitude. Which gentleman although at
length he happily escaped the cruel hands of the Moores ;
yet returning home into England, and for his manifold
good parts being in the yeere 1586. employed by the
honourable the Earle of Cumberland, in a voyage in-
tended by the Streights of Magellan for the South sea,
as Viceadmirall, (wherein he shewed singular resolution
and courage) and appointed afterward in divers places
of speciall command and credite, was last of all miserably
drowned in a great and rich Spanish prize upon the coast
of Cornwall.

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Certaine reports of the province of China learned
through the Portugals there imprisoned, and
chiefly by the relation of Galeotto Perera, a
Gentleman of good credit, that lay prisoner
in that Countrey many yeeres. Done out of
Italian into English by Richard Willes.

His land of China is parted into 13.
Shires, the which sometimes were ech
one a kingdome by it selfe, but these
many yeeres they have bene all subject
unto one King. Fuquien is made by the Fuquien.
Portugals the first Shire, because there
their troubles began, & they had occasion
thereby to know the rest. In this shire be 8. cities, but
one principally more famous then others called Fuquieo,
the other seven are reasonably great, the best knowen
whereof unto the Portugals is Cinceo, in respect of a Cinceo.
certaine haven joyning thereunto, whither in time past
they were wont for marchandise to resort.

Cantan is the second shire, not so great in quantitie, Cantan.
as well accompted of, both by the king thereof, and also
by the Portugals, for that it lieth neerer unto Malacca
then any other part of China, and was first discried by
the Portugals before any other shire in that province :
this shire hath in it seven Cities.

Chequeam is the third shire, the chiefest Citie therein Chequeam.
is Donchion, therein also standeth Liampo, with other 13.
or 14. boroughes : countrey townes therin are too too
many to be spoken of.

The fourth shire is called Xutiamfu, the principall Xutiamfu.
Citie thereof is great Pachin, where the King is alwayes
resident. In it are fifteene other very great Cities : of
other townes therein, and boroughes well walled and
trenched about, I wil say nothing.

The fift shire hath name Chelim : the great Citie Chelim.
Nanquin chiefe of other fifteene cities was herein of

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ancient time the royall seat of the Chinish kings. From
this shire, & from the aforesaid Chequeam forward bare
rule the other kings, until the whole region became one
kingdome.
Qutanci, or, The 6. shire beareth the name Quianci, as also the
Qumzt. principal City thereof, wherein the fine clay to make
vessels is wrought. The Portugals being ignorant of
this Countrey, and finding great abundance of that fine
clay to be solde at Liampo, and that very good cheape,
thought at the first that it had bene made there, howbeit
in fine they perceived that the standing of Quinzi more
neere unto Liampo then to Cinceo or Cantan was the
cause of so much fine clay at Liampo : within the com-
passe of Quinci shire be other 12. cities.

The 7. shire is Quicin, the 8. Quansi, the 9. Confu,
the 10. Urnan, the 11. Sichiva. In the first hereof there
be 16. Cities, in the next 15: how many Townes the
other 3. have, wee are ignorant as yet, as also of the
proper names of the 12. and 13. shires, and the townes
therein.

This finally may be generally said hereof, that the
greater shires in China province may bee compared
with mightie kingdomes.

In eche one of these shires bee set Ponchiassini and
Anchiassini, before whom are handled the matters of
other Cities. There is also placed in ech one a Tutan,
as you would say, a governour, and a Chian, that is a
visiter, as it were : whose office is to goe in circuit, and
to see justice exactly done. By these meanes so up-
rightly things are ordered there, that it may be worthily
accompted one of the best governed provinces in all the
world.

The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great city

Pachin. Pachin, as much to say in our language, as by the name

[II. 11. 69.J thereof I am advertised, the towne of the kingdome.

This kingdome is so large, that under five monethes you

are not able to travaile from the Townes by the Sea side

to the Court, and backe againe, no not under three

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monethes in poste at your urgent businesse. The post-
horses in this Countrey are litle of body, but swift of
foote. Many doe traveile the greater part of this journey
by water in certaine light barkes, for the multitude of
Rivers commodious for passage from one Citie to
another.

The King, notwithstanding the hugenesse of his king- Their moneths.
dome, hath such a care thereof, that every Moone (for
by the Moones they reckon their monethes) he is adver-
tised fully of whatsoever thing happeneth therein, by
these meanes following.

The whole province being divided into shires, and ech
shire having in it one chiefe and principall Citie, where-
unto the matters of all the other Cities, Townes and
boroughes, are brought, there are drawen in every chiefe
Citie aforesaid intelligences of such things as doe monethly
fall out, and be sent in writing to the Court. If happely
in one moneth every Post be not able to goe so long a
way, yet doeth there notwithstanding once every moneth
arrive one Poste out of the shire. Who so commeth
before the new moone stayeth for the delivery of his
letters until the moone be changed. Then likewise are
dispatched other Posts backe into all the 13. shires
againe.

Before that we doe come to Cinceo wee have to passe
through many places, and some of great importance. For
this Countrey is so well inhabited neere the Sea side, that
you cannot goe one mile but you shal see some Towne,
borough or hostry, the which are so aboundantly provided
of all things, that in the Cities and townes they live
civily. Neverthelesse such as dwel abrode are very poore,
for the multitude of them every where is so great, that
out of a tree you shall see many times swarme a number
of children, where a man would not have thought to
have found any one at all.

From these places in number infinite, you shall come
unto two Cities very populous, and, being compared with
Cinceo, not possibly to be discerned which is the greater

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of them. These cities are as well walled as any Cities in
all the world. As you come in to either of them, there
standeth so great and mighty a bridge, that the like
thereof I have never seene in Portugal nor else where.
I heard one of my fellowes say, that hee tolde in one
bridge 40. arches. The occasion wherefore these bridges
are made so great is, for that the Countrey is toward the
sea very plaine and low, and overflowed ever as the sea
water encreaseth. The breadth of the bridges, although
it bee well proportioned unto the length thereof, yet are
they equally built, no higher in the middle then at either
ende, in such wise that you may see directly from the
one ende to the other : the sides are wonderfully well
engraved after the maner of Rome-workes. But that we
did most marveile at was therewithal! the hugenesse of
the stones, the like whereof, as we came in to the Citie,
we did see many set up in places dis-habited by the way,
to no small charges of theirs, howbeit to little purpose,
whereas no body seeth them but such as doe come by.
The arches are not made after our fashion, vauted with
sundry stones set together : but paved, as it were, whole
stones reaching from one piller to an other, in such wise
that they lye both for the arches heads, and galantly serve
also for the high way. I have bene astonied to beholde
the hugenesse of the aforesaid stones : some of them are
xii. pases long and upward, the least 1 1 . good pases long,
and an halfe.

The wayes echwhere are galantly paved with four-
square stone, except it be where for want of stone they
use to lay bricke : in this voyage wee travailed over
certaine hilles, where the wayes were pitched, and in
many places no worse paved then in the plaine ground.
This causeth us to thinke, that in all the world there bee
no better workemen for buildings, then the inhabitants
of China. The Countrey is so well inhabited, that no
one foote of ground is left untilled : small store of cattell
have we seene this day, we saw onely certaine oxen
wherewithall the countreymen do plow their ground.

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One oxe draweth the plough alone, not onely in this
shire, but in other places also, wherein is greater store
of cattell. These countreymen by arte do that in tillage,
which we are constrained to doe by force. Here be solde
the voydings of close stooles, although there wanteth not
the dung of beastes : and the excrements of man are good
marchandise throughout all China. The dungfermers
seek in every streete by exchange to buy this durtie ware
for herbs and wood. The custome is very good for
keeping the Citie cleane. There is great aboundance of
hennes, geese, duckes, swine, and goates, wethers have
they none : the hennes are solde by weight, and so are
all other things. Two pound of hennes flesh, geese,
or ducke, is worth two foi of their money, that is,
d.ob. sterling. Swines flesh is sold at a penie the pound.
Beefe beareth the same price, for the scarcitie thereof,
howbeit Northward from Fuquieo and farther off from
the seacoast, there is beefe more plentie and solde better
cheape ; We have had in all the Cities we passed through,
great abundance of all these victuals, beefe onely excepted.
And if this Countrey were like unto India, the inhabi-
tants whereof eate neither henne, beefe, nor porke, but
keepe that onely for the Portugals and Moores, they [II. ii. 70.]
would be sold here for nothing. But it so falling out,
that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world,
they do feed upon all things, specially on porke, which,
the fatter it is, is unto them the lesse lothsome. The
highest price of these things aforesaid 1 have set downe,
better cheape shal you sometimes buy them for the great
plentie thereof in this countrey. Frogs are solde at the
same price that is made of hennes, and are good meate
amongst them, as also dogs, cats, rats, snakes, and all
other uncleane meates.

The Cities be very gallant, specially neere unto the
gates, the which are marveilously great, and covered with
iron. The gatehouses are built on high with towers, &
the lower part thereof is made of bricke & stone, pro-
portionally with the walls, from the walls upward the

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building is of timber, and many stones in it one above
the other. The strength of their townes is in the mightie
walles and ditches, artillerie have they none.

The streetes in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the Cities
we have seene are very faire, so large and so straight,
that it is wonderfull to behold. Their houses are built
with timber, the foundations onely excepted, the which
are layd with stone : in ech side of the streetes are pentises
or continuall porches for the marchants to walke under :
the breadth of the streets is neverthelesse such, that in
them 15. men may ride commodiously side by side. As
they ride they must needs passe under many high arches
of triumph that crosse over the streetes made of timber,
and carved diversly, covered with tiles of fine clay : under
these arches the Mercers do utter their smaller wares, &
such as list to stand there are defended from raine and
the heate of the Sunne. The greater gentlemen have
these arches at their doores : although some of them be
not so mightily built as the rest.

I shall have occasion to speake of a certaine order of
gentlemen that are called Louteas. 1 wil first therefore
Loutea. expound what this word signifieth. Loutea is as much
to say in our language as Sir, and when any of them
calleth his name, he answereth Sir : and as we do say,
that the king hath made some gentleman, so say they,
that there is made a Loutea. And for that amongst them
the degrees are divers both in name and office, I will tell
you onely of some principals, being not able to adver-
tise you of all.

The maner how gentlemen are created Louteas, and
do come to that honour and title, is by the giving of a
broad girdle, not like to the rest, and a cap, at the com-
maundement of the king. The name Loutea is more
generall & common unto mo, then the equalitie of honour
thereby signified agreeth withall. Such Louteas as doe
serve their prince in weightie matters for justice, are
created after trial made of their learning : but the other
which serve in smaller affaires, as Captaines, constables,

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sergeants by land and sea, receivers and such like, whereof
there be in every citie, as also in this, very many, are
made for favour : the chiefe Louteas are served kneeling.

The whole province of China is divided, as I have said,
into 13. shires, in every shire at the least is one governour
called there Tutan, in some shires there be two.

Chiefe in office next unto them be certaine other named
Chians, that is, high Commissioners as you would say, or CAian, or,
visiters, with full authoritie in such wise, that they doe chaen-
call unto an accompt the Tutans themselves, but their
authoritie lasteth not in any shire longer then one yere.
Neverthelesse in every shire being at the least 7. cities,
yea, in some of them 15. or 16. beside other boroughes
and townes not well to be numbred, these visiters where
they come are so honoured and feared, as though they
were some great princes. At the yeres end, their circuit
done, they come unto that Citie which is chiefe of others
in the shire, to do justice there : finally busying them-
selves in the searching out of such as are to receive the
order of Louteas, whereof more shalbe said in another
place.

Over and besides these officers, in the cheife City of
ech one of these aforesaid 13. provinces, is resident one
Ponchiassi, Captain e thereof, and treasurer of all the kings Ponckiassi.
revenues. This Magistrate maketh his abode in one of
the foure greatest houses that be in all these head Cities.
And although the principall part of his function be to
be Captaine, to be treasourer of the revenues in that
province, & to send these revenues at appointed times to
the Court : yet hath he notwithstanding by his office also
to meddle with matters appertaining unto justice.

In the second great house dwelleth an other Magis-
trate called Anchiassi, a great officer also, for he hath Anchiassi, 0,
dealings in all matters of justice. Who although he be Hexast-
somewhat inferior in dignitie unto the Ponchiassi, yet
for his great dealings and generall charge of justice,
whosoever seeth the affaires of the one house and the
other might judge this Anchiassi to be the greater.

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Tuzi. Tuzi, an other officer so called, lieth in the thirde

house, a magistrate of importance, specially in things
belonging unto warfare, for thereof hath he charge.
There is resident in the 4. house a fourth officer,

Taissu. bearing name Taissu. In this house is the principall

prison of all the Citie. Ech one of these Magistrates
aforesaide may both lay evill doers in prison, & deliver
them out againe, except ye fact be heinous & of im-
portance : in such a case they can do nothing, except
they do meet al together. And if the deed deserveth

[II. ii. 71.] death, all they together cannot determine thereof, with-
out recourse made unto the Chian wheresoever hee be,
or to the Tutan : and eftsoones it falleth out, that the
case is referred unto higher power. In all Cities, not
oneiy chiefs in ech shire, but in the rest also, are
meanes found to make Louteas. Many of them do
study at the prince his charges, wherefore at the yeeres
ende they resort unto the head Cities, whither the
Chians doe come, as it hath bene earst saide, as well
to give these degrees, as to sit in judgement over the
prisoners.

The Chians go in circuit every yere, but such as are
to be chosen to the greatest offices meete not but from
three yeeres to three yeeres, and that in certaine large
halles appointed for them to be examined in. Many
things are asked them, whereunto if they doe answere

Licentiates, accordingly, and be found sufficient to take their degree,
the Chian by and by granteth it them : but the Cap
and girdle, whereby they are knowen to be Louteas,
they weare not before that they be confirmed by the

Doctors. king. Their examination done, and triall made of them,
such as have taken their degree wont to be given them
with all ceremonies, use to banquet and feast many dayes
together (as the Chineans fashion is to ende all their
pleasures with eating and drinking) and so remaine
chosen to do the king service in matters of learning.
The other examinates founde insufficient to proceed are
sent backe to their studie againe. Whose ignorance is

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perceived to come of negligence and default, such a one
is whipped, and sometimes sent to prison, where lying
that yeere when this kinde of acte was, we found many
thus punished, and demaunding the cause thereof, they
saide it was for that they knew not how to answere
unto certaine things asked them. It is a world to see
how these Louteas are served and feared, in such wise,
that in publike assemblies at one shrike they give, all
the servitors belonging unto justice tremble thereat. At
their being in these places, when they list to moove,
be it but even to the gate, these servitors doe take
them up, and carry them in seates of beaten gold.
After this sort are they borne when they goe in the City,
either for their owne businesse abroade, or to see ech
other at home. For the dignitie they have, and office
they doe beare, they be all accompanied : the very
meanest of them all that goeth in these seates is ushered
by two men at the least, that cry unto the people to give
place, howbeit they neede it not, for that reverence the
common people have unto them. They have also in
their company certaine Sergeants with their Maces either
silvered or altogether silver, some two, some foure, other
sixe, other eight, conveniently for ech one his degree.
The more principal and chiefe Louteas have going orderly
before these Sergeants, many other with staves, and a
great many catchpoules with rods of Indish canes dragged
on the ground, so that the streets being paved, you may
heare afarre off as well the noyse of the rods, as the
voyce of the criers. These fellowes serve also to appre-
hend others, and the better to be knowen they weare
livery red girdles, and in their caps peacocks feathers.
Behinde these Louteas come such as doe beare certaine
tables hanged at staves ende.s, wherein is written in
silver letters, the name, degree, and office of that
Loutea, whom they follow. In like maner they have
borne after them hattes agreeable unto their titles : if
the Loutea be meane, then hath he brought after him
but one hat, and that may not be yealowe : but if he

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be of the better sort, then may he have two, three, or
foure : the principall and chiefe Louteas may have all
their hats yealow, the which among them is accompted
great honour. The Loutea for warres, although he be
but meane, may notwithstanding have yealow hats. The
Tutans and Chians, when they goe abroad, have besides
all this before them ledde three or foure horses with
their guard in armour.

Furthermore the Louteas, yea and all the people of
China, are wont to eate their meate sitting on stooles
at high tables as we doe, and that very cleanely, although
they use neither table-clothes nor napkins. Whatsoever
is set downe upon the boord is first carved before that
it be brought in : they feede with two sticks, refraining
We, that is from touching their meate with their hands, even as we
do with forkes : for the which respect they lesse do
neede any table clothes. Ne is the nation only civill
at meate, but also in conversation, and in courtesie they
seeme to exceede all other. Likewise in their dealings
after their maner they are so ready, that they farre
passe all other Gentiles and Moores : the greater states
are so vaine, that they line their clothes with the best
silke that may be found. The Louteas are an idle
generation, without all maner of exercises and pastimes,
except it be eating and drinking. Sometimes they walke
abroad in the fields to make the souldiers shoot at
pricks with their bowes, but their eating passeth : they
will stand eating even when the other do draw to shoot.
The pricke is a great blanket spread on certaine long
poles, he that striketh it, hath of the best man there
standing a piece of crimson Taffata, the which is knit
about his head : in this sort the winners be honoured,
and the Louteas with their bellies full returne home
againe. The inhabitants of China be very great Idola-
ters, all generally doe worship the heavens : and, as wee
are wont to say, God knoweth it : so say they at every
word, Tien Tautee, that is to say, The heavens doe
know it. Some doe worship the Sonne, and some the

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Moone, as they thinke good, for none are bound more [II. ii. 72.]
to one then to another. In their temples, the which
they do call Meani, they have a great altar in the After the
same place as we have, true it is that one may goe DutchJas wn-
round about it. There set they up the image of a
certaine Loutea of that countrey, whom they have in
great reverence for certaine notable things he did. At
the right hand standeth the divel much more ugly
painted then we doe use to set him out, whereunto
great homage is done by such as come into the temple
to aske counsell, or to draw lottes : this opinion they
have of him, that he is malicious and able to do evil.
If you aske them what they do thinke of the soules
departed, they will answere that they be immortall, and
that as soone as any one departeth out of this life, he
becommeth a divel if hee have lived well in this world, Pythagorean

J' A

if otherwise, that the same divel changeth him into a l e'
bufle, oxe, or dogge. Wherefore to this divel they doe
much honour, to him doe they sacrifice, praying him that *
he will make them like unto himselfe, and not like other
beastes. They have moreover another sort of temples,
wherein both upon the altars and also on the walls do
stand many idols well proportioned, but bare headed : these
beare name Omithofon, accompted of them spirits, but such
as in heaven do neither good nor evill, thought to be
such men and women as have chastly lived in this world
in abstinence from fish and flesh, fed onely with rise
and salates. Of that divel they make some accompt : •
for these spirits they care litle or nothing at all. Againe
they holde opinion that if a man do well in this life,
the heavens will give him many temporall blessings, but
if he doe evil, then shall he have infirmities, diseases,
troubles, and penurie, and all this without any know-
ledge of God. Finally, this people knoweth no other
thing then to live and die, yet because they be reason-
able creatures, all seemed good unto them we speake in
our language, though it were not very sufficient : our
maner of praying especially pleased them, and truely
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they are well ynough disposed to receive the knowledge
of the trueth. Our Lord grant for his mercy all things
so to be disposed, that it may sometime be brought to
passe, that so great a nation as this is perish not for
want of helpe.

Our maner of praying so well liked them, that in
prison importunately they besought us to write for
them somewhat as concerning heaven, the which we did
to their contentation w* such reasons as we knew, how-
beit not very cunningly. As they do their idolatry they
laugh at themselves. If at any time this countrey
might be joyned in league with the kingdome of Por-
tugale, in such wise that free accesse were had to deale
with the people there, they might all be soone con-
verted. The greatest fault we do finde in them is
Sodomie, a vice very common in the meaner sort, and
nothing strange amongst the best. This sinne were it
left of them, in all other things so well disposed they be,
that a good interpreter in a short space might do there
great good : If, as I said, the countrey were joyned in
league with us.

Furthermore the Louteas, with all the people of China,
are wont to solemnize the dayes of the new and full
Moones in visiting one an other, and making great
banquets : for to that end, as I earst said, do tend all
their pastimes, and spending their days in pleasure.
They are wont also to solemnize ech one his birth day,
whereunto their kindred and friends do resort of custome,
with presents of jewels or money, receiving againe for
their reward good cheare. They keepe in like maner a
generall feast with great banquets that day their king
was borne. But their most principall and greatest feast
of all, and best cheare, is the first day of their new yeere,
namely the first day of the new Moone of February,
so that their first moneth is March, and they reckon the
times accordingly, respect being had unto the reigne of
their princes : as when any deed is written, they date
it thus, Made such a day of such a moone, and such

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a yeere of the reigne of such a king. And their ancient
writings beare date of the yeeres of this or that king.

Now will I speake of the maner which the Chineans
doe observe in doing of justice, that it may be knowen
how farre these Gentiles do herein exceed many Christians,
that be more bounden then they to deale justly and in
trueth. Because the Chinish king maketh his abode
continually in the City Pachin, his kingdome so great,
& the shires so many, as tofore it hath bene said : in
it therefore the governours and rulers, much like unto
our Shiriffes, be appointed so suddenly and speedily dis-
charged againe, that they have no time to grow naught.
Furthermore to keepe the state in more securitie, the
Louteas that governe one shire are chosen out of some
other shire distant farre off, where they must leave their
wives, children and goods, carying nothing with them
but themselves. True it is, that at their comming thither
they doe finde in a readinesse all things necessary, their
house, furniture, servants, and all other things in such
perfection and plentie, that they want nothing. Thus
the king is well served without all feare of treason.

In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe
Louteas, before whom are brought all matters of the
inferiour Townes, throughout the whole Realme. Divers
other Louteas have the managing of justice, and receiving
of rents, bound to yeelde an accompt thereof unto the
greater officers. Other do see that there be no evil rule
kept in the Citie : ech one as it behoveth him. Generally [II. ii. 73.]
all these doe imprison malefactours, cause them to be
whipped and racked, hoysing them up and downe by
the armes with a cord, a thing very usuall there, and The Italians
accompted no shame. These Louteas do use great ™ff e
diligence in the apprehending or theeves, so that it is
a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any City, towne
or village. Upon the sea neere unto the shoare many
are taken, and looke even as they are taken, so be they
first whipped, and afterward layde in prison, where shortly
after they all die for hunger and cold. At that time

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when we were in prison, there died of them above three-
score and ten. If happely any one, having the meanes to
get food, do escape, he is set with the condemned persons,
and provided for as they be by the King, in such wise
as hereafter it shalbe said.

Their whips be certaine pieces of canes, cleft in the
middle, in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then
sharpe. He that is to be whipped lieth grovelong on
the ground : upon his thighes the hangman layeth on
blowes mightily with these canes, that the standers by
tremble at their crueltie. Ten stripes draw a great deale
of blood, 20. or 30. spoile the flesh altogether, 50. or
60. will require long time to bee healed, and if they
come to the number of one hundred, then are they
incurable.

The Louteas observe moreover this : when any man
is brought before them to be examined, they aske him
openly in the hearing of as many as be present, be the
offence never so great. Thus did they also behave them-
selves with us : For this cause amongst them can there
be no false witnesse, as dayly amongst us it falleth out.
This good commeth thereof, that many being alwayes
about the Judge to heare the evidence, and beare witnesse,
the processe cannot be falsified, as it happeneth sometimes
with us. The Moores, Gentiles, and Jewes have all their
sundry othes, the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos,
the Brachmans by their Fili, the rest likewise by the
things they do worship. The Chineans though they be
wont to sweare by heaven, by the Moone, by the Sunne,
and by all their Idoles, in judgement neverthelesse they
sweare not at all. If for some offence an othe be used
of any one, by and by with the least evidence he is
tormented, so be the witnesses he bringeth, if they tell
not the trueth, or do in any point disagree, except they
be men of worship and credit, who are beleeved without
any further matter : the rest are made to confesse the
trueth by force of torments and whips. Besides this
order observed of them in examinations, they do feare

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so much their King, and he where he maketh his abode
keepeth them so lowe, that they dare not once stirre.
Againe, these Louteas as great as they be, notwithstanding
the multitude of Notaries they have, not trusting any
others, do write all great processes and matters of im-
portance themselves. Moreover one vertue they have
worthy of great praise, and that is, being men so wel
regarded and accompted as though they were princes, yet
they be patient above measure in giving audience. We
poore strangers brought before them might say what we
would, as all to be lyes and fallaces that they did write,
ne did we stand before them with the usuall ceremonies
of that Countrey, yet did they beare with us so patiently,
that they caused us to wonder, knowing specially how
litle any advocate or Judge is wont in our Countrey to
beare with us. For wheresoever in any Towne of
Christendome should be accused unknowen men as we
were, I know not what end the very innocents cause
would have : but we in a heathen Countrey, having our
great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne,
wanting an interpreter, ignorant of that Countrey lan-
guage, did in the end see our great adversaries cast into
prison for our sake, and deprived of their Offices and
honour for not doing justice, yea not to escape death :
for, as the rumour goeth, they shalbe beheaded. Some-
what is now to be said of the lawes that I have bene able
to know in this Countrey, and first, no theft or murther
is at any time pardoned : adulterers are put in prison,
and the fact once proved, are condemned to die, the
womans husband must accuse them : this order is kept
with men & women found in that fault, but theeves and
murderers are imprisoned as I have said, where they
shortly die for hunger and cold. If any one happely
escape by bribing the Gailer to give him meate, his
processe goeth further, and commeth to the Court where
he is condemned to die. Sentence being given, the
prisoner is brought in publique with a terrible band of j pj//on
men that lay him in Irons hand and foot, with a boord boord.

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at his necke one handfull broad, in length reaching downe
to his knees, cleft in two parts, and with a hole one
handfull downeward in the table fit for his necke, the
which they inclose up therein, nailing the boord fast
together ; one handfull of the boord standeth up behinde
in the necke : The sentence and cause wherefore the
fellon was condemned to die, is written in that part of
the table that standeth before.

This ceremony ended, he is laid in a great prison in
the company of some other condemned persons, the
which are found by the king as long as they do live.
The bord aforesaid so made tormenteth the prisoners
very much, keeping them both from rest, & eke
letting them to eat commodiously, their hands being
manacled in irons under that boord, so that in fine there

[II. ii. 74.] is no remedy but death. In the chiefe Cities of every
shire, as we have erst said, there be foure principall
houses, in ech of them a prison : but in one of them,
where the Taissu maketh his abode, there is a greater
and a more principal prison then in any of the rest :
and although in every City there be many, neverthelesse
in three of them remaine onely such as be condemned
to die. Their death is much prolonged, for that ordinarily
there is no execution done but once a yeere, though many
die for hunger and cold, as we have seene in this prison.
Execution is done in this maner. The Chian, to wit,
the high Commissioner or Lord chiefe Justice, at the
yeres end goeth to the head City, where he heareth againe
the causes of such as be condemned. Many times he
delivereth some of them, declaring ye boord to have bene
wrongfully put about their necks : the visitation ended,
he choseth out seven or eight, not many more or lesse
of the greatest malefactors, the which, to feare and keepe
in awe the people, are brought into a great market place,
where all the great Louteas meete together, and after
many ceremonies and superstitions, as the use of the
Countrey is, are beheaded. This is done once a yeere :
who so escapeth that day, may be sure that he shall not

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be put to death all that yeere following, and so remaineth

at the kings charges in the greater prison. In that prison

where we lay were alwayes one hundred and mo of these

condemned persons, besides them that lay in other

prisons.

These prisons wherein the condemned caytifes do re-
maine are so strong, that it hath not bene heard, that
any prisoner in all China hath escaped out of prison, for
in deed it is a thing impossible. The prisons are thus
builded. First all the place is mightily walled about,
the walks be very strong and high, the gate of no lesse
force : within it three other gates, before you come
where the prisoners do lye, there many great lodgings
are to be seene of the Louteas, Notaries, Parthions, that
is, such as do there keepe watch and ward day and night,
the court large and paved, on the one side whereof
standeth a prison, with two mighty gates, wherein are
kept such prisoners as have committed enormious offences.
This prison is so great, that in it are streetes and Market
places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea some
prisoners live by that kinde of trade, buying and selling,
and letting out beds to hire : some are dayly sent to
prison, some dayly delivered, wherefore this place is never
void of 7. or eight hundred men that go at libertie.

Into one other prison of condemned persons shall
you go at three yron gates, the court paved and
vauted round about, and open above as it were a
cloister. In this cloister be eight roomes with yron
doores, and in ech of them a large gallerie, wherein every
night the prisoners do lie at length, their feet in the
stocks, their bodies hampered in huge wooden grates
that keep them from sitting, so that they lye as it were
in a cage, sleepe if they can: in the morning they are
losed againe, that they may go into the court. Not-
withstanding the strength of this prison, it is kept with
a garrison of men, part whereof watch within the house,
part of them in the court, some keepe about the prison
with lanterns and watch-bels answering one another

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five times every night, and giving warning so lowd, that
the Loutea resting in a chamber not neere thereunto,
may heare them. In these prisons of condemned persons
remaine some 15, other 20. yeres imprisoned, not exe-
cuted, for the love of their honorable friends that seeke
to prolong their lives. Many of these prisoners be
shoomakers, and have from the king a certaine allowance
of rise : some of them worke for the keeper, who suffreth
them to go at libertie without fetters and boords, the
better to worke. Howbeit when the Loutea calleth his
checke roll, & with the keeper vieweth them, they all
weare their liveries, that is, boords at their necks, yronned
hand and foot. When any of these prisoners dieth, he
is to be seene of the Loutea and Notaries, brought out
of a gate so narrow, that there can but one be drawen
out there at once. The prisoner being brought
forth, one of the aforesaid Parthions striketh him
thrise on the head with an yron sledge, that done he
is delivered unto his friends, if he have any, otherwise
the king hireth men to cary him to his buriall in the
fields.

Thus adulterers and theeves are used. Such as be
imprisoned for debt once knowen, lie there until it be
paied. The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times
before him by the vertue of his office, who understanding
the cause wherefore they do not pay their debts, ap-
pointeth them a certaine time to do it, within the com-
passe whereof if they discharge not their debts being
debters in deed, then they be whipped and condemned
to perpetuall imprisonment : if the creditors be many,
and one is to be paied before another, they do, contrary
to our maner, pay him first of whom they last borrowed,
and so ordinarily the rest, in such sort that the first
lender be the last receiver. The same order is kept in
Of like the paying legacies : the last named receiveth his portion
bthmo* st* They accompt it nothing to shew favour to such
wealthie. a one as can do the like againe : but to do good to them
that have litle or nothing, that is worth thanks, therefore

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pay they the last before the first, for that their intent
seemeth rather to be vertuous then gainefull.

When I said, that such as be committed to prison for
theft and murther were judged by the Court, I ment not
them that were apprehended in the deed doing, for they
need no triall, but are brought immediatly before the [II. ii. 75.]
Tutan, who out of hand giveth sentence. Other not
taken so openly, which do need trial, are the malefactors
put to execution once a yere in the chiefe cities, to keepe
in awe the people : or condemned, do remaine in prison,
looking for their day. Theeves being taken are caried to
prison from one place to another in a chest upon mens
shoulders, hired therfore by the king, the chest is 6.
handfuls high, the prisoner sitteth therein upon a bench,
the cover of the chest is two boords, amid them both
a pillery-like hole, for the prisoners necke, there sitteth
he with his head without the chest, and the rest of his
body within, not able to moove or turne his head this
way or that way, nor to plucke it in : the necessities of
nature he voydeth at a hole in the bottome of the chest,
the meate he eateth is put into his mouth by others.
There abideth he day and night during his whole
journey : if happily his porters stumble, or the chest do
jogge or be set downe carelessly, it turneth to his great
paines that sitteth therein, al such motions being unto
him hanging as it were. Thus were our companions
caried from Cinceo, 7. daies journey, never taking any
rest as afterward they told us, & their greatest griefe was
to stay by the way : as soone as they came, being taken
out of the chests, they were not able to stand on their
feet, and two of them died shortly after. When we lay
in prison at Fuquieo, we came many times abroad, & Fuquieo.
were brought to the pallaces of noble men, to be seene
of them & their wives, for that they had never seene any
Portugale before. Many things they asked us of our
Country, and our fashions, & did write every thing, for
they be curious in novelties above measure. The
gentlemen shew great courtesie unto strangers, and so Hereof to/ore.

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did we finde at their hands, and because that many times
we were brought abroad into the City, somewhat wil I
say of such things as I did see therein, being a gallant
City, and chiefe in one of the 13. shires aforesaid. The
City Fuquieo is very great, & mightily walled with
square stone both within and without, and, as it may
seeme by the breadth therof, filled up in the middle
with earth, layd over with brick & covered with tyle,
after the maner of porches or galleries, that one might
dwel therein. The staires they use are so easily made,
that one may go them up and downe a hors-backe, as
eftsoones they do : the streets are paved, as already it
hath bin said : there be a great number of Marchants,
every one hath written in a great table at his doore such
things as he hath to sel. In like maner every artisane
painteth out his craft : the market places be large, great
abundance of al things there be to be sold. The city
standeth upon water, many streames run through it, the
banks pitched, & so broad that they serve for streets to
the cities use. Over the streams are sundry bridges both
of timber & stone, which being made level with the
streets, hinder not the passage of the barges too and fro,
the chanels are so deepe. Where the streames come in
and go out of the city, be certaine arches in the wal,
Parau there go in and out their Parai, that is a kind of barges
they have, & that in the day time only : at night these
arches are closed up with gates, so do they shut up al
the gates of the City. These streames and barges do
ennoblish very much the City, and make it as it were to
seeme another Venice. The buildings are even, wel
made, high, not lofted, except it be some wherein mar-
chandize is laid. It is a world to see how great these
cities are, and the cause is, for that the houses are built
even, as I have said, & do take a great deale of roome.
One thing we saw in this city that made us al to wonder,
and is worthy to be noted : namely, over a porch at the
comming in to one of the aforesaid 4. houses, which the
king hath in every shire for his governors, as I have

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erst said, standeth a tower built upon 40. pillers, ech one
whereof is but one stone, ech one 40. handfuls or spans
long: in bredth or compasse 12, as many of us did
measure them. Besides this, their greatnesse is such in
one piece, that it might seeme impossible to worke them :
they be moreover cornered, and in colour, length and
breadth so like, that the one nothing differeth from the
other. This thing made us all to wonder very much.

We are wont to cal this country China, and the people
Chineans, but as long as we were prisoners, not hearing
amongst them at any time that name, I determined to
learne how they were called : and asked sometimes by
them thereof, for that they understood us not when we
called them Chineans, I answered them, that al the in-
habitants of India named them Chineans, wherefore I
praied them that they would tel me, for what occasion
they are so called, whether peradventure any city of theirs
bare that name. Hereunto they alwayes answered me,
y1 they have no such name, nor ever had. Then did I
aske them what name the whole Country beareth, & what
they would answere being asked of other nations what
countrymen they were ? It was told me that of ancient
time in this country had bin many kings, & though pre-
sently it were al under one, ech kingdom nevertheles
enjoyed that name it first had, these kingdomes are the
provinces I spake of before. In conclusion they said,
that the whole country is called Tamen, & the inhabi- Tamen the
tants Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans, P^pemame
is not heard of in yl country. I thinke that the neer- °J
nesse of another province therabout called Cochinchina,
& the inhabitants therof Cochinesses, first discovered
before China was, lying not far from Malacca, did give
occasion to ech of the nations, of that name Chineans,
as also the whole country to be named China. But their
proper name is that aforesaid.

I have heard moreover that in the City of Nanquim [II. ii. j6.]
remaineth a table of gold, and in it written a kings name,
as a memory of that residence the kings were wont to

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Pochan, or,
Pachin.

keepe there. This table standeth in a great pallace,
covered alwayes, except it be on some of their festivall
dayes, at what time they are wont to let it be seene,
covered neverthelesse as it is, all the nobilitie of the City
going of duetie to doe it every day reverence. The like
is done in the head Cities of all the other shires in the
pallaces of the Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesaid tables
doe stand with the kings name written in them, although
no reverence be done thereunto but in solemne feastes.

I have likewise understood that the City Pachin,
where the king maketh his abode, is so great, that to
go from one side to the other, besides the Suburbs, the
which are greater then the City it selfe, it requireth one
whole day a horseback, going hackney pase. In the
suburbs be many wealthy marchants of all sorts. They
told me furthermore that it was moted about, and in the
motes great store of fish, whereof the king maketh great
gaines.
Their enemies It was also told me that the king of China had no
king to wage battel withall, besides the Tartars, with
whom he had concluded a peace more then 80. yeres
ago. Neverthelesse their friendship was not so great,
that the one nation might marry with the other. And
demanding with whom they married, they said, that in
olde time the Chinish kings when they would marry their
daughters, accustomed to make a solemne feast, where-
unto came all sorts of men. The daughter that was to
be married, stood in a place where she might see them
all, and looke whom she liked best, him did she chuse to
husband, and if happely he were of a base condition, hee
became by and by a gentleman : but this custome hath
bene left long since. Now a dayes the king marrieth his
daughters at his owne pleasure, with great men of the
kingdome : the like order he observeth in the marriage
of his sonnes.

They have moreover one thing very good, and that
which made us all to marveile at them being Gentiles :
namely, that there be hospitals in all their Cities,

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alwayes full of people, we never saw any poore body
begge. We therefore asked the cause of this : answered He speaketh
it was, that in every City there is a great circuit, wherein ^ot here tf all
be many houses for poore people, for blinde, lame, old ^q^ for
folke, not able to travaile for age, nor having any other \n other places
meanes to live. These folke have in the aforesaid houses there be beg-
ever plentie of rice during their lives, but nothing else. gers> as you
Such as be received into these houses, come in after this ave s*ene
maner. When one is sicke, blinde or lame, he maketh a swarming out
supplication to the Ponchiassi, and proving that to be of trees.
true he writeth, he remaineth in the aforesaid great
lodging as long as he liveth : besides this they keepe
in these places swine and hennes, whereby the poore be
relieved without going a begging.

I said before that China was full of rivers, but now
I minde to confirme the same anew : for the farther we
went into the Countrey, the greater we found the rivers.
Sometimes we were so farre off from the sea, that where
we came no sea fish had bene seene, and salt was there
very deare, of fresh water fish yet was there great abund-
ance, and that fish very good : they keep it good after
this maner. Where the rivers do meete, and so passe
into the sea, there lieth great store of boats, specially
where no salt-water commeth, and that in March and
April. These boates are so many that it seemeth won-
derfull, ne serve they for other then to take small fish.
By the rivers sides they make leyres of fine and strong
nettes, that lye three handfuls under water, and one above
to keepe and nourish their fish in, untill such time as
other fishers do come with boates, bringing for that
purpose certaine great chests lined with paper, able to
holde water, wherein they cary their fish up and downe
the river, every day renuing the chest with fresh water,
and selling their fish in every City, towne and village
where they passe, unto the people as they neede it : most
of them have net leyres to keepe fish in alwayes for their
provision. Where the greater boates cannot passe any
further forward, they take lesser, and because the whole

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Countrey is very well watered, there is so great plenty of
divers sorts of fish, that it is wonderfull to see : assuredly
we were amazed to behold the maner of their provision.
Nleanes to fat Their fish is chiefly nourished with the dung of Bufles
fish- and oxen, that greatly fatteth it. Although I said their

fishing to be in March and April at what time we saw
them do it, neverthelesse they told us that they fished at
all times, for that usually they do feed on fish, wherefore
it behoveth them to make their provision continually.
He speaketh When we had passed Fuquien, we went into Quicin

ofFuquten shire, where the fine clay vessell is made, as I said before :
and we came to a City, the one side whereof is built
upon the foote of a hill, whereby passeth a river navi-
gable : there we tooke boat, and went by water toward
the Sea : on ech side of the river we found many Cities,
Townes and villages, wherein we saw great store of mar-
chandize, but specially of fine clay : there did we land by
the way to buy victuals and other necessaries. Going
downe this river Southward, we were glad that wee drew
neere unto a warmer Countrey, from whence we had
bene farre distant : this Countrey we passed through in
eight dayes, for our journey lay downe the streame.
[II. ii. yy.] Before that I doe say any thing of that shire we came
into, I will first speake of the great City of Quicin,
wherein alwayes remaineth a Tutan, that is a governour,
as you have seene, though some Tutans do governe two
or three shires.

That Tutan that was condemned for our cause, of
whom I spake before, was borne in this Countrey, but
he governed Foquien shire : nothing it availed him to
be so great an officer. This Countrey is so great, that
in many places where we went, there had bene as yet no
talke of his death, although he were executed a whole
Alias Cenchi. yere before. At the Citie Quanchi whither we came, the
river was so great that it seemed a Sea, though it were
so litle where we tooke water, that we needed small boats.
One day about 9. of the clocke, beginning to row neere
the walls with the streame, we came at noone to a bridge

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made of many barges, overlinked al together with two
mightie cheines. There stayed we untill it was late, but
we saw not one go either up thereon or downe, except
two Louteas that about the going downe of the Sunne,
came and set them downe there, the one on one side, the
other on the other side. Then was the bridge opened in
many places, and barges both great and small to the
number of sixe hundred began to passe : those that went
up the streame at one place, such as came downe at an
other. When all had thus shot the bridge, then was it
shut up againe. We heare say that every day they take
this order in all principall places of marchandize, for pay-
ing of the Custome unto the king, specially for salt,
whereof the greatest revenues are made that the king The Kings
hath in this Countrey. The passages of the bridge revenuei-
where it is opened, be so neere the shoare, that nothing
can passe without touching the same. To stay the barges
at their pleasure, that they goe no further forward, are
used certaine iron instruments. The bridge consisteth
of 112. barges, there stayed we untill the evening that
they were opened, lothsomely oppressed by the multitude
of people that came to see us, so many in number, that
we were enforced to go aside from the banke untill such
time as the bridge was opened : howbeit we were never-
thelesse thronged about with many boates full of people.
And though in other Cities and places where we went,
the people came so importunate upon us, that it was
needfull to withdraw our selves : yet were we here much
more molested for the number of people : & this bridge
is the principall way out of the Citie unto another place
so wel inhabited, that were it walled about, it might
be compared to the Citie. When we had shot the
bridge, we kept along the Citie until it was night, and
then met we with an other river that joyned with this,
we rowed up that by the walls untill we came to another
bridge gallantly made of barges, but lesser a great deale
then that other bridge over the greater streame : here
stayed we that night, and other two dayes with more

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quiet, being out of the preasse of the people. These
rivers do meet without at one corner point of the City.
In either of them were so many barges great and small,
that we all thought them at the least to be above three
thousand : the greater number thereof was in the lesser
river, where we were. Amongst the rest here lay
Parai. certaine greater vessels, called in their language Parai,

that serve for the Tutan, when he taketh his voyage
by other rivers that joyne with this, towards Pachin,
where the king maketh his abode. For, as many times
I have erst said, all this Countrey is full of rivers.
Desirous to see those Parai we got into some of them,
where we found some chambers set foorth with gilded
beds very richly, other furnished with tables and seats,
and all other things so neat and in perfection, that it
was wonderfull.

Quiacim shire, as farre as I can perceive, lieth upon
the South. On that side we kept at our first entry
thereinto, travayling not farre from the high mountaines
we saw there. Asking what people dwelleth beyond
those mountaines, it was told me that they be theeves
& men of a strange language. And because that unto
sundry places neere this river the mountaines doe ap-
proch, whence the people issuing downe do many times
great harme, this order is taken at the entry into
Quiacim shire. To guard this river whereon continually
go to & fro Parai great & small fraught with salt,
Fish poudered fish poudred with peper, and other necessaries for that
withpeper. COuntrey, they do lay in divers places certaine Parai, and
great barges armed, wherin watch and ward is kept day
and night on both sides of the river, for the safety of
the passage, & securitie of such Parai as do remaine
there, though the travailers never go but many in com-
pany. In every rode there be at the least thirtie, in some
two hundred men, as the passage requireth. This guard
is kept usually untill you come to the City Onchio,
where continually the Tutan of this shire, and eke of
Cantan, maketh his abode. From that City upward,

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where the river waxeth more narrow, and the passage

more dangerous, there be alwayes armed one hundred

and fiftie Parai, to accompany other vessels fraught

with marchandize, and all this at the Kings charges.

This seemed to me one of the strangest things I did

see in this Countrey.

When we lay at Fuquien, we did see certaine Moores,
who knew so litle of their secte, that they could say
nothing else but that Mahomet was a Moore, my father
was a Moore, and I am a Moore, with some other
wordes of their Alcoran, wherewithall, in abstinence from
swines flesh, they live untill the divel take them all.
This when I saw, & being sure that in many Chinish [II. ii. 78,]
Cities the reliques of Mahomet are kept, as soone as
we came to the City where these fellowes be, I enfourmed
my selfe of them, and learned the trueth.

These Moores, as they tolde me, in times past came G
in great ships fraught with marchandise from Pachin commingfi
ward, to a port granted unto them by the king, as the North.
hee is wont to all them that traffique into this Countrey,
where they being arrived at a litle Towne standing in
the havens mouth, in time converted unto their sect
the greatest Loutea there. When that Loutea with all
his family was become Moorish, the rest began likewise
to doe the same. In this part of China the people be
at libertie, every one to worship and folow what him
liketh best. Wherefore no body tooke heede thereto,
untill such time as the Moores perceiving that many
followed them in superstition, and that the Loutea
favoured them, they began to forbid wholy the eating
of swines flesh. But all these countreymen and women
chosing rather to forsake father and mother, then to leave
off eating of porke, by no meanes would yeeld to that
proclamation. For besides the great desire they all have
to eate that kinde of meate, many of them do live
thereby : and therefore the people complained unto the
Magistrates, accusing the Moores of a conspiracie pre-
tended betwixt them and the Loutea against their king,
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In this countrey, as no suspition, no not one traiterous
word is long borne withall, so was the king speedily
advertised thereof, who gave commandement out of hand
that the aforesaid Loutea should be put to death, and
with him the Moores of most importance : the other
to be layde first in prison, and afterward to be sent
abroad into certaine Cities, where they remained per-
petuall slaves unto the king. To this City came by
happe men and women threescore and odde, who at this
day are brought to five men and foure women, for it
is now twenty yeeres since this happened. Their off-
spring passeth the number of two hundreth, and they
in this City, as the rest in other Cities whither they
* That is their were sent, have their *Moscheas, whereunto they all
temples. resort every Friday to keepe their holy day. But, as

I thinke, that will no longer endure, then whiles they
doe live that came from thence, for their posteritie is
so confused, that they have nothing of a Moore in them
but abstinence from swines flesh, and yet many of them
It should seeme doe eate thereof privily. They tell mee that their native
by their Countrey hath name Camarian, a firme land, wherein be

VQar%mdan 'in manv kings, and the Indish countrey well knowen unto
Ortelius. them. It may so be : for as soone as they did see our

servants (our servants were Preuzaretes) they judged
them to be Indians : many of their wordes sounded upon
the Persian tongue, but none of us coulde understand
them. I asked them whether they converted any of the
Chinish nation unto their secte : they answered mee, that
with much a doe they converted the women with whom
they doe marry, yeelding me no other cause thereof, but
the difficultie they finde in them to be brought from
eating swines flesh and drinking of wine. I am per-
swaded therefore, that if this Countrey were in league
with us, forbidding them neither of both, it would be
an easie matter to draw them to our Religion, from their
superstition, whereat they themselves do laugh when

JNorTheme the7 do their idolatry.

Sea. I have learned moreover that the Sea, whereby these

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Moores that came to China were wont to travaile, is a It seemeth
very great gulfe, that falleth into this Countrey out from ^P^JJP
Tartaria and Persia, leaving on the other side all the the Cas.J
Countrey of China, and land of the Mogores, drawing Sea.
alwayes toward the South : and of all likelyhood it is At Cacan.
even so, because that these Moores, the which we have R*vers ,over-
seene, be rather browne then white, whereby they shewe q^J^
themselves to come from some warmer Countrey then
China is neere to Pachin, where the rivers are frosen
in the Winter for colde, and many of them so
vehemently, that carts may passe over them.

We did see in this Citie many Tartars, Mogores, AH Avoim.
Brames, and Laoynes, both men and women. The
Tartars are men very white, good horsemen and archers, Tartars.
confining with China on that side where Pachin standeth,
separated from thence by great mountaines that are Mount Usont.
betwixt these kingdomes. Over them be certaine wayes
to passe, and for both sides, Castles continually kept
with Souldiers : in time past the Tartars were wont
alwayes to have warres with the Chineans, but these
fourescore yeeres past they were quiet, untill the second
yeere of our imprisonment. The Mogores be in like Mogores.
maner white, and heathen, we are advertised that of one
side they border upon these Tartars, and confine with
the Persian Tartars on the other side, whereof wee sawe
in them some tokens, as their maner of clothes, and
that kinde of hat the Saracens doe weare. The Moores
affirmed, that where the king lyeth, there be many
Tartars and Mogores, that brought into China certaine
blewes of great value : all we thought it to be Vanil of Blemes of
Cambaia wont to be sold at Ormus. So that this is gQ^Jnce tn
the true situation of that Countrey, not in the North-
parts, as many times I have heard say, confining with
Germanic

As for the Brames we have seene in this city Brames.
Chenchi certaine men & women, amongst whom there
was one that came not long since, having as yet her
haire tied up after the Pegues fashion : this woman,

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and other mo with whom a black Moore damsel in our
company had conference, and did understand them wel
ynough, had dwelt in Pegu. This new come woman,

[II. ii. 79.] imagining that we ment to make our abode in that
citie, bid us to be of good comfort, for that her
countrey was not distant from thence above five dayes
journey, and that out of her countrey there lay a high
way for us home into our owne. Being asked the
way, she answered that the first three daies the way
lieth over certaine great mountaines & wildernesse,
afterward people are met withall againe. Thence two
dayes journey more to the Brames countrey. Where-

Southward fore I doe conclude, that Chenchi is one of the confines

from Chenchi Qf ^^ kmgdomej separated by certaine huge mountaines,
as it hath bene alreadie said, that lie out towards the
South. In the residue of these mountaines standeth

Avoins, the province of Sian, the Laoyns countrey, Camboia,

Campaa, and Cochinchina.

