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PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION
PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS,
HOLDEN AT FANEUIL HALL, BOSTON,
OCTOBER 7TH:, 186S,
In accordance with the call of Joel Parker and others.
BOSTON:
STEHEOTYPED AND PRINTED BY C. J. PETERS. 1 8 6 2.
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CALL.
To THE People of Massachusetts —
The country is in danger. A civil war has desolated the land for more than sixteen months. The world has never before seen a rebellion assume so terrible an aspect, or act with more fearful power. It has raised, organized, and brought into the field more than half a million of armed soldiers. Its councils are directed by men of large power and larger wickedness — its armies are led by skilled and experienced officers. At the end of sixteen months, after lavishing more treasure than Avas ever before spent by a government in the same time — after having sacrificed thousands upon thousands of the lives of our true and brave men, and drenched the land with blood — for the first time the loyal States are invaded by a victorious army, and our cities vare taken and occupied by the enemy ; they are thundering at the very gates of the Capital, and our brethren of the great and prosperous Middle States are threatened with the instant horrors of war at their very hearths.
At such a time, with all the dangers of our position, present and future, there should be but one loyal people, inspired with one single purpose, till the war is ended in honor and glory ; till every State is restored to the Union and the Constitution ; till the old flag, with every star in undimmed splendor, floats over an united country. It is no time for party or party names, party cries or party issues. He who raises such is a traitor to the people, to the government, to the best hopes of humanity. There must be one purpose, one aim. All of our means, of our lives, of our hearts, must be devoted to the one end of sustaining the government, the constitution, and the laws, and crushing out this terrible, this unrighteous rebellion, by force of arms. No discussions about poHtical, social, or party measures and dogmas, about Avhich men always have and always will diflTer, should be tolerated. They serve but to distract and divide.
We may differ on all such questions — now is not the time to discuss and foment such differences. All Democrats, all Republicans, all men of other parties, all good men who are willing to lay down their lives and offer up their means to sustain the Constitution and laws under which they have lived and prospered, can unite on the one platform, of sacrificing every thing to sustain the country, the Constitution, and the laws, and put down th.e rebellion. It is a platform broad enough for every man to stand upon — it presents a work grand enough to call out all we have of power, all we have of energy, and all we have of mind — it is holy enough to satisfy the aspirations of all good men. We must be united as one body, animated by one soul, or we cannot succeed. The war has languished — other matters, other issues, have been too much attended to, instead of giving all to the war. Politicians, not Patriots, are striving to divide us — striving to save the Party, not the Country. So far, twenty millions of true and loyal men have been foiled at an awful cost of life and treasure, by five millions of traitors, fighting against the Mother who has raised and protected them to their present strength. This must not be — it will not be, if the people unite as one man to prosecute and put an end to the war, tolerating no other issues till that great end is accomplished.
All parties, then, must give way to such a purpose. We must have none of them. All admit this — all admit that the countyy demands all her children, to whatever party they may have belonged. To unite then, party must be given up. The country is greater, and better, and holier than party. Party and party names must be abandoned m this crisis. While you have the name, you have the thing — it cannot be otherwise. If we are not willing to give up the name, most surely we shall not give up what it represents. It is worse than useless to ask for that union which comes from one party giving up to another — no such union can be formed ; it is a delusion and a mockery to
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insist on it. " No Party " can ever be accomplished as a fact, by requiring one party to yield up all their dogmas and beliefs and adopt those of another. If then, the People mean to unite in this terrible crisis, to save the country, they must come together, irrespective of all party, as one man, and pledge themselves, their lives, their honor, their all, to support the Government and the laws against this most accursed rebellion.
Wisdom requires that the country, in this crisis, should have all the strength of every one of her children, whatever may have been, or may now be, his political beliefs. Let that strength be made available. The blood of Democrats and the blood of Republicans has been poured out as freely as water, in defence of our common country ; the lives of both have been freely laid on her common altar. And so it will be to the end. No party has the right to arrogate to itself exclusive devotion or exclusive patriotism. Let us unite, then, the strength of both, of all parties, for the comnion object of all true hearts; let us not be guilty of the unwisdom of spending the strength of loyal men in differences and quarrels among themselves, when all is wanted for the common enemy. For once in such a crisis, let us come together as one people, la}'ing aside all party differences, and devote all to our country in this hour of her sore and direful peril. And we can unite on the common ground of the defence of our government, constitution, and laws. The necessity is the more constraining in this time of struggle, amid the din of arms, and the horrors of a civil war, that we should hold fast by that sheet anchor of our safety, the most exact observance of the laws of the land. If we swing away from that anchor we are adrift on a sea of violence, without chart or rudder.
Now, more than at all other times, the ark of our political salvation is the Constitution and the Laws. If we break up into parties, foment discords and differences, set at naught the Constitution and the Law, the violence and bloodshed of civil dissension are surely at our very doors. But the people do not, cannot wish for this, — they want no party differences, no discussions, no war of words, no impotent proclamations, now. The time for all that has gone by. The only argument now to be used is that flashed from the cannon's mouth, — the only logic, that taught by the gleam of the bayonet and the flash of the sabre. The one great desire and aim of all loyal men, is how most efiectually to use such arguments and teach such logic.
And the hands of the President — the chosen and only head of the nation — must be strengthened by the people. He is striving in this hour of peril, with all Hfe strength, to save the country. Let the people pledge to him their most generoiis confidence and support — and not turn from him in coldness or palsy his efforts with a feeble and half confidence. Pledge then, to the President, the lives and fortunes of an united people. Let him be sustained and carried in triumph through the struggle. His patriotism and self-sacrifice deserve it — our duty demands it.
In order, therefore, that the loyal men in Massachusetts may in the most effectual manner sustain and support the Government, the Constitution, and the laws, and aid the chosen and constituted head of the nation, the President, in his patriotic, and self-sacrific- ing labors to save the country and put down rebellion, we ask the people of this Com- monwealth, irrespective of all party, to meet at some future time to be agreed upon, to nominate candidates for State Oflicers at the coming election, and take counsel together for the common weal.
JOEL PARKER, Cambridge. J. G. ABBOTT, Boston. HENFiY J. GARDNRK, Boston. DANIEL S. RlCHARUSnN, Lowell. THEODORE H. SWEETSER, Lowell. S. W. STICKNEY, Lowell. JAMES M. KEITH, Roxburv. WILLIAM D, NORTHEND, Salem. HOMER BARTLETT, Boston. G. A. SOMERBY, Boston. HENRY G. GRAY, Marblehead. W. B. MAY, Roxburv. NATH'L SILSBEE, Salem. FREDERICK 0. PRINCE, Winchester.
ALBERT FEARING, Boston. LINUS CHILD, Boston. LEVEKETT SALTONSTALL, Newton. ALBERT CURRIER, Newburyport. .
G. S. HILLARD, Boston.
H. G. PARKER, Cambridge. OLIVER STEVENS, Boston. E. B. BIGELOW, Boston. WILLIA^l D. SWAN, Dorchester. P. H. SEARS, Boston.
B. POOLE, Topstield. ELIHU C. BAKER, Medford. A. W. STETSON, Boston.
PEOPLE'S STATE CONVENTION
IN
rANEUIL HALL.
The Convention of the delegates elected in pursuance of the Call in the Address signed by Joel Parker and others, met in Faneuil Hall, October the 7th, for the purpose of nominating candidates for State officers at the coming election, and for the transaction of other business.
At 10^ o'clock the Convention was called to order by Hon. Joel Parker, of Cambridge, and Leverett Saltonstall, Esq.,of Newton, was chosen temporary Chairman, and who addressed the Convention as follows : —
ADDRESS OF MR. SALTONSTALL.
Greeting you as people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts who have come hither at the stirring appeal that has been made to you at this hour of our country's agony, as to how best you can take counsel together to sustain and support the government and the laws of the country, and how to give aid to the President in suppressing the rebellion, I will not, my friends, occupy your time with any unwor- thy thoughts of my own, when those of much greater experience, and much better able to counsel you are behind me, and willing so to do. I will simply, then, gen- tlemen, perform the ordinary duties which are assigned to the temporary chairman — and I ask you, in the first place, to do what is usual upon such occasions, to nominate a temporary Secretary, or Secretaries.
The Chairman, on motion of Mr. Sears, of Boston, appointed Messrs. P. H Sears, of Boston, and John F. McEvoy, of Lowell, as temporary Secretaries.
On motion of Hon. Wm. D. Swan, of Dorchester, the following were appointed as a committee on credentials : W. D. Swan, of Dorchester, John C. Dame, of Newburyport, Calvin Bridgman, of Belchertown, J. H. Dunham, of South Adams, Henry Knowles, of Eastham, and James W. Osborn, of South Danvers.
On motion of Mr. Fearing, of Boston, the Executive Committee who originated the call were invited to take seats and act with the Convention.
On motion of Mr. Keith, of Roxbury, the following were appointed a committee on permanent organization: James M. Keith, of Roxbury, Joseph Walker, of Newton, Francis C. Sumner, of Stoughton, B. P. Shillaber, of Chelsea, James R. Nichols, of Haverhill, Joseph W. Smith, of Andover, Benj. French, of Dunstable, Edwin Conant, of Worcester, Luther Stone, of Goshen, John T. Rice, of Prince- ton, and Henry T. Wood, of Agawam.
On motion of Mr. Svteetser, of Lowell, the following were appointed a com- mittee to draft resolutions, to whom all resolutions were to be referred without
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discussion: Theodore H. Sweetser, of Lowell, William D. IsTorthend, of Salem, Orison Underwood, of Milford, Lincoln Drake, of Easton, Wm. H. Cooper, of North Bi-idge water, Wm. C. Endicott, of Salem, Joshua C. Stone, of New Bedford, and Samuel H. Gookin, of Boston.
On motion of Oliver Stevens, of Boston, the following were appointed to nom- inate a State Committee, to consist of three from each Congressional District and ten at large : Oliver Stevens, of Boston, Henry Knowles, of Eastham, Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, of Boston, H. A. Wright, of Belchertown, and Charles H. B. Shaw, of Fitchburg.
Mr. Stevens, of Boston, moved that the members of the State Committee in each congressional, senatorial and councillor district, and in each county, be autho- rized to call conventions for the nomination of members of congress, councillors, senators and county officers. The motion was laid on the table at the suggestion of the chairman.
The committee on permanent organization reported as follows : —
For President. Hon. LINUS CHILD, of Boston.
For Vice-
Hon. Lkvi Lincoln, of "Worcester.
