asi DEAR EL PARLE wer 5 sg Bettas RSC PERTE RE = trae RE ; ty a mapas RSS it {53 i à EHESS He fi “Fal MIO ch a oe Br rhea Aba CRD EEE DRAP Ney . J on A / te is oe acre oars ET EEE ar = 5 2 A Catone = 4 Soe ES ; sath re te Non mt oF ae jee tonne Ce, a ico ‘ 4 . + MU : FRE Pass ps ee PES ee OF Tut? 2 CA h Mow é MEMOIRES ET COMPTES RENDUS DE LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA POUR L’ANNEE 1892. TOME ODA WAS: JoHN DURIE ET FILs. W. Fosrer Brown ET CIE, MONTRÉAL; BERNARD QuarirCH, 15 Prccapizzy, LONDRES, G. B. 1893. PROCEEDINGS een NWS etl O:NS OF THE BOSS SOCTET Y OF CANADA POR LH BOY HAR ES oe. VOLUME X. OTTAWA: JOHN DuRIE & Son. W. Foster Brown & Co., MontREAL; BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 PiccapInuy, Lonpon, G. B.. 1893. EnTERED according to Act of Parliament in the year 1893 in the Office of the Minister of Agriculture by the RoyAL Sootnty or CANADA. PRINTED BY THE GAZETTE PRINTING COMPANY, MONTREAL. TABLE OH CON TENTS: PROCEEDINGS. PAGE BROGCCEAI Su fOTs 18 DEA e em are een nee eee eee ere. see anse con tent scene eee I-LX Officers and List of Members...... apie Pah sh SA ORE eo RED oar EOE OC CRC ES LXI-LXIII [EASE OP TEREST ee EE Die = crane dec cel eee cece LXIV TRANSACTIONS. SECTION I. I. Agar et Ismaël. Par PAMPHILE LEMAY............................,.,,.,.,,.,.... Beton 3 II. L’ Episode de Vile de Sable. Par PAUL DE CAZES..........................,.,........ 7 III. Etude ethnographique des éléments qui constituent la population de la province de Ouebers Wear dees LEMON esd. ra enr ture arereanctueuecykayenchecces 19 . Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology Indigenous or Exotic? By the Rey. A. Gin. IN UGIE DOT EEC RP RS EDEN ITER nen Sc SESE Gan aoe aera ES 109 31864 TABLE OF CONTENTS. SECTION III. PAGE I. On the Fundamental Hypotheses of Abstract Dynamics. By J. G. MACGREGOR...... 3 TI, Upon the Flexure of Columns. By H. T. BovEy....... an ee rare a sacs 23 IIT. On the Mexican Type in the Crystallization of the Topaz. By E. J. CHAPMAN........ 25 IV. Observations of Sunspots at McGill College Observatory. By C. H. McLeop......... 29 V. Memo. as to Preparations for the Proposed Transatlantic Longitude Determination : Greenwich— Waterville—Canso— Montreal. By C. H. MCLEOD............ 006+ 33 VI. The Synthesis of a New Diquinolin. By BR. F. RUTTAN...................,..,..... coeees 35 SECTION IV. I. On the Diffusion and Sequence of the Cambrian Faunas—Presidential Address for the Vear. By G. F. MAPTHEW........2..c00scccnes sessccreecnaves senses cenncccneors raveecnes 3 II. The Artificial Propagation of Marine Food Fishes and Edible Crustaceans. By the RV: MOSES TH AR VEY <2 Res nee errant er de 17 III. On the Corals and Coralliform Types of Paleozoic Strata. By E. J. CHAPMAN........ 39 IV. Hibernation and Allied States in Animals. By WESLEY MILLS .... .. RE ee 49 V. On some Sponges from the Pacific Coast of Canada and Behring Sea. By LAWRENCE MA WB Dan oe ec ve nee mache Men ogee Mann out ee SC ee een eee 6h VI. On the Correlation of Early Cretaceous Floras in Canada and the United States. By Siz JT WILLIAM: DAWSON: cccstascosmveser Git ub gosvestsswswewtcine tee CAPE ere 19 VII. Illustrations of the Fauna of the St. John Group, No. VIT. By G. F. MATTHEW... 95 VIII. Notes on the Ammonites of the Cretaceous Rocks of the District of Athabasca, with Descriptions of Four New Species. By J. F. WHITEAVES.......................... 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS. IT LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. SECTION II. — One map and two cuts to illustrate Dr. BRYCE’s paper on the Assiniboine River and its Forts. One map to illustrate Rev. GEORGE PATTERSON’S paper on Sir William Alexander. One map to illustrate the Rev. A. G. MoRICE’S paper on Carrier Sociology. SECTION III. Four cuts to illustrate Prof. E. J. CHAPMAN’s paper on the Mexican Type in the Topaz. One diagram to illustrate Prof. McLEop’s paper on Sun-spots. SECTION IV. Two cuts to illustrate Mr. G. F. MATTHEW'S paper on the Diffusion of the Cambrian Faunas. Fifteen cuts to illustrate Sir J. W. Dawson’s paper on the Correlation of Harly Cretaceous Flora. Two plates to illustrate Dr. WESLEY MiLLSs paper on Hibernation in Animals, etc. Four plates to illustrate Mr. LAMBES paper on Marine Sponges of British Columbia, ete. One plate to illustrate Mr. G. F. Marrurw’s paper on the Fauna of the St. John Group. 2 Four plates and two cuts to illustrate Mr. WHITEAVES’S paper on Cretaceous Am- monites from Athabasca. ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA, 2 ROCE EDENES RE Ou. Feo: ELEVENTH GENERAL MEETING, MAY, 1802, SESSION I. (May 31st.) The Royal Society of Canada held its eleventh general meeting in the committee rooms of the House of Commons, in the Parliament Buildings at Ottawa, on Tuesday, May 31st. The President, Reverend Abbé Laflamme, took the chair at 10 v’clock a.m., and formally called the meeting to order. The Acting Secretary, Mr. James Fletcher, in the regretted absence of the Hon. Secretary, Mr. G. C. Hoffmann, read the roll of members, and the following answered to their names :— List oF MEMBERS PRESENT. The President, Rev. Abbé Laflamme. The Vice-President, Dr. J. George Bourinot, C.M.G. SECTION I.—L’Abbé Casgrain, A. D. DeCelles, J. M. LeMoine, Joseph Marmette, Joseph E, Roy, B. Sulte, J. Tassé. SECTION II.—Very Rev. Principal G. M. Grant, W. Kingsford, George Murray, Rev. George Patterson, John Reade, George Stewart, Jr., Sir Daniel Wilson, SECTION III.—H. T. Bovey, E. J. Chapman, E. Deville, W. H. Ellis, Sandford Fleming, C.M.G., G. P. Girdwood, F. N. Gisborne, T. C. Keefer, C.M.G., T. Macfarlane, C. Carpmael. SEOTION IV.—L. W. Bailey, Robt. Bell, Sir William Dawson, C.M.G., James Fletcher, James Fowler, Sir J. A. Grant, K.C.M.G., George Lawson, John Macoun, G. F, Matthew, T. Wesley Mills, D. P. Penhallow, W. Saunders, A. R. C. Selwyn, C.M.G., J. F. Whiteaves. The Acting Secretary then read the following Report oF Counciz. The Council have the honour to submit their eleventh annual report. The Council regret to have to make the announcement of the decease of three of the members of the Society since their last meeting in Montreal. Dr. Thomas Sterry Hunt was for years one of the Proc. 1892. a. © 7 7 II ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. most active Fellows of the Society, and held the office of President in the third year of its existence. His eminence in science, especially in that branch of chemistry to which he devoted himself, was acknowledged throughout the world, and needs no eulogy on this occasion. It is gratifying to us all to know that even in the last two years of his life, when he was a great sufferer from disease, he never failed to feel the deepest interest in the success of the Society, and to regret that his health prevented him from taking his customary part in the proceedings. The French Section of Literature and History has also lost the gentleman who, for a number of years, acted as its secretary with acceptance to its members. Mr. Alphonse Lusignan was a much younger man than Dr. Hunt, and many years of usefulness were, in the ordinary nature of things, open to one in the prime of life ; but his career of promise was brought to an untimely end, and the Society has lost a Fellow who, no doubt, would have been of service to it in the future. By the death of Abbé Provancher, the scientific men of Canada have lost a man of industry and ability in the interesting line of study to which he devoted himself with so much zeal. In compliance with the rule relating to the election of Fellows, circulars were duly forwarded to the members of Sections One and Four, to fill a vacancy in the former caused by the death of M. Lusignan, and to make an addition to the latter Section under the new rule. In Section One, Abbé Auguste Gosselin has received a majority of the votes of the Section, and the Council consequently recommend the ratification of the action of that body. In Section Four, the Rev. Dr. Bethune, of Port Hope, the distinguished entomologist, has been elected by the greater number of the members of this Section. The Council consequently report the fact to the Society so that it may duly ratify this election. The Council call attention that there are two vacancies to be filled in Sections Three and Four. The Council recommend to the favourable consideration of the various Sections the advisability of preparing memoirs of deceased Fellows for submission to the Society, and for subsequent publication in the Transactions. Such memoirs should be prepared by a Fellow to be nominated by the Section to which the deceased belonged. The Council also recommend that, after the completion of the Tenth Volume, the Transactions of the Society be published in Royal 8vo size, and that a limited number only of volumes be bound ; but that a certain number of cach author’s paper be made up separately in pamphlet form. The details as to number, etc., to be decided by the printing committee ; and further, that the printing commit- tee be authorized to separate the ‘Transactions’ into such number of volumes as may be found convenient, A communication has been received from Professor J. G. MacGregor, with respect to the best method of electing members to the Royal Society. The Council have referred this communication to Section III. for examination and immediate report :— “ Hairax, N.S., May 23, 1892. “ The Honorary Secretary of the Royal Society of Canada. “ Dear Sir,—At the 1890 meeting of the Royal Society it was resolved, on motion of Dr. Bailey and myself, ‘That the Council be instructed to report at the next general meeting on the best method of electing members to the Society’ (‘Proc. and Trans.,’ vol. viii., p. xlvi.). The matter was over- looked at the 1891 meeting, and the present Council has therefore, I suppose, no instructions to make such report. Nevertheless, as the matter is a very important one, I take the liberty of making this communication to the Council, and of suggesting that they print it in their annual report as contain- ing a suggestion worthy of the consideration of the Society. I may say that I have looked into and tested all the methods of electing persons to offices by letter, of which I have heard, with the result that the only one which cannot fail to elect the candidate or candidates whom the electors wish to choose, is the one referred to below. “ The occasion of the resolution referred to above was the difficulty experienced by Section III. in PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. IIT effecting an election when there were several candidates. According to our present rule all the information which a voter sends to the Secretary is as to which of the candidates he considers best. It will be obvious, therefore, that if there are three candidates and twenty voters, the one who gets most votes may nevertheless get but seven, and that unless one of the candidates is head and shoulders above the others, no one of them is likely to receive two-thirds of the votes of the Section. The present rule, in fact, is suited only to the case in which there are but two candidates for a single vacancy. In a case in which there are several candidates for one or for several vacancies it will probably fail to effect an election. “Tn any such case as this, however, all thatis necessary is that the voter should be requested to give the Secretary more information. Thus, if there are, say, four candidates, each voter knows (1) whether or not he considers one or more of them undeserving of the rank of Fellow, (2) which of the others ranks first (or which two or three he considers equal and preferable to the others), which one (or two or three) ranks (or rank) second in his estimation, and so on. Voters might therefore be asked to send all this information to the Secretary, being directed, say, to score out the names of candidates considered unworthy of a Fellowship, to indicate by the number 1 the can- didate (or candidates) ranking first in their estimation, by the number 2 the candidate (or candidates) ranking second, and so on. If the Secretary had this information at his command he could ascertain the choice of the Section in all cases in which the Section was not equally divided between two can- didates. In any case of equal division any good method of election must, of course, fail to elect, and some arbitrary method, as, for example, giving a casting vote to the Chairman of the Council, must be provided if delay is to be avoided. “That the above information is sufficient to effect an election even when there are several candi- dates may be best shown by an example. Suppose eighteen members (a, #, y, 0, ete.) of a Section consisting of nineteen members send in voting papers marked as above. Let there be, say, six can- didates (A, B, C, etc.) for one, or two, or three vacancies, and let the following be the voting papers tabulated, the dash indicating that the name has been scored out : CoN MEE Gea TNH te (EN oll oe) IE Ke se AL | apes || aay 0 vey Ss ii iG ttl pei pert Ames l'AG ee |e eee A SR NE I | | | | Be des Peo ek ee ee Pa ares nee era pelea’ 2 | 4 | Cee oiler NT Pr CET RE ARE a lea ON aheo ta |p Tae le ieee ek leet | eae al ae Rael ollie all son) Oa 4 “ As seven members have scored out A’s name, he has failed to secure the approval of two-thirds of the Section, and must therefore be ruled out. The rest have all been approved as possible Fellows by the necessary two-thirds. “Of these we may first determine which of the two, B and C, is preferred by the Society to the IV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA, other. The voting papers enable us to settle this. For, as between B and C, a votes for C, f for B, y declines to vote, thinking them equally deserving, 6 votes for C, and s0 on. The vote therefore stands thus :— (D) Por: Bias ‘against: C—O G77. ENT rene es lances toons vtesvertioer ss creevasssescecddsscestaeneeace 5 AC . TT NEA LE PA AAC TUE EE OO oO toss EE Eat PDO LR SES Ce - 10 Hence C is preferred to B, and B’s name may therefore be dropped for the first vacancy. Next take the vote as between C and D: (2) Ber C as against His VS OS Hy Ng VM Piswscstewss cop es cadres 2e en ee ra sees ees Sen etes 7 D ss Capen ae. ae ONE NO Re sie oseeOaassneeeeoassesees corre ee ee eee 9 Hence D is preferred to C, and C’s name may be dropped. Try now D as against E. @) For Dias against W—a,) 6,978) 7 00 Vs GT) One secrets een center 11 ‘SK fe DECO 2) socstoabonoodocoddnenan® codbddao donne pdcoqnosbasandes cox Bddodeeu 4 Hence D is preferred to E. Try D as against F. (4)) Kor D as against 0, 01e Ce TD Hine Nis en) Go eo Ona Or ecran eerste 14 ri “ DT Hb Osa cv ne sdcccase cadet soeceesesserd eestonec reset eee 3 Hence D is also preferred to F; and, having been thus shown to be preferred to all his competitors, he is obviously elected to the first vacancy. For the second vacancy the candidates are B, C, E, F. By vote (1) above, C is preferred to B. Try him, therefore, as against E. (5) Hori Cras against, = On esa pt, AL Wake Ose cernes rer nee ee se an eee 10 CA re COR BETTS NO cds OR data ecuaencseentincscaeascteelmsiaeneecrsenaeee marten tt 5 Hence C is preferred to E. Take the vote as between him and F. (G)) Ror Cas arainstE #92 0,6, CN EL A. Wun Ty) Ones te ce eee ere 13 TR oe CON TL IO; nos Me ent eat cree es sentence ce eee ce ee CA ES 4 Hence C is preferred to F, C, therefore, is elected to the second vacancy. If there be a third vacancy, B, E, F are now the candidates for it. As between B and E the vote stands as follows: @) PHor BB asiagaimst Ha, 0 f,, v0, Ge DWN UT cis Terre cseenerccseccne ee eme cer 11 OT BD; 1, NO D MORE see s te ee seeds odernOoa cop ee est ee ce eee een eee 5 Hence B is preferred to E. As between B and F the vote is as follows : (8) For B as against F,—a, 8, y, 0, & €, 7, 0, 2, A, V, &, Hy Py Cecceeccnescaseeserenseseres 15 OP ty se D UB Bode LR rene do Saat riot mono on nono Oo no Ds aunoun0 IONIC 3 Hence B is preferred to F; and B is therefore elected to the third vacancy. “ Were there a fourth vacancy, the vote would now be taken as between E and F, when it would be found that E is preferred to F, “Tt so happens that no tie has occurred in the above votings. Had o ranked C first and D second, instead of D first and C second, C and D would have received equal numbers of votes in (2), and ine Section would thus have been equaily divided as to their merits, though undoubtedly preferring them to the others. In that case, were there but one vacancy, no election would have been effected ; but obviously no accurate method could effect an election in such a case, and some such device as giving the Chairman of Council a casting vote must be resorted to if delay is to be avoided. Were there, however, two or more vacancies, both C'and D would, of course, be elected. “Tt will therefore, I think, be obvious that if voters be asked to give, in the voting papers, the information specified above, an election may always be effected when the Section is not equally divided. “I would therefore suggest that Fellows should take into consideration the adoption of some such modification of Rule 6 as the following :— “For the sentences of Rule 6 beginning: ‘ When the vacancy occurs the Honorary Secretary,’ and ending: ‘or the matter be referred back to the Section concerned,’ substitute the following :— PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. V “€ When one or more vacancies occur the Honorary Secretary shall notify the members of the Section in which they have taken place. At the end of at least two months from the date of such notification! he shall transmit to each of said members a printed list of the candidates nominated, together with copies of the nomination papers.’ Each member who wishes to take part in the election, shall strike out from said list the names of candidates whom he may not consider proper persons to become Fellows of the Society; he shall also insert in said list the numeral 1 opposite the name of the candidate (or the names of the candidates if there are two or more equally deserving in his opinion) whom he prefers to all others; he shall insert the numeral 2 opposite the name or names of candidates whom he regards as less deserving than those indicated by the numeral 1, but more deserving than all the others; he shall similarly insert the numerals 3, 4, etc., opposite the names of the other candidates, so as to indicate the order in which they stand in his opinion as can- didates for Fellowship; and he shall finally send the voting paper, filled up in this way and signed by himself, to the Honorary Secretary, so that it may reach him within two months from the date at which said paper was transmitted to said member by the Secretary. The Council shall appoint a committee of at least three scrutineers, to whom the Honorary Secretary, as soon as possible after the expiration of these two months, shall hand all the voting papers which he has received. This committee shall first exclude from the election all candidates whose names have been scored out by one-third or more of the members of the Section. They shall next determine from the voting papers what the result of the vote of the Section is in the case of all pos- sible combinations of the remaining candidates, taken two together. Any candidate who may in any of these determinations get the smaller number of votes is then to be excluded. If the number of candidates not thus excluded be equal to the number of vacancies, said candidates are to be reported by the committee to the Council as elected, and if the committee’s report be approved, they are to be declared by the Council to have been elected. If the number of candidates not thus excluded be greater than the number of vacancies, the names of said candidates are to be reported to the Council, which, at a meeting called for this purpose, shall, if the committee's report be approved, determine by ballot which of the said candidates are to be elected, the Chairman having for this purpose a second or casting vote. If the number of candidates not thus excluded be less than the number of vacancies, the committee shall regard these candidates as elected, and shall determine which of the remaining candidates are to be elected to the remaining vacancies by a repetition of the above process applied to said remaining candidates alone, and shall report the result to the Council, which shall then proceed as in the former cases.’ “Tf the above statement were printed in the ‘Proceedings’ as a part of, or an appendix to, the annual report, Fellows might take it into consideration during the year ; and should no better system be in the meantime proposed, they might adopt it with such modifications as might be considered desirable at the 1893 meeting. “ Yours very truly, “J. G. MacGreaor.” Section IIT., June 1st, 1892. [At a meeting of the Section Dr, Fleming submitted un amended and what appeared to be a more simple method, illustrated by the table on next page. At the request of the Section, he reduced it 1This suggested change is intended to give members time to make nominations after they have been notified of the occurrence of the vacancies. *The rule as it stands (obviously by a slip) says he shall send the reasons in writing for each nomination. _ VI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. to writing, so as to be printed in the ‘Transactions’ with Dr. MacGregor’s communication of May 23rd.! | | | | 1) 2) 8) 4) 6 1°6) 7 | 81> 9) 40 || 4B 13 1415 16 | 17 | 18 PE FR a Sr ae À a PR PL PL 2 1 A...J—| 1] 3] 5]—/| 5}—|—|—| 4] 4/-] 3 AR lei 4| 2) 35 | 6th OC eel Meee A TE ENS ES Be. | 61064 5 al 6 ib} | (C5461 ee 2 ss len ed | | | | | ra Ce 64) 2:56] 6) 6504 Al a bel sacs pate ee) me Bo oad | | D-f5) 6) 5) 3] 6| 5) 6 5| 5) 4) 556) Blea, 6) 5 6 ris — | — —-— |} Beeps ee lee EEE OA lf (S| AE OS ES NE ne er (aed Bical! Bol al BAS] ais) | Bell Mer res ne Et yl a amet ea ety | With following result : Total value of votes. 18 votes cast for D=91 By Dr. MacGregor : D elected Ist vacancy. IE AEE IY Ghai GÉRÉE TTC 18 ce “ ce B=85 B ce 3rd ce 17 (a9 [11 [14 E="75 E [14 4th [14 18 “ cc cc F—64 11 ce ce cc A=35 Highest possible value of votes, 18 x 6=108. Two-thirds highest possible value, 72. ] 1 Tt is thought best to place here both Dr. MacGregor’s letter and Dr. Fleming’s proposed amendment, as afterwards laid before the third section. In revising the proofs, Professor MacGregor makes the following commen- tary on Dr. Fleming’s suggestion, which the editor thinks it advisable to add : “Dr. Fleming’s proposed method of treating the voting papers may be expected occasionally to elect the wrong man, because it makes the unwarranted assumption that the members in the voting papers give a quantitative estimate of the appreciation of the voter for the candidate. That it might do so is obvious from the following tabulated voting papers in an election to one vacancy with three candidates. numbers indicate greater preference. As in Dr, Fleming’s table, the iarger eee wees hs. il 2 3 3 9 74 1 4 3 bo 5 ie) bo | 10 11 13 1 3 2 14 15 bo 16 | 17 nie ER ne 18 3 bo 26 1st 8rd “Thus according to Dr. Fleming’s method, B would be elected ; and yet as between A and B ten members vote for A and only eight for B. Hence in this case Dr. Fleming’s method would elect the wrong man.” Ed. Trans. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. VII In accordance with the recommendation of the Society at the May meeting in Montreal, the Council appointed a committee to make arrangements, if possible, for the holding of the present general meeting in the city of Toronto. After consultation with the Mayor and members of the City Council of that city, the committee found that there was no disposition whatever to make such provision for the attendance of Fellows and Delegates as the Society had every reason to expect would be made when they recommended the acceptance of the invitation of the previous City Council of 1891. Under these circumstances it has been deemed expedient to hold the present session as usual in Ottawa, and to report the cause of the failure of proposed visit to meeting without making any comment thereon, except to express the surprise that the new council of Toronto did not consider itself in any way bound to pay some respect to the unsolicited invitation of its predecessor. Its action stands out in strong contrast with that of the citizens and council of the metropolitan city of Montreal. Following the practice commenced at the Montreal meeting of last May, the Council have made arrangements for the delivery of a public lecture on a subject of practical interest to the Canadian people. The subject chosen for this meeting is “‘ Science in Schools” as recommended by one of the Sections last year, and the lecturer is Professor T. Wesley Mills. His Excellency the Governor-General has kindly consented to be present on this occasion, and special invitations have been issued to all those engaged in the practical work of education in this city. The attention of the Council has been directed to the advisability of inviting the members of the Geological Society of America to hold their December meeting of this year, in this city. The season is hardly opportune for the meeting of scientific gentlemen who would naturally wish to see some- thing of the geological characteristics of the Ottawa Valley, but nevertheless the Council refer the whole matter to the consideration of the Society. The Council regret to have to announce that letters have been received from Monseigneur Bégin, Monsignor Hamel, and Professor Johnson, explaining their absence from the present meeting. These gentlemen have been most assiduous in their attendance since the formation of the Society, and the Council, while regretting their absence, feel that it is unavoidable in their case. The meetings of Parliament and of the Quebec Legislature at this time also interfere more or less with the regular attendance of members. It seems practically impossible to secure the presence of a majority of a Society, whose members are, for the most part, necessarily engaged in the laborious vocations of official and university life. It would be well, however, for some members to bear in mind that they owe certain responsibilities in making the Society successful, and that the position is not purely honorary. : While on this matter the Council also find it advisable to call attention to the strict regulations that the railway companies of Canada now make with reference to deductions on fares, to members of all societies. The circulars duly forwarded to Fellows and Delegates show that if fifty members travel over the railways and attend the meeting a deduction of two thirds is made on the return fare, if less than fifty members, then the deduction is only one-third. No better arrangement can be made under existing circumstances, as no special favour can be expected for the Royal Society. The Society is now pecuniarily responsible for any infringement of the regulations of the railways. The Council, in view of the great disadvantages to which the Fellows, who live in the distant parts of the Dominion are subject, deem it expedient that all those who live east of Quebec and west of Toronto should be reimbursed by the Society from its available funds for travelling expenses east and west of those points. In this way, a few members in the Maritime Provinces and in the west, will be placed on exactly the same footing as those who live in Quebec, Kingston, Montreal and Toronto. The following is a complete list of the associations now affiliated with the Royal Society and of the delegates whose names have been duly forwarded to the Society :— VIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. Delegates to attend Annual Meeting, May, 1892. SOCIETY. PLace. DELEGATE, Canadian literatures +... esse cet Montreal ......... Not represented. Natural History Society................... COM Moose Mr. R. W. McLachlan. Numismatic and Antiquarian Society ...... do .........| Mr. R. W. McLachlan. Microscopical Society .-.- . 2.506. cscese.se Gey oacccac Dr. Girdwood. Society of Historical Studies .............., Glo) Sapbacatic Dr. Girdwood. Société historique..... e@acelsimelicicio/elsietctete ats do .........| Dr. Girdwood. Cercle littéraire et musical de Montréal..... Go) gasisoggue M. Ami. Literary and Historical Society............ Quebec ..... pbodan Mr. Campbell. GeorraphicallSOclehy eee er-e-s-eose clei! GO! rec... Dr. G. Stewart. Tnstitnb Canadien secs... ms sense eee] O M nere esters Not represented, Literary and Scientific Society .......,..... Ottawa ........ | Mr. R. Gill. Field-Naturalists’ Club..........,..,,..... dore. eee Mr. Shutt. L'Institut canadien-français...,.,........, do... ......| M. Champagne. Hamilton Association......... .. soo So00C | Hamilton ........| Mr. H. B. Small. Murchison Scientific Society............ ...| Belleville ......... Not represented. Entomological Society of Ontario.......... | London ........ .. | Dr. Bethune. Canadian Institute 2e. -----ce.-e- cc. | Toronto ns... Dr. 8. Fleming. Natural History Society of N.B ..........., St.John .......... Prof. Bailey. N. S. Institute of Natural Science........... Halifax... Rev. Dr. Patterson. Historical Society of Nova Scotia .......... GO 2 0600 Senator Power. Natural History Society of B.C....... ve. Victoria, B.C......| Not represented. Wentworth Pioneer and Historical Society. Hamilton, Ont ....