Chenchi. This citie chiefe of other sixteene is situated in a

pleasant plaine abounding in all things necessarie, sea-fish
onely excepted, for it standeth farre from the sea : of
fresh fish so much store, that the market places are never
emptie. The walles of this city are very strong and
high : one day did I see the Louteas thereof go upon
the walles to take the view thereof, borne in their seates
which I spake of before, accompanied with a troupe of
horsemen that went two and two : It was tolde me they
might have gone three & three. We have seene more-
over, that within this aforesayd Citie the king hath
moe then a thousande of his kinne lodged in great
pallaces, in divers partes of the Citie : their gates be
redde, and the entrie into their houses, that they may
be knowen, for that is the kings colour. These Gentle-
men, according to their neerenesse in blood unto the
king, as soone as they be married receive their place
in honour : this place neither increaseth nor diminisheth in
any respect as long as the king liveth, the king appointeth
them their wives and familie, allowing them by the

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moneth all things nccessarie abundantly, as he doth to
his governours of shires and Cities, howbeit, not one
of these hath as long as he liveth any charge or governe-
ment at all. They give themselves to eating and
drinking, and be for the most part burly men of bodie,
insomuch that espying any one of them whom we had
not seene before, we might knowe him to be the King
his cosin. They be neverthelesse very pleasant, cour-
teous, and faire conditioned : neither did we rind, all the
time wee were in that citie, so much honour and good
intertainement any where as at their hands. They bid
us to their houses to eate and drinke, and when they
found us not, or we were not willing to go with them,
they bid our servants and slaves, causing them to sit
downe with the first. Notwithstanding the good lodging
these Gentlemen have, so commodious that they want
nothing, yet are they in this bondage, that during life
they never goe abroad. The cause, as I did understand,
wherefore the king so useth his cosins is, that none of
them at any time may rebell against him : and thus he
shutteth them up in three or foure other cities. Most
of them can play on the Lute, and to make that kinde of
pastime peculiar unto them onely, all other in the cities
where they doe live be forbidden that instrument, the
Curtisans and blinde folke onely excepted, who be
musicians and can play.

This king furthermore, for the greater securitie of his
Realme and the avoyding of tumults, letteth not one in
all his countrey to be called Lord, except he be of his
blood. Manie great estates and governours there be,
that during their office are lodged Lordlike, and doe beare
the port of mightie Princes: but they be so many times
displaced and other placed a new, that they have not the
time to become corrupt. True it is that during their
office they be well provided for, as afterward also lodged
at the kings charges, and in pension as long as they live,
payed them monethly in the cities where they dwell
by certaine officers appointed for that purpose. The

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king then is a Lord onely, not one besides him as you
have seene, except it be such as be of his blood. A
Nephew likewise of the king, the kings sisters sonne,
lyeth continually within the walles of the citie in a strong
pallace built Castlewise, even as his other cousins do,
remayning alwayes within doores, served by Eunuches,
never dealing with any matters. On their festivall dayes,
new moones, & full moones the magistrates make great
bankets, and so do such as be of the king his blood.
The kings Nephew hath to name Vanfuli, his pallace is
walled about, the wall is not high, but foure-square, and
Goa is a city in circuit nothing inferiour to the wals of Goa, the out-
ofthe Portu- sj je js pamted red, in every square a gate, and over each
^EasTlndies £ate a tower made of timber excellently well wrought :
before the principall gate of the foure that openeth into
the high streete no Loutea, be he never so great, may
passe on horsebacke, or carried in his seat. Amidst this
quadrangle standeth the pallace where that Nobleman
lyeth, doubtlesse worth the sight, although we came not
in to see it. By report the roofes of the towers and
house are glased greene, & the greater part of the
quadrangle set with savage trees, as Okes, Chestnuts,
Cypresse, Pineapples, Cedars, and other such like that we
do want, after the manner of a wood, wherein are kept
Stags, Oxen, and other beasts, for that Lord his recrea-
tion never going abroad as I have sayd. One prehemi-
nence this citie hath above the rest where we have
bene, & that of right, as we do thinke, that besides the
multitude of market places wherein all things are to be
sold through every streete continually are cryed all things
[II. ii. 80.] necessary, as flesh of all sortes, freshfish, hearbes, oyle,
vineger, meale, rise : in summa, all things so plentifully,
that many houses neede no servants, every thing being
brought to their doores. Most part of the marchants
remaine in the suburbes, for that the cities are shut up
every night, as I have sayd. The marchants therefore,
the better to attend their businesse, do chuse rather to
make their abode without in the suburbes then within

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REPORTS OF JAPAN

A.D.

c. 1565.

the citie. I have seene in this river a pretie kinde of

fishing, not to be omitted in my opinion, and therefore

I will set it downe. The king hath in many rivers Oderkus

good store of barges full of sea-crowes that breede, are w"teth °f the

fedde and doe die therein, in certaine cages, allowed

monethly a certaine provision of rise. These barges the

king bestoweth upon his greatest magistrates, giving to

some two, to some three of them as he thinketh good,

to fish therewithall after this manner. At the houre

appointed to fish, all the barges are brought together in

a circle, where the river is shalow, and the crowes tyed

together under the wings are let leape downe into the

water, some under, some above, woorth the looking

upon : each one as he hath filled his bagge, goeth to

his own barge and emptieth it, which done, he returneth

to fish againe. Thus having taken good store of fish,

they set the crowes at libertie, and do suffer them to

fish for their owne pleasure. There were in that citie

where I was, twentie barges at the least of these aforesayd

crowes. I went almost every day to see them, yet could

I never be throughly satisfied to see so strange a kind

of fishing.

Of the Hand Japan, and other litle lies in the
East Ocean. By R. Willes.

He extreame part of the knowen world
unto us is the noble Hand Giapan,
written otherwise Japon and Japan. This
Island standeth in the East Ocean, be-
yond all Asia, betwixt Cathayo and the
West Indies sixe and thirtie degrees
Northward from the Equinoctial line, in
the same clime with the South part of Spaine and Portu-
gall, distant from thence by sea sixe thousand leagues :
the travaile thither, both for civill discord, great pyracie,
and often shipwracks is very dangerous. This countrey
is hillie and pestered with snow, wherefore it is neither
so warme as Portugall, nor yet so wealthy, so far as we

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can learne, wanting oyle, butter, cheese, milke, egges,
sugar, honny, vineger, saffron, cynamom and pepper.
Barley-branne the Danders doe use in stead of salt : medi-
cinable things holsome for the bodie have they none at
all. Neverthelesse in that Hand sundry fruites doe
growe, not much unlike the fruites of Spaine : and

Great store of great store of Silver mynes are therein to be seene.

Stiver mynes. >pne pe0ple are tractable, civill, wittie, courteous, without
deceit, in vertue and honest conversation exceeding all
other nations lately discovered, but so much standing
upon their reputation, that their chiefe Idole may be
thought honour. The contempt thereof causeth among
them much discord and debate, manslaughter and mur-
ther : even for their reputation they doe honour their
parents, keepe their promises, absteine from adulterie
and robberies, punishing by death the least robbery done,
holding for a principle, that whosoever stealeth a trifle,
will, if he see occasion, steale a greater thing. It may
be theft is so severely punished of them, for that the
nation is oppressed with scarcitie of all things necessary,
and so poore, that even for miserie they strangle their
owne children, preferring death before want. These
fellowes doe neither eate nor kill any foule. They live
chiefely by fish, hearbes, and fruites, so healthfully, that
they die very old. Of Rice and Wheat there is no
great store. No man is ashamed there of his povertie,
neither be their gentlemen therefore lesse honoured of
the meaner people, neither will the poorest gentleman
there match his childe with the baser sort for any gaine,
so much they do make more account of gentry then of
wealth. The greatest delight they have is in armour,
each boy at fourteene yeeres of age, be he borne gentle
or otherwise, hath his sword and dagger : very good
archers they be, contemning all other nations in com-
parison of their manhood and prowesse, putting not up
one injurie be it never so small in worde or deede,
among themselves. They feede moderately, but they
drinke largely. The use of vines they knowe not, their

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drinke they make of Rice, utterly they doe abhorre dice,
and all games, accounting nothing more vile in a man,
then to give himselfe unto those things that make us
greedy and desirous to get other mens goods. If at
any time they do sweare, fot that seldome they are wont
to doe, they sweare by the Sunne : many of them are
taught good letters, wherfore they may so much the
sooner be brought unto Christianitie. Each one is con-
tented with one wife : they be all desirous to learne, &
naturally inclined unto honesty & courtesie : godly talke
they listen unto willingly, especially when they under-
stand it throughly. Their government consisteth of 3
estates. The first place is due unto the high Priest, by
whose lawes & decrees all publike and private matters [II. ii. 81.]
appertayning to religion are decided. The sects of their
clergie men, whom they doe call Bonzi, be of no
estimation or authoritie except the high Priest by letters
patent doe confirme the same : he confirmeth and alloweth
of their Tundi, who be as it were Bishops, although in
many places they are nominated by sundry Princes.
These Tundi are greatly honoured of all sorts : they
doe give benefices unto inferiour ministers, and do grant
licences for many things as to eate flesh upon those dayes
they goe in pilgrimage to their Idoles with such like
privileges. Finally, this high Priest wont to be chosen in
China for his wisedome and learning, made in Japan
for his gentry and birth, hath so large a Dominion and
revenues so great, that eftsones he beardeth the petie
Kings and Princes there.

Their second principal Magistrate, in their language
Vo, is the chiefs Herehaught, made by succession and
birth, honoured as a God. This gentleman never toucheth
the ground with his foote without forfaiting of his office,
he never goeth abroad out of his house, nor is at all
times to be seene. At home he is either carried about
in a litter, or els he goeth in woodden Choppines a foote
high from the ground : commonly he sitteth in his chaire
with a sword in one side, and a bow and arrowes in the

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other, next his bodie he weareth blacke, his outward
garments be red, all shadowed over with Cypresse, at
his cappe hang certaine Lambeaux much like unto a
Bishops Miter, his forehead is painted white and red,
he eateth his meat in earthen dishes. This Herehaught
determineth in all Japan the diverse titles of honour,
whereof in that Hand is great plentie, each one particularly
knowen by his badge, commonly seene in sealing up
their letters, and dayly altered according to their degrees.
About this Vo every Noble man hath his Soliciter, for
the nation is so desirous of praise and honour, that they
strive among themselves who may bribe him best. By
these meanes the Herehaught groweth so rich, that
although hee have neither land nor any revenues other-
wise, yet may he be accounted the wealthiest man in
all Japan. For three causes this great Magistrate may
loose his office : first, if he touch the ground with his
foote, as it hath beene alreadie said : next, if he kill
any body : thirdly, if he be found an enemie unto peace
and quietnesse, howbeit neither of these aforesaid causes
is sufficient to put him to death.

Their third chiefe officer is a Judge, his office is to
take up and to end matters in controversie, to determine
of warres and peace, that which he thinketh right, to
punish rebels, wherein he may commaund the noble men
to assist him upon paine of forfeiting their goods : never-
thelesse at all times he is not obeyed, for that many
matters are ended rather by might and armes, then
determined by law. Other controversies are decided
either in the Temporall Court, as it seemeth good unto
the Princes, or in the Spirituall consistorie before the
Tundi.

Rebelles are executed in this manner, especially if they
be noble men or officers. The king looke what day
he giveth sentence against any one, the same day the
partie, wheresoever he be, is advertised thereof, and the
day told him of his execution. The condemned person
asketh of the messenger whether it may bee lawfull for

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REPORTS OF JAPAN

him to kill himselfe: the which thing when the king
doeth graunt, the partie taking it for an honour, putteth
on his best apparel and launcing his body a crosse from
the breast downe all the belly, murthereth himselfe.
This kind of death they take to be without infamie,
neither doe their children for their fathers crime so
punished, loose their goods. But if the king reserve
them to be executed by the hangman, then flocketh he
together his children, his servants, and friends home
to his house, to preserve his life by force. The king
committeth the fetching of him out unto his chiefs Judge,
who first setteth upon him with bow and arrowes, and
afterward with pikes and swords, untill the rebell and
all his family be slaine to their perpetuall ignominie
and shame.

The Indie-writers make mention of sundry great cities
in this Hand, as Cangoxima a haven towne in the South
part thereof, and Meaco distant from thence three
hundred leagues northward, the royall seat of the king
and most wealthy of all other townes in that Hand. The
people thereabout are very noble, and their language the
best Japonish. In Meaco are sayd to be ninetie thousande
houses inhabited and upward, a famous Universitie, and
in it five principall Colleges, besides closes & cloysters
of Bonzi, Leguixil, and Hamacata, that is, Priests, Monks
and Nunnes. Other five notable Universities there be
in Japan, namely, Coia, Negru, Homi, Frenoi, and
Bandu. The first foure have in them at the least three
thousand & five hundred schollers : in the fift are many
mo. For Bandu province is very great and possessed
with sixe princes, five whereof are vassals unto the sixt,
yet he himselfe subject unto the Japonish king, usually
called the great king of Meaco : lesser scholes there be
many in divers places of this Ilande. And thus much
specially concerning this glorious Hand, among so many
barbarous nations and rude regions, have I gathered
together in one summe, out of sundry letters written
from thence into Europe, by no lesse faithfull reporters

33i

A.D.
G. I565,

Petrus
Mqfteius de
rebus
Japonicis.

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

c. 1565.

than famous travellers. For confirmation wherof, as also

[II. ii. 82.] for the knowledge of other things not conteyned in the
premisses, the curious readers may peruse these 4
volumes of Indian matters written long ago in Italian,
and of late compendiously made latine, by Petrus
MafFeius my olde acquainted friend, entituling the same,
De rebus Japonicis. One whole letter out of the fift
booke thereof, specially intreating of that countrey, I
have done into English word for word in such wise as
folio weth.

Aloisius Froes to his companions in Jesus Christ
that remaine in China and India.

THe last yeere, deare brethren, I wrote unto you
from Firando, how Cosmus Turrianus had appointed
me to travaile to Meaco to helpe Gaspar Vilela, for that
there the harvest was great, the labourers few, and that I
should have for my companion in that journey Aloisius
Almeida. It seemeth now my part, having by the helpe
of God ended so long a voiage, to signifie unto you
by letter such things specially as I might thinke you
would most delight to know. And because at the
beginning Almeida and I so parted the whole labour
of writing letters betwixt us, that he should speake of
our voyage, and such things as happened therein, I should
make relation of the Meachians estate, & write what
I could well learne of the Japans maners and conditions :
setting aside all discourses of our voyage, that which
standeth me upon I will discharge in this Epistle, that
you considering how artificially, how cunningly, under the
pretext of religion, that craftie adversary of mankind
leadeth and draweth unto perdition the Japanish mindes,
blinded with many superstitions and ceremonies, may
the more pitie this Nation.

The inhabiters of Japan, as men that never had greatly
to doe with other Nations, in their Geography divided
the whole world into three parts, Japan, Sian, and China.
And albeit the Japans received out of Sian and China

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their superstitions and ceremonies, yet do they never-
thelesse contemne all other nations in comparison of
themselves, and standing in their owne conceite doe far
preferre themselves before all other sorts of people in
wisedome and policie.

Touching the situation of the countrey and nature of
the soyle, unto the things eftsoones erst written, this one
thing I wil adde : in these Hands, the sommer to be most
hot, the winter extreme cold. In the kingdome of Canga,
as we call it, falleth so much snow, that the houses being
buried in it, the inhabitants keepe within doores certaine
moneths of the yeere, having no way to come foorth
except they breake up the tiles. Whirlewindes most
vehement, earthquakes so common, that the Japans dread
such kind of feares litle or nothing at all. The countrey
is ful of silver mines otherwise barren, not so much by
fault of nature, as through the slouthfulnesse of the
inhabitants : howbeit Oxen they keepe and that for
tillage sake onely. The ayre is holesome, the waters
good, the people very faire and well bodied : bare headed
commonly they goe, procuring baldnesse with sorrow and
teares, eftsoones rooting up with pinsars all the haire of
their heads as it groweth, except it be a litle behind, the
which they knot and keepe with all diligence. Even
from their childhood they weare daggers and swords, the
which they use to lay under their pillowes when they goe
to bed : in shew courteous and affable, in deede haughtie
and proud. They delight most in warlike affaires, and
their greatest studie is armes. Mens apparel diversely
coloured is worne downe halfe the legges and to the
elbowes : womens attyre made hansomely like unto a vaile,
is somewhat longer : all manner of dicing and theft they
doe eschue. The marchant, although he be wealthy, is
not accounted of. Gentlemen, be they never so poore,
retaine their place : most precisely they stande upon their
honour and woorthinesse, ceremoniously striving among
themselves in courtesies and faire speeches. Wherein if
any one happily be lesse carefull than he should be, even

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for a trifle many times he getteth evill will. Want,
though it trouble most of them, so much they doe detest,
that poore men cruelly taking pittie of their infantes
newly borne, especially girles, do many times with their
owne feete strangle them. Noble men, and other like-
wise of meaner calling generally have but one wife a
peece, by whom although they have issue, yet for a trifle
they divorse themselves from their wives, and the wives
also sometimes from their husbands, to marry with others.
After the second degree cousins may there lawfully marry.
Adoption of other mens children is much used among
them. In great townes most men and women can write
and reade.

This Nation feedeth sparingly, their usuall meat is
rice and salets, and neere the sea side fish. They feast
one another many times, wherein they use great diligence,
especially in drinking one to another, insomuch that the
better sort, least they might rudely commit some fault
therein, doe use to reade certaine bookes written of
duties and ceremonies apperteyning unto banquets. To
be delicate and fine, they put their meate into their
mouthes with litle forkes, accounting it great rudenesse
to touch it with their fingers : winter & sommer they
[II. ii. 83.] drinke water as hot as they may possibly abide it. Their
houses are in danger of fire, but finely made and cleane,
layde all over with strawe-pallets, whereupon they doe
both sit in stead of stooles, and lie in their clothes with
billets under their heads. For feare of defiling these
pallets, they goe either barefoote within doores, or weare
strawe pantofles on their buskins when they come abroad,
the which they lay aside at their returne home againe.
Gentlemen for the most part do passe the night in
banketting, musicke, & vaine discourses, they sleepe the
day time. In Meaco and Sacaio there is good store
of beds, but they be very litle, and may be compared
unto our pues.

In bringing up their children they use words only to
rebuke them, admonishing as diligently and advisedly

334

REPORTS OF JAPAN a.d.

1565.
boyes of sixe or seven yeeres of age, as though they
were olde men. They are given very much to inter-
taine strangers, of whom most curiously they love to
aske even in trifles what forraine nations doe, and their
fashions. Such arguments and reasons as be manifest,
and are made plaine with examples, doe greatly persuade
them. They detest all kinde of theft, whosoever is taken
in that fault may be slaine freely of any bodie. No
publike prisons, no common gayles, no ordinary Justicers :
privately each housholder hath the hearing of matters
at home in his owne house, and the punishing of greater
crimes that deserve death without delay. Thus usually
the people is kept in awe and feare.

About foure hundred yeeres past (as in their olde
recordes we finde) all Japan was subject unto one Em-
perour whose royall seat was Meaco, in the Japonish
language called Cubucama. But the nobilitie rebelling
against him, by litle and litle have taken away the greatest
part of his dominion, howbeit his title continually re-
mayneth, and the residue in some respect doe make
great account of him still, acknowledging him for their
superior. Thus the Empyre of Japan, in times past but
one alone, is now divided into sixtie sixe kingdomes, the
onely cause of civill warres continually in that Hand, to
no small hinderance of the Gospell, whilest the kings that
dwell neare together invade one another, each one covet-
ing to make his kingdome greater. Furthermore in
the citie Meaco is the pallace of the high Priest, whom
that nation honoureth as a God, he hath in his house
366 Idoles, one whereof by course is every night set by
his side for a watchman. He is thought of the common
people so holy, that it may not be lawfull for him to goe
upon the earth : if happily he doe set one foote to the
ground, he looseth his office. He is not served very But his almes
sumptuously he is maintained by almes. The heads and are ver^ &ood*
beards of his ministers are shaven, they have name
Cangues, and their authoritie is great throughout all
Japan. The Cubucama useth them for Embassadors to

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decide controversies betwixt princes and to end their
warres, whereof they were wont to make very great
gaine. It is now two yeres since or there about, that
one of them came to Bungo, to intreate of peace betwixt
the king thereof and the king of Amanguzzo. This
Agent favouring the king of Bungo his cause more then
the other, brought to passe that the foresayd king of
Bungo should keepe two kingdomes, the which he had
taken in warres from the king of Amanguzzo. Where-
fore he had for his reward of the king of Bungo above
30000 ducats. And thus farre hereof.

I come now to other superstitions and ceremonies, that
you may see, deare brethren, that which I said in the
beginning, how subtilly the devill hath deceived the
Japonish nation, and how diligent and readie they be to
obey & worship him. And first, al remembrance and
knowledge not onely of Christ our Redeemer, but also of
that one God the maker of all things is cleane extin-
guished and utterly abolished out of the Japans hearts.
Moreover their superstitious sects are many, whereas it
is lawfull for each one to follow that which liketh him
best : but the principall sects are two, namely the
Amidans and Xacaians. Wherefore in this countrey
shall you see many monasteries, not onely of Bonzii
men, but also of Bonziae women diversly attired, for
some doe weare white under, and blacke upper garments,
other goe apparelled in ash colour, and their Idole hath
to name Denichi : from these the Amidanes differ very
much. Againe the men Bonzii for the most part dwell
in sumptuous houses, and have great revenues. These
fellowes are chaste by commaundement, marry they may
not upon paine of death. In the midst of their Temple
is erected an altar, whereon standeth a woodden Idole
of Amida, naked from the girdle upward, with holes in
his eares after the manner of Italian gentlewomen, sitting
on a woodden rose goodly to behold. They have great
libraries, and halles for them all to dine and sup together,
and bels wherwith they are at certaine houres called to

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REPORTS OF JAPAN ad.

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prayers. In the evening the Superintendent giveth each
one a theame for meditation. After midnight before the
altar in their Temple they do say Mattens as it were out
of Xaca his last booke, one quier one verse, the other
quier an other. Early in the morning each one giveth
himselfe to meditation one houre : they shave their heads
and beards. Their cloysters be very large, and within the
precinct therof, Chappels of the Fotoquiens, for by that
name some of the Japanish Saints are called : their holy-
daies yeerely be very many. Most of these Bonzii be
gentlemen, for that the Japanish nobility charged with [II. ii. 84.]
many children, use to make most of them Bonzii, not
being able to leave for each one a patrimony good enough.
The Bonzii most covetously bent, know all the wayes
how to come by money. They sell unto the people
many scrolles of paper, by the helpe whereof the common
people thinketh it selfe warranted from all power of the
devils. They borrow likewise money to be repayed with
great usury in an other worlde, giving by obligation unto
the lender an assurance thereof, the which departing out
of this life he may carry with him to hell.

There is another great company of such as are called Inambuxu.
Inambuxu, with curled and staring haire. They make
profession to finde out againe things either lost or stolen,
after this sort. They set before them a child whom the
devill invadeth, called up thither by charmes : of that
child then doe they aske that which they are desirous
to know.

These mens prayers both good and bad are thought
greatly to prevaile, insomuch that both their blessings
and their curses they sell unto the people. The novices
of this order, before they be admitted, goe together two
or three thousand in a company, up a certaine high
mountaine to doe pennance there, threescore dayes
voluntarily punishing themselves. In this time the
devill sheweth himselfe unto them in sundry shapes :
and they like young graduats, admitted as it were
fellowes into some certaine companie, are set foorth with
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a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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white tassels hanging about their neckes, and blacke
Bonnets that scarcely cover any more then the crowne
of their heads. Thus attyred they range abroade in all
Japan, to set out themselves and their cunning to sale,
each one beating his bason which he carieth alwayes
about with him, to give notice of their comming in al
townes where they passe.
Genguis. There is also an other sort called Genguis, that make
profession to shewe by soothsaying where stollen things
are, and who were the theeves. These dwell in the
toppe of an high mountaine, blacke in the face : for the
continuall heate of the sunne, for the cold windes, and
raines they doe continually endure. They marry but in
their owne tribe and line : the report goeth that they be
horned beasts. They climbe up most high rockes and
hilles, and go over very great rivers by the onely arte of
the devill, who to bring those wretches the more into
errour, biddeth them to goe up a certaine high moun-
taine, where they stande miserably gazing and earnestly
looking for him as long as the devill appointeth them.
At the length at nonetide or in the evening commeth
that devil, whom they call Amida among them to shew
himselfe unto them : this shew breedeth in the braines
and hearts of men such a kinde of superstition, that it
can by no meanes be rooted out of them afterward.

The devill was wont also in another mountaine to shew
himselfe unto the Japanish Nation. Who so was more
desirous than other to go to heaven and to enjoy Paradise,
thither went he to see that sight, and having seene the
devill followed him (so by the devill perswaded) into
a denne untill he came to a deepe pit. Into this pit the
devill was wont to leape, and to take with him his wor-
shipper whom he there murdred. This deceit was thus
perceived. An old man blinded with this superstition,
was by his sonne disswaded from thence, but all in vaine.
Wherefore his sonne followed him privily into that denne
with his bow & arrows, where the devill gallantly appeared
unto him in the shape of a man. Whilest the old man

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REPORTS OF JAPAN a.d.

.565.
falleth downe to worshippe the devill, his sonne speedily
shooting an arrow at the spirit so appearing, strooke a
Foxe in stead of a man, so suddenly was that shape
altered. This olde man his sonne tracking the Foxe so
running away, came to that pit whereof I spake, and in
the bottome thereof he found many bones of dead men,
deceived by the devill after that sort in time past. Thus
delivered he his father from present death, and all other
from so pestilent an opinion.

There is furthermore a place bearing name Coia, very
famous for ye multitude of Abbyes which the Bonzii
have therein. The beginner and founder whereof is
thought to be one Combendaxis a suttle craftie fellowe,
that got the name of holinesse by cunning speech, although
the lawes and ordinances he made were altogether devil-
lish : he is said to have found out the Japanish letters
used at this day. In his latter yeeres this Sim suttle
buried himselfe in a fouresquare grave, foure cubites
deepe, severely forbidding it to be opened, for that then
he died not, but rested his bodie wearied with continuall
businesse, untill many thousand thousands of yeeres were
passed, after the which time a great learned man named
Mirozu should come into Japan, and then would he rise
up out of his grave againe. About his tombe many
lampes are lighted, sent thither out of diverse provinces,
for that the people are perswaded that whosoever is
liberall and beneficiall towardes the beautifying of that
monument shall not onely increase in wealth in this
world, but in the life to come be safe through Comben-
daxis helpe. Such as give themselves to worship him,
live in those Monasteries or Abbyes with shaven heads,
as though they had forsaken all secular matters, whereas
in deede they wallow in all sortes of wickednesse and
lust. In these houses, the which are many (as I sayd) in
number, doe remaine 6000 Bonzii, or thereabout besides [II. H. 85.]
the multitude of lay men, women be restrained from
thence upon paine of death. Another company of Bonzii
dwelleth at Fatonochaiti. They teach a great multitude

339

A.D.
1565.

A warrelike
people 300
leagues to the
North of
Meaco.

The Japanish
funerals.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

of children all tricks & sleights of guile & theft : whom
they do find to be of great towardnes, those do they
instruct in al the petigrues of princes, and fashions of the
nobilitie, in chivalrie and eloquence, and so send them
abroad into other provinces, attired like yong princes, to
this ende, that faining themselves to be nobly borne, they
may with great summes of money borowed under the
colour and pretence of nobilitie returne againe. Where-
fore this place is so infamous in all Japan, that if any
scholer of that order be happily taken abroad, he incon-
tinently dieth for it. Neverthelesse these cousiners leave
not daily to use their woonted wickednesse and knaverie.

North from Japan, three hundred leagues out of
Meaco, lieth a great countrey of savage men clothed in
beasts skinnes, rough bodied, with huge beards and mon-
strous muchaches, the which they hold up with litle
forkes as they drinke. These people are great drinkers
of wine, fierce in warres, and much feared of the Japans :
being hurt in fight, they wash their wounds with salt
water, other Surgerie have they none. In their breasts
they are sayd to cary looking glasses : their swordes they
tie to their heads, in such wise, that the handle doe rest
upon their shoulders. Service and ceremonies have they
none at all, onely they are woont to worship heaven. To
Aquita a great towne in that Japonish kingdom, which we
call Gevano, they much resort for marchandise, and the
Aquitanes likewise doe travell into their countrey, how-
beit not often, for that there many of them are slaine by
the inhabiters.

Much more concerning this matter I had to write : but
to avoyd tediousnesse I will come to speake of the Japans
madnesse againe, who most desirous of vaine glory doe
thinke then specially to get immortall fame, when they
procure themselves to be most sumptuously and solemnly
buried : their burials and obsequies in the citie Meaco
are done after this maner. About one houre before the
dead body be brought foorth, a great multitude of his
friends apparelled in their best aray goe before unto the

340

REPORTS OF JAPAN a.d.

1565.

fire, with them goe their kinswomen and such as bee of
their acquaintance, clothed in white (for that is the
mourning colour there) with a changeable coloured vaile
on their heads. Each woman hath with her also, accord-
ing to her abilitie, all her familie trimmed up in white
mockado : the better sort and wealthier women goe in
litters of Cedar artificially wrought and richly dressed.
In the second place marcheth a great company of foote-
men sumptuously apparelled. Then afarre off commeth
one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that
superstition, bravely clad in silkes and gold, in a large
and high litter excellently well wrought, accompanied with
30 other Bonzii or thereabout, wearing hats, linnen albes,
and fine blacke upper garments. Then attired in ashe
colour (for this colour also is mourning) with a long
torch of Pineaple, he sheweth the dead body the way
unto the fire, lest it either stumble or ignorantly go out
of the way. Well neere 200 Bonzii folow him singing
the name of that devill the which the partie deceassed
chiefly did worship in his life time, and therewithall a
very great bason is beaten even to the place of fire in
stead of a bell. Then follow two great paper baskets
hanged open at staves endes full of paper roses diversly
coloured, such as beare them doe march but slowly,
shaking ever now and then their staves, that the afore-
sayd flowers may fall downe by litle and litle as it were
drops of raine : and be whirled about with wind. This
shower say they is an argument that the soule of the
dead man is gone to paradise. After al this, eight
beardles Bonzii orderly two and two drag after them on
the ground long speares, the points backward, with flags
of one cubite a piece, wherein the name also of that idole
is written. Then there be caried 10 lanterns trimmed
with the former inscription, overcast with a fine vaile, and
candles burning in them. Besides this, two yoong men
clothed in ashe colour beare pineaple torches, not lighted,
of three foote length, the which torches serve to kindle They bume
the fire wherein the dead corpes is to bee burnt. In the their dead.

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same colour follow many other that weare on the crownes
of their heads faire, litle, threesquare, blacke lethren caps
tied fast under their chinnes (for that is honorable amongst
them) with papers on their heads, wherein the name of
the devill I spake of, is written. And to make it the
more solemne, after commeth a man with a table one
cubite long, one foot broad, covered with a very fine
white vaile, in both sides whereof is written in golden
letters the aforesayd name. At the length by foure men
is brought foorth the corps sitting in a gorgeous litter
clothed in white, hanging downe his head and holding
his hands together like one that prayed : to the rest of
his apparell may you adde an upper gowne of paper,
written full of that booke the which his God is sayd to
have made, when he lived in the world, by whose helpe
and merites commonly they doe thinke to be saved. The
dead man his children come next after him most gallantly
set foorth, the yongest wherof carieth likewise a pineaple
torch to kindle the fire. Last of all foloweth a great
number of people in such caps as I erst spake of.
When they are al come to ye place appointed for the
[II. ii. 86.] obsequie, al the Bonzii w* the whole multitude for the
space of one houre, beating pannes and basons with great
clamours, call upon the name of that devill, the which
being ended, the Obsequie is done in this maner. In
the midst of a great quadrangle railed about, hanged with
course linnen, and agreeably unto the foure partes of the
world made with foure gates to goe in and out at, is
digged a hole : in the hole is laied good store of wood,
whereon is raised gallantly a waved roofe : before that
stand two tables furnished with divers kindes of meates,
especially drie Figs, Pomegranates and Tartes good store,
but neither Fish nor Flesh : upon one of them standeth
also a chafer with coales, and in it sweete wood to make
perfumes. When all this is readie, the corde wherewith
the litter was caried, is throwen by a long rope into the
fire : as many as are present strive to take the rope in
their handes, using their aforesayd clamours, which done,

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REPORTS OF JAPAN ad.

1565.

they goe in procession as it were round about the quad-
rangle thrise. Then setting the litter on the wood built
up ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master
of the ceremonies, saieth a verse that no bodie there
understandeth, whirling thrise about over his head a
torch lighted, to signifie thereby that the soule of the
dead man had neither any beginning, ne shall have at
any time an ende, and throweth away the torch. Two
of the dead man his children, or of his neere kinne,
take it up againe, and standing one at the East side of
the litter, the other at the West, doe for honour and
reverence reach it to each other thrise over the dead
corps, and so cast it into the pile of wood : by and by
they throw in oyle, sweete wood, and other perfumes,
accordingly as they have plentie, and so with a great
flame bring the corpes to ashes : his children in the
meane while putting sweete wood into the chafer at the
table with odours, doe solemnly and religiously worship
their father as a Saint : which being done, the Bonzii are
paied each one in his degree. The master of the cere-
monies hath for his part five duckats, sometimes tenne,
sometimes twentie, the rest have tenne Julies a piece, or
els a certaine number of other presents called Caxas.
The meate that was ordained, as soone as the dead corps
friends and all the Bonzii are gone, is left for such as
served at the obsequie, for the poore and impotent lazars.
The next day returne to the place of obsequie the
dead man his children, his kinred and friends, who
gathering up his ashes, bones, and teeth, doe put them
in a gilded pot, and so carie them home, to bee set up in
the same pot covered with cloth, in the middest of their
houses. Many Bonzii returne likewise to these private
funerals, and so doe they againe the seventh day: then
cary they out the ashes to bee buried in a place
appointed, laying thereupon a fouresquare stone, wherein
is written in great letters drawen all the length of the
stone, the name of that devil the which the dead man
worshipped in his life time. Every day afterward his

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children resort unto the grave with roses and warme
water that the dead corps thirst not. Nor the seventh
day onely, but the seventh moneth and yeere, within
their owne houses they renue this obsequie, to no small
commodities and gaine of the Bonzii : great rich men
doe spend in these their funerals 3000 duckats or there-
about, the meaner sort two or three hundred. Such as
for povertie be not able to go to that charges, are in the
night time darkelong without all pompe and ceremonies
buried in a dunghill.

They have another kinde of buriall, especially neere
the Sea side, for them that bee not yet dead. These
fellowes are such, as having religiously with much
devotion worshipped Ami da, now desirous to see him,
doe slay themselves. And first they goe certaine dayes
begging almes, the which they thrust into their sleeves,
then preach they in publique a sermon unto the people,
declaring what they mind to doe, with the great good
liking of all such as doe heare them : for every body
wondreth at such a kinde of holinesse. Then take they
hookes to cut downe briars and thornes that might
hinder them in their way to heaven, and so embarke
themselves in a new vessell, tying great stones about
their neckes, armes, loines, thighes, and feete : thus they
launching out into the maine Sea be either drowned
there, their shippe bouged for that purpose, or els doe
cast themselves over-boord headlong into the Sea. The
emptie barke is out of hand set a fire for honours sake
by their friends that folow them in another boat of their
owne, thinking it blasphemie that any mortall creature
should afterward once touch the barke that had bene so
religiously halowed.

Truly when we went to Meaco, eight dayes before we
came to the He of Hiu at Fore towne, sixe men and
two women so died. To all such as die so the people
erecteth a Chappell, and to each of them a pillar and a
pole made of Pineaple for a perpetuall monument, hang-
ing up many shreds of paper in stickes all the roofe

344

REPORTS OF JAPAN a.d.

1565.
over, with many verses set downe in the walles in
commendation of that blessed company. Wherefore unto
this place both day and night many come very super-
stitiously in pilgrimage. It happened even then as
Aloisius Almeida and I went to christen a childe wee
traveiled that way at what time foure or five olde
women came foorth out of the aforesayd chappell with
beades in their handes (for in this point also the devill
counterfaiteth Christianitie) who partly scorned at us for [II. ii. 87.]
follie, partly frowned and taunted at our small devotion,
for passing by that holy monument without any rever-
ence or worship done thereunto at all.

It remaineth now we speake two or three wordes of
those Sermons the Bonzii are woont to make, not so
many as ours in number, but assuredly very well pro-
vided for. The Pulpit is erected in a great temple
with a silke Canopie over it, therein standeth a costly
seate, before the seate a table with a bell and a booke.
At the houre of Sermon each sect of the Japans
resorteth to their owne doctors in divers Temples. Up
goeth the doctor into the Pulpit, and being set downe,
after that hee hath lordlike looked him about, signifieth
silence with his bell, and so readeth a fewe wordes of
that booke we spake of, the which he expoundeth
afterward more at large. These preachers be for the
most part eloquent, and apt to drawe with their speach
the mindes of their hearers. Wherefore to this ende
chieflie (such is their greedinesse) tendeth all their
talke, that the people bee brought under the colour of
godlinesse to enrich their monasteries, promising to
each one so much the more happinesse in the life to
come, how much the greater costes and charges they
bee at in Church matters and „ obsequies : notwithstand-
ing this multitude of superstitious Sects and companies,
and the diversities thereof amongst themselves : yet in
this principally all their Superintendents doe travell so
to perswade their Novices in their owne tales and lies,
that they thinke nothing els trueth, nothing els sure to

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come by everlasting salvation, nothing els woorth the
hearing. Whereunto they adde other subtleties, as in
going gravitie, in countenance, apparell, and in all out-
ward shew, comelinesse. Whereby the Japans mindes
are so nousled in wicked opinions, & doe conceive
thereby such trust and hope of everlasting salvation,
that not onely at home, but also abroad in every
corner of the towne continually almost they run over
their beades, humbly asking of Amida and Xaca,
wealth, honour, good health, and everlasting joyes.
Thus then, deare brethren, may you thinke how greatly
they need the helpe of God, that either doe bring the
Gospell into this countrey, or receiving it brought unto
them, doe forsake idolatrie and joine themselves with
Christ, being assaulted by so many snares of the devill,
troubled with the daily dissuasions of their Bonzii, and
finally, so injuriously, so hardly, so sharpely vexed of
their kinred and friends, that except the grace of God
obtained by the sacrifices and prayers of the Catholique
church doe helpe us, it cannot be chosen but that the
faith and constancie of many, if not of all, in these first
beginnings of our churches, will greatly be put in
jeopardie. So much the more it standeth you upon
that so earnestly long for the health of soules, to com-
mend specially these Japanish flocks unto our Lord.

We came to Sacaio the eight and twentie day of
January : Aloisius Almeida first for businesse, but after-
ward let by sicknesse, staied there some while, but I
parting the next day from thence came thirteene leagues
off to Meaco the last of Januarie. Of my comming all
the Christians tooke great comfort, but specially Gaspar
Vilela who in 6 yeres had seen none of our companie
at Meaco : his yeeres are not yet fortie, but his gray
haires shew him to be seventie, so vehemently is his
litle body afflicted and worne with extreme cold. Hee
speaketh Japanish so skilfully after the phrase of Meaco
(the which for the renowne of this people and royal
seat of the king is best accounted of) that hee doeth

346

REPORTS OF JAPAN a.d.

1565.

both confesse and preach in that language. Certaine
godly bookes also he hath done into that speach, not
omitting to translate other as laisure suffreth him. To
make an ende, our Lord for his goodnesse vouchsafe
to preserve us all continually, and to give us ayde both
rightly to interprete his will, and well to doe the same.
From Meaco the 19 of February 1565.

Other such like matter is handled both in other his
letters, and also in the Epistles written by his com-
panions to be seene at large in the aforesaid volume.
Amongst the rest this seemed in my judgement one of
the principall, and therefore the rather I tooke upon
me to do it into English.

Of the lies beyond Japan in the way from
China to the Moluccas.

AMongst other lies in the Asian sea betwixt Cantan
a Chinish haven in Cathaio & the Moluccas, much
spoken of in the Indian histories and painted out in
Maps, Ainan and Santianum are very famous. Ainan Ahum.
standeth 19 degrees on this side of the Equinoctiall
line nere China, from whence the Chinish nation have
their provision for shipping and other necessaries requisite
for their Navie. There staied Balthasar Gagus a great
traveiler 5 moneths, who describeth that place after this De reb. Jap.
maner. Ainan is a goodly countrey ful of Indian fruits lu +•
& all kind of victuals, besides great store of jewels and
pearle, well inhabited, the townes built of stone, the
people rude in conditions, apparelled in divers coloured
rugs, with two oxe homes, as it were, made of fine cypres
hanging downe about their eares, and a paire of sharpe
cyzers at their foreheads.

The cause wherefore they go in such attire I could not [II. ii. 88.]
understand, except it bee for that they do counterfeit the
devil in the forme of a brute beast, offring themselves
up to him.

Santianum is an He neere unto the haven Cantan in Santianum.
the confines likewise of China, famous for the death

347

A.D.
1565.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

of that woorthy traveller and godly professour and
painfull doctor of the Indian nation in matters concern-
ing religion, Francis Xavier, who after great labours,
many injuries, and calamities infinite suffred with much
patience, singular joy and gladnesse of mind, de-
parted in a cabben made of bowes and rushes upon a
desert mountaine, no lesse voyd of all worldly com-
modities, then endued with all spirituall blessings, out
of this life, the 2 day of December, the yeere of our
Lord 1552. after that many thousand of these Easterlings
were brought by him to the knowledge of Christ. Of
this holy man, his particular vertues, and specially travell,
and wonderfull works in that region, of other many litle
lies (yet not so litle, but they may right wel be written
of at laisure) all the latter histories of the Indian regions
are full.

An excellent treatise of the kingdome of China,
and of the estate and government thereof:
Printed in Latine at Macao a citie of the
Portugals in China, An. Dom. 1590. and
written Dialogue-wise. The speakers are
Linus, Leo, and Michael.

Linus.

Oncerning the kingdome of China (Michael)
which is our next neighbour, we have
heard and daily do heare so many re-
ports, that we are to request at your
hands rather a true then a large discourse
and narration thereof. And if there be
ought in your knowledge besides that
which by continual rumours is waxen stale among us, we
will right gladly give diligent eare unto it.

Michael. Because the report of this most famous
kingdome is growen so common among us, reducing
divers and manifold particulars into order, I will especially
aime at the trueth of things received from the fathers

348

A TREATISE OF CHINA ad.

1590.

of the societie, which even now at this present are con-
versant in China. First of all therefore it is not un- The situation
knowen, that of all parts of the maine continent this *£t^m "^
kingdom of China is situate most Easterly : albeit
certaine Hands, as our native Japon, & the He of Manilia
stand more Easterly then China it selfe. As touching
the limites & bounds of this kingdom, we may appoint
the first towards ye West to be a certaine He commonly
called Hainan, which standeth in 19 degrees of Northerly
latitude. For the continent next adjoining unto this
He trendeth towardes the East, and that especially, where
the promontorie of the citie called Nimpo or Liampo
doeth extend it selfe. Howbeit, from that place declining
Northward, it stretcheth foorth an huge length, insomuch
that the farthest Chinian inhabitants that way doe be-
hold the North pole elevated, at least 50 degrees, and
perhaps more also : whereupon a man may easilie con-
jecture (that I may speake like an Astronomer) how large
the latitude of this kingdom is, when as it containeth
about more then 540 leagues in direct extension towards
the North. But as concerning the longitude which is
accounted from East to West, it is not so exactly found
out, that it may be distinguished into degrees. Howbeit
certaine it is, that according to the Map wherein the
people of China describe the forme of their kingdom, Chinian Cos-
the latitude thereof doeth not much exceed ye longitude. mWaPhers-
This kingdom therfore is, without all peradventure, of
all earthly kingdoms the most large and spacious : for
albeit divers other kings under their jurisdiction con-
taining in dimensions more length & breadth then all
China, do possesse very many kingdoms & far distant
asunder : yet none of them all enjoieth any one kingdom
so large and so ample, as the most puissant king of
China doeth. Now, if we shall make enquirie into his Tke rick
revenues and tributes, true it is, that this king of all re^en^es °f
others, is endued with the greatest and the richest, both chint^
in regard of the fertilitie & greatnes of his dominions,
& also by reason of the severe collection and exaction

349

A.D.
1590.

Fifteene great
provinces in
China.

The seats
roiall of the
king of China.
[II. ii. 89.]

The warlike
munitions of
China, iff a
marveilous
wall.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

of his duties: yea, tributes are imposed upon his subjects,
not onely for lands, houses, and impost of marchandise,
but also for every person in each family. It is likewise
to be understood, that almost no lord or potentate in
China hath authoritie to levie unto himselfe any peculiar
revenues, or to collect any rents within the precincts of
his seigniories, al such power belonging onely unto the
king : whereas in Europe the contrary is most commonly
seen, as we have before signified. In this most large
kingdom are conteined 15 provinces, every one of which
were in it selfe sufficient to be made one great kingdom.
Six of these provinces do border upon the sea, namely
(yl I may use the names of the Chinians themselves)
Coantum, Foquien, Chequiam, Nanquin, Xantum,
Paquin : the other 9 be in-land provinces, namely,
Quiansi, Huquam, Honan, Xiensi, Xansi, Suchuon,
Queicheu, Junan, Coansi. Amongst all the foresayd
provinces, two are allotted for the kings court and seat
roial, that is to say, Paquin for his court in the North,
and Nanquin for his court in the South. For the kings
of China were woont to be resident altogether at the
South court : but afterward, by reason of the manifold
and cruell warres mooved by the Tartars, they were con-
strained to defixe their princely seate and habitation in
that extreme province of the North. Whereupon it
commeth to passe, that those Northren confines of the
kingdom doe abound with many moe fortresses, martiall
engines, and garrisons of souldiers.

Leo. I have heard, amongst those munitions, a
certaine strange and admirable wall reported of, where-
with the people of China doe represse and drive backe
the Tartars attempting to invade their territories.

Michael. Certes that wall which you have heard tell
of is most woorthie of admiration ; for it runneth alongst
the borders of three Northerlie provinces, Xiensi, Xansi,
and Paquin, and is sayd to containe almost three hundred
leagues in length, and in such sort to bee built, that it
hindereth not the courses and streames of any rivers,

35°

A TREATISE OF CHINA a.d.

1590.

their chanels being overthwarted and fortified with
wonderfull bridges and other defences. Yet is it not
unlikely3 that the sayd wall is built in such sort, that
onely lowe and easie passages bee therewith stopped and
environed ; but the mountaines running betweene those
lowe passages are, by their owne naturall strength, and
inaccessible heigth, a sufficient fortification agaynst the
enemie.

Linus. Tell us (Michael) whether the kingdome of
China be so frequented with inhabitants, as wee have
often bene informed, or no ?

Michael. It is (Linus) in very deed a most populous Abundance
kingdom, as I have bene certified from the fathers of °f tnh*httanU
the societie : who having seene sundry provinces of %i
Europe renoumed for the multitude of their inhabitants,
doe notwithstanding greatly admire the infinite swarmes
of people in China. Howbeit these multitudes are not
pel-mel and confusively dispersed over the land, but
most conveniently and orderly distributed in their townes
and famous cities : of which assemblies there are divers
kindes among the Chinians. For they have certaine
principal cities called by the name of Fu : other inferior Cities and
cities called Cheu : and of a third kind also named townes-
Hien, which be indeed walled townes, but are not
privileged with the dignities and prerogatives of cities.
To these may be added two other kindes of lesser
townes, which are partly villages, and partly garrisons of
souldiers. Of the first and principall kind is that most
noble citie standing neere unto the port of Macao, called
by the Chinians Coanchefu, but by the Portugals com-
monly termed Cantam, which is rather the common name
of the province, then a word of their proper imposition.
Unto the third kind appertaineth a towne, which is yet
nigher unto the port of Macao, called by the Portugals
Ansam, but by the Chinians Hiansanhien. Al the fore-
sayd provinces therefore have their greater cities named
Fu, & their lesser cities called Cheu, unto both of which
the other townes may be added. Moreover, in every pro-

35 1

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

vince there is a certain principal city which is called the
Metropolitane thereof, wherein the chief magistrates have
their place of residence, as the principal citie by me last
mentioned, which is the head of the whole province
called Coantum. The number of the greater cities
throughout the whole kingdom is more then 150, and
there is the same or rather a greater multitude of in-
feriour cities. Of walled townes not endued with the
privileges of cities there are mo then 11 20: the villages
& garrisons can scarce be numbred : over & besides the
which convents it is incredible what a number of countrie
farmes or granges there be : for it is not easie to find
any place desert or void of inhabitants in all that land.