Marshall P. Wilder, of Dorchester. J. G. Abbott, of Boston. Samuel L. Crocker, of Taunton. Albert Fearing, of Boston. William K. Easton, of Nantucket Edward Dickinson, of Amherst. John C. Tucker, of Boston. Henry G. Gray, of Marblehead. Henry Poor, of South Danvers. Edward S. Mosely, of Newburyport. Benjamin R. Hough, of Gloucester. Abraham R. Thompson, of Charlestown. Abiel S. Lewis, of Framinj;hani. Walter P'essenden, of Townseud. W^iLLiAM MixTER, of Havdwick. Nathaniel Wood, of Fitchburg. William G. Bates, of Westlield. William C. Plunkktt, of So. Adams. Edward F. Ensign, of Shettield. Benj. F. Thomas, of West l\oxbur7. Abraiiasi H. Howland, of N. Bedford. Richard Borden, of Fall River. Aaron Hobart, of East B rid j:fe water. Daniel Fishek, of Edgartown. David Choate, of Essex. Edwin Conant, of Worcester.
Presidents.
Hon. George W. Lyiman, of Waltham. J. H. D. Blam:, of Braintree. Edwin C. Ba^ey, of Boston. William Gray, of Boston. Benjamin Pond, of Boston. Francis Brooks, of Medford. Moses Clark, of Boston. Charles G. Greene, of Boston. Abiel Peavy, of Lowell. Geo. W. Richardson, of Worcester, David Brewer, of Milford. Samuel Hartwell, of Southbridge* Horatio Lyon, of Monson. John Clark, of Northampton. S. P. Severance, of Greenfield. Jeffrey R. Brackett. of Quincv. Frederick W. Lincoln, of Canton. James W. SEAVER^of Boston. R. B. Forbes, of Milton. Henry F. Vinal, of Scituate. Jesse Murdock, of Carver. S. B. Phinney, of Barnstable. ^y^l. BucKMiNSTER. of Frainingham. Charles Bemis, of Watertown. Homer Foote, of Springtield. Nathaniel Silsbee, of Salem. I Ptolemy P. Severance, of Greenfield.
Charles W. Bryant, of Roxbury. P. H. Sears, of Boston.
Secretaries.
I John F. IMcEvoy, of LowelL
I ^Geokgk M. Stearns, of Chicopee.
Messrs. R. B. Forbes, of Milton, and "W. G. Bates, of Westfield, were appointed to conduct the President to the chair.
Rev. Dr. Blagden, of the Old South Church, then offered the following
PRAYER.
Almifrlity God, our Heavenly Father, we come to Thee in our prayer as the God of providence as well as the God of peace, without whose knowledge not a sparrow falleth to tlie j^jround, in whose sight the very hairs of our head are all numbered, in whose hand is the king's heart, so that Thou turnest it wliitliersoever Thou wilt,
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who stilleth the noise of the waves and the tumult of the people. 0 Thou that hearest prayer, unto Thee shall all flesh come, and unto Thee would we come at thia time, humbly confessing our dependence upon Thee for that wisdom which is profit- able to direct us, under all the circumstances of human life ; and we come rejoicing in Thy promise that whosoever, feeling his lack of wisdom, will come unto Thee, shall be encouraged by the conviction that Thou givest unto all men liberally and upbraid- eet not, for in Jesus Christ, whom Thou hast provided as a Saviour for them that have sinned against Thee, Thou art ready ever to hear the supplications of those who trust in Thy mercy and in Thy wisdom, through him. "VVe come blessing Thee, O God, in our prayer for the revelation of a gospel in Jesus Christ, under the influ- * ence of which, human liberty, regulated by human law, under the Divine law, has ' ever been promoted. We bless Thee that under the influence of the blessed, puri- fying and elevating truths of this gospel, we in our beloved land have so long enjoyed the blessings of religious and poHtical liberty. We praise Thee, 0 Lord, for the purifying and elevating influence of this gospel, in sustaining human institu- tions and promoting obedience to human laws, and we praise Thee that where liberty to worship Thee according to the dictates of our consciences has been ensured, this blessed gospel rectifies all that is wrong in human society, by working kindly with all the institutions, political, social and domestic, established by human law. O God, in the spirit of these blessed truths, may we meet at this time ; in the spirit of these blessed truths may those who are called to rule and to guide this nation in these troublesome times be led in counsel and be led in action. In Thy light may they see light ; in Thy wisdom may they be wise ; in Thy strength may they be strong. Bless Thy servant, the President of the United States. Guide him and sustain him in the solemn responsibilities under which Thou hast called him to act as the Executive of this nation. Help him faithfully to sustain the Constitution and laws under which we have enjoyed so much ; and bless those connected with him in the administration of our General Government. Bless those who lead our armies. Bless those who have gone forth from our families to fight the battles of our country, to restore our government and sustain our Constitution, and re-establish our broken Union. Be with them in the day of battle. Give them victory — teaching their hands to war and their fingers to fight. And bless the families of our country, the fathers and the mothers, the sons and the daughters of our lands. Bless our sons who have gone forth to battle. Help them in Thy fear to exercise a Christian courage, and faithfully endeavor to promote the ends of good govern- ment, and to restore our Union. Bless the families who have been called already to mourn the dead. Sustain them in the hour of their affliction, and encourage them by the conviction that the blood they have given to their country has been given in the cause of human liberty and human right. And bless those citizens of the Commonwealth, who, from the towns and families of the State have come up here to counsel in Thy fear for the good of the country ; as well as those of the State. Guide them in their deliberations. Bless Thy servant who presides over them. Bless all who sustain office in this Convention. Bless all its members. In Thy fear may they proceed to the solemn actions that are before them ; and do Thou, through them, influence the hearts of the citizens of our State so that those who shall be sent to represent them in the national councils may, under Thy guidance, promote the liberty of the country, and restore a broken Constitution, a piostrate land, and may peace be the result.
O ! thou God of our fathers, maintain us as a united and influential people among the nations of the earth, and give us an influence that shall' in its ultimate results break the arm of every oppressor and let the oppressed go free. And may Thy kingdom come, may Thy will done on earth as it is done in heaven ; for Thine is the kingdom, the power and the glory, forever and ever. Amen.
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At the conclusion of the prayer, Mr. Child, the President, spoke as follows :—
MR. CHILD'S SPEECH.
Gentlemen of the Convention :
For this distinguished mark of your confidence manifested by inviting me to pre- side over your deliberations on this occasion, allow me to return to you my most hearty thanks. This Convention has assembled under circumstances somewhat peculiar. This vast gathering from every part of the Commonwealth has come up hither in response to the call of no political existing organization. [Cheers.] Fresh from the people you have come up together on the most eventful period of our history to take counsel for the common good. It is due to the Convention, as well as to the people of the Commonwealth, that, in behalf of those who have been instrumental in inviting you hither, a frank and full explanation be given of the motives which induced them to act, and for the purposes for which they have invited this Convention to assemble.
And first of all, gentlemen, that the only motive for calling this Convention was to secure, if possible, a more perfect and complete union and co-operation among all the people of the Commonwealth, and as far as the influence of this Convention may go, of all the people of the loyal States, to sustain the Constitution, the Gov- ernment and the laws, [cheers,] and also to sustain the President of the United States, [cheers,] in the use of all constitutional measures, [cheers,] and in the use of all measures known to the Constitution and the usages of civilized warfare in putting down this rebellion. [Cheers.]
Gentlemen, if the people of this Commonwealth were ever called upon to act with a sense of the highest responsibility, it is now. "VVe have assembled at a moment when our country is in danger — when the Government, its institutions, and all its privileges are in imminent peril. Eleven States of this Confederacy, by pretended acts of secession, have attempted to throw off* their allegiance from the Constitution and the laws of the land — have organized an army of vast proportions for the purpose of destroying this Government and its institutions, for the purpose of trampling under foot that great work of our fathers, the Constitution of the United States. For eighteen months this war has been carried forward. Our fellow-citizens have poured out their blood freely upon the battle field ; thousands upon thousands of our fellow-citizens have gone to their graves and have shed their blood in defence of the Constitution and the laws of the country, and to-day the great rebellion is unbroken. It is not a month since there was greater alarm felt than probably at any time during the progress of the rebellion. The array of the rebellion, flushed by a temporary success, were boldly advancing within the terri- tory of the free and loyal States of this Confederacy, and thanks to God, and thanks to the brave men and officers under the guidance of their youthful and gallant chief [tremendous applause and three cheers for Gen. McClellan] that army of the rebelhon has been driven back, and is to-day in full retreat before the victorious army of the loyal States. [Cheers.]
And as, fellow-citizens, the great work of crushing this rebellion is yet to be done — the great and final principle that lies at the foundation of our success must be the union of all parties and all men who are favorable to the Constitution, favor- able to the laws, favorable to the restoration of the Union : a united, one great united effort, to meet and crush this rebellion. [Cheers.] And this union, fellow- citizens, must be among all who are engaged in this great and mighty work.
The President of the United States recently remarked that 60,000 bayonets were now in the armies of the Union from the Border States, and they too and we must all unite in this great purpose of crushing this rebellion, and, in the language of the
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President of the United States, in the great purpose and object of restoring the United States and the people thereof in the Statet* in which that relation has been .disturbed, to their constitutional relations.
We must, therefore, as the first great principle, act unitedly. We must sustain the President in all the constitutional means and in all means known to the usages of civilized warfare in putting down this rebellion and for the one great object and one great purpose of restoring the Constitution and laws of the land, [cheers] extending them over every part and parcel of our extensive territory in all the States and throughout the length and breadth of the land. [Cheers.]
Fellow^citizens, allow me to say that I see no other object for which this war can be prosecuted but the one object declared by the President of restoring the constitutional relations between the Government of the United States and the States. [Cheers, and good.] Allow me to say that it is the Constitution of the United States alone that has made us a government. If that Constitution is over- thrown, if this rebellion becomes successful, and the Constitution is thus trampled under foot, the government of this country is gone. We have nothing but anarchy and confusion, and the work of organizing a government, even though it be of the loyal States, is all to be begun and gone over anew.
Therefore, gentlemen, permit me to impress upon you as one of the great duties of the hour, the restoration of the Constitution, the restoration of the laws, the bringing back this country and all the States and all the people to an obedience to ■ the constitutional obligations which they have endeavored to throw off. [Cheers.]}
The first act of this great rebellion was by conventions assembled, purporting to . represent their States, to throw down the Constitution and to declare all their- people and all their citizens absolved from all obligations to render it obedience. . They well knew that they could not proceed in this rebellion without absolving or- pretending to absolve their people from their obligations to the Constitution and the laws of the land. If we would crush this rebellion, we must strike where they done • it. If we would restore this government, we must meet those plotting its destruc- tion where they attempted it. And the first and only great thing is to restore the Constitution, and whatever else may come is of secondary importance.
Gentlemen, it cannot be looked out of sight as having some bearing on the pro- ceedings of this convention that another convention of the people of Massachusetts- has been recently held. It was called under the name of a party, which, as far aa we looked at it in the light of recent elections, constituted a majority, and a large majority of the people of the Commonwealth.