| Mr. McKay, M.P. Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute... | St. Thomas, Ont...| Dr. Bourinot. Natural History Society of P. E. Island..... | Charlottetown ....| Not represented. Pen and Pencil Club.......... bob ouot | Montreal ......... Not represented. Historical Society of Manitoba ......,..... | Winnipeg ........ Dr. Stewart. Botanical Club of Canada .........,...... | Halifax, N.S...... Dr. G. Lawson. | For the past two years the Council have recommended, and the Society have approved of the recommendation, that members of the Society should send ir regularly a bibliographical list of their literary and scientific labours for the previous year, apart from those essays that appear in the ‘Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, and in those of other Canadian institutions whose proceedings are now also published in due order in the same ‘Transactions.’ The object is to make the ‘ Transactions’ as complete a record as possible of the scientific and literary work of Canada every year. No response, however, has been made to this recommendation. The Council once more call attention to their reports on this subject, and recommend that the Honorary Secretary issue a circular during the year to stimulate the action of members, It is also proposed that each Fellow prepare a PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. IX bibliography of all his previous works and writings, for insertion, at a future time, in the ‘ Trans- actions’ in accordance with the useful plan followed by the American Historical Association. The ‘ Transactions’ of the Society continue to be distributed as set forth in the full report on the subject made by the Council in 1890. The area of distribution is very large and the volume now reaches every country where there are libraries or scientific and historical societies of recognized standing. To show the value now placed on the ‘ Transactions, and the extended range of circulation, reference may be made to the fact that only a week ago, letters were received from the University of Lyons, in France, the Free Library of St. John, New Brunswick, the Librarian of Prince Roland Bonaparte at Paris, the Director of the National Observatory at Athens, in Greece, and the Library Committee of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, requesting that the whole set or particular volumes of the Society’s publications be forwarded to them. A communication has been received from Lady Blake, wife of the Governor of Jamaica, with reference to the establishment of a Marine Biological Station at that island on the plan of the stations now in operation at Naples and Plymouth. The following extracts from this communication will show the scope of the undertaking which, it is proposed, should be established as a fitting tribute to the memory of Columbus, at a time when Spain and the United States are preparing to celebrate the fourth centenary of the discovery of the western world. Lady Blake writes as follows :— “ Kina’s House, JAmatca, Ist February, 1892. “ My husband and I are at present much interested in a scheme on behalf of which I am anxious to enlist your energetic assistance. It is proposed to establish here a Marine Biological Station, on the lines of the stations at Plymouth and Naples. The station is to be founded as a memorial of the fourth centenary of the discovery of the New World, and to be named “ The Columbus Biological Station.” In England the scheme is supported by Professor Huxley, Professor Ray Lankester, M.A., Professor Flower Gunther (British Museum), Dr. Ball, F.R.S., Lord Rosse Reay, Sir John Lubbock, P. Sclater, F.R.S., and many other eminent scientific men. The Hon. Walter Rothschild has under- taken to act as honorary secretary ; Messrs. Coutts & Co. to be bankers, and the editor of the Times has promised a prominent position to correspondence on the subject. We have also promises of support from many leading scientific men in America, and are most anxious to secure the assistance and countenance of leading men in Canada. We shall be so much obliged if you will do anything in your power to push the scheme there. We are anxious that the institution should be as international as possible in its scope, and it would be a great matter to have a meeting place in common for scientific students from the old and new worlds. Jamaica is within easy reach of both, and appears to offer every advantage for the proposed institution. Your advocacy of the plan in Canada would be of great value. Please let me know if you think we may hope for any assistance from there.” The Council recommend that this matter, so deserving of the earnest co-operation of Canadians, be referred to the consideration of the Fourth Section on Geological and Biological Science, to report thereon without delay. The report of the Minister of Marine and Fisheries for 1891 contains the following information on the subject of Tidal Observations. The Royal Society successfully drew the attention of the govern- ment of Canada, some time ago, to this matter, as may be ascertained by reference to the various steps they took for years to create an interest in an enterprise of great importance to the shipping and commercial interests of the country : “The objects of tidal observations are two—first, to make it possible to predict the time and height of high and low water on any day and at any time; second, to connect therewith observations of tidal currents. It is this second object which has recently most attracted the attention of those inter- ested in shipping within the Dominion. Many ships have run ashore and been wrecked in the dark- ness when the officers had supposed themselves far from shore. It has been improperly assumed that Proc. 1892, 3B. x ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. tidal currents are always connected with the direction and force of the wind and defy prediction. While this is true of surface currents, there is reason to suppose that by far the greater part of their irregularities are truly tidal, and their laws may be ascertained by a proper system of observation. “ All the observations on the tides which had until quite recently been worked up had been taken and reduced by methods which are now recognized as being inadequate to the solution of the problem. It was therefore decided to take observations at a number of points in the Dominion and have them reduced by modern methods. For this purpose three self recording tide-gauges were imported from Scotland, and sites were selected for the erection of these gauges during the season of 1891 by Mr. Carpmael, at the following places, viz.: St. John, N.B., Father Point, P.Q., and South-West Point, Anticosti. It is proposed to keep the self-recording gauges in operation for nineteen years for the purpose of ascertaining the long period tides. At other points similar observations with similar gauges will be necessary, extending over a period of three years, while, at the same time, observations for a period of two months will be taken at numerous intermediate stations in order to complete the system. “Mr. Carpmael, during the month of October, visited certain points for the purpose of ascertain- ing their suitability for observing stations, and has reported that it would be better to leave the estab- lishment of some ten tide staff stations until the opening of navigation next spring. The expenditure on account of tidal observations, including instruments, salaries of observers at Liscombe and Canso, N.S., and reduction of observations at Halifax, was $1,654.96. Tide-tables for the port of Halifax were distributed in 1890 for the past year, and tide-tables have already been distributed to collectors of customs along the south coast of Nova Scotia for the year 1892, free of charge.” The interest taken by the Royal Society of Canada in the determination of the true Longitude of Montreal will be ascertained by reference to the two last volumes of the ‘Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada.’ The report of the Honourable C. H. Tupper, Minister of Marine and Fisheries for Canada, for the year 1891, gives the following information as to the measures that were taken that year to attain the important objects in view : “The Astronomer Royal at Greenwich and the authorities at McGill College have been in corres- pondence on the subject through the High Commissioner for Canada. The Board of Visitors to the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, passed a resolution stating that it ‘is of opinion that the telegraphic determination of longitude is a matter of very great importance, and that necessary instrumental appliances should be obtained in order that the Royal Observatory may efficiently take part in such determination.’ The Admiralty accordingly set aside the sum of £350 for the instruments and £300 for the operations connected with the work. The sum of $2,000 was also appropriated by the Parlia- ment of Canada for the same purposes during the last session. “Mr. Hosmer, general manager of the Canadian Pacific Railway Telegraph Company, has, on behalf of that company, arranged for the free use of the cable and telegraph lines for transmission of signals and messages in connection with the work, “During the past season Prof. C. H. McLeod of McGill College Observatory, Montreal, visited Canso, N.S., the Canadian terminus of the cable, and caused an observing hut to be erected at Hazel Hill. Instruments have been imported, and preliminary tests in transmission of messages were made on the 7th and 14th June last between Montreal and Waterville, the terminus of the cable in Ireland, and return, a distance of 8,000 miles. The mean time of some one hundred trials was 1:05 seconds. In the operations of determining the longitude of Montreal it has been recommended by the Astrono- mer Royal that one or two English observers cross the Atlantic from England to Canada, and that one or two Canadian observers cross from this side to England. All arrangements are practically completed, and it is expected that observations will be commenced early next spring and continued throughout the summer.” The following letter from Prof. McLeod gives the latest information on the subject : PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XI “MoGitt CoLLeGe OBservATORY, Monrreat, May 26th, 1892. “ Dr. J. G. Bourinot, C.M.G., Vice-President of the Royal Society of Canada. “Dear Sir,—Replying to your inquiry as to the condition of the Montreal-Greenwich longitude determination, I beg to say that the work began on April 6th has continued to this date, and that one-half of the necessary observations have been made. The English observers engaged in the work are Mr. H. H. Turner, chief assistant to the Astronomer Royal, and Mr. Hollis, assistant in the Royal Observatory. Through the courtesy of the Surveyor-General and the Department of the Interior, Mr. O. J. Klotz, D.L.S., has taken part with me as the second Canadian observer. “ Observations having been made at Montreal and Greenwich for the determination of the personal equation of the Canadian and English observers respectively Mr. Turner occupied the Irish station (Waterville), and I that at the Canadian end of the cable (Canso, Nova Scotia). We then decided finally upon the methods of transmission through the cable. The first astronomical observations were made on April 19th, and the observations of the first stage continued until April 27th. Mr. Turner then returned to Greenwich and I to Montreal to carry out the observations of the second stage. These were commenced on May 4th, Messrs. Hollis and Klotz, occuping the stations at Waterville and Canso, respectively. These observations were completed on the 18th instant, and Mr. Klotz has returned to Montreal, where he will again observe with me for personal equation, the English observers doing similar work at Greenwich. “Tam to sail for England on June 25th, and will observe with the English observers at Greenwich during the month of July. About August Ist Mr. Turner is to leave for Canada, and will alternately with Mr. Klotz occupy the stations in Canada, while the Irish and English stations will be occupied by Mr. Hollis and myself. “ The following table in which B stands for McLeod, C for Klotz, D for Turner and E for aoe gives the scheme upon which the work is beiag conducted :— 1892 Montreal. Canso. Waterville. Greenwich. No. of full nights. onto etre ol BND ccucsews- ese! em seers B&C 200 wee D&E 2 9 days interval. ADI WSN Woy WEN? CA EEE conte noes C B D E 3 3 days interval. Miavanthy toma 22nd’... ...22 serons cceececee B C E D 3 B goes to England and observes with D & E. D leaves England for Montreal about August Ist. August 13 to August 28........,............... D C E B 3 3 days interval. August 31st to Sept. 15th..................…. C D B E 3 D returns to Greenwich and B to Montreal OCLODO: res reseese anni cine ac cesser B&C ce Es D&E 2 “T can only add that up to the present the work has gone forward in the most successful manner, and express my deep appreciation of the great kindness and assistance of Mr. S. 8. Dickenson, Super- intendent of the Commercial Company’s Cable station at Canso, and of his Chief Assistant, Mr. Upham. “ Yours very truly, “C. H. McLeop.” It is now eleven years since the Society held its first general meeting at Ottawa and ten years since the publication of the first volume of the Transactions and Proceedings through the liberality of the government of Canada. It is now a matter worthy of the deliberate attention of the Society XII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. whether it is advisable to continue the present large quarto form of publication, or to print the volume in a smaller and more convenient shape for general circulation. The attention of the Council has been specially directed to this matter by a letter addressed to them by the Vice-President, whose long experience in all the active work of the Society, since its formation in 1881, under the adminis- tration of the Marquis of Lorne, entitles his remarks to respect. Dr. Bourinot wishes his suggestions on this and other questions of immediate importance to the Society to be laid before the members generally. Accordingly in compliance with his request we submit his memorandum for the con- sideration of the Society. “ Dr. Bourinot begs permission of the Council to lay before them and the Society as a body the following suggestions :— “1. The advisability of publishing the tenth or succeeding volume of the ‘ Transactions’ as the first of a new series, in royal octavo, and of separating the literary and historical from the scientific papers. The present form of the volume was originally arranged to meet the wishes of the scientific sections, whose papers have always required a certain number of elaborate illustrations which show best, according to the claim then made, on the single unfolded page. This system, however, has not worked satisfactorily so far as the literary and historical sections are concerned. The writers in these sections have found their monographs and essays literally buried in a mass of scientific matter and the public given no facilities for obtaining in a separate and easily managed volume those papers which have at times more interest for a general public than papers intended for a specially educated scientific class. As it is, the public have been practically forbidden to buy the papers they would like to see, since they can only do so at an expense of five dollars for a large book not adapted for convenient reading. The only immediate advantage that writers have derived from the printing of their work in the ‘ Transactions’ is, of course, the gift of a hundred copies in pages, which they must, themselves, cover to make them available. I leave out of consideration the publication in the large volume, whose value is chiefly to students in libraries where they can be consulted as books of reference. If the volume were henceforth printed in large octavo, a smaller type could be used and the illustrations conveniently and advantageously folded once. The literary and historical matter being separated, there would be a convenient book like the Reports of the Geological Survey of Canada, the Transactions of the Toronto Canadian Institute,the Transactions of the Smithsonian Institute,the Papers of the American Historical Association, and the proceedings of other well known institutions, to be offered to the public for sale at a small price. Not only may the Society itself derive pecuniary advantages from the change of form by a larger sale than is possible at present, but the writers them- selves will feel encouraged to devote themselves with more enthusiasm to their work, since they will know it can attain more extensive circulation. They can always obtain additional copies for them- selves at a small cost for paper and press work, and in this way have a chance of obtaining some profit for their literary labours. The Society must see the advantage there would be if the volume just published were separated into two volumes. The papers of the English section for 1891 take up nearly one-half of the book, and the writers suffer a certain measure of loss in not having their labours submitted in a shape that can reach the public at large. “At all events, if the scientific members of the Society do not still see their way clear to the adoption of the octavo form, the ‘ Transactions’ should be divided into two volumes. The cost need not be greater, since a number of volumes need not be bound for transmission to certain minor associations. The bound copies need only be sent to the important libraries throughout the world. I need hardly add, while on this subject, that it should be the object of the Fellows of the Society to use every effort to bring their work within the reach of all classes, in this country and elsewhere, interested in the literary and scientific development of Canada. “Dr. Bourinot also begs leave to direct the attention of the Council to the fact that the removal of Dr. S. E. Dawson, former publisher of the ‘Transactions,’ to Ottawa as Queen’s Printer, must entail additional labour and responsibility on the active officers of the Society. Dr. Dawson gave his personal PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XII attention to the printing and publication of the volumes, but henceforth it will be necessary to man- age the publication throughout Canada and foreign countries from the offices at Ottawa. “ As the Council are aware, the headquarters of the Society have been always the House of Com- mons, where they have been given all the facilities possible. The offices of the Clerk of the Commons must continue to be, in all probability, for another year at least, the offices of the Society, unless the members of the latter are able to incur those heavy expenses which a change to permanent and paid quarters would involve. Practically the Society has been saved an expense of several thousand dollars by the facilities which Dr. Bourinot has been gladly able to afford his confrères through his official position. It has been his object to so arrange the expenses that they will bear as lightly as possible on the members individually. As it has been heretofore, the Royal Society of Canada has been admin- istered at a remarkably small expense, when we take into consideration its importance, and the amount of work that has, in the nature of things, gradually accumulated in carrying on the affairs of the Society with some degree of activity and system. Under all the circumstances, Dr. Bourinot recommends that the Society should make a somewhat larger pecuniary provision for such clerical assistance as is absolutely required by the President and Honorary Secretary of the Society in the course of the year. “A change to permanent headquarters would, as far as can be judged from past experience of the working of the Society, involve the following expenses, even without giving a secretary an adequate salary, or providing anything more than very ordinary furniture: TRG ya (Ei TER) labooopoadesbd note ie nono Ad On condos $200 00 Secretary and assistance, SAY. ....00.....-ssceccossseescvcesrenees 120 00 Ja Hares) (GENES 948258) ancoson seems eee mecs ce eeentecc= cree 250 00 Ta EDG EN ON On ponte ondoontanodo on db co a bu Nono ne 60 00 TAGS AE aanocoocésscoonntenaneneoodo nodeeecochco sono bo rain oo 35 00 SANT NOM poto octo do een non nec codes dos toc 20 00 IW ORG) NEV NGOS) EEE eee ee eee ose e nee ss res 40 00 $725 00 “To meet this expenditure there would be available about $100 from the general grant to meet expenses connected with the publication of the volume. All other expenses would have to be met out of subscriptions and sales of volumes, so far very small. “ At present the annual expenses are as follows: Clerical, including translation..…..........,.....,..........,..... $ 84 00 oT NTbITE OOM UNC MAVCTAL Grade tuanencccccerrecicl ares sceeccecewnsanss 60 00 NINA EC TES) caccocngde090Q600:180d0000000c05 Joon spo ich AP noce 20 00 $164 00 “Add to this an additional $36 to Secretary in the future, and we have an annual expense at least of $200, if the parliament buildings remain the headquarters for the next twelve months or longer—an expense which can be easily met, and still allow the sum from subscriptions to accumulate.” In the month of May last the following gentlemen were appointed to act as members of the Printing Committee: Sir William Dawson, Prof. Alex. Johnson, Abbé Verreau, Dr. Fréchette and Dr. Bourinot, The new volume of ‘Transactions’—the largest and best illustrated yet published—is now ready for distribution. The Printing Committee have also made the following report, which deals with the same subject to which Dr. Bourinot has directed the special attention of the Council: XIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. REPORT OF THE PRINTING COMMITTEE. “ MonTREAL, May 28th, 1892. “The Printing Committee beg to present to the Council the ninth volume of the ‘ Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada.’ “ In accordance with the instructions of the Society, the Secretary handed to the publishers the copy for the ‘ Proceedings’ at an early date, and these were printed in extra number and sent out separately very soon after; so that the members might read them while the memory of the meeting was fresh in their minds. The rules as revised to date were also printed and distributed. “The present volume is the largest and the best illustrated which has yet been published by the Society, and will take a high rank in the series as to the interest of its subject-matter. The accounts for the printing and distribution of the year are appended hereto. “It has been suggested to the committee that, in some respects, the size of the present volume in 4to is inconvenient. It was selected, in the first instance, after the model of the ‘ Transactions of the Royal Society of England’ and of many other of the more important learned institutions of Europe, and the quarto size is, moreover, more suitable for illustrations in the Fourth Section. This will appear on reference to plates 5 to 11 of Section IV. in the present volume, which with difficulty: contain the figures required. In whatever manner the question may be eventually decided, the committee would recommend that the present size be continued for one more volume: Ist, because it would be con- venient to have the quarto volumes grouped into a series of an even number like ten; 2nd, because some papers, commenced in the present series, will require to be completed in the same shape; 3rd, because the papers to be read at this meeting will have been prepared with a view to publication in quarto; and, 4th, because there is some matter standing over in type which could not be got ready in time to be included in the present issue. “The committee have to comment again upon the unnecessary, delay in sending in the matter for publication. Although there is a rule that all copy must be in not later than August, the committee found at their meeting in October but a small portion of the matter had been sent in. The larger part came in during November and December. This, added to some unusual delays in proofs, made it very difficult to get the volume out in time for the meeting, and to do that some matter has had to be carried over. The large amount of 290 pages of type has had to be kept standing for a consider- able time; for an author at the head of the series of pages may not reflect that his delay for alterations and corrections entails delay all along the line of succeeding authors. It often happens also that the end of one article and the beginning of another fall into the same form or sheet of eight pages; in which case the first author may become impatient for the extra copies of his paper while the second is taking time to correct his proofs, and, consequently, the form containing portions of both papers cannot go to press. “The committee have also to report that, consequent upon certain changes in the firm of the present publishers and the removal of the person who has hitherto personally supervised the publication, it will be necessary that the present arrangement be modified, as the present publishers do not wish to continue to undertake the responsibility of future volumes. There is a great deal of unseen and unrecognized work in getting out so varied and extensive a volume, and in keeping so many con- tributors within the regulations, which, in the absence of an editor, requires a great deal of corres- pondence, and a certain amount of tact, conjoined with technical knowledge of book-making. “ With regard to the distribution of the volumes and the care of the stock in hand, the committee have no hesitation in advising that in future it be done from Ottawa. That has been done hitherto by the publishers, and has been under the continuous care of one person, whose services are no longer available. All the necessary information to that end has been placed in the hands of the vice-pres- ident, and the committee believe that the whole matter is in such an orderly and clear state that no difficulty need arise. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XV “The committee observed that Dr. Bourinot had ordered an extra number to be printed of his paper, in Section II., on Cape Breton, and they recommend that, as this paper is an extremely valuable contribution to a much neglected portion of the history of the Dominion, and as a recognition, more- over, of the innumerable services of the writer to the Society as its Honorary Secretary from its organization, these extra three hundred copies be presented to him.” The following letter from Dr. Samuel E. Dawson, the publisher from the commencement of the publication of the ‘ Transactions’ in 1883-4, will show some of the difficulties that have impeded the appearance of the work, and the additional responsibilities that will henceforth devolve on the society on account of the inability of the gentleman in question, now Queen’s Printer, to give his invaluable aid to the society in future :— “ OTTAWA, May 24th, 1892. “ Dr. J. G. Bourinot, C.M.G., Royal Society. “ Dear Sir,—lI send you herewith a book in which I have given in full detail the entire distribu- tion of the ‘ Transactions,’ with addresses. I also give a complete statement of the stock on hand, and where it is stored, with details of insurance. “ As my position as Queen’s Printer precludes me from having any interest in the publication of the ‘ Transactions,’ I shall not be able to attend to the issue of the future volumes. I have attended to the passing of the present volume through the press because it was half done at the time of my appointment, and there was no one to take up the threads of the correspondence or who knew of the traditions of the work. It would otherwise have fallen into confusion. “J would remark that at no previous time in the history of the Society did the papers come in so late, or did I have so much difficulty in getting the volume out in time. In previous years a single paper may have retarded the issue, but this year every section was delayed. A number of papers came in during November and one in March had to be excluded. There seemed also to be more than the usual delay with the proofs, and the standing matter sometimes ran up to 290 or more pages of quarto in type. Very few offices could supply so long a font of type, and that is a chief difficulty in getting out the volume. “ Illness unfortunately prevented the Abbé Verreau from continuing his paper beyond the first chapter. I wished to carry on the Abbé Cuoq’s Algonquin Grammar a little further, but to have done so would have caused the volume to miss its date. A paper in Section ILI. is standing in galley and could not be included. I send you the proofs, which will speak for themselves. Setting up such papers is very costly and tedious, but such alterations as these are extravagant in the highest degree. It would be easier to set all the matter anew if clean copy could be had. Algebraic matter, of all others, requires fair copy. This paper when I first saw it I estimated would make 4 pages, but it has grown in proof to three times that size. Two galleys of another paper in this section are also standing, for it came some time in March and was not sent to me but to the printer. I did not know of it until I came to close the volume and found there was not time to include it. I think that the rule which requires all papers to be sent in before September and sent through the Secretary of the section, is not so widely known as it should be. A publisher should have an idea of the approximate size of the volume he is undertaking, if for no other reason than because the paper must be provided at one making, so as to have the colour and quality uniform throughout. “Tf you will pardon me, I will suggest that in future the despatch of the volumes to distant parts should be done at Ottawa. I do not believe it possible to obtain in any business place the painstaking and laborious accuracy which that requires. I have always done that work with my own hands. Above all things the most vexatious is to have a parcel for South America sent to Australia or one for New Zealand to Russia. The distribution covers the civilized world, and any inaccuracy would entail an intolerable amount of correspondence to ascertain what mistake really had been made, and considerable expense to rectify it. The distribution for the older provinces of Canada might be XVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. made from the publishers at Montreal, but nothing beyond that would be safe. The distribution, as will appear by the book I send you, has been thoroughly organized and, apart from the absolute accuracy it demands, presents no special difficulties. “The present volume is the largest yet issued and the best illustrated, and including the plates it reaches 784 pages. At first it seemed as if there would be an unusually small volume, but in ordering the special paper I fortunately made provision for much more than I could see in MSS. “ Yours truly, “S$. E. Dawson.” The following statements show the financial position of the Society to date. The accounts for printing and publishing the ‘ Transactions,’ it is well to add, do not include the amount for binding and distributing the volume just completed. Such accounts, as usual, must go into the expense of next year :— PUBLISHERS ACCOUNT. MonTREAL, May 25th, 1892. The Royal Society of Canada. To Dawson Brotuers, Publishers and Booksellers, Dr. 1891. NofBalancelas per: laste CCOUNt ssn. ere encres mises $2,532 73 Cr. Maye26th——By, (Cheques eee nancdtisshasnoosnase6o $1,500 00 June 11th— A A anes cote a ec Ne Par steer 1,050 00 —— 2,550 00 Carrieditorcredit#or Vol PR es ineetest teers 17 27 No Foreign’ and domestic freight ChATEES....