The Chinian Now in the sea, in rivers, & in barks there are such

™Vh'h' ^ ' abundance of people, and of whole families inhabiting,
that even the Europaeans themselves doe greatly wonder
thereat : insomuch that some (albeit beyond measure)
have bene perswaded that there are as many people
dwelling upon the water as upon the land. Neither were
they induced so to thinke altogether without probabilitie :
for whereas the kingdom of China is in all parts thereof
interfused with commodious rivers, & in many places
consisteth of waters, barges & boats being every-where
very common, it might easily bee supposed, that the
number of watermen was equal unto the land-inhabitants.
Howbeit, that is to be understood by amplification,
whereas the cities do swarme so ful with citizens &
the countrie with peasants.

Leo. The abundance of people which you tell us of
seemeth very strange : whereupon I conjecture the soile

Hole some aire, to De fertile, the aire to be holesome, and the whole

plenty 13 kingdom to be at peace.

China. Michael. You have (friend Leo) ful judicially con-

jectured those three : for they do all so excel, yl which
of the three in this kingdom be more excellent, it is
not easie to discerne. And hence it is that this common
opinion hath bene rife among the Portugals, namely, that
the kingdom of China was never visited with those three

352

A TREATISE OF CHINA ad.

1590.

most heavy & sharpe scourges of mankind, warre, famine,
& pestilence. But that opinion is more common then
true : sithens there have bene most terrible intestine and
civile warres, as in many and most autenticall histories
it is recorded : sithens also that some provinces of the Chinian
sayd kingdom, even in these our dayes, have bene afflicted stortes-
with pestilence and contagious diseases, and with famine.
Howbeit, that the foresaid three benefits do mightily
flourish and abound in China, it cannot be denied. For
(that I may first speake of the salubritie of the aire) the
fathers of the societie themselves are witnesses, that [II. ii. 90.]
scarcely in any other realme there are so many found
that live unto decrepite and extreme old age : so great
a multitude is there of ancient and grave personages :
neither doe they use so many confections and medicines,
nor so manifold and sundry wayes of curing diseases,
as wee saw accustomed in Europe. For amongst them
they have no Phlebotomie or letting of blood : but all
their cures, as ours also in Japon, are atchieved by fasting,
decoctions of herbes, & light or gentle potions. But
in this behalfe let every nation please themselves with
their owne customes. Now, in fruitfulnes of soile this
kingdom certes doth excel, far surpassing all other
kingdoms of the East : yet is it nothing comparable unto
the plentie and abundance of Europe, as I have declared
at large in the former treatises. But the kingdom of
China is, in this regard, so highly extolled, because there
is not any region in the East partes that aboundeth so
with marchandise, and from whence so much traffique
is sent abroad. For whereas this kingdome is most large
& full of navigable rivers, so that commodities may easilie
be conveyed out of one province into another : the
Portugals doe find such abundance of wares within one
and the same Citie, (which perhaps is the greatest Mart The city of
throughout the whole kingdome) that they are verily Coanchefti,
perswaded, that the same region, of all others, most
aboundeth with marchandise : which notwithstanding is
to be understood of the Orientall regions : albeit there
yi 353 z

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

are some kindes of marchandise, wherewith the land of
China is better stored then any other kingdom. This
region afrbrdeth especially sundry kinds of mettals, of
which the chiefe, both in excellencie & in abundance,
Great abun- is gold, whereof so many Pezoes are brought from China
dance of gold tQ in^ anj to our COUntrey of Japon, that I heard say,
that in one and the same ship, this present yeere, 2000
such pieces consisting of massie gold, as the Portugals
commonly call golden loaves, were brought unto us for
marchandise : and one of these loaves is worth almost
100 duckats. Hence it is that in the kingdom of China
so many things are adorned with gold, as for example,
beds, tables, pictures, images, litters wherein nice and
daintie dames are caried upon their servaunts backes.
Neither are these golden loaves onely bought by the
Portugals, but also great plentie of gold-twine and leaves
of gold : for the Chinians can very cunningly beate and
Great store of extenuate gold into plates and leaves. There is also great
store of silver, whereof (that I may omit other arguments)
it is no small demonstration, that every yeere there are
brought into the citie commonly called Cantam by the
Portugal marchants to buie wares, at the least 400 Ses-
tertium thereof, and yet nothing in a maner is conveied
out of the Chinian kingdom : because the people of China
abounding with all necessaries, are not greatly inquisitive
or desirous of any marchandise from other kingdomes.
I doe here omit the Silver mines whereof there are great
numbers in China, albeit there is much circumspection
used in digging the silver thereout : for the king standeth
much in feare least it may bee an occasion to stirre up
the covetous and greedie humour of many. Nowe their
silver which they put to uses is for the most part passing
fine, and purified from all drosse, and therefore in trying
it they use great diligence. What should 1 speake of
their iron, copper, lead, tinne, and other mettals, and also
of their quick-silver ? Of all which in the realme of
China there is great abundance, and from thence they are
transported into divers countreys. Hereunto may bee

354

A TREATISE OF CHINA ad.

1590.

added the wonderfull store of pearles, which, at the He Pearles.
of Hainan, are found in shell-fishes taken very cunningly
by certaine Divers, and doe much enlarge the kings
revenues. But now let us proceed unto the Silke or Oreat store of
Bombycine fleece, whereof there is great plentie in China: n ein ina'
so that even as the husbandmen labour in manuring the
earth, and in sowing of Rice ; so likewise the women doe
employ a great part of their time in preserving of silke-
wormes, and in keeming and weaving of Silke. Hence
it is that every yeere the King and Queene with great
solemnitie come foorth into a publique place, the one of
them touching a plough, and the other a Mulberie tree,
with the leaves whereof Silke-wormes are nourished :
and both of them by this ceremonie encouraging both
men and women unto their vocation and labour : whereas
otherwise, all the whole yeere throughout, no man besides
the principall magistrates, may once attaine to the sight
of the king. Of this Silke or Bombycine fleece there is
such abundance, that three shippes for the most part
comming out of India to the port of Macao, & at the Silke brought
least one every yeere comming unto us, are laden tn ° a$on
especially with this fraight, and it is used not onely in
India, but caried even unto Portugal. Neither is the
Fleet it selfe onely transported thence, but also divers &
sundry stuffes woven thereof, for the Chinians do greatly
excel in the Art of weaving, and do very much resemble
our weavers of Europe. Moreover the kingdom of
China aboundeth with most costlie spices & odours, and %^J> Cam~
especially with cynamom (albeit not comparable to the ? lreS
cynamom of Zeilan) with camphire also & muske, which
is very principal & good. Muske deriveth his name
from a beast of the same name (which beast resembleth
a Sever) from the parts whereof brused & putrified
proceedeth a most delicate & fragrant smel which the
Portugals highly esteem, commonly calling those parts
of the foresaid beasts (because they are like unto the
gorges of foules) Papos, & convey great plenty of them [II. ii. 91.]
into India, & to us of Japon. But who would beleeve,

355

A.D.

1590.

Cotton zvooll,
whereof Cali-
cut-cloth is

Three
qualities of
porcellan.

Plants.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

that there were so much gossipine or cotton-wool in
China ; whereof such variety of clothes are made like
unto linnen ; which we our selves do so often use, &
which also is conveied by sea into so many regions ?
Let us now intreat of that earthen or pliable matter
commonly called porcellan, which is pure white, & is to
be esteemed the best stuffe of that kind in the whole
world : wherof vessels of all kinds are very curiously
framed. I say, it is the best earthen matter in all the
world, for three qualities ; namely, the cleannesse, the
beauty, & the strength thereof. There is indeed other
matter to be found more glorious, and more costly, but
none so free from uncleannes, and so durable : this I
adde, in regard of glasse, which indeed is immaculate
and cleane, but may easily be broken in pieces. This
matter is digged, not thorowout the whole region of
China, but onely in one of the fifteene provinces called
Quiansi, wherein continually very many artificers are
imployed about the same matter : neither doe they onely
frame thereof smaller vessels, as dishes, platters, salt-
sellers, ewers, and such like, but also certaine huge
tunnes, and vessels of great quantity, being very finely
and cunningly wrought, which, by reason of the danger
and difficulty of carriage, are not transported out of the
realme, but are used onely within it, and especially in
the kings court. The beauty of this matter is much
augmented by variety of picture, which is layed in certaine
colours upon it, while it is yet new, golde also being
added thereunto, which maketh the foresayd vessels to
appeare most beautifull. It is wonderfull how highly the
Portugals do esteeme thereof, seeing they do, with great
difficulty, transport the same, not onely to us of Japon
and into India, but also into sundry provinces of Europe.
Unto the marchandize above-mentioned may be added
divers and sundry plants, the rootes whereof be right
holesome for mens bodies, and very medicinable, which
are brought unto our lies of Japon, and unto many
other Hands, amongst the which that wood may be

356

A TREATISE OF CHINA ad.

1590.

reckoned, which (by a synechdoche) is called The wood
of China, being of notable force to expell out of mens
bodies those humours, which would breed contagious
diseases. To these you may adde sugar-canes (for in the
realme of China there is great store of excellent sugar) Sugar.
which is conveyed by the Portugals very plentifully, both
into our countrey, and also into India. My speeches
uttered immediatly before concerned merchandize onely,
in regard whereof this kingdome is beneficiall not to
itselfe alone, but most profitable to many other nations
also. As for those fruits which pertaine to yerely sus-
tenance and common food, they can scarse be numbred ;
albeit, of those three commodities which they of Europe
so greatly account of; namely of cornes, vines, and olives China in a

mane?'

the land of China is not very capable : for the Chinians

. 1 1 r a-m- / destitute of

know not so much as the name or an Olive tree (out

come, wine.

of the fruit whereof oile is expressed) neither yet the y oile.
name of a vine. The province of Paquin is not alto-
gether destitute of wine, but whether it be brought from
other places, or there made, I am not able to say :
although it aboundeth with many other, and those not
unpleasant liquours, which may serve in the stead of
wine it selfe. Now, as touching corne, there is indeed
wheat sowen in all the provinces, howbeit rise is in farre
more use and request then it: and so in regard of these
two commodities profitable for mans life ; namely, wine
and corne ; the kingdome of China and our countrey of
Japon may be compared together.

Leo. You have discoursed (Michael) of the fruitful-
nesse of China, whereof I have often heard, that it is no
lesse pleasant than fruitful, and I have bene especially Chinian maps.
induced so to thinke, at the sight of the Chinian maps.

Michael. The thing it selfe agrees right well with
the picture : for they that have seene the mediterran or
inner parts of the kingdome of China, do report it to be
a most amiable countrey, adorned with plenty of woods,
with abundance of fruits and grasse, and with woonderfull
variety of rivers, wherewith the Chinian kingdome is

357

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

J590- . c

watered like a garden ; divers of which rivers doe natur-
ally flowe, and others by arte and industry are derived
into sundry places. But now I will intreat of the
tranquillity and peace of China, after I have spoken a
word or two concerning the maners of the inhabitants.
This nation is indued with excellent wit and dexterity for
the attaining of all artes, and, being very constant in their
owne customes, they lightly regard the customes or
The disposi- fashions of other people. They use one and the same
tions y kinde of vesture, yet so, that there is some distinction

c7in/anf ' * betweene the apparell of the magistrate & of the common
subject. They all of them do weare long haire upon
their heads, and, after the maner of women, do curiously
keame their dainty locks hanging downe to the ground,
and, having twined and bound them up, they cover them
with calles, wearing sundry caps thereupon, according
to their age and condition. It seemeth that in olde
Their time one language was common to all the provinces :

language. notwithstanding, by reason of variety of pronunciation, it
is very much altered, and is divided into sundry idiomes
or proprieties of speech, according to the divers pro-
vinces : howbeit, among the magistrates, and in publike
assemblies of judgement, there is one and the very same
kinde of language used thorowout the whole realme,
from the which (as I have sayd) the speech of ech pro-
Their loyaltie vince differeth not a little. Moreover this people is
unto their most loyall and obedient unto the king and his magis-
S\flYxU7l2 -i trates, which is the principall cause of their tranquillity
& peace. For whereas the common sort doe apply
themselves unto the discretion and becke of inferiour
magistrates, and the inferiour magistrates of the superiour,
and the superiour magistrates of the king himselfe, fram-
ing and composing all their actions and affaires unto
that levell : a world it is to see, in what equability and
indifferency of justice all of them do leade their lives,
and how orderly the publike lawes are administred.
Which thing notwithstanding shall be handled more at
large, when we come to intreat of the government.

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A TREATISE OF CHINA a.d.

1590.

Linus. Tell us now (Michael) of the industry of that "Their labor-
people, whereof we have heard great reports. tous tndust1l-

Michael. Their industry is especially to be discerned
in manuary artes and occupations, and therein the
Chinians do surpasse most of these Easterly nations.
For there are such a number of artificers ingeniously and
cunningly framing sundry devices out of golde, silver,
and other mettals, as likewise of stone, wood, and other
matters convenient for mans use, that the streets of cities
being replenished with their shops and fine workeman-
ship, are very woonderfull to beholde. Besides whom
also there are very many Painters, using either the Painting.
pensill or the needle (of which the last sort are called
Embrotherers) and others also that curiously worke
golde-twine upon cloth either of linnen or of cotton :
whose operations of all kinds are diligently conveyed by
the Portugals into India. Their industry doth no lesse
appeare in founding of gunnes and in making of gun- Gunnes.
powder, whereof are made many rare and artificiall
fire-works. To these may be added the arte of Printing, Printing.
albeit their letters be in maner infinite and most difficult,
the portraitures whereof they cut in wood or in brasse,
and with marvellous facilitie they dayly publish huge
multitudes of books. Unto these mechanicall & illi-
berall crafts you may adde two more ; that is to say,
navigation and discipline of warre ; both of which have Navigation.
bene in ancient times most diligently practised by the
inhabitants of China : for (as we have before signified in
the third dialogue) the Chinians sailing even as farre as
India, subdued some part therof unto their owne
dominion : howbeit afterward, least they should diminish
the forces of their realme by dispersing them into many
provinces, altering their counsell, they determined to con-
taine themselves within their owne limits : within which
limits (as I have sayd) there were in olde time vehement
and cruell warres, both betweene the people of China
themselves, and also against the Tartarian king, who tyrannize(t
invaded their kingdome, and by himselfe and his sue- over China.

359

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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cessours, for a long season, usurped the government
thereof. Howbeit the kings of the Tartarian race being
worne out, and their stocke and family being utterly
abolished, the Chinians began to lift up their heads, and
to advance themselves, injoying for these 200 yeeres
last past exceeding peace and tranquillity, and at this
day the posterity of the same king that expelled the
Tartars, with great dignity weareth the crowne, and
wieldeth the royall scepter. Albeit therefore the people
of China (especially they that inhabit Southerly from the
province of Paquin) are, for the most part, by reason
of continuall ease and quiet, growen effeminate, and
their courage is abated, notwithstanding they would
proove notable and brave souldiers, if they joyned use
and exercise unto their naturall fortitude. As a man
may easily observe in them, that maintaine continuall
warres against the most barbarous and cruel Tartars.
Howbeit in this kingdome of China there is so great
Military regard of military discipline, that no city nor towne

discipline. there is destitute of a garison, the captaines and gover-
nours keeping ech man his order ; which all of them, in
every province, are subject unto the kings lieutenant
generall for the warres, whom they call Chumpin, and
yet he himselfe is subject unto the Tutan or viceroy.
Let us now come unto that arte, v/hich the Chinians
do most of all professe, and which we may, not unfitly,
The literature call literature or learning. For although it be commonly
of China. reported, that many liberall sciences, and especially
naturall and morall phylosophy are studied in China,
and that they have Universities there, wherein such in-
genuous artes are delivered and taught, yet, for the most
part, this opinion is to be esteemed more popular then
true : but I will declare, upon what occasion this conceit
first grew. The people of China doe, above all things,
professe the arte of literature ; and learning it most dili-
gently, they imploy themselves a long time and the
better part of their age therein. For this cause, in all
cities and townes, yea, and in pety villages also, there are

360

A TREATISE OF CHINA a.d.

1590.

certaine schole-masters hired for stipends to instruct
children : and their literature being (as ours in Japon is
also) in maner infinite, their children are put to schole
even from their infancy and tender yeeres, from whence
notwithstanding such are taken away, as are judged to
be unfit for the same purpose, and are trained up to
marchandise or to manuary sciences : but the residue do
-so dedicate themselves to the study of learning, that
(a strange thing it is to consider) being conversant in
the principall books, they will easily tel you, if they be
asked the question, how many letters be conteined in
every page, and where ech letter is placed. Now, for
the greater progresse and increase of learning, they (as
the maner is in Europe) do appoint three degrees to the Three degrees
attaining of noble sciences : that is to say, the lowest, ln learmnS-
the middle degree, and the highest. Graduates of the
first degree are called Siusai, of the second Quiugin,
and of the third Chinzu. And in ech city or walled [II. ii. 93.]
towne there is a publique house called the Schoole, and
unto that all they doe resort from all private and pety-
schooles that are minded to obtaine the first degree ; The first
where they do amplifie a sentence or theame propounded "eSree-
unto them by some magistrate : and they, whose stile is
more elegant and refined, are, in ech city, graced with the
first degree. Of such as aspire unto the second degree The second
triall is made onely in the metropolitan or principall city &ree'
of the province, whereunto, they of the first degree, every
third yere, have recourse, and, in one publike house or
place of assembly, doe, the second time, make an oration
of another sentence obscurer then the former, and doe
undergo a more severe examination. Now, there is
commonly such an huge multitude of people, that this
last yere, in the foresayd famous city of Can tarn, by reason
of the incredible assembly of persons flocking to that
publike act or commencement, at the first entrance of the
doores, there were many troden under foot, and quelled
to death, as we have bene most certainly informed. ^e tkir^ and
Moreover they that sue for the highest degree are subject highest degree.

361

A.D.

1590.

Note the ex-
traordinary
honor vouch-
safed by the
great King of
China upon
his learned
graduates.

Mora//
philosophy.

Natura//
philosophy.

Excellent
astronomers
in China.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

unto a most severe and exact censure, whereby they are
to be examined at the Kings Court onely, and that also
every third yere next insuing the sayd yere wherein
graduates of the second degree are elected in ech province,
and, a certaine number being prescribed unto every
particular province, they do ascend unto that highest
pitch of dignity, which is in so great regard with the
king himselfe, that the three principall graduates do, for
honours sake, drinke off a cup filled even with the Kings
owne hand, and are graced with other solemnities. Out
of this order the chiefe magistrates are chosen : for after
that they have attained unto this third degree, being a
while trained up in the lawes of the realme, and in the
precepts of urbanity, they are admitted unto divers
functions. Neither are we to thinke that the Chinians
be altogether destitute of other artes. For, as touching
morall philosophy, all those books are fraught with the
precepts thereof, which, for their instructions sake, are
alwayes conversant in the hands of the foresayd students,
wherein such grave and pithy sentences are set downe,
that, in men void of the light of the Gospell, more can
not be desired. They have books also that intreat of
things and causes naturall, but herein it is to be supposed,
that aswell their books as ours do abound with errors.
There be other books among them, that discourse of herbs
and medicines, and others of chivalry and martiall affaires.
Neither can I here omit, that certaine men of China
(albeit they be but few, and rare to be found) are
excellent in the knowledge of astronomy, by which know-
ledge of theirs the dayes of the new moone incident to
every moneth are truely disposed and digested, and are
committed to writing and published: besides, they doe
most infallibly foretell the eclipses of the Sun and Moone:
and whatsoever knowledge in this arte we of Japon have,
it is derived from them.

Leo. We doe freely confesse that (Michael) sithens
our books intreating of the same arte are, a great part
of them, written in the characters or letters of China.

362

A TREATISE OF CHINA a.d.

1590.

But now, instruct you us as touching their maner of The politike

government, wherein the Chinians are sayd greatly to ^j™****^

excell.

Michael. That, that, in very deed, is their chiefe

arte, and unto that all their learning and exercise of

letters is directed. Whereas therefore, in the kingdome

of China, one onely king beares rule over so many

provinces, it is strange what a number of Magistrates are

by him created to administer publique affaires. For (to

omit them which in ech Towne and City have jurisdiction

over the townesmen and citizens) there are three principall Thw

Magistrates in every province. The first is he that hath P™%?*t •
f 1 • • • 11 j • „ , r L <i magistrates in

to deale in cases criminall, and is called Lrancnasu : the Cch province.

second is the Kings Fosterer, and is called Puchinsu :

the third is the Lieutenant-generall for the warres, named,

as we sayd before, Chumpin. These three therefore have

their place of residence in the chiefe City of the province :

and the two former have certaine associates of their owne

order, but of inferiour authority, appointed in divers

Cities and Townes, unto whom, according to the variety

of causes, the Governours of Townes, and the Maiors

of Cities doe appeale. Howbeit the three forenamed

Magistrates are in subjection unto the Tutan, that is,

the Vice-roy, ordained in ech province. And all these

Magistrates beare office for the space of three yeeres

together : yet so, that for the governing of ech province,

not any of the same province, but strangers, that is, men

of another province, are selected : whereof it commeth to

passe, that the Judges may give sentence with a farre

more entire and incorrupt minde, then if they were among

their owne kinsefolke and allies. Over and besides all

these, there is an annuall or yeerely Magistrate, which is

called Chaien, whose duety it is to make inquisition of

all crimes, and especially the crimes of Magistrates, and

also to punish common offences : but concerning the

faults of the great magistrates to admonish the king

himselfe. Of this order, every yere, are sent out of the

Kings Court, for ech province, one ; and going over all

363

A.D.

1590.

[II. ii. 94.]

Two Senates
or Counsels
continually
holden in
China.

The causes
of peace in
China.

Learning the
only step to
honour in
China.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

the Cities and Townes thereof, they do most diligently
ransacke and serch out all crimes, and upon them which
are imprisoned they inflict due punishment, or, being
found not guilty, they dismisse them unpunished. Hence
it is, that all Magistrates greatly fearing to be called in
question by the Chaien are well kept within the limits of
their callings. Besides all these Magistrates there is at
either Court, namely in the North, and in the South, a
Senate or honourable assembly of grave counsellours, unto
the which, out of all provinces, according to the neerenesse
and distance of the place, affaires of greater weight and
moment are referred, and by their authority divers
Magistrates are created : howbeit the managing and
expedition of principall affaires is committed unto the
Senate of Paquin. Moreover there are every yeere
certaine Magistrates appointed in ech province, to goe
unto the king : and every third yeere all the Governours
of Cities and of Townes do visit him at once, what time
triall is made of them that aspire unto the third degree :
upon which occasion there is at the same time an
incredible number of people at the Kings Court. By
reason of this excellent order and harmony of Magistrates
placed one under another, it can scarse be imagined, what
sweet peace and tranquility flourisheth thorowout the
whole realme, especially sithens, after speedy inquisition,
persons that are guilty be put (as the maner is there) to
the punishment of the bastonado : neither yet are suits or
actions any long time delayed. Also it is not to be
omitted, that for the obtaining of any dignity or magis-
tracy, the way is open, without all respect of gentry or
blood, unto all men, if they be learned, and especially
if they have attained unto the third and highest degree
aforesayd. Neither can it be expressed how obedient
and duetifull the common sort are unto their Magistrates,
and with what magnificence and pompe the sayd Magis-
trates come abroad : for the most part of them have
fiftie or threescore Sergeants attending upon them, and
going before them, two and two in a ranke : some of

364

A TREATISE OF CHINA a.d.

1590.

them carrying Halberds, Maces, and Battle-axes : some The stately 13

trailing yron chaines upon the ground : others holding firmtdable

, ° ji r D . - 1-j r 1 procession of

great roddes or staves or a certaine kinde or reede, rthe Q^n-t^n

wherewith malefactours are punished, in their hands : and magistrates.

two there are that carry, inclosed in a case, the Kings

seaie peculiar for ech office : and many others also, that

shew sundry spectacles unto the people : whereunto may

be added the horrible out-cries and showtes, which

betweene whiles they utter, to strike a terrour into the

hearts of all men : and at length come the Magistrates

themselves, being carried in a throne upon the backs of

foure men, sixe men, or eight men, according to the

dignity of their office. Now, as concerning their houses, The houses of

they are very large and stately, being built and furnished the Chlman

with all necessary stuffe, at the Kings owne cost, in the ma&s ates-

which, so long as their magistracy lasteth, they leade a

brave and an honourable life. The sayd houses are

without variety of stories one above another, which in

the kingdome of China and in our lies of Japon also are

not ordinarily used for habitation, but either to keepe

watch and ward, or els for solace and recreations sake

(for the which purposes, eight most lofty turrets of nine

stories high are built) or els for the defence of Cities.

Howbeit in other regardes these buildings doe shew

foorth no small magnificence : for they have their cisternes

for the receit of raine-water, which are adorned with

beautifull trees, set in order, round about them : and they

have also their places designed for the administration of

justice, and divers other convenient roomes to bestow

their wives and families in. Within the doores of the

foresayd habitations a certaine number of Sergeants and

officers, having cabbins or little houses allotted them on

both sides, doe alwayes give their attendance ; and so

long as matters of judgement are in deciding, they be

alwayes ready at hand, that, at the direction of the

Magistrates they may either beat malefactours, or by

torments constraine them to tell the trueth. The savd ™,

a /r 11 • i-i ,.«'■*"* tnagt-

Magistrates also have their peculiar barges wherein to urates barges.

365

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

take the water ; being in breadth and length not much
unlike to the galleys of Europe, but for swiftnesse
and multitude of oares, farre inferiour unto them. The
rowers, sitting upon galleries without the hatches or
compasse of the barge, doe moove it on forward with
their oares : whereupon it commeth to passe, that the
middle part of the barge affoordeth sufficient roome for
the Magistrates themselves to abide in, containing
chambers therein almost as convenient and handsome,
as in any of their foresayd publique houses, together with
butteries and kitchins, and such other places necessary
for the provision and stowage of victuals.

Leo. All these things agree right well with the reports,
which we have heard of the stately and renowmed king-
dome of China: I would now right gladly know some-
what concerning the order which is observed in the
obtaining of magistracies.

Michael. You have enquired of a matter most
woorthy to be knowen, which I had almost omitted to
The manei- entreat of. The Chinians therefore doe use a kinde of
of electing gradation in advancing men unto sundry places of
Chfna™ £S m autn°rity) which for the most part is performed by the
Senatours of Paquin. For first they are made Judges
of Townes : then of Cities : afterward they are elected
to be of that order, which decreeth punishments in
cases criminall without further appeale, or of their
order, that are the kings fosterers. And in both of
Degrees unto these Orders, which are very honourable, there are many
honour. places and degrees, so that from the inferiour place

they must ascend unto the superiour, untill they have
attained unto the highest dignity of all : and immediatly
[II. ii. 95.] after that they come to be Vice-royes. Howbeit this
gradation is not alwayes accomplished in one and the
same province, but in changing their offices they change
places and provinces also. Moreover, next after the
office of Vice-roy they are capable to be chosen Sena-
tours of Nanquin, and last of all to be elected into the
Senate of Paquin. Now, there is such an order and

366

A TREATISE OF CHINA a.d.

i59°-
methode observed in the ascending unto these dignities,
that all men may easily conjecture, what office any one
is to undertake. And there is so great diligence and
celerity used for the substitution of one into the roome
of another, that, for the same purpose, messengers are
dispatched by land, upon swift post-horses, unto divers Ridingpost.
provinces, almost twenty dayes journey from the Kings
Court. And, to be short, there is such district severity
in degrading those that unjustly or negligently demeane
themselves, from an honourable unto an inferiour and
base office, or altogether in depriving them of the kings
authority : that all Magistrates doe stand in feare of
nothing in the world more then of that. The same
order, almost, is observed among the Captaines and
Lieu-tenants generall for the warres : except onely in
them, that their birth and offspring is respected : for
many there be, who descending by parentage from such Martiall
men as have in times past atchieved brave exploits in dignities.
warfare, so soone as they come to sufficient yeeres, are
created Centurions, Colonels, and Governours, untill at
last they attaine to be Lieu-tenants generall and Pro-
tectours of some whole province : who notwithstanding
(as I have sayd) are in all things subject unto the Vice-
roy. All the foresayd Magistrates both of warre and
of peace have a set number of attendants allotted unto
them, enjoying a stipend, and carying certaine ensignes
and peculiar badges of their office : and (besides the
ordinary watch, which souldiers appointed for the same
purpose doe in the night season, after the City gates
be shut, keepe in their forts) wheresoever any Magistrate
is, either at his house or in his barge, the sayd attendants
striking upon a cymball of brasse, at certaine appointed
times, do keepe most circumspect and continual! watch
and ward about his person.

Linus. You have (Michael) sufficiently discoursed of
the Magistrates : informe us now of the king himselfe,
whose name is so renowmed and spread abroad.

Michael. Concerning this matter I will say so much

367

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

onely as by certaine rumours hath come to my know-
The king of ledge : for of matters appertaining unto the kings Court
China. we nave no eye-witnesses, sithens the fathers of the

society have not as yet proceeded unto Paquin, who
so soone as (by Gods assistance) they shall there be
arrived, will by their letters more fully advertise us.
The king of China therefore is honoured with woonder-
full reverence and submission thorowout his whole
Realme : and whensoever any of his chiefe Magistrates
Van-Svl speaketh unto him, he calleth him VAN-SVI, signifying
thereby that he wisheth tenne thousands of yeeres unto
him. The succession of the kingdome dependeth upon
The succession the bloud royall : for the eldest sonne borne of the kings
of the crowne. first and jawfun wife obtaineth the kingdome after his
fathers decease : neither doe they deprive themselves of
the kingly authority in their life time (as the maner is
in our Hands of Japon) but the custome of Europe is
there observed. Now, that the safety and life of the
The kings Ymg may stand in more security, his yoonger brethren,
yonger breth- and ^ rest borne Qf COncubines are not permitted to
live in the kings Court : but places of habitation are by
the king himselfe assigned unto them in divers provinces
farre distant asunder, where they dwell most com-
modiously, being comparable unto kings for their build-
ings and revenues : howbeit they exercise no authority
over the people, but all the government of those Cities
wherein they dwell, concerneth the Magistrates, who
notwithstanding have the sayde Princes in high regard
and honour, and doe visit them twise in a moneth, and
salute them kneeling upon their knees, and bowing their
faces downe to the earth : and yet they communicate
nothing unto them as touching the administration of the
Common-wealth. These are they which may properly
be called the Peeres or Princes of the Realme of China :
for they derive their houses and revenues unto their
posterity, and so are these royall families continually pre-
served. But to returne unto the king himselfe, hee is
most chary in observing the Chinian lawes and customes,

368

ren

'•eligion of the

A TREATISE OF CHINA ad.

1590.

and diligently exerciseth himselfe in learning so much
as concernes his estate, sheweth himselfe dayly unto his
chiefe Magistrates, and communeth of matters apper-
taining to the publique commodity of the Realme. His
palace is of woonderfull largenesse and capacity, out of
the which he very seldome takes his progresse ; and
whensoever he doeth so, there are twelve chariots Twelve
brought foorth, all of them most like one to another chariots-
both in workemanship and in value, that no man may
discerne in which the king himselfe is placed. He
followeth in religion especially the opinions of the The idolatrous
Magistrates, attributing divine power unto heaven and *?.*&
earth as unto the parents of all, and with great solemnity
sacrificing unto them. He hath divers most sumptuous
Temples dedicated unto his ancestours, whereunto like-
wise he ascribeth divine honour, and yet ceaseth hee
not to favour Priests of other sects, yea hee erecteth
Temples unto their Patrons, endowing them with most
rich revenues ; and so often as any urgent necessity
requireth, he enjoynes continuall fastings and prayers [II. ii. 96.]
unto them : and after this sort he doeth in a maner
patronize all the idolatrous sects of his Realme, and
shewing himselfe ready to embrace any false religion
whatsoever, he liveth in sundry and manifolde kindes
of superstition. Out of all the former particulars by me The cwill
alledged, you may easily conjecture that the administra- gQi-inmenost
tion of the kingdome of China doeth, for the most part, agreeable to
agree with the instinct of nature, authority being com- the instinct of
mitted, not unto rude and unskilfull persons, but unto nature.
such as have beene conversant in the use and exercise
or learning, yea, and in promoting learned men unto
magistracies, great consideration is had of their wisedome,
justice, and of other vertues esteemed by the Chinians :
wherefore the way being open for all men, without any
respect of degree or parentage, to obtaine any of the
foresayd dignities, it can not be but that this most
mighty and famous kingdome must needes enjoy ex-
ceeding peace and tranquillity.

vi 369 2 A

A.D.

1590.

The five
vertues prin-
cipally es-
teemed among
the Chinians.

Urbanity.

The Chinians
great piety
tozvards their
parents.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Leo. I would nowe (Michael) right gladly understand,
what kinde of urbanity or civill demeanour both the
common people and the Magistrates doe use one
towardes another : for it is not likely that where such
due administration of justice is, common civility, which
so well beseemeth all men, should be wanting.

Michael. You have hit even the very naile on the
head : for among the five vertues, which the Chinians
principally regard, urbanity or courtesy is one ; the rest
are piety, a thankefull remembrance of benefites, true
dealing in contracts or bargaines, and wisedome in
atchieving of matters : with the praises and commenda-
tions of which vertues the Chinian bookes are full
fraught. Now as touching their urbanity, it is much
unlike unto ours in Japan, and unto that of Europe :
howbeit under two principall kindes the rule of their
urbanity or courtesie may be comprehended : whereof
one is observed betweene equals, and the other betweene
superiours and inferiours. For when men of equall
dignity meet together, they stand bending their backes,
and bowing their heads downe to the ground, and this
they doe either once or twise, or sometimes thrise.
Now, when the inferiour meets with his superiour, the
sayd inferiour, for the most part kneeling lowly on his
knees, enclineth his countenance downe to the earth.
But how often and when this obeizance is to be per-
formed it is woonderfull what a number of rules and
prescriptions are set downe, which to recount would
require a long time. Somewhat also I will say as touch-
ing their piety, and especially of the piety which they
use towards their parents, which verily is so exceeding
great, that for the space of three whole yeres together,
the sonnes being cladde in mourning vestures doe
bewaile the death of their parents, which duety is per-
formed not onely by the common sort, but even by all
the Magistrates themselves, and that most curiously and
diligently. And, that all men may wholly give their
attendance unto this businesse, it is provided by a most

37o

A TREATISE OF CHINA a.d.

1590.

inviolable law among the Chinians, that Magistrates, upon
the death of their parents, must foorthwith renounce their
authority, and three whole yeeres, for the performance of
their fathers exequies, .must betake themselves unto a
private kinde of living : which also is most duely put in
practise by the Senatours of the Kings owne Councell.
For albeit a man be right gracious in the eyes of his
Prince, yea, and such an one, as upon whom the adminis-
tration of the Realme doeth principally depend ; yet
having heard of the death of his parents, that is, of his
father or his mother, he hies himselfe immediatly home
to solemnize their funerals : insomuch that if the king
would retaine him still in his office, he should be esteemed
by the people, as a transgressour of the lawes and customes
of China : which accident (as it is recorded) in ancient
times fel out even so. For whenas a certain king most A memorable
familiarly used a certaine Senatour of his about the stor^
managing and expedition of publique affaires, and under-
standing well how necessary the helpe of his foresayd
Senatour was, would gladly, after the death of his father,
have retained him still in his office : yet a certaine other
man, being a welwiller unto the Chinian lawes, could in
no case abide it, but checking his Prince with sharpe
rebukes, objected the transgression of the law against
him. The king waxing wroth menaced present death
unto the man : but when the party being no wit danted
with the terrour of death, persisted still in his sayings,
the king changing his determination dismissed the
Senatour to mourne for his father, but as for his repre-
hender he advanced him unto an higher dignity.

Linus. I perceive (Michael) that drawing to an end of
these dialogues, and being weary of your long race, you
begin to affect brevity : yet let it not seeme troublesome
unto you to speake somewhat of the religion of China, The religion
which onely thing seemes to be wanting in this present 0fChlna-
dialogue.

Michael. I confesse indeed that I endevour to be
briefe, not so much in regard of wearisomnesse, as for

37i

A.D.
1590.

[II. ii. 97.]
Three prin-
cipall sectes
among the
Chinians.

Confucius
authour of the
first sect.

The summe of
Confucius his
doctrine.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

feare least I have bene over tedious unto you : howbeit I
will not faile but accomplish that which I have under-
taken, and (according to your request) adde somewhat
more concerning religion. Whereas therefore the king-
dome of China hath hitherto bene destitute of true
religion, and now the first beginnings thereof are included
in most narrow bounds, that nation being otherwise a
people most ingenious, and of an extraordinary and high
capacity, hath alwayes lived in great errours and ignorance
of the trueth, being distracted into sundry opinions, and
following manifolde sects. And among these sects there
are three more famous then the rest : the first is of them
that professe the doctrine of one Confucius a notable
philosopher. This man (as it is reported in the history
of his life) was one of most upright and incorrupt maners,
whereof he wrote sundry treatises very pithily and largely,
which above all other books, are seriously read and per-
used by the Chinians. The same doctrine do all Magis-
trates embrace, and others also that give their mindes to
the study of letters, a great part whereof Confucius is
sayd to have invented : and he is had in so great honour,
that all his followers and clients, upon the dayes of the
new and full Moone, doe assemble themselves at the
common Schoole, which I have above mentioned, and
before his image, which is worshipped with burning of
incense and with tapers, they doe thrise bend their knees,
and bow their heads downe to the ground ; which not
onely the common scholars, but the chiefe Magistrates do
performe. The summe of the foresayd doctrine is, that
men should follow the light of nature as their guide, and
that they should diligently endevour to attaine unto the
vertues by me before mentioned : and lastly, that they
should employ their labour about the orderly government
of their families and of the Common-wealth. All these
things are in very deed praise-woorthy, if Confucius had
made any mention of almighty God and of the life to
come, and had not ascribed so much unto the heavens,
and unto fatall necessity, nor yet had so curiously intreated

372

A TREATISE OF CHINA a.d.

1590.

of worshipping the images of their forefathers. In which
regard he can very hardly or not at all be excused from
the crime of idolatry : notwithstanding it is to be granted,
that none other doctrine among the Chinians approcheth
so neere unto the trueth as this doeth. The second sect Xequtam au-
is of them which follow the instructions of Xaquam, or as l °r°{*t
the Chinians call him Xequiam, whose opinions, because whosefolhwers
they are well knowen amongst us, it were bootlesse for are called Cen
me to repeat ; especially sithens, in the Catechisme com- or Bonzi.
posed by our grave visitour, they are notably refuted.
This doctrine doe all they embrace, which are in China
called Cen, but with us at Japon are named Bonzi. For
this I doe briefly and by the way give you to understand,
that all words of the Chinians language are of one sillable Note.
onely, so that if there be any word that consisteth of
more sillables then one, it consisteth also of more wordes
then one. These sectaries called Cen doe shave their
beards and their heads, and doe for the most part, together
with divers of their associates, inhabit the Temples of
Xaquam, or of others which in regard of the same pro-
fession have in their Kalenders beene canonized for
Saints, and doe rehearse certaine prayers after their maner,
either upon books or beads, using other ceremonies after
the maner of our Bonzi. These men have some inckling
of the life to come, and of the rewardes of good men, and
the punishments of the wicked : howbeit all their asser-
tions are fraught with errours. The third sect is of them The third sect.
which are called Tauzu : and those doe imitate a certaine
other man, to be adored, as they thinke, for his holinesse.
These also are Priests after their kinde, howbeit they let
their haire grow, and doe in other observations differ
from the former. Nowe, because the sect of Confucius
is the most famous of all the three, and the two other
sects called Cen and Tauzu are not much addicted unto
learning, their religion prevailing onely among the
common sort, the Priests of both the sayd sects doe leade
a most base and servile life amongst the Chinians, inso-
much that they kneele downe before the Magistrates, and

373

A.D.
1590.

The supersti-
tion of the
Saracens.

Christian re-
ligion planted
in China.

[II. ii. 98.]

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

are not permitted to sit beside them, and sometimes, if
the Magistrate please, are abased unto the punishment of
the bastonado : whereas in our lies of Japon it is farre
otherwise, Priests, even of false religion, being had in
so great honour among us.

Leo. I heard also (Michael) that the Saracens super-
stition takes place in China : now, whether it doth or no,
you can resolve us.

Michael. That forren superstition was brought into
China what time the Tartars invaded the kingdome, and
usurped the government thereof. All the Saracens there-
fore in China are originally descended of the Tartars,
who, because they were an infinite number, could not
utterly be expelled and rooted out of the kingdome, but
remaining still there, have propagated their posterity,
though not their religion. These therefore are souldiers
for the greater part of them, and sometimes doe obtaine
martiall dignities : and except a few ceremonies of their
superstition which is nowe become stale and almost worne
out, they doe live altogether after the Chinians fashion,
their predecessours being brought into the same king-
dome about foure hundred yeeres agoe.

Linus. Now (Michael) let us heare you say somewhat
of the Christian religion, which as we hope hath set most
happy footing in that kingdome.

Michael. I could say much concerning those most
wished and acceptable beginnings, were they not already
published in Japon by the letters of the fathers : howbeit
I will make a briefe rehearsall of all things, that I may
not seeme altogether to have abandoned this labour.
You know that from the time wherein the fathers of
the society arrived in our Hands, to the end they might
augment Christian religion, they were in like sort most
carefull how they might insinuate themselves into the
innermost parts of the kingdome of China. In the
middest of this endevour and travell Francis Xavier, a
most devout man of the foresayd society, departed out of
this present life at the lie of Sancian (which some call

374

custome worthy

ye observation.

nations.

A TREATISE OF CHINA aj>.

1590.

Sangiam) leaving an example unto the rest of his associ-
ates, how they should likewise doe their best to plant the
religion of Christ in that nation. This man was seconded
by others, who used all meanes, and left no practise un-
attempted, that they might bring these good beginnings
unto a prosperous issue : howbeit they were greatly
hindered by reason of an ancient custome in China, in An ancient
regard whereof they doe not without great difficulty and
circumspection admit any strangers into their dominions,
except those which having a long time executed the office
of ambassadours doe ordinarily every third yeere present
themselves before the king : in the admission of whom
likewise there is marvellous care used, that they may not
easily espie and become acquainted with the affaires of

the Realme. Heereunto may be added, that the Chinians The Ghinians

r 1 J • 1 . contemne other

are great contemners or other nations, and most constant

observers of their owne lawes and customes : in all which
respects it came to passe, that there was woonderfull
labour and diligence employed above thirty yeeres
together, onely to get an entrance, untill in the yeere
one thousand five hundred fourescore and three, two
fathers of the foresayd society, that had pretty skill in
the letters and language of China, utterly despairing of
mans helpe, and depending upon the providence of
almighty God, obtained licence of the Tutan or Vice-roy
to build them an house and a Church in the City of
Xauquin, which by reason of the commodiousnesse
thereof is the seat of the Viceroy himselfe. This worke
being begunne, the sayd fathers of the society, for the
novelty thereof, were a few yeeres right well entreated
by the Magistrates : insomuch that two others out of
India had free and easie accesse unto them, one couple
remaining still in their foresayd house at Xauquin, and
the other two taking their journey for the inner pro-
vinces, to convert more people unto the faith : who not-
withstanding afterward, other Magistrates not approoving
of their attempts, were constrained to retire. Nowe all
the time wherein the foresayd fathers abode at Xauquin

375

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

(being more then five yeeres) certaine of the common
people were restrained from false superstition to
Christian religion, and seventy persons were baptized.
But the enemy of mankinde, who omitteth none oppor-
tunity for the hinderance of Christian religion, suggested
into the mindes of the Chinians (being, as I sayd, of
their owne nature, a people estranged from the traffique
and acquaintance of other nations, and alwayes being
too too suspicious of strangers) that they should
exhibite letters of supplication unto the Caien and the
Tutan their principall Magistrates, to have the fathers
expelled out of Xauquin : which Magistrates repairing
unto their foresayd house and Church entered consul-
tation how they might bannish them out of the sayd
City of Xauquin : in which thing verily they used
great moderation, not any way offending or exasperating
the mindes of the fathers, but onely signifying that
they had regard unto the estate of their Common-
wealth. For the Tutan or Vice-roy calling the fathers
unto him, and (to let passe other accidents) using
courteous and familiar conference with them, declared
by many arguments, that their habitation in the City
of Xauquin was not convenient, especially sithens so
many Magistrates resorted unto that City, who would
take great offence at the presence of strangers. For
the which cause he perswaded them to accept some
part of the money which they had bestowed in the
building of their house, and so to returne either home
into their owne countrey, or unto the port of Macao.
Howbeit, such was the instant supplication of the
fathers, and so woorthy of compassion, that the Tutan
or Vice-roy, in the extreame and mediterrane borders
of the province of Coantum, assigned unto them a new
habitation at the city called Xaucheo, commending them
also to a certaine Magistrate, who was come from the
same place to salute him. Thither therefore the sayd
fathers, not without great sorrow and griefe of the
Christians, hied themselves, and as we are informed by

376

LETTER FROM THOMAS STEVENS a.d.

1579-

their last letters, they have even now layed the founda-
tion of their first building, and have also written that
they are like to live much more peaceably and con-
veniently for the propagating of Christian religion.
These be the first beginnings of Christianity in China,
where, even as in other places of the Christian Com-
mon-wealth, the seed is to be sowen with great labour
and teares, that acceptable fruits may be reaped with
gladnesse.

Leo. It is even as you have sayd (Michael) and
nowe for this your pleasant and eloquent discourse we
do acknowledge our selves much bounden unto you.

A Letter written from Goa, the principall City [II. ii. 99.]
of all the East Indies, by one Thomas
Stevens an English man, and sent to his
father, M. Thomas Stevens: Anno 1579.

Fter most humble commendations : These
shall be to crave your dayly blessing,
with lik;e commendations unto my
mother ; and withall, to certifie you of
my being : according to your will and
my duety. I wrote unto you taking my
journey from Italy to Portugall, which
letters I thinke are come to your hands, so that pre-
suming thereupon, I thinke I have the lesse need at
this time to tell you the cause of my departing, which
neverthelesse in one word I may conclude, if I do
but name obedience. I came to Lisbon toward the end
of March, eight dayes before the departure of the
shippes, so late that if they had not bene stayed about
some weighty matters, they had bene long gone before
our comming : insomuch that there were others ordained
to goe in our places, that the kings provision and
ours also might not be in vaine. Neverthelesse our
sudden comming tooke place, and the fourth of Aprill
five ships departed for Goa, wherein besides shipmen

377

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1579-

and souldiers, there were a great number of children
which in the seas beare out better then men, and no
marvell, when that many women also passe very well.
The setting foorth from the port I need not to tell
how solemne it is with trumpets, and shooting of
ordinance, you may easily imagine it, considering that
they go in the maner of warre. The tenth of the
foresayd moneth we came to the sight of Porto Santo
neere unto Madera, where an English shippe set upon
ours (which was then also alone) with a few shots,
which did no harme, but after that our ship had layed
out her greatest ordinance, they straight departed as
they came. The English shippe was very faire and
great, which I was sory to see so ill occupied, for she
went roving about, so that we saw her againe at the
Canarian lies, unto the which we came the thirteenth
of the sayd moneth, and good leisure we had to
woonder at the high mountaine of the Hand Tenerif,
for we wandred betweene that and great Canaria foure
dayes by reason of contrary windes : and briefly, such
evill weather we had untill the foureteenth of May,
that they despaired, to compasse the Cape of Good
hope that yeere. Neverthelesse, taking our voyage
betweene Guinea and the Hands of Capo Verde, with-
out seeing of any land at all, we arrived at length
unto the coast of Guinie, which the Portugals so call,
chiefly that part of the burning Zone, which is from
the sixt degree unto the Equinoctiall, in which parts
they suffered so many inconveniences of heats, and
lacke of windes, that they thinke themselves happy
when they have passed it : for sometimes the ship
standeth there almost by the space of many dayes,
sometime she goeth, but in such order that it were
almost as good to stand still. And the greatest part
of this coast not cleare, but thicke and cloudy, full of
thunder and lightening, and raine so unholesome, that
if the water stand a little while, all is full of wormes,
and falling on the meat which is hanged up, it maketh

378

LETTER FROM THOMAS STEVENS a.d.

*579-

it straight full of wormes. Along all that coast we
often times saw a thing swimming upon the water like
a cocks combe (which they call a ship of Guinea) but
the colour much fairer ; which combe standeth upon a
thing almost like the swimmer of a fish in colour and
bignesse, and beareth underneath in the water, strings,
which save it from turning over. This thing is so
poisonous, that a man cannot touch it without great
perill. In this coast, that is to say, from the sixt
degree unto the Equinoctiall, we spent no lesse then
thirty dayes, partly with contrary windes, partly with
calme. The thirtieth of May we passed the Equinoc-
tiall with contentation, directing our course aswell as
we could to passe the promontory, but in all that
gulfe, & in all the way beside, we found so often
calmes, that the expertest mariners wondred at it. And
in places where are alwayes woont to be most horrible
tempests, we found most quiet calmes which was very
troublesome to those ships which be the greatest of all
other, and cannot go without good windes. Insomuch,
that when it is tempest almost intolerable for other
ships, and maketh them maine all their sailes, these
hoise up, and saile excellent well, unlesse the waters
be too too furious, which seldome happened in our .
navigation. You shall understand, that being passed
the line, they cannot straightway go the next way to
the promontory : but according to the winde, they draw
alwayes as neere South as they can to put themselves
in the latitude of the point, which is 25 degrees and
an halfe, and then they take their course towards the
East, and so compasse the point. But the winde served
us so, that at 23 degrees we did direct our course
toward the point or promontory of Good hope.