That convention assembled, and its proceedings were of a character to disturb that union, to disturb that unity of action and unity of government, which alone can render our efforts successful in the great work that we have on hand.
Its proceedings, in the fii'st place, were significant in the fact that it declined to ■ pledge to the President of the United States their co-operation, or the co-operation of the people, in the prosecution of this war, by all means known to the Constitution and the usages of civilized warfare.
They would not adopt a resolution of that kind until the President's name had been stricken out and that of the Government inserted. Another thing, there were measures there adopted, and those measures were calculated to divide and distract the loyal people not only in Massachusetts but throughout the country.
It was the measure of that convention to select from all the members of Congress that have represented us in the present Congress, two, and two only, to commend, while the laembers of the House of Representatives were excluded from that approbation of that convention by a direct vote that they would not speak favorably of them or their acts.
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"We all know why that was. Upon one great question that was before the House of Representatives at Washington, the Massachusetts delegation stood divided, five on one side and five on the other.
The Senators sympathized with one side of that question, and they therefore re-elected the Senators, because by commending them, by implication they could condemn the opinion and votes of five of your own delegation in Congress on measures of importance that came before the Congress of the United States.
Hence you see, gentlemen, that the tendency and necessary tendency of the opera- tion of that convention was to divide, to distract. That convention was pleased to nominate for returning to his present position, a distinguished citizen of this Com- monwealth, These halls yesterday resounded to his eloquent remarks, and, sirs, hi3 remarks may be taken as an authoritative expression of the meaning and action of the Worcester Convention. By that convention he was placed before the people, to be returned to the position which he now holds. His exposition here yesterday then may be regarded as an exposition of the proceedings of that body ; and what does he say ? Read that speech. Do you find any thing in it by which you under- stand he proposes any thing to restore the Constitution and laws as they were ? [Cries of " no, no."] Not one word, fellow-citizens, of that character is in that long, eloquent and elaborate speech. What does he say in regard to uniting ail the friends of the Union, all that are now engaged in putting down this rebellion. Speaking of the Border States, he says they are not competent witnesses, nor is -their advice upon these great questions worthy to be regarded. He says the advice
"of the-Border States has been a paralysis, and if we follow their advice, it is a para- lysis upon the country in relation to all the movements which can be made toward
■putting down this great rebellion.
Gentlemen of the Convention, is that the way ; is that the language to be held
'forth in Faneuil Hall? Is that the issue upon which the people of the Common-
-wealth of Massachusetts are to be invited to go forward in sustaining the govern- ment, to declare that these States, which have now GO, 000 men united with our
'-soldiers and our men in crushing this rebellion — that their opinions and th^ir advice is nothing more or less than a paralysis upon the country?
Gentlemen, one other thing, and let me if you please read a single sentence that
'I wish to call your attention to only by reading. The speech says: "There are many Generals already in the field — upwards of thirty INInjor-Generals and two 'hundred Brigadiers; but meritorious and brave as they may be, there is a General better than all, whom the President promises to commission; I mean General 'Emancipation." [Applause and hisses.]
I am not going to invite a discussion, gentlemen, on that point ; I can only say that it indicates purposes, and the drift, not only of the Worcester Convention, but -also of the distinguished individual whom they have brought prominently before the Commonwealth ; that the great purpose for which this war is to be carried on is this : Not the restoration of the Constitution — not the restoring of the relations between the United States and the people of all the States as is expressed by the President in his recent proclamation — but it is to be carried on for purposes .of general emancipation. Now I only appear to say, that if that is to be the ground assumed by Massachusetts, if we are to lose sight of the great points, the great objects to which the President pledged himself in the last public utterance that he ever made, if we are to lose sight of that, and endeavor to carry on this war for other purposes, however desirable, however important, such a division will be pro- duced auiong the loyal States that our efforts to crush this rebellion will surely prove without avail, and upon any attempt to carry on the war for that sole purpose, and that alone, we shall see the ruins of this once prosperous nation, we sliall find all our institutions destroyed, we shall find the government broken up, we shall find
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all anarchy and confusion, instead of the restoration of the most beneficent, the most equable that God ever permitted any people to enjoy. [Loud cheers.]
I have then only to say, fellow-citizens, that I trust from this great and respect- able Convention, coming up from the hearts and the homes of the people, that there will out an influence that shall tend to unite all our people in the one great legitimate obje'ct for which this war is waged, that there will be such a union that the President in all his efforts will be strengthened, that there will be such a union/ of pur[)Oses that all the brave men that are fighting the battles of the country upon the bloody field, will be strengthened and encouraged, that they are fighting and contending for the government, that are fighting and contending for the Consti- tution that their fathers gave them, that they are fighting and contending for the restoration of the prosperity of this once happy, prosperous and beloved country, [Cheers.]
KEPORT ON CREDENTIALS.
Col. Swan, from the Committee on Credentials, reported three hundred cities and towns, represented in the Convention, but the delegates were too numerous to count. The committee were accordingly discharged.
After the acceptance of the report on credentials. Judge Abbott made the following remarks : —
REMARKS OF JUDGE ABBOTT.
Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Convention :
I do not come here to-day to tell you, as the people were told here yesterday, how the men of that ancient heathen republic of Athens were called together, [laughter and applause] — a people, let me say, gentlemen, most fickle, the most apt to be led away from truth and justice and right by the arts and the sophistries of the demagogue, [great applause, and cries oT " Good "] — a people, the sun of whose liberty has set in a night, which for two thousand years has known no dawn. [A voice — And a slave-holding people too."] Nor do I come here to call down upon you the wrath of any of the gods of the Grecian Pantheon. I come here, sir, as a Christian man, as I believe all this great assemblage come here as Christian men, as men of a Christian community, and as members of a Christian civilization, to discharge the greatest and highest duty taught by Christianity — and not to go back through the dark ages and seek from the uncertain light of an ended heathen mythology any rules to guide and govern our deliberations. [Prolonged applause.]
I come here personally with great regret. For almost twenty years I have not taken part or been present at any meeting for political purposes ; but, s-ir, I felt that if I did not sacrifice my own taste, my own wishes, my own desires, every thing, I should be what I trus^ no man will , ever charge upon me or mine — a coward. [Applause.] I came here, sir, because I believe, as this storm lowers, as the clouds thicken, as the darkness falls heavy upon us, that now is the time of all other times when good and true men should meet together and take counsel for the common' weal. I did not feel that I had a right to absent myself on this occa- sion. I beheve (permit me to say, sir,) that it is because such men as I see before me and around me here have too much neglected these duties heretofore, that we are now called upon in this hour of our country's peril most of all to come together and see if we cannot retrieve the errors of the past. [Applause.] I believe, gentlemen, it is because the good and true men in this community, the men who have an interest in our institutions, have neglected their duty h^-etofore — and I take shame to myself that I ior one have been guilty of this neglect — and left it to be pej formed by mere hucksters and politicians, [applause, and cries of " That's true,"] — men, sir, whose patriotism, many of them, is measured by the length and
12
depth of their pockets, men of ideas, merely, and not action — ideologists, theorists, sentimentalists — men who believe in sentiment, who believe in undertaking to accomplish what they know no man can accomplish, and leaving undone that which is in their power — that we are now to consult together for the safety of the country, which we all know and feel (and I do not use the words in any rhetorical sense,) is to-day trembling upon the very verge of ruin and destruction.
Now, sir, what is our duty? What ought we to do upon this occasion? Spare me a moment while I go back. Let us look at what has been already done, and see where we now are, in order that we may determine what we ought and what we must do. Why, sir, as I said before, and as you said more eloquently than I can, the country is in danger. For fifteen months a civil war has been raging over the length and breadth of the land. Our blood and our treasure have been poured out like water in defence of the Constitution. It is no longer a question of party, it is no longer a question of what men shall have office ; it is, sir, a ques- tion, for the first time in my life and in your lives, probably — a question of country. Shall loe have a country ? Shall we have a government ? Shall we have places which any men can be chosen to fill ? It is no longer a question of policy. I ask you, then, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen, if the commonest wisdom — nothing more than that — does not require of every man who has in him a true heart, who believes in his country over and above and beyond any thing else earthly, that he shall come forward, and, forgetting all the little petty quarrels, all the little petty measures of party, unite with all other good and true men on the one great, broad, holy ground of saving the country. [Loud applause.]
And, gentlemen, can this be done in any other way than by the uprising of the whole people, by the coming together of men who have acted in different parties from the first time they cast a vote, down to the present hour — as you and I have, sir, — forgetting all the past? Why, gentlemen, I am impatient when 1 think of what is before us. All party measures are swept into the abyss of the past, or burned up in the fiery furnace of this war which has been raging over the land for the last year and a quarter ; and shall we now or hereafter be guilty of that most wasteful and astonishing unwisdom of undertaking to rake the ashes out from the furnace, when realities have been burned up forever. [Applause.]
Gentlemen, we all agree that the only practical way to carry the country through this terrible war which is now surging over the land, and under whose shock we are now reeling, is to come together with one heart, with one purpose, and to resolve, not as a party, but as one people, that we will now, henceforth and forever, sustain the Constitution, and the laws made under the Constitution, and put down this accursed rebellion. [Great applause.] That is the only way in which you can unite all who have formerly differed, all who differ from the present Adminis- tration ; it is the only way in which you can practically unite the whole force and the whole power of this great people, all of which are wanted, all of which, I am sorry to say, have as yet proved insufficient for the one great purpose. Let me say to you, gentlemen, that it is useless, you know it is useless, for us to talk about " no party," when, as some of our neighbors tell us, "no party" means simply a yielding up of all our own convictions and all of us turning into one party. No, gentlemen, we want the people ; we want an abandonment of party for the time. 1 agree that ordinarily parties are proper and right ; but there is now a time and an occasion when all party ties should be forgotten. And why ? It is no longer, as I said before, party measures we are talking about ; it is no longer any thing of that sort ; the question is no^ the one great question of saving the country ; of saving the Consti- j tution ; of re-establishing the laws ; the question, gentlemen, whether the glorious ] old flag shall again wave over the whole land, and not a part of the land. [Ap- plause.] And, thank God ! for me, and, I believe, for you, that the purpose is
13
large and broad and holy enough to enlist in it all of our hearts, all of our minds, all of our energies. And gentlemen, this support of the government is the more necessary at this time, for the reason that it is not to be kept out of sight, as you have been told by the Chairman, that we have had, recently, in this Commonwealth, a Convention of men now claiming to be " no party," then gentlemen, not only being a party, but the most restricted of all parties, confining themselves to the worship and support of one man, [applause] ; and, gentlemen, at the time that Convention was held, when the country, as I said a moment ago, was trembling upon the very verge of destruction, as it is now, when — gentlemen, almost for the first time, the armies of the rebels were pressing loyal earth, they did not (I take here the history given of it by one of its most eloquent members) — they did not vouchsafe to say a single word in favor of the constituted constitutional head of the nation, in his efforts to suppress the rebellion. ["Shame."] Is it not necessary, gentlemen, in view of that fact, that the people — not a party — should appear here to-day and express their determination, their will, to do as they have done, thank God ! from the hour when the first gun was fired at Fort Sumter — devote them- selves unconditionally, without an " if" or a " but," to the re-establishment of this glorious Constitution over the whole land ? [Loud applause.]