-...-200. seen. ser eee.e..ee $ 283 17 SO Cases, Shp DIN PAR DENAES cm necaseceeaceessele dace onecereneeee etme eee r aes 41 58 “ Author’s copies, doing up and expenses...............+- cho SHOOHORCIES 69 08 TS rte Poanoosendren one coton o donc on On bain o 0e pd oo an 000 OU 619 20 MAP OBTAR ON WD LOOIB Career menerenes eee ee teats ea ates 6 19 ÉAMSUTANCE, SOLDE Ce re ee re cheleameesse ere eme ee Po eee serre 98 49 D Muy nat stone ue ide don iu ee do or Anad ete ones Bostolee RE a co 200 00 CAS CALLON OLY ere. ce secs se muets ree se sesa een Un nec ee eee 12 05 TITRE AUIONR NS sets rene sense scee teen eee nee se see 621 10 J TEENS Po) Done cndornonaE dondédosadédoonbnonnac Than! éco bad É000 0 1,609 50 ÉACOMPONILIOTLEeeeenersr mere senc es eme eee eee 1,226 00 DER SOUS potopoboan reconnue à onbsobspBeoasuDs " Agouctinacanectc 290 50 43 NIEVES BROTNS). (Gon andeion men eee nee eee 287 10 SACancelled MALTE Eee ee esse ea ee ee cee et 20 69 $5,384 65 Cr. By Balance from) Viol 8. eee eee. $ 17 27 Oct ATEN (Cash et eres eee PAC PRE cae Ae 1,900 00 TR cie en retiens lies ee NET LE 600 00 EN AE EE PR RE RE Poucet udnco-oonec 1,000 00 AR TR SE donnnatuonn x condition nn dos umo uen Oroodoomnas 46 25 NA ET ra one np bobo nd ou Ent don d'odbodeoc 33 75 ee 507 $1,787 38 PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XVII GENERAL FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF RoyaL Soorery rrom May 23, 1891, ro May 30, 1892. Mo; Cashinthandiacasresaecarecesinricasase $2,631 44 By Paid Dawson Bros. for balance ‘ General grant for 1891-92........ 5,000 00 due on 8th volume.............. $2,550 00 “Paid Dawson Bros. on account of JTREVOIUMIE Serres error 3,500 00 Ca8h on hante er eee senessscemeseese 1,500 00 Clerical and translation for 12 months in Hon. Secretary's Office... 81 44 $7,631 44 $7,631 44 Amount of subscriptions in hands of Treasurer on the 30th May, 1892.......,.......,............ $ 555 75 GENERAL BUSINESS. The Society then proceeded to the transaction of the business before it, and the following resolu- tions were adopted :— (1.) “ Resolved, That the minutes of the meeting of the Society in 1891, as they appear printed in the ‘ Transactions’ for that year, be approved. (On motion of Dr. George Stewart, seconded by Dr. Kingsford.) (2.) ‘“ Resolved, That the Rev. Dr. Bethune, and the Abbé Gosselin be elected Fellows of this Society.” (On motion of Dr. Bourinot, seconded by Dr. G. Stewart.) (3.) “ Resolved, That the recommendation of the Council with respect to a short memoir of deceased members of the Society be adopted.” (On motion of Dr. Fleming, seconded by Sir James Grant.) (4.) “ Resolved, That the thanks of the society are due and are hereby given to Dr. S. E. Dawson for the care and labour bestowed by him on the publication of the ‘ Transactions” (On motion of Dr. G. Stewart, seconded by Sir James Grant.) (5.) © Resolved, That the proposed change in the form of the ‘ Transactions’ be referred to the four sections for their consideration and report during the present meeting of the Society.” (On motion of Sir William Dawson, seconded by Rev. Principal Grant.) Reports OF AFFILIATED SOCIETIES. The acting secretary again read the list of affiliated societies, and the following reports were submitted by their respective delegates :— I.—From The Ottawa Field-Naturalists’ Club, through Mr. Frank T. Saurr, M.A. I have the honour to report as follows concerning the work and progress of the Ottawa Field- Naturalists’ Club during the past year: The session of 1891-92 may be considered to have been marked by increased activity and prosperity. There are now 275 members on the roll, the majority of whom take a personal interest in the welfare of the club. The attendance at the meetings has been good throughout, and the papers read and lectures delivered before the society on these occasions have been fully up to the standard of excellence of those of past years. Although there is and has been necessarily a large expenditure in connection with the publication of the ‘Ottawa Naturalist, the finances of the club are in an exceedingly satisfactory condition. It might here be mentioned the club receives no State or outside aid, but is entirely self-sustaining. For its revenue it depends solely on the annual subscriptions of its members, Proc. 1892. c. XVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA, The ‘Ottawa Naturalist,’ a monthly magazine in which are published the proceedings and trans- actions of the club, has appeared regularly during the year. The volume of 214 pages will be found to contain many valuable and original papers on scientific subjects, among which mention may be made of the following : The Work of the Geological Survey of Canada, by Dr. R. W. Ells. Notes of Travel in Japan, by W. H. Harrington. The Drinking Water of Ottawa, by A. McGill, B.A. The Sudbury Nickel and Copper Deposits, by Alfred E. Barlow, M.A. The Chimney Swifts of Ottawa, by A. G. Kingston. New Mosses, by Jas. M. Macoun. Educational Value of Botanic Gardens, by James Fletcher, F.R.S.C. The Chemistry of Food, by Frank T. Shutt, M.A., F.C.S. Canadian Gems and Precious Stones, by C. W. Willimott. A notice was also given of the proposed biological station which Sir Henry A. Blake and Lady Blake are endeavouring to have established in Jamaica. The circulation of the journal is now nearly 400, there being a number of exchanges in Canada, the United States and England to which the publication is regularly sent. By the papers and lectures given, by the facilities afforded for studying many of the branches of natural history, and by the enthusiasm and scientific ability of its leaders, the club is doing an educa- tional work of much value to its members and our community. Not a few of our citizens have become inspired and assisted towards the closer observation of the phenomena in nature by the practical demonstrations in the field and lecture room, . Two general excursions and about twenty Saturday afternoon sub-excursions were held during the summer months. These popular outings were, as heretofore, well attended. Several interesting additions to the published lists of the fauna and flora of the Ottawa district were made from the collections on these occasions. The club having received copies of the schedule prepared by a committee of the Royal Society of Canada for the registration of seasonal observations in natural history, sent them to such of their members as the Council considered best qualified to make such records. At the annual meeting of the club, held on March 16th, 1892, the following officers were appointed for the ensuing year: President—Dr. G. M. Dawson, C.M.G., F.R.S., F.R.S.C. _ First Vice-President—Frank T. Shutt, M.A., F.LC. Second Vice-President—W. H. Harrington. Secretary—Dr. Henry M. Ami. Treasurer—A. G. Kingston. Librarian—Wm. Scott, B.A. Committee—Miss E. Bolton, Miss G. Harmer, Miss G, Lovick, James Fletcher, R. H. Cowley, Jas. M. Macoun. Standing Committees of Council. Publishing—James Fletcher, F.R.S.C., Editor; W.H. Harrington, A. G. Kingston, William Scott, assistant editors. Excursions—Dr, H. M. Ami, A. G. Kingston, R. H. Cowley, Miss G. Harmer, Miss G. Lovick. Soirées—Frank T, Shutt, Miss E. Bolton, James Fletcher, William Scott, Jas. M. Macoun. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XIX Leaders. Geology and Mineralogy—Dr. H. M. Ami, W. F. Ferrier, Dr, R. W. Ells. Botany—R. H. Cowley, Jas. M. Macoun, R. B. Whyte. Conchology—F. R. Latchford, J. F. Whiteaves. Entomology—W. H. Harrington, J. Fletcher, T. J. MacLaughlin. Ornithology—A. G, Kingston, W. A. D. Lees, Prof. J. Macoun. Zoology—Frank T. Shutt, Prof. Macoun, J. Ballantyne. IL—From The Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society, 1891-92, through Mr. Roperr GiLt, President. In presenting here a report from the Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society, as an affiliated body, it is proper to express the sense of support felt by those interested in local societies such as this in being connected in any way with an organization of such importance and compass as the Royal Society of Canada. The annual report made last month to the members of the Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society showed that it continued to hold a position of indubitable usefulness. ‘The membership numbers 220. The reading-room is regularly resorted to, and is provided with 9 daily newspapers, 17 weekly, and 14 monthly publications. The library of the society is of increasing service to the city, and it is specially to be noticed that it is the only public collection, apart from that of parliament, the use of which is restricted (necessarily, no doubt), and more so of late than formerly. Consequently our library practically takes the place of free public libraries as in other cities, for the membership fee is merely nominal. Some choice additions have been made during the past year, and during the present year the society expects to make a special expenditure in the purchase of books. The night classes at the public schools on the one side, and the university extension classes on the other, left no room for the organization this year of any such under the auspices of the society. We have felt much pleasure at the successful carrying through of the university extension classes here during the past winter by Queen’s University. The number and strength of church associations of a literary character is quite noticeable, and these might be said to trench somewhat upon the ground of this society. Notwithstanding, however, such counter attractions as have been stated and others, the lecture course of the society has been carried through with pronounced success, several of the addresses requiring larger audience space than the rooms of the society afforded, the engagement of a larger hall being met by an audience of corresponding size. The course comprised lectures dealing with practical science and the mining resources of the country, as well as history, archeology and literature. The full list is as follows: 1891—14th December. Lord Macaulay, by Rev. W. J. Muckleston. 1892—11th January. Electricity, with illustrative experiments, by Mr. C. Berkely Powell. 24th January. Mining in British Columbia, by Mr. W. H. Lynch. 8th February. Heinrich Heine, by Mr. Thos. Cross. 21st February. Shakespeare’s Love Dramas, by Mr. W. H. Libby. 7th March. Egypt and the Book of the Dead, by Mr. H. B. Witton. 11th April. With the Indian Contingent in Egypt, by Surgeon-Major Keefer. Financially, the society is at present in a safe though small way, and, as has been said, contem- plates special expenditure upon its library. Some distinet progress generally is looked for. The society has been carried on in past years by the kindly and unselfish attention of many worthy councillors, one of whom, a well-known littérateur, Mr. W. D. LeSueur, has been recalled to the presidency, XX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. IIT.— From the Jnstitut canadien-français d'Ottawa, through M. NAPOLÉON CHAMPAGNE. Nous vous remercions bien cordialement pour votre gracieuse invitation, et soyez persuadés que nous sommes très flattés de venir vous communiquer un résumé des travaux que nous avons faits durant l’année écoulée, Depuis les trois dernières années, l'Institut a fait de grandes enjambées vers sa véritable destinée. Dans notre province, cette Institution est unique dans sa mission de propager et de faire connaître la belle langue française. Nous devons dire que nous avons rencontré partout de la bonne volonté; chez les uns un dévouement toujours prêt à nous donner le fruit de leur talent et de leur travail; chez les autres, un empressement constant à suivre nos réunions qui sont on ne peut plus utiles, à cause des sujets divers et importants qui y sont traités. N’allez pas prendre ces paroles pour un lyrisme exagéré, pour une piété superstitieuse envers notre chère institution. On a toujours, je l’admets, un certain culte pour son œuvre, pour sa créa- tion; mais nous avons trouvé de nouveaux motifs d'aimer notre Institut dans le regain d’attraits qu'elle doit à votre distinguée Société; et c’est pour cela, qu'en ce moment, je ne crains pas de violer la modestie qui caractérise l’Institut canadien-fiançais d'Ottawa. Oui, nous sommes fiers de vous dire que plusieurs de nos conférenciers sont des membres de la Société royale: Sulte, Marmette, Faucher, Legendre, Tanguay. J'en passe et des meilleurs. Vous comprendrez facilement cette légitime ostentation, et vous auriez mauvaise grâce de vouloir humilier les superbes, quant à tort ou à raison tout le mal vient de quelques-uns de vos membres. Tous nos conférenciers ont fait passer sous nos yeux des questions variées, traitées sous différents aspects, mais conservant toujours une perfection incontestable dans la forme et dans le fond. Nous trouvons dans cette riche mosaïque: histoire, médecine, littérature, esquisses de mœurs et études sur nos ressources indigènes. Avec le R. P. Alexis, nous avons visité les Antilles, et nous y avons laissé des lambeaux de nos vêtements aux lianes et aux roseaux, et quelque chose de notre être au milieu de ces parfums grisants des tropiques. A la suite du docteur Chevrier, nous sommes entrés à Paris, cette cité Folle comme Babel, sainte comme Solyme, et nous y avons considéré le monde scientifique à l’œuvre. M. l'abbé Prudhomme nous a fait faire le tour du monde aussi confortablement que dans les Pullman princiers et les luxueux léviathans océaniques; et, avantage encore plus inappréciable, à des prix qui défient toute concurrence. Puis l’histoire a fait son apparition, escortée par un parrain qu’elle chérit sans crainte de se compromettre, M. Benjamin Sulte. Il serait superflu de vous dire que cette conférence a été inté- ressante et instructive. Plus tard M. Sulte nous entretenait encore une deuxième fois sur la banlieue de Paris. La nous avons fait la connaissance de Bougainville et du jovial abbé Boulard, curé de Boulogne. Dans le même ordre d'idées mais sous une forme différente, nous avons eu la bonne fortune d’applaudir M. Joseph Marmette, qui nous a lu un saisissant épisode des derniers exploits des armes françaises au Canada, avant la désastreuse conquête qui fit passer ces quelques arpents de neige et les grands cœurs qui les habitaient sous un sceptre étranger. Ensuite M. Montpetit a, dans un travail soigné, bourré d’érudition et de pratiques conseils, traité de main de maitre les pêcheries du Labrador. Tl a de plus indiqué ce qu’il y aurait à faire pour rendre l’industrie de la pêche capable d'augmenter considérablement les richesses du pays. M. Voyer a parlé du voyage qu'un bon nombre se proposent de faire l'année prochaine à Chicago. Ses notes, quoique peu développées, en ont dit assez tout de même pour nous engager à faire une visite à la grande métropole commerciale de l'Ouest. Deux révérends pères oblats de l’Université d'Ottawa ont esquissé chacun un tableau piquant et fidèle des péchés mignons de la société, tant chez les anciens que chez les contemporains. Avec le père Nolin, c’est Aristophane ridiculisant de sa verve caustique et mordante, les défauts des hommes PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXI publics, des femmes révolutionnaires (rien de nouveau sous le soleil), et les lois boiteuses de son temps. La société grecque ressuscite sous sa plume, et nous apercevons çà et là des points de rapprochement avec l’organisation sociale raffinée du dix-neuvième siècle. Le père Filiâtre écrit et décrit avec un stylet à manche de nacre, à virole d’or, à acier tout buriné de dessins artistiques, et pourtant, si cette coquette lame fait des blessures peu profondes, elles n’en sont pas moins extrêmement cuisantes. Craignez-vous la maladie, ignorez-vous les us et coutumes de ces êtres microscopiques et pourtant dangereux, qu'on nomme microbes; voulez-vous vous préparer à lutter contre eux de manière à leur livrer un combat à armes ésales ? Le docteur Prévost vous apprend tout cela. En quelques minutes il initie aux secrets de cette science complexe et vaste qu'on appelle la médecine. Si nous suivons les sages conseils qu’il prodigue gratuitement, nous avons sa promesse de tous faire des centenaires. Comme vous voyez le docteur fait de la médecine tout à fait désintéressée. L'an dernier nous avions réussi, après de longs et sérieux efforts, à donner un cours de chimie qui a été fréquenté par un bon nombre de personnes. Bien que cette année la chose nous ait été demandée à plusieurs reprises, nous n’avons pu continuer l'enseignement de cette science à cause de la mauvaise santé de M. le professeur McCabe, qui était chargé de ce cours. Mais à l'automne, nous avons tout lieu de croire que nous pourrons le reprendre, et donner à nos auditeurs les notions les plus élémentaires et les plus utiles de la chimie. Notre bibliothèque à été, comme d'habitude, assez fréquentée par des personnes qui s'occupent des questions sérieuses, et par d’autres qui se passionnent pour la littérature légère. Nous avons, tant dans la littérature que dans les sciences, plusieurs volumes précieux qui peuvent être consultés avec fruit. Nous tenons aussi à faire remarquer que les jeunes gens surtout ont une tendance manifeste à s'occuper de matières qui peuvent leur meubler l'intelligence de choses profitables pour plus tard. Nous avons aussi étendu nos relations avec les nombreuses sociétés avec lesquelles nous sommes en communication. Plusieurs institutions de toutes les parties du monde nous ont envoyé des volumes contenant les travaux qu’elles ont faits durant l’année. Et dans ces volumes nous trouvons des con- férences, des essais sur les découvertes les plus récentes, sur des questions d'histoire, sur des hypo- thèses plus ou moins probables; cet ensemble, comme vous le voyez, offre des avantages multiples et précieux. En dernier lieu, je crois devoir vous dire que nos relations avec ces différentes sociétés nous ont mis en possession de certains livres chinois et hindous, qui renferment des choses tellement étonnantes, que vous me dispenserez, je l'espère, de vous les faire connaître publiquement. IV.—From The Natural History Society of Montreal, through Mr. R. W. McLacHLaN. In presenting our annual statement to the Royal Society of Canada, our society reports continued progress in its efforts to promote the study of natural science among its members, and thus through- out the country. During the year six monthly meetings have been held, at which the following papers have been read :— A Few Notes on Some Additions to our Museum, by F. B. Caulfield. Trees Cultivated on McGill College Grounds, by Sir William Dawson. 3. Some Notes on Old Engravings of the Beaver, by H. T. Martin. 4. Note on Crystallized Magnesite from Black Lake, (Jue., by J. T. Donald. 5. The Composition of the Waters of Two Artesian Wells in the Eastern part of the city, by J. T. Donald. 6. Some Notes on Native Platina from British Columbia, by J. T. Donald. 7. The Mineral Resources of British Columbia, by W. H. Lynch. 8. Obituary Notice with Notes of the Scientific Works of Dr. T. Sterry Hunt, by F. D. Adams. hoe XXII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. 9. The European House Sparrow, by W. A. Oswald. 10. The Mineral Resources of the Kootenay District, by R. C. Adams. The usual “ Somerville Course of Free Lectures” have this year been devoted to popularizing the study of botany, and have been unusually well attended. The following are the subjects, with the names of the lecturers :— 1. How to Study Botany, by T. J. W. Burgess, M.D. 2. Canadian Trees and their Distribution, by J. Macoun, MA. F.L.S., &e. 3. Fossil Sunshine, by Sir William Dawson. 4, Canadian Woods, by Hon. J. K. Ward. 5. Fruits and Fruit Culture, by J. Craig. 6. A Talk about the Wild Flowers around Montreal, by Rev. Robert Campbell, D.D. Four numbers of the ‘ Canadian Record of Science,’ edited by a committee of the society, have been issued during the year; each number of which is replete with original papers, giving the results of individual research. The meeting of the Royal Society held in Montreal last year, on the invitation of our society, has been helpful in creating a deeper love for natural sciences among our members and the citizens at large. We hope that at no distant date matters may again be arranged for another such visit. Our field meeting last year, in which the members of the Royal Society participated, was a great success ; and this year we again invite it to a day of field work to be held at the River Rouge on the fourth of June. V.—From The Montreal Microscopical Society, through Dr. GirpWoop. The past session of this society, which closed with the May meeting, has been extremely satis- factory in every respect. The meetings have been well attended throughout, and the members have evinced deep interest in the various subjects brought up for discussion. The numerous slides (the work of members) which have been exhibited from time to time, show that practical microscopy is not being neglected, while the results of original research as communi- cated at the various meetings of the society, prove beyond doubt, that the individual members fully realize their responsibility to the society, and that by personal endeavour they are assisting to promote one of its chief objects, namely, the spread of microscopical knowledge. The annual meeting of the society was held November 9th, 1891, when the following officers were unanimously elected :— President—J. Stevenson Brown (re-elected). Vice-President—Hon, Edward Murphy (re-elected). Hon. Secretary—Leslie J. Skelton (re-elected). Hon. Treasurer—John S. Shearer. At this meeting the hon. secretary presented à report showing that the society occupied what may be called a unique position, in that it had not a single member in arrears, there were no out- standing liabilities, and that there was a comfortable balance in the bank at the credit of the society. It may be further stated in evidence of the prosperity of the society that within the last two years its membership has increased upwards of four-fold. During the session, eight valuable papers have been presented and discussed at the monthly meetings of the society as follows :— PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXIII 1891—October 20. The Bacillus of Diphtheria ; illustrated with apparatus for investigation and culture, by J. B. McConnell, Esq., M.D. November 9. The Duty of Science. (Annual Presidential Address.) By J. Stevenson Brown, Esq. December 14. The Use of the Microscope in the Study of Fossils, by Sir William Dawson, LL.D., FRS, F.G.S., &e. 1892—January 11. Polarized Light, its Usefulness in Indicating Structure, with lantern illustrations, by Prof. John Cox, M.A. February 8. Crystalline Forms Modified by Impurity, by Jos. Bemrose, Esq., F.CS. March 14. The House Spider, by Rev. W. J. Smyth, M.A., B.Sc., Ph.D. April 11. The American Tent-Caterpillar, by A. F. Winn, Esq. May 9. Use of the Microscope in the Identification of Burnt Documents, by G. P. Girdwood, Esq., M.D., M.R.C.S. (Eng) VI—From The Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal, through Mr. R. W. McLacuuan. On behalf of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Montreal, I have to report ten meetings held during the past year, at which the following papers have been read :— . Extracts from Newspapers Relating to the Bank Tokens of 1837, by Henry Mott. . Some Recent Frauds in Canadian Coins, by R. W. McLachlan. . The Brunswickers in Canada, by Henry Mott. The Mactavish Residence (The Haunted House), by P. S. Murphy. . Burials in Woollen, by Henry Mott. . Review of Histoire Monétaire des Colonies françaises, by R. W. McLachlan. . The Three King’s Inn, by Henry Mott. . Coins and Medals bearing the Names of Canadian Numismatists, by R. W. McLachlan. . Wisconsin Fur Traders, by Henry Mott. DADA Pw Ww eH Le All of these papers have been published in the ‘ Canadian Antiquarian,’ which the society has arranged shall now be issued promptly. During the year a committee of the society has been engaged in preparing and erecting, through- out the older parts of the city, tablets commemorative of great events or points of historic interest in Montreal. About thirty of these tablets have already been put up, leaving about fifteen to be yet placed. Great care has been exercised in arriving at correct data, both as to place and time of the events recorded. Care too has been given to putting the words in the most clear and concise language. Such places and sites as the following are thus pointed out to strangers :—The spot where Maisonneuve is believed to have landed, the site of Champlain’s first building in 1611, the Chateau de Ramezay (the old government house), La Friponne, General Montgomery’s headquarters, Récollet and Quebec Gates, residences of James McGill, Dollier de Cassen and Du Lhut, scene of the first conflict with the Iroquois and so on. A complete and correct list will appear in a work by W. D. Lighthall, now in press. At the suggestion of the society the original name, La Place Royale, has been restored to the public ground long known as Custom House Square. During the present summer it is the intention of the society to hold a field-day, when some place of historic interest in the vicinity will be visited and explored in an antiquarian sense. In this manner we expect to continue the good work so long carried on by our society. XXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. VIL—From La Societé littéraire et musicale de Montréal, through M. H. M. Amt. Nous sommes de ceux qui persévèrent. Des décés et des départs ont éclairci nos rangs sans affaiblir notre courage. Il est vrai que nous trouvons à la fois plaisir et profit à nous réunir. Dix-huit travaux ont rempli les onze séances que nous avons tenues l'hiver dernier. Les volon- taires de l'association ont traité les sujets suivants, au gré de leur préoccupations ou de leur fantaisie : 1. Les illusions et le bonheur. 10. Le problème du bonheur. 2. La neige. 11. L’atmosphére, 3. A propos de la baie de New-York. : 12. Les classes riches. 4. Journal de voyage. 13. Le préjugé social. 5. Souvenir d'Alsace. 14. Roman d'un chiffonnier. 6. l'espérance. 15. La foi et la raison. 7. La peinture de Millet. 16. Le nom et la chose. 8. Séjour à Jérusalem pendant la semaine 17. Un été dans les Adirondacks. sainte. 18. Les œufs de Pâques. 9. Une soirée chez Mme la comtesse X. Des morceaux de musique et des chants exécutés par des amateurs de mérite, des récitations et des conférences, ont ajouté au charme de nos réunions. Permettez-nous d'ajouter qu'un des vôtres, qui sait également sculpter en vers et peindre en prose, a bien voulu nous lire six nouvelles inédites que bientôt le public applaudira comme nous. VIII.