You know that it is hard to saile from East to
West, or contrary, because there is no fixed point in
all the skie, whereby they may direct their course,
wherefore I shall tell you what helps God provided for
these men. There is not a fowle that appereth, or

379

A.D.

1579-

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

signe in the aire, or in the sea, which they have not
written, which have made the voyages heretofore.
Wherfore, partly by their owne experience, and pon-
dering withall what space the ship was able to make
[II. ii. ioo.] with such a winde, and such direction, and partly by
the experience of others, whose books and navigations
they have, they gesse whereabouts they be, touching
degrees of longitude, for of latitude they be alwayes
sure : but the greatest and best industry of all is to
marke the variation of the needle or compasse, which
in the Meridian of the Hand of S. Michael, which is one
of the Azores in the latitude of Lisbon, is just North,
and thence swarveth towards the East so much, that be-
twixt the Meridian aforesayd, and the point of Africa
it carrieth three or foure quarters of 32. And againe
in the point of Afrike, a little beyond the point that
is called Cape das Agulias (in English the needles) it
returneth againe unto the North, and that place passed,
it swarveth againe toward the West, as it did before
proportionally. As touching our first signes, the neerer
we came to the people of Afrike, the more strange
kindes of fowles appeared, insomuch that when we came
within no lesse then thirty leagues (almost an hundred
miles) and sixe hundred miles as we thought from any
Hand, as good as three thousand fowles of sundry kindes
followed our ship : some of them so great that their
wings being opened from one point to the other, con-
tained seven spannes, as the Mariners sayd. A mar-
vellous thing to see how God provided, so that in so
wide a sea these fowles are all fat, and nothing wanteth
them. The Portugals have named them all according
to some propriety which they have : some they call
Rushtailes, because their tailes be not proportionable to
their bodies, but long and small like a rush, some
forked tailes because they be very broad and forked,
some Velvet sleeves, because they have wings of the
colour of velvet, and bowe them as a man boweth his
elbow. This bird is alwayes welcome, for he appeareth

380

LETTER FROM THOMAS STEVENS a;d,

neerest the Cape. I should never make an end if I
should tell all particulars : but it shall suffice briefly to
touch a few, which yet shall be sufficient, if you marke
them, to give occasion to glorifie almighty God in his
wonderfull works, and such variety in his creatures.
And to speake somewhat of fishes in all places of calme, fishet on the
especially in the burning Zone, neere the line (for with- se*c?ast °f
out we never saw any) there waited on our ship fishes as
long as a man, which they call Tuberones, they come
to eat such things as from the shippe fall into the sea,
not refusing men themselves if they light upon them.
And if they finde any meat tied in the sea, they take it
for theirs. These have waiting on them six or seven
small fishes (which never depart) with gardes blew and
greene round about their bodies, like comely serving
men : and they go two or three before him, and some
on every side. Moreover, they have other fishes which
cleave alwayes unto their body, and seeme to take such
superfluities as grow about them, and they are sayd to
enter into their bodies also to purge them if they need.
The Mariners in time past have eaten of them, but since
they have seene them eate men their stomacks abhorre
them. Neverthelesse, they draw them up with great
hooks, & kill of them as many as they can, thinking that
they have made a great revenge. There is another kind
of fish as bigge almost as a herring, which hath wings
and flieth, and they are together in great number. These
have two enemies, the one in the sea, the other in the
aire. In the sea the fish which is called Albocore, as
big as a Salmon, followeth them with great swiftnesse to
take them. This poore fish not being able swim fast,
for he hath no finnes, but swimmeth with mooving of
his taile, shutting his wings, lifteth himselfe above the
water, and flieth not very hie : the Albocore seeing that,
although he have no wings, yet he giveth a great leape
out of the water, and sometimes catcheth him, or els
he keepeth himselfe under the water going that way on
as fast as he flieth. And when the fish being weary of

381

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

J579-

the aire, or thinking himselfe out of danger, returneth
into the water, the Albocore meeteth with him : but
sometimes his other enemy the sea-crow, catcheth him
*. before he falleth. With these and like sights, but

alwayes making our supplications to God for good
weather and salvation of the ship, we came at length
unto the point, so famous & feared of all men : but we
found there no tempest, only great waves, where our
Pilot was a little overseene : for whereas commonly al
other never come within sight of land, but seeing signes
ordinary, and finding bottome, go their way sure and
safe, he thinking himselfe to have winde at will, shot
so nigh the land that the winde turning into the South,
and the waves being exceeding great, rolled us so nere the
land, that the ship stood in lesse then 14 fadoms of water,
no more then sixe miles from the Cape, which is called
Das Agulias, and there we stood as utterly cast away :
for under us were rocks of maine stone so sharpe, and
cutting, that no ancre could hold the ship, the shore so
evill, that nothing could take land, and the land itselfe so
full of Tigers, and people that are savage, and killers
of all strangers, that we had no hope of life nor com-
fort, but onely in God and a good conscience. Notwith-
standing, after we had lost ancres, hoising up the sailes
for to get the ship a coast in some safer place, or when
it should please God, it pleased his mercy suddenly,
where no man looked for helpe, to fill our sailes with
wind from the land, & so we escaped, thanks be to
God. And the day following, being in the place where
they are alwayes wont to catch fish, we also fell a fishing,
and so many they tooke, that they served all the ship for
that day, and part of the next. And one of them pulled
up a corall of great bignesse and price. For there they
01.] say (as we saw by experience) that the corals doe grow in
the maner of stalks upon the rocks in the bottome, and
~ waxe hard and red. The day of perill was the nine and

beyond ye cape twentieth of July. And you shall understand that, the
of Good hope. Cape passed, there be two wayes to India: one within

382

LETTER FROM THOMAS STEVENS a.d.

*579-

the He of S. Laurence, which they take willingly, because
they refresh themselves at Mosambique a fortnight or
a moneth, not without great need, and thence in a
moneth more land in Goa. The other is without the
He of S. Laurence, which they take when they set foorth
so late, and come so late to the point, that they have no
time to take the foresayd Mosambique, and then they
goe heavily, because in this way they take no port.
And by reason of the long navigation, and want of food
and water, they fall into sundry diseases, their gummes
waxe great, and swell, and they are faine to cut them
away, their legges swell, and all the body becommeth
sore, and so benummed, that they can not stirre hand
nor foot, and so they die for weakenesse, others fall into
fluxes and agues, and die thereby. i\nd this way it
was our chance to make : yet though we had more then
one hundred and fifty sicke, there died not past seven
and twenty ; which losse they esteemed not much in
respect of other times. Though some of ours were
diseased in this sort, yet, thanks be to God, I had my
health all the way, contrary to the expectation of many :
God send me my health so well in the land, if it may
be to his honour and service. This way is full of privy
rockes and quicke-sands, so that sometimes we durst not •
saile by night, but by the providence of God we saw
nothing, nor never found bottome untill we came to
the coast of India. When we had passed againe the
line, and were come to the third degree or somewhat
more, we saw crabs swimming on the water that were
red as though they had bene sodden : but this was no
signe of land. After, about the eleventh degree, the
space of many dayes, more then ten thousand fishes
by estimation followed round, about our ship, whereof
we caught so many, that for fifteene dayes we did eate
nothing els, and they served our turne very well : for
at this time we had neither meat nor almost any thing
els to eate, our navigation growing so long that it drew
neere to seven moneths, where as commonly they goe it

383

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

^ I579-

They com- in five, I meane when they saile the inner way. But
monly mile these fishes were not signe of land, but rather of deepe
to Goa in ; sea* At length we tooke a couple of birds, which were
moneths. a kinde of Hawks, whereof they joyed much, thinking

that they had bene of India, but indeed they were of
Arabia, as we found afterward. And we that thought we
had bene neere India, were in the same latitude neere
Zocotoro, an He in the mouth of the Red sea. But there
God sent us great winds from the Northeast or North-
northeast, whereupon unwillingly they bare up toward the
East, and thus we went tenne dayes without seeing signe
of land, whereby they perceived their errour : for they had
directed their course before alwayes Northeast, coveting
to multiply degrees of latitude, but partly the difference
Running seas of the Needle, and most of all the running seas, which
very dan- at tnat tjme ran Northwest, had drawen us to this other
set US' danger, had not God sent us this winde, which at length

waxed larger, and restored us to our right course. These
running seas be so perillous that they deceive the most
part of the governours, and some be so little curious,
contenting themselves with ordinary experience, that they
care not to seeke out any meanes to know when they
swarve, neither by the compasse, nor by any other trial!.
The first signe of land were certaine fowles which they
knew to be of India : the second, boughes of palmes and
sedges : the third, snakes swimming on the water, and
a substance which they call by the name of a coine of
money, as broad and as round as a groat, woonderfully
printed and stamped of nature, like unto some coine.
Certaine signs And these two last signes be so certaine, that the next
of land. ^ay after? if tne winde serve, they see land, which we

did to our great joy, when all our water (for you know
they make no beere in those parts) and victuals began
They arrived to fal\e us> And to Goa we came the foure and twentieth
7f Octol r 2* ^ay°^ October, there being received with passing great
charity. The people be tawny, but not disfigured in their
lips & noses, as the Moores and Cafres of Ethiopia.
They that be not of reputation, or at least the most

384

G OA Jonfima iru£r vr'Fs in (fr^Jw^m fatten

fe

H*jJi-,

■^F

A BRIEF RELATION OF PEGU a.d.

1589.
part, goe naked, saving an apron of a span long, and
as much in bredth before them, and a lace two fingers
broad before them, girded about with a string and no
more : and thus they thinke them as well as we with all
our trimming. Of the fruits and trees that be here I
cannot now speake, for I should make another letter as
long as this. For hitherto I have not seene a tree here,
whose like I have seene in Europe, the vine excepted,
which neverthelesse here is to no purpose, so that all the
wines are brought out of Portugall. The drinke of
this countrey is good water, or wine of the Palme tree,
or of a fruit called Cocos. And this shall suffice for this
time. If God send me my health, I shall have oppor-
tunity to write to you once againe. Now the length of
my letter compelleth me to take my leave : and thus I
wish your most prosperous health. From Goa the tenth

of November, 1 C79. v 1 • t-i_

5 J/7 Your loving sonne lhomas

Stevens.

A briefe relation of the great magnificence and [II. ii. 102.]
rich traffike of the kingdome of Pegu beyond
the East India, written by Frey Peter of
Lisbon, to his cousin Frey Diego of Lisbon,
from Cochin.

Received your letters in the harbour of
Damaon by a caravell of advise that
came from Malacca, which brought
shot, powder, and other provision for
the furnishing of foure gallies and a
great gallion, which are now in building,
to keepe our coast for feare of great
store of men of warre, being Moores, which trouble us The coast of
very sore. At that instant when I received your letters India greatly
t 1 r ^.ui-j TT3 u troubled with

1 was newly come from the kingdome or Pegu, where j^oores

I had remained one yeere and an halfe, and from thence
I departed to the city of Cochin in October 1587. The
newes which I can certifie you of concerning these

VI 385 2B

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

countreys are : That this king of Pegu is the mightiest
king of men, & the richest that is in these parts of the
world : for he bringeth into the field at any time, when
he hath warres with other princes, above a million of
fighting men : howbeit they be very leane and small
people, and are brought unto the field without good
Abundance of order. He is lord of the Elephants, and of all the golde
golde, silver, anj silver mines, and of all the pearles and precious

^Lll ttn„*, stones: so that he hath the greatest store of treasure

precious stones . o

in Pegu. that ever was heard of in these parts. The countrey

people call him The God of trueth and of justice. I had
great conference with this king, and with the head
captaine of the Portugals, which is one of the countrey.
They demanded of me many questions as touching the
law and faith of Jesus Christ, and as touching the Ten
Commandements. And the king gave his consent that
our Order should build a Church in his countrey, which
was halfe builded ; but our perverse and malicious
Portugals plucked it downe againe: for whereas it is a
countrey wherein our nation gaine very much by their
commodities, they fearing that by the building of this
Church there would be greater resort thither, and so
The great their trade should be impaired, if their great gaines
game of the should be knowen unto others then those which found
oitugasn t]^s countrey out £rstj therefore they were so unwilling
that the building of this Church should goe forward.
Our Portugals which are here in this realme are woorse
people then the Gentiles. I preached divers times among
those heathen people; but being obstinate they say, that
as their fathers beleeved so they will beleeve : for if their
forefathers went to the divell so they will. Whereupon
I returned backe againe to our monastery to certifie our
father provinciall of the estate of this New found
Pegu the best countrey. It is the best and richest countrey in all this
y richest gast inc[ia . anc[ ft [s thought to be richer then China.

'tfoEast India * am afrayd tnat tne warres which his Majesty hath
with England will be the utter undoing and spoile of
Spaine : for these countreys likewise are almost spoiled

386

against Spaine.

JAMES LANCASTER a.d

with civill warres, which the Moores have against the
Gentiles : for the kings here are up in armes all the
countrey over. Here is an Indian which is counted a A prophesie
Prophet, which hath prophesied that there will a Dragon °f™ l"f**^
arise in a strange countrey, which will do great hurt to
Spaine. How it will fall out, onely God doth know.
And thus I rest: from this monastery of Cochin the 28
of December, 1589.

Your good cousin and assured friend
frier Peter of Lisbon.

A voyage with three tall ships, the Penelope
Admirall, the Marchant royall Viceadmirall,
and the Edward Bonaventure Rereadmirall,
to the East Indies, by the Cape of Buona
Speransa, to Quitangone neere Mosambique,
to the lies of Comoro and Zanzibar on the
backeside of Africa, and beyond Cape Comori
in India, to the lies of Nicubar and of Gomes
Polo within two leagues of Sumatra, to the
Hands of Pulo Pinaom, and thence to the
maine land of Malacca, begunne by M.
George Raymond, in the yeere 1 59 1 , and
performed by M. James Lancaster, and written
from the mouth of Edmund Barker of
Ipswich, his lieutenant in the sayd voyage,
by M. Richard Hakluyt.

Ur fleet of the three tall ships above-
named departed from Plimmouth the 10
of April 1 59 1, and arrived at the Canarie-
ilands the 25 of the same, from whence
we departed the 29 of April. The
second of May we were in the height of
Cape Blanco. The fift we passed the
tropique of Cancer. The eight we were in the height
of Cape Verde. All this time we went with a faire winde

387

ad THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1591.

at Northeast, alwayes before the winde untill the 13 of

the same moneth, when we came within 8 degrees of the

Equinoctiall line, where we met with a contrary winde.

Here we lay off and on in the sea untill the sixt of June,

on which day we passed the sayd line. While we lay

[II. ii. 103.] thus off and on, we tooke a Portugal Caravel laden by

marchants of Lisbon for Brasile, in which Caravel we had

some 60 tunnes of wine, 1200 jarres of oyle, about 100

jarres of olives, certaine barrels of capers, three fats of

peason, with divers other necessaries fit for our voyage :

which wine, oyle, olives and capers were better to us then

Three gold. We had two men died before wee passed the line,

occasions of anj divers sicke, which tooke their sicknesse in those

the line note climates : for they be wonderful unholesome from

8 degrees of Northerly latitude unto the line, at that

time of the yeere : for we had nothing but Ternados,

with such thunder, lightning, and raine, that we could

not keep our men drie 3 houres together, which was an

occasion of the infection among them, and their eating

of salt victuals, with lacke of clothes to shift them. After

we passed the line, we had the wind still at Eastsoutheast,

which caried us along the coast of Brasil 100 leagues

from the maine, til we came in 26 degrees to the

Southward of the line, where the wind came up to the

North, at which time we did account, that the Cape of

Buona esperansa did beare off us East and by South,

betwixt 900 and 1000 leagues. Passing this gulfe from

the coast of Brasil unto the Cape we had the wind often

variable as it is upon our coast, but for the most part

so, that we might lie our course. The 28 of July we

had sight of the foresayd Cape of Buona esperansa :

untill the 3 1 wee lay off and on with the wind contrary

to double the Cape, hoping to double it, & so to have

gone seventie leagues further to a place called Agoada

de S. Bras, before we would have sought to have put

into any harbour. But our men being weake and sicke

in all our shippes, we thought good to seeke some place

to refresh them. With which consent we bare up with

388

JAMES LANCASTER a.d.

1591.

the land to the Northward of the Cape, and going along

the shore, we espied a goodly Baie with an Hand lying

to Seawards of it, into which we did beare, and found

it very commodious for our ships to ride in. This Baie

is called Agoada de Saldanha, lying 1 5 leagues Northward Agoada de

on the hither side of the Cape. The first of August Saldanha.

being Sunday we came to an anker in the Baie, sending

our men on land, and there came unto them certaine

blacke Salvages very brutish which would not stay, but

retired from them. For the space of 15 or 20 dayes

we could find no reliefe but onely foules which wee

killed with our pieces, which were cranes and geese :

there was no fish but muskles and other shel-fish, which

we gathered on the rockes. After 15 or 20 dayes being

here, our Admirall went with his pinnasse unto the Hand

which lieth off this Baie, where hee found great store Great store of

of Penguines & Seales, whereof he brought good plenty P^guins and

with him. And twise after that we sent certain of our eaes'

men, which at both times brought their bots lading unto

our ships. After we had bene here some time, we got

here a Negro, whom we compelled to march into the

country with us, making signs to bring us some cattell ;

but at this time we could come to the sight of none, so

we let the Negro goe with some trifles. Within 8 dayes

after, he with 30 or 40 other Negroes, brought us downe

some 40 bullocks and oxen, with as many sheepe : at Bullocks, oxen,

which time we bought but few of them. But within 8 and sheepe,

dayes after they came downe with as many more, & then °s'c ea?e'

we bought some 24 oxen with as many sheepe. We

bought an oxe for two knives, a stirke for a knife, and a

sheepe for a knife, and some we bought for lesse value

then a knife. The oxen be very large and well fleshed,

but not fat. The sheepe are very big and very good

meat, they have no woll on their backs but haire, and

have great tailes like the sheepe in Syria. There be

divers sorts of wild beasts, as the Antilope, (wherof M.

Lancaster killed one of the bignes of a yong colt) the red

& fallow Deere, with other great beasts unknowen unto

389

A.D.
1591.

Cape de
Buona Spe?--
ama doubled.
Cape dos
Corrientes.
Here they are
severed from
the Penelope.

Foure men
slaine zvith a
clap of thunder.
[II. ii. 104.]

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

us. Here are also great store of over-growen monkeis.
As touching our proceeding upon our voyage, it was
thought good rather to proceed with two ships wel
manned, then with three evill manned : for here wee
had of sound and whole men but 198, of which there
went in the Penelope with the Admiral 101, and in the
Edward with the worshipfull M. captaine Lancaster 97.
We left behind 50 men with the Roiall marchant, where-
of there were many pretily well recovered, of which ship
was master and governour Abraham Kendal, which for
many reasons we thought good to send home. The
disease that hath consumed our men hath bene the
skurvie. Our souldiers which have not bene used to the
Sea, have best held out, but our mariners dropt away,
which (in my judgement) proceedeth of their evill diet
at home.

Sixe dayes after our sending backe for England of the
Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanha, our Admirall
M. captaine Raimond in the Penelope, and M. James
Lancaster in the Edward Bonaventure, set forward to
double the Cape of Buona esperansa, which they did very
speedily. But being passed as far as Cape dos Corrientes,
the 14 of September we were encountred with a mighty
storme and extreeme gusts of wind, wherein we lost our
Generals companie, and could never heare of him nor his
ship any more, though we did our best endevour to seeke
him up and downe a long while, and staied for him
certaine dayes at the Hand of Comoro, where we appointed
to stay one for another. Foure dayes after this uncom-
fortable seperation in the morning toward ten of the
clocke we had a terrible clap of thunder, which slew foure
of our men outright, their necks being wrung in sonder
without speaking any word, and of 94 men there was not
one untouched, whereof some were striken blind, others
were bruised in their legs & armes, and others in their
brests, so that they voided blood two dayes after, others
were drawen out at length as though they had bene
racked. But (God be thanked) they all recovered saving

390

JAMES LANCASTER a.d.

1591.

onely the foure which were slaine out right. Also with
the same thunder our maine maste was torne very
grievously from the head to the decke, and some of the
spikes that were ten inches into the timber, were melted
with the extreme heate theereof. From thence wee
shaped our course to the Northeast, and not long after
we fell upon the Northwest end of the mighty Hand of
S. Laurence : which one of our men espied by Gods The Moulds of
good blessing late in the evening by Moone light, who 5* aum
seeing afarre off the breaking of the Sea, and calling to
certaine of his fellowes, asked them what it was : which
eftsoones told him that it was the breaking of the Sea
upon the Shoulds. Whereupon in very good time we
cast about to avoyd the danger which we were like to
have incurred. Thus passing on forward, it was our
lucke to over-shoote Mozambique, and to fall with a
place called Quitangone two leagues to the Northward QWitangone
of it, and we tooke three or foure Barkes of Moores, jff
which Barkes in their language they call Pangaias, laden
with Millio, hennes, and ducks, with one Portugall boy,
going for the provision of Mozambique. Within few
dayes following we came to an Hand an hundred leagues
to the Northeast of Mozambique called Comoro, which T^£ lle °f
we found exceeding full of people, which are Moores
of tawnie colour and good stature, but they be very
trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of. Here wee
desired to store our selves with water, whereof we stood
in great need, and sent sixteene of our men well armed
on shore in our boate : whom the people suffred quietly
to land and water, and divers of them with their king
came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine Sattin
pinked after the Moorish fashion downe to the knee,
whom we entertained in the best maner, and had some
conference with him of the state of the place and marchan-
dises, using our Portugall boy which we had taken before
for our interpreter, and in the end licensed the king and
his company to depart, and sent our men againe for more
water, who then also dispatched their businesse, &

39*

A.D.
[591

320/ our men
betraied at the
lie of Comoro.

Zanzibar
Hand.

A Portugal/
Factorie in
Zanzibar.

The treason of
the Portugals
towards the
English.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

returned quietly: the third time likewise we sent them
for more, which also returned without any harme. And
though we thought our selves furnished, yet our master
William Mace of Radcliffe pretending that it might be
long before we should finde any good watering place,
would needes goe himselfe on shore with thirtie men,
much against the will of our captaine, and hee and 16
of his company, together with one boat which was all
that we had, and 16 others that were a washing over-
against our ship, were betrayed of the perfidious Moores,
and in our sight for the most part slaine, we being not
able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour. From
hence with heavie hearts we shaped our course for
Zanzibar the 7 of November, where shortly after wee
arrived and made us a new boat of such boards as we
had within boord, and rid in the road untill the 15 of
February, where, during our aboad, we sawe divers
Pangaias or boates, which are pinned with woodden
pinnes, and sowed together with Palmito cordes, and
calked with the huskes of Cocos shels beaten, whereof
they make Occam. At length a Portugal Pangaia com-
ming out of the harborow of Zanzibar, where they have
a small Factorie, sent a Canoa with a Moore which had
bene christened, who brought us a letter wherein they
desired to know what wee were, and what we sought.
We sent them word we were Englishmen come from
Don Antonio upon businesse to his friends in the Indies :
with which answere they returned, and would not any
more come at us. Whereupon not long after wee
manned out our boat and tooke a Pangaia of the Moores,
which had a priest of theirs in it, which in their language
they call a Sherife : whom we used very curteously :
which the king tooke in very good part, having his
priests in great estimation, and for his deliverance
furnished us with two moneths victuals, during all which
time we detained him with us. These Moores informed
us of the false and spitefull dealing of the Portugals
towards us, which made them beleeve that we were cruell

392

JAMES LANCASTER a.d.

1592.

people and men-eaters, and willed them if they loved
their safetie in no case to come neere us. Which they
did onely to cut us off from all knowledge of the state
and traffique of the countrey. While we road from the
end of November until the middle of February in this
harborough, which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns
to ride in, we set upon a Portugall Pangaia with our
boat, but because it was very litle, & our men not able
to stirre in it, we were not able to take the sayd Pangaia,
which was armed with to good shot like our long fouling
pieces. This place for the goodnesse of the harborough An excellent
and watering, and plentifull refreshing with fish, whereof P^acefor re~
we tooke great store with our nets, and for sundry sorts
of fruits of the countrey, as Cocos and others, which
were brought us by the Moores, as also for oxen and
hennes, is carefully to be sought for by such of our
ships, as shall hereafter passe that way. But our men
had need to take good heed of the Portugals : for while
we lay here the Portugall Admiral of the coast from
Melinde to Mozambique, came to view and to betray
our boat if he could have taken at any time advantage,
in a gallie Frigate of ten tunnes with 8 or 9 oares on A gallie
a side. Of the strength of which Frigate and their *"&*.?'
trecherous meaning we were advertised by an Arabian
Moore which came from the king of Zanzibar divers
times unto us about the deliverie of the priest aforesayd,
and afterward by another which we caried thence along
with us : for wheresoever we came, our care was to get
into our hands some one or two of the countreys to
learne the languages and states of those partes where we
touched. Moreover, here againe we had another clap of Another
thunder which did shake our foremast very much, which thmder-claP'
wee fisht and repaired with timber from the shore, whereof
there is good store thereabout of a kind of trees some
fortie foot high, which is a red and tough wood, and as I
suppose, a kind of Cedar. Here our Surgeon Arnold
negligently catching a great heate in his head being on Heat in the
land with the master to seeke oxen, fell sicke and shortly head deadh-

393

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1592.
Letting of died, which might have bene cured by letting of blood
blood very before it had bin setled. Before our departure we had
in this place some thousand weight of pitch, or rather
a kind of gray and white gumme like unto frank-
incense, as clammie as turpentine, which in melting
groweth as blacke as pitch, and is very brittle of it
selfe, but we mingled it with oile, whereof wee had 300
jarres in the prize which we tooke to the Northward
of the Equinoctiall, not farre from Guinie, bound for
Brasil. Sixe dayes before wee departed hence, the Cape
marchant of the Factorie wrote a letter unto our capi-
taine in the way of friendship, as he pretended, requesting
a Jarre of wine, and a jarre of oyle, and two or three
pounds of gunpouder, which letter hee sent by a Negro
his man, and Moore in a Canoa : we sent him his
demaunds by the Moore, but tooke the Negro along
with us because we understood he had bene in the East
Indies and knew somewhat of the countrey. By this
Negro we were advertised of a small Barke of some
A J unco laden thirtie tunnes (which the Moores call a Junco) which
with pepper was come fr0m Goa thither laden with Pepper for the
rugs. l?actorie and service of that kingdome. Thus having
trimmed our shippe as we lay in this road, in the end
we set forward for the coast of the East India, the 1 5 of
February aforesayd, intending if we could to have
reached to Cape Comori, which is the headland or Pro-
montorie of the maine of Malavar, and there to have
lien off and on for such ships as should have passed
from Zeilan, Sant Tome, Bengala, Pegu, Malacca, the
Moluccos, the coast of China, and the He of Japan,
which ships are of exceeding wealth and riches. But in
The currents our COurse we were very much deceived by the currents
that set into the gulfe of the Red sea along the coast
of Melinde. And the windes shortening upon us to the
Northeast and Easterly, kept us that we could not get
off, and so with the putting in of the currents from the
Westward, set us in further unto the Northward within
Zocotora. fourescore leagues of the He of Zocotora, farre from our

394

set to the
Northwards.

JAMES LANCASTER a.d.

1592.
determined course and expectation. But here we never
wanted abundance of Dolphins, Bonitos and flying-
fishes. Now while we found our selves thus farre to
the Northward, and the time being so farre spent, we
determined to goe for the Red sea, or for the Hand
of Zocotora, both to refresh our selves, and also for
some purchase. But while wee were in this consultation,
the winde very luckily came about to the Northwest
and caried us directly toward Cape Comori. Before we
should have doubled this Cape, we were determined to
touch at the Hands of Mamale, of which we had adver- The lles °f
tisement, that one had victuals, standing in the Northerly Mamale-
latitude of twelve degrees. Howbeit it was not our
good lucke to finde it, which fell out partly by the
obstinacie of our master : for the day before we fell
with part of the Hands the wind came about to the
Southwest, and then shifting our course we missed it.
So the wind increasing Southerly, we feared we should
not have bene able to have doubled the Cape, which
would have greatly hazarded our casting away upon the
coast of India, the Winter season and Westerne Mon-
sons already being come in, which Monsons continue on
that coast until August. Nevertheles it pleased God to
bring the wind more Westerly, & so in the moneth of
May 1592. we happily doubled Cape Comori without Cape Comori
sight of the coast of India. From hence thus having ^?^^I592-
doubled this Cape, we directed our course for the Hands The lies of
of Nicubar, which lie North and South with the Westerne Ntcubar-
part of Sumatra, and in the latitude of 7 degrees to the
Northward of the Equinoctiall. From which Cape of
Comori unto the aforesayd Hands we ranne in sixe
dayes with a very large wind though the weather were
foule with extreme raine and gustes of windes. These
Hands were missed through our masters default for want
of due observation of the South starre. And we fell
to the Southward of them within the sight of the Hands The lies of
of Gomes Polo, which lie hard upon the great Hand of Gmes Pol°-
Sumatra the first of June, and at the Northeast side of

395

A.D.
1592.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Sumatra.

The lies of
Pulo Pinaou.

them we lay two or three dayes becalmed, hoping to
have had a Pilote from Sumatra, within two leagues
whereof wee lay off and on. Now the Winter comming
upon us with much contagious weather, we directed our
course from hence with the Hands of Pulo Pinaou,
(where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the
Malaian tongue signifieth an Hand) at which Hands wee
arrived about the beginning of June, where we came to
an anker in a very good harborough betweene three
Hands : at which time our men were very sicke and
many fallen. Here we determined to stay untill the
[II. ii. 106.] Winter were overpast. This place is in 6 degrees and a
halfe to the Northward, and some five leagues from
the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we con-
tinued untill the end of August. Our refreshing in
this place was very smal, onely of oisters growing on
rocks, great wilks, and some few fish which we tooke
with our hookes. Here we landed our sicke men on
these uninhabited Hands for their health, neverthelesse
26 of them died in this place, whereof John Hall our
master was one, and M. Rainold Golding another, a
marchant of great honestie and much discretion. In
these Islands are abundance of trees of white wood, so
right and tall, that a man may make mastes of them
being an hundred foote long. The winter passed and
having watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea,
wee had left us but 33 men and one boy, of which
not past 22 were sound for labour and helpe, and of
them not past a third part sailers : thence we made
saile to seeke some place of refreshing, and went over
to the maine of Malacca. The next day we came to
an anker in a Baie in six fadomes water some two leagues
from the shore. Then master James Lancaster our
captaine, and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant, and
other of the companie manning the boat, went on shore
to see what inhabitants might be found. And comming
on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people
which were departed thence not long before: for we

396

Trees Jit for
mastes.

Malacca.

JAMES LANCASTER a.d.

1592.

sawe their fire still burning, but people we sawe none,
nor any other living creature, save a certaine kind of
foule called oxe birds, which are a gray kind of Sea-
foule, like a Snite in colour, but not in beake. Of
these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being
very tame, and spending the day in search, returned
toward night aboord. The next day about two of the
clocke in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came
neere unto us, but would not come aboord us, having
in it some sixteen naked Indians, with whom nevertheles
going afterward on land, we had friendly conference and
promise of victuals. The next day in the morning we
espied three ships, being all of burthen 60 or 70 tunnes, Three shiPs °f
one of which wee made to strike with our very boate : Pe?l " ™
and understanding that they were or the towne or IVlar- Martabam.
tabam, which is the chiefe haven towne for the great
citie of Pegu, and the goods belonging to certaine Portu-
gal Jesuites and a Biscuit baker a Portugal, we tooke
that ship & did not force the other two, because they
were laden for marchants of Pegu, but having this one
at our command, we came together to an anker. The
night folowing all the men except twelve, which we
tooke into our ship, being most of them borne in Pegu,
fled away in their boate, leaving their ship and goods
with us. The next day we weighed our anker and went
to the Leeward of an Hand hard by, and tooke in her
lading being pepper, which shee and the other two had
laden at Pera, which is a place on the maine 30 leagues Pera.
to the South. Besides the aforesaid three ships, we
tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper, and per-
ceiving her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu
onely, wee dismissed her without touching any thing.

Thus having staied here 10 daies and discharged her
goods into the Edward, which was about the beginning
of September, our sicke men being somewhat refreshed
and lustie, with such reliefe as we had found in this
ship, we weighed anker, determining to runne into the Puh
streights of Malacca to the Hands called Pulo Sambilam, Sambilam.

397

A.D.
1592.

A ship of
Negapatan
taken.

A ship of
S. Thome.

The galeon of
Malacca of
700 taken.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

which are some five and fortie leagues Northward of
the citie of Malacca, to which Hands the Portugals must
needs come from Goa or S. Thome, for the Malucos,
China, and Japan. And when wee were there arrived,
we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come
that way. Thus having spent some five dayes, upon a
Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship
that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of
India over-against the Northeast part of the He of
Zeilan ; and that night we tooke her being of 250
tunnes : she was laden with Rice for Malacca. Captaine
Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord
our shippe, and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and
seven more to keepe this prize, who being aboord the
same, came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water : for in
that chanell three or foure leagues from the shore you
shall finde good ankorage. Being thus at an anker and
keeping out a light for the Edward, another Portugall
ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes, came and
ankered hard by us. The Edward being put to Lee-
ward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes,
was not able the next morning to fetch her up, until
we which were in the prize with our boate, went to
helpe to man our shippe. Then comming aboord we
went toward the shippe of Sant Thome, but our ship was
so foule that shee escaped us. After we had taken out
of our Portugall prize what we thought good, we turned
her and all her men away except a Pilot and foure
Moores. We continued here untill the sixt of October,
at which time we met with the ship of the captaine
of Malacca of seven hundred tunnes which came from
Goa : we shot at her many shot, and at last shooting
her maine-yard through, she came to an anker and
yeelded. We commaunded her Captaine, Master, Pilot
and Purser to come aboord us. But the Captaine
accompanied with one souldier onely came, and after
certaine conference with him, he made excuse to fetch
the Master and Purser, which he sayd would not come

398

JAMES LANCASTER ad.

1592.
unlesse he went for them : but being gotten from us in
the edge of the evening, he with all the people which [II. ii. 107.]
were to the number of about three hundred men, women
and children, gote a shore with two great boates and
quite abandoned the ship. At our comming aboord we
found in her sixteene pieces of brasse, and three hundred
buts of Canarie wine, and Nipar wine, which is made
of the palme trees, and raisin wine which is also very
strong : as also all kind of Haberdasher wares, as hats, Wares Jit to
red caps knit of Spanish wooll, worsted stockings knit, c^ tnt0 the
shooes, velvets, taffataes, chamlets, and silkes, abundance
of suckets, rice, Venice glasses, certaine papers full of
false and counterfeit stones which an Italian brought from
Venice to deceive the rude Indians withall, abundance
of playing cardes, two or three packs of French paper.
Whatsoever became of the treasure which usually is
brought in roials of plate in this gallion, we could not
find it. After that the mariners had disordredly pilled
this rich shippe, the Captaine because they would not
follow his commandement to unlade those excellent wines
into the Edward, abandoned her & let her drive at Sea,
taking out of her the choisest things that she had. And
doubting the forces of Malaca, we departed thence to
a Baie in the kingdom of Junsalaom, which is betweene The kingdom
Malacca and Pegu eight degrees to the Northward, to °fJmsalaom'
seeke for pitch to trimme our ship. Here we sent our
souldier, which the captaine of the aforesaid galion had
left behind him with us, because he had the Malaian
language, to deale with the people for pitch, which hee
did faithfully, and procured us some two or three quintals
with promise of more, and certaine of the people came
unto us. We sent commodities to their king to barter
for Amber-griese, and for the homes of Abath, whereof Amber-greese.
the king onely hath the traffique in his hands. Now Th ^
this Abath is a beast which hath one home onely in her of Abath.
forehead, and is thought to be the female Unicorne, and The female
is highly esteemed of all the Moores in those parts as Unicorne.
a most soveraigne remedie against poyson. We had

399

A.D.
1592.

Some small
quantitie here-
of may be
carted to
pleasure those
kings.

They arrive
at the lies of
Nicuba?\
which are in-
habited by
Moores.

They returne
homeward.
They arrive
at Zeilan.

Tanaseri in
the kingdom
of Siam.

Commodities
of Ben gala.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

onely two or three of these homes which are of the
colour of a browne gray, and some reasonable quantitie
of Amber-griese. At last the king went about to betray
our Portugall with our marchandise : but he to get aboord
us, told him that we had gilt armour, shirtes of maile
and halberds, which things they greatly desire : for hope
whereof he let him returne aboord, and so he escaped the
danger. Thus we left this coast and went backe againe
in sight of Sumatra, and thence to the Hands of Nicubar,
where we arrived and found them inhabited with Moores,
and after wee came to an anker, the people daily came
aboord us in their Canoas, with hennes, Cocos, plantans
and other fruits: and within two dayes they brought
unto us roials of plate, giving us them for Calicut cloth :
which roials they flnde by diving for them in the Sea,
which were lost not long before in two Portugall ships
which were bound for China and were cast away there.
They call in their language the Coco Calambe, the
Plantane Pison, a Hen Jam, a Fish Iccan, a Hog Babee.
From thence we returned the 21 of November to goe
for the Hand of Zeilan, and arrived there about the third
of December 1592. and ankered upon the Southside in
sixe fadomes water, where we lost our anker, the place
being rockie and foule ground. Then we ranne along
the Southwest part of the sayd Hand, to a place called
Punta del Galle, where we ankered, determining there
to have remained untill the comming of the Bengala Fleet
of seven or eight ships, and the Fleete of Pegu of two
or three sailes, and the Portugall shippes of Tanaseri
being a great Baie to the Southward of Martabam in
the kingdom of Siam : which ships, by divers intelligences
which we had, were to come that way within foureteene
dayes to bring commodities to serve the Caraks, which
commonly depart from Cochin for Portugall by the
middest of Januarie. The commodities of the shippes
which come from Bengala bee fine pavillions for beds,
wrought quilts, fine Calicut cloth, Pintados and other
fine workes, and Rice, and they make this voiage twise

400

JAMES LANCASTER ad.

1593-
in the yeere. Those of Pegu bring the chiefest stones, Commodities
as Rubies and Diamants, but their chiefe fraight is Rice °f^e?>11-
and certaine cloth. Those of Tanaseri are chiefly Commodities
fraighted with Rice and Nipar wine, which is very strong, °fTanasert-
and in colour like unto rocke water somewhat whitish,
and very hote in taste like unto Aqua vitae. Being shot
up to the place aforesayd, called Punta del Galle, wee
came to an anker in foule ground and lost the same,
and lay all that night a drift, because we had nowe but
two ankers left us, which were unstocked and in hold.
Whereupon our men tooke occasion to come home,
our Captaine at that time lying very sicke more like
to die then to live. In the morning wee set our fore-
saile determining to lie up to the Northward and there to
keepe our selves to and againe out of the current, which A great cur-
otherwise would have set us off to the Southward from all rent t0 the
knowen land. Thus having set our foresayle, and in
hand to set all our other sayles to accomplish our afore-
sayd determination, our men made answere that they
would take their direct course for England and would
stay there no longer. Nowe seeing they could not
bee perswaded by any meanes possible, the captaine was
constrained to give his consent to returne, leaving all
hope of so great possibilities. Thus the eight of
December 1592. wee set sayle for the Cape of Buona
Speransa, passing by the Hands of Maldiva, and leaving
the mightie Hand of S. Laurence on the starreboord [II. ii. 108.'
or Northward in the latitude of 26 degrees to the South.
In our passage over from S. Laurence to the maine we
had exceeding great store of Bonitos and Albocores, A notable re-
which are a greater kind of fish : of which our captain, ltefe Vfishes
being now recovered of his sicknesse, tooke with an
hooke as many in two or three howers as would serve
fortie persons a whole day. And this skole of fish
continued with our ship for the space of five or sixe
weekes, all which while we tooke to the quantitie
aforesayd, which was no small refreshing to us. In
February 1593. we fell with the Eastermost land of
vi 401 2C

A.D.

I593-
Baia de Agoa.

They double
the Cape of
Buona
Speransa.

S. Helena.

John Sega?' an
Englishman
left 1 8 moneths
alone in the
lie ofsanta
Helena.

A miraculous
effect of ex-
treme fear e or
extreme joy.

The descrip-
tion of the
commodities of
the He of santa
Helena.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Africa at a place called Baia de Agoa some ioo leagues to
the Northeast of the Cape of Good Hope : and finding
the winds contrary, we spent a moneth or five weekes
before we could double the Cape. After wee had doubled
it in March folowing, wee directed our course for the
Hand of Santa Helena, and arrived there the third day
of Aprill, where wee staied to our great comfort nineteene
dayes : in which meane space some one man of us tooke
thirtie goodly Congers in one day, and other rockie
fishe and some Bonitos. After our arrivall at Santa
Helena, I Edmund Barker went on shore with foure
or five Peguins or men of Pegu which we had taken,
and our Surgion, where in an house by the Chappell
I found an Englishman one John Segar of Burie in
SufFolke, who was left there eighteene moneths before
by Abraham Kendall, who put in there with the Roiall
marchant, and left him there to refresh him on the
Hand, being otherwise like to have perished on ship-
boord : and at our comming wee found him as fresh
in colour and in as good plight of body to our seeming
as might be, but crazed in minde and halfe out of
his wits, as afterward wee perceived : for whether he
were put in fright of us, not knowing at first what
we were, whether friends or foes, or of sudden joy when
he understood we were his olde consorts and countrey-
men, hee became idle-headed, and for eight dayes space
neither night nor day tooke any naturall rest, and so
at length died for lacke of sleepe. Here two of our men,
whereof the one was diseased with the skurvie, and the
other had bene nine moneths sicke of the fluxe, in short
time while they were on the Hand, recovered their perfect
health. We found in this place great store of very hole-
some and excellent good greene figs, orenges, and lemons
very faire, abundance of goates and hogs, and great plentie
of partriges, Guiniecocks, and other wilde foules. Our
mariners somewhat discontented being now watered and
having some provision of fish, contrary to the will of the
capitaine, would straight home. The capitaine because

402

JAMES LANCASTER a.d.

1593.
he was desirous to goe for Phernambuc in Brasil, granted
their request. And about the 12 of Aprill 1593. we
departed from S. Helena, and directed our course for
the place aforesayd. The next day our capitaine calling
upon the sailers to finish a foresaile which they had in
hand, some of them answered that unlesse they might
goe directly home, they would lay their hands to nothing ;
whereupon he was constrained to folow their humour.
And from thence-foorth we directed our course for our
countrey, which we kept untill we came 8 degrees to the
Northward of the Equinoctiall, betweene which 8 degrees
and the line, we spent some sixe weekes, with many
calme and contrary winds at North, and somtimes to the
Eastward, & somtimes to the Westward : which losse
of time and expense of our victuals, whereof we had very
smal store, made us doubt to keepe our course: and
some of our men growing into a mutinie threatned to
breake up other mens chests, to the overthrow of our
victuals and all our selves, for every man had his share
of his victuals before in his owne custody, that they
might be sure what to trust to, and husband it more
thriftily. Our capitaine seeking to prevent this mis-
chiefe, being advertised by one of our companie which
had bene at the He of Trinidada in M. Chidleis voyage,
that there we should be sure to have refreshing, hereupon
directed his course to that Hand, and not knowing the
currents, we were put past it in the night into the g ulfe The gulfe of

c -n • • ^ u - • tt u- Paria, or

or rana in the beginning or June, wherein we were Bocca del

8 dayes, finding the current continually setting in, and Uragone
oftentimes we were in 3 fadomes water, and could find passed.
no going out until the current had put us over to the A good note.
Westernside under the maine land, where we found no
current at all, and more deep water ; and so keeping by
the shore, the wind off the shore every night did helpe
us out to the Northward. Being cleare, within foure
or five dayes after we fell with the He of Mona where The lie of
we ankred and rode some eighteene dayes. In which Mom-
time the Indians of Mona gave us some refreshing.

403

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

*593-

And in the meane space there arrived a French ship
of Cane in which was capitaine one Monsieur de
Barbaterre5 of whom wee bought some two buts of wine
and bread, and other victuals. Then wee watered and
fitted our shippe, and stopped a great leake which broke
on us as we were beating out of the gulfe of Paria.
And having thus made ready our ship to goe to Sea,
we determined to goe directly for New-found-land.
But before wee departed, there arose a storme the winde
being Northerly, which put us from an anker and forced
us to the Southward of Santo Domingo. This night we
were in danger of shipwracke upon an Hand called
The lie ofSa- Savona, which is environed with flats lying 4 or 5 miles
vona environed Qff . yet ;t pleaseci Qod to cleare us of them, & so
^a> we directed our course Westward along the Hand of

Cape de Santo Domingo, and doubled Cape Tiberon, and passed

Ttberon. through the old chanell betweene S. Domingo and Cuba

for the cape of Florida : And here we met againe with
the French ship of Caen, whose Captaine could spare
us no more victuals, as he said, but only hides which he
had taken by traffike upon those Hands, wherewith we
were content and gave him for them to his good satis-
faction. After this, passing the Cape of Florida, and
The old chanel cleere of the chanell of Bahama, we directed our course
passed. fQr ^ banke 0f Newfound-land. Thus running to

the height of 36 degrees, and as farre to the East as
the Isle of Bermuda the 17 of September finding the
winds there very variable, contrarie to our expectation
and all mens writings, we lay there a day or two the
winde being northerly, and increasing continually more
and more, it grewe to be a storme and a great frete
of wind : which continued with us some 24 houres, with
such extremitie, as it caried not onely our sayles away
being furled, but also made much water in our shippe,
so that wee had sixe foote water in holde, and having
freed our ship thereof with baling, the winde shifted
to the Northwest and became dullerd : but presently
upon it the extremitie of the storme was such that with

404

JAMES LANCASTER a.d.

1593-
the labouring of the ship we lost our foremaste, and our
ship grewe as full of water as before. The storme once
ceased, and the winde contrary to goe our course, we
fell to consultation which might be our best way to save
our lives. Our victuals now being utterly spent, &
having eaten hides 6 or 7 daies, we thought it best to
beare back againe for Dominica, & the Islands adjoyning,
knowing that there we might have some reliefe, where-
upon we turned backe for the said Islands. But before we They returne
could get thither the winde scanted upon us, which did b™ke * **?
greatly endanger us for lacke of fresh water and victuals :
so that we were constrained to beare up to the Westward
to certaine other Ilandes called the Nueblas or cloudie
Hands, towards the He of S. Juan de porto Rico, where
at our arrivall we found land-crabs and fresh water, and
tortoyses, which come most on lande about the full of
the moone. Here having refreshed our selves some 17
or 18 dayes, and having gotten some small store of
victuals into our ship, we resolved to returne againe for
Mona : upon which our determination five of our men Twe English
left us, remaining still on the lies of Nueblas for all ^blas™ ^
perswasions that we could use to the contrary, which
afterward came home in an English shippe. From these
lies we departed and arrived at Mona about the twentieth
of November 1593, and there comming to an anker
toward two or three of the clocke in the morning, the
Captaine, and Edmund Barker his Lieuetenant with some
few others went on land to the houses of the olde Indian
and his three sonnes, thinking to have gotten some foode,
our victuals being all spent, and we not able to proceede
any further untill we had obteyned some new supply.
We spent two or three daies in seeking provision to
cary aboord to relieve the whole companie. And com-
ming downe to go aboord, the winde then being
northerly and the sea somewhat growne, they could not
come on shore with the boate, which was a thing
of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough
sea, whereupon we stayed untill the next morning, think-

405

ad THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1593-

ing to have had lesse winde and safer passage. But in
The ship lost the night about twelve of the clocke our ship did drive
by driving awav with five men and a boy onely in it, our carpenter
secretly cut their owne cable, leaving nineteene of us on
land without boate or any thing, to our great discomfort.
In the middest of these miseries reposing our trust in
the goodnesse of God, which many times before had
succoured us in our greatest extremities, we contented
our selves with our poore estate, and sought meanes
to preserve our lives. And because one place was not
able to sustaine us, we tooke our leaves one of another,
dividing our selves into severall companies. The
Great famine, greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the Captaine
could flnde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was
the stalkes of purselaine boyled in water, and nowe and
then a pompion, which we found in the garden of the
olde Indian, who upon this our second arrivall with his
three sonnes stole from us, and kept himselfe continually
aloft in the mountaines. After the ende of nine and
twentie dayes we espied a French shippe, which after-
warde we understood to be of Diepe, called the Luisa,
whose Captaine was one Mounsieur Felix, unto whom
wee made a fire, at sight whereof he tooke in his top-
sayles, bare in with the land, and shewed us his flagge,
whereby we judged him French : so comming along
to the Westerne ende of the Island there be ankered,
we making downe with all speede unto him. At this
time the Indian and his three sonnes came done to our
Captaine Master James Lancaster, and went along with
Two ships of him to the shippe. This night he went aboord the
Diepe. French man, who gave him good entertainement, and the

next day fetched eleven more of us aboord entreating
us all very courteously. This day came another French
shippe of the same towne of Diepe which remayned there
untill night expecting our other seven mens comming
downe : who, albeit we caused certaine pieces of ordi-
nance to be shot off to call them, yet came not downe.
Whereupon we departed thence, being devided sixe into

406

JAMES LANCASTER a.d.