And, gentlemen, I am not unmindful, after what I have said of the Convention at Worcester, of what took place here yesterday. I am not unmindful that the men — nine hundred thousand of them we were told by some one of their number — • who have been waiting, waiting, and staying their hand when their beloved country was in its death-struggle ; when we were sweating drops of blood at every pore — waiting because the President would not declare a policy — I am not unmindful, I say, that a portion of those nine hundred thousand, and their leader, came here yes- terday, and have undertaken to say now that they will support the Government and the President. I tell you, gentlemen, that, after all, that declaration is but the declaration that they will support their policy, and will support the President if he will give them their policy, but will not support the President unless he will give them their poHcy. [Loud applause.] That is the commentary which you had here yesterday upon the Convention which you had a month ago. It means still, and evermore — no unconditional support of the Constitution and laws, no uncondi- tional support of the President in putting down the rebellion because he is Presi- dent— because he is responsible, and we are not, for the policy pursued. It means — we will support the President, provided he takes the policy which the nine hun- dred thousand waiting men have been looking for, while their friends, their brothers, their sons, were laying down their lives on the field of battle. [Applause.]
And therefore I say, gentlemen, as the result, as the end, as the judgment from this meeting together to consult upon the common weal, this : that we are here together, we are consulting together, every one of us in good faith determined to do now, as we have ever intended to do from the beginning — to support the govern- ment in the terrible civil war which is now raging, to make every sacrifice — and God only knows how terrible the sacrifices are! — to make every sacrifice to sustain the Constitution and the laws, and strengthen the hands of the President in putting down the rebellion. [Applause.]
I go now — don't you go ? [Loud cries of " Yes."] I go now, and I hope yoa all go, for an unconditional and unquestioning support of the President in all con- stitutional meas^ires, in all means known to civilized warfare, in putting down this accursed rebeUion ; and I do it imposing no condition whatever. [Prolonged applause.] And I tell you this, gentlemen, that that is the lesson which the history of all nations teaches — that is the lesson which we are to-day to be taught. Your government is in war. The question to-day is, as I said before, whether you have a government or have not a government ? The President is the only consti-
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tuted le^al head of the nation and of the armj. You support the Constitution and the laws made under the Constitution ; you support, unconditionally and unre- servedly, the constitutional head of the nation, and Comnaander-in-Chief of the army, because he is the constitutional head of the nation, and you cannot help yourself. Gentlemen, we will support him, and we will hold him to the strictest responsibility for the maintenance of the Constitution ; [applause ;] and when the time comes when all these things are to be answered for, then there will be a day of reckoning, when we can stop to call all our public officers to account; but now is not that time nor that day. [Applause.]
And now, gentlemen, you ask me, perhaps, some of you — I have been asked outside of this hall — what, practically, are you going to accomplish by this ? Practically, gentlemen, />mc^zca%.' Why, I should say, looking around me and seeing these faces and this assemblage, coming together here to consult for the common good, coming up and throwing aside all party feelings, — I should say that, practically, in the old State of Massachusetts, that was a most worthy thing to be accomplished. But I do not stop there. I tell you there are some practical things to be accomplished. I tell you we have twelve hundred and fifty thousand people in Massachusetts who are more largely interested in manufactures, in commerce, in agriculture, in fisheries, in every art that yields tribute to civilized life, than any other equal number of people on the face of the earth; and I tell you, gentlemen, and every heart here responds to it — every heart out of this hall would respond to it, if the lips would speak the language of the heart, — I tell you, gentlemen, we want men in the halls of Congress, in the House of Representa- tives, and, above and beyond all, in the Senate Chamber, who will attend to these interests, and not be continually, as they have been, sir, attending to mere wild speculations and sentimental theories. [Applause.] Do not the people cry out, " For God's sake, give us somebody who believes there is something to be attended to in the wants of a million and a quarter of white men, women and children ? " [Great applause.]
Gentlemen, we want men who, instead of constantly looking beyond what any man can accomplish, and neglecting what is before them and what they can do, have wisdom enough, sense enough, sir, just to look before their noses, and deal with tliat which they can accomplish. [Applause.] And, beyond and above all, gentle- men, we want no miserable, meddling politicians, interfering with our glorious men and our noble generals in the field. [Enthusiastic applause.] Yes, gentlemen — you feel it, I know — we want no man — I will say it, and I am ready to stand by it, here and everywhere — we want no man, or no men, who go about Washington and here, disparaging the men who are risking their lives on the battle-field — trying to sap the confidence of the people in that noble, that glorious young Christian hero, who, under God, has saved this country. [Prolonged and enthu- siastic cheering.] Yes, I see that George B. McClellan has the warmest place in your hearts, as he has the warmest place in the hearts of this great people and nation to-day. [Renewed cheering.] And we want no man in Congress who defrauds the government by franking papers by the bushel-full through the Com- monwealth, maligning and slandering that man, " the latchet of whose shoes he is not worthy to unloose." [Applause.] I desire to say that 1 am ready to say this here or elsewhere, and to be responsible for it. [Cries of " Good ! "]
One other thing, gentlemen. I know I am wearying you and tiring myself. [Loud cries of " Go on."] We want Senators who have brains enough, when they are sent into the Senate Chamber, instead of getting up theories as to what they shall do when certain things are accomplished, to take in the whole length and breadth and height and depth of this terrible war, and tell us when we want men, and not lull us into quiet by assuring us we do not want men when we do
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want them. [ApplauJ^e.] And here let me ask you, gentlemen, if it has not cost you, the people of this Commonwealth, three millions of money to make up for the lack of brains in your representative ? [Applause.]
One thing more, gentlemen, and I have done upon that head, because I think I have given you some sort of an inkling, practically of what you are to do. We want Senators, Representatives, Governors, if you please, [" Yes, yes,"] who, instead of being peripatetic, will stay at home and mind their own business. [Laughter and applause.] I know no w^arrant in the Constitution for His Excel- lency's— and I speak of him with the utmost deference and respect, — I know no warrant in the Constitution for His Excellency's holding a congress with other Excellencies, on the top of the Alleghany Mountains, [laughter,] to counsel the President of the United States, who ought never to have received their counsels, in my judgment. [Applause.] Now, gentlemen, don't you think you have some- thing practical to work for ?
One other matter, gentlemen ; I never was accused of dodging in my life, and. I don't mean to begin now. People who don't agree with me, after that address was signed and published, met me almost triumphantly and asked me, "Now, my friend, what are you going to do with the President's proclamation ? " I replied, " I am not going to do any thing about it." No man has a right to ask me what my opinion is about a promissory declaration of opinion, to be carried into effect three months hence. I say, from April, 1861, from the time when I first heard the booming of the cannon from Fort Sumter, through the papers — I have been unreservedly, so help me God, with all my heart and all my soul, loyal to the government. [Loud applause and cries of" Good."] I have made sacrifices such as these men, who talk to me about being loyal, never have made and never will make. [A voice — " That's so."] I have made sacrifices, God only knows how terrible, and no man has a right to ask me what I think upon a mere declaration of opinion, as I said before, promissory, and to take effect three months hence. I have a right to point to my action ; you have a right to point to your action ; the signers of that call have a right to point to their action. If the man who slandered them on this platform yesterday by talking about their being more desirous of putting down a political opponent than of putting down the enemy, had looked at that glorious roll-call of this great uprising of the people, he would have found the names of men there the purest and brightest known in this whole Commonwealth. [Applause.] He would have found men there who have sacrificed treasure, and time, and blocd, in filling up the armies of the land, while he has been doing nothing, not even vouchsafing the poor help of a single word. [Applause.] But, gentlemen, there is another reason why we are not called upon to assume to ourselves to be prophets and look into the future. My belief is, that it is the part of wisdom to look after what is before us to-day. " Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." Three months is a great way ahead. History makes itSelf fast in these days. A week now is equal to a year in ordinary times ; and I want to tell you what occurred in connection with this very movement, to show how fast liistory writes itself by the help of heroes. Why, sir, on the Saturday night when you and I signed that first call, the whole country was trembling on the verge of destruction. The army of the enemy, proud and triumphant, was for the first time pressing loyal soil. There seemed to be no stay between that proud and insolent enemy and the capital of the nation, and then the capital of the next Free State — Philadelphia. Our forces had been beaten for a fortnight successively ; they had been out-gen- eraled ; they were discouraged ; they did not believe in their General ; and, sir, every loyal heart in the land was heavy with sadness. In one short week after that call was published to the world, all had been changed ; the beaten army, under the lead of the gallant, Christian hero, George B. McClellan [great applause] had
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swept the rebels from the loyal soil, a^nd all hearts from being sad with heavy grief, were exultino; with much joy.
Does not History write itself fast in these days, gentlemen ? I say, then, wait !— wait ! Three months is a long time. Now, we have one duty. That duty is to goon; never falter, never hesitate ; onward, still onward. Support the Constitu- tion, support the laws, support the President in putting down the rebellion, because he is the President. [Applause.]
Gentlemen, our course is plain. Whatever conditions or limitations others may impose upon their loyalty, upon their patriotism, pur course is plain. We cannot do our duty to ourselves, to those who are to come after us — we cannot leave to them the same heritage of good government and liberty which was bequeathed to us by our fathers — unless we proceed as we have heretofore done.
We must go on in the good work without hesitation, without conditions, and sup- port, I say again, the laws and the Constitution. And I say, gentlemen, in conclu- sion, let us here, within these sacred walls, with all their glorious recollections clustering around us, — let us here pledge anew our fealty to the laws. Will you not? ["Yes, yes."]
Let us here, I say, gentlemen, in the presence of its greatest defender, [pointing to the picture of Webster, amid loud applause,] swear anew that we will give for- tune, that we will give life, that we will give all, to support that Constitution and re-establish its sway over the whole land. [Loud cheers.]
Let us swear again that we will not falter, that we will not hesitate, until the glorious old flag the representative of every thing that is honored and dear to us, with a State for every star, and a star for every State, shall again, in undimmed splendor, float over, not a part, but the whole country, in peace and in honor. [Prolonged and hearty applause.]
The Committee on Resolutions then reported the following for the consideration of the meeting: —
RESOLUTIONS.