—From The Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, through Dr. GE0. STEWART. I have the honour, as delegate from the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, to submit the report of that society, extracted from that delivered at the annual general meeting, on 13th January last, by our able ex-president, Dr. George Stewart, F.R.GS. During the year a course of lectures was held in the rooms of the society, and attracted very good audiences. The president, Dr. Stewart, opened the course on the 27th January, with an address on the life and writings of Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes. On the 10th March Mr. F, C. Wurtele, librarian, read a paper on the English cathedral of Quebec. He was followed, on the 26th of March, by Mr. W. C. H. Wood, council secretary, who lectured on novels. Mr. Archibald Campbell, one of the vice-presidents, read a paper on the 31st March on the “ Royal William,” the pioneer of ocean steam navigation, and Mr, W. A. Ashe, F.R.A.S., corresponding secretary, closed the lecture season on the 17th April, with an account of a trip to Labrador, with notes on the projected Labrador railway. The council, on the recommendation of Archibald Campbell, Esq., loaned to the great naval exhibition held in England in May the model of the‘ Royal William,” the first steamer to cross the Atlantic by steam alone. The ‘‘ Royal William ” was built in Quebec city, and the model was presented to the society many years ago, It attracted much attention at the exhibition, and the honorary secre- tary, Capt. Sir Alfred Jephson, R.N., thanked the council for the privilege of placing so appropriate and interesting a relic on view. Last year we published a volume of ‘Transactions’ covering the sessions of 1889 to 1891. Separately were also published a copious index of the lectures, papers and historical documents pub- lished by our society, with a list of the unpublished papers read before the society, from 1829 to 1891—the work of our indefatigable librarian, Fred. C. Wurtele, Esq.—and “Journal of the Voy- age of the Brunswick Auxiliaries from Wolfenbüttel to Quebec,” by F. V. Melsheimer, chaplain to the Duke of Brunswick’s Dragoon Regiment, Minden, 1776. The journal was presented to the society by Wn. L. Stone, Esq., of Jersey City, N.J., author of the “ Life and Times of Sir Wm. Johnson.” For PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXV the translation into English of the first part we are indebted to Mr. Wm. Wood, council secretary. Mr. Stone furnished the translation of the second part. The society hopes to be in a position to publish a volume of ‘ Transactions’ this year also. Our library is rich in books, manuscripts and valuable historical documents, the reading-room is well supplied with first-class periodicals in English and French, and the museum, though small, is interesting. At the annual general meeting of the society the retiring president, Dr. Stewart, briefly thanked the members for the confidence which they had reposed in him by electing him for seven years in succession to the high office which he had just vacated. Col. Prower and Mr, P. B. Casgrain were appointed scrutinecrs. The result of the elections was as follows: President—Hon. H. G. Joly de Lotbinière. Ist Vice-President—Wm. Hossack, Esq. 2nd Vice-President—Very Rey. Dean Norman, D.C.L., D.D. 3rd Vice-President—Cyr. Tessier, Esq. 4th Vice-President—A. Campbell, Esq. Treasurer — Edwin Pope, Esq. Librarian—F. C. Wurtele, Esq. Recording Secretary—T. Ainslie Young, Esq. Corresponding Secretary—Wm. A. Ashe, Esq., F.R.A.S. Council Secretary—W. C. H. Wood, Esq. Curator of Museum—Wnm. Clint, Esq. Curator of Apparatus—C, B. Langlois, Esq. Additional Members of the Council—Dr. Geo. Stewart, F.R.G.S., P. B. Casgrain, Esq., Peter Johnston, Esq., and J. M. LeMoine, Esq. Mr. W.S. Bennett was appointed auditor, and J. W. Strachan guardian of the rooms. Messrs. J. Ferguson and Stuart Oliver were elected associate members. At the request of Mr. Campbell, Dr. Stewart vacated the chair, and Mr. P. B. Casgrain was called thereto. On motion of Messrs. Archibald Campbell and William Hossack, a cordial vote of thanks was passed to Dr. Stewart for his services as president. Mr. Joly de Lotbiniére declining to accept the office to which he was elected, Mr. Cyr. Tessier was chosen in his stead, and Dr. John M. Harper, was elected a vice-president. IX.—From The Entomological Society of Ontario, through the Rev. Dr. Beraung, President. On behalf of the Entomological Society of Ontario I have the honour to report that it continues to prosper and to perform much useful work. During the past year the ordinary membership was well maintained, while the number of associate members (who are not resident in Canada) was largely increased. ‘The Canadian Entomologist, the monthly publication of the society, continues to attract contri- butions from all the leading entomologists of North America, and to maintain its well-established reputation. The twenty-third volume was completed in December last, and consisted of 292 pages, instead of the usual 240. Its contributors numbered 51, of whom 14 were residents of Canada, 35 of the United States, 1 of England and 1 of Germany. No less than 61 new species of insects were described in its pages, and the life-histories of 21 species were recounted. Among the more impor- tant papers may be mentioned: “ Notes on Canadian Rhyncophora,” by W. H. Harrington; “The Proc. 1892. D. XXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. Position of Limenitis Proserpina,” by W. H. Edwards; “ Notes on Coleoptera,” by Dr. John Hamil- ton; ‘Silver-top in Grass and the Insects which may Produce It,” by H. Osborn; “Some Indiana Acrididæ,” by W. S. Blatchley; “North American Chernetidæ” and “The Dysderidæ of the United States,’ by Nathan Banks; “Some Destructive Locusts of North America,” by Lawrence Bruner; ‘A Catalogue of the Thysanoura of North America,” by A. D. Macgillivray ; and the official report of the meeting in Washington of the Entomological Club of the American Association for the Advance- ment of Science. Five numbers of the 24th volume have been issued during the current year, each of them with an increased number of pages; 59 new species of insects have already been described, and several papers of more than ordinary value and interest have been published. In addition to the monthly magazine, the society presents an annual report to the Legislature of Ontario. The twenty-second was published by the Department of Agriculture in January last. This report (for 1891) contains an account of the proceedings at the annual meeting of the society, the president’s annual address, the reports of the officers, the Montreal branch and the sections, and the papers read on the occasion. The president, in his address, drew the attention of the society to the most serious insect attacks of the year, and gave an account of the ravages of the “ Eye-spotted Bud-moth ” (Tmetocera ocellana), the “Lesser apple-leaf folder” (Teras minuta), the “ Oblique-banded Leaf-roller” (Cacæsia rosaceana), the Canker-worms (Anisopteryx vernata and pometaria), Cut-worms, the Pea-weevil (Bruchus pisi), the Turnip Flea-beetle, the Striped Cucumber-beetle (Diabrotica vittata), and other more or less injurious insects. Among the papers published in the annual report may be mentioned the following: “Can Insects Survive Freezing?” and ‘“Pamphila Manitoba and its Varieties,” by H. H. Lyman; “Nenatus Erichsonii,” the Larch Saw-fly, whose destructive ravages among the tamarack swamps of the Province of Quebec are fully related by the Rev. T. W. Fyles; ‘A Microscopical Examination of an Unex- panded Wing of Callosamia Promethea,” by J. A. Moffat; “ An Account of Some of the Collections of Insects in England and Germany,” by G. Geddes; “The Northern Mole Cricket,” by J. Fletcher; “Notes on Japanese Insects,” by W. H. Harrington; “The Moose-fly,” by W. A. Snow. The various sections of the society, which were organized about two years ago, report very satis- factory progress. The Ornithological section state that their “membership, while not large, is enthusiastic ; ” they have prepared a list, which is published in the annual report, of 97 birds known to breed in the county of Middlesex, Ontario, and of 20 other species observed in the same neighbour- hood, and which will probably be found breeding there. The species are distinguished into those which are decidedly beneficial on account of their feeding habits, those which are neutral, and those which are open to doubt as being possibly injurious. The Microscopical section have held numerous regular meetings and several popular exhibitions. The objects to which their attention has been chiefly devoted, were the manipulation of the micro- scope and the preparation of objects, and the examination of ferns, algæ and fungi, including the destructive Black-knot on fruit trees. The Botanical Section held weekly meetings throughout the greater part of the year, and have begun the formation of a collection of native plants, which is deposited in the rooms of the society ; a floral calendar has been kept; two mosses new to Canada have been discovered, and seventy species of fungi have been added to the North American list. The members of the Geological section have held evening meetings every week, at which they applied themselves to the serious and methodical study of the science, and when the season admitted, frequent field excursions were made for practical work. During these they covered a large area of country, and gathered many rare and valuable specimens of fossils. The formation of these sections of an entomological society for the encouragement of work in other departments of science has thus been amply justified. The results have been most satisfactory, and the cheerful assistance given by the members of one section to those of another has been most PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXVII useful. While occupying widely different ficids of study, they are constantly brought into contact with one another, and find the benefit of co-operation as members of one society, as well as the advantages to be derived from its library and rooms and complete organization. The result is to make London, the headquarters of the society, a centre of scientific work for the peninsula of Ontario, and to attract its residents, especially the young, into the delight-giving paths of natural science, The annual report of the society contains also a full record of the very important meeting of the Association of Economic Entomologists held in Washington in August last, under the presidency of our colleague, Mr. James Fletcher of Ottawa. This society was first organized in Toronto in 1889, and has already become a very influential body, including amongst its members all the leading scien- tists in North America who are engaged in the study of practical entomology. Its proceedings are, accordingly, of great scientific value, as well as of immense benefit to farmers, gardeners and fruit- growers everywhere. The president, in his opening address, drew special attention to the want of reliable statistics concerning the ravages of destructive insects, and the consequent financial loss to the community ; a committee was accordingly appointed to prepare a report upon the subject. During the meeting, which occupied two days, a large number of valuable papers on injurious insects were read and discussed, and much useful information was thus brought forward and made public. While technical investigations in entomology are by no means neglected, it is evident that our society is becoming increasingly devoted to practical work, and is thus conferring very great benefits upon the agricultural interests of the country. Every fruit-grower and gardener is obliged to wage unceasing war against the infinite variety of injurious insects, and he can only do so with any hope of success when he has been taught by experienced scientists what methods to adopt and what means to employ. The publications of the society from year to year set forth the best methods, and furnish instruction as to the best means for carrying on this warfare. The good work thus done will, we trust, be continued with unflagging zeal in the future. The following gentlemen were elected officers at the last annual meeting of the society :— President—Rey. C. J. S. Bethune, M.A., D.C.L., Port Hope. Vice-President—W. Hague Harrington, Ottawa. Secretary—W. E. Saunders, London. Treasurer—J. M. Denton, London. Directors—Division 1—James Fletcher, F.R.S.C., F.L.S., Ottawa. Division 2—J. D. Evans, Sudbury. Division 3—Gamble Geddes, Toronto. Division 4—A. H. Kilman, Ridgeway. Division 5—J. Alston Moffat, London. Librarian and Curator—J. A. Moffat, London. Editor of ‘The Canadian Entomologist’—Rey. Dr. Bethune, Port Hope. Editing Committee—J. Fletcher, Ottawa; H. H. Lyman, Montreal; Rev. T. W. Fyles, F.L.S., South Quebec. : Delegate to the Royal Society of Canada—the President. Auditors—J. H. Bowman and W. E. Saunders, London. X.—From The Hamilton (Ont.) Association for the Promotion of Science, Literature and Art, through Mr. H. B. Sma. During the past year fifteen general meetings of the association have been held, at which papers have been read as follows :— XXVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. 1891—Sept. 24. Microbes: Their Life and Work, an address by Professor Ramsay Wright, of the University of Toronto. Oct. 8. Notes on Fossil Silurian Plants, Hamilton, by Col. C. C. Grant. Oct. 22. How we Measure, by W. H. Bailard, M.A. Noy. 10. The Study of Biology, inaugural address by the President, A. Alexander, F.S.Se., Lon., Eng. Nov. 26. A Criticism of our School System, by Rev. A. Burns, D.D. Dec, 9. Canada: its Canals and Waterways, by H. B. Witton. 1892—Jan. 14. Memory, by S. B. Sinclair, M.A. Jan. 28, Man Scientifically Considered, by J. Alston Moffat. Feb. 11. The Chemical Reactions of the Bleaching Processes, by J. B. Turner, B.A. Feb. 25. Messengers from the Skies, by H. B. Small, of Ottawa. Mar. 10. Fungi Affecting Fruits, by L. Woolverton, M.A., of Grimsby. Mar, 24. Spelling Reform, by C. R. McCullough. Apr. 14 The Jews and the Persecutions in Russia, by W. H. Schofield, B.A. Apr. 28. Notes on the Genus Rhus, by T. J. W. Burgess, M.B., F.R.S.C., of Montreal. May 12. The Origin and Development of the Horse, by Wm. Mole, M.R.C.V.S. The Geological section has held nine meetings, at eight of which papers have been read by Col. C. C. Grant, as follows :— 1891—June 26. Notes on the Niagara Falls. Sept. 25. Geological Notes on the Marl Lake, Anticosti. Oct. 23. Fossil Plants at Hamilton. Nov. 27. Fossils of the Cretaceous and Eocene Formations, I. Dec. 25. Fossils of the Cretaceous and Eocene Formations, IT. 1892—Feb. 26. Fragments of Paleozoic Sea Floors. Apr. 22. Mesozoic Reptiles ; have they any living representatives ? The Biological section has met monthly during the past season. At these meetings sub- jects bearing on the flora and fauna of the locality have been discussed. No plants not hitherto recorded have been added to the list of our local flora, but additions have been made to the herbarium. In addition to those found in the vicinity of Hamilton, a collection of West India ferns, numbering one hundred and fifty species, has been received from Mr. Adam Brown. From Dorset and Wilts, in England, several hundred species of British plants have been received ; Mr. William Hussey, of Salis- bury, and Mr. William Rendell, of Whitchurch, Dorset, being the donors. These have been compared with their Canadian representatives, and exhibited to the members of the section, as well as a collection of fifty species from the Austrian Alps, near Cortina. Notes on the absence of birds and flowers from certain localities in the west of Ontario were contributed by Mr. William Yates, of Hatchley, and were of much interest. Mr. Wilkins, of Beamsville, contributed some valuable notes on the first and last appearances of plants and birds in the district, for 1891, which are hereto appended. Dr. Mole read a valuable paper on the origin and development of the horse. The section endorsed the scheme of Lady Blake, of Jamaica, to establish a Marine Biological Station in that Island. The Philological Section has held eight meetings, at seven of which papers have been read as follows :— May 28. Peculiarities in Hebrew Grammar, by J. F. McLaughlin, B.A. Sept. 17. Metaphysical Theories on the Origin and Development of Language, by S. A. Morgan, B.A. Nov. 19. Phonetic Spelling, by C. R. McCullough. Dec. 17. The Versification of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, by Charles Robertson, M.A. Feb. 18. The Supposed Etymological Value of Silent Letters, by A. W. Stratton, B.A. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXIX Mar. 16. Two proposed World-Languages, by H. P. Bonny. Apr. 27. A Phonetic Alphabet for Deaf Mutes, an adaptation of characters of Isaac Pitman’s Phonography—by C. R. McCulloch. A Revised Spelling, by James Ferres. Two sections, the Physical and Philosophical, were organized early in the year. They have met regularly, but few papers have been read ; these are as follows :— In the Physical section : 1891—Dec. 12. The Phonograph, by J. T. Crawford, B.A. Jan. 9. A Brief History of Electrical Discoveries, by J.C. Witton, B.A. In the Philosophical section : 1891—Dec. 5. Psychology, by Sanford Evans. 1892—Jan. 16. An Analysis of Experience, I., by S. A. Morgan, B.A. Feb. 20. An Analysis of Experience, II., by S. A. Morgan, B.A. Mar. 19. Sense Perception, by S. B. Sinclair, M. A. In April of this year a Photographic section of the association was organized with an active membership of about forty. The association is in a good position, the treasurer reporting at the annual meeting on May 12th, 1892, a balance of $257.65. The officers for the ensuing year are as follows :— President—A. Alexander, F.S.Sc., Lon., Eng. First Vice-President—A. T. Neill. Second Vice-President—-S. Briggs. Corresponding Secretary—Thomas Morris, Jr. Recording Secretary—C. R. McCullough. Curator—Alex. Caviller, f Assistant-Secretary and Curator—Geo. M. Leslie. Members of Council—£x-officio—Col. C. C. Grant, J. B. Turner, B.A., H. P. Bonny, Geo. Black, 8. B. Sinclair, M.A. Elected—T. W. Reynolds, M.D., W. A. Robinson, P. L. Scriven, Wm. Turnbull, Wm. White. Mr. Wilkins’s Notes on the Season of 1891, referred to in the above report. The season opened early after a short, mild winter. Crows were first seen February 6th. Sugar making was begun March 4th. A robin (not a resident) seen March 10th. Toads first heard March 23rd. Growth commenced March 28th. Bulbs of adder-tongue lily sprouting, and scarlet cap lichen abundant at this date. Hepatica and Spring beauty in flower April 2nd. Adder-tongue lily in flower April 4th. Blood-root in flower April 6th. Red Maple in flower April 12th. Marsh Marigold in flower April 14th. Dicentra cucullaria, also D. Canadensis in flower April 15th. True Anemone in flower April 16th. Cuckoo flower, Skunk’s cabbage and Cursed Crowfoot in flower April 17th. XXX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. Red and white Trilliums in flower April 20th. Sugar Maple in flower April 24th. Hooded Violet, Beaked Violet, Yellow Violet and Sweet Violet, White Beech and Water Elm in flower April 24th. Indian Turnip in flower May 4th. First Golden-rod (Solidago Canadensis) in flower July 20th. First aster (Aster levis) in flower July 20th. Sugar Maples beginning to turn in colour September 22nd. Red maples beginning to turn September 25th. Maples in full flush October 10th. White oaks turning, also red oaks and scarlet oaks commencing October 10th. Maple leaves falling fast November 4th. The last Golden-rod (S. Canadensis) seen in flower; also the last Asters (A. longifolius, A. puniceus) November 17th. Malva silvestris, in waste grounds, also Larkspurs (Delphinium) in flower November 27th. (Note —These were growing under the shelter of some pine and fir trees.) First (very light) frost September 21st. First heavy frost October 11th. First (light) snow November 17th. First heavy snow (6 inches deep) November 27th and 28th. Ground not frozen on December 14th, Norss. 1. The dates of the arrivals and the departures of the migrating birds, those of the crow and the robin excepted, are not given, because not accurately recorded. The arrivals occurred, however, earlier than usual, the departure later. 2. The heavy drouth of May and June, succeeded by equally heavy rains and much evaporation in July and August, produced cool weather, much prolonging the season, The dry and warm weather of October and November served the same purpose. 3. In consequence of this, second crops of strawberries and of wild raspberries were gathered, one farmer supplying a store with red raspberries (Rubus triflorus and R. strigosus) during the months of September and October. Second crops of black raspberries have also been reported. XI—From The Wentworth Historical Society, through Mr. F. M. Carpenter, M.P., and Mr. ALEX. McKay, M.P., Delegates. Officers for 1891 and 1892, elected June 5th, 1891, at the annual meeting: President—Geo, H. Mills, Esq. Ist Vice-President—Hon. A. McKellar. 2nd Vice-President—F. W. Fearman, Esq. 3rd Vice-President—Mrs. J. R. Holden. Secretary-Treasurer—J. H. Land. Corresponding Secretary—Justus A. Griffin. Executive Council—Hon. D. MeInnes, F. M. Carpenter, M.P.; J. Alexander, J. Muir, Judge C. C.; J. W. Jones, LL.D.; T. C. Mewburn, Richard Bull, T. H. Stinson, J. A. Barr and Geo. W. Barton. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXXI It is a matter of deep regret that the prevalence of the grippe epidemic during the year has pre- vented the society from carrying out the work arranged for at the beginning of the year. The papers read during the year were: 1. Historical Societies and their Influence, read by Mrs. Curzon, Noy. 18th, 1891. 2. On Canadian History (No. 2 of his series), by Hon. D. McInnes, read Dec. Ist, 1891. 3. U. E. Loyalists as Imperial Federationists of the Highteenth Century, by Rev. E. J. Fessenden, read Dec. 15th, 1891. Petitions have been forwarded to the Minister of Militia urging upon the Government the desi- rability of providing for the erection of monuments at Stoney Creek and Burlington Heights. To these petitions and accompanying correspondence favourable replies have been received, and it is probable that this year may see the commencement of the work. Search has been instituted among our old families for uniforms and equipments used in 1812 with the view of supplying the designer or sculptor with historical information for the work on the ‘proposed monuments. From replies received it is hoped that a complete outfit will be gathered together for that purpose. The proposed celebration of the centennial of the province by the historical societies, at old Niagara, in July next, has received the hearty endorsation of this society, and its president and vice-presidents have been placed on committees to make the necessary arrangements for the event. The society is indebted to Dr. Bourinot for copies of the various blue-books and reports issued by the Government and Parliament, and for copies of the debates and proceedings of the House of Com- mons and Senate; also for copies of the reports of the Dominion Archivist, as published. The society has to mourn the loss of two of its valued members by death—Very Rev. J. G, Geddes, Dean of Niagara, who died in November last, and Mr. T. C. Mewburn, inspector of customs, who died March 7th, 1892. XII.—From Nova Scotia Institute of Science, through the Rev. G. Parrerson, D.D. At the opening of the session of 1891-92, after an address by the retiring president, Prof. J. G, MacGregor, the following were elected office-bearers : President—M. Murphy, D.Sc., C.E., provincial engineer. Vice-Presidents—H. 8. Poole, Esq., F.G.S., and Prof. G. Lawson, Ph.D., LL.D., F.R.S.C, Treasurer—W. C. Silver, Esq. Recording Secretary—Alex. McKay, Esq. Corresponding Secretary—A. H. Mackay, B.A., B.Sc., LL.D., F.R.S.C. * Librarian—-M. Bowman, Esq. A number of new members have been admitted during the year, and an encouragingly large number of papers have been read by persons who had not previously made communications to the institute. The following are the papers read before the institute during the session : - 1. Concretionary Formations in Canadian Rocks, by T. C. Weston, Esq. 2. A List of the Trap Minerals of Nova Scotia, with Localities, by the late Rev. Thos. McCulloch, D.D., formerly president of Dalhousie College. (This paper was recently found by Prof. Lawson in the McCulloch collection of botanical speci- mens presented by the Rev. W. McCulloch, D.D., of Truro, to the Dalhousie College museum.) XXXII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. 3. Contributions to a Flora of Nova Scotia, Part II., by Prof. G. Lawson, LL.D. 4. Notes on the Fletcher Stone, by K. G. T. Webster, B.A. 5. Notes on the Fletcher Stone and a Stone bearing the Figure of a Moose from Yarmouth County, by R. B. Brown, Esq. Teredo navalis at Little Bras d'Or, C.B., by M. Murphy, D.Sc. . Limnoria terebrans at the Narrows, Halifax Harbour, by the same. . Subsidence of the South-western coast of Nova Scotia, by W. H. Prest, Esq. . Nova Scotia Gold Districts: their Geological Formation as proved by Borings in the Killag Gold District, by H. S. Mackay, Esq. 10. Notes on Nova Scotian Zoology, Part II., by H. Piers, Esq. 11. On the Graphical Treatment of the Inertia of the Connecting-rod, by Prof. J. G. Mac- Gregor. 12. The Nidification of the Winter Wren, by H. Piers, Esq. 13. On the Granulation and Re-solidification of Granite, by Rev. M. Maury, D.D. 14. A Catalogue of Silurian Fossils of Arisaig, N.S., by Henry M. Ami, A.M., D.Se. 15. The Flora of Newfoundland, St. Pierre and Miquelon, by Rev. A. C. Waghorne. 16. On the Visibility of Venus to the Naked Eye, by Principal A. Cameron. 17. On the Silurian of Cape Breton, by E. Gilpin, Jr., A.M., LL.D., F.GS., F.R.S.C. The institute has issued the ‘Proceedings and Transactions’ of the session of 1890-91, which, owing to the recent change of name, form part 1 of volume I. of the second series of its publications. Copies of this part have been forwarded to about 650 scientific societies, college and school libraries and other institutions. The library has been growing rapidly during the year, exchange relations having been effected with a large number of scientific societies not previously on the institute’s list. The institute is still without a home of its own, and is much hampered in its work through lack of convenient accommodation for its collection of books, etc. But negotiations are in progress with the Nova Scotia Historical Society with the object of securing rooms to serve as meeting room and library for both societies, and it is hoped that by a combination of resources adequate accommodation for both may be secured. XIII.—From The Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba, through Dr. Gro. STEWART. The society has pursued its course during the year quietly and steadily. It has now, in the fifteenth year of its existence, become a recognized institution of Manitoba, and continues to receive its grant of $250 a year from the Legislature of Manitoba. During the past year, besides enjoying commodious quarters for its increasing library in the Winnipeg City Hall, where it receives accom- modation, lighting and heating free of charge, the society was also paid $600 from city funds toward its general library. On the 19th of June, 1891, the society met on the field of “Seven Oaks,” near Winnipeg, to unveil the monument erected by the kind assistance of Lady Selkirk, under the auspices of the society, to the memory of Governor Semple and bis officers and men, who fell at that spot seventy-five years before. Lieutenant-Governor Schultz performed the ceremony of unveiling, and addresses were made by the governor and leading men of the country. The society has since published an interest- ing souvenir of the proceedings, a copy of which is herewith enclosed, along with the ‘ Annual Report’ for 1891 and other publications of the society. The society continues to have at its monthly meetings papers read dealing with the district under its care, viz., “the region north and west of Lake Superior.” During the past year these papers have PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXXIII dealt with the geology, ethnology and early history of the country. The ‘Transactions’ of the society have now reached No. 43. The exchanges of the society have been during the past year about 200 in number, and the news- papers of the region belonging to the society, now a considerable number, are received and carefully filed for reference. During the year a considerable sum has been spent by the society in increasing its already considerable library of Canadian and especially North-western books. The society aims at making a complete library of books on Canada and Canadian subjects. During the year contributions to the museum have been received from different quarters. The extremes represented are Nova Scotia, from which came a cannon-shot and iron implement of the Acadian time from Grand Pré, and the far north, from which was received a specimen of North- west amber, The society continues to receive the annual ‘Transactions of the Royal Society,’ for which it is grateful. XIV.