1594.
one ship, and sixe into another, and leaving this Island,
departed for the Northside of Saint Domingo, where we
remained untill Aprill following 1594, and spent some
two monethes in traffike with the inhabitants by permis- The French
sion for hides and other marchandises of the Countrey. *™fik? t0 5-
In this meane while there came a shippe of New-haven rjj ii IIOi
to the place where we were, whereby we had intelligence
of our seven men which wee left behinde us at the Isle
of Mona : which was, that two of them brake their
neckes with ventring to take foules upon the clifTes,
other three were slaine by the Spaniards, which came
from Saint Domingo, upon knowledge given by our men
which went away in the Edward, the other two this
man of New-haven had with him in his shippe, which
escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands. From this place M. Lancaster
Captaine Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund returneth to
Barker, shipped themselves in another shippe of Diepe, ^>iepe, and so
the Captaine whereof was one John La Noe, which was
readie first to come away, and leaving the rest of their
companie in other ships, where they were well intreated,
to come after him, on Sunday the seventh of Aprill
1594 they set homewarde, and disbocking through the
Cajicos from thence arrived safely in Diepe within two
and fortie dayes after, on the 19 of May, where after
we had stayed two dayes to refresh our selves, and given
humble thankes unto God, and unto our friendly neigh-
bours, we tooke passage for Rie and landed there on
Friday the 24 of May 1594, having spent in this voyage
three yeeres, sixe weekes and two dayes, which the
Portugales performe in halfe the time, chiefely because
wee lost our fit time and season to set foorth in the
beginning of our voyage.

We understood in the East Indies by certaine Portu-
gales which we tooke, that they have lately discovered
the coast of China to the latitude of nine and fiftie
degrees, finding the sea still open to the Northward :
giving great hope of the Northeast or Northwest passage.
Witnesse Master James Lancaster.

407

A.D.
1583.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Certaine remembrances of an intended voyage to
Brasill, and the River of Plate, by the Edward
Cotton, a ship of 260 Tunnes of Master Ed-
ward Cotton of Southhampton, which perished
through extreme negligence neare Rio grande
in Guinie, the 17 of July 1583.

ARticles of Covenants agreed upon betweene Edward
Cotton Esquier, owner of the good ship called the
Edward Cotton of Southhampton, and of all the mar-
chandizes in her laden, of the one part, and William
Huddie gentleman, Captaine of the said ship, John
Hooper his Lieutenant, John Foster Master, Hugh
Smith Pilot for the whole voyage, and William Chees-
man marchant, on the other part.

O observe and keepe the dayly order
of Common prayer aboord the ship,
and the companie to be called there-
unto, at the least once in the day, to
be pronounced openly.

2 Item, that they be ready with the
first faire winde, to set saile and sailes
in the voyage, and not to put into any port or harbour,
but being forcibly constrained by weather, or other
apparant and urgent cause.

3 Item, that they take in, at or about the Isles of Cape
Verde, to the quantitie of 25 or 30 tuns of salt, to be
imployed among other the owners marchandize, at Santos,
and S. Vincent, to his onely behoofe, and the rest of the
salt, so much as shall be needed for victuall, and for
saving of the hides to be kept aboord, & the same salt
to be provided either at the fishermens hands neere the
said Isles for trucke of commodities, or els to be taken
in at the aforesaid Isles, at the discretion of the above-
named.

4 Item, upon the due performance of this voiage, the
owner bindeth himselfe by this deede, to yeeld unto any

408

REMEMBRANCES FOR BRAZIL a.d.

1583.
such of the companie, as shall refuse their shares before
they depart from the coast of England, 20 markes a
single share, for the dutie of the whole voiage, making
not above 75. shares single in the whole.

5 Item, the company according as they be appointed
by the officers of the said ship above named, shall at all
times be most ready to doe their painfull indevor, not
onely aboord, but in all labours at the land, according to
the direction given by the above named officers, upon
paine of forfeiture of their shares and wages, the same
to be divided amongst the company.

6 Item, that the shares be taken at their returne out
of al the traine oile, and hides of the seales, and of all
other commodities gotten by their handie labour, and of
the salt that shall be vended and other commodities, at,
or neere the coast of Brasill, to allow after 9 li. the
tunne freight, whereof one third to goe to the companie.

7 Item, that if any man shall practise by any devise
or devises whatsoever, to alter the voiage from the true
purpose and intent of the owner, viz. to make their first
port at Santos, and Saint Vincent, and there to revictuall
and traffike, and from thence to the river of Plate to

make their voyage by the traine, and hide of the seales, [II. ii. n 1.]
with such other commodities as are there to be had,
according as the owner, with divers that have govern-
ment in the said ship, are bound to her highnesse by
their deedes obligatorie in great summes, that all such
practisers, upon due proofe made, shall loose their whole
intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde
voyage to be adjudged by the Captaine, his Lieutenant,
the Master, Pilot, and marchant, or three of them at the
least, whereof the Captaine to be one.

8 Item, that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serve
the marchants turne upon his demand, to take in wares
and commodities, and to cary and recary to and from the
shore, when, and as oft as neede shall be, and to give
due attendance at the marchant and marchants direction,
during the whole voyage.

409

A.D.
1583.

The Isle o/S.
Sebastian.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

9 Item, that no head or chiefe officer being set downe
for such an officer under the hand of the owner, at the
going to sea of the said shippe, shall or may be displaced
from his said place or office, without great cause, and his
misdemeanor to be adjudged by the Captaine, and his
Lieutenant, the Master, the Pilot, and the marchant, or
by the consent of three of them at the least.

10 Item, that upon the returne of the shippe to the
coast of England, the Maister and Pilot put not into
any port or harbour, to the Westward of Southhampton,
but forced by weather, or such like urgent cause.

William Huddie. John Foster.

John Hooper. William Cheesman.

Hugh Smith.

A direction as well for the Captaine, and other my
friends of the ship, as especially for William
Cheesman Marchant, for the voyage to the
river of Plate.

T your comming to the Isle of Saint
Sebastian, upon the coast of Brasill, you
shall according to your discretions, make
sale of such commodities, as you may
thinke will be thereabout well vented,
and likewise to buy commodities without
making longer stay there then your
victuals be providing, but rather to bespeake commodities
against your returne from the river of Plate, especially of
Amber, Sugar, Greene ginger, Cotton wooll, and some
quantitie of the peppers of the countrey there. Also for
Parats and Munkies, and the beast called Serrabosa. Also
you shall barrell up of the beefe called Petune, two or
three barrels, and to lose no good oportunitie, to gather
of the Indian figges, and the graines of them to preserve
drie, in such quantitie as conveniently may be done : and
touching the making of the traine, and preserving of the
hides, I leave it wholly to the order and the discretion of

410

REMEMBRANCES FOR BRAZIL a.d.

1583.

the chiefe of the companie. Also that in any road where
the ship shall ride upon the coast of America, triall be
made with the dragges, for the pearle Oisters, and the
same being taken, to be opened and searched for pearle
in the presence of the Captaine, his Lieutenant, the
Master, the Pilot, and marchant, or three of them,
whereof the Captaine or his Lieutenant to be one, and
to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and marchant,
under two lockes, either of them to have a key to his
owne locke, and that a true inventorie be delivered also
to the Master and Pilot of the said pearle or other jewels
of price gotten in the said voiage, to the intent that no
partie be defrauded of his due, and that no concealment
be made of any such thing upon forfeiture, the partie to
lose his share and dutie for the voyage that shall so
conceale and not reveale it unto the officers above named.
Also to doe your best indevour to try for the best Ore
of golde, silver, or other rich mettals whatsoever. Forget
not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants
with you, the Palmito with his fruit inclosed in him.
Serve God, keepe good watch, and stand alwayes upon
your garde.

Edward Cotton.

These things being thus ordered, and the .ship of the
burden of 260 tunnes, with 83 men of all sortes fur-
nished, and fully appointed for the voyage, began to set
saile from Hurst Castle upon Friday the 20 of May,
Anno 1583, and the 17 day of July ensuing fell with the
coast of Guinie, to take in fresh water, where, through
meere dissolute negligence, she perished upon a sand,
with the most part of the men in her, as appeareth by
the confession of one that escaped, the substance and
tenor whereof is this.

[The confession
411

H

ad THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1584.

[II. ii. 112.] The confession of William Bends Masters Mate
in the Edward Cotton, the 21 of October,
Ann. 1584.

E sayth, that the 17 day of July, Anno 1583. having
some lacke of fresh water, they put roome upon the
coast of Guinie, where they were set upon a sand about
8 leagues from the shore, and this Examinate, with 29
more, got into the pinnesse, who arrived in an Island,
being desolate of people, and five miles in compasse,
where they rested 18 dayes through force of weather,
having nought to eate but grasse. The rest of the
company the ship being splitted in two, and in quarters,
got them into one of the after quarters, and by the helpe
of raftes came also a shore into another Island neere to
Rio grande. Rj0 grande, where they all died as he supposeth.

The other 30 in the pinnesse, at the end of 18 dayes,
departed that Island, and came to Saint Domingo, where
comming on shore, they were taken of the Moores, &
stripped naked. And they buried one Coxe an olde
man alive, notwithstanding his pitifull lamentation and
alive by the skrikings : the rest having Rice and water allowed them,
Moores of Rio lived there a certaine time. This Examinate was at last
grande in so[^ to a Portugall, with whom he dwelt the space of a
quarter of a yere, and in the end, a Portugall Caravel
comming thither, his master laded the same with
Negroes, and he obtained leave of his master to goe in
the same Caravell, & by that meanes arrived at Lisbone,
and from thence came into England the 17 of October,
1584, leaving behinde him of his companie alive, Richard
Hacker, John Baker, John Mathew, and a boy, with
two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo : all
which, as he saith, were so sicke and diseased, that he
judgeth them to be long before this time dead.

412

One Coxe an
old English
man buried

Guinea.

THE ESCAPE OF THE 'PRIMROSE

A.D.
1585.

The escape of the Primrose a tall ship of London,
from before the towne of Bilbao in Biscay :
which ship the Corrigidor of the same Pro-
vince, accompanied with 97 Spaniards, offered
violently to arrest, and was defeated of his
purpose, and brought prisoner into England.

Whereunto is added the Kings Commission for a generall
imbargment or arrest of all English, Netherlandish,
and Easterlings ships, written in Barcelona the 19
of May 1585.

T is not unknowen unto the world what

danger our English shippes have lately
escaped, how sharpely they have beene
intreated, and howe hardly they have
beene assaulted : so that the valiancie of
those that mannaged them is worthy
remembrance. And therefore in respect
of the couragious attempt and valiant enterprise of the
ship called the Primrose of London, which hath obteined
renowne, I have taken in hande to publish the trueth
thereof, to the intent that it may be generally knowen
to the rest of the English ships, that by the good
example of this the rest may in time of extremitie ad-
venture to doe the like : to the honour of the Realme,
and the perpetuall remembrance of themselves : The
maner whereof was as folio weth.

UPon Wednesday being the sixe and twentieth day
of May 1585, the shippe called the Primrose being
of one hundred and fiftie tunnes, lying without the bay
of Bilbao, having beene there- two dayes, there came a
Spanish pinnesse to them, wherein was the Corrigidor
and sixe others with him : these came aboord the Prim-
rose, seeming to be Marchantes of Biscay, or such like,
bringing Cherries with them, and spake very friendly
to the Maister of the ship, whose name was Foster, and

413

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1585.

he in courteous wise bad them welcome, making them
the best cheere that he could with beere, beefe, and
bisket, wherewith that ship was well furnished : and
while they were thus in banquetting with the Maister,
foure of the seven departed in the sayd Pinnesse, and
went backe againe to Bilbao : the other three stayed, and
were very pleasant for the time. But Master Foster
misdoubting some danger secretly gave speech that he
was doubtfull of these men what their intent was;
neverthelesse he sayd nothing, nor seemed in any out-
ward wise to mistrust them at all. Foorthwith there
came a ship-boate wherein were seventie persons being
Marchants and such like of Biscay : and besides this
boate, there came also the Pinnesse which before had
brought the other three, in which Pinnesse there came
foure and twentie, as the Spaniards themselves since con-
[II. ii. 113.] fessed. These made towards the Primrose, and being
come thither, there came aboord the Corrigidor with
three or foure of his men : but Master Foster seeing this
great multitude desired that there might no more come
aboord, but that the rest should stay in their boates,
which was granted : neverthelesse they tooke small heede
of these wordes ; for on a suddaine they came foorth of
the boate, entring the shippe, every Spaniarde taking
him to his Rapier which they brought in the boate,
with other weapons, and a drumme wherewith to
triumph over them. Thus did the Spaniards enter the
shippe, plunging in fiercely upon them, some planting
themselves under the decke, some entring the Cabbens,
and a multitude attending their pray. Then the Cor-
rigidor having an officer with him which bare a white
wand in his hand, sayd to the master of the ship : Yeeld
your selfe, for you are the kings prisoner : whereat the
Maister sayd to his men, We are betrayed. Then some
of them set daggers to his breast, and seemed in furious
manner as though they would have slaine him, meaning
nothing lesse then to doe any such act, for all that they
sought was to bring him and his men safe alive to shore.

414

THE ESCAPE OF THE < PRIMROSE ' a.d.

1585.

Whereat the Maister was amazed, and his men greatly
discomfited to see themselves readie to be conveyed even
to the slaughter: notwithstanding some of them re-
specting the daunger of the Maister, and seeing how
with themselves there was no way but present death
if they were once landed among the Spaniards, they re-
solved themselves eyther to defend the Maister, and
generally to shunne that daunger, or else to die and be
buried in the middest of the sea, rather then to suffer
themselves to come into the tormentors hands : and
therefore in very bold and manly sort some tooke them
to their javelings, lances, bore-speares, and shot, which
they had set in readinesse before, and having five
Calievers readie charged, which was all the small shot
they had, those that were under the hatches or the grate
did shoote up at the Spaniards that were over their
heads, which shot so amazed the Spaniards on the sud-
daine, as they could hardly tell which way to escape
the daunger, fearing this their small shot to be of greater
number then it was : others in very manlike sort dealt
about among them, shewing themselves of that courage
with bore-speares and lances, that they dismayed at
every stroke two or three Spaniards. Then some of
them desired the Maister to commaund his men to cease
and holde their handes, but hee answered that such was
the courage of the English Nation in defence of their
owne lives, that they would slay them and him also : and
therefore it lay not in him to doe it. Now did their
blood runne about the ship in great quantitie, some of
them being shot in betweene the legges, the bullets
issuing foorth at their breasts, some cut in the head,- some
thrust into the bodie, and many of them very sore
wounded, so that they came not so fast in on the one
side, but now they tumbled as fast over boord on both
sides with their weapons in their handes, some falling
into the sea, and some getting into their boates, making
haste towardes the Citie. And this is to be noted, that
although they came very thicke thither, there returned

415

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1585.

but a small companie of them, neither is it knowen as
yet how many of them were slaine or drowned, onely
one English man was then slaine, whose name was John
Tristram, and sixe other hurt. It was great pitie to
behold how the Spaniards lay swimming in the sea, and
were not able to save their lives. Foure of them taking
holde of the shippe were for pities sake taken up againe
by Maister Foster and his men, not knowing what they
were : all the Spaniards bosomes were stuft with paper,
to defend them from the shot, and these foure having
some wounds were drest by the surgion of the shippe.
One of them was the Corrigidor himselfe, who is gover-
nour of a hundred Townes and Cities in Spaine, his
living by his office being better then sixe hundred
pound yerely. This skirmish happened in the evening
about sixe of the clocke, after they had laden twentie
Tunne of goods and better out of the sayd ship :
which goods were delivered by two of the same ship,
whose names were John Burrell, and John Brod-
banke, who being on shore were apprehended and
stayed.
The Cor- After this valiant enterprise of eight and twentie

rigidor of ' Btl- jrngiisn men against 97 Spaniardes, they saw it was in
brought to vaine for them to stay and therefore set up sayles, and by
London. Gods providence avoyded all danger, brought home the

rest of their goods, and came thence with all expedition :
and (God be thanked) arrived safely in England neere
London on Wednesday being the 8 day of June, 1585.
In which their returne to England the Spaniards that
they brought with them offered five hundred crownes to
be set on shore in any place : which, seeing the Maister
would not doe, they were content to be ruled by him
and his companie, and craved mercie at their hands.
And after Master Foster demaunded why they came in
such sort to betray and destroy them, the Corrigidor
answered, that it was not done onely of themselves, but
by the commandement of the king himselfe ; and calling
for his hose which were wet, did plucke foorth the kings

416

THE ESCAPE OF THE 'PRIMROSE' a.d.

1585.

Commission, by which he was authorized to doe all that
he did : The Copie whereof followeth, being translated
out of Spanish.

The Spanish kings commission for the generall [II. ii. "4.]
imbargment or arrest of the English, &c.

LIcentiat de Escober, my Corigidor of my Signorie
of Biskay, I have caused a great fleete to be put
in readinesse in the haven of Lisbone, and the river of
Sivill. There is required for the Souldiers, armour,
victuals, and munition, that are to bee imployed in
the same great store of shipping of all sortes against
the time of service, and to the end there may be choise
made of the best, upon knowledge of their burden and
goodnesse ; I doe therefore require you, that presently
upon the arrivall of this carrier, and with as much dis-
simulation as may be (that the matter may not be knowen
untill it be put in execution) you take order for the
staying and arresting (with great foresight) of all the
shipping that may be found upon the coast, and in
the portes of the sayd Signorie, excepting none of
Holand, Zeland, Easterland, Germanie, England, and
other Provinces that are in rebellion against mee, saving
those of France which being litle, and of small burden
and weake, are thought unfit to serve the turne. And
the stay being thus made, you shall have a speciall care
that such marchandize as the sayd shippes or hulkes
have brought, whether they be all or part unladen, may
bee taken out, and that the armour, munition, tackels,
sayles, and victuals may be safely bestowed, as also that
it may be well foreseene, that none of the shippes or men
may escape away. Which things being thus executed,
you shall advertise me by an expresse messenger, of
your proceeding therein : And send me a plaine and
distinct declaration of the number of ships that you
shall have so stayed in that coast and partes, whence
every one of them is, which belong to my Rebels, what
burthen & goods there are, and what number of men

VI 417 2D

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1585.

is in every of them, and what quantitie they have of
armour, ordinance, munition, victuals, tacklings and other
necessaries, to the end that upon sight hereof, having
made choise of such as shall be fit for the service, we
may further direct you what ye shall do. In the meane
time you shall presently see this my commandement
put in execution, and if there come thither any more
ships, you shall also cause them to be stayed and
arrested after the same order, using therein such care
and diligence, as may answere the trust that I repose in
you, wherein you shall doe me great service. Dated at
Barcelona the 29 of May. 1585.

And thus have you heard the trueth and manner
thereof, wherein is to be noted the great courage of
the maister, and the loving hearts of the servants to
save their master from the daunger of death : yea, and
the care which the master had to save so much of the
owners goods as hee might, although by the same the
greatest is his owne losse in that he may never travell
to those parts any more without the losse of his owne
life, nor yet any of his servantes : for if hereafter they
should, being knowen they are like to taste of the sharpe
torments which are there accustomed in their Holy-house.
And as for their terming English shippes to be in rebel-
lion against them, it is sufficiently knowen by themselves,
and their owne consciences can not denie it, but that
with love, unitie, and concord, our shippes have ever
beene favourable unto them, and as willing to pleasure
their King, as his subjectes any way willing to pleasure
English passengers.

418

THE LETTERS PATENTS FOR BARBARY ad.

1585.

The Letters patents or priviledges granted by
her Majestie to certaine Noble men and Mar-
chants of London, for a trade to Barbarie, in
the yeere 1585.

Lizabeth by the grace of God Queene
of England, France, and Ireland, de-
fender of the faith, &c. to the Treasurer
& Barons of our Eschequer, and to al
Maiors, shirifs, constables, customers,
collectors of our customes and subsidies,
controllers, searchers, and keepers of our
havens and creekes, ports and passages, within this our
realme of England and the dominions of the same, and
to al our officers, ministers and subjects, and to all other
whosoever to whom it shall or may appertaine, and to
every of them greeting. Whereas it is made evidently
and apparantly knowen unto us, that of late yeeres our
right trustie and right welbeloved councellors, Ambrose
Erie of Warwike, and Robert Erie of Leicester, and also
our loving and naturall subjects, Thomas Starkie of our
citie of London Alderman, Jerard Gore the elder, and all
his sonnes, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentle-
man, Alexander Avenon, Richard Staper, William Jen-
nings, Arthur Dawbeney, William Sherington, Thomas
Bramlie, Anthony Garrard, Robert How, Henry Colthirst,
Edward Holmden, John Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden,
Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliver Stile, William
Bond, Henrie Farrington, John Tedcastle, Walter [11. il. 115.]
Williams, William Brune, John Suzan, John Newton,
Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Reinold
Guy, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lydiat, John Cart-
wright, Henry Paiton, John Boldroe, Robert Bowyer,
Anthonie Dassell, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and
Thomas Dod, all of London, Marchants now trading
into the Countrey of Barbary, in the parts of Africa,
under the government of Muly Hammet Sheriffe, Em-

419

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1585.

peror of Marocco, and king of Fesse and Sus, have
sustained great and grievous losses, and are like to
sustaine greater if it should not be prevented : In tender
consideration whereof, and for that divers Marchandize
of the same Countries are very necessary and convenient
for the use and defence of this our Realme of England,
and for divers other causes us specially moving, minding
the reliefe and benefite of our said subjects, and the quiet
trafique and good government to be had, and used
among them in their said trade, of our speciall grace,
certaine knowledge, and meere motion have given and
granted, and by these presents for us, our heires and
successors, doe give and grant unto the saide Earles of
Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, Jerard Gore
the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Avenon,
Richard Staper, William Jennings, Arthur Dawbenie,
William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthonie Gerrard,
Robert Howe, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, John
Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas
Stile, Oliver Stile, William Bond, Henry Farrington, John
Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, John Suzan,
John Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afild, Robert Wash-
borne, Rainold Guie, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lidiate,
John Cartwright, Henry Payton, John Baldroe, Robert
Bowyer, Anthony Dassell, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion,
and Thomas Dod, that they and every of them by them-
selves or by their factors or servants, and none others,
shall and may, for, and during the space of 12. yeeres,
have and enjoy the whole freedome and libertie in the
saide trafique or trade, unto or from the said countrey of
Barbary, or to or from any part thereof, for the buying
and selling of all maner of wares and marchandizes what-
soever, that now or accustomably heretofore have bene
brought or transported, from, or to the said country of
Barbary, or from or to any of the cities, townes, places,
ports, roades, havens, harbors or creeks of the said country
of Barbary, any law, statute, graunt, matter, customes or
privileges, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.

420

THE LETTERS PATENTS FOR BARBARY a.d.

1585.

And for the better establishing, ordering and govern-
ing of the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas
Starkie, &c. abovesaid, their factors, servants and assignes
in the trade aforesaid, we for us our heires and succes-
sors, doe by these presents give and graunt full licence
to the saide Thomas Starkie, Jerard Gore the elder, and
the rest aforesaide, and to every of them from time to
time, during the said terme of twelve yeres, at their
pleasures to assemble and meete together in any place or
places convenient within our citie of London, or else-
where, to consult of, and for the said trade, and with
the consent of the said Erie of Leicester, to make and
establish good and necessary orders and ordinances, for,
and touching the same, and al such orders and ordinances
so made, to put in ure and execute, and them or any
of them with the consent of the said Erie of Leicester,
to alter, change and make voyde, and if need be, to
make new, as at any time during the saide terme, they
or the most part of them then living and trading, shall
finde convenient.

Provided alwayes, that the ordinances or any of them
bee not contrary or repugnant to the lawes, statutes or
customes of this our Realme of England. And to the
intent that they onely to whom the said libertie of
trafique is graunted by these our Letters patents, and
none other our Subjects whatsoever, without their special
consent and licence before had, should during the said
terme have trade or trafique for any maner of Marchan-
dizes, to, or from the said countrey of Barbary, or to, or
from any Citie, towne, place, port, harbor or creeke
within the said countrey of Barbary, to, or out of our
said Realmes and dominions, wee doe by these presents
straightly charge, commaund, and prohibite all and every
our Subjects whatsoever, other then only the said Erles
of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, and the rest
abovesaid, and every of them by themselves, or by their
Factors or servants during the saide terme, to trade or
trafique, for or with any marchandize, to, or from the

421

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

.585.

saide Countrey of Barbary, or to, or from any the
dominions of the same, as they tender our favour, and
will avoyde our high displeasure, and upon paine of
imprisonment of his and their bodies, at our will and
pleasure, and of forfeiting all the marchandizes, or the
full value thereof, wherewith they or any of them during
the saide terme, shall trade or trafique to or from the
said countrey of Barbary, or to, or from the dominions
of the same, contrary to this our privilege and prohi-
bition, unlesse it be by and with the expresse licence,
consent, and agreement of the saide Erles of Warwike
and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, Jerard Gore the elder,
and all his sonnes, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie
gentleman, Alexander Avenon, Richard Straper, William
Jennings, Arthur Dawbnie, William Sherington, Thomas
Bramlie, Anthonie Gerrard, Robert Howe, Henry Col-
thirst, Edward Holmden, John Swinnerton, Robert
Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliver Stile,
[II. ii. 116.] William Bond, Henry Farington, John Tedcastle, Walter
Williams, William Brune, John Suzan, John Newton,
Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Rain-
old Guy, Thomas Hitchcock, George Lidiate, &c. or
by, and with the expresse licence and consent of the
more part of them then living and trading, first had and
obtained, so alwayes, that the sayd Earle of Leicester be
one, if hee bee living.

And we further for us our heires and successors of
our speciall grace, meere motion and certaine knowledge,
do graunt to the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester,
Thomas Starkie, and the rest abovesaid, and to every of
them, that nothing shall be done, to be of force or vali-
ditie touching the said trade or trafique, or the exercise
thereof, without or against the consent of the saide Erles,
Thomas Starkie, (and the others before named) during
the time of these our Letters patents for 12. yeeres as
aforesaid.

And for that the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and
every of them aforesaid should not be prevented or in-

422

THE LETTERS PATENTS FOR BARBARY a.d.

1585.

terrupted in this their said trade, we do by these presents
for us, our heires and successours, straightly prohibite
and forbid all maner of person or persons, as well
strangers of what nation or countrey soever, as our owne
Subjects, other then onely the said Erles, Thomas Star-
kie, &c. and every of them as aforesaid, that they nor
any of them from hencefoorth during the said terme of
12. yeeres, do or shall bring, or cause to be brought
into this our Realme of England, or to any the domi-
nions thereof, any maner of marchandizes whatsoever
growing, or being made within the said Countrey of
Barbary, or within any the dominions thereof, unlesse it
be by and with the licence, consent and agreement of
the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or with the consent
and licence of the more part of them then living, first
had and obtained, so alwayes yl the sayd Erie of Leices-
ter (if hee be living) be one, under the paine that every
one that shall offend or doe against this our present
prohibition here last above mentioned in these presents,
shall forfeite and lose all and singular the said marchan-
dizes to be landed in any our realmes and dominions,
contrary to the tenor and true meaning of this our pro-
hibition in that behalfe provided : the one moitie of all
and every which said forfaitures whatsoever mentioned
or specified in these our present Letters patents, shalbe
to us our heires & successors : And the other moity of
al and every the said forfaitures, we doe by these pre-
sents of our certaine knowledge and meere motion,
clearely and wholy for us, our heires and successors,
give and graunt unto the said Erles, Thomas Starkie,
&c. And these our Letters patents, upon the onely
sight thereof, without any further warrant, shal bee suffi-
cient authoritie to our Treasurer of England for the
time being, to our Barons of the Exchequer, and to all
other our officers that shall have to deale in this behalfe,
to make full allowance unto the said Erles, Thomas
Starkie, &c. their deputies or assignes of the one moitie
of all and singular the goods, marchandizes and things

423

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1585.

whatsoever mentioned in these our present Letters
patents, to be forfaited at any time or times during the
said terme of twelve yeres : which said allowance we doe
straightly charge and commaund from time to time to
be made to the sayd Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and to
every of them accordingly, without any maner of delay
or deniall of any of our officers whatsoever, as they
tender our favour and the furtherance of our good
pleasure. And wee doe straightly charge and commaund,
and by these presents prohibite all and singular Cus-
tomers and Collectors of our customes & subsidies, and
comptrollers of the same, of, and within our Citie and
port of London, and all other portes, creekes, & places
within this our Realme of England, and every of them,
that they ne any of them take or perceive, or cause,
or suffer to be taken, received, or perceived for us &
in our name, or to our use, or to ye uses of our heires or
successors of any person or persons, any sum or summes
of money, or other things whatsoever during the said
terme of 12. yeres, for, and in the name & liew or
place of any custome, subsidy & other thing or duties
to us, our heires or successors due or to be due for the
customes & subsidies of any marchandizes whatsoever
growing, being made or comming out of the said coun-
trey of Barbary, or out of the dominions thereof, nor
make, cause, nor suffer to be made any entrie into our
or their books of customs & subsidies, nor make any
agreement for the subsidies and customs, of, and for
any the said marchants, saving onely with, & in the
name of the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or the
most part of them, as they and every of them will
answere at their uttermost perils to the contrary. And
for the better and more sure observation of this our
graunt, wee will, and grant for us our heires & suc-
cessors by these presents, that the Treasurer & barons
of our Exchequer for the time being, by force of this
our graunt or enrolment thereof in the said court, at al
& every time & times during the said terme of 12.

424

THE LETTERS PATENTS FOR BARBARY a.d.

1585.

yeres, at & upon request made unto them by the said

Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or by the atturneis, factors,

deputies or assignes of them, or the most part of them

then living and trading, shall and may make & direct

under the seale of the said Exchequer, one or moe

sufficient writ or writs, close or patents, unto every or

any of our said customers, collectors or controllers of

our heires and successors in all and every, or to any

port or ports, creeke, haven, or other places within

this our realme of England, as the said Erles, Thomas [II. ii. 117.]

Starkie, &c. or any the atturneis, factors, deputies or

assignes of them or the most part of them then living

and trading, shall at any time require, commaunding and

straightly charging them and every of them, that they

nor any of them at any time or times during the said

terme of 12. yeeres, make any entrie of any wares or

marchandizes whatsoever, growing, being made or com-

ming out or from the said countrey of Barbary, or the

dominions thereof, nor receive or take any custome, sub-

sidie or other entrie, or make any agreement for the

same, other then with or in the name of the said Erles,

Thomas Starkie, &c. the factor or factors, deputies or

assignes of them or the most part of them then living

and trading, according to this our graunt, and the true

meaning thereof, and according to our saide will and

pleasure before in these presents declared. In witnesse

whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made

patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 5. day

of July in the 27. yeere of our reigne.

[The Ambassage
425

A.D.
1585-89.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

The Ambassage of Master Henry Roberts, one of
the sworne Esquires of her Majesties person,
from her highnesse to Mully Hamet Emperour
of Marocco and the King of Fesse, and Sus,
in the yeere 1585: who remained there as
Liger for the space of 3. yeeres. Written
briefly by himselfe.

Pon an incorporation granted to the
Company of Barbary Marchants resi-
dent in London, I Henry Roberts one
of her Majesties sworne Esquires of her
person, was appointed her highnesse
messenger, and Agent unto the aforesaid
Mully Hamet Emperor of Marocco, king
of Fesse, and Sus. And after I had received my Com-
mission, instructions, and her Majesties letters, I departed
from London the 14. of August in the yeere 1585. in
a tall ship called the Ascension, in the company of the
Minion and Hopewell, and we all arrived in safetie at
Azafi a port of Barbary, the 14. of September next
following. The Alcaide of the towne (being the kings
officer there, and as it were Maior of the place) re-
ceived mee with all humanitie and honour, according to
the custome of the Countrey, lodging me in the chiefest
house of the towne, from whence I dispatched a mes-
senger (which in their language they call a Trottero)
to advertise the Emperour of my arrivall : who im-
mediatly gave order, and sent certaine souldiers for my
guard and conduct, and horses for my selfe, and mules
for mine owne and my companies carriages. Thus being
accompanied with M. Richard Evans, Edward Salcot,
and other English Marchants resident there in the
Countrey, with my traine of Moores and carriages, I
came at length to the river of Tensist, which is within
foure miles of Marocco : and there by the water side I
pitched my tents under the Olive trees: where I met

426

AMBASSAGE OF HENRY ROBERTS a.d.

1585-89.

with all the English Marchants by themselves, and the

French and Flemish, and divers other Christians, which

attended my comming. And after we had dined, &

spent out the heat of the day, about foure of the clocke

in the afternoone we all set forward toward the Citie of

Marocco, where we arrived the said day, being the 14.

of September, and I was lodged by the Emperours

appointment in a faire house in the Judaria or Jurie,

which is the place where the Jewes have their abode,

and is the fairest place, and quietest lodging in all the

Citie.

After I had reposed my selfe 3. dayes, I had accesse
to the kings presence, delivered my message and her
Majesties letters, and was received with all humanitie,
and had favourable audience from time to time for three
yeeres : during which space I abode there in his Court,
as her Majesties Agent and Ligier : and whensoever I
had occasion of businesse I was admitted either to his
Majestie himselfe, or to his vice Roy, whose name was
Alcayde Breme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person,
and the chiefest about his Majestie. The particulers of
my service, for divers good and reasonable causes, I
forbeare here to put downe in writing.

After leave obtained, and an honourable reward be-
stowed by the Emperour upon me, I departed from his
Court at Marocco the 18. of August 1588. toward a
garden of his, which is called Shersbonare, where he
promised mee I should stay but one day for his letters :
howbeit, upon some occasion I was stayed until the 14.
of September at the kings charges, with 40. or 50. shot
attending upon me for my guard and safetie.

From thence at length I was conducted with all things
necessary to the port of Santa Cruz, being sixe dayes
journey from Marocco, and the place where our shippes
do commonly take in their lading, where I arrived the
21. of the same moneth. In this port I stayed 43.
dayes, and at length the second of November I em-
barqued my selfe, and one Marshok Reiz a Captaine and

427

A.D.
I585-89.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

a Gentleman, which the Emperour sent with mee upon
an Ambassage to her Majestie : and after much torment
and foule weather at Sea, yet New-yeres day I came on
land at S. Ives in Cornwall, from whence passing by
land both together up towards London, we were met
without the citie with the chiefest marchants of the
Barbary Company, well mounted all on horsebacke, to
the number of 40. or 50. horse, and so the Ambassadour
and my selfe being both in Coche, entred the citie by
torchlight, on Sunday at night the 12. of January 1589.

Este es un traslado bien y fielmente sacado da
una carta real del Rey Muley Hamet de Fes
y Emperador de Marruecos, cuyo tenor es
este, que Segue.

On el nombre de Dios piadoso y miseri-
cordioso, &c. El siervo de Dios soberano,
el conquistador per su causa, el successor
ensalcado por Dios, Emperador de los
Moros, hijo del Emperador de los
Moros, Jariffe, Haceni, el que perpetue
su honra, y ensalce su estado. Se pone
este nuestro real mandado en manos de los criados de
nuestras altas puertas los mercadores Yngleses ; para que
por el sepan todos los que la presente vieren, come
nuestro alto Conseio les anpara con el favor de Dios de
todo aquello, que les enpeciere y dannare en qualquiera
manera, que fueren offendidos, y en qualquiera viaie,
que fueren, ninguno les captivara en estos nuestros
reynos, y puertos, y lugares, que a nos pertenescen : y
que les cubre el anporo de nuestro podor de qualquiera
fatiga ; y ningun los impida con mano de enemistad, ni se
dara causa, de que se agravien en qualquiera manera
con el favor de Dios y de su amparo. Y mandamos a
los Alcaydes de los nuestros puertos y fortalezas, y a los
que en estos nuestros reynos tienen cargo, y a toda la
gente commun, que no les alleguen en ninguna manera,

428

AMBASSAGE OF HENRY ROBERTS a.d.

1587.
con orden, de que sean offendidos en ninguna manera ;
y esto sera necessariamente : Que es escrita en los medios
dias de Rabel, segundo anno de nueve cientos, y noventa
y seys.

Concorda el dia d'esta carta con veynte dias de Marco
del anno de mil y quiniento y ochenta y siete, lo
qual yo Abdel Rahman el Catan, interprete per su
Magestad saque, y romance de verbo ad verbum,
como en el se contiene, y en Fee dello firmo de
my nombre, fecho ut supra.

Abdel Rahman el Catan.

This is a copy well and truely translated of an
edict of Muley Hamet king of Fez and
Emperour of Marocco, whose tenor is as fol-
loweth : to wit, that no Englishmen should
be molested or made slaves in any part of his
Dominions, obtained by the aforesaid M.
Henry Roberts.

N the Name of the pitifull and the The same in
mercifull God, &c. The servant of the En&lish-
supreme God, the conqueror in his cause,
the successor advanced by God, the
Emperour of the Moores, the sonne of
the Emperour of the Moores, the Jariffe,
the Haceny, whose honour God long

increase and advance his estate. This our princely com-
mandement is delivered into the hands of the English
marchants, which remaine in the protection of our stately
palaces : to the ende that all men which shall see this
present writing, may understand that our princely
counsaile wil defend them by the favor of God, from
any thing that may impeach or hurt them in what sort
soever they shalbe wronged : and that, which way soever
they shall travaile, no man shall take them captives in
these our kingdomes, ports, and places which belong
unto us, which also may protect and defend them by our

429

A.D.

I587.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

authoritie from any molestation whatsoever : and that
no man shall hinder them by laying violent hand upon
them, and shall not give occasion that they may be
grieved in any sort by the favour and assistance of God.
And we charge and command our officers of our havens
and fortresses, and all such as beare any authoritie in
these our dominions, and likewise all the common people,
that in no wise they do molest them, in such sort that
they be no way offended or wronged. And this our
commandement shall remaine inviolable, being registred
in the middest of the moneth of Rabel in the yeere
996.

The date of this letter agreeth with the 20. of March
1587. which I Abdel Rahman el Catan, interpretour
for his Majestie, have translated and turned out of
the Arabian into Spanish word for word as is con-
tained therein : and in witnesse thereof have sub-
scribed my name as aforesaid.

Abdel Rahman el Catan.

A letter of
Mully Hamet
to the Erie of
Leicester.

En nombre de Dios el piadoso piadador.

Oracion de Dios sobre nuestro Sen nor y Propheta
Mahumet, y los allegados a el.

L siervo de Dios, y muy guerrero, y
ensalsado por la gracia de Dios, Myra
Momanyn, hijo de Myra Momanyn,
nieto de Myra Momanyn, el Jarif, el
Hazeny, que Dios sustenga sus reynos,
y enhalse sus mandados, para el Sennor
muy affamado y muy illustre, muy esti-
mado, el Conde de Leycester, despues de dar las loores
[II. ii. 119.] devidas a Dios, y las oraciones, y saludes devidas a le
Propheta Mahumet. Servira esta por os hazer saber que
llego a qui a nuestra real Corte vuestra carta, y enten-
dimos lo que en ella se contiene. Y vuestro Ambaxador,
que aqui esta en nuestra corte me dio a entender la
causa de la tardanca de los rehenes hasta agora : el qual

43°

AMBASSAGE OF HENRY ROBERTS

descuento recebimos, y nos damos por satisfechos. Y
quanta a lo que a. nos escriveys por causa de Juan
Herman, y lo mesmo que nos ha dicho el Ambaxador
sobre el, antes que llegasse vuestra carta por la quexa
del ambaxador, que se avia quexado del, ya aviamos
mandado prender lo, y assi que da aora preso, y quedera,
hasta que se le haga la justicia que mas se le ha de hazer.
Y con tanto nuestro Sennor os tenga en su guardia.
Hecha en nuestra corte real en Marruecos, que Dios
sostenga, el 28. dias del mes de Remodan anno 996.

In the Name of the mercifull and pitifull God.

The blessing of God light upon our lord and prophet
Mahumet, and those that are obedient unto him.

A.D.

1587.

He servant of God both mightie in warre
and mightily exalted by the grace of
God Myra Momanyn, the son of Myra
Momanyn, the JarifT, the Hazeni, whose
kingdoms God maintaine and advance
his authoritie : Unto the right famous,
right noble, & right highly esteemed
Erie of Leicester, after due praises given unto God, &
due blessings and salutations rendred unto the prophet
Mahumet. These are to give you to understand, that
your letters arrived here in our royal Court, and we
wel perceive the contents thereof. And your Ambas-
sador which remaineth here in our Court told me the
cause of the slownesse of the gages or pledges until
this time : which reckoning we accept of, and holde
our selves as satisfied. And as touching the matter
wherof you write unto us concerning John Herman,
and the selfe same complaint which your Ambassador
hath made of him, before the comming of your letter,
we had already commaunded him to be taken upon
the complaint which your Ambassadour had made of
him, whereupon he stil remaineth in hold, and shal so
continue until further justice be done upon him accord-

43i

A.D.

I587.

|| Which is
with us 1587.

The Quecnes
letters to the
E viper our.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

ing to his desert. And so our Lord keepe you in his
safegard. Written at our royall court in Marocco, which
God maintaine, the 20. day of the moneth Remodan,
Anno II 996.

The Queenes Majesties letters to the Emperour
of Marocco.

Uy alto, y muy poderoso Sennor,

Aviendo entendido de parte de nues-
tro Agente la mucha aficion, y volontad,
que nos teneys, y quanta honra, y favor
le hazeys por amor nuestro, para dar
nos tanto mayor testimonio de vuestra
amistad, hemos recebido de lo uno y de
lo otro muy grande contento, y satisfacion : y assy no
podemos dexar de agradesceroslo, como mereceys. Vues-
tras cartas hemos tambien recibido, y con ellas holga-
donos infinitamente, por venir de parte de un Principe,
a quien tenemos tanta obligacion. Nuestro Agente nos
ha escripto sobre ciertas cosas, que desseays ser os
embiadas de aqui : Y, aunque queriamos poder os en
ello puntualmente complazer, como pidiz, ha succedido,
que las guerras, en que stamos al presente occupadas,
no nos lo consienten del todo : Hemos pero mandado,
que se os satisfaga en parte, y conforme a lo que por
agora la necessitad nos permite, como mas particular-
mente os lo declarara nuestro Agente : esperando, que
lo reciberreys en buena parte y conforme al animo, con
que os lo concedemos. Y porque nos ha sido referido,
que aveys prometido de proceder contra un Juan
Herman vassallo nuestro, (el qual nos ha gravemente
offendido) de la manera, que os lo demandaremos,
avemos dado orden a nuestro dicho Agente de deziros
mas parcularmente lo que desseamos ser hecho a cerca
deste negocio, rogando os, que lo mandeys assi com-
plir : y que seays servido de favorescer siempre al dicho
Agente, y tener lo en buen credito, como hasta agora
aveys hecho, sin permiter, que nadie os haga mudar

432

QUEEN ELIZABETH'S LETTER a.d.

1587.

de parecer a cerca de las calumnias, que le podran
levantar, ny dudar, que no complamos muy por entero
todo, lo que de nuestra parte os prometiere. Nuestro
Sennor guarde vostra muy alta y muy poderosa per-
sona. Hecha en nuestra Corte Real de Grenewich a
20. de Julio 1587.

The same in English.

Ight high and mightie Prince, Having
understood from our Agent the great
affection and good wil which you beare
us, and how great honour and favor you
shew him for our sake, to the end to
give us more ample testimonie of your
friendship, we have received very great
contentment & satisfaction, aswel of the one as of the
other : and withall we could not omit to magnifie you,
according to your desert. We have also received your
letters, and do not a litle rejoyce thereof, because they
come from a prince unto whom we are so much be-
holden. Our Agent hath written unto us concerning
certaine things which you desire to bee sent unto you
from hence. And albeit we wish that we could par-
ticularly satisfie you, as you desire, yet it is fallen out,
that the warres, wherin at this present we be busied,
wil not suffer us fully to doe the same : neverthelesse,
wee have commaunded to satisfie you in part, and [II. ii. 120.]
according as the present necessitie doeth permit us, as
our Agent will declare unto you more particularly,
hoping you will receive it in good part, and according
to the good will wherewith wee graunt the same. And
because it hath bene signified unto us that you have
promised to proceed in justice against one John Herman John Herman
our subject, which hath grievously offended us, in such an ,E,ng
sort as wee have sent word unto you, wee have given
order to our said Agent to informe you more par-
ticularly in that which we desire to be done in this
busines, praying you also to command the same to be
vi 433 2 E

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1587.

put in execution : and that it would please you alwayes
to favour our said Agent and to hold him in good
credite, as you have done hitherto, not suffering your
selfe to be changed in your opinion, for all the false
reports which they may raise against him, nor to doubt
that wee will not accomplish at large all that he shall
promise you on our behalfe. Our Lord keepe and
preserve your right high and mightie person. Written
in our royall Court at Greenwich the 20. of July 1587.

A voyage to the Azores with two pinases, the
one called the Serpent, and the other the
Mary Sparke of Plimouth, both of them
belonging to Sir Walter Ralegh, written by
John Evesham Gentleman, wherein were taken
the governour, of the Isle of Sainct Michael,
and Pedro Sarmiento governour of the Straits
of Magalanes, in the yeere 1586.

He 10. of June 1586. we departed from

Plimouth with two Pinases, the one

named the Serpent, of the burden of

2$. Tunnes, and the other the Mary

Sparke of Plimouth of the burthen of

50. Tuns, both of them belonging to

sir Walter Ralegh knight ; and directing

our course towards the coast of Spaine, & from thence

towards the Isles of the Azores, we tooke a small

barke laden with Sumacke and other commodities,

The governor wherein was the governour of S. Michaels Island,

ofS. Michael De}ng a Portugal, having other Portugals and Spaniards

taken prisoner, . « & , . * 1 /■ 1 m j , *.i t 1 j

with him. And from thence we sailed to the Island

of Graciosa, to the Westward of the Island of Tercera,
where we discried a saile, and bearing with her wee
found her to be a Spaniard : But at the first not
greatly respecting whom we tooke, so that we might
have enriched our selves, which was the cause of this
our travaile, and for that we would not bee knowen of

434

A VOYAGE TO THE AZORES ad.

1586.
what nation we were, wee displayed a white silke ensigne
in our maine toppe, which they seeing, made accompt
that we had bene some of the king of Spaines Armadas,
lying in wait for English men of war : but when we
came within shot of her, we tooke downe our white
flagge, and spread abroad the Crosse of S. George,
which when they saw, it made them to flie as fast as
they might, but all their haste was in vaine, for our
shippes were swifter of saile then they, which they
fearing, did presently cast their ordinance and small
shot with many letters, and the draft of the Straights
of Magelan into the Sea, and thereupon immediatly we
tooke her, wherein wee also tooke a gentleman of
Spaine, named Pedro Sarmiento, governour of the Pedro Sarmi-
Straights of Magelan, which saide Pedro we brought ™tothegover-
into England with us, and presented him to our sove- n^.JLts 0f
raigne Lady the Queene. Magelan

After this, lying off and about the Islands, wee de- taken prisoner.
scried another saile, and bearing after her, we spent the
maine maste of our Admirall, but yet in the night our
Viceadmirall tooke her, being laden with fish from Cape A ship laden
Blanke, the which shippe wee let goe againe for want with fish taken
of men to bring her home. The next day we discried and %released
two other sailes, the one a shippe and the other a
Caravel, to whom we gave chase, which they seeing,
with all speede made in under the Isle of Graciosa, to
a certaine Fort there for their succour, where they came
to an anker, and having the winde of us we could not
hurt them with our ships, but we having a small boate,
which we called a light horseman, wherein my selfe was,
being a Musqueter, and foure more with Calivers, and
foure that rowed, came neere unto the shore against
the winde, which when they saw us come towards them
they caried a great part of their marchandise on land,
whither also the men of both vessels went and landed,
and as soone as we came within Musquet shot, they
began to shoote at us with great ordinance and small
shot, and we likewise at them, and in the ende we

435

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1586.

One of the boorded one shippe wherein was no man left, so we

ships taken, cut her cables, hoysed her sailes, and sent her away

and sent azv ay . , r J 111 r *

with 2. per- Wltn two °* our men> anc* the other 7. or us passed

sons. more neere unto the shoare, and boorded the Caravel,

which did ride within a stones cast from the shoare,
and so neere the land that the people did cast stones

The Caravel at us, but yet in despight of them all we tooke her.

is taken. anj one one]y Negro therein ; and cutting her cables

in the hawse we hoysed her sailes and being becalmed
under the land, we were constrained to rowe her out
with our boate, the Fort still shooting at us, and the
people on land with Musquets and calivers, to the num-
ber of 1 50. or thereabout : and we answered them with
the small force wee had ; In the time of which our
shooting, the shot of my Musquet being a crossebarre-

[II. ii. 121.] shot happened to strike the gunner of the fort to death,
even as he was giving levell to one of his great pieces,
and thus we parted from them without any losse or
hurt on our side. And now, having taken these five
sailes of shippes, we did as before, turne away the shippe
with the fish, without hurting them, and from one of
the other shippes wee tooke her maine Maste to serve
our Admirals turne, and so sent her away putting into

The prises her all the Spaniards and Portugals, (saving that gentle-

sent home. man pec[ro Sarmiento, with three other of the principal
men and two Negroes) leaving them all within sight
of land, with bread and water sufficient for 10. dayes
if neede were.

Thus setting our course for England, being off the
Islands in the height of 41. degrees, or there about, one
of our men being in the toppe discried a saile, then 10.
saile, then 15. whereupon it was concluded to sende
home those prizes we had, and so left in both our
Pinasses not above 60. men. Thus wee returned againe
to the Fleete wee had discried, where wee found 24.