Resolved, That our sentiments are clearly expressed by adopting the language of the following resolution passed by Congress at the extra session in 1861 :
"That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against the Constitutional Gov- ernment, and in arms around the capitol ; that in this great national emergency, banishing all feeling of mere passion and resentment, we will recollect only our duty to the whole country ; that this war is not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrow ing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease."
Resolved, That the expenditure of nearly two thousand millions of treasure, the loss of two hundred thousand men of our armies in a war of eighteen months, against traitors two-thirds less in numbers and inferior in resources for war of every description — and the traitors still not only unsubdued, but apparently vigor- ous and threatening as at the beginning — call loudly uj^on the people, without dis- tinction of party or opinion, to make inquiry as to the cause of disaster, and to unite with all their heart, mind and might, in urging on and sustaining the Execu- tive in a more vigorous and successful prosecution of the war, that it may be a short war, and that its end may be a speedy and honorable peace, with every State restored to the Union and Constitution,
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Resolved, That history will class with the most infamous of criminals, with Cain and with Judas, the murderers and traitors who are the authors and promoters of this rebellion, against the freest, mildest, most equable and beneficent government on earth — the constitutional government of the United States of America. To the men who shall restore the Republic — shall stay the tide of fire that is desolating the land, and with forked flame attacking the very pillars of the temple of consti- tutional liberty — will be paid the highest honors given to men ; their names shall be cherished and recorded with the names of the founders of the Republic.
But if the men whom the people have elected to lead them in this sacred cause and holy labor, — if the people to whom the fathers left this legacy of labor and trust shall consent that one star be stricken from the constellation upon the old flag, one pillar be removed from the temple of Liberty, — then to the leaders and the people, infamy only less than to the authors of the rebellion.
Resolved, That we recognize in Abraham Lincoln, the chief executive magistrate of the nation, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, a responsible and constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power ought always to be vigorously and religiously guarded and preserved, as the condition on which our form of government and the constitutional rights and liberties of the people can be saved from the wreck of anarchy or the gulf of despotism. Now, more than any other time in the history of the Republic, the President ought jealously to guard himself, lest in the assumption of war powers, as the commander- in-chief of vast armies, he transcends the limits and bounds set by the fathers, to guard the liberties of the people.
Resolved, That we have read with pleasure the declaration of the President, as Commander-in-Chief, in his Proclamation of September 22, 1862, that the war hereafter, as heretofore, " will he prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relations between the United States and the people thereof in which States that relation is or may he suspended or disturbed.** We know that in the mode and manner of conducting this war to that issue, in the means and policy to be adopted in its prosecution, a solemn and fearful responsibility rests upon him. He must answer to us, to the nation, to posterity, and, above all, to God. We jealously watch the exercise of the vast powers we have delegated to him. We jealously watch to guard and preserve the liberties God has given us. We desire, above all things, with our chartered rights and liberties preserved, to conquer and subdue the rebellion. We make, therefore, no captious criticism of his acts and declarations. We burden him with no party or partisan policy. We offer no con- ditions to our patriotism. We resolve that Massachusetts, with all her heart, and soul, and mind, and strength, will support the President of the United States in the prosecution of this war to the entire and final suppression of the rebellion.
Resolved, That freedom exists only under the Constitution ; it confines and limits authority; it defines executive, legislative and judicial power. Without a strict and guarded observance of and adherence to it, military power, which in time of war, within rebellious districts, occupied by armed forces, arrests its citizens, con- demns and executes him by decree of court-martial, might become supreme and perpetual over the whole land, and the government be made a despotism. In this time of war we want men in our congress who shall be vigilant, sleepless and far- seeing watchmen upon the towers of freedom — shall guard against the slightest encroachments upon the legislative and judicial powers, and shall see to it that those great safeguards to liberty, exemption from arrest without legal warrant, trial by jury and the writ of habeas corpus, are preserved in loyal and peaceful States. In times like the present, passion is apt to overwhelm reason and judgment. Now, and for years to come, during the war, at the end of the war, after the war, ques- tions are to be discussed and determined more tremendous in their consequences
2
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than have been presented to the nation since the founding of the government. We need legislators who are patriots and statesmen. Massachusetts no longer wants men to represent her who see one thing so clearly that they can see nothing else.
Resolved^ That we offer the thanks of this Convention to the loyal States of the border, for their devotion to the Union, the constitution and the flag. We know what they have suffered. We know against what they contended. We know the strength of their patriotism. It is firm and true when hostile armies encamp upon their soil and devastate their homes. And we brand as false and wicked, the impu- tation of fanatics and partisans that their loyalty is doubtful, and therefore their counsel should be spurned. God bless Maryland for the last proof of their fidelity. God help the brave State of Kentucky, cursed to-day by the tread of a rebel army. Her people are our people, her cause is our cause, and it is our proud confidence that she will pass through her present trial with her fair fame untarnished, and while she routs those who have invaded her, will confound those who have slandered her.
Resolved^ That Massachusetts responds with full heart to the acclaim with which the army of Virginia greeted the appointment to its command of Major-General George B. McClellan. We put trust in him whom brave men desire to do battle for our cause. Let all irregular and irresponsible intermeddling with his command of the army, whether in high places or low, by letter-writers in camp, or governors in convention, anywhere and everywhere, henceforth cease.
NOMINATION FOR GOVERNOR.
After the Resolutions had been read, Col. Charles G. Greene, of Boston, was introduced, and said he had merely a nomination to make, which he felt sure would be received with much gratification by every delegate to the Convention. He elosed by proposing the name of General CHARLES DEVENS, Jr., of Wor- cester, as a suitable candidate for the office of Governor, and he moved he be nominated by acclamation.
The motion was carried unanimously, amid much cheering.
On motion of Mr. Gookin, of Boston, he and William D. Swan, of Dorchester, S. E. Peabody, of Salem, W. G. Bates, of Westfield, and William Gray, of Boston, were appointed to nominate other State officers.
Hon. William D. Northend, of Salem, was then introduced.
SPEECH OF HON. WILLIAM D. NORTHEND.
Mr. President and Men of Massachusetts:
We have assembled in Faneuil Hall to take counsel together upon our duty to our country in this hour of its extremest peril. We have come here to determine upon a course of action in which all men can unite, and which will give to the State and the Nation wise, prudent and impartial councils. Can this be effected by sounding the trumpet of party, or arraying the men of the Commonwealth under their old partisan banners, to do battle for party measures and party theories ?
We all know the effect of partisan strife in times of peace. Each man has been educated in his own political theories and in favor of his own political meas- ures ; and we have seen the people of this Commonwealth divided and distracted, the one party against the other, almost to deeds of violence ; and, sir, the passions and animosities excited in times of civil dissension will add terrible strength and intensity to such a strife ; and if such a conflict is to be permitted at this time, we shall find the people distracted by the bitterest animosities which ever divided any people, and the result will be the success of one of the old political parties, which,
inflamed by the heat of the contest and the triumph of success, would press upon the country its most extreme partisan measures ; the greatest and best interests of the country must suffer, ami the hands of the government will be embarrassed and weakened in the prosecution of the great duties which are incumbent upon it.
Nor, Mr. President, can these evils be avoided and a union exist by a temi)orary acquiescence of the people m the will of the party which happens to be in power. Our experience the last year gives us a sad illustration on this point. The jxiople of this Commonwealth, actuated by the highest and purest motives of patriotism, made no combined opposition to the Administration which was then in power in this Commonwealth, and what was the result? It was claimed that this magna- nimity on the part of the people was . an approval of all the principles of that party ; and, sir, principles and measures have been proposed and advocated by our State and National officers of the most ultra partisan character ; and they have been proclaimed as the sentiments of the people of Massachusetts, because there was no organization to utter a word or syllable against them. And more, sadly more, it has been asserted that the loyalty of the people of Massachusetts was con- ditional, and that it depended upon the adoption or rejection of certain lines of partisan policy whether Massachusetts would respond to the call of the President or would not. And, sir, what have we seen further in that party? At its recent State Convention in the city of Worcester, it proclaimed a platform which was never authorized by any political party in this country before that time ; and more than that, it chained its supporters to the chariot wheels of one exponent and made it a criterion of party loyalty, whether they would support that one man or not.
Mr. President, there can be no union among a people divided by their political differences. There can be no union of the people by a pretended acquiescence of the people in the rule of one party ; and, Mr. Chairman, the hands of the President will be weakened by a partisan conflict. If one party is to assume control, as such, we shall have forced upon the country the most extreme ultra partisan legislation. There is but one thing to be done, and that is, for every man, appreciating the importance and the solemnity of the crisis, to come forward and pledge himself to lay aside for the time being his party theories, his party measures and his party names, so that we may stand all together in prosecuting this war against the rebel- lion, and in re-establishing the sway of the Constitution and the laws over every portion of this great and glorious country. [Applause.] Leave to the President the conduct of the war. He is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, and constitutionally it devolves upon him ; and, sir, I believe that the people of this Commonwealth have confidence in the integrity and patriotism of the President, and the measures which he may adopt, under the Constitution, as the war power, the result of his own judgment, they will cordially acquiesce in and support. The people have no policy to offer to the President. If he needs advice in regard to the conduct of the war, he shall take it from the noble and patriotic Generals in the field, who know the necessities of the war better than any other men can ; but they do ask that politicians and civilians shall stop intermedding in the conduct of our army, and that they shall cease encouraging prejudice against the Generals, and animosities and distrust among the people in regard to those who are called upon to lead our brave men upon the field. [Applause.]
Mr. President, what we want, and what the country languishes and suffers for to-day, is victory — the triumph of the arms of the Republic against the rebellion which would pull down the pillars of the government. That is the great and all- absorbing need of the country. And how is that need to be supplied ? Not by legislation ; not by proclamations; but by brave hearts and stout arms. [Applause.] While we divert our minds, our eyes and our hearts from the army, we are doing a disloyal act to our great and holy cause. Let nothing distract us. Let us stand
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together as one man, laying aside every thing else, and say we will support our brave army in crushing out this rebellion, and will frown down every man in our midst who undertakes improperly to interfere with its management, whether it is the governor of the State or the poorest man who treads the streets. [Applause.]
Mr. President, when the rebellion has been subdued, great and important duties will devolve upon the people of this country ; questions will come before the Con- gress of the United States, the importance of which no one can now fully realize — questions upon the pro{)er decision of which will depend the entire future of this great people ; and if, when that times comes, you have narrow men in the councils of the nation, if you have men who have been educated only in their partisan dogmas and partisan measures — men who will ask for nothing and consent to noth- ing beyond them — then you cannot hope for such a policy as will bring together the people of this great and noble confederacy. If, on the other hand, sir, the people of this country, at this time, throwing aside all partisan feeling, will elect wise, prudent, able, sagacious men — men whose intellectual vision can embrace the whole country — then we may hope for a re-united people, and look for the day when the old flag shall wave again as it has in the past, over an undivided confed- eracy, and future generations will look back upon this war as one that gave addi- tional strength and vigor to this, the greatest and most beneficent government the world has ever seen. [Applause.]