—From The Natural History Society of New Brunswick, through Dr. L. W. BAILEY. In the absence of the appointed delegate of this society, who is prevented from attending owing to the change in the time of holding the meeting of the Royal Society, I make the following report on the work of the society during the past year. I have much pleasure in saying that the society continues to prosper and to carry on its work with assiduity as in former years. During the past year eight regular meetings have been held, and the following papers were read and lectures given : Feb. 17. Chemistry of the Six Days of Creation, by W. B. McVey. Mar. 3. The Silent Language of the Muscles, by Dr. Foster McFarlane. May 5. On Sugar, by W. F. Best. Dec. 1. The Dictyonema of the Cambrian Seas. In the month of June a very successful field meeting was held at Pisarinco, and was largely attended. Among those who led research parties during the duy were Dr. L. W. Bailey, Mr. John Britton and Mr. J. Vroom. At the regular meeting on October 6th, at the invitation of the council, addresses were delivered by Rev. George Bruce, Dr. J. Allen Jack and Dr. A. R. Stockton, on the work and object of the proposed University Extension course, and in accordance with the wish of the society several of its members assisted the movement, giving lectures in the course, which were delivered in the socioty’s rooms, Some members of the society have done good work in gevlogical exploration in the province during the past year. Others have been engaged on botanical work. In the appendix to this year’s bulletin, the society has published a complete list of the fossils of the St. John group, with an introduction showing the principal members of the group, their thickness and the typical fossils of each zone. The society has in preparation an account of the articles of the stone age, found in New Bruns- wick, which will be published in the course of the year. The officers for the current year are : Patron—His Honour Sir S. L. Tilley. President—G. F. Matthew. Vice-Presidents—G. U. Hay, H. G. Addy, M.D. Treasurer—Alfred Seely. Proc. 1892. Ex. XXXIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. Corresponding Secretary—W. F. Best. Recording Secretary—S. W. Kain. Curators—J. Roy Campbell, Wm. Murdock and Geoffrey Stead. Librarian—F rank Berton. Additional members—R. P. Starr, Edwin Fisher, G. Ernest Fairweather. XV.—From The Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute (St. Thomas, Ont.), through Dr. Bourtnor. The Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute begs leave to report as follows : — The officers of the institute are : President—James H. Coyne, Esq., B.A. Vice-President—C. O. Ermatinger, Esq., Q.C. : Secretary—W. H. Murch, Esq. Treasurer—J. S. Robertson, Esq. Editor—Frank Hunt, Esq. Librarian—K. W. McKay, Esq. Curator—J. W. Stewart, Esq. Councillors—J. Wilkinson, Esq., W. S. Jackson, Esq., J. S. Brierley, Esq., W. Atkin, Esq., A. W. Campbell, Esq. Owing to various causes the institute has not been able to accomplish as much during the past year as it expects to do in the future. An Indian village site at Jaffa has been investigated, and numerous archeological specimens added to the museum. There is a fair beginning of a library. Books and specimens have been presented by a number of friends of the institute, and the transactions and reports of several societies and public bodies are regularly received. The president communicated a paper upon the country of the neutrals, in which he attempts to identify the Southwold earthwork with the village of Alexis, as shown on Sanson’s map of 1656, and with the capital of the neutral country referred to in Sagard and the “ Relations des Jésuites.” The Hon. Archibald McKellar, Sheriff of Wentworth, sent in two interesting papers on the early settlement of Aldborough. The institute numbers thirty-seven members. Visits to places of historical interest are being planned for the summer, and a number of papers, chiefly on historical subjects, are promised for the fall session. XVI.—From The Canadian Institute, through Sanprorp FLEMING, LL.D., C.M.G., F.R.S.C. The 43rd annual report contains a very satisfactory account of progress. During the past season 24 ordinary meetings were held, at which 31 papers were read; at the meetings of the sections, 15 papers were read before the biological, 3 before the geological and mining, and 6 before the historical section, making a total of 55 papers. During the past season the rules and regulations were revised and remodelled, and adopted by the institute at a special general meeting held on the 9th of April. Two new classes of members have been introduced—corresponding and associates. The former is an old class revived; the latter a new departure created for the benefit of many who, not sufficiently interested in the whole work of the institute to become full members, will nevertheless be glad to be associated with the institute for the purposes of extending research in special subjects, such as history, botany, geology, archeology, PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXXV political and economic science. This class has a wide limit and receives liberal privileges from the institute. The present associates, who are restricted in age to 21 years, are known as juniors. The rules of the library and reading-room have also been remodelled; the new rules came into force on the Ist of February, and are being carried out to the advantage of the members. In addition to the regular sessional meetings of the biological section, several successful field-day excursions were organized last summer, in which a large number of plants were identified and collected. The membership of the historical section has increased from 27 to 45. ‘Through the exertions of this section a most enjoyable and successful summer convention was held at Penetanguishene on the 25th and 26th of September, 1891. The Christian Island was visited, Fort Ste. Marie, at the village of St. Joseph, explored, and Fort Ste. Marie, on the River Wye, near Midland, also carefully examined, A movement was set on foot to purchase the land on which this interesting historical memorial of the earliest settlement of that portion of our province stands. The negotiations have resulted in an offer being made to the institute, at a reasonable price, of a sufficient area of land to protect thoroughly the remains of the fort. The institute appeals to the Royal Society for its aid in bringing this subject prominently before the attention of the governments of the province and Dominion. The adoption of the “ twenty-four hour notation "—known historically as the “Italian notation ”— of time by all the railways of America on the 12th October next, the 400th anniversary of the first sighting of the new world by Columbus, has been recommended by the American Society of Civil Engineers. The institute cannot but recognize in this proposal an appropriate and graceful com- pliment to the fatherland of the illustrious discoverer. The institute will hail with much satisfaction this further result of a movement in the initiation of which the Royal Society of Canada, as well as the Canadian Institute, has taken part. A paper on ‘“ Peach Yellows,” a disease threatening to decimate our orchards, presented by Dr. W. R. Shaw, created much interest, and led to several influential deputations of fruit-growers accom- panying a committee from the institute to wait on the government of the province of Ontario. The session, was too far advanced to introduce any legislation on the lines asked for. There is no doubt that during next session the much-needed legislation will be granted; and some aid may be required from the Dominion Government in preventing importation of diseased trees or seeds. The subject of Electoral Representation and the Rectification of Parliament has been brought to the attention of the institute, and has created great interest. A friend, who declines to make known his name, has generously placed the sum of $1,000 at the disposal of the council, to be awarded in whole or in part for the best measure which, if made Jaw, would give to the whole Canadian people equal representation in parliament, and each elector due weight in the government through parliament. The conditions of the competition have received the most careful consideration of the council, and will be made public in a few days. The institute acknowledges the liberality ofthe provincial government in continuing the archæo- logical grant. The report of our curator for this year has been so much sought after that the edition is already exhausted. The institute regrets that an agreement entered into with the Public Library Board of Toronto for the transfer of the custody of our collection has been unfortunately interfered with by adverse action of the City Council, though there is still a prospect of arrangements being arrived at which will carry out in part this plan. The institute will be represented and will take part in the approaching centennial celebration of the formation of the province of Upper Canada and the institution of parliamentary self-government by colonies. The institute considers this an opportune time to urge on all its sister societies the importance of taking advantage of the occasion to bring before public notice, and especially before the several XXXVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. governments the propriety of preserving all historical documents and monuments which have played important parts in our early history. During the past year the institute has lost by death one honorary member, l'Abbé Léon Pro- vancher; two life members, Dr. Sterry Hunt and Mr. John Page; and one ordinary member, Mr. Charles Levey. Membership. HONOTAEY MEMPENS seen semences score snee esentm= semence es ent eee ee 6 ITS MEMPENR a. accsewssssscesscktcssiene! sacsoe «conaseceti coer cases Are ste seen eee ee 9 Ordinaryamembers, stay. BOT ER eee 273 Deaths, Tesi @natlOns, Cte: 2... sont enee cena ee cresson asso eee re nee Seats eee es 30 243 Membersielected tee ER eee ere ne 40 —— 283 Totalsmembershipyl sty May SP eee ces ee sare saere sence 298 Agsociatesiastat) ste Maye TS See cc re een serie sniaeee emcee tents 17 Resignations, transfers to “member” class, GtC...-....-.-- sacccne -serseeeeesyseervess 5 — 12 Total dst Mays 1802 nae deans ssedetosuer snes itr eltecicaeceaamenecse setmeeeen ieee eer Eee nee 12 Total number of papers read at the ordinary meetings of the institute during the session 1891-92, 31, which may be classified as follows :— PAT CHO) Of yieamaencecane scene rere 1 Geology teicencccocce es scecesees-meeorenacmest 1 ASITONOMIVRes se ee rene serre esse 1 IE A ocaeosbaddE Ao sabécobagce cdosceqsonce fH) Bi0l0paS 1bpaca sé acnad uns enn 000 3 JDRNCINIRS oonoudenpacaboott on saodsdocesonce 1 BOFANV es encre rec eee ee 1 Philology-<<.dscesssbasssaedssoseuceesasetevacs 4 HCONOMICHE See eee 2 PISGICOLEUTORS Rene tes 1 ENPAMECTINME Tree eee eee 2 PONTICALISCIEN COM Terence 1 HMO EE A bononacnonno nos onodonn 3 PODIOE VIE EE oscndns 1 TRIN) JNU, cosssesdnpooneuenasanosacas600b00d05" 2 USEC EN COUS: Pere ee eee 1 CEDERNN Eocubandononbbaracoa set eba robe 1 BI0]OMICALISECEION Tree cree sels essor cece see le Een meet ee camer een eee 15 GeologiCaln EM In PAS EC LION ee ee ere cseen eee ces caen eee 3 HiBLORICAlL SECTION ES esree eee mase eee recenser ee ee 6 ANNÉE ane donnne oc conte on onto AT odoatoous dinécacnioanc 24 Motal read IdUL IN PURE SCRSION ESA = reee secs eee er eee ce se 55 Library Periodicals SUDECTIDEQ ON. re sressresscee eee 34 Dom totallseparate mum bersreceivediar su. cccr-snuaeereh ters see ee sere 835 Total number of books taken out of library and reading-room......................... 2,013 Total number of individuals and societies to whom * Transactions’ are sent as OX CHAN ECR Reese esascs coca none eee een spate Dee eaten ie ee ie T0 525 PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXXVII Donations received, books and pamphlets........................,.......................... 176 FE GEIB © GEM ECORV OU ROSE onelen tes deyeuacasatwanssebe. cssstpuseessteceansiee 3,267 Total number of publications received as exchanges and by purchase... 4,278 X VII.—From the Societé de Géographie de Québec, through Dr. GEORGE STEWART. La Société de Géographie de Québec a l'honneur de vous faire rapport que, depuis la publication de son dernier bulletin, en juin 1889, il ne lui a pas été possible de rassembler assez de conférences et d'écrits pour pouvoir publier une brochure digne de la mission qu’elle poursuit. Un obstacle sérieux à la régularité de ses réunions et de ses travaux, a été l'obligation dans laquelle elle s’est trouvée d’avoir à déménager ses quartiers de l’ancienne boulangerie militaire, 4 rue Saint-André, où elle était installée depuis plusieurs années, et de les transporter dans le bureau du greffe de l’ancienne cour de justice, rue Saint-Louis. Il lui a fallu y faire une installation provisoire de sa bibliothèque, de ses cartes et de ses meubles. La salle est vaste; mais quoique accessible en tout temps, elle est cependant tout à fait dépourvue de confort, surtout en hiver, ce qui a nui aux réunions de la société. Aux quelques séances que la société a eues et dont les minutes sont consignées aux procès-verbaux, plusieurs travaux ont été lus et plusieurs ont été acceptés pour le prochain bulletin de l’association, notamment, un essai de M. Obalski, ingénieur des mines, sur les ressources minières de la province de Québec; une étude sur le trafic des grands lacs du Canada, par M. N. LeVasseur, journaliste; une lettre traitant de l’état économique et social et de la flore de la Colombie-Britannique, par E. T. W. Fletcher, ancien officier de la société. Les élections annuelles pour 1892-93 ont eu le résultat suivant : Président : Charles Baillairgé, chevalier, ingénieur civil ; ler vice-président : le major N. LeVasseur ; DORE 5° : John Bignell, arpenteur-géomètre ; aie = us : le lieutenant-colonel 8. P. Vohl; Secrétaire-correspondant français : W. D. Baillairgé, ingénieur civil; Sous-secrétaire-correspondant francais: J. X. Guay, arpenteur fédéral ; Secrétaire-correspondant anglais: J. B. P. Rhodes, ingéniour des mines; Sous-secrétaire-correspondant anglais: le lieutenant F. Bignell ; Secrétaire-archiviste: F. D. Tims, fonctionnaire civil ; Bibliothécaire : Robert Campbell, fonctionnaire civil; Trésorier : Thos. H. Norris, négociant ; Comité de régie: H. J. J. B. Chouinard, avocat, greftier de la ville de Québec, D' N. E, Dionne, bibliothécaire de la législature de Québec, F. X. Berlinguet, architecte, et D' A. Venner. La société a eu le chagrin de perdre son ancien président, le lieutenant-colonel W. Rhodes, décédé à Québec dans le cours de l'hiver dernier. L'honorable M. Rhodes a donné un élan considérable à la société. C'est à son initiative que nous devons d’avoir eu les dernières explorations qui ont été faites du côté du lac Mistassini, explorations qui, malheureusement, n’ont pas été aussi complètes qu’elles auraient dû l’être. C’est à son entremise aussi que la société doit d’avoir augmenté notable- ment ses relations avec des sociétés savantes des deux mondes. Le prochain volume des travaux de la Société de Géographie de Québec sera publié à l'automne, et, outre les écrits susmentionnés, en contiendra plusieurs autres de grande utilité pour le pays et en particulier pour la province de Québec. XXXVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. La société regrette de voir qu’en maints endroits du Canada, les noms géographiques sont ou défigurés ou travestis, ou encore remplacés par des noms qui ne rappellent rien, n’éveillent aucun souvenir légendaire ou historique. Il y a là un sujet dont elle va incessamment s’occuper. Elle ose compter sur le concours de la Société royale, afin de préserver les noms géographiques originaux dans leur intégrité orthographique. L'historique et la traduction en français et en anglais des noms géographiques du Canada formeraient tout probablement une brochure aussi instructive qu'intéressante. La société est d'opinion que l’enseignement de la géographie dans les écoles canadiennes, se fait, règle générale, d’une façon déplorable, et qu'il y a, dans cette branche d'instruction. une réforme radi- cale à opérer. Elle est à étudier la question, et rédigera à ce sujet un mémoire qui, tout probable- ment, formera un chapitre important d'un futur bulletin. Elle est d'avis que les gouvernements devraient aviser aux moyens de faire une distribution gratuite ou à prix nominal de cartes, sphères, compas et autres instruments de précision dans les écoles. La société prend la liberté de vous signaler l'utilité qu'il y aurait à obtenir des gouvernements une distribution plus large des rapports officiels d'arpentage et de ceux de la commission géologique du Canada, aux sociétés littéraires et scientifiques et à la presse du pays. Ces documents ne sont pas lus par les masses, mais peuvent offrir aux savants et aux journalistes des sujets intéressants d’études; _de cette façon la connaissance de la géographie du pays et de ses ressources aurait chance de se vul- gariser plus rapidement. Elle verrait aussi avec grand plaisir les gouvernements ouvrir, dans leurs administrations respec- tives, des bureaux spéciaux de cartographie, dans le but d'obtenir l’uniformité dans la rédaction des cartes et dans leur agencement. Veuillez, M. le président, agréer ce rapport et ses suggestions, que je vous soumets humblement au nom de la Société de Géographie de Québec, en vous priant aussi d'accepter l'expression de mes sentiments les plus distingués. XVIL—From The Nova Scotia Historical Society, through Senator Power. The number of papers read before the Nova Scotia Historical Society during the season just closed was smaller than usual, being only three : 1. Reminiscences of Halifax, 10th November, 1891, by Peter Lynch, Esq., Q.C. 2. Nova Scotian Gleanings from Boston Newspapers (1749-72), by Miss Eliza Frame, January 12th, 1892. 3. Notes on a Hooped Cannon found at Louisburg, 9th of February, by the Rev. George Patterson, D.D., F.R.S.C. The comparative barrenness of the past season was to a certain extent compensated for by the publication of the seventh volume of the society’s collections. This volume is larger than most of its predecessors, containing over 160 pages of printed matter. The contents as in the case of previous volumes are varied in number. The first paper is one read in January, 1887, by Senator Power, the subject of which is “ Vinland.”’ The view of the writer of this paper is that Vinland was either on Labrador or in Newfoundland, a view which is not popular in New England, but is held by many disinterested inquirers. The second paper is entitled “ Notes on a General Return of the several Townships in the Province of Nova Scotia for the first day of January, 1767.” The author, Dr. David Allison, who was in January, 1888, when he read his interesting and instructive paper, Superintendent of Educa- tion for Nova Scotia, and is now President of Mount Allison College, has thrown much light on the origin of the population of what is now sometimes called by the general name of Acadia. Most readers will be surprised to learn how the settlers from the older colonies and Ireland predominated PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XXXIX over all others ; for most people are inclined to believe that the American element of the population consisted almost altogether of United Empire Loyalists, while the great Irish influx took place about 1847. Nearly half of the inhabitants in 1767 are entered as ‘ American.” The third in order of the papers is a continuation of “ The Early History of the Parish of St. George, Halifax,” by the Rev. Canon Partridge, the present rector, and contains a deal of matter interesting to others than members of the congregation. Following Canon Partridge’s paper is a collection of letters and other papers relating to the early history of the Church of England in Nova Scotia, copied from originals in possession of the 8. P. G. in London. The last paper in the volume is ex-Governor Archibald’s “ Story of Deportation of Negroes from Nova Scotia to Sierra Leone.” This able essay shed much light upon an almost forgotten incident in the history of our province, a deportation which took place a hundred years ago. It is hoped that the coming season will be more productive of original work than the past. XVIUI.—From “he Botanical Club of Canada, through Dr. Geo. Lawson, Halifax, N.S. The Botanical Club of Canada originated in a recommendation made by the Fourth Section of the Royal Society at the tenth annual meeting held in Montreal in May, 1891, in accordance with which an organization was formed entirely independent of the Royal Society, but associated with it, and having to it the same relation as the other associated literary and scientific societies of the Dominion. The objects of the club are to adopt means, by concerted local efforts and otherwise, to promote the exploration of the flora of every portion of British America, to publish complete lists of the same in local papers as the work goes on, and to have these lists collected and carefully examined in order to arrive at a correct knowledge of the precise character of our flora and its geographical distribution. The method is to stimulate, with the least possible paraphernalia of constitution or rules, increased activity in our botanists in each locality, to create a corps of collecting botanists wherever there may be none at present, to encourage the formation of field clubs, to publish lists of local floras in the local press, etc., etc.; for which purpose the secretaries for the provinces may appoint secretaries for counties or districts, who will be expected in like manner to transmit the same impetus to as many as possible within their own sphere of action. Members and secretaries, while carrying out plans of operation which they may find to be promising of success in their particular districts, will report as frequently as possible to the officer under whom they may be immediately acting. In November a half-yearly report of the work of the season should be made by every officer in the manner above indicated, so that a summary of the whole work of the club during the summer may be in the hands of the head officers, whose duty it will be to prepare a general report from the information thus obtained. It shall also be the duty of the head officers thereafter to see that the field work for the following season is prepared for, by efficient organization in every locality possible before the Ist of May; and, from the second half-yearly reports to be sent up from every locality through the regular officers before 10th May, to complete a full and accurate statement of the year’s operations prior to the annual meeting of the Royal Society, which takes place that month. To cover the expenses of official printing and postage, a nominal fee of 25 cents per annum is required for membership (or $1 for five years, in advance, or $5 for life membership). Provincial secretaries, in remitting the amount of fees from members to the general treasurer, are authorized to deduct the necessary expenses for provincial official work, transmitting vouchers for the same with the balance. Xi ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. The local press has so far helped, and its powerful aid should not only be invoked but also duly appreciated by the botanists. Where there is no botanist to commence work, all that is necessary is to get one or more collectors, whose collections can be determined and named at any time. Such collectors will find their correspondence with the club officers an admirable means of facilitating their own botanical studies and of speedily transforming them into genuine botanists. During the past year progress has been made in organization, and a certain amount of scientific work has been done, chiefly of a preliminary kind. It was intended to include in this report a full statement of the club’s operations, and with this view a circular was prepared by the general secre- tary in April, for the purpose of being sent to the several secretaries of provinces, ete., in order to elicit information as to the work done in each locality. Owing, however, to personal sickness, and his dwelling having been placed under quarantine, the general secretary was prevented from carrying out his plans, and consequently the information now presented is less perfect than it otherwise would have been, and may be regarded rather as a semi-annual report than a statement of the year’s operations. The annual meeting of the club was held in the Railway Committee room, House of Commons, on Thursday, June 2nd, at 9.30 a.m., Dr. George Lawson in the chair, There were present Dr. Lawson, Profs. Macoun, Fowler and Penhallow. In the absence of the secretary, Dr. Mackay, Prof. Penhallow was requested to act as secretary. Dr. Lawson presented the half-yearly report of the secretary, who was unavoidably detained from being present. Prof. Macoun submitted a report of progress for Ontario, and Prof. Penhallow did likewise for Quebec. On motion of Prof. Macoun, seconded by Prof. Fowler, these reports were adopted. The election of officers for the ensuing year resulted in returning all the officers for the previous year. On motion of Prof. Macoun, seconded by Prof. Penhallow, a vote of thanks was extended to Dr. Mackay for his zealous and efficient services as secretary during the past year. Officers of the Club. President—George Lawson, Ph.D., LL.D., F.RS.C., Halifax, N.S. Secretary-Treasurer—A. H. Mackay, B.A., B.Sc., LL.D., F.R.S.C., Halifax, NS. Secretaries for the Provinces. Ontario—John Macoun, M.A., F.L.S., F.R.S.C., Ottawa. Quebec—D. P. Penhallow, B.Sc., F.R.S.C., Montreal. New Brunswick—Geo. U. Hay, Ph.B., St. John. Nova Scotia—k. J. Lay, Esq., Amherst. Prince Edward Island—Francis Bain, Esq., North River. Newfoundland—Rev. A. C. Waghorne, New Harbour. Manitoba—Rev. W. A. Burman, B.D., Middle Church P. O. Alberta—W. S. Galbraith, Esq., Lethbridge. Saskatchewan—Rev. C. W. Bryden, Battleford. Accounts of the General Treasurer, A. H. Mackay, Halifax, N.S. RECEIPTS. 1891—June 13. Life dues—Secretary, A. H. Mackay, Halifax, N.S.................. $ 5 00 July 1. Dues, 91—W.S. Galbraith, Lethbridge, Alberta. ................... 0 25 Dec. 30. Dues, 91—Rev. A. C. Waghorne, New Harbour, Nfld............. 0 25 Dues, ‘91 to ’95—Arthur White, Survey Office, St. John, Nfld... 1 00 PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XLL 1892—Mar. 11. Dues, ’91—C. C. McCaul, Calgary, Alberta... $0 25 Dues, ‘91—J. C. Mackin, Lethbridge, Alberta...............00+s000 0 25 Dues, ’91—J. D. Higginbotham, Lethbridge, Alberta......... cone 0 25 Dues, ’91—Miss H. Shepard, Hamilton, Ont. ......................, 0 25 Dues, ’91—Mrs. White-Fraser, Pincher Creek, Alberta............ 0 25 May 14. Life dues—President George Lawson, Halifax, N.S................ 5 00 MOLALATOCOIDIS erecces serres semesses een er rerccee eee $12 75 EXPENDITURE. 1891—June 13. Record book and letter-filing box «............. .c.ceseseeoneeesesccesneoe $ 1 50 Postage’and newspapers Mailledisss.nac-cuscssecsanssssenesectsdecieersnc2 2 00 ED AUS L800) HEE}. sonbob aagagdn0 pndboroc00c bono banc one noce Un LAON DDecaacomasseeoaEqo00g0 1 00 Oli, G3; TOME soconteqcooaenoodbgacondonecno shod bocakosingacaqaEocOAorOKHD cqdes59GI0000 1 00 1892—Jan. 2. Paid T. C. Allen & Co. (1,000 letter-heads and circulars).......... 9 50 ADI AS POSTE faeweessinaessrcesncs cepieseassieste tas sacuecdereses saictaverseeesdscsuatocsse 1 00 AMIE) oa OTE MTTUTES nee ccoon anda nencenepaoerocrhsdSencddesoo6rS $16 00 May 17. Excess of expenditure to date ........ SoGnondaeaSaga noo gENbodonDenaectae $ 3 25 During the year many plants were sent me for determination. Several local lists of plants have been sent me. I have also given some assistance in the preparation of some lists for publication. Other officers of the club, I understand, have had occasion to do similar work. In most of the pro- vinces members of the club are making observations on the dates of the seasonal development of plants, as recommended by a committee of the Royal Society. It appears to me to be too early in the history of the club yet to form an idea of the best way in which it can stimulate or direct the study of our flora. While general directions to secure a certain measure of uniformity is desirable, I think no restraint should be imposed on members which would tend to prevent their discovery of useful methods of developing an interest in botanical work in their respective spheres, The reports of the secretaries of the several provinces, or abstracts of them, are appended hereto. A. H. Macray, Secretary Botanical Club, Canada. Report of the Secretary for the Province of Quebec of the Botanical Club of Canada. During the past year special secretaries have been appointed for seven counties, und the work of organization has been entered upon most enthusiastically. As, however, these appointments were not completed until last autumn, there was no opportunity for effective work to be undertaken. It is nevertheless anticipated that the present spring and summer will be productive of good results. In many counties where the flora most needs investigation it has as yet been impossible to sccure com- petent secretaries, and in almost all cases it has been a difficult matter to arouse sufficient enthusiasm among more than one or two to carry on efficient work. An effort has been made to pave the way to more thorough and lasting interest in this work by enlisting the co-operation of scholars in the various schools and academies where the subject of botany is taught. Work is continuing in the direction of preparing a catalogue of the flora of Montreal island. Two brief articles on local floras have been published, as also a little handbook for the use of col- lectors, which it is believed may be of service in promoting the work of the club. It is with deep regret that I have to record the death of l'Abbé Provancher. During the greater Proc. 1892. +. XLII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. part of the year his health was in such a state as to prevent his entering actively into the work of the club, and his final decease has created a vacancy among the local secretaries which I have as yet been unable to fill. D. P. PENHALLOW, Secretary for Quebec. Financial Statement. RECEIPTS. Twelve annual subscriptions................ 