1 wo La- sa-je Qf shippeSj whereof two of them were Caracks, the

GaUions 12 one °^ I20°- and the other of a 1000. tunnes, and 10.

small ships. Galions, the rest were small shippes and Caravels all

436

A VOYAGE TO THE AZORES ad

1586.

laden with Treasure, spices, and sugars, with which 24.

shippes we with two small Pinasses did fight, and kept

company the space of 32. houres, continually fighting

with them and they with us, but the two Caracks kept

still betwixt the Fleete and us, that wee could not take

any one of them, so wanting powder, wee were forced

to give them over against our willes, for that wee were

all wholly bent to the gaining of some of them, but

necessitie compelling us, and that onely for want of

powder, without losse of any of our men, (which was

a thing to be wondered at considering the inequalitie of

number) at length we gave them over. Thus we againe The 2. pinasses

set our course for England, and so came to Plimouth r^ur^ePr

within 6. houres after our prizes, which we sent away

40. houres before us, where wee were received with

triumphant joy, not onely with great Ordinance then

shot off, but with the willing hearts of all the people

of the Towne, and of the Countrey thereabout ; and we

not sparing our Ordinance (with the powder wee had

left) to requite and answere them againe. And from

thence wee brought our prizes to Southampton, where

sir Walter Ralegh being our owner, rewarded us with

our shares.

Our prizes were laden with sugars, Elephants teeth,
waxe, hides, rice, brasill, and Cuser, as by the testimonie
of John Evesham himselfe, Captaine Whiddon, Thomas
Rainford, Benjamin Wood, William Cooper Master,
William Cornish Master, Thomas Drake Corporall, John
Ladd gunner, William Warefield gunner, Richard
Moone, John Drew, Richard Cooper of Harwich,
William Beares of Ratcliffe, John Row of Saltash, and
many others, may appeare.

j_A briefe
437

A.D.
1587.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

A briefe relation of the notable service performed
by Sir Francis Drake upon the Spanish Fleete
prepared in the Road of Cadiz : and of his
destroying of 100. saile of barks; Passing
from thence all along the coast to Cape Sacre,
where also hee tooke certaine Forts : and so
to the mouth of the River of Lisbon, and
thence crossing over to the Isle of Sant
Michael, supprized a mighty Carack called
the Sant Philip comming out of the East
India, which was the first of that kinde that
ever was seene in England : Performed in the
yeere 1587.

Er Majestie being informed of a mightie
preparation by Sea begunne in Spaine
for the invasion of England, by good
advise of her grave and prudent Coun-
sell thought it expedient to prevent the
same. Whereupon she caused a Fleete
of some 30. sailes to be rigged and

furnished with all things necessary. Over that Fleete
she appointed Generall sir Francis Drake (of whose
manifold former good services she had sufficient proofe)
to whom she caused 4. ships of her Navie royall to be
delivered, to wit, The Bonaventure wherein himselfe
went as General ; the Lion under the conduct of Master
William Borough Controller of the Navie ; the Dread-
nought under the command of M. Thomas Venner;
and the Rainebow, captaine whereof was M. Henry
Bellingham : unto which 4 ships two of her pinasses
were appointed as hand-maids. There were also added
unto this Fleet certaine tall ships of the Citie of London,
of whose especiall good service the Generall made par-
ticular mention in his private Letters directed to her
Majestie. This Fleete set saile from the sound of

438

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE a.d.

1587.

Plimouth in the moneth of April towards the coast of
Spaine.

The 16. of the said moneth we mette in the latitude
of 40. degrees with two ships of Middleborough, which
came from Cadiz ; by which we understood that there
was great store of warlike provision at Cadiz & there-
about ready to come for Lisbon. Upon this informa-
tion our Generall with al speed possible, bending
himselfe thither to cut off their said forces and provisions,
upon the 19. of April entered with his Fleet into the
Harbor of Cadiz : where at our first entring we were
assailed over against the Towne by sixe Gallies, which [II. ii. 122.]
notwithstanding in short time retired under their for-
tresse.

There were in the Road 60. ships and divers other
small vessels under the fortresse : there fled about 20.
French ships to Port Real, and some small Spanish
vessels that might passe the sholdes. At our first com-
ming in we sunke with our shot a ship of Raguza of
a 1000. tunnes, furnished with 40. pieces of brasse and
very richly laden. There came two Gallies more from
S. Mary port, and two from Porto Reale, which shot
freely at us, but altogether in vaine : for they went
away with the blowes well beaten for their paines.

Before night we had taken 30. of the said ships, &
became Masters of the Road, in despight of the
Gallies, which were glad to retire them under the Fort :
in the number of which ships there was one new ship
of an extraordinary hugenesse in burthen above 1200.
tunnes, belonging to the Marquesse of Santa Cruz being
at that instant high Admiral of Spaine. Five of them
were great ships of Biskay, whereof 4. we fired, as they
were taking in the Kings provision of victuals for the
furnishing of his Fleet at Lisbon : the fift being a ship
about 1000. tunnes in burthen, laden with Iron-spikes,
nailes, yron hoopes, horse-shooes, and other like neces-
saries bound for the West Indies we fired in like maner.
Also we tooke a ship of 250. tunnes laden with wines

439

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

■ 587.

for the Kings provision, which wee caried out to the
Sea with us, and there discharged the said wines for
our owne store, and afterward set her on fire. Moreover
we tooke 3. Flyboats of 300. tunnes a piece laden with
biscuit, whereof one was halfe unladen by us in the
Harborow, and there fired, and the other two we tooke
in our company to the Sea. Likewise there were fired
by us ten other ships which were laden with wine,
raisins, figs, oiles, wheat, & such like. To conclude, the
whole number of ships and barkes (as we suppose) then
burnt, suncke, and brought away with us, amounted to
30. at the least, being (in our judgement) about 10000.
tunnes of shipping.

There were in sight of us at Porto Real about 40.
ships, besides those that fled from Cadiz.

We found little ease during our aboad there, by
reason of their continuall shooting from the Gallies, the
fortresses, and from the shoare : where continually at
places convenient they planted new ordinance to offend
us with : besides the inconvenience which wee suffered
from their ships, which, when they could defend no
longer, they set on fire to come among us. Where-
upon when the flood came wee were not a little troubled
to defend us from their terrible fire, which neverthelesse
was a pleasant sight for us to beholde, because we were
thereby eased of a great labour, which lay upon us day
and night, in discharging the victuals, and other pro-
visions of the enemie. Thus by the assistance of the
Almightie, and the invincible courage and industrie of
our Generall, this strange and happy enterprize was
atchieved in one day and two nights, to the great
astonishment of the King of Spaine, which bread such
a corrasive in the heart of the Marques of Santa Cruz
high Admiral of Spaine, that he never enjoyed good
day after, but within fewe moneths (as may justly be
supposed) died of extreame griefe and sorrow.

Thus having performed this notable service, we came
out of the Road of Cadiz on the Friday morning the

440

o

r£

J- «.;i- \^7^^- ,/(, j^r &'*#'L #»t*

?%, >^' ^^ 'LJL 4ef?&. - ■ ,a- ^ >* H — S-^4 L,rH /

4>

g

\

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE ad.

,587.

21. of the said moneth of April, with very small losse
not worth the mentioning.

After our departure ten of the Gallies that were in
the Road came out, as it were in disdaine of us, to make
some pastime with their ordinance, at which time the
wind skanted upon us, whereupon we cast about againe,
and stood in with the shoare, & came to anker within
a league of the towne ; where the said Gallies, for all
their former bragging, at length suffred us to ride
quietly

We now have had experience of Gally-fight : wherein
I can assure you, that onely these 4. of her Majesties
ships will make no accompt of 20. Gallies, if they may
be alone, and not busied to guard others. There were
never Gallies that had better place and fitter opportunitie
for their advantage to fight with ships : but they were
still forced to retire, wee riding in a narrow gut, the place
yeelding no better, and driven to maintaine the same,
untill wee had discharged and fired the shippes, which
could not conveniently be done but upon the flood, at
which time they might drive cleare off us. Thus being
victualed with bread and wine at the enemies cost for
divers moneths (besides the provisions that we brought
from home) our Generall dispatched Captaine Crosse into
England with his letters, giving him further in charge to
declare unto her Majestie all the particularities of this
our first enterprize.

After whose departure wee shaped our course toward
Cape Sacre, and in the way thither wee tooke at severall
times of ships, barkes, and Caravels well neere an
hundred, laden with hoopes, gally-oares, pipe-staves, &
other provisions of the king of Spaine, for the furnishing
of his forces intended against England, al which we
burned, having delt favorably with the men and sent
them on shoare. We also spoiled and consumed all the
fisher-boats and nets thereabouts, to their great hinder-
ance : and (as we suppose) to the utter overthrow of the
rich fishing of their Tunies for the same yere. At length

441

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1587.

we came to the aforesaid Cape Sacre, where we went on
[II. ii. 123.] land; and the better to enjoy the benefite of the place,
and to ride in harborow at our pleasure, we assailed the
same castle, and three other strong holds, which we
tooke some by force and some by surrender.

Thence we came before the haven of Lisbon ankering
nere unto Cascais, where the Marques of Santa Cruz was
with his Gallies, who seeing us chase his ships a shoare,
& take and cary away his barks and Caravels, was content
to suffer us there quietly to tary, and likewise to depart,
and never charged us with one Canon-shot. And when
our Generall sent him worde that hee was there ready to
exchange certaine bullets with him, the marques refused
his chalenge, sending him word, that he was not then
ready for him, nor had any such Commission from his
King.

Our Generall thus refused by the Marques, and seeing
no more good to be done in this place, thought it con-
venient to spend no longer time upon this coast : and
therefore with consent of the chiefe of his Company he
shaped his course toward the Isles of the Acores, and
passsing towards the Isle of Saint Michael, within 20. or
30. leagues thereof, it was his good fortune to meete
The Carack with a Portugale Carak called Sant Philip, being the
called the same shippe which in the voyage outward had caried the
taken 3* Princes of Japan, that were in Europe, into the Indies.

This Carak without any great resistance hee tooke, be-
stowing the people thereof in certaine vessels well
furnished with victuals, and sending them courteously
home into their Countrey : and this was the first Carak
that ever was taken comming foorth of the East Indies ;
which the Portugals tooke for an evil signe, because the
ship bare the Kings owne name.

The riches of this prize seemed so great unto the
whole Company (as in trueth it was) that they assured
themselves every man to have a sufficient reward for his
travel : and thereupon they all resolved to returne home
for England : which they happily did, and arrived in

442

A PATENT FOR SENEGAL

Plimouth the same Sommer with their whole Fleete and
this rich booty, to their owne profite and due commenda-
tion, and to the great admiration of the whole kingdome.
And here by the way it is to be noted, that the taking
of this Carak wrought two extraordinary effects in Eng-
land : first, that it taught others, that Caracks were no
such bugs but that they might be taken (as since indeed
it hath fallen out in the taking of the Madre de Dios,
and fyreing and sinking of others) and secondly in ac-
quainting the English Nation more generally with the
particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the
East Indies : whereby themselves and their neighbours of
Holland have bene incouraged, being men as skilfull in
Navigation and of no lesse courage then the Portugals
to share with them in the East Indies : where their
strength is nothing so great as heretofore hath bene
supposed.

A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter,
and others of the West parts, and of London,
for a trade to the River of Senega and Gambra
in Guinea, 1588.

Lizabeth by the grace of God Queene of
England, France and Ireland, defender of
the faith, &c. To our Treasurer and
Admirall of England, our Treasurer and
Barons of our Exchequer, and all and
every our Officers, ministers and subjects
whatsoever, greeting. Whereas our wel-
beloved subjects William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicolas
Spicer, and John Doricot of our City of Exeter mar-
chants, John Yong of Coliton in our county of Devon
marchant, Richard Doderige of Barnestable in our saide
Countie of Devon Marchant, Anthonie Dassell, and
Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London Marchants, have
bene perswaded and earnestly moved by certaine Portugals
resident within our Dominions, to undertake and set for-

443

A.D.

I588.

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

ward a voyage to certaine places on the coast of Guinea :
Videlicet, from the Northermost part of the River com-
monly called by the name of the River of Senega, and
from and within that River all along that coast unto the
Southermost part of another River commonly called by
the name of Gambra, and within that River : which, as
A former voy- we are informed, they have already once performed

a&et07 accordingly: And for that we are credibly given to under-

Gambra. 1 1 1 r 1 • r 1

stand that the further prosecuting or the same voyage,

and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique
and trade of marchandize into those Countreis, wil not
only in time be very beneficial to these our Realmes and
dominions, but also be a great succour and reliefe unto
the present distressed estate of those Portugals, who by
our princely favour live and continue here under our
protection : And considering that the adventuring and
enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of small
charge and hazard to the adventurers in the beginning :
we have therefore thought it convenient, that our said
loving subjects William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas
Spicer, John Doricot, John Yong, Richard Doderige,
Anthonie Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, for the better
incouragement to proceede in their saide adventure and
trade in the said Countreis, shal have the sole use and
[II. ii. 124.] exercise thereof for a certaine time. In consideration
whereof, and for other waightie reasons and considerations
us specially mooving, of our speciall grace, certaine know-
ledge and meere motion, we have given and graunted,
and by these presents for us, our heires and successors
doe give and graunt unto the said William Brayley,
Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, John Doricot, John
Young, Richard Doderide, Anthony Dassell and Nicholas
Turner, and to every of them, and to such other our
Subjects as they or the most part of them shall thinke
convenient to receive into their Company and society, to
be the traders with them into the said Countreis, that
they and every of them by themselves or by their servants
or Factors and none others, shall and may for and during

444

A PATENT FOR SENEGAL ad,

1588.

the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing the
date of these presents, have and enjoy the free and whole
trafique, trade and feat of marchandise, to and from the
said Northernmost part of the said River, commonly called
by the name of the River of Senega : and from and within
that River all along the coast of Guinea, unto the Souther-
most part of the said River, commonly called by the name
of the River of Gambra, and within that River also.
And that they the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith,
Nicholas Spicer, John Doricot, John Yong, Richard
Doderige, Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner, & every
of them, by themselves or by their servants or Factors, &
such as they or the most part of them shall receive into
their Company and societie, to be traders with them into
the sayd Countreis (as is aforesaid) and none others, shall
and may, for, and during the said space and terme of 10.
yeres, have and enjoy the sole & whole trafique or trade
of marchandize into and from the said places afore limitted
and described, for the buying & selling, bartering and
changing of and with any goods, wares, and marchandizes
whatsoever, to be vented had or found, at or within any the
cities, townes, or places situated or being in the countries,
partes & coastes of Guinea before limitted, any law, statute,
or graunt, matter, custome or privileges to the contrary in
any wise notwithstanding. And for the better ordering,
establishing, & governing of the said societie and Company
in the said trade and trafique of marchandizes, & the
quiet, orderly & lawfull exercise of the same, We for
us, our heires, and successors, do by these presents give
and graunt full license and authoritie unto the said
William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, John
Doricot, John Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthonie Dassell,
and Nicholas Turner, and to such others as they shall
receive into their saide societie and company to be traders
into the said countreis, as is aforesaid, and to every of
them, that they or the most part of them shall and may
at all convenient times at their pleasures, assemble and
meete together in any place or places convenient, aswell

445

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

within our citie of Exeter, as elsewhere within this our
Realme of England, or other our dominions, during the
said terme of ten yeere, to consult of, for, and concerning
the saide trade and trafique of marchandize, and from time
to time to make, ordaine, and stablish good, necessary,
and reasonable orders, constitutions, and ordinances, for,
and touching the same trade. And al such orders, con-
stitutions, and ordinances so to be made, to put in ure
and execute, and them, or any of them, to alter, change,
and make voyd, and, if neede be, to make new, as at
any time, during the said terme of ten yeeres, to them,
or the most part of them then trading, as is aforesaide,
shall be thought necessary and convenient. Unto all
and every which said orders, constitutions, and ordinances,
they, and every of them, and all other persons which shall
hereafter be received into the saide societie and Company,
shall submit themselves, and shall well and duely observe,
performe, and obey the same, so long as they shall stand
in force, or else shall pay and incurre such forfeitures,
paines, and penalties, for the breach thereof, and in such
maner and forme, and to such uses & intents, as by the
saide orders, constitutions, and ordinances shall be
assessed, limitted and appointed. So alwayes, as the
same orders, constitutions and ordinances, be not re-
pugnant or contrary to the lawes, statutes, and customes
of this Realme of England, nor any penaltie to exceede
the reasonable forme of other penalties, assessed by the
Company of our Marchants, named Adventurers. And
to the intent that they onely, to whom the said power
and libertie of trafique and trade of marchandize is
graunted by these our letters patents aforesaid, and none
others whatsoever, without their speciall consent and
license before had, shall, during the said terme of ten
yeeres, use, or have trade or trafique, with or for any
maner of goods or marchandizes, to and from the saide
coastes or parts of Guinea afore limited : Wee doe by
these presents, by our royall and supreme authoritie,
straightly charge and commaund, that no person, or

446

A PATENT FOR SENEGAL a.d.

1588.

persons whatsoever, by themselves, or by their factors,
or servants, during the said terme of 10. yeres, shall in
any wise trade or trafique, for or with any goods or
marchandizes, to or from the said coasts and parts of
Guinea afore limitted, other then the said William
Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, John Doricot,
John Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and
Nicholas Turner, and such as from time to time, they,
or the most part of them, shall receive into their societie
or company, to be traders with them, as is aforesaid, as
they tender our favour, and will avoyde our high dis-
pleasure, and upon paine of imprisonment of his or their
bodies, at our will and pleasure, and to lose and forfeit
the ship or shippes, and all the goods, wares, and mar-
chandizes, wherewith they, or any of them shal, during
the said terme of 10. yeres, trade, or trafique to or from [II. ii. 125.]
the said Countries, or any part thereof, according to
the limitation above mentioned, contrary to our expresse
prohibition and restraint, in that behalfe. And further,
we do by these presents give and graunt full power
and authoritie to the said William Braily, Gilbert Smith,
Nicholas Spicer, John Doricot, John Yong, Richard
Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and
to such other persons, as they shal receive into their
societie and company, to be traders with them, as is
aforesaid, and the most part of them, for the time being :
that they, and every of them, by themselves, their factors,
deputies, or assignes, shall and may, from time to time,
during the said terme of 10. yeres, attach, arrest, take,
and sease all, and all maner of ship, and ships, goods,
wares, and marchandizes whatsoever, which shall be
brought from, or caried to the said coasts and parts of
Guinea afore limited, contrary to our will and pleasure,
and the true meaning of the same, declared and expressed
in these our letters patents. Of all and every which said
forfaitures whatsoever, the one third part shall be unto us,
our heires, and successors, and another thirde part thereof
we give and graunt by these presents, for and towards

447

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

the reliefe of the saide Portugals continuing here under
our protection, as is aforesaid. And the other third part
of al the same forfaitures, we do by these presents, of
our certaine knowledge and meere motion, for us, our
heires and successors, give and grant cleerely and wholy
unto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas
Spicer, John Doricot, John Yong, Richard Doderige,
Anthony Dassel, and Nicholas Turner, and such other
persons, as they shall receive into their societie, and
company, as is aforesaid. And these our letters patents,
or the inrolment or exemplification of the same, without
any further or other warrant, shall from time to time,
during the said tenne yeeres, be a sufficient warrant and
authoritie to our Treasurer of England, for the time
being, and to the barons of our Exchequer, and to all
other our officers and ministers whatsoever, to whom
it shall or may appertaine, to allow, deliver, and pay one
thirde part of all the said forfeitures, to the use of the
said Portugals, and one other thirde part of the same
forfeitures, to the saide William Brayley, Gilbert Smith,
Nicholas Spicer, John Doricot, John Yong, Richard
Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and
such other persons, as they shall receive into their societie
and Company, to be traders with them, as aforesaide,
to their owne proper use and behoofe : which said allow-
ances and paiments thereof, our will and pleasure is,
and we do straightly charge and command, to bee from
time to time duely made and performed accordingly,
without any delay or denial of any our officers aforesaid,
or any other our officers or ministers whatsoever. And
we do straightly charge and command, and by these
presents prohibite all and singular our customers,
collectors, and farmers of our Customes and subsidies,
and controllers of the same, of and within our ports
of the citie of London, and the Citie of Exeter, and all
other ports, creekes, and places, within this our Realme
of England, and every of them, and all other our officers
and ministers whatsoever, which have or shall have any

448

A PATENT FOR SENEGAL ad

1588.

dealing or intermedling, touching our said Customes
and subsidies, that they, ne any of them by themselves,
their clearks, deputies, or substitutes, or any of them
take or receive, or in any wise cause or suffer to be
taken or received for us, or in our name, or to our use,
or for, or in the names or to the uses of our heires or
successors, of any person, or persons, any summe or
summes of money, or other things whatsoever, during
the said terme of ten yeeres, for, or in the name, lieu,
or place of any Custome, subsidie, or other thing or
duetie, to us, our heires, or successors, due, or to be due,
for the Customes or subsidies of any such goods, wares,
or marchandizes, to be transported, caried, or brought
to or from the privileged places, before in these presents
mentioned, or any of them : nor make, nor cause to
be made any entry into, or of the bookes of subsidies
or customes, nor make any agreement for the Customes
or subsidies, of, or for any goods, wares, or marchandizes,
to bee sent to, or returned from any the privileged places,
before in these presents mentioned, saving onely with,
and in the name, and by the consent of the saide William
Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, John Doricot,
John Yong, Richard Doderige, Antonie Dassel, and
Nicholas Turner, or of some of them, or of such as they
or the most part of them shall receive into their societie
and Company, as aforesaid. Provided alwaies, that if
at any time hereafter, we our selves, by our writing
signed with our proper hand, or any sixe or more of our
privie Counsell, for the time being, shall, by our direction,
and by writing signed and subscribed with their hands,
signifie and notifie to the said William Brayley, Gilbert
Smith, Nicholas Spicer, John Doricot, John Yong,
Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner,
or to any of them, or to any other, whom they, or the
most part of them shal receive into their Companie and
society, as is aforesaid, or otherwise to our officers in our
ports of Exeter, or Plimouth, by them to be notified
to such as shall have interest in this speciall privilege,
vi 449 2 F

A.D.

1588.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

that our will and pleasure is, that the said trade and
trafique shal cease, and be no longer continued into the
saide coasts and partes of Guinea before limited : then
immediatly from and after the ende of sixe moneths
[II. ii. 126.] next insuing, after such signification & notification so to
be given to any of the said Company and societie, as
is aforesaid, or otherwise to our Officers in our ports
of Exeter or Plimouth, by them to be notified to such
as shall have interest in this speciall privilege, these our
present letters Patents, and our graunt therein contained
shall be utterly voyde, and of none effect, ne validitie
in the lawe, to all intents and purposes : any thing before
mentioned to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
Witnesse our selfe at Westminster, the thirde day of
May, in the thirtieth yere of our Reigne 1588.

A voyage to Benin beyond the Countrey of
Guinea, set foorth by Master Bird and Master
Newton Marchants of London, with a shippe
called the Richard of Arundell, and a Pinesse ;
Written by James Welsh, who was chiefe
Master of the said voyage, begunne in the
yeere 1588.

Pon the twelft of October wee wayed our
ankers at Ratcliffe and went to Blackwall.
And the next day sayling from thence,
by reason of contrary winde and weather,
wee made it the 25. of October before
wee were able to reach Plimouth, and
there we stayed (to our great expense of
victuals) for lacke of winde and weather unto the 14. of
December.

On Saturday the said 14. of December we put from

thence, and about midnight were thwart of the Lizart.

Rio del oro is Thursday the second of January wee had sight of the

in 22. degrees, iancj neere Rio del oro, God be thanked, and there had

and 47. mm. 22> degrees Qf latitude, and 47. minutes.

45°

JAMES WELSH ad.

1589.

The thirde of January wee had sight of Cavo de las Cavo de las
Barbas, and it bare Southeast five leagues off. Barbas.

The 4. we had sight of the Crosiers in the morning. Crosiers.

Tuesday the 7. day we had sight of Cavo verde, and Cavo Verde,
I finde this place to be in latitude 14. degrees, and 43. in H- de&
minutes, being 4. leagues from the shoare. 43* m'

Friday the 17. Cavo de Monte bare off us North Cavo de
Northeast, we sounded and had 50. fathom blacke oase, Monte-
and at 2. of the clocke it bare North Northwest 8. leagues
off. And Cavo Mensurado bare of us East and by South, Cavo Mensu-
and wee went Northeast with the maine : here the currant rado'
setteth to the East Southeast alongst the shoare, and at
midnight wee sounded and had 26. fathome blacke oase.

The 18. in the morning we were thwart of a land
much like Cavo verde, and it is as I judge 9. leagues
from Cavo Mensurado ; it is a hill sadlebacked, and there
are 4. or 5. one after another: and 7. leagues to the
Southward of that, we saw a row of hils sadlebacked also,
and from Cavo Mensurado are many mountaines.

The 19. we were thwart Rio de Sestos, and the 20. R*o de Sestos.
Cavo dos Baixos was North & by West 4. leagues off Cav0 ^os
the shoare, and at afternoone there came a boate from the
shoare with 3. Negroes, from a place (as they say) called
Tabanoo. And towards evening we were thwart of an Tabanoo.
Island, and a great many of small Islands or rockes to
the Southward, and the currant came out of the Souther-
boord : we sounded and had 25 fathomes.

The 21. wee had a flat hill that bare North Northeast
off us, and wee were from the shoare 4. leagues, and
at 2. a clocke in the afternoone we spake with a French- A French ship
man riding neere a place called Ratire, and another place at Rattre-
hard by called Crua. This Frenchman caried a letter from Crua.
us to M. Newton : wee layd it on hull while wee were
writing of our letter ; and the current set us to the South- -d currant to
ward a good pase alongst the shoare South Southeast. the S°utheast-

The 25. we were in the bight of the bay that is to the
Westward of Capo de Tres puntas : the currant did set
East Northeast.

45i

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

The 28. we lay sixe glasses a hull tarying for the
pinesse.
Cavo de tres The last of January the middle part of Cape de tres
puntas. puntas was thwart of us three leagues at seven of the

clocke in the morning : and at eight the pinesse came
to an anker : and wee prooved that the current setteth to
the Eastward : and at sixe at night the uttermost lande
bare East and by South 5. leagues, and we went South-
west, and Southwest and by South.

Saturday the first of February 1588. we were thwart of

a Round foreland, which I take to be the Eastermost

part of Capo de tres puntas : and within the said Round

foreland was a great bay with an Island in the said

bay.

The Castle of The second of February wee were thwart of the Castle

Mina. Q£ M}naj anc[ when the thirde glasse of our Looke-out

was spent, we spied under our Larbord-quarter one of

their Boates with certaine Negroes, and one Portugale in

[II. ii. 127.] the Boate, wee would have had him to come aboord, but

he would not. And over the castle upon the hie rockes

Two white we did see as it might be two watch-houses, and they did

watcn-nouses. g^^ vety white : and we went eastnortheast.

The 4 in the morning we were thwart a great high hill,

and up into the lande were more high ragged hilles,

Monte Re- and those I reckoned to be but little short of Monte

dondo. Redondo. Then I reckoned that we were 20 leagues

Southeast-ward from the Mina, and at 11 of the clocke

I sawe two hilles within the land, these hils I take to be

7 leagues from the first hils. And to sea-ward of these

hilles is a bay, and at the east end of the bay another

hill, and from the hils the landes lie verie low. We went

Eastnortheast, and East and by North 22 leagues, and

then East along the shore.

Villa longa. The 6 we were short of Villa longa, and there we

met with a Portugall Caravell.

The 7 a faire temperate day, and all this day we road
before Villa longa.

The 8 at noone we set saile from Villa longa, and

452

JAMES WELSH a.d.

1589.

ten leagues from thence we ankered againe and stayed
all that night in ten fadom water.

The 9 we set saile, and all alongst the shore were
very thicke woodes, and in the afternoone we were thwart
a river, & to the Eastward of the river a litle way off Rio de Lagos.
was a great high bush-tree as though it had no leaves,
and at night we ankered with faire and temperate weather.

The 10 we set sayle and went East, and East and
by South 14 leagues along the shoare, which was so full
of thicke woods, that in my judgement a man should
have much to doe to passe through them, and towards
night we ankered in 7 fadome with faire weather.

The 1 1 we sayled East and by South, and three leagues
from the shore We had but 5 fadome water, and all the
wood upon the land was as even as if it had beene cut
with a paire of gardeners sheeres, and in running of two
leagues we descerned a high tuft of trees upon the brow
of a land, which shewed like a Porpose head, and when
wee came at it, it was but part of the lande, and a league
further we saw a head-land very low and full of trees,
and a great way from the land we had very shallow water, Very shallow
then we lay South into the sea, because of the sands for water-
to get into the deepe water, and when we found it deepe,
we ankered in five fadom thwart the river of Jaya, in
the rivers mouth.

The 12 in the morning we road still in the rivers
mouth. This day we sent the pinnesse and the boat on
land with the marchants, but they came not againe untill
the next morning. The shallowest part of this river is
toward the West, where there is but 4 fadom and a
halfe, and it is very broad. The next morning came the
boate aboord, and they also said it was Rio de Jaya. Rio de Jaya.
Here the currant setteth Westward, and the Eastermost
land is higher then the Westermost.

Thursday the 13 we set saile, and lay South Southeast
along the shore, where the trees are wonderfull even, and
the East shore is higher then the West shore, and when
wee had sayled 1 8 leagues we had sight of a great river,

453

A.D.
I589.

Rio Benin.

A currant
Westward.

Tenfoote
water upon
the barre of
Rio de Benin.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

then we ankered in three fadom and a halfe, and the
currant went Westward. This river is the river of Benin,
and two leagues from the maine it is very shallowe.

The 15 we sent the boat and pinnesse into the river
with the marchants, and after that we set saile, because
we road in shallow water, and went Southsoutheast, and
the starbord tacke aboord untill we came to five fathom
water, where we road with the currant to the Westward :
then came our boat out of the harbour and went aboord
the pinnesse. The West part of the land was high
browed much like the head of a Gurnard, and the Easter-
most land was lower, and had on it three tufts of trees
like stackes of wheate or corne, and the next day in
the morning we sawe but two of those trees, by reason
that we went more to the Eastward. And here we road
still from the 14 of Februarie untill the 14 of Aprill,
with the winde at Southwest.

The 16 of Februarie we rode still in 5 fadome, and
the currant ranne still to the Westward, the winde at
Southwest, and the boat and pinnesse came to us againe
out of the river, and told us that there was but ten foote
water upon the barre. All that night was drowsie, and
yet reasonable temperate.

The 17 a close day the winde at Southwest. Our
marchants wayed their goods and put them aboord the
pinnesse to goe into the river, and there came a great
currant out of the river and set to the Westward.

The 18 the marchants went with the boat and pinnesse
into the river with their commodities. This day was
close and drowsie, with thunder, raine and lightning.

The 24 a close morning and temperate, and in the
afternoone the boat came to us out of the river from
our marchants.

Tuesday the 4 of March, a close soultry hot morning,
the currant went to the Westward, and much troubled
water came out of the river.

The 16 our pinnesse came a boord and Anthonie
Ingram in her, & she brought in her 94 bags of pepper,

454

JAMES WELSH a.d.

1589.

and 28 Elephants teeth, and the Master of her and all [II. ii. 128.]

his company were sicke. This was a temperate day and Sichusse

the winde at Southwest. among out

men.
The 17. 18. and 19 were faire temperate weather and

the winde at Southwest. This day the pinnesse went

into the river againe, and caried the Purser and the

Surgion.

The 25 of the said moneth 1589 we sent the boate
into the river.

The 30 our pinnesse came from Benin, and brought
sorowfull newes, that Thomas Hemsted was dead and our The death of
Captaine also, and she brought with her 159 Cerons or pepper^£^.
sackes of pepper and Elephants teeth. ph'ants teeth.

Note that in all the time of our abiding here, in the A good note.
mouth of the river of Benin, and in all the coast here-
about it is faire temperate weather, when the winde is at
Southwest. And when the winde is at Northeast and
Northerly, then it raineth, with lightning and thunder,
and is very intemperate weather.

The 13 of Aprill 1589 we set saile homewards in the
name of Jesus. In the morning we sayled with the
winde at Southwest, and lay West and by North, but it
prooved calme all that night, and the currant Southeast.

The 14 the river of Benin was Northeast 7 leagues
from the shore, and there was litle winde and towards
night calme.

The 17 a faire temperate day the winde variable, and
we had of latitude foure degrees and 20 minutes.

The 25 a faire temperate day the winde variable, and
here we had three degrees & 29 mi nuts of latitude.

The 8 of May we had sight of the shore, which was
part of Cavo de Monte, but we did not thinke we had
beene so farre, but it came so to passe by reason of the
currant. In this place M. Towrson was in like maner A deceitpfull
deceived with the currant. currant.

The 9 we had sight of Cavo de monte.

The 17 a darke drowsie day, this was the first night
that I tooke the North starre.

455

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

The 26 a temperate day with litle winde, and we were
in 12 degrees and 13 minutes of latitude.

The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest.

The 6 of June we found it as temperate as if we had
beene in England, & yet we were within the height of the
sunne, for it was declined 23 degrees, and 26 minuts to
the Northward, and we had 1 5 degrees of latitude.

The 8 faire and temperate as in England, here we met
with a counter sea, out of the Southborde.

The 15a faire temperate day, the winde variable, here
we had 1 8 degrees and fiftie nine minutes.
Rockweed or The 12 of July in 30 degrees of latitude we met with
Salongath fa great St°re rockweed, which did stick together like
clusters of grapes, and this continued with us untill the
17 of the said moneth, and then we saw no more, at
which 17 day we were in two and thirtie degrees sixe
and fortie minutes of latitude.

The 25 at sixe of the clocke in the morning, we had
sight of the Isle of Pike, it bare North and by East from
us, we being 15 leagues off.

The 27 we spake with the poste of London and she
told us good newes of England.

The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of
Cuervo, and the 30 we saw the Island of Flores.

The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we saw 9
saile of Britons, and three of them followed us untill
noone, and then gave us over.

The 30 we had sight of Cape Finisterre.

The eight of September at night wee put into Pli-
mouth sound, and road in Causon bay all night.

The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed untill
the 28 of September, by reason of want of men and
sicknesse.

The nine and twentieth we set sayle from Plimouth,
and arrived at London the second of October 1589.

The commodities that we caried in this voyage were
cloth both linnen & wollen, yron worke of sundry sorts,

456

JAMES WELSH ad.

1589.
Manillios or bracelets of copper, glasse beades, and
corrall.

The commodities that we brought home were pepper
and Elephants teeth, oyle of palme, cloth made of
Cotton wooll very curiously woven, and cloth made of
the barke of palme trees. Their money is pretie white [II. ii. 129.]
shels, for golde and silver we saw none. They have
also great store of cotton growing : their bread is a kind
of roots, they call it Inamia, and when it is well sodden Inamia,akind
I would leave our bread to eat of it, it is pleasant in °fbrfadm
eating, and light of digestion, the roote thereof is as
bigge as a mans arme. Our men upon fish-dayes had
rather eate the rootes with oyle and vineger, then to
eate good stockfish. There are great store of palme
trees, out of the which they gather great store of wine, Wine °f polm
which wine is white and very pleasant, & we should buy irees'
two gallons of it for 20 shels. They have good store
of sope, and it smelleth like beaten violets. Also many
pretie fine mats and baskets that they make, and spoones
of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with divers
proportions of foules and beasts made upon them. There
is upon the coast wonderfull great lightning and thunder,
in so much as I never hard the like in no Countrey,
for it would make the decke or hatches tremble under
our feete, and before we were well acquainted with it, we
were fearefull, but God be thanked we had no harme.
The people are very gentle and loving, and they goe
naked both men and women untill they be married, and
then they goe covered from the middle downe to the Abundance of
knees. They would bring our men earthen pottes of hony.
the quantitie of two gallons, full of hony and hony This preser-
combes for 100 shelles. They would also bring great vaitve*5
store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit that ^tin? into an
groweth upon a tree, and is very like unto a Cucumber hogshead of
but very pleasant in eating. It hath pleased God of w^ter on
his merceifull goodnesse to give me the knowledge how h£ndful °f
to preserve fresh water with little cost, which did serve tfowtho^told
us sixe moneths at the sea, & when we came into Plim- me.

457

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1588.

mouth it was much wondered at, of the principal men
of the towne, who said that there was not sweeter water
in any spring in Plimouth. Thus doth God provide for
his creatures, unto whom be praise now and for ever-
more, Amen.

The voiage set forth by M. John Newton, and
M. John Bird marchants of London to the
kindome and Citie of Benin in Africa, with
a ship called the Richard of Arundell, and a
pinnesse, in the yere 1588. briefely set downe
in this letter following, written by the chiefe
Factor in the voyage to the foresaid Mar-
chants at the time of the ships first arrivall
at Plimouth.

Orshipful Sirs, the discourse of our
whole proceeding in this voyage wil aske
more time and a person in better health
then I am at this present, so that I trust
you will pardon me, till my comming
up to you: in the meane time let this
suffice. Whereas we departed in the
moneth of December from the coast of England with
your good ship the Richard of Arundell and the pinnesse,
we held on our direct course towards our appointed
port, and the 14 day of Februarie following we arrived
in the haven of Benin, where we found not water enough
to carry the ship over the barre, so that we left her
without in the road, and with the pinnesse & ship
boat, into which we had put the chiefest of our mar-
Goto in Benin, chandise, we went up the river to a place called Goto,
where we arrived the 20 of February, the foresaid Goto
being the neerest place that we could come to by
water, to go for Benin. From thence we presently sent
Negroes to the king, to certifie him of our arrivall,
and of the cause of our comming thither : who returned
to us againe the 22 day with a noble man in their

458

ANTHONY INGRAM ad.

1589.

company to bring us up to the Citie, and with 200
Negroes to carrie our commodities: hereupon the 23
day we delivered our marchandize to the kings Factor,
& the 25 day we came to the great Citie of Benin, The great
where we were well intertained : The sixe & twenty cttte °f Benln-
day we went to the Court to have spoken with the
king, which (by reason of a solemne feast then kept
amongst them) we could not doe : but yet we spake
with his Veadore, or chiefe man, that hath the dealing
with the Christians : and we conferred with him con-
cerning our trading, who answered us, that we should
have all things to our desire, both in pepper and
Elephants teeth.

The first of March we were admitted to the kings
presence, and he made us the like courteous answere
for our traffike : the next day we went againe to the
Court, where the foresaid Veadore shewed us one
basket of greene pepper, and another of dry in the
stalkes : wee desired to have it plucked from the stalks
and made cleane, who answered, that it would aske
time, but yet it should be done : and that against
another yeere it should be in better readines, & the
reason why we found it so unprepared was, because in
this kings time no Christians had ever resorted thither, .
to lade pepper. The next day there were sent us 12
baskets, and so a litle every day untill the 9 of March
at which time we had made upon 64 serons of pepper,
and 28 Elephants teeth. In this time of our being at
Benin (our natures at this first time not so well ac-
quainted with that climate) we fell all of us into the
disease of the fever, whereupon the Captaine sent me
downe with those goods which we alreadie had received,
to the rest of our men at Goto : where being arrived,
I found all the men of our pinnesse sicke also, and
by reason of their weaknes not able to convey the
pinnesse and goods downe to the place where our ship [II. ii. 130.]
road : but by good hap within two houres after my
comming to Goto, the boate came up from the ship,

459

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

to see how all things stood with us, so that I put the
goods into the boat, and went downe towards the ship :
but by that time I was come aboord, many of our men
died : namely, Master Benson, the Cooper, the Car-
penter, & 3 or 4 more, & my selfe was also in such a
weake state that I was not able to returne againe to
Benin. Whereupon I sent up Samuel Dunne, and the
Chirurgian with him to our men, that were about to
let them blood, if it were thought needfull : who at
their comming to Benin, found the Captaine and your
sonne William Bird dead, and Thomas Hempsteede
very weake, who also died within two dayes after their
comming thither. This sorrowfull accident caused them
with such pepper and teeth, as they could then find,
speedily to returne to the ship, as by the Cargason
will appeare : at their comming away the Veadore tolde
them, that if they could or would stay any longer time,
he would use all possible expedition to bring in more
commodities : but the common sicknesse so increased
and continued amongst us all, that by the time our
men which remained were come aboord, we had so
many sicke and dead of our companie, that we looked
all for the same happe, and so thought to loose both
our ship, life, countrey and all. Very hardly and with
much adoe could we get up our ankers, but yet at the
last by the mercie of God having gotten them up, but
leaving our pinnesse behinde us, we got to sea, and
set saile, which was upon the 13 of Aprill. After which
by little and little our men beganne to gather up their
crums and to recover some better strength : and so
sailing betwixt the Islands of Cape Verde, and the
maine we came to the Islands of the Azores upon the
25 of July, where our men beganne a fresh to grow
ill, and divers died, among whom Samuel Dun was
one, and as many as remained living were in a hard
case : but in the midst of our distresse, it fell so wel
out, by Gods good providence, that we met with your
ship the Barke Burre, on this side the North cape,

460

JAMES WELSH

which did not only keepe us good companie, but also
sent us sixe fresh men aboord, without whose helpe,
we should surely have tasted of many inconveniences.
But by this good meanes we are now at the last
arrived in Plimouth, this 9 day of September : and
for want of better health at this time, I referre the
further knowledge of more particularities, till my com-
ming to London.

Yours to commaund

Anthony Ingram.

The second voyage to Benin, set foorth by Master
John Newton, and Master John Bird Mar-
chants of London in the yeere 1590 with a
ship called the Richard of Arundell of the
burthen of one hundreth tunnes, and a small
pinnesse, in which voyage Master James Welsh
was chiefe Maister.

A.D.

1590.

He third of September 1590 we set saile
from RatclifFe, and the 18 of the said
moneth we came into Plimouth sound,
and the two and twentieth we put to
sea againe, and at midnight we were
off the Lisart, and so passed on our
voyage untill the 14 of October, on
which day we had sight of Forteventura one of the
Canarie Islands, which appeared very ragged as we sailed
by it.

The 16 of October, in the latitude of 24 degrees and
nine minutes we met with a great hollow sea, the like
whereof I never saw on this coast, and this day there
came to the ships side a monstrous great fish (I thinke
it was a Gobarto) which put up his head to the steepe
tubs where ye cooke was in shifting the victuals, whom
I thought the fish would have caried away.

The 21 in this latitude of 18 degrees we met with
a countersea out of the North boord, and the last

461

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

voyage in this very place we had the countersea out of

the South, being very calme weather as now it is also.

The 24 we had sight of Cavo Verde, and the 25

we met with a great hollow sea out of the North, which

A token of a is a common signe that the winde will be Northerly,

Northerly anj SQ ft prooVed.

The 15 of November we met with three currants
out of the West and Northwest, one after another, with
an houres time betweene each currant. This was in
the latitude of 6 degrees and 42 minutes.

Great cur- The 1 8 day we met with two other great currants

rant5' out of the Southwest, and the 20 we saw another

current out of the Northeast, and the 24 we had a great
current out of the Southsouthwest, and at 6 of the
clocke towards night we had 3 currents more.

The 27 we thought that we had gone at the least
2 leagues and a halfe every watch, and it fell out that
we sailed but one league every watch for the space of
24 hours, by meanes of a great billow and current that
came still out of the South.

[II. ii. 131.] The 5 of December in setting the watch we cast
about and lay East Northeast, and Northeast, and here
in 5 degrees and a halfe our pinnesse lost us wilfully.
The 7 at the going downe of the Sunne we saw a
great blacke spot in the Sunne, and the 8. day both
at rising and setting we saw the like, which spot to
our seeming was about the bignesse of a shilling, being
in 5 degrees of latitude, and still there came a great
billow out of the southerboord.

The 14 we sounded and had 15 fadom water and
grosse red sand, and 2 leagues from the shore the
currant set Southeast along the shore with a billow
still out of the southerboord.

The 15 we were thwart a rocke somewhat like the
Mewstone in England, it was 2 leagues from us, here
we sounded and had 27 fadom, but the rocke is not

Two rocks. above a mile from the shore, and a mile farther we
saw another rocke, and betweene them both broken

462

JAMES WELSH a.d.

1590.
ground ; here we sounded and had but 20 fadome and
blacke sand, and we might see plaine that the rockes
went not along the shore, but from the land to the
seaward, and about 5 leagues to the Southward we
sawe a great bay, here we had 4 degrees and 27 minuts.

The 16 we met with a French ship of Hunfleur, A French ship
who robbed our pinnesse, we sent a letter by him, and °f Hunfleur-
this night we saw another spot in the Sunne at his
going downe. And towards evening we were thwart
of a river, and right over the river was a high tuft of
trees.

The 17 we ankered in the rivers mouth, and then
we found the land to be Cavo de las Palmas, and Cavo de las
betweene us & the cape was a great ledge of rockes, Pa*mas-
one league and a halfe into the sea, and they bare to
the West of the Cape, we saw also an Island off the
point of the foreland, thus it waxed night that we could
perceive no more of the lande, but onely that it
trended in like a bay, where there runneth a streame
as if it were in the river of Thames, and this was the
change day of the Moone.

The 19 a faire temperate day, and the wind South,
we went East, and the lande a sterne of us West, and
it shewed low by the water side like Islands, this was
the east of Cavo de las Palmas, and it trended in with
a great sound, and we went East all night, and in the
morning wee were but 3 or 4 leagues from the shore.

The 20 we were thwart of a river called Rio de los Rio de b*
Barbos. Barbos-

The 21 we went along the shore East, & 3 or 4
leagues to the West of Cavos de tres puntas, I find the
bay to be set deeper then it is by 4 leagues, and at 4 of
the clocke the land begun to shewe high, and the first
part of it full of Palme trees.

The 24 still going by the shore, the land was very
low and full of trees by the water side, and at 1 2 of the
clocke we ankered thwart of the river called, Rio de Rio de Boila
Boilas. Here we sent our boate a shore with the mar-

463

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1590.

chants, but they durst not put into the river because of
a great billow that continually brake at the enterance upon
the barre.

The 28 we sailed alongst the shore, and ankered at
night in seven fadom because a great current would have
put us backe, which came from the East Southeast from

Papuas. Papuas.

Arda. The 29 at noone we were thwart of Arda, and there

we tooke a Caravel but the men were fled on land, then
we went aboord her, but she had nothing in her but
only a litle oyle of Palme trees, and a few roots. The
next morning our Captaine and marchants went to meete
Portugals, that came in a boate to speake with us, where
they communed about the buying of the Caravell of our
men againe, and the Portugals promised that we should
have for the Caravell, certaine bullocks and Elephants
teeth, and they gave us one tooth and one bullocke
presently, and sayd they would bring us the rest the
next day.

Januarie. The first of Januarie our Captaine went on land to

speake with the Portugales, but when he saw they did
dissemble, he came aboord againe, and presently we un-
rigged the Caravell, and set her on fire before the towne.
Then we set saile and went along the coast, where we
saw a Date tree, the like whereof is not in all that coast
upon the water side, also we fell on ground a litle in one

Villa hnga. place : Thus we went to Villa longa, and there ankered.

Rio de Lagoa. The third we were as far shot as Rio de Lagoa, where
our marchants went a shore and upon the barre they
found 3 fadom flat, but they went not in because it was
late. There is also to the Eastward of this river a Date
tree higher then all the rest of the other trees thereabout.
Thus we went along the coast, and every night ankered,
& al the shore as we went was full of trees and thicke
woods.

The 6 day in the morning it was very foggy, so that
we could not see the land, and at three of the clocke
in the afternoone it cleared up, & then we found our

464

JAMES WELSH ad.

1591.
selves thwart of the river of Jaya, and when we found The river of
the shallow water, we bare into the sea South, as we Jaya-
did the voyage before, and came to an ancre in five
fadom water. The next day we set saile againe, and
towards noone we were thwart of the river of Benin in The river of
foure fadom water. Benin.

The 10 day our Captaine went on land with the shal- [II. ii. 132.]
lop at 2 a clocke in the afternoone. All this weeke it
was very foggy every day untill ten a clocke, and all
this time hitherto hath beene as temperate as our sum-
mer in England. This day we went into the road and
ankered, & the west point of the road bare East northeast
off us, wee riding in foure fadome water.

The 21 a faire temperate day, this day M. Hassald
went to the towne of Goto, to heare newes of the Goto.
Captaine.

The 23 came the Caravell, and Samuell in her, and The Caravel/
she brought 63 Elephants teeth, and three bullocks. b™&*h teeth

The 28 a faire temperate day, and towards night there
fell much raine, lightning, and thunder, this day our
boate came aboord from Goto.

The 24 of Februarie, we tooke in 298 Cerons or 298- sacks °f
sackes of pepper, and 4 Elephants teeth, and the winde PePPer-
was at Southeast. And the 26 we put the rest of our
goods into the Caravell, and M. Hassald went with her
to Goto.

The 5 of March ye Caravel came againe & brought
2 1 Cerons of pepper, & 4 Elephants teeth.

The 9 of Aprill our Caravell came aboord with water
for our provision for the sea, and this day also we lost
our shallope.

The 17a drowsie rainie day, and in the afternoone Three spouts.
we saw 3 great spoutes of raine, two on our larbord
side, and one right with the ships head, but God be
thanked, they came not at us, and this day we tooke in
the last of our water for the sea, and the 26 we victualed
our Caravell to go with us to the sea. Tfl returned

The 27 we set saile to goe homewarde with the winde homeward.
vi 465 2 G

A.D.
1591.