Hon. Joel Parker, of Cambridge, was then called for, and came forward upon the platform. He was received with loud cheers, and spoke as follows : —
SPEECH OF HON. JOEL PARKER.
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention :
Notwithstanding that I appear before you with my hands full of papers, I pray you to believe that it is with unfeigned diffidence and reluctance. Unaccustomed as I am to speaking on such subjects, and especially in this place, I shall assuredly fail to meet your expectations. But I am in some measure reconciled to the call which is made upon me, as it enables me to relieve my shoulders from a load of honor which has for some time been a burden to them. You have doubtless admired, as I have done, the strong nervous power and stirring words of the Address which accompa- nied the call for this Convention. It has been supposed by some that I wrote it, because my name is first attached to it. But you are aware, gentlemen, that the first name affixed to such documents indicates age rather than authorship, and besides, I was chairman of the committee that issued it. I desire to say that it was written by Judge Abbott, who has addressed you on this occasion. [Loud applause.] " Honor to whom honor is due."
Gentlemen, two events occurred, nearly simultaneous with the issue of the call for this Convention, which may deserve some notice at this time. The first in date is generally styled the proclamation for emancipation, although it is only a procla- mation of intentions to be acted on at a future day. The second is the meeting of the so called loyal Governors, at Altoona, in Pennsylvania, the call for which was issued before the proclamation, but the meeting was held after that time.
It has been supposed, in some quarters, that the first must exercise a great influ- ence upon the proceedings of this Convention, and the movement which it repre- sents ; that it was, in fact, a bombshell, which had been exploded with fatal effect among all persons who do not swear by Governor Andrew and Senator Sumner. And the second has in my belief, such an intimate connection with the first, that we cannot properly estimate the character and purpose of the proclamation without considering the design and effijct of the Gubernatorial caucus.
Let me say, by the way, that if the eulogists of the proclamation shall be as much
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disappointed respecting its effect, in the prosecution of the war, as they are likely to be in its operation upon this Convention, they will, hereafter, hardly deem it to be worthy of the admiration which they have affected to bestow upon it.
As the Gubernatorial caucus had the earliest inception, I will first ask your attention to that.
And here, at the outset, I desire to express my emphatic and unqualified con- demnation of that and all similar meetings, whatever may be their ostensible or real objects, as unwarrantable assemblages, tending to disorganization and mischief.
It has been represented that this was a most patriotic gathering, for the purpose of consultation respecting the best mode of aiding the government in carrying on the war. Grant it for a moment, for the sake of the argument. The Constitution recognizes no necessity for such assemblages and consultations. On the contrary, the Constitution of the United States forbids a State to enter into any agreement or compact with another State. Now, if an agreement of Governors of States, respecting what each will do as Governor of his State, in certain cases, or in rela^ tion to any proposed action, is not strictly and technically an agreement of the States which they represent, it is substantially of the same character, and tends to the same mischief. If it does not bind the State, it will control the action of the party who made it, as Governor, representing his State ; and it will be carried into effect by him as Governor, as if it were an agreement or compact of the State.
K Governors may meet and combine for one purpose, they may for another. If they may agree, as Governors, to support the administration of the National Gov- ernment, they may as readily agree, as Governors, that they will oppose it. And thus we have a precedent by which " loyal Governors " may combine to control the action of the constituted head of the nation, and reduce the President to the neces- sity of administering the government according to their loyal ideas and policy, instead of his own convictions of his constitutional duty.
If I had time, I should be pleased to follow out an exposition of the evil conse- quences which may attach themselves to such a precedent, even if the precedent had none but the best intentions. But let us inquire whether this meeting of the Governors at Altoona is entitled to the very harmless and patriotic character which has been claimed for it.
If, instead of a meeting to aid the President in such measures as he, the consti- tutional commander-in-chief, should deem advisable, in order to carry on the war and suppress the rebellion, it shall appear that the design, purpose, and effect of it was to control his action ; to compel him to adopt their policy in the prosecution of the war; to select a military commander of their choice; and to issue such proclama- tion or proclamations as they should dictate — if all or any of these things were the object of that assemblage, then the vocabulary may be ransacked to find fitting terms of reprobation.
Great surprise was manifested upon the receipt of the proclamation, because il was so perfectly manifest that it was ineffective for the purpose for which it was apparently issued, and was so capable of being made an instrument of mischief; That surprise was not lessened, but was increased tenfold, when it was found that but little more than a week before it was issued, the President himself not only understood that a proclamation of emancipation was ineffective for the purposes of the war, but that he had the gravest doubts of his authority to issue such a docu- ment. He said at the same time that there was a great pressure upon him.
And now, gentlemen, let m^ ask your attention to a little documentary evidence. Perhaps we may satisfy ourselves how this pressure became too great for him to bear, and understand more clearly the expedient to which he resorted to relieve himself from it.
You recollect, doubtless, the proclamation of Mr. Horace Greeley, of the THbune,
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entitled, " The Prayer of Twenty Millions," in which, with an insolent assumption of authority, he said to the President, " We require of you," " that you execute the laws." — " We think you are strangely and disastrously remiss in the discharge of your official and imperative duty with regard to the emancipating provisions of the new confiscation act ; " — and in which he told him that a great proportion of those who triumphed in his election were sorely disappointed and deeply pained by the policy he seemed to be pursuing, &c." That document was published in the Tribune on the 20th of August last. You recollect the President's answer to that, in which, speaking of slavery, he declared, substantially, that he would deal with it, one way or the other, as he believed would conduce to the salvation of the Union under the Constitution. That answer was published on the 23d of the same month. Now, I ask your attention to the further fact, that on the 2.3th of that month, in the city of New York, a call was issued for a Mass War Meeting, to be held on the 27th, for the purpose apparently of aiding in " the great duties " which called for action " at that moment," which were said in the call to be : —
" First — To fill up the veteran regiments of New York Volunteers."
" Second — To make full response to the State call for new Regiments."
" Third — To organize and fill up the Corcoran Brigade before the month expires."
At that meeting, a committee was appointed, which has been called the National War Committee, consisting of a large number of members, ostensibly to repre- sent the people of the city of New York in all that relates to obtaining and using means for a vigorous prosecution of the war and the speedy overthrow of the rebellion."
I ask your attention next to the fact, that on the first week in September, the Commencement of Brown University occurred at Providence, and that certain " loyal Governors " in New England were seized with an irresistible desire to par- ticipate in the literary exercises of that occasion, [laughter] ; and further, that this National War Committee of the city of New York appeared there, at the same time, and held a conference with those New England Governors ; doubtless, for the purpose of aiding in the literary festivities ! [Laughter.] It so happened that the Commencement was on the 3d of September. There were s{»eeches made there, and you may recollect the tone and temper of them, and how they called forth an expression of indignation and rebuke from our worthy fellow-citizen, Judge Thomas. [Applause.]
Well, gentlemen, upon the very day of that Commencement, — the 3d of Sep- tember,— this literary National AVar Committee, which had held its consultation with the literary "loyal Governors " of New England, sent a letter to General Fre- mont, enclosing a copy of a resolution which had been adopted by the War Com- mittee, by which they had " Resolved, That General Fremont and General Mitchell be each requested, if the Government will consent, to organize in this State [New York], without delay, a corps of 50,000 men ; and that application for such con- sent be made to the General Government, and if it refuses, then to the State Government." You perceive what literature came to on that occasion ! You see what was the result of those " Commencement Exercises ! " [Laughter.]
On the next day, — Sept. 4, — this National Literary War Committee sent to Mr. Stanton, Secretary of War, a dispatch, asking his consent that Gen. Fremont or Gen. Mitchell, each or either, sliould organize a corps of 50,000 men, composed of the citizens of New York, " and other States." " If you accede," they say, " we shall hope to induce the Generals to undertake the organization." Doubtless ; for they received the next day Gen. Fremont's formal reply that he would undertake the duty with great pleasure ! But tliat proposition did not meet the approbation of the authorities at Washington. They said, in substance : that Gen. Mitchell was engaged elsewhere, and that, in the view of the Government, " To authorize mili-
23
tary officers of high rank to raise and organize army corps would be productive of military disorganization." Gentlemen, I thank the War Department, or the Pres- ident, if he controlled the War Department, — as no doubt he did, — that there wag no permission given for the organization of an army of 50,000 men, under the chosen leader of the National War Committee of New York — to do what ? You can judge how powerful such an army would be in the hands of the " loyal Goy- ernors " of the Free States, to put down all discussion ; how powerful it would be, if it pleased them, instead of using that organization as an enginery against the rebellion, to use it as an enginery against free speech and free action in the Free States. [Applause.]
Well, gentlemen, upon this refusal by the Government, it was not thought expe- dient to pursue that purpose any further ; at least, it was not thought expedient to pursue it in that form and in that particular direction.
What occurred next? On the 10th of September, the so-called Republican Convention at Worcester refused to pass a resolution to support the President. And on the 14th a call was issued for a Convention of "loyal Governors," to be held on the top of the Alleghany Mountains, on the 24th of September. This call purported to come from the Governors of three of the Western States, to be sure, but I submit to you, gentlemen, whether they were not instigated to that movement by those New England Governors who met the National War Com- mittee at Providence, on the 3d of the same month. What was the purpose of this meeting which was thus called ? What were the circumstances under which it became necessary that they should depart from their jurisdictions, that they should leave their proper and appropriate duties, and meet together and combine for some purpose or other ? What was the necessity which was apparent at that time ? What was it that they could do then and there, by their combined action, that they could not do if they had remained quietly within their own jurisdictions, and communicated with each other from their different positions, in relation to any thing that might be necessary ? Gentlemen, you are aware that that Council, as it has been called, was held on the 24th of September, and that they presented to the President the result of their deliberations in an Address, which many of them took the pains to carry to Washington, in order that they might, while presenting it, hold further communication with him. I pray your attention to the particulars of that Address which they prepared and submitted, and I will ask you if you believe that any or all of the things there mentioned communicate to the world or to the President the real object and purpose for which that " Council " was called ? Let us see. In the first place, they say : —
" After nearly one year and a half spent in a contest with aif armed and gigantic rebelHon against the National Government of the United States, the duty and pur- pose of the loyal States and people continue and must always remain as they were at its origin," &c.
Now I think the President might have taken that for granted, if he saw nothing to the contrary ! Well, they go on —
" We pledge, without hesitation, to the President of the United States, the most loyal and cordial support hereafter as heretofore, in the exercise of the functions of his great office."
Did they go to Altoona and hold a Convention to tell the President they would do their duty, as they were bound to do it ? Was that the object and purpose of that gathering ? I think, gentlemen, we must look a little further.