0 sees Ducs mes re con Teen $3 00 Two five-year subsCriptioOns .........ccseecesvercenreeseceecasceasercenerccsere sossnnce 2 00 $5 00 EXPENDITURES. Postage:.. 2300 de uae ncurs ountnene ome arner depWeeiau some c een te Penn se CE ee eae $1 19 Printing, CIN CUIATS eee. see seen eee semence mcm eee eee aloes 3 50 $4 69 CASNIONIRANAR 27 2-ec pe-e- eee eee ee eee ee 0 31 $5 00 Membership. Prof..G. Hi Chandler, Montreal..." cones One year. H. H. Lyman CO nd contra snb aR Be ouns dans oo KE D. P. Penhallow En lus bee ace rs res cn eee or et net eS Ty Abbé Provancher, Cap Rouge: .:..-..::--scscsrqeresecwsersssescreceeeersser tf SAN IIE) JG CP [3 EMS) a iponno ogbncnsonndn donor, ee ee Six years. Dre Ae MacDonalds Sherbrooke ee denence tenia eae™ One year. Rev. Robt. Hamilton, Grenville, and three members of family....... ae Miss 5. B. Binmore, Clarenceville.....20.2.c0.c6..000+.csseseesscasteensacascs ke Miss May Johnson FF egndocbacaeadccasupensadaghooebebagoage conte a Miss C. M. Derick OMe enc ccccod a ee mon boos Five years. County Secretaries. Laval and Montreal—Dr. T. J. W. Burgess, Protestant Hospital for the Insane, Montreal. Argenteuil—Rey. Robt. Hamilton, Grenville. Brome—A. J. Gilman, B.A., Knowlton. Huntingdon—Alex. Walsh, B.A., Huntington. Missisquoi—S. W. Mack, B.A., Durham. Quebec—L’ Abbé Provancher, Cap Rouge. Sherbrooke—Dr, D. A. MacDonald, Sherbrooke. Report of Attempted Work in Ontario. Orrawa, May 27th, 1892. In June, 1891, circulars were sent out and correspondence solicited. A number of responses were received, and many expressed a belief that the society would do good work. Last month I wrote to leading botanists in the west, but hitherto no responses have been re- ceived. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XLIIT The only money received has been from John Morton, Esq., barrister, Wingham, Ont., who wished to join the society, and sent $1 for fees, which is inclosed, with $1 from myself, Joun Macotn, Secretary. New Brunswick. (Proy. Secretary, Principal Geo. U. Hay, Ph.B., St. John.) Provincial circulars were issued. Notices in the press were given. Local clubs have been formed and interesting “finds” reported. The following county secretaries were appointed : Charlotte—J. Vroom, St. Stephens, Queens—W. 8. Butler, Grand Lake. York—Prof. J. Britton and Geo. A. Inch, B.Sc., Fredericton. St. John County— H. F. Perkins, Fairville. St. John City—Austin C. Stead. Restigouche—Helen L. Galt, Campbellton. Kent—I. J. Caie, Richibucto. Westmoreland—Geo. J. Oulton, Dorchester. Victoria—H. C. Henderson, B.A., Andover. Nova Scotia. (Prov. Secretary, Principal EK. J. Lay, Amherst.) Provincial circulars were issued. Notices in the press were given. Local lists have been com- piled in some localities and interesting discoveries made The following county secretaries were appointed : Pictou—C. B. Robinson, B.A., Pictou. Cumberland—N. D. McTavish, Springhill. Yarmouth—Miss Antoinette Forbes, B.A., Yarmouth. Shelburne—Geo. H. Cox, B.A., Shelburne. Halifax—Miss Ida M. Creighton, Halifax. Colchester—Jotham U. Logan, B.A., Upper Stewiacke. Guysboro’—Dr. Chas. A. Hamilton, Guysboro’. The first part of a critical catalogue of Nova Scotian plants has been published in the ‘ Trans- - actions of the Nova Scotia Institute of Science,’ under the title of ‘“ Notes for a Flora of Nova Scotia,” by Prof. Lawson This part includes the thalamifioral orders. These notes will be continued. Copies will be sent to all members of the club desiring them. Prince Edward Island. (Prov. Secretary, Francis Bain, Esq., North River.) Published nature and object of club in the local papers. Published a list of the island plants, Added 36 phænogams and 81 algæ to list since publication. Principal John MeSwain, St. Dunstan’s School, Charlottetown. Newfoundland. (Prov. Secretary, Rev. A. C. Waghorne, New Harbour.) Published notes in the local press. Making collections from Labrador to St. Pierre and Mique- lon. Compiling a flora of the whole region. At present the list stands 1617; viz., phænogams 907, — XLIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. acrogens 61, bryophytes 68, mosses 285, lichens 223, alge 73. Active members: Arthur White (95), Survey Department, St. John’s; Principal R. E. Holloway, B.A., St. Johns. Manitoba. (Proy. Secretary, Rev. W. A. Burman, B.D., Middle Church.) Published provincial circulars and gave notices in the public press. Local secretaries : Indian Head, N W.T.—D. B. Macoun (91). Emerson—Michael Scott (91). St. François Xavier—Mrs. Morrison (791). Pleasant Forks, N.W.T.—Thos. R. Donelly (90). Minnewawa—W. R. Tymms (90). Medicine Hat, N.W.T.—Walter Sharp (’90). Alberta. (Prov. Secretary, W. S. Galbraith, Esq., Lethbridge.) Nature and object of the club published in the local press. Collections made. Local secretaries: Calgary—C. C. McCaul (91). Lethbridge—J. F. MacKin (91) and J. D. Higginbotham (91). Hamilton, Ont.—Miss H. Shepard (91). Pincher Creek—Mrs. White-Fraser (91). Saskatchewan. (Prov. Secretary, Rev. C. W. Bryden, Battleford.) Published local list in local newspapers, August, 1891. March 24th, 1892, Botanical Club organized at Battleford with seven members. President—Rev. C. W. Bryden. Vice-President—Rev. E. K. Matheson. Secretary-Treasurer—P. G. Laurie, Esq. InrropuctIoN oF NEW FELLOWS. The following gentlemen were introduced to the President as new Fellows of the Society :— . Mr. 'T. C. Keefer, by Dr. Fleming. Rey. Dr. Bethune, by Mr. Fletcher. Rev. J. Fowler, by Dr. Kingsford. Mr. J. E. Roy, by Mr. LeMoine. Dr. W. H. Ellis, by Mr. Macfarlane. The Society then adjourned. SESSION II. (May 31st.) The meeting was called to order in one of the Committee Rooms of the House of Commons at 3 o’clock p.m., on Tuesday, May 31st. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XLV There were present the Honorary President and Patron, His Excellency the Right Honourable the Lord Stanley of Preston, G.C.B., the Lady Stanley and about 55 members and delegates, besides a number of citizens of Ottawa. The President, the Rev. Abbé J. C. K. Laflamme, D.D., delivered his inaugural address. Discours pu PRÉSIDENT. Mespames, MESSIEURS, La Société royale a été tout particulièrement éprouvée depuis la date de sa dernière réunion. La mort est venu frapper dans ses rangs des victimes relativement nombreuses, puisque trois des sec- tions qui la composent ont aujourd’hui de cruelles pertes à déplorer. La première section a vu partir Alphonse Lusignan ; la troisième, le D' T, Sterry Hunt, et la quatrième l’abbé Provancher. Alphonse Lusignan était un rude travailleur. Nous nous rappelons tous le zèle qu’il mettait à promouvoir les intérêts de la Société royale. Qu'il nous suffise d’en donner pour preuve la fidélité avec laquelle il assistait à toutes ses délibérations, et la large part qu’il prenait généralement aux dis- cussions qui y survenaient. Quant à ses qualités d'écrivain, nous laissons à nos amis de la section de littérature française à les apprécier comme elles le méritent. Ils sont en mesure de le faire avec beaucoup plus de compétence que nous-mêmes. Nous regardons plus spécialement comme notre part à nous, de faire voir aussi brièvement que possible la grande valeur scientifique de l'abbé Provancher et du D' T. Sterry Hunt. Nous tenons à dire bien haut quel vide le départ de ces deux infatigables chercheurs a fait dans nos rangs, et com- bien nous regrettons de voir la Société royale privée à jamais de leur précieuse collaboration. L'abbé Provancher sera toujours regardé comme une des grandes figures de la science canadienne- française. Dès le commencement de son ministère curial, l’étude des sciences naturelles occupait tous ses loisirs. Grâce à une rigoureuse économie de tous ses instants, il savait allier les recherches scientifi- ques avec l’accomplissement consciencieux de ses devoirs de pasteur. Et cela à tel point, qu'il avait encore la direction d’une paroisse lorsqu'il publia en 1862, sa Flore canadienne, un des ouvrages les plus importants qui soient sortis de sa plume, Sans doute, ce livre, écrit il y a déjà une vingtaine d'années, renferme maintenant de nombreuses lacunes, sans parler de plusieurs inexactitudes. Toute- fois, ce sera un grand honneur à l'abbé Provancher d'avoir frayé le premier une route où plusieurs autres l'ont suivi, mais où bien peu l’ont dépassé. La même année, il écrivit le Verger canadien qui en fut bientôt à sa troisième édition, succès assez rare pour les ouvrages canadiens, surtout pour les ouvrages de science. Dans le même genre, il avait publié en 1856, un petit traité de botanique destiné spécialement aux collèges et aux maisons d'éducation ; il le réédita en 1886. On y remarque toujours la même clarté, la même précision que dans les autres écrits du savant abbé. Cependant, quelques inexactitudes, surtout au point de vue de la physiologie végétale, enlévent un peu de sa valeur à l’ensemble de l'ouvrage, et indiquent que l’au- teur ne s'était pas parfaitement tenu au courant des progrès sciontifiques réalisés dans ces dernières années, Une fois retiré du ministère curial, l'abbé se livra exclusivement à l’étude des sciences naturelles, concentrant particulièrement ses recherches sur l’entomologie. Il nous a laissé sur nos insectes une Petite Faune entomologique en deux volumes. Le premier est consacré exclusivement aux coléop- tères, avec deux additions, -faites, l’une en 1877 et l’autre en 1878. Le second traite des orthoptères, des névroptères et des hyménoptères. Cet ouvrage est, lui aussi, d'une grande valeur. Malheureuse- ment, ici comme dans sa Flore, l'auteur avait à tracer son chemin le premier dans un champ encore inexploré. Et ceux qui s'occupent de science savent combien il est difficile en ces matières d’être parfait du premier coup. Ce n’est que par de longues et patientes recherches que la vérité se fait jour XLVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. complétement, et le travail de plusieurs hommes est nécessaire pour arriver 4 quelque chose de com- plet. Aussi, rien de surprenant si cette faune se ressent un peu des conditions défavorables où se trouvait son auteur. Notre collègue y décrit en effet comme nouvelles quelques espèces qui avaient été déjà décrites par d’autres. Faut-il tant s'étonner? N’était-il pas plutôt à peu près impossible qu’il en fût autrement? Les travaux des savants étrangers sont éparpillés dans une foule de journaux et de revues qui se publient dans toutes les parties du monde, et les revenus plus que modiques dont disposait l’infatigable savant ne lui permettaient pas le luxe d'abonnements dispendieux, abonnements que nos bibliothèques publi- ques elles-mêmes, avec leurs ressources, souvent très grandes, croient devoir trop souvent se refuser. Mais l'œuvre par excellence de l'abbé Provancher est sans contredit la publication de son Naturaliste, publication qu’il a continué pendant vingt-deux ans, en dépit d’obstacles toujours renaissants et d’éclipses passagères. C’est là que l’on trouve le savant abbé avec toute sa valeur scien- tifique ; sa plume facile sinon toujours élégante et correcte, son amour très vif pour la science et sa vigueur de polémique qui, il faut bien l’avouer, ne fut pas toujours assez prudemment contrôlée ni assez scrupuleusement contenue, Sous prétexte de défendre la science ou d’en prendre les intérêts, ii lui arrivait souvent de toucher à des sujets qui n'avaient de scientifique que ce que pouvaient leur en attribuer les illusions de l’écri- vain. Pour les autres, pour les profanes, surtout pour ceux que sa plume acerbe et mordante semblait viser plus directement, il devenait évident que le savant sortait de son domaine. Alors les coups qu'il portait à droite et à gauche, d’une manière plutôt énergique qu’habile, ne pouvaient que lui attirer des polémiques souvent disgracieuses et toujours pénibles. Ça été le malheur de sa vie. S'il se fût tenu dans les limites de sa spécialité, il n'aurait eu que des amis et des admirateurs. Mais ses excursions, surtout dans le domaine brûlant de la politique, excursions toujours faites d’ailleurs avec la meilleure foi du monde et pour le plus grand bien des études scientifiques, lui ont valu dans le temps, un certain nombre d’ennemis qui ne lui ont pas toujours pardonné assez facilement les rudes coups qu'ils en avaient reçus. Cela n'empêche pas le Naturaliste d'être une œuvre de grand mérite. On y trouve une collection très précieuse de presque tous les faits qui se rapportent de près ou de loin à l’histoire naturelle du Canada. C’est là qu'il a publié ses longues et patientes recherches originales sur les insectes et sur une foule d’autres sujets connexes, avant de les mettre en volumes. Le Naturaliste devra toujours être consulté par quiconque s'occupera de nos espèces animales. C’est une véritable mine, toute remplie de merveilleuses richesses. Dans les dernières années de sa vie, l'abbé Provancher s'est occupé à peu près exclusivement de malacologie. Il a 1éuni, sans épargner les dépenses, une très belle collection de mollusques, canadiens et autres, et celui qui en héritera aura en partage un vrai trésor. Nous avons du même auteur de jolis récits de voyage, récits qu’il avait d'abord publiés dans le Naturaliste. En résumé, on peut affirmer que l'abbé Provancher a été l’un des travailleurs qui ont le plus con- tribué à faire connaître chez nos compatriotes et au dehors, les travaux scientifiques importants qui se sont faits dans notre pays pendant ces dernières années, surtout pour ce qui regarde certaines divi- sions de notre faune. Doué d’un zèle passionné pour l’histoire naturelle, d'une énergie indomptable quand il s'agissait d'atteindre un but donné, on ne l’a jamais vu reculer devant les obstacles qu'il a rencontrés sur sa route. Il savait trouver dans un travail opiniâtre et les ressources de sa longue expérience de quoi faire face aux difficultés sans nombre qui attendent toujours ceux qui tentent des voies nouvelles. Avant lui, ou plutôt, avant le groupe de naturalistes ses contemporains, parmi lesquels il dispa- raît à peu près le dernier, on ne trouve guère personne qui ait laissé sa marque dans les sciences natu- relles. Aucune publication sérieuse n'avait vu le jour. Et il n'est que juste de dire qu'il a été parmi nous le grand vulgarisateur de ses sciences de prédilection, la botanique, l’entomologie et la malacolo- gie. Au fond, il n'avait jamais rêvé d'autre rôle. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XLVII Il a laissé en mourant une bibliothèque et des collections précieuses qui courent grand risque d'être dispersées à tous les hasards d’une vente à l'enchère. Si cette vente a ‘ieu, ce sera un grand malheur pour la science canadienne. car ces collections renferment les types d'un grand nombre d’espèces nouvelles qu'il a décrites dans le cours de ses travaux entomologiques. L'abbé Provancher était officier d'académie, membre de la Société royale et docteur ès sciences de l'Université Laval. Le titre de membre fondateur de notre Société lui avait été offert dès le com- mencement. Il n'avait pas cru alors devoir accepter cette honorable position. Ce ne fut que plus tard, sur les instances de ses amis, qu'il se décida à se joindre à nous et à nous faire part de ses con- naissances scientifiques. Malheureusement, nous n’avons pas pu jouir longtemps de sa société. Epuisé par des travaux trop longs et trop opiniâtres, sa santé a diminué peu à peu et il est disparu de nos rangs alors que nous pouvions encore espérer profiter plusieurs années de sa précieuse collaboration. Le nom du D'T. Sterry Hunt vient clore cette liste funèbre, Il est décédé à New-York, en février dernier. Ne croyez pas que mon intention soit de faire la biographie d'un homme dont la carrière scienti- fique fut aussi longue, aussi remplie, aussi brillante que celle de Hunt. Mais on voudra bien me per- mettre quelques mots à l'adresse d’un savant qui fut presque mon collègue à l’Université Laval, et dont l'amitié personnelle m’a toujours été particulièrement précieuse. , Il n’y a aucune exagération à dire que Hunt a occupé dans la science l’une des premières places. Sa carrière scientifique, commencée et terminée aux Etats-Unis, s'est écoulée en grande partie au Canada, de façon qu'il fut bien l’un des nôtres. A peine âgé de soixante-six ans, le D' Hunt a été emporté par une maladie qui ne pardonne pas, l'hypertrophie du cœur. Depuis plusieurs années déjà, on prévoyait ce-triste dénouement, et cepen- dant, la nouvelle de la mort du savant canadien a péniblement affecté les nombreux amis qu’il comp- tait en Europe et en Amérique. L'histoire de sa vie se résume en des travaux scientifiques de premier ordre qu'il a publiés à diverses reprises, depuis 1845, Dans tous ses ouvrages, on est sûr de rencontrer le résultat de recher- ches consciencieuses et suivies, une méthode toujours rigoureuse et un culte tout particulier pour l’exactitude des observations et des expériences. Parmi les savants de notre temps, Hunt était au pre- mier rang, et son nom était cité à côté des grandes autorités américaines et curopéennes. Il avait recu des titres académiques des universités Harvard, Laval, McGill et Cambridge en Angleterre. I] était officier de la Légion d'honneur et de l’ordre des SS. Maurice et Lazare en Italie. Naturellement, son nom figurait sur la liste des membres des principales sociétés savantes du monde, à commencer par la Société royale d'Angleterre, où il fut admis dès 1859. Mais laissant de côté tous ces titres à l'admiration des savants de tous les pays, nous préférons le regarder simplement comme un compatriote, nous dirons mieux, comme un confrère, puisqu'il avait bien voulu accepter de l'Université Laval le titre de professeur honoraire à la Faculté des Arts, après y avoir professé, de 1856 à 1862, soit la chimie, soit la minéralogie et la géologie. C’est lui-même qui a classé nos musées de minéralogie et de géologie, et ce sera l’un des plus précieux souvenirs que nous garderons de cet illustre confrère. I] a même tenu en mourant à nous laisser un monument impéris- sable de son passage à la Faculté des Arts, en fondant des bourses pour les étudiants en chimie; ce qu'il a fait d’ailleurs dans toutes les institutions où il avait enseigné. Ses anciens élèves se rappellent encore l'intérêt qu'il savait mettre dans ses leçons ; la clarté admi- rable avec laquelle il expliquait les points les plus difficiles de la chimie organique alors en voie de transformation. Il faisait son cours en français, avec un léger accent qui rendait sa manière de dire encore plus piquante. En août dernier, lorsque nous nous rendions à Washington, nous arrêtions le voir à New-York. Complètement brisé par la terrible maladie qui devait si vite le conduire au tombeau, le D' Hunt n'eut rien de plus pressé que de s'informer de ses amis de Québec; surtout de ME Hamel et de Son Eminence le cardinal, pour qui il avait un culte particulier. 11 nous donnait ainsi une nouvelle preuve XLVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. de cette bonté de cœur qui lui a fait garder, toute sa vie, le meilleur souvenir de ses anciens confrères de Québec. A plusieurs reprises, il nous répéta qu'il se sentait mourir. I] ne demandait qu'une chose: ter- miner son grand ouvrage sur la classification minéralogique, ouvrage qui devait être le dernier mot de sa carrière scientifique. Ce magnifique volume a été publié quelques semaines avant sa mort. Peut-être le travail incessant qu'il s'imposait à ce propos a-t-il précipité le dénouement fatal. Dans les derniers temps, Hunt travaillait encore plus de six heures par jour, à revoir les épreuves, à faire de nouvelles recherches et à ajouter des notes à son livre. Comme toujours, il n’ambitionnait qu'une chose : la vérité. Il avait horreur des théories fantaisistes qui trop souvent font irruption dans le domaine de la science, grâce à la complaisance trop grande qu’engendre quelquefois ce que l’on pourrait appeler le compagnonnage scientifique. Il raisonnait les idées des autres avant de les accepter; il se défait, comme Stallo, son grand ami, du charlatanisme, sous quelque forme qu'il pit se présenter. Il contré- lait tout, et, si les théories à la mode ne lui convenaient pas, il cherchait ailleurs, et il trouvait souvent dans ses propres idées la solution cherchée. Quelquefois même cette défiance des théories courantes le poussait vraiment trop loin. 11 lui est ainsi arrivé de vouloir remplacer les hypothèses admises avant lui, par d’autres hypothèses dont la probabilité n’égalait pas toujours aux yeux de ses confrères cello des théories qu'il croyait démodées. Telle est entre autres, sa théorie dite crinitique sur l’origine des gneiss. Qu'il me soit permis de citer encore comme un exemple caractéristique des idées toutes person- nelles de Hunt ce qu'il dit sur la nature des combinaisons chimiques. La grande loi des proportions définies a fait adopter par tous les chimistes, à peu d’exceptions près, la théorie atomique sur la constitution de la matière. Dans cette hypothèse, (car au fond ce n’est qu’une hypothèse), tous les corps sont des agrégats d’atomex ou de molécules, et les composés résultent du groupement des atomes des composants, De même, la décomposition se produit quand ces molécules se résolvent en groupements plus simples. Dans l'hypothèse opposée de la continuité de la matière, telle que soutenue autrefois par Platon et Aristote, et défendue encore de nos jours par leurs disciples, les corps ne seraient pas des agglomé- rations d’atomes distincts, séparés les uns des autres par un espace vide. La matière serait continue et indéfiniment divisible. Hunt se prononce carrément pour cette dernière hypothèse. Pour lui les combinaisons chimi- ques ne consistent pas dans des groupements nouveaux de parcelles (molécules ou atomes) préexistan- tes, mais dans la compénétration des corps qui se combinent. En 1853, il écrivait: “ Les volumes des espèces qui se combinent sont toujours confondus dans celui de la nouvelle espèce qui se produit. . . La théorie atomique qui fait consister la combinaison dans la juxtaposition des éléments composants est insoutenable.” Il adopte tout simplement la définition que Hegel donne de la combinaison, en disant que c'est “l'identification du différent et la différenciation de l'identique”. Il allait encore plus loin quand il prétendait en 1867, que toutes les espèces minérales devaient sortir d’un seul élément, ou d'une matière première, par procédé chimique. De là une très curieuse conclusion: c’est que ‘toute combinaison chimique est simplement une solution ; les espèces qui se combinent sont comme dissoutes les unes dans les autres ; la solu- tion elle-même est une combinaison chimique.” Il affirme même que c’est chez elle qu’on trouve le type le plus parfait de ce qu'il appelle le procédé chimique. Comme corollaire de ses idées sur la combinaison chimique, nous voyons Hunt affirmer que la con- densation des espèces minérales est le grand facteur génétique des espèces nouvelles. Pour lui, la glace, l’eau et la vapeur sont trois espèces distinctes, différenciées uniquement par un phénomène de polymérisation. Nous venons de le dire, il ne recule pas devant l’idée de n’admettre qu'une espèce unique originelle, de laquelle seraient dérivées toutes les autres par voie de condensation ou de com- pénétration. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. XLIX Il nous semble voir le résumé des idées de Hunt sur l’action chimique dans ces paroles que nous lisons à la page 152 de son livre A new basis for chemistry: “L'action chimique ne doit pas être confondue avec l’un quelconque des agents dynamiques (chaleur, lumière ou électricité). C’est plutôt l'une des manifestations de l'énergie propre à la matière, qui porte celle-ci vers l'intégration ou la désintégration, suivant que les conditions où elle se trouve favorisent l’un ou l’autre de ces procédés.” Au chimiste nerveux, que ces idées anti-atomistiques pourraient scandaliser, nous ferons obser- ver avec Fridel, à qui nous empruntons ces réflexions, que la théorie atomique, après avoir produit pour les progrès des sciences des fruits merveilleux, après s'être légitimée et avoir été acceptée par la généralité des savants, en est arrivée à ce point où l’on sent le besoin de la soumettre de nouveau à un examen attentif. Il est nécessaire qu'elle soit critiquée sévèrement dans ses fondements, afin que les conséquences qui peuvent s’en déduire ne restent pas en l'air. Et ces critiques, si elles ne renversent pas la théorie, peuvent cependant la modifier plus ou moins profondément, Eu tous cas, elles forcent à réfléchir ceux qui se servent habituellement de cette hypothèse, et, y trouvant pour leurs recherches expérimentales un guide sûr, pourraient être tentés de lui accorder une confiance trop grande. Mais ces objections fussent-elles encore plus graves, il faudrait avant de décider les chimistes à renoncer à une théorie qui a été entre leurs mains un instrument de si précieuses et de si nombreuses découvertes, leur offrir quelque chose de mieux à mettre à la place. Les physiciens n’ont pas renoncé à la théorie de la lumière à cause des difficultés graves, des contradictions apparentes que présente le concept de l’éther lumineux. Dans leurs généralisations, les savants et les philosophes dépouillent les faits de leurs caractères particuliers, et ils arrivent à ce qu’ils croient pouvoir considérer comme des principes simples et géné- raux. Mais, à ce sujet, les savants qui s'occupent d’investigations expérimentales sont, par la nature même de celles-ci, retenus plus près de la réalité que les philosophes, et souvent les controverses de ces derniers se passent par-dessus leurs têtes. Le point délicat pour les savants est de ne pis conclure au delà des prémisses, et de ne pasaller plus loin que les faits constatés par l'observation oa l’expé- rience. A ce point de vue, il nous semble que Hunt, en philosophant sur ce qu’il appelle la matière première, élément primordial d'où seraient sorties toutes les espèces minérales, va au delà des données de l'expérience et des conclusions légitimes qu'on en peut tirer. Quoi qu'il en soit, en niant la solidité de la théorie atomique, Hunt n'est pas aussi isolé qu'on pourrait le supposer. Il suffit, pour s’en convaincre, de lire les travaux de Stallo, Whewell, Hirn et de plusieurs autres physiciens philosophes. Stallo démontre d’une manière qu'on pourrait dire implacable les inconséquences, les impossibilités même de cette théorie. Ecoutons-le plutôt résumer sa pensée sur ce sujet: “Il semble impossible,” dit-il, “d'échapper à cette conclusion : 1° la prétention des sciences physiques tout entières de fournir une solution partielle et progressive du problème de la réduction de tous les phénomènes physiques à un système de mécanique atomique, est très imparfaitement confirmée par la constitution actuelle de la théorie atomique ; 2° la science physique qui s'occupe particulièrement des atomes et de leurs mouvements, part d’une série de propositions qui détruisent la seule base sur laquelle la construction d’une mécanique atomique cohérente puisse être fondée. On ne peut guère espérer voir ces proposi- tions abandonnées prochainement; car, dans l'opinion des chimistes les plus distingués d’au ourd’hui, un tel abandon jetterait dans une confusion sans espoir, comme à l’origine de la science, l'ensemble des faits chimiques, laborieusement acquis par l’expérimentation et l'observation, dirigées, au moins en partie, par les propositions rappelées plus haut.” Whewell, de son côté, affirme carrément que “ les faits de la chimie n’établissent pas que la théorie atomique soit une vérité physique, mais qu'ils sont au contraire absolument irréconciliables avec son ’ ensemble, quelque moditication qu'on lui ait fait subir.” —“ Affirmer l’aton ç'té des corps,” ajou‘e-t-il, “comme une vérité philosophique pour expliquer la constitution de univers, au lieu de la rexarder simplement comme une hypothèse capable d'expliquer convenablement les lois de la nature, c’est Proc. 1892. «a. L ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. venir se heurter à des difficultés de raisonnement tout à fait insurmontables, à des phénomènes absolu- ment irréconciliables.” Quant à Hirn, tout le monde se rappelle ses belles expériences sur l'écoulement des gaz, dort le résultat nécessaire est d'ébranler les fondements de la théorie dite cinétique de ces fluides. Or c’est précisément de cette théorie cinétique que les atomistes croient tirer un de leurs plus forts arguments. En dépit des explications et des réponses de Clausius, Folie et autres physiciens, les résultats de Hirn sont restés intacts, avec tous les corollaires qu’on en peut tirer. A tel point que