Brava.

We departed
in company
of a prise.

Corvo.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

at Southwest, and at two a clocke in the afternoone,
the river of Benin was Northeast 8 leagues from us.

The 3 of May we had such a terrible gust with raine,
lightning & thunder, that it tore and split our fore saile,
and also the Caravels fore-sayle and maine-sayle, with
the wind at Southeast.

The 12 a faire temperate day, much like our sommer
mornings in England, being but one degree & a halfe
from the line, but at midnight we had a cruell gust of
raine, & the wind at northeast.

The 24 we were South from Cavo de las Palmas 37
leagues.

The first of July we had sight of the Island of Brava,
and it bare East 7 leagues off, and this Island is one of
the Islands of Cavo Verde.

The 13 of August we spake with the Queenes ships,
the Lord Thomas Howard being Admirall, and sir
Richard Greenevill Viceadmirall. They kept us in their
company untill the 15 day at night, themselves lying a
hull, in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest
of the Island of Flores.

The 15 we had leave to depart with a fly-boat laden
with sugar that came from Sant Thome, which was taken
by the Queenes ships, whereof my Lord Admirall gave
me great charge, not to leave her untill she were harbored
in England.

The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island
of Corvo bare off us East and by South sixe leagues off.

The 1 7 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth
that came out of the West Indies, but she could tell us
no newes. The next day we had sight of another sayle,
this day also one of our company named M. Wood died.

The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of
Cumberland, whereof Master Ivie was Maister.

The second of October we met with a ship of New-
castle which came from Newfoundland, and out of her
had 300 couple of Newland fish.

The 6 we had sight of Sillie, and with raine and winde

466

we

JAMES WELSH ad.

i 591.

we were forced to put into S. Maries sound, where we
staied all night, and 4 dayes after.

The 1 1 we set saile againe, and comming out had
three fadom upon the barre at a high water, then we lay
out Southeast, through Crow-sand, and shortly after we
had sight of the lands end, and at ten of the clocke we
were thwart of the Lysart.

The 13 we were put into Dartmouth, and there we
stayd untill the 12 of December. From thence we put
out with the winde at West, and the 18 of December,
God be praised, we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames,
where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper, 150 Ele-
phants teeth, and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees.

The commodities that we caried out this second voy-
age were Broad cloth, Kersies, Bayes, Linnen cloth, Yron
unwrought, Bracelets of Copper, Corall, Hawks belles,
Horsetailes, Hats, and such like.

This voyage was more comfortable unto us then the
first, because we had good store of fresh water, and that
very sweet : for as yet we have very good water in the
shippe which we brought out of the river of Benin the [II. ii. 133.]
first day of Aprill 1 59 1 . and it is at this day (being the
7 of June 1592.) to be seen aboord the ship as cleare
and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld.

In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a It is more
degree of the equinoctiall line, and there we found it temPerate u^'
more temperate, then where we rode. And under the noctiaU^then
line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines, and 0n the 'coast of
many other good fishes, and so did we all the way, Guinie fcf
which was a very great refreshing unto us, and the fish Senin-
never forsooke us, until we were to the Northwards of
the Hands of Azores, and then we could see no more
fish, but God be thanked wee met with good company
of our countrey ships which were great comfort unto us,
being five moneths before at Sea without any companie.

By me James Welsh master of the Richard
of Arundell, in both these voyages to
the river of Benin.
467

A.D.

1 59 1,

Paulo Dias
Governour of
Angola.

The king of
Matamba.

1 1 4 Portugal;
slain in
Angola.

Amasanguano
the Portugals
abode in
Angola.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

An Advertisement sent to Philip the second king
of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida
de Sousa, touching the state of the foresayd
countrey, written the 21 of May, 1 59 1 .

He 26 of July I certified your majestie by
John Frere de Bendanha your majesties
pay-master and commissioner, with the
governour Paulo Dias, which is lately
deceased, of all things that happened
the 28 of December in the yere last
past 1590. Now 1 thought it con-
venient to advertise your majestie what hath fallen out
since that time, which is as foloweth. The governour
Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from
Cabasa, where the Negro king dwelleth, with 350 Portu-
gal souldiers : & afterward being there encamped, it
hapned that the king of Matamba sent a strong and
mightie army, & in warlike maner, with strange inven-
tions for the sayd purpose. So the king of Angola gave
this other king battell, and the governour sent 114
souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola :
in which battell it was the will of God that our army
was overthrowen and all slaine, as well our Portugals
as the Moores which tooke part with them. So with
this overthrow it happened that this realme the second
time hath rebelled against your majestie. Hereupon
the Governour assembling the rest of his Portugall
souldiers, to the number of 250 altogether, went to
Amasanguano, which is now his place of abode. More-
over, besides the manifold losses which have befallen
the Portugals in this realme, your majestie hath sus-
tained other great misfortunes both in your lands and
goods. And because I cannot personally come to certifie
your majestie thereof, I thought it good to write some
part of the same whereby your majestie may understand
the estate of this countrey. This realme, for the most

468

AN ADVERTISEMENT FROM ANGOLA a.d.

1591.

part thereof hath twise bene wonne, and twise lost for
want of good government. For here have bene many
governours which have pretended to do justice, but
have pitifully neglected the same, and practised the
cleane contrary. And this I know to be most true.
But the onely way to recover this realme, and to Theonelyway
augment your majesties lands, goods and treasure, must ?jj **? re~
be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here, jom uni0 *
which must bring authoritie from your majestie, and by obedience.
taking streight order that every captaine which doeth
conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts.
Likewise your majestie must send hither 2000 good
souldiers, with munition and sufficient store of pro-
vision for them. And by this means your highnesse
shall know what yeerely revenue Angola will yeeld unto
your coffers, and what profit will grow thereof. Other-
wise your majestie shall reape but litle benefit here. If
with my presence I may doe your majestie any service in
giving information of the state of this realme, as one
which have had experience thereof, and have seene the
order of it, upon the understanding of your majesties
pleasure herein, I will doe my best indevour. And the An usuall trick
cause wherefore I have not done this heretofore hath °flewdg°ver-
bene, by reason that the Governours of this realme
would suffer none of the captaines which have con-
quered this countrey to informe your majestie of that
which is needfull for your service, and the augmenting
of this conquest. Our lord preserve your catholique
person with increase of many kingdomes, and the aug-
mentation of youre crowne. Written in the conquest
of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591.

Your majesties most loiall subject,

Baltazar- Almeida de Souza.

[A true
469

A.D.

1589.

THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

[II. ii. 134.] A true discourse written (as is thought) by Colonel
Antonie Winkfleld emploied in the voiage to
Spaine and Portugall, 1589. sent to his par-
ticular friend, & by him published for the
better satisfaction of all such as having bene
seduced by particular report, have entred into
conceits tending to the discredite of the enter-
prise and Actors of the same.

Lthough the desire of advancing my repu-
tation caused me to withstand the many
perswasions you used to hold me at
home, & the pursute of honorable actions
drew me (contrary to your expectation)
to neglect that advise, which in love I
know you gave me : yet in respect of
the many assurances you have yeelded mee of your
kindest friendship, I cannot suspect that you will either
love or esteeme me the lesse, at this my returne : and
therfore I wil not omit any occasion which may make
me appeare thankfull, or discharge any part of that
duetie I owe you ; which now is none other then to
offer you a true discourse how these warres of Spaine
and Portugall have passed since our going out of Eng-
land the 1 8 of Aprill, till our returne which was the first
of July. Wherein I wil (under your favourable pardon)
for your further satisfaction, as well make relation of
those reasons which confirmed me in my purpose of
going abroad, as of these accidents which have happened
during our aboad there ; thereby hoping to perswade you
that no light fansie did drawe me from the fruition of
your dearest friendship, but an earnest desire, by follow-
ing the warres to make my selfe more woorthy of the
same.

Having therefore determinately purposed to put on
this habite of a souldier, 1 grew doubtfull whether to
employ my time in ye wars of the low Countries, which

470

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

1589-
are in auxiliarie maner maintained by her majestie, or
to folow the fortune of this voiage, which was an
adventure of her and many honorable personages, in
revenge of unsupportable wrongs offered unto the estate
of our countrey by the Castilian king : in arguing where-
of, I find that by how much the chalenger is reputed
before the defendant, by so much is the journey to be
preferred before those defensive wars. For had the
duke of Parma his turne bene to defend, as it was his
good fortune to invade : from whence could have pro-
ceeded that glorious honor which these late warres have
laid upon him, or what could have bene said more of
him, then of a Respondent (though never so valiant)
in a private Duell ? Even, that he hath done no more
then by his honour he was tied unto. For the gaine
of one towne or any small defeat giveth more renoume
to the Assailant, then the defence of a countrey, or the
withstanding of twentie encounters can yeeld any man
who is bound by his place to guard the same : whereof
as well the particulars of our age, especially in the
Spaniard, as the reports of former histories may assure
us, which have still laied the fame of all warres upon
the Invader. And do not ours in these dayes live
obscured in Flanders, either not having wherewithall to
manage any warre, or not putting on armes, but to
defend themselves when the enemie shall procure them ?
Whereas in this short time of our Adventure, we have
won a towne by escalade, battred & assaulted another,
overthrowen a mightie princes power in the field, landed
our armie in 3 several places of his kingdom, marched 7
dayes in the heart of his country, lien three nights in the
suburbs of his principall citie, beaten his forces into
the gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier
Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particularly
appeare : whereby I conclude, that going with an In-
vader, and in such an action as every day giveth new
experience, I have much to vaunt of, that my fortune
did rather cary me thither then into the wars of Flanders.

47i

ad: THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

Notwithstanding the vehement perswasions you used with
me to the contrary, the grounds whereof sithence you
received them from others, you must give me leave to
acquaint you with the error you were led into by them,
who labouring to bring the world into an opinion that
it stood more with the safetie of our estate to bend all
our forces against the prince of Parma, then to folow this
action by looking into the true effects of this journey,
will judicially convince themselves of mistaking the
matter. For, may the conquest of these countries
against the prince of Parma be thought more easie for
us alone now, then the defence of them was 1 1 yeeres
agoe, with the men and money of the Queene of
England ? the power of the Monsieur of France ? the
assistance of the principal states of Germanie ? and the
nobilitie of their owne country ? Could not an armie
of more then 20000 horse, & almost 30000 foot, beat
Don John de Austria out of the countrey, who was
possessed of a very few frontier townes ? & shall it now
be laid upon her majesties shoulders to remoove so
mightie an enemie, who hath left us but 3 whole parts
of 17 unconquered ? It is not a journey of a few
moneths, nor an auxiliarie warre of few yeeres that can
damnifie the king of Spaine in those places where we shall
meet at every 8 or 10 miles end with a towne, which will
cost more the winning then will yeerely pay 4 or 5
thousand mens wages, where all the countrey is quartered
by rivers which have no passage unfortified, and where
[II. ii. 135.] most of the best souldiers of Christendom that be on our
adverse party be in pension. But our armie, which hath
not cost her majestie much above the third part of one
yeres expenses in the Low countries, hath already spoiled
a great part of the provision he had made at the Groine
of all sortes, for a new voyage into England ; burnt
3 of his ships, wherof one was ye second in the last
yeres expedition called S. Juan de Colorado, taken from
him above 1 50 pieces of good artillerie ; cut off more
then 60 hulks and 20 French ships wel manned fit and

472

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

1589.

readie to serve him for men of war against us, laden for
his store with corne, victuals, masts, cables and other
marchandizes ; slaine and taken the principal men of war
he had in Galitia ; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman,
Conde de Fuentes, Generall of his forces in Portugall,
shamefully run at Peniche ; laid along of his best Com-
manders in Lisbon ; and by these few adventures
discovered how easily her majestie may without any
great adventure in short time pull the Tirant of the world
upon his knees, as wel by the disquieting his usurpation
of Portugall as without difflcultie in keeping the com-
moditie of his Indies from him, by sending an army
so accomplished, as may not be subject to those ex-
tremities which we have endured : except he draw, for
those defences, his forces out of the Low countries and
disfurnish his garisons of Naples & Milan, which with
safetie of those places he may not do. And yet by this
meane he shall rather be inforced thereunto, then by any
force that can be used there against him : wherefore I
directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe and
necessary way to be held against him, and therefore more
importing then the war in the Low countries. Yet hath
the journey (I know) bene much misliked by some, who
either thinking too worthily of the Spaniards valure, too
indifferently of his purposes against us, or too unworthily
of them that undertooke this journey against him, did
thinke it a thing dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at
his owne home, a thing needlesse to proceed by invasion
against him, a thing of too great moment for two
subjects of their qualitie to undertake : And therfore did
not so advance the beginnings as though they hoped for
any good successe therof.

The chances of wars be things most uncertaine : for
what people soever undertake them, they are in deed
as chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the
other. For which purpose it hath pleased him to give
some victories to the Spaniards of late yeeres against
some whom he had in purpose to ruine. But if we con-

473

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

sider what wars they be that have made their name so
terrible, we shal find them to have bin none other then
against the barbarous Moores, the naked Indians, and the
unarmed Netherlander, whose yeelding rather to the
name then act of the Spaniards, hath put them into such a
conceit of their mightines, as they have considerately
undertaken the conquest of our monarchic, consisting
of a people united & alwayes held sufficiently warlike :
against whom what successe their invincible army had the
last yeere, as our very children can witness, so I doubt
not but this voiage hath sufficiently made knowen what
they are even upon their owne dunghill, which, had it
bene set out in such sort as it was agreed upon by their
first demaund, it might have made our nation the most
glorious people of the world. For hath not the want
of 8 of the 12 pieces of artillerie, which were promised
unto the Adventure, lost her majestie the possession of
the Groine and many other places, as hereafter shal
appeare, whose defensible rampires were greater then our
batterie (such as it was) cold force : and therefore were
left unattempted ?

It was also resolved to have sent 600 English horses
of the Low countries, whereof we had not one, notwith-
standing the great charges expended in their transportation
hither : and that may the army assembled at Puente de
Burgos thanke God of, as well as the forces of Portugall,
who foreran us 6 daies together : Did we not want 7
of the 1 3 old Companies, which we should have had from
thence; foure of the 10 dutch Companies; & 6 of their
men of war for the sea, from the Hollanders : which
I may justly say we wanted, in that we might have had so
many good souldiers, so many good ships, and so many
able bodies more then we had ?

Did there not upon the first thinking of the journey
divers gallant Courtiers put in their names for adven-
turers to the summe of 10000 li. who seeing it went
forward in good earnest, advised themselves better, and
laid the want of so much money upon the journey ?

474

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

1589.

Was there not moreover a round summe of the
adventure spent in levying, furnishing, and maintaining
3 moneths 1500 men for the service of Berghen, with
which Companies the Mutinies of Ostend were suppressed,
a service of no smal moment ?

What misery the detracting of the time of our setting
out, which should have bene the 1 of February, did lay
upon us, too many can witnes : and what extremitie the
want of that moneths victuals which we did eat, during
the moneth we lay at Plimmouth for a wind, might have
driven us unto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what
men do live by, had not God given us in the ende a more
prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then
hath bene often seen, where our owne force & fortune
revictualled us largely : of which crosse windes, that held
us two dayes after our going out, the Generals being
wearie, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely chusing rather
to attend the change thereof there, then by being in
harborough to lose any part of the better, when it should [II. ii. 136.]
come by having their men on shore : in which two dayes
25 of our companies shipped in part of the fleet were
scattered from us, either not being able or willing to
double Ushant.

These burdens layed upon our Generals before their
going out, they have patiently endured, and I thinke they
have thereby much enlarged their honour : for having
done thus much with the want of our artillery, 600 horse,
3000 foot, 20000 li. of their adventure, and one moneths
victuals of their proportion, what may be conjectured
they would have done with their ful complement ?

For the losse of our men at sea, since we can lay it
on none but the will of God, what can be said more,
then that it is his pleasure to turne all those impediments
to the honor of them against whom they were intended :
and he will still shew himselfe the Lord of hosts in doing
great things by them, whom many have sought to
obscure : who if they had let the action fall at the height
thereof in respect of those defects, which were such

475

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

[589.

especially for the service at land, as would have made
a mighty subject stoope under them, I do not see how
any man could justly have layd any reproch upon him
who commanded the same, but rather have lamented the
iniquity of this time, wherein men whom forren countries
have for their conduct in service worthily esteemed of,
should not only in their owne countrey not be seconded
in their honorable endevors, but mightily hundred, even
to ye impairing of their owne estates, which most
willingly they have adventured for the good of their
countries : whose worth I will not value by my report,
lest I should seem guiltie of flattery (which my soule
abhorreth) & yet come short in the true measure of
their praise. Onely for your instruction against them
who had almost seduced you from the true opinion you
hold of such men, you shal understand that General
Norris from his booke was trained up in the wars of
the Admiral of France, and in very yong yeeres had
charge of men under the erle of Essex in Ireland : which
with what commendations he then discharged, I leave
to the report of them who observed those services. Upon
the breach betwixt Don John & the States, he was made
Colonell generall of all ye English forces there present,
or to come, which he continued 2 yeeres : he was then
made Marshall of the field under Conte Hohenlo : and
after that, General of the army in Frisland : at his com-
ming home in the time of Monsieurs government in
Flanders, he was made lord President of Munster in
Ireland, which he yet holdeth, from whence within one
yeere he was sent for, & sent Generall of the English
forces which her majestie then lent to the Low countries,
which he held til the erle of Leicesters going over. And
he was made Marshall of the field in England, the enemy
being upon our coast, and when it was expected the
crowne of England should have bene tried by battel.
Al which places of commandement which never any
Englishman successively attained unto in forren wars,
and the high places her majestie had thought him

476

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

1589.

woorthy of, may suffice to perswade you, that he was
not altogether unlikely to discharge that which he under-
tooke.

What fame general Drake hath gotten by his journy
about the world, by his adventures to the west Indies,
& the scourges he hath laid upon the Spanish nation, I
leave to the Southerne parts to speake of, & refer you
to The Booke extant in our own language treating of
ye same, & beseech you considering the waighty matters
they have in all the course of their lives with wonderfull
reputation managed, that you wil esteeme them not wel
informed of their proceedings, that thinke them insuffi-
cient to passe through that which they undertooke,
especially having gone thus far in the view of the world,
through so many incombrances, & disappointed of those
agreements which led them ye rather to undertake the
service. But it may be you wil thinke me herein
either to much opinionated of the voiage, or conceited
of the Commanders, yl labouring thus earnestly to
advance the opinion of them both, have not so much
as touched any part of the misorders, weaknes & wants
that have bene amongst us, whereof they that returned
did plentifully report. True it is, I have conceived a
great opinion of the journey, & do thinke honorably
of the Commanders : for we find in greatest antiquities,
that many Commanders have bene received home with
triumph for lesse merite, & that our owne countrey hath
honored men heretofore with admiration for adventures
unequal to this : it might therfore in those daies have
seemed superfluous to extend any mans commendations
by particular remembrances, for that then all men were
ready to give every man his due. But I hold it most
necessary in these daies, sithence every vertue findeth
her direct opposite, & actions woorthy of all memory
are in danger to be enviously obscured, to denounce
the prayses of the action, and actors to the ful, but yet
no further then with sinceritie of trueth, & not without
grieving at the injury of this time, wherein is enforced

477

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

a necessitie of Apologies for those men & matters, which
all former times were accustomed to entertaine with the
greatest applause that might be. But to answere the
reports which have bene given out in reproch of the
actors and action by such as were in the same : let no
man thinke otherwise, but that they, who fearing the
casuall accidents of war had any purpose of returning,
did first advise of some occasion that should move them
thereunto : and having found any whatsoever did thinke
it sufficiently just, in respect of the earnest desire they
had to seeke out matter that might colour their com-
ming home.
[II. ii. 137.] Of these there were some, who having noted the late
Flemish warres did finde that many yong men have gone
over and safely returned souldiers within fewe moneths,
in having learned some wordes of Arte used in the
warres, and thought after that good example to spend
like time amongst us : which being expired they beganne
to quarrell at the great mortalitie that was amongst us.

The neglect of discipline in the Armie, for that men
were suffered to be drunke with the plentie of wines.

The scarsitie of Surgions.

The want of carriages for the hurt and sicke : and
the penurie of victuals in the Campe :

Thereupon divining that there would be no good
done : And that therefore they could be content to lose
their time, and adventure to returne home againe.

These men have either conceived wel of their owne
wits (who by observing the passages of the warre were
become sufficient souldiers in these fewe weeks, & did
long to be at home, where their discourses might be
wondred at) or missing of their Portegues and Milrayes
which they dreamed on in Portugall, would rather
returne to their former maner of life, then attend the
ende of the journey. For seeing that one hazard brought
another ; and that though one escaped the bullet this
day it might light upon him to morow, the next day,
or any day ; and that the warre was not confined to

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

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any one place, but y' every place brought foorth new
enemies, they were glad to see some of the poore
souldiers fal sicke, yl fearing to be infected by them
they might justly desire to go home.

The sicknesse I confesse was great, because any is Anszvere to
too much. But hath it bene greater then is ordinary t firsU
amongst Englishmen at their first entrance into the
warres, whithersoever they goe to want the fulnesse of
their flesh pots ? Have not ours decayed at all times in
France, with eating yong fruits and drinking newe wines ?
have they not abundantly perished in the Low countreys
with cold, and rawnesse of the aire, even in their garri-
sons ? Have there not more died in London in sixe
moneths of the plague, then double our Armie being
at the strongest ? And could the Spanish Armie the last
yeere (who had all provisions that could be thought on
for an Armie, and tooke the fittest season in the yeere
for our Climate) avoyd sicknes amongst their souldiers ?
May it then be thought that ours could escape there,
where they found inordinate heat of weather, and hot
wines to distemper them withall ?

But can it be, that wee have lost so many as the
common sort perswade themselves wee have? It hath
bene prooved by strickt examinations of our musters, that
we were never in our fulnesse before our going from
Plimouth 1 1000. souldiers, nor above 2500. Marriners.
It is also evident that there returned above 6000. of
all sorts, as appeareth by the severall paiments made to
them since our comming home. And I have truely
shewed you that of these numbers very neere 3000. for-
sooke the Armie at the Sea, whereof some passed into
France and the rest returned home. So as we never
being 13000. in all, and having brought home above
6000. with us, you may see how the world hath bene
seduced, in beleeving that we have lost 16000. men by
sicknes.

To them that have made question of the government Answere to
of the warres (little knowing what appertaineth thereunto the second-

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in that there were so many drunkards amongst us) I
answere, that in their government of shires and parishes,
yea in their very housholdes, themselves can hardly
bridle their vassals from that vice. For we see it is a
thing almost impossible, at any your Faires or publique
assemblies to finde any quarter thereof sober, or in your
Townes any Alepoles unfrequented : And we observe
that though any man having any disordered persons in
their houses, do locke up their drinke and set Butlers
upon it, that they will yet either by indirect meanes steale
themselves drunke from their Masters tables, or runne
abroad to seeke it. If then at home in the eyes of your
Justices, Maiors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they
pay for every pot they take, they cannot be kept from
their liquor : doe they thinke that those base disordered
persons whom themselves sent unto us, as living at home
without rule, who hearing of wine doe long for it as a
daintie that their purses could never reach to in England,
and having it there without mony even in their houses
where they lie & hold their guard, can be kept from
being drunk ; and once drunke, held in any order or
tune, except we had for every drunkard an officer to
attend him ? But who be they that have runne into
these disorders ? Even our newest men, our yongest
men, and our idelest men, and for the most part our
slovenly prest men, whom the Justices, (who have
alwayes thought unwoorthily of any warre) have sent out
as the scumme and dregs of their countrey. And those
were they, who distempering themselves with these hote
wines, have brought in that sicknesse, which hath infected
honester men then themselves. But I hope, as in other
places the recoverie of their diseases doeth acquaint their
bodies with the aire of the countries where they be,
so the remainder of these which have either recovered,
or past without sicknesse will proove most fit for
Martiall services.
Answere to If we have wanted Surgeons, may not this rather be

the third. laid upon the captaines (who are to provide for their

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

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severall Companies) then upon the Generals, whose care
hath bene more generall. And how may it be thought
that every captaine, upon whom most of the charges of
raising their Companies was laid as an adventure, could
provide themselves of all things expedient for a war,
which was alwaies wont to be maintained by the purse of
the prince. But admit every captaine had his Surgeon :
yet were the want of curing never the lesse : for our
English Surgeons (for the most part) be unexperienced in
hurts that come by shot ; because England hath not
knowen wars but of late, from whose ignorance proceeded
this discomfort, which I hope wil warne those y* here-
after go to the wars to make preparation of such as
may better preserve mens lives by their skill.

From whence the want of cariages did proceed, you Amtoere to
may conjecture in yl we marched through a countrey the fourth-
neither plentiful of such provisions, nor willing to part
from any thing : yet this I can assure you, that no man
of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place un-
provided for. And that the General commanded all the
mules & asses that were laden with any baggage to be
unburdened and taken to that use : and the earle of
Essex and he for mony hired men to cary men upon
pikes. And the earle (whose true vertue and nobilitie, as
it doeth in all other his actions appeare, so did it very
much in this) threw down his own stuffe, I meane
apparel & necessaries which he had there, from his owne
cariages, and let them be left by the way, to put hurt and
sicke men upon them. Of whose honorable deservings
I shall not need here to make any particular discourse,
for that many of his actions do hereafter give me occasion
to observe the same.

And the great complaint that these men make for the Answere to
want of victuals may well proceed from their not know- e *ft%
ing the wants of the war ; for if to feed upon good bieves,
muttons & goats, be to want, they have endured great
scarcitie at land, wherunto they never wanted, two daies
together, wine to mixe with their water, nor bread to eat

VI 481 2H

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

with their meat (in some quantitie) except it were such as
had vowed rather to starve then to stir out of their places
for food : of whom we had too many, who if their time
had served for it, might have seen in many campes in
the most plentifull countries of the world for victuals,
men daily die with want of bread and drinke in not
having money to buy, nor the countrey yeelding any
good or healthful water in any place ; whereas both
Spaine and Portugall do in every place affoord the best
water that may be, and much more healthful then any
wine for our drinking.

And although some have most injuriously exclaimed
against the smal provisions of victuals for the sea, rather
grounding the same upon an evil that might have fallen,
then any that did light upon us : yet know you this, that
there is no man so forgetfull, that will say they wanted
before they came to the Groine, that whosoever made not
very large provisions for himselfe & his company at the
Groine, was very improvident, where was plentiful store
of wine, biefe and fish, & no mart of place prohibited to
lay in the same into their ships, wherewith some did so
furnish themselves, as they did not onely in the journey
supplie the wants of such as were lesse provident then
they, but in their returne home made a round commoditie
of the remainder thereof. And that at Cascais there came
in such store of provisions into the Fleet out of England,
as no man that would have used his diligence could have
wanted his due proportion thereof, as might appeare by
the remainder that was returned to Plimmouth, and the
plentifull sale thereof made out of the marchants ships
after their comming into the Thames.

But least I should seeme unto you too studious in
confuting idle opinions, or answering frivolous questions,
I wil addresse me to the true report of those actions that
have passed therein : wherin I protest, I will neither hide
any thing that hath hapned against us, nor attribute more
to any man or matter, then the just occasions thereof lead
me unto : wherein it shall appeare that there hath bene

482

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

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nothing left undone by the Generals which was before

our going out undertaken by them, but that there hath

bene much more done then was at the first required by

Don Antonio, who should have reaped the fruit of our

adventure.

After 6 daies sailing from the coast of England, & 0ur men land

the 5 after we had the wind good being the 20 of April «»*}» 1 mle
1 • 1 1 1 • to 1 • 1 t- v i °fthe Grotne

in the evening, we landed in a baie more then an English the 2Q 0j

mile from the Groine, in our long boats and pinnasses April
without any impeachment : from whence we presently
marched toward the towne, within one halfe mile we were
encountred by the enemie who being charged by ours,
retired into their gates. For that night our armie lay in
the villages, houses & mils next adjoining, and very neere
round about the towne, into the which the Galeon named
S. John (which was the second of the last yeeres Fleet
agaynst England) one hulke, two smaller ships and two
Gallies which were found in the road, did beate upon
us and upon our Companies as they passed too and fro
that night and the next morning. Generall Norris having
that morning before day viewed the Towne, found the
same defended on the land side (for it standeth upon the
necke of an Hand) with a wall upon a dry ditch : where-
upon he resolved to trie in two places what might bee
done against it by escalade, and in the meane time advised [II. ii. 139.]
for the landing of some artillery to beat upon the ships
and gallies, that they might not annoy us : which being
put in execution, upon the planting of the first piece the
gallies abandoned the road, and betooke them to Feroll,
not farre from thence : and the Armada being beaten with
the artillery and musketers that were placed upon the
next shore, left her playing upon us. The rest of the
day was spent in preparing the companies, and other pro-
visions ready for the surprise of the base towne, which
was effected in this sort.

There were appointed to be landed 1200 men under
the conduct of Colonell Huntley, and Captaine Fenner
the Viceadmirall, on that side next fronting us by water

483

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

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in long boats and pinnesses, wherein were placed many
pieces of artillery to beat upon the towne in their aproch :
at the corner of the wall which defended the other water
side, were appointed Captaine Richard Wingfield Lieuten-
ant Colonell to Generall Norris, and Captaine Sampson
Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Drake to enter at low
water with 500 men if they found it passable, but if not,
to betake them to the escalade, for they had also ladders
with them : at the other corner of the wall which joyned
to that side that was attempted by water, were appointed
Colonell Umpton, and Colonell Bret with 300 men to
enter by escalade. All the companies which should enter
by boat being imbarked before the low water, and
having given the alarme, Captaine Wingfield and Captaine
Sampson betooke them to the escalade, for they had in
commandement to charge all at one instant. The boats
landed without any great difficulty : yet had they some
men hurt in the landing. Colonell Bret and Colonell
Umpton entred their quarter without encounter, not find-
ing any defence made against them : for Captaine Hinder
being one of them that entred by water, at his first entry,
with some of his owne company whom he trusted well,
betooke himselfe to that part of the wall, which he cleared
before that they offered to enter, and so still scoured the
wall till hee came on the backe of them who main-
teined the fight against Captaine Wingfield and Captaine
Sampson ; who were twise beaten from their ladders, and
found very good resistance, till the enemies perceiving
ours entred in two places at their backs, were driven to
abandon the same. The reason why that place was longer
defended then the other, is (as Don Juan de Luna who
commanded the same affirmeth) that the enemy that day
had resolved in councell how to make their defences, if
they were approched : and therein concluded, that, if we
attempted it by water, it was not able to be held, and
therefore upon the discovery of our boats, they of the
high towne should make a signall by fire from thence,
that all the low towne might make their retreat thither :

484

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

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but they (whether troubled with the sudden terror we
brought upon them, or forgetting their decree) omitted
the fire, which made them guard that place til we were
entred on every side.

Then the towne being entred in three several places
with an huge cry, the inhabitants betooke them to the
high towne: which they might with lesse perill doe, for
that ours being strangers there, knew not the way to cut
them off. The rest that were not put to the sword in
fury, fled to the rocks in the Hand, and others hid them-
selves in chambers and sellers, which were every day
found out in great numbers.

Amongst those Don Juan de Luna, a man of very
good commandement, having hidden himselfe in a house,
did the next morning yeeld himselfe.

There was also taken that night a commissary of vic-
tuals called Juan de Vera, who confessed that there were in
the Groine at our entry 500 souldiers being in seven com-
panies which returned very weake (as appeareth by the small
numbers of them) from the journey of England, namely :
Don Diego Barran, a bastard sonne of the
Marques of Santa Cruz ; his company
was that night in the Galeon.
Don Antonio de Herera then at Madrid.
Don Pedro de Manriques brother to the

Earle of Paxides.
Don Jeronimo de Mourray of the Order
of S. Juan, with some of the towne
were in the fort.
Don Gomez de Caramasal then at
Madrid.
h Captaine Mango Caucaso de Socas.
Also there came in that day of our landing from
Retanzas the companies of Don Juan de Mosalle,
and Don Pedro poure de Leon.
Also he saith that there was order given for baking of
300000 of biscuit, some in Batansas, some in Ribadeo,
and the rest there.

485

Under Don
Juan de
Luna.

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

There were then in the towne 2000 pipes of wine, and

150 in the ships.
That there were lately come unto the Marques of Seralba

300000 ducats.
That there were 1000 jarres of oile.
A great quantity of beanes, peaze, wheat, and fish.
That there were 3000 quintals of beefe.
[II. ii. 140.] And that not twenty dayes before, there came in three
barks laden with match & harquebuzes.

Some others also found favour to be taken prisoners,
but the rest falling into the hands of the common
souldiers, had their throats cut, to the number of 500,
as I conjecture, first and last, after we had entred the
towne ; and in the entry thereof there was found every
celler full of wine, whereon our men, by inordinate
drinking, both grew themselves for the present senselesse
of the danger of the shot of the towne, which hurt many
of them being drunke, & tooke the first ground of
their sicknesse ; for of such was our first and chiefest
mortality. There was also abundant store of victuals,
salt, and all kinde of provision for shipping and the
warre : which was confessed by the sayd Commissary
of victuals taken there, to be the beginning of a
magasin of all sorts of provision for a new voyage
into England : whereby you may conjecture what the
spoile thereof hath advantaged us, and prejudiced the
king of Spaine.

The next morning about eight of the clocke the
enemies abandoned their ships. And having overcharged
the artillery of ye gallion, left her on fire, which burnt
in terrible sort two dayes together, the fire and over-
charging of the pieces being so great, as of fifty that
were in her, there were not above sixteene taken out
whole ; the rest with overcharge of the powder being
broken, and molten with heat of the fire, were taken out
in broken pieces into divers shippes. The same day
was the cloister on the South side of the towne entred
by us, which joyned very neere to the wall of the towne,

486

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

1589.

out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat

into the same with our musquetiers.

The next day in the afternoone there came downe
some 2000 men, gathered together out of the countrey,
even to the gates of the towne, as resolutely (ledde by
what spirit I know not) as though they would have
entred the same : but at the first defence made by ours
that had the guard there, wherein were slaine about
eighteene of theirs, they tooke them to their heeles in
the same disorder they made their approch, and with
greater speed then ours were able to follow : notwith-
standing we followed after them more then a mile. The
second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the countrey
with three or foure hundred men, who brought home
very great store of kine and sheepe for our reliefe.

The third day in the night the Generallhad in purpose
to take a long munition-house builded upon their wall,
opening towards us, which would have given us great
advantage against them ; but they knowing the com-
modity thereof for us, burnt it in the beginning of the
evening ; which put him to a new councell : for he had
likewise brought some artillery to that side of the towne.
During this time there happened a very great fire in the
lower end of the towne ; which, bad it not bene by the
care of the Generals heedily seene unto, and the fury
thereof prevented by pulling downe many houses which
were most in danger, as next unto them, had burnt all
the provisions we found there, to our woonderfull
hinderance.

The fourth day were planted under the gard of the
cloister two demy-canons, and two colverings against the
towne, defended or gabbioned with a crosse wall, thorow
the which our battery lay ; the first and second tire
whereof shooke all the wall downe, so as all the ordinance
lay open to the enemy, by reason whereof some of the
Canoniers were shot and some slaine. The Lieutenant
also of the ordinance, M. Spencer, was slaine fast by
Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: whose valour being

487

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

accompanied with an honourable care of defending that
trust committed unto him, never left that place, till he
received direction from the Generall his brother to cease
the battery, which he presently did, leaving a guard
upon the same for that day ; and in the night following
made so good defence for the place of the battery, as
after there were very few or none annoyed therein. That
day Captaine Goodwin had in commandement from the
Generall, that when the assault should be given to the
towne, he should make a proffer of an escalade on
the other side, where he held his guard : but he (mis-
taking the signall that should have bene given) attempted
the same long before the assault, and was shot in the
mouth. The same day the Generall having planted his
ordinance ready to batter, caused the towne to be sum-
moned ; in which summons they of the towne shot at
our Drum : immediatly after that there was one hanged
over the wall, and a parle desired ; wherein they gave
us to understand, that the man hanged was he that
shot at the Drum before : wherein also they intreated
to have faire warres, with promise of the same on their
parts. The rest of the parle was spent in talking of
Don Juan de Luna, and some other prisoners, and some-
what of the rendring of the towne, but not much, for
they listened not greatly thereunto.

Generall Norris having by his skilfull view of the
towne (which is almost all seated upon a rocke) found
one place thereof mineable, did presently set workemen
in hand withall ; who after three dayes labour (and the
seventh after we were entred the base towne) had bedded
their powder, but indeed not farre enough into the wall.
[II. ii. 141.] Against which time the breach made by the canon
being thought assaultable, and companies appointed as
well to enter the same, as that which was expected should
be blowen up by the mine : namely, to that of the canon,
Captaine Richard Wingfield, and Captaine Philpot, who
lead the Generals foot-companie, with whom also Captaine
Yorke went, whose principall commandment was over

488

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

1589.

the horsemen. And to that of the Myne, Captaine John
Sampson, and Captaine Anthonie Wingfield Lieutenant
Colonell to the Master of the Ordinance, with certaine
selected out of divers Regiments. All these companies
being in armes, and the assault intended to be given in
al places at an instant, fire was put to the traine of the
mine ; but by reason the powder brake out backewards
in a place where the cave was made too high, there could
be nothing done in either place for that day. During
this time Captaine Hinder was sent with some chosen
out of every company into the countrey for provisions,
whereof he brought in good store, and returned with-
out losse.

The next day Captaine Anthony Sampson was sent
out with some 500 to fetch in provisions for the army,
who was encountred by them of the countrey, but he
put them to flight, and returned with good spoile. The
same night the Miners were set to worke againe, who
by the second day after had wrought very well into the
foundation of the wall. Against which time the com-
panies aforesayd being in readinesse for both places
(Generall Drake on the other side, with two or three
hundred men in pinnesses, making proffer to attempt a
strong fort upon an Hand before the towne, where he
left more then thirty men) fire was given to the traine
of the mine, which blew up halfe the tower under which
the powder was planted. The assailants having in charge
upon the effecting of the mine presently to give the
assault, performed it accordingly : but too soone : for
having entred the top of the breach, the other halfe of
the tower, which with the first force of the powder was
onely shaken and made loose, fell upon our men : under
which were buried about twenty or thirty, then being
under that part of the tower. This so amazed our men
that stood in the breach, not knowing from whence that
terror came, as they forsooke their Commanders, and left
them among the ruines of the mine. The two Ensignes
of Generall Drake and Captaine Anthony Wingfield

489

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

were shot in the breach, but their colours were rescued :
the Generals by Captaine Sampsons Lieutenant, and
Captaine Wingfields by himselfe. Amongst them that
the wall fell upon, was Captaine Sydenham pitifully lost ;
who having three or foure great stones upon his lower
parts, was held so fast, as neither himselfe could stirre,
nor any reasonable company recover him. Notwith-
standing the next day being found to be alive, there was
ten or twelve lost in attempting to relieve him.

The breach made by the canon was woonderfully well
assaulted by them that had the charge thereof, who
brought their men to the push of the pike at the top
of the breach. And being ready to enter, the loose
earth (which was indeed but the rubbish of the outside
of the wall) with the weight of them that were thereon
slipped outwards from under their feet. Whereby did
appeare halfe the wall unbattered. For let no man thinke
that culverin or demy-canon can sufficiently batter a
defensible rampire : and of those pieces which we had ;
the better of the demy-canons at the second shot brake
in her carriages, so as the battery was of lesse force, being
but of three pieces.

In our retreat (which was from both breaches thorow
a narrow lane) were many of our men hurt : and Cap-
taine Dolphin, who served very well that day, was
hurt in the very breach. The failing of this attempt,
in the opinion of all the beholders, and of such as
were of best judgement, was the fall of the mine ;
which had doubtlesse succeeded, the rather, because the
approch was unlooked for by the enemy in that place,
and therefore not so much defence made there as in
the other ; which made the Generall grow to a new
resolution : for finding that two dayes battery had so
little beaten their wall, and that he had no better
preparation to batter withall : he knew in his experi-
ence, there was no good to be done that way; which
I thinke he first put in proofe, to trie if by that
terror he could get the upper towne, having no other

490

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE «

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way to put it in hazzard so speedily, and which in
my conscience had obtained the towne, had not the
defendants bene in as great perill of their lives by the
displeasure of their king in giving it up, as by the bullet
or sword in defending the same. For that day before
the assault, in the view of our army, they burnt a
cloister within the towne, and many other houses adjoyn-
ing to the castle, to make it more defensible : whereby
it appeared how little opinion themselves had of holding
it against us, had not God (who would not have us
suddenly made proud) layed that misfortune upon us.

Hereby it may appeare, that the foure canons, and
other pieces of battery promised to the journey, and
not performed, might have made her Majesty mistresse
of the Groine : for though the mine were infortunate,
yet if the other breach had bene such as the earth
would have held our men thereon, I doe not thinke
but they had entred it thorowly at the first assault
given : which had bene more then I have heard of in
our age. And being as it was, is no more then the
Prince of Parma hath in winning of all his townes [II. ii. 142.]
endured, who never entred any place at the first assault,
nor above three by assault.

The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner
that was brought in, that the Conde de Andrada had
assembled an armie of eight thousand at Puente de
Burgos, sixe miles from thence in the way to Petance,
which was but the beginning of an armie ; in that there
was a greater leavie readie to come thither under the
Conde de Altemira, either in purpose to relieve the
Groine, or to encampe themselves neere the place of
our embarking, there to hinder the same ; for to that
purpose had the marquesse of Seralba written to them
both the first night of our landing, as the Commis-
sarie taken then confessed, or at the least to stop our
further entrance into the Countrey, (for during this
time, there were many incursions made of three or
foure hundred at a time, who burnt, spoyled, and

491

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

brought in victuals plentifully) the Generall, I say,
hearing of this armie, had in purpose the next day
following to visite them, agaynst whom hee caried but
nine Regiments : in the vantgard were the Regiment of
Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonell
Sidney : in the Battaile, that of the Generall, of Colonell
Lane, and Colonel Medkerk : and in the Rereward, Sir
Henrie Norris, Colonell Huntley, and Colonell Brets
Regiments ; leaving the other five Regiments with
Generall Drake, for the guard of the Cloister and
Artillerie. About ten of the clocke the next day, being
the sixt of May, halfe a mile from the campe, we
discovering the enemy, Sir Edward Norris, who com-
manded the vantgard in chiefe, appointed his Lieutenant
Colonell Captaine Anthonie Wingfleld to command the
shot of the same, who divided them into three troups ;
the one he appointed to Captaine Middleton to be con-
ducted in a way on the left hand : another to Captaine
Erington to take the way on the right hand, and the
body of them (which were Musquetiers) Captaine Wing-
field tooke himselfe, keeping the direct way of the
march. But the way taken by Captaine Middleton met
a little before with the way held by Captaine Wingfield,
so as he giving the first charge upon the enemy, was
in the instant seconded by Captaine Wingfield, who beat
them from place to place (they having very good places
of defence, and crosse walles which they might have
held long) till they betooke them to their bridge, which
is over a creeke comming out of the Sea, builded of
stone upon arches. On the foot of the further side
whereof, lay the Campe of the enemy very strongly
entrenched, who with our shot beaten to the further
end of the bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in the
point of the pikes, without stay passed to the bridge,
accompanied with Colonell Sidney, Captaine Hinder,
Captaine Fulford, and divers others, who found the
way cleare over the same, but through an incredible
volley of shot ; for that the shot of their army flanked

492

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

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upon both sides of the bridge, the further end whereof
was barricaded with barrels : but they who should have
guarded the same, seeing the proud approch we made,
forsooke the defence of the barricade, where Sir Edward
entered, and charging the first defendant with his pike,
with very earnestnesse in overthrusting, fell, and was
grievously hurt at the sword in the head, but was most
honourably rescued by the Generall his brother, accom-
panied with Colonell Sidney, and some other gentlemen :
Captaine Hinder also having his Caske shot off, had
five wounds in the head and face at the sword : and
Captaine Fulford was shot into the left arme at the
same encounter : yet were they so thorowly seconded
by the Generall, who thrust himselfe so neere to give
encouragement to the attempt (which was of woonder-
full difficulty) as their bravest men that defended that
place being overthrowen, their whole army fell presently The notable

into rout, of whom our men had the chase three miles 0verthr0VJ

. Piz'eti to the

in foure sundry wayes, which they betooke themselves Spaniards at

unto. There was taken the Standerd with the Kings Puente de
armes, and borne before the Generall. How many two Burgos.
thousand men (for of so many consisted our vantgard)
might kill in pursuit of foure sundry parties, so many
you may imagine fell before us that day. And to make
the number more great, our men having given over the
execution, and returning to their standes, found many
hidden in the Vineyards and hedges, which they dis-
patched. Also Colonell Medkerk was sent with his
regiment three miles further to a Cloister, which he
burnt and spoiled, wherein he found two hundred more,
& put them to the sword. There were slaine in this
fight on our side onely Captaine Cooper, and one private
souldier ; Captaine Barton was also hurt upon the bridge
in the eye. But had you seene the strong baricades
they had made on either side of the bridge, and how
strongly they lay encamped thereabouts, you would have
thought it a rare resolution of ours to give so brave
a charge upon an army so strongly lodged. After the

493

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

furie of the execution, the Generall sent the vantgard
one way, and the battell another, to burne and spoile ;
so as you might have seene the countrey more then
three miles compasse on fire. There was found very
good store of munition and victuals in the Campe, some
plate and rich apparell, which the better sort left behinde,
they were so hotly pursued. Our sailers also landed
in an Hand next adjoyning to our ships, where they
burnt and spoiled all they found. Thus we returned
[II. ii. 143.] to the Groine, bringing small comfort to the enemy
within the same, who shot many times at us as we
marched out ; but not once in our comming backe
againe.

The next day was spent in shipping our artillery
landed for the battery, and of the rest taken at the
Groine, which had it bene such as might have given us
any assurance of a better battery, or had there bene
no other purpose of our journey but that, I thinke the
Generall would have spent some more time in the siege
of the place.

The two last nights, there were that undertooke to
fire the higher towne in one place, where the houses
were builded upon the wall by the water side ; but they
within suspecting as much, made so good defence against
us, as they prevented the same. In our departure there
was fire put into every house of the low towne, inso-
much as I may justly say, there was not one house left
standing in the base towne, or the cloister.

The next day being the eight of May, we embarked
our army without losse of a man, which (had we not
beaten the enemy at Puente de Burgos) had bene im-
possible to have done ; for that without doubt they
would have attempted something against us in our
imbarking : as appeared by the report of the Commissary
aforesayd, who confessed, that the first night of our
landing the Marques of Seralba writ to the Conde de
Altemira, the Conde de Andrada, and to Terneis de
Santisso, to bring all the forces against us that they

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

1589.
could possible raise, thinking no way so good to assure
that place, as to bring an army thither, wherewithall
they might either besiege us in their base towne, if we
should get it, or to lie betweene us and our place of
imbarking, to %ht with us upon the advantage ; for
they had above 15000 souldiers under their commande-
ments.

After we had put from thence, we had the winde so
contrary, as we could not under nine dayes recover the
Burlings : in which passage on the thirteenth day the
Earle of Essex, and with him M. Walter Devereux his
brother (a Gentleman of woonderfull great hope) Sir
Roger Williams Colonell generall of the footmen, Sir
Philip Butler, who hath alwayes bene most inward with
him, and Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the fleet.
The Earle having put himselfe into the journey against
the opinion of the world, and as it seemed to the hazzard
of his great fortune, though to the great advancement
of his reputation, (for as the honourable cariage of him-
selfe towards all men doth make him highly esteemed
at home ; so did his exceeding forwardnesse in all services
make him to be woondered at amongst us) who, I say,
put off in the same winde from Falmouth, that we left
Plimmouth in, where he lay, because he would avoid
the importunity of messengers that were dayly sent for
his returne, and some other causes more secret to him-
selfe, not knowing (as it seemed) what place the Generals
purposed to land in, had bene as farre as Cadiz in
Andaluzia, and lay up and downe about the South Cape,
where he tooke some ships laden with corne, and brought
them unto the fleet. Also in his returne from thence
to meet with our fleet, he fell with the Hands of Bayon ;
and on that side of the river which Cannas standeth
upon, he, with Sir Roger Williams, and those Gentlemen
that were with him went on shore, with some men out
of the ship he was in, whom the enemy, that held guard
upon that coast, would not abide, but fled up into the
countrey.

495

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

The 16 day we landed at Peniche in Portugall, under
the shot of the castle, and above the waste in water,
more then a mile from the towne, wherein many were
in perill of drowning, by reason the winde was great,
and the sea went high, which overthrew one boat, wherein
five and twenty of Captaine Dolphins men perished.
The enemy being five companies of Spaniards under the
commandement of the Conde de Fuentes, sallied out
of the towne against us, and in our landing made their
approch close by the water side. But the Earle of Essex
with Sir Roger Williams, and his brother, having landed
sufficient number to make two troups, left one to holde
the way by the water side, and led the other over the
Sandhils ; which the enemy seeing, drew theirs likewise
further into the land ; not, as we conjectured, to en-
counter us, but indeed to make their speedy passage
away : notwithstanding, they did it in such sort, as being
charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell
generall under Captaine Jackson, they stood the same
even to the push of the pike : in which charge and at
the push, Captaine Robert Piew was slaine. The enemy
being fled further then we had reason to follow them,
all our companies were drawen to the towne ; which
being unfortified in any place, we found undefended by
any man against us. And therefore the Generall caused
the castle to be summoned that night ; which being
abandoned by him that commanded it, a Portugall named
Antonio de Aurid, being possessed thereof, desired but
to be assured that Don Antonio was landed, whereupon
he would deliver the same ; which he honestly performed.