" We recognize in him the chief Executive Magistrate of the nation, the Com- mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, their responsible and constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power, as well as the constitutional powers of Congress, must be vigorously and religiously guarded and preserved."
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The election of 1860, I think, told them who was President, and the Constitution told them he must be regarded as such and be obeyed as such. We fail there to find the purpose of this meeting.
" In submission to the laws which may have been, or may be, duly enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, co-operating always in our own spheres in the National Government, we mean to continue in the most vigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers, contending against treason, rebellion, and the public enemies, and, whether in public life or private station, supporting the arras of the Union until its cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch upon its standard, or the rebel foe shall yield a dutiful, rightful and unconditional submission."
Was there any reason why they should combine to put that into an address to .him ? If they had before refused " submission to the laws," then it might have been proper for them to make this declaration to show that they had become loyal ; but if not, it would seem to be an act of supererogation, and it did not require a joint act on any supposition.
Now we come to something that is substantial : —
" Impressed with the conviction that an army of reserve ought, until the war shall end, to be constantly kept on foot, to be raised, armed and equipped at home, and ready for emergencies, we respectfully ask the President to call for such a force of volunteers for one year's service of not less than 100,000 in the aggregate, the quota of each State to be raised after it shall have filled its quotas of the requisitiona already made for volunteers and for militia."
Here is something, you see, of a practical character. Here they say, that it is their opinion that an army of 100,000 men (not 50,000 merely) should be organ- ized and held in reserve. Now, I ask again, was it necessary for those Governors to meet in Convention at that time for the purpose of telling the President that when the 600,000 men already called for should have been enrolled, a reserved force of 100,000 men ought to be organized, — at some indefinite time in the future — when, they didn't know, — they don't know now ? Why didn't they wait until they had filled the ranks of the regiments now organizing? Why didn't they wait for the 900,000 men who we were told were going to swarm in all the highways and byways, hurrying to join the ranks of the army, as soon as a policy was adopted ? [Laughter and applause.]
Then they come to the proclamation of the President of September 22d. About one-third of the whole Address is occupied with their eulogistic approbation of this proclamation ; but I take it they did not come together for the purpose of thig eulogy — for the purpose of telling the President how much they admired his action in that matter; because, at the time when the call for their convention was made, the proclamation had not been issued, and they did not know it would be issued. In fact, up to that time, they had no reason to suppose it would be. If they were in the secrets at Washington, they knew that the day before their call was dated, the President had informed a delegation of ministers from Chicago that he doubted his power to issue and doubted the effect of a proclamation, of emancipation. The President issued his proclamation of intention two days before the Governors met — and that is significant, as I shall show you. That, then, was not the purpose for which they met there.
And then they say : " The splendid valor of our troops, their patient endurance, their manly patriotism and their devotion to duty demand from us, and from aU their countrymen, the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the pledge of our con- stant reinforcement and support. A just regard for these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter, has called us into friendly conference."
What had they to do jointly in convention with "these brave men," who
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had been sent into the field through their separate action ? Nothing whatever. And thus we have the conclusion of their deliberation as they presented it to the President.
Now, I submit to you, gentlemen, that we may infer, and infer conclusively, from the circumstantial evidence before us, that neither the design nor purpose of that gathering is revealed in the Address, but that it has been carefully concealed, and has only leaked out here and there, little by little ; and that that design was not of the harmless character which it has been represented, but that it was in its charao- ter almost a traitorous attempt to control the constituted authorities of the nation. If not technically traitorous, I believe it was so in design and purpose, — in the heart and spirit of the thing ; — and I will ask your attention for a few moments more while I proceed to show that. Please to recollect, that about the time when the proclamation of Field Marshal Greeley [laughter] was issued, entitled the " Prayer of Twenty Millions," the army of Virginia, under the command of a leader who had " no head-quarters, and no lines of retreat," [laughter] was driven back almost upon the capital itself ; and thereupon the President wisely disregarding the appeals and remonstrances of politicians and civilians, appointed George B. McClellan to the command of that army. [Applause.] Now let us inquire why a gathering at Altoona and a combination might be supposed to be necessary. The General who had been appointed to the command was not one of the favorites of the New York War Committee ; on the contrary, he was the man who had been assailed from fir^ to last — from the time when he attempted by his prudence, to organize and disci- pline his men in such a manner as would make them effective and prevent them from being destroyed, down to the time of the delivery of the address here yester- day, in which he was attacked — not openly, but covertly, — and the question, with his enemies, and the enemies of the President, was how his removal could be accora- plished, and how the long-sou ght-for proclamation of emancipation was to be brought forth. ]Mr. Greeley's proclamation had failed. Well, gentlemen, fortunately for the peace of the country, fortunately for the honor of the Government, fortunately I think for the " loyal Governors " themselves, who met in that convention, — on the 14th of September, — the very day when the call for the convention of Governors was issued at Columbus, Ohio, — the victory of South Mountain was won, and, fol- lowing that, on the 17th, the victory of Antietam, and before these Governors could meet. Gen. George B. McClellan stood before the whole country and before the world as a man whose removal was not to be called for, even by fourteen Govern- ors. [Enthusiastic applause.] If they entertained that project — and I submit to you that the evidence tends to show that they or some of them did — they wisely concluded that it would not conduce to their health to attempt to carry it into exe- cution. [Laughter and applause.]
But there may have been another purpose. And now I will ask you to entertain a supposition for a few moments. Before I state it, however, let me say, that so far from its being publicly proclaimed that this Convention of Governors was called on the 14th of September; on the 19th of that month, a respectable organ in this city of the party in power rather discredited the idea that such a Con- vention was to be held. Now, suppose that somewhere about that time — for it was leaking out then that such a meeting was to be holden — suppose that about the 19th of September, the intelligence had got to Washington that such a call had been issued, and suppose that about that time, you saw somebody working along to the back door of the White House, pushing his way, as he might, through the kitchen, getting up the back stairs, and finally reaching the presence of the Presi- dent ; and suppose he says to him, " Sir, are you aware that a call has been issued for a meeting of all the loyal Governors, to be held on the top of the Alleghanies, where they can command the whole world ? " Suppose he says to him, " Are yon
I
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aware of the object and purpose of this meeting ? " The President replies, " No^ certainly not ; I have not been advised of this matter. This is the first I have heard of it." " Well, sir, let me tell you what my belief is. It is that these Gov* emors had in view when the call was issued, a meeting for the purpose of requiring you to displace Gen. McClellan, and the further design and purpose of requiring you to issue a proclamation of emancipation, — to adopt a policy, as they call it — ; and although, from the events which have transpired since the time when this call was issued, it is not at all probable that they will require the removal of the Com- mander-in-Chief, yet you may expect that a resolution will there be adopted, in some shape or other, by which they will give you to understand that if you do not consent to adopt a policy, no more troops will move from the Northern States until that is done." If you make this supposition, gentlemen, I think you will find a motive for the President to consider whether it was not expedient for him to act, and to act forthwith, before that meeting should assemble. Unless you take that supposition, you cannot find the reason, so far as I am aware, and the design and purpose for which that Convention was held. What had been publislied, what had occurred, to afford a reason for his doing, on the 2 2d of September, what he surely did not show any intention to do on the 13th ? Nothing under heaven, so far as the world knows, except this call for the meeting of the governors. Now, if this matter was communicated to him in this way, do you not see that it was wise in him, instead of waiting until this demonstration should be made, which if not treason technically, according to the Constitution and laws, would yet be of a traitorous character — instead of waiting until that should be done which, when once done, would cover the country with shame— don't you see that it was wise in the Presi- dent to try to prevent these men from placing themselves in such a position by issuing something that he hoped would save the country from such a disgrace ? And so, upon the 22d of September, he issued a proclamation — not of emancipation, (I know some gentlemen affect so to consider it, but it is an elephant that they don't know what to do with, and so they try to give it that character,) — a proclamation, I say, not of emancipation, but of his intention to do something one month after Congress assembles, if, in the meantime, Congress does not interfere by making some different provision. You perceive that the President puts the matter in such a shape that all he has done may do no mischief whatever, except the liability engendered by it of disgusting and disaffecting the loyal Border States, and inducing them to opposition, and the mischief of stirring up the Congress of rebeldom to threaten the black flag, and that they will make no prisoners of war. If this has been the effect of a proclamation of an intention to do something three months hence, what would have been the effect if, instead of forcing the President to issue that proclamation, the "loyal Governors" had forced him to issue a proclamation of emancipation directly, out and out ?
Now, gentlemen, I do not, I think, speak entirely without book in this matter. I have presented this to you as a supposition, but I will endeavor to sustain the supposition by a reference or two. I read to you from a special despatch to the New York Tribune, dated Washington, September 26th. It undertakes to give a little inkling of what was done at that convention of the Governors, and of the proxies of some of them ; for it seems that this was a case in which Governors coold act by proxy.
" There was a general understanding, tacit rather than expressed, among them that they should not take upon themselves to dictate to the President whom he should and whom he should not appoint as his Generals, and would in no matter and in no way whatever, either as individuals or as a body, interfere with the exercise of his functions as Commander-in-Chief.
"Whatever was said about Gen. McClellan was said in the course of conversar
27
tions upon current topics. [You see from this correspondence that the thing waa referred to there.] " Among those who discussed his qualifications were doubtles8 Governors Andrew and Sprague, as stated."
" There seemed to be a general agreement of opinion that, judged by ordinary tes# of success, the generalship of McClellan had failed. In the course of con- versation also, it appeared that six or seven of the gentlemen present felt indignant that Fremont had not received a command ; but there was no evidence of the existence of a factious desire to have him appointed against the judgment of the President, but all were willing to wait the course of events and the decision of the Administration."
If IMcClellan's victories had not occurred, I think we may confidently believe that that expression of indignation would have found a place in the Address that was presented to the President, or in the private conversation that took place at the time the Address was delivered.
This correspondent further says : —
"A little after one o'clock to-day, a Tribune phonographic reporter went to the ante-room of the White House, intending to be present at the interview if permitted. The Cabinet, excepting Secretary Stanton, was in session up stairs, and the ante-room was lively with the Governors in waiting. Our reporter made himself familiar with names and faces, and when the members of the Cabinet had taken their leave, sent his card to the President, requesting permission to be present at the interview. The request was granted, and he entered with the rest. After introductions, hand-shakings, and congratulations, his Excellency Governor Andrew arose and presented a paper on behalf of the Governors, and was proceed- ing to read it, when Governor Curtin rose and said he noticed a gentleman present whom he believed to be a reporter. He supposed it was understood that this inter- view was not public, but wholly between the President and themselves. Our reporter, to whom the remark seemed to be mainly addressed, replied that as he had permission from the President to be present, he had not expected to be con- sidered an intruder. The President said he had granted the privilege to The Tribune reporter, as he was perfectly willing to have the results of the interview go immediately to the people if the Governors did not object. Governor Yates and others rejoining that the interview was intended to be strictly confidential, our reporter retired."