M. Faye, en rendant compte à l'Académie des sciences des travaux de Hirn, était obligé de faire ressortir les conséquences qui en découlaient relativement à la théorie cinétique des gaz. Il ajoutait que cette théorie, émise d’abord par Bernouilli en 1747, et qui avait ensuite rallié l'opinion de tous les physiciens, à de rares exceptions près, “lui avait toujours paru à lui par trop artificielle, et qu’il n’était pas surpris de voir l'expérience lui donner le coup de grâce.” C’est à peu près ce que disait d’une manière plus générale H. Sainte-Claire Deville, en 1867, dans ses Lecons sur l'afinité— “Ne nous fions jamais aux hypothèses, et surtout ne donnons jamais un corps et une réalité aux abstractions que nous impose la faiblesse de notre nature. Je m'explique. Toutes les hypothèses admises aujourd’hui disparaîtront nécessairement de la science. Je ne fais aucune exception, même en faveur de cette théorie des ondulations, admirable conception de l'esprit humain, où l'hypothèse de l’éther lumineux laisse encore beaucoup à désirer. . .. “ Il en est de même en chimie. L'hypothèse des atomes, l’abstraction de l’affinité, des forces de toute sorte que nous faisons présider à toutes les réactions des corps que nous étudions, sont de pures inventions de notre esprit, des noms que nous faisons substance, des mots auxquels nous prêtons une réalité. ... Toutes ces hypothèses sont nuisibles quand on oublie leur origine et leur entrée dans la science, et elles nous conduisent alors à ce mysticisme scientifique dont la chimie donne en ce moment un malheureux exemple.” En entendant ces paroles, on se rappelle naturellement ce que disait Laplace au commence- ment du siècle : ‘ Presque toutes nos connaissances ne sont que probables, et, même en mathémati- ques, les principaux moyens de parvenir à la vérité, l'induction et l’analogie, se fondent sur des probabilités” Puis il ajoutait: “Dans l'ordre moral, on est heureux de voir que les meilleures chances sont attachées à la pratique des principes éternels de la raison et de la conscience; qu'il y à par conséquent un grand avantage à suivre ces principes et de graves inconvénients à s’en écarter.” Cette manière si personnelle d'envisager les choses rend les écrits de Hunt assez difficiles à com- prendre. D'autant plus qu'il est amené à se servir souvent d’une terminologie qu'il crée de toute pièce. L'usage trop fréquent de mots nouveaux, quelque orthodoxe qu’en soit l’étymologie, a néces- sairement pour effet d’obscurcir le langage; et un auteur ne doit y avoir recours que quand la chose est absolument nécessaire, Le D' Hunt aurait dû peut-être se montrer plus réservé sur ce point. Non seulement il fabrique des expressions nouvelles, mais il en détourne quelques-unes de leur signifi- cation ordinaire pour leur en attribuer une autre à laquelle le lecteur n’est pas préparé. C’est ajouter une seconde difficulté à la première qui était déjà suffisamment grande. Nous croyons que notre savant ami eût mieux fait de s’en tenir à l’ancienne terminologie. Il faut qu'une idée soit bien neuve pour qu’il n’y ait pas déjà d'expressions capables de la rendre. Peut-être les esprits chagrins trouveraient-ils encore dans cette exhibition de mots nouveaux, dans cette parade incessante d’érudition grammaticale, des traces d’un tout petit grain de vanité, cette faiblesse de plusieurs grands esprits. Ceux qui l'ont connu intimement admettront qu’il se rendait compte de sa valeur et, ce qui est plus étrange peut-être, qu'il ne se génait pas de le dire. Toutefois, on pardonne assez facilement ces sentiments personnels de sa propre suffisance, tout en avouant qu'ils n’en constituent pas moins, chez n'importe qui, un travers de caractère qui est de nature à rendre les relations souvent pénibles, quelquefois même désagréables. Il faut être bien supé- rieur aux autres pour se permettre de le dire, et, à ce point de vue, ne craiguons pas d’avouer que PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. Li Hunt aliquid humani passus est. Mais ajoutons qu’il rachetait cette faiblesse par tant de qualités supé- rieures, surtout par une politesse et une urbanité si exquises, qu'on l’avait bien vite oubliée. Ubi plura nitent. . . . non ego paucis offendar maculis. A part l'ouvrage A new basis for chemistry, où Hunt expose les idées dont nous venons de nous entretenir, avec plusieurs autres qui paraissent également neuves, il a encore laissé un volume intitulé: Chemical and Geological Essays; un autre, Mineral Physiology and Physiography, et surtout sa Systematic Mineralogy. Nous ne dirons rien de ces ouvrages pour ne pas dépasser le cadre tracé à notre travail. Nous le regrettons sincèrement, surtout pour ce qui regarde la Systematic Mineralogy, qu'on pourrait appeler le livre Ge Hunt par excellence, le résumé de tous ses travaux, l’œuvre de toute sa vie, comme il le disait lui-même. Qu'il nous suffise de dire que, quelle que soit l'opinion que l’on ait sur la valeur scientifique des idées de notre ami, sa Mineralogy aura toujours une grande autorité. Si les conclusions de l'auteur ne sont pas au-dessus de toute discussion, les faits en eux-mêmes échappent à cette triste loi. Un penseur peut quelquefois se tromper dans ses déductions, dans ses généralisations, et nous admettons volontiers que Hunt ost dans ce cas, cependant, il y a toujours quelque chose à gagner dans l'examen de ses idées. On y apprend au moins à ne pas suivre constamment en aveugle les sentiers battus; et c’est souvent à côté de ce que l’on pourrait appeler les grandes routes des intel- ligences qu'on trouve la vérité. Hunt ne fut pas exclusivement un homme de science. Son esprit avait assez d'envergure pour s'occuper de plusieurs autres sujets. Les questions philosophiques l’intéressaient vivement, Il se tenait au courant de tous les nouveaux systèmes, à mesure qu'ils étaient exposés par leurs auteurs. Aussi personne ne sera-t-il étonné d'apprendre que la condamnation des erreurs de Rosmini par les autorités romaines, lui fut particulièrement sensible. Dans sa jeunesse, il s'était occupé de littérature. Il lisait les principaux écrivains du jour, les comparait entre eux, et son appréciation n’a jamais fait que devancer celle que les critiques de profes- sion en ont donnée plus tard, Il alla même jusqu'à écrire des vers, tout en faisant remarquer qu’il n'était pas poète, mais chi- miste. Nous avons de lui un curieux acrostiche qu’il composa alors en l'honneur d’un certaine demoi- selle Virginie * * *, Malheureusement, les accents du poète improvisé restèrent sans écho. Aussi Hunt qui aurait pu, disait-il lui-même, dédier tout aussi bien son acrostiche à trois ou quatre autres Virginies, peut-être moins insensibles, ne voulut pas pousser les choses plus loin, et il renonça complè- tement aux acrostiches qui lui avaient donné de si minces profits. Il avait certainement raison. Un chimiste qui se permet des vers, même en faveur de la plus séduisante Virgine du monde, est une anomalie tellement étrange, qu'on se prend à douter de la chimie. ... et de la poésie. Le bon Lafon- taine avait bien raison de dire: Amour, amour, quand tu nous tiens, On peut bien dire: adieu prudence. Nous avons encore de lui une traduction en vers anglais des imprécations de Camille, dans Les Horaces de Corneille et une pièce intitulée: Ævening Musings at D’ Aillebout. Lorsqu'il composa cette poésie, il vivait habituellement au Canada, et ses relations sociales étaient presqu'exclusivement avec les familles franco-canadiennes. Au commencement de la pièce, il chante les joies pures, les émotions naïves de son enfance ; puis, après avoir décrit les déchirements de cœur qui accompagnent toujours l'éloignement ou la disparition des premiers amis, Hunt continue : “That harp of magic strings, the human heart Is strangely tuned to notes of joy and pain; And both the glow of love and sorrow’s smart, The master’s spell may wake to life again. Lil ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. “Torn by rude storms from its protecting tree, The vine hangs mourning o’er the cold damp mould, But soon its tendrils weary to be free, Seek out some branch to cling to, as of old. “Such was my heart yet trembling with the strains Waked by a hand which time may ne’er restore, A vine whose drooping branches sought in vain Some kind support to raise its form once more. ‘And here kind heart’s voices have revived The withered hopes and dreams of other days; Time and the tomb, affections have survived, And with new friends, I tread life’s early ways. “Here youth with generous soul and passions pure, Invites to friendly confidence again ; And grace and genius made by years mature, Exert o’er willing hearts, their magic reign, “Such scenes, such friends have I a wanderer found. Far from my childhood’s home, my father’s halls : ’Midst those whose accents have a foreign sound, As on my ear their voice of welcome falls. “And I must say farewell — These scenes so bright, Are all too fair to gladden long my heart. Yet oft shall memory turn with fond delight To these kind friends from whom I soon must part. “The recollections of these happy days, Treasured within my heart shall ever dwell To cheer me as alone I tread life’s ways. Night gathers ’round me. D’Aillebout farewell! ” Hunt n’est pas seul sur la liste des savants poètes. Lacrange, avant lui, cette “ pyramide des sciences mathématiques,” comme l’appelait Napoléon I, avait fait des vers. Non seulement il com- posa des poésies léyéres, mais il osa même aborder la scène. Nous avons de lui quelques opéras, fort médiocres d’ailleurs, et qui n’ont jamais été loués que par leur auteur lui-même, lequel était bien aussi, en littérature, une pyramide de vanité. Hunt fut plus sage. I] sut contenir sa muse dans les limites d’un simple passe-temps. On doit même ajouter qu'il trouva plus de plaisir, plus de jouissances à déguster les œuvres littéraires des autres, qu’à eh composer lui-même. Il garda cependant toute sa vie un véritable culte pour la forme, On le constate facilement en parcourant n'importe lequel de ses ouvrages. La phrase est toujours irréprochable et facile, souvent éléyante, Le 12 février dernier, le D' Hunt faisait écrire à M# Hamel : “ Cher ME Hamel, “ Jaurais depuis longtemps accusé réception de votre bonne lettre si je n'avais pas été gravement malade. Hier, on a cru que j'allais mourir, et j'ai reçu les derniers sacrements de la main du P, Van Renselaer. Aujourd’hui, je me sens un peu mieux, bien que je souffre encore beaucoup. La dispari- tion de mes plus mauvais symptômes me fait espérer un regain de forces. “ Toujours fidèlement à vous, “T, Srerry Hunr, ‘ Par GEORGE ILES.” PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. Lill Le soir de ce même jour il était mort. Il avait voulu avant de nous quitter, donner à un vieil ami de quarante ans un dernier témoignage de sympathie, et en même temps une bien grande consolation en lui annonçant lui-même qu'il avait reçu les suprémes secours de l’Eglise des mains d’un père jésuite. On retrouve là le D' Hunt fidèle, dévoué et délicat dans tous ses rapports avec ses amis. Maintenant qu'il a quitté la terre pour un monde meilleur, espérons-le, qui sait si l’une de ses plus vives jouissances n'a pas été de découvrir tous ces mystérieux secrets de la nature, à l’éclaircisse- ment desquels il avait consacré toute sa vie? Qui sait même s'il n’a pas trouvé bien petits et bien humbles les savants ses confrères, qui s’épuisent à dissiper misérablement des ténèbres qui n’existent que dans leurs pauvres têtes et qu'un rayon d’en haut suffit pour faire disparaître à jamais? Goethe mourant demandait de la lumière! N'est-ce pas un peu ce que nous demandons tous? Dieu se la réserve pleine et entière pour l’autre vie. Mes prédécesseurs à la présidence de la Société royale avaient coutume de consacrer leur allocu- tion officielle à résumer les progrès réalisés par les sciences ou les lettres pendant l’année de leur pré- sidence. J’ai cru que les circonstances m’autorisaient à faire autre chose. Si la vue de ce qui se fait ailleurs est un encouragement puissant à ne pas nous laisser devancer et à travailler activement dans la mesure de nos forces, un enseignement non moins fécond me semble ressortir du spectacle de la mort choisissant ses victimes parmi nos confrères. Leur disparition de nos rangs nous fait bien voir qu’en fin de compte, il n’y a que les œuvres qui restent. La personne disparue est bien vite oubliée ; mais le fruit du travail demeure. Non omnis moriar, disait le poète. Ceux dont j'ai parlé aujourd’hui auraient certainement pu tenir le même langage, et le dernier vœu que je forme en terminant: c’est qu'on puisse le répéter également un jour sur la tombe de chacun de nous. The Presidential address was followed by one from Sir Daniel Wilson upon the Copyright Act, (See infra, Section IL, for full text of this address.) The meeting adjourned at 4.30. EVENING MEETING. An address was delivered on “Science in Schools,” by Prof. ©. Wesley Mills, M.A., M.D., begin- ning at 8 o'clock in the evening, in the Assembly Hall of the Normal School. This meeting was well attended and there was an interesting discussion. Rev. Principal Grant, D.D., occupied the chair, and His Excellency the Governor-General was present. A vote of thanks to the lecturer was proposed by Sir James Grant, seconded by Dr. McCabe, Principal of the Normal School at Ottawa. SESSION III. (June 2nd.) The Society met in the Railway Committee of the House of Commons, on Thursday, June 2nd. The Vice-President, Dr. J. George Bourinot, C.M.G., took the chair, and called the meeting to order. £ A letter was read from the President, the Rev. Abbé Laflamme, explaining that he had been called away suddenly by telegram to attend an important meeting of Laval University. A letter of regret was read from Rev. Prof, Clark saying that it was impossible for him to attend the annual meeting. Prof. George Lawson presented a report upon the work done by the Botanical Club of Canada during the past year. Mr. J. F. Whiteaves reported that the committee appointed to devise a systematic scheme for the recording of seasonal events in natural history and meteorology, had printed some schedules of which the following is a copy, and that copies had been sent to various students of natural history LIV ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. in the Dominion, and several to each of the affiliated societies. That these schedules were being filled in and would be reported upon at the next annual meeting. SCHEDULE OF OBSERVATIONS SUGGESTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE ROYAL Soorery or CANADA. At the annual meeting of the Royal Society of Canada for 1890, the following resolution was adopted :— “That the various natural history and scientific societies affiliated with the Royal Society be requested by it to obtain accurate records in their individual localities of meteorological phenomena, dates of the first appearance of birds, of the leafing and flowering of certain plants, and of any events of scientific interest, for collation and publication in the ‘ Transactions of the Society.’ ” The committee appointed to give effect to the foregoing resolution, decided that the best means of securing trustworthy records of a comparable kind, was to prepare a schedule of questions, cover- ing inquiries specially suited to the Dominion of Canada, and relating chiefly to a limited number of well known plants and animals of wide range, as representative species in the several regions. The subjoined schedule has accordingly been drawn up for this purpose, and it is proposed to supply copies of it to the various natural history and scientific societies throughout the Dominion for distribution to such individual members of these societies as may be induced to undertake the observations called for. It is requested that the president, secretary or other officer of each such society receiving these schedules, will undertake such distribution and will arrange with individual members for the return to him, for safe keeping, of the information collected. Arrangements will subsequently be made by correspondence with the various societies for the collection and collation by the Royal Society of Canada of the facts thus obtained. Observationsmad efatiewscnc. ce: recense TA MÉRE MORT cocaonnnbopnenanns ere eee terre BMP Er sers reset ee Plants. Alder (Alnus incana). Catkins shedding pollen. ~ All provinces...............c.-ccccccssserorsccnceseactceasears Aspen (Populus tremuloides). 1. Catkins shedding pollen. 2. Leafing out. All provinces...............- Spring Anemone, or Pasque-flower (Anemone patens, var. Nuttalliana). Flowering. Prairie region... Red Maple (Acer rubrum). Rlowerinp Master) prowimess..c.0-c.cnesseciscs ee eeeeeee Hepatica (Hepatica triloba and H. acutiloba), Flowering, Eastern provinces..............................… Adder’s tongue Lily (Zrythronium Americanum). First flower. Eastern provinces......................……. Mayflower (Epigæa repens). Flowering. Eastern provinces... sscoesevecennccoscensereseoseees WMandeliony(Lananacum afjicinale). Low erin gs weal gp rOViN CESR ere sees ieee ee eeeseeat Salmon-berry (Rubus spectabilis). 1. Flowering. 2. Ripe fruit. Coast of British Columbia............ Ash-leaved Maple, “‘ Box Elder,” Manitoba Maple, (Acer Negundo). Ontario and westward ............. Strawberry (wild) (Fragaria Virginiana and F. Chilensis). ‘1. Flowering. 2. Ripefruit. All provinces. Wald) plam\(eruniusAmenicana)) SMaAstormy pO vA COs wert eee nee ee ee ete tetera Cherny, (culltivated)>) a) Blowers i2.e Ripert AN DTOMINE EN eee sen ees ees eteieae Wild Red Cherry (Prunus Pennsylvanica and P. emarginata). All provinces.............................. Service-berry, June-berry, “ Shad-bush” or Saskatoon (Amelanchier Canadensis and A. alnifolia). 1. HMowerng. 2: Ripedicnit, “All provances.eror.se noses seeehaeema cece seeee esse seene ce Blackberry (Rubus occidentalis and R. leucodermis). Ripe fruit. All provinces... ............... Apple (cultivated). lowering: All provinces: Aer ccm me eee eee Pees Western Dog-wood (Cornus Nuttallii). True flowers open. Coast region of British Columbia.......... Oakes (black and white). Flowering: All provinGes! <. 2c... 0c. co .cssonscsceceserescceceenesaeaes enr cie Hawthorn (Cratwgus). Flowering. All provinces... node nes ete PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. LV Nan em OS nen golds) wa LOW OLIN &.85 All PROVINCES wescossowasdenecoasee ones eee ee ere eee ere ASP De ia AL) RIDE ne Ul mA POLO VIN CES Reese eee cer cesse eee eee sits Wikeata (spring) ele Kirstisowings 2. Flowering 3) Harvest... mere eme eee eee Wiheat (winter). 1. First sowing. 2. Flowering. 3. Harvest................s.sss.es sr socs ee essence Birds. Dates of first appearance of the undermentioned species in all the provinces. (The species known by the same common name in the east and west are in general different, but in the examples chosen it is believed that the locality of observation will in all cases be sufficient to indicate exactly which species were observed.) Song Sparrow (Melospiza fasciata). Eastern provinces to Rocky Mountains........... ea asihiasensonanasene see (M. montana, guttata, and rufina). Rocky Mountains and British Columbia....................,,,.... Robin (Merula migratoria). Eastern provinces and westward............................,....................... (GUE PTS) BIS OIMPDIAS Aer eee eee 1. Bluebird (Sialia sialis). Eastern provinces and westward to Rocky Mountains..................... ........ (S. arctica and Mexicana). Western prairie region to the Pacific ............... eee Slate-coloured Junco. (Junco hyemalis.) Eastern provinces to Rocky Mountains.........................… (J. annectens and Oregonus). Rocky Mountains and westward.........................,................. Red-winged Blackbird (Agelaïus phæniceus). All provinces.:.............. ......................e...... see SpottediSandpiper(ACAS MACUICTIA) PATINDTONIN CES cranes eee eeece see esse ce eee memes ce Swallow. Clachycinetay bicolor), -AUlprovinCes = 222. eme oeecece ce ess esse eee secs eee messe css censse Meadowlark @Siurnella magnt) MDASTOTRIPLOVINCER.--.22.- semer comes esse sense eee ce nee essence (S. neglecta). Manitoba and westward......................….. Seeds ttoncdassdecsQerec etes aies ce ee ne isben(OerylerATCyon) MATIERE VIN COS ee rene ee Faso esse e nes etes Humming birdi(irochilusicolubris). Hast of Rocky MOUNTAIRSL ee cree. (T:rufus and Calliope). Rocky Mountains and westward.......................................... Nighthawk (Chordeiles Virginianus). Eastern provinces and westward............,.....,..................... CONTENT) British, Columbialsencac ccs ccsctencsich ee vaerse sec sccsess sun oose ce seen ee Wild Ducks, 1. First birds. 2. First flock. 3. Flocks migrating southward, 4. Last birds ......... Wild Geese. 1. First birds. 2. First flock. 3. Flocks migrating southward. 4. Last birds.......... MOIS date AG which trope 2 are heady whistling. «osvseseserecses+scecs ss certs eee ee Suggestions for Meteorological Observations. Waterontinsh ands lash LOS RUN Oo pArulCULALS NE 222..- 00... encens. sms ee se Daterofclosinszandere opening oMlakesAOVOITNONCULIENT:.-.-.-.-e. serons eee ses sree ates DATEIO COS MEN ATE-0 PEUIN PAOMMIVELS 2e 2e ecco. eee ssc csctinsonelestisateeeencs acne eaereeastledeoteeine decondeeeateseat Number of thunder storms in each month, with the dates at which these occur ............ ..++s esse ee Dates andiduration on droughtsrattectine AVOPELATION A. .2 eee eens seems eee eee eee eee ee eee scenes REPORTS OF SECTIONS. The Secretaries of the Four Sections then in due order presented their reports as follows : — Rapport de la Section I. La première section de la Société royale s’est réunie le premier juin pour procéder à l'élection de ses officiers et entendre la lecture des travaux de ses membres. Etaient présents: MM. Le- Moine, Casgrain, Sulte, Marmette, Tassé, Roy, DeCelles. LVI ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. Plusieurs membres ont lu des travaux d’histoire et de littérature. Les élections ont donné le bureau suivant : Président—A. D. DeCelles. Vice-président—Joseph Tassé. Secrétaire—Joseph Marmette. Son Honneur M. Joseph Royal, licutenant-souverneur des Territoires du Nord-Ouest, a été élu à l'unanimité membre de cette section. MM. Tassé et David ont été nommés membres du bureau d'impression. Le tout respectueusement soumis, A. D. DECELLES, Secrétaire. Report of Section IT. Ortawa, June 2, 1892. The following papers were read before the Section :— 1. Chileeli, or the Enchanted Bird. A legend of the Ottawas. By Charles Mair. Vocabulary of the Language of the Beothiks or Red Indians of Newfoundland. By Rey. Dr. Patterson. 3. Sir William Alexander and the Scottish attempt at the Colonization of Nova Scotia. By Rev. Dr. Patterson. 4. A Grammar and Dictionary of the Languages of the Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. By Rev. Charles Harrison, of British Columbia. Presented by Dr. G. M. Dawson. 5. Annals of the Nova Scotian Currency. By R. W. McLachlan of the Numismatic and Anti- quarian Society of Montreal. Presented by Dr. Bourinot. 6. The Copyright Act. By Sir Daniel Wilson. 7. Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology Indigenous or Exotic? (With a Map.) By the Rev. Father A. G. Morice, O.M.I. of British Columbia. Presented by Dr. G. M. Dawson. 8. The Assiniboine River and its Forts. By George Bryce, LL.D., of Manitoba Historical and Scientific Society. Presented by Dr. Bourinot. 9, Poctry, as compared with some of the other fine arts. By George Murray, M.A. There were present at the meeting eight members. Rev. J.C, Murray and Col. George T. Denison bo sent excuses for non-attendance. To fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Dr. R. M. Bucke, of London, Ont., Dr. Douglas Brymner, of Ottawa, was unanimously elected a Fellow of this Society, and in accordance with Rule 6, Prof. Ashley was also elected unanimously a Fellow of this Society. The section begs leave to ask the ratification of those elections by the Society. Drs. Bourinot and Stewart have been appointed a committee on the form of publication of the ‘ Transactions of the Society,’ to report to the Council next year. Sir Daniel Wilson, Very Rev. Principal Grant and Dr, Bourinot have been appointed a special committee by the section to submit to the general meeting, the advisability of bringing to the notice of the government, the clauses which they consider should be introduced into the Copyright Act, in order that the rights of men of letters be fairly and legitimately protected. On motion of Drs. Grant and Kingsford, it was resolved, that the Printing Committee of the Society be instructed not to print any paper in the ‘Transactions,’ unless in their opinion, it is of sufficient merit. The following gentlemen have been elected office bearers for the year 1892-93 : PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. LVII President—Dr, Wm. Kingsford, Vice-President—Mr. George Murray, M.A. Secretary—Dr. George Stewart, F.R.G.S. The Printing Committee for the year consists of Dr. J. G. Bourinot, President, Dr. Patterson and Dr. George Stewart. GEORGE STEWART, Secretary. Report of Section IIT. That the members have held three meetings, viz. :—May 31st, 1892, at 2.20 p.m.; June Ist, at 10.30 a.m. ; June 2nd, at 10.30 a.m. Six papers were presented to the section. Important discussions succeeded the reading of these papers, which were referred to the publication committee. At the forenoon mecting, June 2nd, the following officers were elected : President—Prof. Chapman. Vice-President—Dr. Girdwood. Secretary—F. N. Gisborne. The section passed a unanimous expression of regret at the death of Dr. Sterry Hunt. The following resolutions were passed and are now submitted to the Society : Ist. That Section ILI., in view of the very great and unique value of most of the contents of the Geological Museum, and the impossibility of replacing many of the exhibits therein, is of opinion, that the Royal Society could with great propriety memorialize the government to the effect that, until larger and more secure premises are provided, the present building should be as far as possible secured from fire by isolation from contiguous buildings. 2nd. That Section III. is of the opinion, that the Royal Society may, with great propriety, recommend the government, if possible, to permit the introduction of philosophical and scientitic apparatus for the use of colleges and schools, free of duty ; also the introduction into the Dominion, free of duty, of philosophical books not published in Canada ; also the use of alcohol for anatomical specimens free of excise ; also the introduction of rare and pure chemicals and reagent bottles and bottles for specimens, free of duty, for purposes of education and research. 3rd. That Dr. Fleming’s amendment to Professor MacGregor’s proposed method of electing Fellows of the Royal Society, be printed, together with Professor MacGregor’s letter, in the ‘Proceed- ings of the Society,’ and that the whole question be referred to a committee consisting of Dr. Fleming, convener, Mr. Carpmael, Dr. Ellis and Prof. Bovey, with instructions to report to the Royal Society in 1893. F. N. GISBORNE, Secretarys Report of Section IV. At the present meeting sixteen members of the Section were present. The following papers (fifteen in number) were read in extenso or by title — 1. The President’s Address—On the Diffusion and sequence of the Cambrian Faunas, by G. F. Matthew. 2. On Paleozoic Corals, by Prof. E. J. Chapman. Proc. 1892. x. LVIII ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. . Hibernation and Allied States in Animals, by T. Wesley Mills. Notes Supplementary to the Revision of Canadian Ranunculaceæ, by George Lawson. On the Literary History and Nomenclature of the Canadian Ferns, by George Lawson. The Fossils of the Hudson River Formation in Manitoba, by J. F. Whiteaves. . Notes on the Land and Fresh-Water Mollusca of the Dominion, by J. F. Whiteaves. . Illustrations of the Fauna of the St. John Group, No. vii., by G. F. Matthew. On the Correlation of Early Cretaceous Floras in Canada and the United States, and on some new plants of this period, by Sir William Dawson. Observations on the Geology of South-western Nova Scotia, by L. W. Bailey. . On the Artificial Propagation of Marine Food-fishes and Edible Crustaceans, by the Rev. N. Harvey. 