Peniche taken. There was taken out of the castle some hundred shot
and pikes, which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals
withall, and twenty barrels of powder : so as possessing
both the towne and the castle, we rested there one day :
wherein some Friers and other poore men came unto
their new king, promising in the name of their country

[II. ii. 144.] next adjoyning, that within two dayes he should have a
good supply of horse and foote for his assistance. That

496

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

1589.

day we remained there, the Generals company of horses

were unshipped.

The Generals there fully resolved, that the Armie
should march over land to Lisbone under the conduct
of Generall Norris ; and that Generall Drake should
meete him in the river therof with the Fleete ; that there
should be one Company of foote left in garde of the
Castle, and sixe in the ships : also that the sicke & hurt
should remaine there with provisions for their cures.
The Generall, to trie the event of the matter by expedi-
tion, the next day beganne to march in this sort : his
owne Regiment, and the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams,
Sir Henrie Norris, Colonell Lane, and Colonell Med-
kerk, in the vantgard : Generall Drake, Colonell Deve-
reux, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonell Sidneis in the
battell : Sir James Hales, Sir Edward Wingfield, Colonell
Umptons, Colonell Huntlies, and Colonell Brets in the
arrereward. By that time our army was thus marshalled,
Generall Drake, although hee were to passe by Sea, yet
to make knowen the honourable desire he had of taking
equall part of all fortunes with us, stood upon the
ascent of an hill, by the which our battalions must of
necessity march, and with a pleasing kindnesse tooke his
leave severally of the Commanders of every regiment,
wishing us all most happy successe in our journey over
the land, with a constant promise that he would, if the
injury of the weather did not hinder him, meet us in
the river of Lisbon with our fleet. The want of cari-
ages the first day was such, as they were enforced to
cary their munition upon mens backs, which was the
next day remedied.

In this march Captaine Crispe the Provost Marshall
caused one who (contrary to the Proclamation published
at our arrivall in Portugall) had broken up an house
for pillage, to be hanged, with the cause of his death
upon his breast, in the place where the act was com-
mitted : which good example providently given in the
beginning of our march, caused the commandement to
vi 497 2 1

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

be more respectivly regarded all the journey after, by
them whom feare of punishment doeth onely holde
within compasse. The campe lodged that night at
Lorinha : the next day we had intelligence all the way,
that the enemy had made head of horse and foot
against us at Torres Vedras, which we thought they
would have held : but comming thither the second day
of our march, not two houres before our vantgard came
in, they left the towne and the castle to the possession
of Don Antonio.

There began the greatest want we had of victuals,
especially of bread, upon a commandement given from
the Generall, that no man should spoile the countrey,
or take any thing from any Portugal! : which was more
respectively observed, then I thinke would have bene
in our owne countrey, amongst our owne friends and
kindred : but the countrey (contrary to promise) wholly
neglected the provision of victuals for us, whereby we
were driven for that time into a great scarsity. Which
mooved the Colonell generall to call all the Colonels
together, and with them to advise for some better course
for our people : who thought it best, first to advertise
the king what necessity we were in, before we should of
our selves alter the first institution of abstinence. The
Colonell generall having acquainted the Generall here-
with, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the
king ; who after some expostulations used, tooke the
more carefull order for our men, and after that our army
was more plentifully relieved.

The third day we lodged our army in three sundry
villages, the one battalion lying in Exarama de los Caval-
leros, another in Exarama do Obispo, and the third in
San Sebastian.

Captaine Yorke who commanded the Generals horse
company, in this march made triall of the valour of the
horsemen of the enemy ; who by one of his Corporals
charged with eight horses thorow 40 of them, & him-
selfe thorow more then 200 with some forty horses : who

498

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

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would abide him no longer then they could make way
from him.

The next day we marched to Lores, and had divers
intelligences that the enemy would tary us there : for the
Cardinall had made publique promise to them of Lisbon,
that he would fight with us in that place, which he
might have done adva tageously ; for we had a bridge
to passe over in the same place : but before our comming
he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared unto us that
he had in purpose to encampe there ; for we found the
ground staked out where their trenches should have bene
made : and their horsemen with some few shot shewed
themselves upon an hill at our comming into that
village ; whom Sir Henry Norris (whose regiment had the
point of the vantgard) thought to draw unto some fight,
and therfore marched without sound of drumme, and
somewhat faster then ordinary, thereby to get neere them
before he were discovered, for he was shadowed from them
by an hill that was betweene him and them : but before
he could draw his companies any thing neere, they retired.

General Drakes regiment that night, for the commodity
of good lodging, drew themselves into a village, more
then one English mile from thence, and neere the enemy :
who not daring to do any thing against us in foure dayes [II. ii. 145,]
before, tooke that occasion, and in the next morning fell
downe upon that regiment, crying, Viva el Rey Don
Antonio, which was a generall salutation thorow all the
Countrey as they came : whom our yoong Souldiers
(though it were upon their guard, and before the watch
were discharged) began to entertaine kindly, but having
got within their guard, they fell to cut their throats : but
the alarme being taken inwards, the officers of the two
next Companies, whose Captaines (Captaine Sydnam and
Captaine Young) were lately dead at the Groine, brought
downe their colours and pikes upon them in so resolute
maner, as they presently drave them to retire with losse :
they killed of ours at their first entrance fourteene, and
hurt sixe or seven.

499

a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

The next day we lodged at Alvelana within three miles
of Lisbon, where many of our souldiers drinking in two
places of standing waters by the way were poisoned, and
thereon presently died. Some do thinke it came rather
by eating of hony, which they found in the houses
plentifully. But whether it were by water or by hony,
the poore men were poisoned.

That night the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams
went out about eleven of the clocke with 1000 men to
lie in ambuscade neere the towne, and having layed the
same very neere, sent some to give the alarme unto
the enemy : which was well performed by them that had
the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after
them, so as the Earle returned assoone as it was light
without doing any thing, though he had in purpose, and
was ready to have given an honourable charge on them.

The 25 of May in the evening we came to the suburbs
of Lisbon : at the very entrance whereof Sir Roger
Williams calling Captaine Anthony Wingfield with him,
tooke thirty shot or thereabouts, and first scowred all the
streets till they came very neere the towne ; where they
found none but olde folks and beggers, crying, Viva el
Rey Don Antonio, and the houses shut up : for they
had caried much of their wealth into the towne, and had
fired some houses by the water side, full of corne and
other provisions of victuals, least we should be benefited
thereby, but yet left behinde them great riches in many
houses.

The foure regiments that had the vantgard that day,
which were Colonell Devereux, Sir Edward Norris,
Colonell Sidneys, and Generall Drakes (whom I name
as they marched) the Colonell generall caused to holde
guard in the neerest streets of the Suburbs : the battell
and the arreward stood in armes all the night in the field
neere to Alcantara. Before morning Captaine Wingfield,
by direction from the Colonell generall Sir Roger
Williams, held guard with Sir Edward Norris his
regiment in three places very neere the towne wall, and

500

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

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so held the same till the other regiments came in the
morning. About midnight they within the towne burnt
all their houses that stood upon their wall either within
or without, least we possessing them, might thereby
greatly have annoyed the towne.

The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted (but
not without peril) to take a Church called S. Antonio,
which joyned to the wall of the towne, and would have
bene a very evill neighbor to the towne : but the enemy
having more easie entry into it then we gained it before
us. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering
the battell and arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona
Vista, and in placing Musquetiers in houses, to front
their shot upon the wall, who from the same scowred
the great streets very dangerously.

By this time our men being thorowly weary with our
sixe dayes march, and the last nights watch, were desirous
of rest : whereof the enemy being advertised, about one
or two of the clocke sallied out of the towne, and made
their approch in three severall streets upon us, but chiefly
in Colonell Brets quarter : who (as most of the army was)
being at rest, with as much speed as he could, drew his
men into armes, and made head against them so thorowly,
as himselfe was slaine in the place, Captaine Carsey shot
thorow the thigh, of which hurt he died within foure
dayes after, Captaine Carre slaine presently, and Captaine
Cave hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his
regiment.

This resistance made aswell here, as in other quarters
where Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk commanded,
put them to a sudden foule retreat ; insomuch, as the
Earle of Essex had the chase of them even to the gates
of the high towne, wherein they left behinde them many
of their best Commanders : their troupe of horsemen
also came out, but being charged by Captaine Yorke,
withdrew themselves againe. Many of them also left
the streets, and betooke them to houses which they found
open : for the Sergeant major Captaine Wilson slew in

501

AD THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

one house with his owne hands three or foure, and
caused them that were with him to kill many others.
Their losse I can assure you did triple ours, aswell in
quality as in quantity.

During our march to this place, Generall Drake with
the whole fleet was come into Cascais, and possessed the
towne without any resistance : many of the inhabitants
[II. ii. 146.] at their discovery of our navy, fledde with their baggage
into the mountaines, and left the towne for any man that
would possesse it, till Generall Drake sent unto them by
a Portugall Pilot which he had on boord, to offer them
all peaceable kindnesse, so farre foorth as they would accept
of their King, and minister necessaries to the army he
had brought ; which offer they joyfully imbraced, and
presently sent two chiefe men of their towne, to signifie
their loyalty to Don Antonio, and their honest affections
to our people. Whereupon the Generall landed his
companies not farre from the Cloister called San
Domingo, but not without perill of the shot of the
castle, which being guarded with 65 Spaniards, held still
against him.

As our fleet were casting ancre when they came first
into that road, there was a small ship of Brasil that came
from thence, which bare with them, and seemed by
striking her sailes, as though she would also have ancred :
but taking her fittest occasion hoised againe, and would
have passed up the river, but the Generall presently
discerning her purpose, sent out a pinnesse or two after
her, which forced her in such sort, as she ran herselfe
upon the Rocks : all the men escaped out of her, and
the lading (being many chests of sugar) was made nothing
woorth, by the salt water. In his going thither also, he
tooke ships of the port of Portugall, which were sent
from thence, with fifteene other from Pedro Vermendes
Xantes Sergeant major of the same place, laden with men
and victuals to Lisbon : the rest that escaped put into
Setuvel.

The next day it pleased Generall Norris to call all the

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

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Colonels together, and to advise with them, whether it
were more expedient to tary there to attend the forces
of the Portugall horse and foot, whereof the King had
made promise, and to march some convenient number
to Cascais to fetch our artillery and munition, which was
all at our ships, saving that which for the necessity of
the service was brought along with us : whereunto, some
caried away with the vaine hope of Don Antonio, that
most part of the towne stood for us, held it best to
make our abode there, and to send some 3000 for our
artillery : promising to themselves, that the enemy being
wel beaten the day before, would make no more sallies :
some others (whose unbeliefe was very strong of any
hope from the Portugall) perswaded rather to march
wholly away, then to be any longer carried away with the
opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance.
The Generall not willing to leave any occasion of blotte
to be layed upon him for his speedy going from thence,
nor to lose any more time by attending the hopes of
Don Antonio ; tolde them, that though the expedition
of Portugall were not the onely purpose of their journey,
but an adventure therein (which if it succeeded pros-
perously, might make them sufficiently rich, and woonder-
full honourable) and that they had done so much already
in triall thereof, as what end soever happened, could
nothing impaire their credits : yet in regard of the Kings
last promise, that he should have that night 3000 men
armed of his owne Countrey, he would not for that night
dislodge. And if they came, thereby to make him so
strong, that he might send the like number for his
munition, he would resolve to trie his fortune for the
towne. But if they came not, he found it not convenient
to divide his forces, by sending any to Cascais, and
keeping a remainder behinde, sithence he saw them the
day before so boldly sally upon his whole army, and
knew that they were stronger of Souldiours armed within
the towne, then he was without : and that before our
returne could be from Cascais, they expected more

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a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

supplies from all places, of Souldiours : for the Duke
of Braganca, and Don Francisco de Toledo were looked
for with great reliefe. Whereupon his conclusion was,
that if the 3000 promised came not that night, to march
wholly away the next morning.

It may be here demanded, why a matter of so great
moment should be so slenderly regarded, as that the
Generall should march with such an army against such
an enemy, before he knew either the fulnesse of his
owne strength, or certaine meanes how he should abide
the place when he should come to it. Wherein I pray
you remember the Decrees made in the Councell at
Peniche, and confirmed by publique protestation the
first day of our march, that our navy should meet us
in the river of Lisbon, in the which was the store of
all our provisions, and so the meane of our tariance in
that place, which came not, though we continued till
we had no munition left to entertaine a very small
fight. We are also to consider, that the King of Por-
tugall (whether carried away with imagination by the
advertisements he received from the Portugals, or wil-
ling by any promise to bring such an army into his
Countrey, thereby to put his fortune once more in
triall) assured the Generall, that upon his first landing,
there would be a revolt of his subjects : whereof there
was some hope given at our first entry to Peniche, by
the maner of the yeelding of that towne and fort,
which made the Generall thinke it most convenient
speedily to march to the principall place, thereby to
give courage to the rest of the Countrey. The Friers
also and the poore people that came unto him promised,
that within two dayes the gentlemen and others of the
Countrey would come plentifully in : within which two
[II. ii. 147.] dayes came many more Priests, and some very few
gentlemen on horsebacke; but not til we came to
Torres Vedras : where they that noted the course of
things how they passed, might somewhat discover the
weaknesse of that people. There they tooke two dayes

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

1589.

more ; and at the end thereof referred him till our
comming to Lisbon, with assurance, that so soone as
our army should be seene there, all the inhabitants
would be for the King and fall upon the Spaniards.

After two nights tariance at Lisbon, the King, as you
have heard, promised a supply of 3000 foot, and some
horse : but all his appointments being expired, even to
the last of a night, all his horse could not make a
cornet of 40, nor his foot furnish two ensignes fully,
although they caried three or foure colours : and these
were altogether such as thought to inrich themselves
by the ruine of their neighbours : for they committed
more disorders in every place where we came by spoile,
then any of our owne.

The Generall, as you see, having done more then
before his comming out of England was required by
the King, and given credit to his many promises, even to
the breach of the last, he desisted not to perswade him
to stay yet nine dayes longer : in which time he might
have engaged himselfe further, then with any honour
he could come out of againe, by attempting a towne
fortified, wherein were more men armed against us, then
we had to oppugne them withall, our artillery and
munition being fifteene miles from us, and our men then
declining ; for there was the first shew of any great
sickenesse amongst them. Whereby it seemeth, that
either his prelacy did much abuse him in perswading him
to hopes, whereof after two or three dayes he saw no
semblance : or he like a silly lover, who promiseth
himselfe favor by importuning a coy mistresse, thought
by our long being before his towne, that in the end taking
pity on him, they would let him in.

What end the Friers had by following him with such
devotion, I know not, but sure I am, the Laity did
respite their homage till they might see which way the
victory would sway ; fearing to shew themselves
apparantly unto him, least the Spaniard should after our
departure (if we prevailed not) call them to account : yet

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a.d. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

sent they under hand messages to him of obedience,
thereby to save their owne, if he became King ; but
indeed very well contented to see the Spaniards and us
try by blowes, who should carry away the crowne. For
they be of so base a mould, as they can very wel
subject themselves to any government, where they may
live free from blowes, and have liberty to become rich,
being loth to endure hazzard either of life or goods.
For durst they have put on any minds thorowly to
revolt, they had three woonderfull good occasions offered
them during our being there.

Themselves did in generall confesse, that there were
not above 5000 Spaniards in that part of the Countrey, of
which number the halfe were out of the towne till the
last day of our march : during which time, how easily
they might have prevailed against the rest, any man may
conceive. But upon our approch they tooke them all in,
and combined themselves in generall to the Cardinall.

The next day after our comming thither, when the
sally was made upon us by their most resolute Spaniards,
how easily might they have kept them out, or have given
us the gate which was held for their retreat, if they had
had any thought thereof?

And two dayes after our comming to Cascais, when
6000 Spaniards and Portugals came against us as farre
as S. Julians by land, as you shal presently heare (all
which time I thinke there were not many Spaniards
left in the towne) they had a more fit occasion to shew
their devotion to the King, then any could be offered
by our tarying there. And they could not doubt, that
if they had shut them out, but that we would have fought
with them upon that advantage, having sought them in
Galitia upon disadvantage to beat them : and having
taken so much paines to seeke them at their owne houses,
whereof we gave sufficient testimony in the same accident.
But I thinke the feare of the Spaniard had taken so
deepe impression within them, as they durst not attempt
any thing against them upon any hazzard.

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

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For, what civill countrey hath ever suffered themselves
to be conquered by so few men as they were ; to be
deprived of their naturall King, and to be tyrannized
over thus long, but they ? And what countrey, living
in slavery under a stranger whom they naturally hate,
having an army in the field to fight for them and their
liberty, would lie still with the yoke upon their necks,
attending if any strangers would unburthen them,
without so much as rousing themselves under it, but
they ? They will promise much in speeches, for they
be great talkers, whom the Generall had no reason to
distrust without triall, and therefore marched on into
their countrey : but they performed little in action,
whereof we could have had no proofe without this thorow
triall. Wherein he hath discovered their weaknesse, and
honorably performed more then could be in reason ex-
pected of him : which had he not done, would not these
maligners, who seeke occasions of slander, have reported [II. ii. 148.]
him to be suspicious of a people, of whose infidelity he
had no testimony : and to be fearefull without cause,
if he had refused to give credit to their promises without
any adventure ? Let no frivolous questionist therefore
further enquire why he marched so many dayes to Lisbon,
and taried there so small a while.

The next morning, seeing no performance of promise
kept, he gave order for our marching away ; himselfe,
the Earle of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining
with the stand that was made in the high street, till the
whole army was drawen into the field, and so marched
out of the towne, appointing Captaine Richard Wingfield,
and Captaine Anthony Wingfield in the arrereward of
them with the shot ; thinking that the enemy (as it
was most likely) would have issued out upon our rising ;
but they were otherwise advised. When we were come
into the field, every battalion fell into that order which
by course appertained unto them, and so marched that
night unto Cascais. Had we marched thorow his
Countrey as enemies, our Souldiours had beene well

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ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

r589.

supplied in all their wants : but had we made enemies
of the Suburbs of Lisbon, we had beene the richest
army that ever went out of England : for besides the
particular wealth of every house, there were many Ware-
houses by the water side full of all sorts of rich
marchandizes.

In our march that day the gallies which had somewhat,
but not much, annoyed us at Lisbon, (for that our way
lay along the river) attended us till we were past S.
Julians, bestowing many shot amongst us, but did no
harme at all, saving that they strooke off a gentlemans
leg, & killed the Sergeant majors moile under him. The
horsemen also followed us afarre off, and cut off as many
sicke men as were not able to holde in march, nor we
had cariage for.

After we had bene two dayes at Cascais, we had in-
telligence by a Frier, that the enemy was marching
strongly towards us, and then came as farre as S.
Julian : which newes was so welcome to the Earle of
Essex and the Generals, as they offered every one of
them to give the messenger an hundred crownes if they
found them in the place ; for the Generall desiring
nothing more then to fight with them in field roome,
dispatched that night a messenger with a trumpet, by
whom he writ a cartell to the Generall of their army,
wherein he gave them the lie, in that it was by them
reported that we dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and
feare of them (which indeed was most false) for that it
was five of the clocke in the morning before we fell into
armes, and then went in such sort, as they had no courage
to follow out upon us. Also he challenged him therein,
to meet him the next morning with his whole army, if
he durst attend his comming, and there to try out the
justnesse of their quarrel by battell : by whom also the
Earle of Essex (who preferring the honor of the cause,
which was his countreys, before his owne safety) sent a
particular cartel, offering himselfe against any of theirs,
if they had any of his quality ; or if they would not

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

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admit of that ; sixe, eight, or tenne, or as many as they

would appoint, should meet so many of theirs in the

head of our battell to trie their fortunes with them ; and

that they should have assurance of their returne and

honourable intreaty.

The Generall accordingly made all his army ready by
three of the clocke in the morning and marched even to
the place where they had encamped, but they were dis-
lodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with a
sudden feare that we had bene come upon them, as the
Generall was the next day certainely informed : so as the
Trumpet followed them to Lisbon, but could not get
other answere to either of his letters, but threatening to
be hanged, for daring to bring such a message. How-
beit the Generall had caused to be written upon the
backside of their pasport, that if they did offer any
violence unto the messengers, he would hang the best
prisoners he had of theirs : which made them to advise
better of the matter, and to returne them home ; but
without answere.

After our army came to Cascais, and the castle sum-
moned, the Castellan thereof granted, that upon five or
sixe shot of the canon he would deliver the same, but
not without sight thereof. The Generall thinking that
his distresse within had bene such for want of men or
victuals as he could not holde it many dayes, because he
saw it otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to
make him yeeld to that necessity, then to bring the
cannon, and therefore onely set a guard upon the same,
least any supply of those things which he wanted should
be brought unto them. But he still standing upon those
conditions, the Generall about two dayes before he deter-
mined to goe to Sea, brought three or foure pieces of
battery against it : upon the first tire whereof he sur-
rendered, and compounded to go away with his baggage
and armies ; he had one canon, two culverings, one
basiliske, and three or foure other field pieces, three-
score and five Souldiours, very good store of munition,

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and victualles enough in the Castle ; insomuch as he
might have held the same longer then the Generall had
in purpose to tarry there. One company of footmen was
put into the guard thereof, till the artillery was taken
[II. ii. 149.] out, and our army embarked ; which without having that
fort, we could not without great perill have done. When
we were ready to set saile (one halfe of the fort being
by order from the Generall blowen up by mine) the
company was drawne away.

During the time we lay in the road, our fleet began
the second of June, and so continued sixe dayes after to
fetch in some hulks to the number of threescore, of
Dansik, Stetin, Rostock, Lubeck & Hamburgh, laden
with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the kings pro-
vision, and going for Lisbon : their principall lading was
Corne, Masts, Cables, Copper, and Waxe : amongst which
were some of great burthen woonderful well builded for
sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore
it was thought that they were brought for the kings
provision, to reinforce his decayed navy : whereof there
was the greater likelyhood, in that the owner of the
greatest of them which caried two misnes, was knowen
to be very inward with the Cardinall, who rather then he
would be taken with his ships, committed himselfe unto
his small boat, wherein he recovered S. Sebastians : into
the which our men, that before were in flieboats, were
shipped, and the flieboats sent home with an offer of
corne, to the value of their hire. But the winde being
good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to lose their
corne then the winde, and so departed. The Generall
also sent his horses with them, and from thence shipped
them into England.

The third of June, Colonell Devereux and Colonell
Sidney, being both very sicke, departed for England, who
in the whole journey had shewed themselves very forward
to all services, and in their departure very unwilling to
leave us : that day we imbarked all our army, but lay in
the road untill the eight thereof.

510

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

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The sixt day the Earle of Essex, upon receit of letters
from her Majesty, by them that brought in the victuals,
presently departed towards England, with whom Sir
Roger Williams was very desirous to go, but found
the Generals very unwilling he should do so, in that
he bare the next place unto them, and if they should
miscarry, was to command the army. And the same
day there came unto us two small barks that brought
tidings of some other shippes come out of England with
victuals, which were passed upwards to the Cape : for
meeting with whom, the second day after we set saile
for that place, in purpose after our meeting with them
to go with the lies of Acores, the second day, which was
the ninth, we met with them comming backe againe to-
wards us, whose provision little answered our expectation.
Notwithstanding we resolved to continue our course for
the Hands.

About this time was the Marchant-Royall, with three
or foure other ships, sent to Peniche, to fetch away the
companies that were left there ; but Captaine Barton
having received letters from the Generals that were sent
overland, was departed before, not being able by reason
of the enemies speedy marching thither, either to bring
away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direc-
tion those letters gave him ; for he was no sooner gone,
then the enemy possessed the town and castle, and shot
at our ships as they came into the road.

At this time also was the Ambassador from the
Emperor of Marocco, called Reys Hamet Bencasamp,
returned, and with him M. Ciprian, a Gentleman of
good place and desert, was sent from Don Antonio, and
Captaine Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor.

The next morning the nine gallies which were sent not
five dayes before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening
of the river of Lisbon (which being joyned with the
other twelve that were there before, though we lay hard
by them at S. Julians, durst never make any attempt
against us) upon our departure from thence were return-
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ing home, and in the morning being a very dead calme,
in the dawning thereof, fell in the winde of our fleet,
in the uttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling
barke of Plimmouth, of the which Captaine Caverley
being Captaine of the land company, with his Lieutenant,
the Master, and some of the Mariners abandoned the
ship, and betooke them to the ship-boats, whereof one,
in which the Master and the Captaine were, was over-
runne with the gallies, and they drowned. There were
also two hulks stragled farre from the strength of the
other ships, which were so calmed, as neither they could
get to us, nor we to them, though all the great shippes
towed with their boats to have relieved them, but could
not be recovered ; in one of which was Captaine Min-
shaw with his company, who fought with them to the
last, yea after his ship was on fire, which whether it was
fired by himselfe or by them we could not wel discerne,
but might easily judge by his long and good fight, that
the enemy could not but sustaine much losse : who
setting also upon one other hulke wherein was but a
Lieutenant, and he very sicke, were by the valour of the
Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her
with their artillery, and attempted to boord her. And
seeing also one other hulke a league off, a sterne off us,
they made towards her : but finding that she made ready
to fight with them, they durst not further attempt her :
whereby it seemed, their losse being great in the other
fights, they were loth to proceed any further.
[II. ii. 150.] From that day till the 19 of June, our direction from
the Generall was, that if the wind were Northerly, we
should plie for the Acores ; but if Southerly, for the lies
of Bayon. We lay with contrary windes about that place
and the Rocke, till the Southerly winde prevailing carried
us to Bayon : part of our ships to the number of 25, in
a great winde which was two dayes before, having lost
the Admirals and fleet, according to their direction, fell
in the morning of that day with Bayon, among whom
was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde ; who had in purpose

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

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(if the Admirals had not come in) with some 500 men
out of them all to have landed, and attempted the
taking of Vigo. The rest of the fleet held with
Generall Drake, who though he were two dayes before
put upon those Hands, cast off againe to sea for the
Acores : but remembring how unprovided he was for
that journey and seeing that he had lost company of his
great ships, returned for Bayon, and came in there that
night in the evening, where he passed up the river more
then a mile above Vigo.

The next morning we landed as many as were able
to fight, which were not in the whole above 2000 men,
(for in the 1 7 dayes we continued on boord we had cast
many of our men overboord) with which number the
Colonell generall marched to the towne of Vigo, neere
the which when he approched, he sent Captaine Anthony
Wingfield with a troupe of shot to enter one side of Vigo taken.
the same, who found upon every streets end a strong
barricade, but altogether abandoned ; for having entred
the towne, he found but one man therein, but might
see them making way before him to Bayon. On the
other side of the towne entred Generall Drake with
Captaine Richard Wingfield, whose approch on that side
(I thinke) made them leave the places they had so
artificially made for defence : there were also certaine
shippes sent with the Vice-admirall to lie close be-
fore the towne, to beat upon the same with their
artillery.

In the afternoone were sent 300 under the conduct of
Captaine Petuin and Captaine Henry Poure, to burne
another village betwixt that and Bayon, called Borsis, and
as much of the country as the day would give them leave
to do ; which was a very pleasant rich valley : but they
burnt it all, houses and corne, as did others on the other
side of the towne, both that and the next day, so as
the countrey was spoiled seven or eight miles in length.
There was found great store of wine in the towne,
but not any thing els : for the other dayes warning of

VI 513 2K

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the shippes that came first in, gave them a respit to
cary all away.

The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell
generall (who in the absence of the Generals that were
on boord their ships, commanded that night on shore)
caused all our companies to be drawen out of the
Figp burned, towne, and sent in two troups to put fire in every
house of the same : which done, we imbarked againe.

This day there were certaine Mariners which (without
any direction) put themselves on shore, on the contrary
side of the river from us for pillage ; who were beaten
by the enemy from their boats, and punished by the
Generals for their offer, in going without allowance.

The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon
were before shewed to be want of artillery, and may now
be alledged to be the small number of our men : who
should have gone against so strong a place, manned with
very good souldiers, as was shewed by Juan de Vera
taken at the Groine, who confessed that there were sixe
hundred olde Souldiers in garrison there of Flanders,
and the Tercios of Naples, lately also returned out of
the journey of England.

' Capitan Puebla,
Christofero Vasques de Viralta a souldier of
Flanders.
Under the . Don Pedro Camascho, del tercio de Napoles.
leading of 1 Don Francisco de Cespedes.

Cap. Juan de Solo, del tercio de Naples.
Don Diego de Cassava.
Cap. Sauban.
Also he sayth there be 18 pieces of brasse, and foure
of yron, lately layed upon the walles of the
towne, besides them that were there before.
The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate
our army was drawn into by sicknesse, determined to
man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the Hands
of Acores with Generall Drake, to see if he could meet
with the Indian fleet, and Generall Norris to returne

5H

THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

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home with the rest : And for the shifting of men and
victualles accordingly, purposed the next morning to fall
downe to the Hands of Bayon againe, and to remaine
there that day. But Generall Drake, according to their
apointment, being under saile never strooke at the Hands,
but put straight to sea ; whom all the fleet followed
saving three and thirty, which being in the river further
then he, and at the entrance out of the same, finding the
v/inde and tide too hard against them, were inforced to
cast ancre there for that night ; amongst whom, by good
fortune, was the Foresight, and in her sir Edward Norris. [II. ii. 151.]
And the night folowing, Generall Norris being driven
from the rest of the Fleet by a great storme, (for all
that day was the greatest storme we had all the time
we were out) came againe into the Hands, but not with-
out great perill, he being forced to trust to a Spanish
Fisher-man (who was taken two dayes before at sea)
to bring him in.

The next morning he called a council of as many as
he found there, holding the purpose he had concluded
with sir Francis Drake the day before, and directed all
their courses for England, tarying there all that day to
water and helpe such with victuall, as were left in wonder-
full distresse by having the victuals that came last,
caried away the day before to sea.

The next day he set saile, and the 10 day after, which Their returne
was the 2 of July came into Plimmouth, where he found t0 phmmout/l-
sir Francis Drake and all the Queens ships, with many of
the others but not all : for the Fleet was dispersed into
other harbors, some led by a desire of returning from
whence they came, and some being possessed of the
hulks, sought other Ports from their Generals eie, where
they might make their private commoditie of them, as
they have done to their great advantage.

Presently upon their arrivall there, the Generals dis-
solved all the armie saving 8 companies which are yet
held together, giving every souldier five shillings in
money, and the armes hee bare to make money of, which

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was more then could by any means be due unto them :
for they were not in service three moneths, in which
time they had their victuals, which no man will value
at lesse then halfe their pay, for such is the allowance in
her majesties ships to her mariners, so as there remained
but 10 shillings a moneth more to be paid, for which
there was not any private man but had apparel and
furniture to his owne use, so as every common souldier
discharged, received more in money, victuals, apparell and
furniture, then his pay did amount unto.

Notwithstanding, there be even in the same place
where those things have passed, that either do not or
will not conceive the souldiers estate, by comparing their
povertie and the shortnesse of the time together, but lay
some injuries upon the Generals and the action. Where,
and by the way, but especially here in London, I find
there have bene some false prophets gone before us,
telling strange tales. For as our countrey doeth bring
foorth many gallant men, who desirous of honour doe
put themselves into the actions thereof, so doeth it
many more dull spirited, who though their thoughts
reach not so high as others, yet doe they listen how other
mens acts doe passe, and either beleeving what any man
will report unto them, are willingly caried away into
errors, or tied to some greater mans faith, become secre-
taries against a noted trueth. The one sort of these doe
take their opinions from the high way side, or at the
furthest goe no further then Pauls to enquire what hath
bene done in this voiage : where, if they meet with any,
whose capacitie before their going out could not make
them live, nor their valour maintaine their reputation,
and who went onely for spoile, complaining on the hard-
nesse and misery thereof, they thinke they are bound
to give credite to these honest men who were parties
therein, and in very charitie become of their opinions.
The others to make good the faction they are entred into,
if they see any of those malecontents (as every journey
yeeldeth some) doe runne unto them like tempting spirits

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE ad.

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to confirme them in their humour, with assurance that
they foresaw before our going out what would become
thereof.

Be ye not therefore too credulous in beleeving every
report : for you see there have bene many more be-
holders of these things that have passed, then actors in
the same ; who by their experience, not having the
knowledge of the ordinarie wants of the warre, have
thought, that to lie hard, not to have their meat well
dressed, to drinke sometimes water, to watch much, or
to see men die and be slaine, was a miserable thing;
and not having so given their mindes to the service,
as they are any thing instructed thereby, doe for want
of better matter discourse ordinarily of these things :
whereas the journey (if they had with that judgement
seene into it, which their places required) hath given
them far more honorable purpose and argument of
discourse.

These mens discontentments and mislikings before our
comming home have made mee labour thus much to
instruct you in the certaintie of every thing, because I
would not willingly have you miscaried in the judgements
of them, wherein you shall give me leave somewhat to
dilate upon a question, which I onely touched in the A worthy
beginning of my letter, namely, whether it bee more fj£J?
expedient for our estate to maintain an offensive war
against the king of Spaine in the Low countries, or as
in this journey, to offend him in his neerer territories,
seeing the grounds of arguing thereof are taken from the
experience which the actions of this journey have given
us.

There is no good subject that wil make question,
whether it be behoofeful for us. to hold friendship with
these neighbours of ours or no, aswell in respect of the
infinite proportion of their shipping, which must stand
either with us or against us ; as of the commoditie of
their harbors, especially that of Vlishing, by the favour
whereof our Navie may continually keepe the Narrow

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ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

1589.

seas, and which would harbour a greater Fleete agaynst
us, then the Spaniard shall need to annoy us withall, who
being now distressed by our common enemie, I thinke it
[II. ii. 152.] most expedient for our safetie to defend them, and if it
may be, to give them a reentrie into that they have of
late yeeres lost unto him. The one without doubt her
majestie may do without difficultie, and in so honorable
sort as he shal never be able to dispossesse her or them
of any the townes they now hold. But if any man thinke
that the Spaniard may be expelled from thence more
speedily or conveniently by keeping an armie there, then
by sending one against him into his owne countrey : let
him foresee of how many men and continuall supplies
that armie must consist, and what intollerable expenses
it requireth. And let him thinke by the example of the
duke of Alva, when the prince of Orenge had his great
armie agaynst him ; and of Don Juan, when the States
had their mightie assembly against him, how this wise
enemie, with whom we are to deale, may but by pro-
' longing to fight with us, leave us occasions enough for
our armie within few moneths to mutine and breake ; or
by keeping him in his townes leave us a spoyled field :
where though our provision may bee such of our owne
as we starve not, yet is our weaknesse in any strange
countrey such, as with sicknes and miserie we shall be
dissolved. And let him not forget what a continual
burthen we hereby lay upon us, in that to repossesse
those countreys which have been lately lost, wil be a
warre of longer continuance then we shall be able to
endure.

In the very action whereof, what should hinder the
king of Spaine to bring his forces home unto us ? For
it is certaine he hath long since set downe in councell,
that there is no way for him wholy to recover those Low
countries, but by bringing the warre upon England it
selfe, which hath alwayes assisted them against him : and
that being determined, and whereunto he hath bene
vehemently urged by the last yeeres losse he sustained

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

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upon our coasts, and the great dishonor this journey hath

laid upon him ; no doubt if we shall give him respite to

doe it, but he will mightily advance his purpose, for he is

richly able thereunto, and wonderfull desirous of revenge.

To encounter wherewith, I wish even in true and
honest zeale to my Countrey, that we were all perswaded
that there is no such assured meanes for the safetie of
our estate, as to busy him with a well furnished armie in
Spaine, which hath so many goodly Bayes open, as we
may land without impeachment as many men as shall be
needfull for such an invasion. And having an armie of
20000 roially furnished there, we shall not need to take
much care for their payment : for shal not Lisbon be
thought able to make so few men rich, when the Suburbs
thereof were found so abounding in riches, as had we
made enemie of them, they had largely enriched us all ?
Which with what small losse it may be won, is not here
to shew ; but why it was not won by us, I have herein
shewed you. Or is not the spoyle of Sivil sufficient to
pay more then shall bee needfull to bee sent against it,
whose defence (as that of Lisbone) is onely force of men,
of whom how many may for the present be raised, is not
to be esteemed, because wee have discovered what kind
of men they be, even such as will never abide ours in
field, nor dare withstand any resolute attempt of ours
agaynst them : for during the time we were in many
places of their countrey, they cannot say that ever they
made 20 of our men turne their faces from them. And
be there not many other places of lesse difficultie to
spoyle, able to satisfie our forces ?

But admit, that if upon this alarme that we have given
him, he tendering his naturall and neerest soile before his
further remmooved off governments, do draw his forces
of old souldiers out of the Low countreys for his owne
defence, is not the victory then won by drawing and
holding them from thence, for the which we should have
kept an armie there at a charge by many partes greater
then this, and not stirred them ?

5*9

ad. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES

Admit further our armie be impeached from landing
there, yet by keeping the Sea, and possessing his principall
roades, are we not in possibilitie to meet with his Indian
marchants, and very like to prevent him of his provisions
comming out of the East countreys ; without the which,
neither the subject of Lisbon is long able to live, nor
the king able to maintaine his Navie ? For though the
countrey of Portugall doe some yeeres find themselves
corne, yet are they never able to victuall the least part
of that Citie. And albeit the king of Spaine be the
richest prince in Christendome, yet can he neither draw
cables, hewe mastes, nor make pouder out of his mettals,
but is to be supplied of them all from thence. Of whom
(some will hold opinion) it is no reason to make prize,
because they bee not our enemies : and that our dis-
agreeance with them will impeach the trade of our
marchants, and so impoverish our countrey. Of whose
mind I can hardly be drawen to be : For if my enemie
fighting with me doe breake his sword, so as I thereby
have the advantage against him ; what shall I thinke of
him that putteth a new sword into his hand to kill me
withall ? And may it not bee thought more fitting for
us in these times to loose our trades of Cloth, then by
suffering these mischiefes, to put in hazard whether we
shall have a countrey left to make cloth in or no ? And
yet though neither Hamburgh, Embden, nor Stode doe
receive our cloth, the necessary use thereof in all places
is such, as they will find means to take it from us with
our sufficient commoditie.
[II. ii. 153.] And admit (which were impossible) that we damnifie him
neither at sea nor land (for unlesse it be with a much more
mightie armie then ours, he shall never be able to with-
stand us) yet shall we by holding him at his home, free
our selves from the warre at our owne wals : the benefit
whereof let them consider that best can judge, and have
observed the difference of invading, and being invaded ;
the one giving courage to the souldier, in that it doeth
set before him commoditie and reputation ; the other a

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fearefull terror to the countrey-man, who if by chance he
play the man yet is he never the richer : and who know-
ing many holes to hide himselfe in, will trie them all
before he put his life in perill by fighting : whereas the
Invader casteth up his account before hee goeth out, and
being abroad must fight to make himselfe way, as not
knowing what place or strength to trust unto. I will not
say what I observed in our countrey-men when the enemy
ofrred to assaile us here : but I wish that all England
knew what terror we gave to the same people that
frighted us, by visiting them at their owne houses.

Were not Alexanders fortunes great against the mightie
Darius, onely in that his Macedonians thirsted after the
wealth of Persia, and were bound to fight it out to the
last man, because the last man knew no safer way to save
himselfe then by fighting ? Whereas the Persians either
trusting to continue stil masters of their wealth by yeeld-
ing to the Invader, began to practise against their owne
king : or having more inward hopes, did hide themselves
even to the last, to see what course the Conquerour would
take in his Conquest. And did not the advise of Scipio,
though mightily impugned at the first, proove very sound
and honourable to his countrey ? Who seeing the Romans
wonderfully amazed at the neerenesse of their enemies
Forces, and the losses they daily sustained by them, gave
counsell rather by way of diversion to cary an army into
Afrike, and there to assaile, then by a defensive warre at
home to remaine subject to the common spoiles of an
assailing enemie. Which being put in execution drew
the enemie from the gates of Rome, and Scipio returned
home with triumph : albeit his beginnings at the first
were not so fortunate against them, as ours have bene in
this smal time against the Spaniard. The good successe
whereof may encourage us to take armes resolutely
against him. And I beseech God it may stirre up all
men that are particularly interested therein, to bethinke
themselves how small a matter will assure them of their
safetie, by holding the Spaniard at a Baie, so farre off:

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whereas, if we give him leave quietly to hatch and bring
foorth his preparations, it will be with danger to us all.
He taketh not armes against us by any pretense of
title to the crowne of this realme, nor led altogether
with an ambicious desire to command our countrey, but
with hatred towards our whole Nation and religion.
Her majesties Scepter is already given by Bull to
another, the honours of our Nobilitie are bestowed for
rewards upon his attendants, our Clergie, our Gentlemen,
our Lawyers, yea all men of what condition soever are
offered for spoyle unto the common souldier. Let every
man therefore, in defence of the libertie and plentie he
hath of long enjoyed, offer a voluntarie contribution of
the smallest part of their store for the assurance of the
rest. It were not much for every Justice of peace, who
by his blew coat protecteth the properest and most
serviceable men at every muster from the warres, to
contribute the charge that one of these idle men doe
put him to for one yeere : nor for the Lawyer, who
riseth by the dissensions of his neighbours, to take but
one yeeres gifts (which they call Fees) out of his coffers.
What would it hinder every officer of the Exchequer,
and other of her Majesties courts, who without checke
doe suddenly grow to great wealth, honestly to bring
foorth the mysticall commoditie of one yeeres profits ?
Or the Clergie, who looke precisely for the Tenths of
every mans increase, simply to bring forth the Tenth
of one yeeres gathering, and in thankfulnesse to her
Majestie, (who hath continued for all our safeties a most
chargeable warre both at land & sea) bestow the same
for her honor & their owne assurance, upon an army
which may make this bloody enemy so to know himselfe
and her Majesties power, as he shall bethinke him what
it is to moove a stirring people? Who, though they
have received some small checke by the sicknesse of this
last journey, yet doubt I not, but if it were made
knowen, that the like voyage were to bee supported by
a generalitie, (that might and would beare the charge of

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a more ample provision) but there would of all sortes
most willingly put themselves into the same : some
caried with an honorable desire to be in action, and
some in love of such would affectionately folow their
fortunes ; some in thirsting to revenge the death and
hurts of their brethren, kinred, and friends : and some
in hope of the plentifull spoyles to be found in those
countreys, having bene there already and returned poore,
would desire to goe againe, with an expectation to make
amends for the last : and all, in hatred of that cowardly
proud Nation, and in contemplation of the true honour
of our owne, would with courage take armes to hazard
their lives agaynst them, whom every good Englishman
is in nature bound to hate as an implacable enemie to
England, thirsting after our blood, and labouring to ruine
our land, with hope to bring us under the yoke of per-
petuall slaverie.

Against them is true honour to be gotten, for that we [II. ii. 154.]
shall no sooner set foot in their land, but that every
step we tread will yeeld us new occasion of action, which
I wish the gallantrie of our Countrey rather to regard
then to folow those soft unprofitable pleasures wherein
they now consume their time and patrimonie. And in
two or three townes of Spaine is the welth of all Europe
gathered together, which are the Magasins of the fruits
and profits of the East and West Indies, whereunto I
wish our yong able men, who, (against the libertie they
are borne unto) terme themselves Serving men, rather
to bend their desires and affections, then to attend their
double liverie and 40 shillings by the yeere wages, and
the reversion of the old Copy-hold, for carying a dish
to their masters table. But let me here reprehend my
selfe and crave pardon for entring into a matter of such
state and consequence, the care whereof is already laid
upon a most grave and honorable counsell, who wil in
their wisdoms foresee the dangers that may be threatned
agaynst us. And why do I labour to disquiet the secu-
ritie of these happy gentlemen, & the trade of those

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honest serving men, by perswading them to the warres
when I see the profession thereof so slenderly esteemed ?
For though all our hope of peace be frustrate, and our
quarels determinable by the sword : though our enemy
hath by his owne forces and his pensionaries industry,
confined the united Provinces into a narow roume, &
almost disunited the same : if he be now in a good way
to harbor himselfe in the principall havens of France,
from whence he may front us at pleasure: yea though
we are to hope for nothing but a bloodie warre, nor
can trust to any helpe but Armes ; yet how far the
common sort are from reverencing or regarding any
persons of conduction, was too apparant in the returne
of this our journey, wherein the base and common
souldier hath bene tollerated to speake against the Cap-
taine, and the souldier and Captaine against the Generals,
and wherein mechanicall and men of base condicion doe
dare to censure the doings of them, of whose acts they
be not woorthy to talke.

The ancient grave degree of the Prelacie is upheld,
though Martin raile never so much, & the Lawyer is
after the old maner worshipped, whosoever inveigh
against him. But the ancient English honour is taken
from our men of war, & their profession in disgrace,
though never so necessary. Either we commit idolatry
to Neptune, and will put him alone stil to fight for us
as he did the last yeere, or we be inchanted with some
divelish opinions, that travell nothing more then to
diminish the reputation of them, upon whose shoulders
the burden of our defence against the enemie must lie
when occasion shall be offred. For whensoever he shall
set foote upon our land, it is neither the preaching of
the Clergie that can turne him out againe, nor the
pleading of any Lawyers that can remoove him out of
possession : no, then they will honour them whom now
they thinke not on, and then must those men stand
betweene them and their perils, who are now thought un-
woorthy of any estimation.

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THE PORTUGAL VOYAGE a.d.

1589.

May the burning of one towne (which cost the king
then being six times as much as this hath done her
majestie, wherein were lost seven times as many men
as in any one service of this journey, and taried not the
tenth part of our time in the enemies Countrey) be by
our elders so highly reputed and sounded out by the
historie of the Realme ; and can our voyage be so
meanly esteemed, wherein we burned both townes and
Countreys without the losse of fortie men in any such
attempt ?

Did our kings in former times reward some with the
greatest titles of honour for overthrowing a number of
poore Scots, who, after one battell lost, were never able
to reenforce themselves against him ; and shall they in
this time who have overthrowen our mightie enemie in
battell, and taken his roiall Standerd in the field, besieged
the marquesse of Saralba 15 dayes together, that should
have bene the Generall of the Armie against us, brought
away so much of his artillarie (as I have before declared)
be unwoorthily esteemed of?

Is it possible that some in some times should receive
their reward for looking upon an enemie, and ours in
this time not receive so much as thanks for having beaten
an enemie at handie strokes?

But it is true that no man shall bee a prophet in his
Countrey : and for my owne part I will lay aside my
Armes till that profession shal have more reputation,
and live with my friends in the countrey, attending
either some more fortunate time to use them, or some
other good occasion to make me forget them.

But what ? shall the blind opinion of this monster, a
beast of many heads, (for so hath the generalitie of old
bene termed) cause me to neglect the profession from
whence I chalenge some reputation, or diminish my love
to my countrey, which hitherto hath nourished me ? No,
it was for her sake I first tooke armes, and for her sake
I will handle them so long as I shall be able to use
them : not regarding how some men in private con-

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J589-

venticles do measure mens estimations by their owne

humors ; nor how every popular person doeth give
[II. ii. 155.] sentence on every mans actions by the worst accidents.
But attending the gracious aspect of our dread Sove-
raigne, who never yet left vertue unrewarded : and
depending upon the justice of her most rare and grave
advisors, who by their heedie looking into every mans
worth, do give encouragement to the vertuous to exceed
others in vertue : and assuring you that there shall
never any thing happen more pleasing unto me, then
that I may once againe bee a partie in some honorable
journey against the Spaniard in his owne countrey, I
will cease my complaint : and with them that deserve
beyond me, patiently endure the unadvised censure of
our malicious reproovers.

If I have seemed in the beginning hereof troublesome
unto you, in the discovering of those impediments, and
answering the slanders which by the vulgar malicious and
mutinous sort are laid as blemishes upon the journey,
and reproches upon the Generals (having indeed pro-
ceeded from other heads:) let the necessitie of conserving
the reputation of the action in generall, & the honors
of our Generals in particular, bee my sufficient excuse :
the one having by the vertue of the other made our
country more dreaded & renowmed, then any act that
ever England undertooke before. Or if you have
thought my perswasible discourse long in the latter end ;
let the affectionate desire of my countreys good be therein
answerable for me. And such as it is I pray you accept
it, as only recommended to your selfe, and not to be
delivered to the publique view of the world, least any
man take offence thereat : which some particular men
may seeme justly to do, in that having deserved very
well, I should not herein give them their due com-
mendations : whereas my purpose in this private dis-
course hath bene onely to gratifie you with a touch of
those principall matters that have passed, wherein I have
onely taken notes of those men who either commaunded

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1589.

every service, or were of chiefest marke : if therefore
you shall impart the same to one, and he to another, and
so it passe through my hands, I know not what con-
structions would be made thereof to my prejudice; for
that the Hares eares may happily be taken for homes.
Howbeit I hold it very necessary (I must confesse)
that there should be some true manifestation made of
these things : but be it far from me to be the author
thereof, as very unfit to deliver my censure of any matter
in publique, & most unwilling to have my weaknesse
discovered in private. And so I doe leave you to the
happy successe of your accustomed good exercises,
earnestly wishing that there may be some better accept-
ance made of the fruits of your studies, then there hath
bene of our hazards in the wars. From London the
30 of August 1589.

END OF VOLUME VI.

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