So you perceive, gentlemen, these " loyal Governors " could not forego their purpose of controlling the President. They even controlled him in his own house, in relation to who should be admitted to his own presence. Why was it that this reporter could not be permitted to be there ? He was the representative of the loyal New York Tribune, conducted by a loyal field-marshal, [laughter,] and of course was himself loyal, and why should he not be there ? — Well, gentlemen, what occurred at that interview leaks out a little, notwithstanding. The Boston Traveller of September 30th, contains a letter from a Washington correspondent, under date of September 28th. He assumes to be well informed, and he says,
" The facts as to the conference of governor? vou have had by telegraph. They had a salutary fear of taking any step that would savor of dictation, or of an assumption of power to counsel in their gubernatorial capacity. Gov. Andrew man- aged the matter with his accustomed adroitness and candor. [! ! !] They said frankly all they could say as governors, and touched on no other topics in iheiv formal con- ference. [The Italics are those of the writer, gentlemen.] Yet these eminent public men, each left in his individual and private capacity, an impression on the presidential mind of their respective ideas on other matters than those formally discussed at Altoona. The effect of the personal interviews will be seen soon."
In " the formal conference," they said all they could say as governors, says this
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correspondent, but individually, they left their ideas on other matters than those contained in the Address. They had something to say to the President that they did not want the Tribune, even, to get hold of. Now, what w^as that?
" This gubernatorial council originated not so much from the necessities of the case, as from a little petty but successful diplomatic trick initiated last sumra^ by a wily newspaper politician of the Albany Kegency school, to serve a purpose. We had met with reverses on the peninsula. The steamer that was about to sail for Europe should carry some tidings that would counterbalance the bad news, and prevent European governments from recognizing the rebel government, or com- mitting themselves in any way in its favor.
"That letter from the loyal governors to the President, requesting him to call out 300,000 more men, was thus prepared in Albany ; and all the governors were requested to give authority by telegraph that their names should be appended to this letter. This authority in many cases was granted. The letter was sent to the President, who answered at once, that to gratify these his good counsellors and friends, he would call out these troops. And so the steamer took out this addresa and its answer.
"Now, when this council called to express its opinion in this semi-official manner, saw this evidence of the importance of its opinion and the effect following the expression, it was not, and henceforth will not be, content with simply repeating the role submitted to it; and it is not unlikely that we may have examples here- after, of a pressure brought to bear upon the national government by the expression of the aggregation of public opinion through a council of the governors [! ! !] — and tliat the President may have reason to wish that this form of power had never been invoked from the deep of tiie national heart. But rightly managed, this new power will never trench on the damnable heresy of State rights, but remain as an addi- tional safeguard of the liberties of the people."
There it is, gentlemen ; and " rightly managed" this gubernatorial pressure is lo be brought to bear upon the national government over and over again, unless you, the people of Massachusetts, and the people of the whole country, rise up and put the seal of condemnation upon it.
Gentlemen, I am detaining you too long. I ask you whether this proof does not gViow that the supposition I have placed before you of a communication to the Presi- dent informing him of a pressure that would be brought to bear upon him, is a correct one?
Now, gentlemen, in relation to all these measures, the gentleman who spoke here yesterday committed himself as their supporter, generally throughout; and I put it to you as an intelligent jury ; — Are Governor Andrew and Senator Sumner guilty of the offences with which they here stand charged, or not guilty. [Shouts of " Guilty."]
A Voice. We will have them hung without benefit of clergy.
Judge Parker. That goes a little beyond me, Gentlemen, just at this time. In some States, Gentlemen, they have a method of ascertaining the truth of a ver- dict— it does not prevail here — by calling upon each juror to answer to his name, and say whether he agrees to the verdict. This is called " polling the jury." Let me say we will poll the grand jury of the State of Massachusetts at the polls next November, and see if they do not confirm your verdict. [Loud applause.]
Spare me a few moments, while I touch upon the Proclamation, which it has been supposed would be such a bombshell thrown among the people that they would be scattered to the four winds. Just after it was issued, I met at the corner of the street a young friend of mine, who, in his political enthusiasm, is not always quite so wise as he might be. He said to me, " I have been enjoying the best joke 1 have had for a long time." " Ah," said I, " what is it ? " "I have been thinking what you gentlemen who have signed this call for a convention will do with the
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Proclamation." Said I, « I don't see the joke." [Laughter.] « Well " said he, "what are you going to do about it?" " We are not going to do any thing about it." " Oh, but you must do something about it. If you support the President, you must support the Proclamation." "That don't follow. We may support the President without endorsing every thing he does." " Oh, but what are you going to say about it?" " Well, we are not going to say any thing about it. [Laughter.] It is not necessary. The Proclamation effects nothing, accomplishes nothing. Nothing is to be done about it for three months — what is the necessity of our saying any thing about it ? " " Oh well, what are you going to think about it?" " Wel^ it is not necessary we should think any thing about it, [merriment], for the reason I have just given you — it is of no consequence — it effects nothing." But what would you think about it if it did effect something?" [Laughter.] I told him that was not a supposable case ; it depended upon facts and circumstances which had not yet occurred ; and it would be well enough to wait until those facts and circum- stances occurred before we felt ourselves bound to think any thing about it.
Now, gentlemen, if there are any persons in the community whose patriotism is 80 narrow and whose political souls are so small that they cannot conceive the idea of any body's supporting the President without supporting all his measures, I wish to say to those gentlemen that, so far as I am concerned, I support the President, Proclamation or no Proclamation. [Applause.] I trust that is what you are all ready to do, and what the people of Massachusetts are ready to do. Proclamation or no Proclamation, sustain the President in the prosecution of the war to crush out the rebellion, and restore the union of the States. [Cheers.] — And I wish to say, further, that if, as I believe, the President was induced to issue this Proclama- tion in order to avoid something which he saw was impending, and w^hich would be infinitely worse, then I can add, with heartfelt sincerity, God bless Abraham Lincoln for issuing the Proclamation ! [Applause.] — And, once more, when I see the highways swarming with soldiers on their way to the battle field in consequence of the Proclamation — when I see those nine hundred thousand earnest supporters of the policy [laughter] of whom we have heard so much, crowding forward, eager for a chance to be in the front ranks of the army, battling to crush out the rebel- lion and restore the Union of the States — when I see that the Proclamation has caused the flag of the United States once more to cast its broad folds over the whole land, from Maine to Georgia, inclusive, with " not a stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured," then I will say, God bless the Proclamation itself! [Applause.]
The President then said the resolutions were before the convention, and on motion they were unanimously adopted amid much cheering.
Mr. Oliver Stevens, from the Committee on the State Central Committee, reported the following names : —
STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE.
District One — E. W. Carpenter, of Chatham ; Jesse Murdock, of Carver ; Mat- thew Starbuck, of Nantucket*
District Two — Aaron Hobart, of East Bridgewater; A. W. Stetson, of Braintree; William H. Cooper, of North Bridgewater.
District Three — Charles W. Bryant, of Roxbury ; H. Farnham Smith, of Bos- ton ; Samuel R. Spinney, of Bostoti. •
District Four — J. G. Abbott, of Boston ; Chauncey Smith, of Cambridge ; Michael Doherty, of Boston.
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District Five — William D. Northend, of Salem ; Albert Currier, of Newbury- port ; B. H. Corlis, of Gloucester.
District Six — Daniel Saunders, Jr., of Lawrence ; E. C. Baker, of Medford ; John Nelson, of Woburn.
District Seven — Daniel S. Richardson, of Lowell ; A. S. Lewis, of Framing- ham ; T. P. Proctor, of West Roxbury.
District Eight — George W. Bentlej, of Worcester ; E. W. Clap, of Walpole ; Esek Saunders, of Grafton.
District Nine — H. 0. Rockwood, of Greenfield ; Nathaniel Wood, of Montague ; Oscar Edwards, of Northampton.
District Ten — William C. Plunkett, of South Adams ; John M. Stebbens, of Springfield ; Phineas Allen, of Pittsfield.
At Large — Joel Parker, of Cambridge ; William D. Swan, of Dorchester ; Linus Child, of Boston ; C. A. Welch, of Waltham ; Theodore H. Sweetzer, of LoweU ; S. B. Phinney, of Barnstable ; Walter Feesenden, of Townsend ; Leverett Salton- stalljOf Newton ; Albert Fearing, of Boston ; Chester W. Chapin, of Springfield ; S. L. Crocker, of Taunton ; Abraham H. Rowland, of New Bedford ; Edward Avery, of Braintree ; Cornelius Murphy, of Boston ; William Gray, of Boston ; Francis Bacon, of Boston ; Dexter N. Ricliards, of Boston.
Mr. S. H. Gookin, from the committee to nominate candidates for other State officers, reported the following : —
Lieutenant-Governor— THOlslK^ F. PLUNKETT, of Pittsfield.
Secretary of the Commonwealth — OLIVER WARNER, of Northampton.
Treasurer— lll^miY K. OLIVER, of Salem.
Auditor— REED, of Abington.
Attorney- General— YLE^UY W. PAINE, of Cambridge.
The same committee reported the following resolutions :—
Resolved, That we are proud to present to the people of Massachusetts as a can- didate for the office of governor, the honored name of General Charles D evens, Jr. His name is already written in history. Among the foremost at the com- mencement of the rebellion, he devoted himself to his country. He distinguished himself at the battle of Ball's Bluff, the siege of Yorktown, and the battles of Williamsburg and Fair Oaks, and for his gallantry received the approbation of his commanding general and the President of the United States. As an experienced legislator, a learned lawyer ; as a soldier familiar with the necessities of the army, as a man of great practical skill and earnestness of purpose, we commend him with entire confidence to the suffrages of the people.
Resolved, That in the other candidates proposed by this Convention, we recog- nize men who have already enjoyed and proved themselves worthy of the confidence of the people.
The same committee also reported the following, the subject matter of which had been taken from the table and referred to them :
Resolved, That the members of the State Committee in each Congressional Councillor District, and in each County, be empowered and directed to call Conventions for the nomination of a member of Congress, Councillors, and for County officers.
Resolved, That the State Committee be authorized and directed to provide for the calling of a Convention in each Senatorial District for the nomination of a Senator.
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The report of the Committee was accepted and the nominations adopted by acclamation. The resolutions were also adopted unanimously.
On motion of Mr. Stevens of Boston the State Central Committee were authorized to fill any vacancies that may occur.
A vote of thanks was passed to the President and Secretaries for the acceptable, able. and faithful manner in which they had discharged their several duties, and they were instructed to notify the nominees of the Convention of the action of the body.
Three cheers were given for General Devens, for President Lincoln, General McClellan, the Army and Navy, and the Constitution and Laws of the United States, when the Convention dissolved.