2. Report on a Collection of Coleoptera made on Queen Charlotte Islands, by Rev. J. H. Keen and J. Fletcher. . The Use of Arsenites as Insecticides, by J. Fletcher. . On Some Sponges from the Pacific Coast of Canada and Behring Sea, by Lawrence M. Lambe. . On the Occurrence of Graptolites and other Fossils of Quebec Age in the Black Slates of Little Metis, Que., by H. M. Ami. Two matters were referred by the Council to Section IV. for consideration, viz, a proposed change in the size of the volume, and a communication from Lady Blake with reference to the proposed Marine Biological Station in Jamaica. These matters having been discussed by the members of the section present it was resolved: C1.) That while this section opposes any change in the ‘ Transactions’ as to size, they would favour a division into two volumes, one for the Literary Sections and one for the Scientific Sections. CII.) That this section regards with much interest the proposal to establish a marine station in _ Jamaica as detailed in the communication of Lady Blake, and anticipates that highly beneficial effects to science and fishing industries may be expected to result from the effective operation of such an establishment. The section having also considered the valuable communication of the Rey. Dr. Harvey on the Newfoundland fisheries, resolves to appoint the following committee to consider the whole subject of Marine and Inland fisheries from a scientific point of view, to collect information in relation thereto and to take such steps as such committee may think proper to diffuse information, and to bring the subject before the Government in order that means may be taken for effectively promoting research in this important department. Committee :—Dr. George M. Dawson, convener; Messrs. J. M. LeMoine, A. H. Mackay, John Macoun, George Lawson, R. Ramsay Wright, Sir William Dawson, James Fletcher. The section regrets deeply the loss, by death, of the distinguished naturalist, the Abbé Provancher, during the past year and intends to take immediate action to fill the vacancy thus caused. A meeting of the Printing Committee of the section, consisting of the following gentlemen, was held, and all the papers submitted at the present meeting were adjudicated upon. Committee :—Dr. Dawson, Dr. Bethune, Messrs. Fletcher and Whiteaves and Professors Bailey and Penhallow. The section requests that the papers of this section may be transmitted to the publisher imme- diately on receipt by the General Secretary, and that the Printing Committee be requested to publish such papers and issue the usual number of separate copies to authors immediately, without reference to other papers which may be received later. The following officers have been elected for the ensuing year : President—Mr, J. F. Whiteaves. Vice-President—Prof. Macoun. Secretary —Prof. Penhallow. D HT MP w Di bi mi © _ = Oo De] Hi M Et JAMES FLETCHER, Secretary. PROCEEDINGS FOR 1892. LIX Erection or New FELLOwSs. On motion of Mr. LeMoine, seconded by M. DeCelles, rule 6 was unanimously suspended and His Honour M. Royal, Lieutenant-Governor of the North-west Territories, was elected a Fellow of the First Section of the Royal Society. On motion of Dr. Stewart, seconded by Principal Wilson, rule 5 was unanimously sus- pended, and Dr, Douglas Brymner, Archivist, was elected to fill the vacancy in the Second Section caused by the resignation of Dr. Maurice Bucke. On motion of Sir Daniel Wilson, seconded by Principal Grant, Professor Ashley, M.A., of Toronto University, was elected an additional Fellow in the Second Section in accordance with rule 6, so much of that rule providing for “ nominations in the usual manner,” being unanimously suspended. ELECTION oF OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY. On motion of Sir Daniel Wilson, seconded by Sir James A. Grant, K.C.M.G., Dr. John George Bourinot, C.M.G., was elected President. On motion of Dr. Selwyn, seconded by Dr. Sandford Fleming, Dr. George M. Dawson, C.M.G. F.R.S., was elected Vice-President. On motion of Dr. George Stewart, seconded by Dr. Girdwood, Mr. James Fletcher, F.L.S., was elected Secretary. On motion of Prof. John Macoun, seconded by Prof. Chapman, Dr. Selwyn, C.M.G., was elected Honorary Treasurer. GENERAL BUSINESS. The following resolutions were unanimously agreed to : (1.) “ Resolved, That the report of the Council and the minutes of the present general meeting be printed as soon as possible by the Secretary for the information of members.” (On motion of Prof. Penhallow, seconded by Prof. Macoun.) (2.) “ Resolved, That the Royal Society represent to the Government : “Ist. The advisability of granting the admission, free of duty for the use of schools and colleges, of philosophical apparatus, not manufactured in the Dominion (or if manufactured, not manufactured of suitable nature). “2nd. Of the introduction, free of duty, of books on philosophical subjects, not printed in Canada. “ 3rd. That the Government permit the use of alcohol free of excise, for the purpose of keeping anatomical preparations. “4th, That the Government permit the introduction of pure or rare chemicals and reagent and sample bottles, free of duty, for the use of education or research. The whole, when imported for schools or colleges.” (On motion of Dr. Girdwood, seconded by Dr. Ellis.) (3.) “ Resolved, That the following resolution of the First Section be referred to the Council :— Que le mode d’élection des membres de la premiére section soit changé de fagon que les élections aient lieu aux séances mêmes de la section, au scrutin secret.” (On motion of M. LeMoine, seconded by M. DeCelles.) (4) “ Resolved, That the papers of the Fourth Section be transmitted in accordance with its recommendation to the publisher immediately upon reception by the General Secretary, and that the editing committee be requested to publish such papers and issue the usual number of separate copies LX ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. to authors immediately, without reference to other papers which may be received later.” (On motion of Professor Penhallow, seconded by Professor Lawson.) (5.) “ Resolved, That in view of the very great and unique value of most of the contents of the Geological Museum, and the impossibility of replacing many of the exhibits there, the Royal Society should without delay memorialize the Government to the effect that, until larger and more secure premises are provided, the present building should be, as far as possible, secured from fire by isolation from contiguous buildings.” (On motion of Mr. Keefer, seconded by Mr. Gisborne.) (6.) “ Resolved, That Dr. Fleming’s amendment to Professor MacGregor’s proposed method of electing Fellows of the Royal Society be printed, together with Professor MacGregor’s letter, in the proceedinus of the Society, and that the whole question be referred to 4 committee consisting of Dr. Fleming, convener ; Mr. Carpmael, Dr. Ellis and Professor Bovey, with instructions to report to the Royal Society in 1893.” (On motion of Dr. Fleming, seconded by Mr. Keefer.) (7.) “ Resolved, That this Society regards with much interest the proposal to establish a Marine Station in Jamaica, as detailed in the communication of Lady Blake, and anticipates that highly beneficial effects to science and fishing industries may be expected to result from the effective opera- tion of such an establishment.” (On motion of Professor Lawson, seconded by Mr. LeMoine.) (8.) “ Resolu:d, That the Society approve of the action taken by the Fourth Section with respect to the valuable communication of the Rev. Dr. Harvey on the Newfoundland fisheries, in appointing the following committee to consider the whole subject of marine and inland fisheries from a scier tific point of view, to collect information in relation thereto and to take such steps as such committee may think proper to diffuse information and to bring the subject before the Government, in order that means may be taken for effectively promoting research in this important department :—Dr. George M. Dawson, convener; Messrs. LeMoine, A. Mackay, Macoun, Lawson, Sir William Dawson, Fletcher, Ramsay Wright.’ (On motion of Mr. Gisborne, seconded by Professor Lawson.) (9.) “ Resolved, That the American Society of Civil Engineers has recommended the adoption by all the railways of America of the “ twenty-four hours notation,’ known as the Italian notation, on the 12th of October next, on the 400th anniversary of the first sighting of the new world by Columbus. “That the Canadian Institute in its annual report to the Royal Society calls attention to this fact with approval, as an important step in the time reform urged both by the Institute and the Royal Society. “That the Royal Society, acting in accordance with its previously expressed views, hereby recommends the proposal to the Government and people of Canada, and especially to the two great railway companies, the Grand Trunk Railway and the Canadian Pacific Railway, as a graceful and appropriate compliment to the fatherland of the discoverer of America.” (On motion of Dr. Lawson, seconded by Sir Daniel Wilson.) (10.) “ Resolved, That Sir William Dawson, Abbé Verreau, Dr. Fréchette, Dr. Johnson and Dr. Bourinot be the printing committee of the Society next year, and two shall be a quorum of the same.” (On motion of Dr. Stewart, seconded by Dr. R. Bell.) C11.) “ Resolved, That the thanks of the Society be given to the Honourable the Speaker of the Commons for the accommodation afforded to them in the Parliament Building.” (On motion of Sir William Dawson, seconded by Principal Grant.) (12.) “ Resolved, That a vote of thanks be tendered to the retiring President and officers for the manner in which they performed their duties during the past year.” (On motion of Dr. Patterson, seconded by Dr. Fleming.) The Society then adjourned. Pie ROYAL: SOCIETY OR TEANAD”® FOUNDER : THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE MARQUIS OF LORNE. OFFICERS FOR 1892-93: HONORARY PRESIDENT AND PATRON : HIS EXCELLENCY THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD STANLEY OF PRESTON, G.C.B. PRESIDENT - - - - JOHN GEO. BOURINOT, C.M.G., LL.D., D.C.L. VICE-PRESIDENT - = - GEO. M. DAWSON, C.M.G., F.R.S. EX-PRESIDENTS: ABBE H.-R. CASGRAIN, LL. D. SANDFORD FLEMING, C.M.G. LL.D. G. LAWSON, Ph.D., LL.D. ABBE J. C. K. LAFLAMME, D.D. OFFICERS OF SECTIONS. SEC. I—French Literature, History, and Allied Subjects. PRESIDENT - - - - A. D. DECELLES, L.D. Vicr-PRESIDENT - - — HON. MR. TASSE. Secrerary - - -- — J. MARMETTE,L.D. SEC. I1—English Literature, History, and Allied Subjects. PRESIDENT - - - = W. KINGSFORD, LL.D. Vice-PRESIDENT - - - GEO. MURRAY, M.A. SECRETARY - - - = GEO. STEWART, Jux., D.C.L., LL.D. SEC. III— Mathematical, Physical, and Chemical Sciences. PRESIDENT - - — — E.J. CHAPMAN, Ph.D. Vich-PRESIDENT — ~ - G. P. GIRDWOOD, M.D. SECRETARY — - - = F. N. GISBORNE.” SEC. IV.—Geological and Biological Sciences. wang PRESIDENT — — - J. F. WHITEAVES, F.G.S. Vicn- PRESIDENT - - - J. MACOUN, M.A., F.L.S. SECRETARY - ~ - - D. P. PENHALLOW, B.£o. Honorary SECRETARY — — = — — JAMES FLETCHER, F.LS. Honorary TREASURER — Se RL CS En Waven. CNT GEI D: The Council for 1892-93 comprises the President and Vice-President of the Society, the Presidents, Vice- Presidents and Secretaries of Sections, the Honorary Secretary, and the Honorary Treasurer, besides ex-Presidents of the Society (Rule 7) during three years from the date of their retirement, and any four members of the Society who have formerly served on the Council, if the Council should elect them every year. 2 Mr. Gisborne has died since his election. Ed. Trans. LELE. ROVAT-SOCLETYAOrFAC ANA LIST OF MEMBERS, 1892-93. I._LITTERATURE FRANÇAISE, HISTOIRE, ARCHEOLOGIE, ETC. Bern, Mer L. N., Archevéque de Cyréne, Québec. CasGRAIN, L’ABBÉ H.-R., docteur és-lettres, Québec, (ancien président). Cuoa, L’ABBÉ, Montréal. Davin, L. O., Montréal. DxCazes, PAUL, docteur ès-lettres, Québec. DeCe ies, A. D. docteur ès-lettres, Ottawa. Fasrn, Hecror, compagnon de l’ordre des SS. Michel et George, Paris, France. FAUCHER DE SAINT-MaAURtcE, N., docteur és-lettres, che- valier de la légion d’honneur, Québec. Frécaette, Louis, docteur en droit, docteur és-lettres, chevalier de la légion d'honneur, Montréal. GOSSELIN, L’ABBÉ AUGUSTE, docteur ès-lettres, Québec. Il—ENGLISH LITERATURE, Asutry, W. J., University of Toronto, Toronto. ! Bovurixot, Jon Grorce, C.M.G., LL-D., D.C.L., Ottawa. Brymner, DouGLas, LL.D., Dominion Archivist, Oltawa. CLark, Rev. W., D.C.L., LL.D., Trinity University, Toronto. Dawson, Rev. Æxeas Macponegit, LL.D., Ottawa. Denison, Lr.-Coz. G. T., B.C.L., Toronto. Grant, Very Rev. G. M., D.D., Principal of Queen’s University, Kingston, (ex-President.) Hatz, Horatio, Clinton. Harvey, Rev. Moses, F.R.G.S., LL.D., St. John’s, New- foundland. Kinesrorp, WizzraM, LL.D., Ottawa. Kirpy, WiLLrAM, Niagara. LeGexpre, Naroréow, docteur ès-lettres, Québec. LeMay, PAMPHILE, docteur ès-lettres, Québec. LeMorns, J. M., Québec. MARCHAND, L’HONORABLE F.-G., docteur és-lettres, Saint- Jean, P.Q. Marmerrs, Josepx, docteur és-lettres, Ottawa. Rovururer, A. B., docteur en droit et és-lettres, Québec. Roy, JosppH Epmonp, Lévis, P.Q. RoyaL, SON HONNEUR JosEPH, lieutenant-gouverneur des territoires du Nord-Ouest, Regina. T.N.O. SULrE, BENJAMIN, Ottawa. Tancuay, Mer Cyprien, docteur ès-lettres, Ottawa. TAssk, L’HOKORARLE JosEPH, Montréal. VERRgAU, L’ABBÉ Hospice, docteur ès-lettres, Montréal. HISTORY, ARCHÆOLOGY, ETC. Marr, CHARLES, Prince Albert, N.W.T. Murray, Grorap, B.A., Montreal. Murray, Rey. J. Crarx, LL.D., McGill University, Montreal. McCott, Evan, 334, Markham Street, Toronto. Patterson, Rev. GrorGe, D.D., New Glasgow, N.S. Reapp, Joun, Montreal. Rogers, CHARLES G.D., M.A., King’s College, Windsor, N.S. Srewart, GEORGE, Jun., D.C.L., LL.D., D.L., F.R.GS., Quebec. Warson, J., M.A., LL.D., Queen’s University, Kingston. Wirnrow, Rev. W. H., D.D., Toronto. Wrtson, Sir Daxrer, President of University of To- ronto, Toronto, (ex-President.) ! 1 Mr. Ashley has gone to Harvard University. 1 Sir Daniel Wilson has died since last meeting. Ed. Trans. THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA. LXIII ITI.—MATHEMATICAL, PHYSICAL AND CHEMICAL SCIENCES. BAILLAIRGÉ, C., C.E., Quebec. Bovey, H. T., M.A., C.E., McGill University, Montreal, CarpMAnL, C., M.A., Superintendent of Meteorological Service, Toronto. Capmany, E. J., Ph.D., LL.D., University of Toronto, Toronto. Dovrz, E., Surveyor-General, Ottawa. Dupuis, N. F., M.A., F.R.S.E., Queen’s University, Kingston. Exus, W. H., M.D., Toronto University, Toronto. Fremine, Sanprorp, C.M.G., LL.D., C.E., Ottawa (ex- President). Grrpwoop, G. P., M.D., McGill University, Montreal. Gissorny, F. N., M.I.T.E.E., C.E., Oltawa.' | 1 Mr. Gisborne has died since last meeting. Ed. Trans. Goopw1y, W. L., D.Sc., Queen’s University, Kingston. Hamez, Monsianor, M.A., Laval University, Quebec (ex-President). Harrineton, B. J., B.A., Ph.D., McGill University, Montreal. Horrmann, G. C., F. Inst. Chem., Geological Survey, Ottawa. Jounson, A., LL.D., MeGill University, Montreal. Kegrer, T. C., C.M.G., Ottawa. Loupow, J. T.,M.A., President of University of To- ronto, Toronto.' MacrARLANE, T., M.E., Ottawa. MacGrecor, J. G., M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S.E., Dalhousie University, Halifax. 1 Since Sir D. Wilson’s death. IV.—GEOLOGICAL AND BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES. Barzey, L. W., M.A., Ph.D., University of New Bruns- wick, Fredericton. Bett, Rosset, B.Ap.Se., M.D., LL.D., F.G.S., Geological Survey, Ottawa. Berauxe, Rev. C. J. S., M.A., D.C.L.. Port Hope, O. Bourcsss, T. J. W., M.D., Montreal. Dawson, G. M. D.Se., C.M.G., F.R.S., A.R.S.M., F.G.S., Geological Survey, Ottawa. Dawson, Sir J. WrzuraM, C.M G., LL.D., F.R.S., Princi- pal of McGill University, Montreal (ex-President). Fiercuer, James, F.L.S., Dominion Entomologist, Ottawa. Fow ter, JAMES, M.A., Queen’s University, Kingston. g Gitrrn, Epwin, M.A., F.G.S., Inspector of Mines, Halifax. Grant, Sir J. A., K.C.M.G., M.D., F.G.S, Ottawa. Laritammp, A8B8é J. C. K., D.D., M.A., Laval Uni- versity, Quebec. Lawson, G. Ph.D., LL.D., Dalhousie University, Halifax (ex-President). Macoux, J., M.A., F.L.S., Geological Survey, Oltawa. Marraew, G. F., M.A., St. John, N.B. Mackay, A. H., B.A., B.Sc., Halifax. Muts, T. Westey, M.A., M.D., McGill University, Montreal. PenxaLLow, D. P., B.Se., McGill University, Montreal. Saunpers, W., Director, Farms, Ottawa. Seiwyn, A. R.C., C.M.G., LL.D., F.R.S., F.G.S., Director of the Geological Survey, Oltawa. Dominion Experimental Wuirnayss, J. F., F.G.S., Geological Survey, Oltawa. Wricur, R. Ramsay, M.A., B.Sc., University of Toronto, Toronto. CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. Ton Marquis oF Lorne. Bonney, T. G., D.Se., LL.D., F.R.S., London, England. Doucer, CaMILLy, secrétaire perpétuel de l’Académie française, Paris, France. LE Roy, ALPHoxsp, professeur de philosophie à l’uni- versité de Liège, et membre de l’Académie royale de Belgique, Liège, Belgium. Marmier, Xavier, de l’Académie française, Paris, France. * PARKMAN, FRANCIS, LL.D., Boston, Mass. Rameau De SAINT PÈRE, EDM6, D.L., Adon, Loiret, France. Winsor, Justin, LL.D., Boston, Mass. RETIRED MEMBERS. (See Rute 7.) Bourassa, NAPOLÉON, Montebello. Gite, J. Bernarp, M.D., M.R.CS., Halifax. Oszer, W., M.D., Johns Hopkins University, Balti- | more, Md. CxerRiMAN, J. B., M.A., Ryde, Isle of Wight. Haanet, E., Ph.D., Syracuse University, Syracuse, INT: 1 M. Marmier has died since meeting of 1892. Ed. Trans. 1882-83 188384 1884~85 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 1890-91 1891~92 1892-’93 PLSANOIE) PRESIDENTS. 3 : - - Sir J. W. Dawson = - - L’ponoraBlE P. J. O. Cuauvnau. = 2 . - Dr. T. Srerry Hunt. = = - Sir Danipt Wison. = = = - Monsicnor HAMEL. = = - Dr. G. Lawson. = = - - Dr. SANDFORD FLemixe. = = - L’ABBÉ CASGRAIN. - - - - PRINCIPAL GRANT. S = - L'ABBÉ LAFLAMME. > 3 - - Dr. J. G. Bourinor. SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA MEMOIRES SECTION I LITTERATURE FRANCAISE, HISTOIRE, ARCHEOLOGIE, ETC. ANNEE 1892 SECTION I, 1892. Lau Mémorkes S. R. CANADA. I.—Agar et Ismaël. Par M. PAMPHILE LEMAY. ( Lu le ler juin 1892). Dans le calme et lointain désert de Bersabée, Sur le sable brülant où, comme une flambée, Court la lumière d’or d’un soleil radieux, Passe une femme en pleurs. Nul chant mélodieux Pour tromper ses regrets ne s'élève autour d’elle. Le fauve fuit ces lieux sans vie. A tire-d’aile Sous le ciel en torpeur s’envolent les oiseaux, Et jamais en coulant n’y gazouillent les eaux. Une femme en pleurs passe, errant à l'aventure. Une écharpe de lin s’enroule a sa ceinture, Et ses beaux cheveux noirs, qui furent son orgueil, Jettent sur son épaule un long voile de deuil. Un enfant suit ses pas. Il est pur comme l'ange, Et dans son ceil rêveur on surprend un mélange De souffrance et d’amour. Ils marchent les pieds nus. Exilés, ils s’en vont vers des lieux inconnus. Dans le sable d’argent leurs pieds s’impriment sombres ; En l’immensité claire ils paraissent des ombres. *y% Au vallon de Mambré disant un triste adieu, Tous deux ils sont partis sous le regard de Dieu. Agar de temps en temps s’arréte, haletante, Pour voir, à l’horizon, luire la blanche tente De son seigneur Abram, le patriarche aimé. Soumise, elle n’a point contre lui blasphémé Lorsque, pour obéir a Sarai jalouse, Il l’a chassée encore, elle, la jeune épouse. Mais le vieillard pleurait en montrant les déserts ; Et ses yeux s’élevant vers le plus haut des airs Comme pour y chercher le Dieu des agonies, Sur le front d’Ismaél il mit ses mains bénies, PAMPHILE LEMAY La tente est disparue aux horizons lointains, Les pas des exilés semblent plus incertains, Le désert, plus profond. Quand sonne une heure amére Le bonheur qui n’est plus apparait éphémére, Le malheur qui commence apparait éternel. 4 L'enfant est fatigué. Sur le cœur maternel Il repose son-front que dévore la fièvre. Ilasoif. La souffrance a fait pâlir sa lèvre, Et sa bouche s’entr’ouvre ainsi qu'un lis. Agar L’enveloppe longtemps d’un triste et doux regard, Et son âme s’emplit d’une mortelle angoisse. — Un jour, au puits de Sur, l’ange avait dit : ‘“ Qu'il croisse, “Un peuple sortira de lui qui sera grand!” Et dès son premier âge, hélas ! la mort le prend ! S'écrie en sa douleur la mère stupéfaite...... — Sara la vieille épouse, Abraham le prophète Pouvaient — dit-elle encor — le garder auprès d’eux Et me rejeter seule en ce désert hideux ; yk Comme un grand parasol un arbre se découpe ; Il se découpe noir sur la molle blancheur Du ciel de l'Orient. C’est l’ombre, la fraîcheur ! L'eau coule là peut-étre...... Oh ! s’ils pouvaient l’atteindre ! Une goutte d’eau vive, et le feu va s’éteindre Au soleil Le désert brille plus qu’un océan vermeil, Et les pieds des proscrits foulent des étincelles. L'arbre semble un oiseau qui va ployer ses ailes. Oh ! s'ils pouvaient l’atteindre et sous ses grands rameaux Elle pleure toujours la belle Esyptienne, Et la main d’Ismaél brûle et tremble en la sienne. Où vont-ils ? Qui pourra, s'ils meurent, les trouver 2 L'enfant tombe souvent. Il ne peut achever Sous l’implacable ciel sa longue course. Il râle Et sa débile main cherche sa lèvre pâle Comme pour étouffer ce bruit qui lui fait peur. AGAR ET ISMAEL Agar est, par instant, plongée en la stupeur, Et, par instant, ses cris navrent la solitude...... Mais voila que soudain, trompant sa lassitude, Elle prend dans ses bras l’enfant qui va périr Et, regardant au loin — afin de mieux courir — Le palmier qui s’estompe au fond du ciel de flamme, Enfin, le désespoir dans l’âme, Le regard obscurci par un sanglant rideau, Sous l'arbre elle s’affaisse avec son doux fardeau... Mais elle se relève. Il faut qu’Ismaél vive ! Il est peut-être ici quelque source d’eau vive. Elle cherche au hasard. Le sol est desséché. Il est partout maudit comme un lieu de péché. Et le jeune Ismaël se tord dans le supplice. — C’est Sara qui le tue et le ciel est complice, Pense la pauvre mère. Et son âme se fend A l’aspect douloureux de l’innocent enfant Qui parait expirer sous l’ardente torture. — Mon cœur s’est affermi, Seigneur, dans la droiture, Prends pitié de mon fils et viens le secourir ! Que je meure plutôt que de le voir mourir! Dit-elle encor. Et puis, dans sa désespérance, Pour n'être pas témoin de l’horrible souffrance Et de la triste mort du fils qu’elle aime tant, Elle s'éloigne un peu. Mais alors elle entend, Plus fort que ses sanglots, un langage céleste : —Agar, que fais-tu la? Ne crains pas, Dieu te reste. La plainte d’Ismaél a monté jusqu'aux cieux. Agar se dresse, écoute et promène, anxieux, Ses yeux gonflés de pleurs sur l'immensité fauve. Soudain elle s’écrie : — Oui, c’est Dieu qui nous sauve ! nn nn nn nn nn ee nn nn nn wae ee Bees none msn mere sms Puissant fut Ismaël au désert de Pharan. PEN Ohi: PTE. CU - = : HE “ Pe eed 7 | ‘ : A = ~ oe - à > a” ns - , : à _ > : PRE A . p j “ + = Pe nd ; # re d « x . "À * i j a + ‘ | = à 4 . 2 0 LA 7 ’ n - / s 0 i i L Ê L ; x A : ; ; " k 5 - : c, à i “1 - 2 ‘ y > A ‘ ‘ . < , re ap A M ; 7 [oe * be : : , a bs r) ae mou + « LE Le - -. a ., ro PT Ve , « CYAN ae Var PA L hn Ve t v ue "AR » > & AD “ : ‘ ; ¥ 7 La “4 = A \ y + ñ i" : le ; i : à TN er es | ‘ cel ee whe d À os >. * ‘ ww be > à L) M 2 Pan. | r Te _ a + a . AE 2 = ee [Es à #0 Th whee ès - ,ovie OCT ER en EE ee” SECTION I, 1892. Rem] Mémorres 8. R. CANADA. II. — L’ Episode de Vile de Sable. Par M. Pauz DE CAZEs. ( Lu le ler juin 1892.) En 1884, dans mon mémoire à la Société royale, j'émettais sur la date de l'expédition du marquis de La Roche à l'ile de Sable une opinion contraire à celle des historiens qui ont fait mention de ce triste épisode des premiers temps de notre histoire. M’appuyant sur des faits d'une authenticité indiscutable et sur des présomptions dont on ne peut nier la vraisemblance, j'ai prétendu que cette malheureuse équipée, dont les historiens du temps n’ont parlé que d’une manière incidente, malgré son importance relative, n’avait pu avoir lieu en 1578, ni en 1598, mais bien dans l’année 1589. Depuis, dans le cours de l’automne de 1890, M. le docteur Dionne a publié, dans les colonnes du Courrier du Canada,’ un travail très élaboré sur LES CoMMIssIONS pu MARQUIS DE LA ROCHE, dans lequel, se prononçant pour l’année 1598, il réprouve naturel- lement ma manière de voir sur la question. Au cours de cette étude, M. le docteur Dionne dit : “ M. De Cazes a émis l'opinion en 1884 que le marquis de La Roche tenta de coloniser “Vile de Sable en 1589, et que ce fut à son retour qu'il fut pris par Mercœur. C'était une “ théorie tout à fait neuve, car personne avant lui n'avait songé à placer cette triste aven- “ ture à une époque aussi tourmentée de l’histoire de France, alors que la lutte entre les “ royalistes et les ligueurs était en pleine vigueur. Très bien choisie pour une incarcé- “ ration, celle date ne pouvait étre plus risquée pour un essai de colonisation dans les parages des “terres neuves, la couronne de France avait abandonné tout effort dans ce sens au sujet du “ Canada depuis les dernières années du règne de François ler, précisément à cause des guerres “ civiles et des querelles religieuses auxquelles elle avait été presque constamment en “ proie. Malgré ces considérations qui, ce me semble, auraient di faire hésiter M. De Cazes “dans son choix de 1589, j'ai été le plus surpris des mortels quand j'ai lu l'étude que la “ Société royale a insérée dans ses importants comptes rendus.” ” D'abord, je n’ai jamais prétendu que le marquis de La Roche ait tenté de coloniser l'ile de Sable. Tout comme M. Dionne, je sais que c’est par accident qu'il abandonna ses mal- heureux compagnons sur cette ile déserte. En second lieu, est-il exact de dire qu’en 1589 la couronne de France avait aban- donné tout essai de colonisation dans les parages des terres neuves depuis les dernières années du règne de François ler? Les commissions du marquis de La Roche de mars = ' Septembre et novembre 1890. * Je ne reléverai pas ce qu’il y a d’ironique dans cette appréciation de mon étude. Les faits historiques que M. le docteur Dionne a méconnus me donnent, je crois, raison. 8 PAUL DE CAZES. 1577 et de janvier 1578, qui ont été octroyées trente années bien comptées aprés le jour où le roi Francois Ier est passé de vie à trépas, prouvent bien le contraire. ! Ne compte-t-on pour rien les lettres patentes accordées à Jacques Noël et à Etienne Chatton, en pleine guerre civile? * Elles semblent bien pourtant avoir quelques rapports avec un essai de colonisation, car elles assuraient aux neveux de Jacques Cartier “le “commerce exclusif du Canada, pendant douze ans, avec faculté à eux de transporter “ chaque année, pour l'exploitation des mines découvertes et à découvrir, soixante crimi- “nels, tant hommes que femmes, condamnés à mort ou à quelques peines corporelles.” * On sait aussi qu’un certain Revaillon ‘ obtint de la couronne des privilèges à peu près identiques à ceux accordés à la société Noël-Chatton. Ce point réglé, je reviens à l'exposé des motifs qui me portent à dire que le voyage du marquis de La Roche à Vile de Sable n’a pu avoir lieu ni en 1578, ni en 1598, mais bien, comme une étude approfondie de la question me permet de le supposer, maintenant, dans le cours de l’année 1588. ° Tout en admettant que les lettres patentes de la société Noél-Chatton étaient loin de conférer des privilèges aussi étendus que les commissions du marquis de La Roche, il n’est pas moins vrai qu'elles concédaient à leurs titulaires /e droit exclusif du trafic et de l'exploitation des mines de la Nouvelle-France, c’est-à-dire les seuls profits appréciables que l’on pouvait attendre alors des expéditions aux terres neuves. Il ne serait donc pas éton- nant que, pour cette considération, le marquis de La Roche eût attendu la révocation des lettres patentes accordées aux neveux de Jacques Cartier qui devait avoir pour effet de faire revivre la totalité des privilèges que lui donnait sa commission de 1578. ° Si les historiens sont d'opinions différentes sur la date du voyage à Vile de Sable, à très peu d’exceptions près, ceux qui ont fait mention de la captivité du marquis de La Roche s'accordent à dire qu’elle eut lieu après son retour. Ceci étant admis, il n'aurait pu alors faire son expédition ni en 1578, ni en 1598, car il est historiquement reconnu que le duc de Mercœur ne prit fait et cause pour la Ligue qu'au printemps de 1589," c’est-à-dire plus de dix ans après la première de ces dates, et qu'il fit sa soumission au roi au commencement de 1598,° plusieurs mois avant l'époque du retour possible de cette expédition, si elle avait eu lieu pendant cette dernière année. ? Pour moi, la captivité du marquis de La Roche peut donc seule expliquer le long oubli dans lequel furent laissés les pauvres malheureux abandonnés sur l’ile de Sable. ! François ler mourut le 31 mars 1547. ? Le 14 janvier 1588. # Histoire des Canadiens-Francais par Benjamin Sulte. Vol. 1, p. 31. * Idem. ° Dans mon mémoire de 1884, trompé par une fausse indication, je fixais la date du voyage du marquis de La Roche à l’année 1589, époque à laquelle je croyais sur la foi de M. Desmazières de Séchelles, qu'avait eu lieu la révocation des lettres patentes de la société Noël-Chatton. 5 Le roi révoqua les lettres patentes de la société Noël-Chatton le 5 mai 1588. Le 9 juillet suivant, cette révo- cation fut homologuée par le parlement. Le marquis de La Roche qui était sans doute pour quelque chose dans la décision royale avait pu préparer son expédition dès le commencement de 1588, en vue de cette révocation. 7 Le 13 mars 1589. * Le 20 mars 1598. * L’édit royal conférant la commission du marquis de La Roche est daté du 12 janvier 1598, mais il ne fut homologué par le parlement de Rouen que le 2 mars de la même année. L'ÉPISODE DE L'ILE DE SABLE. 9 II Voici comment je reconstitue cette expédition du marquis de La Roche qui eut comme seul résultat le triste épisode de l'ile de Sabie: En 1588, le marquis de La Roche, après la révocation des lettres patentes accordées aux neveux de Jacques Cartier, voulut profiter des avantages que lui conféraient les com- missions aux pouvoirs très étendus qu'il avait obtenues, dix ans auparavant, du roi Henri III. Ceci concorde parfaitement avec la version de l'historien Pierre Bergeron, quand il dit: “..... Le marquis étant allé, suivant sa première commission, dès le temps “de Henri III, à Vile de Sable...” ! I] part avec cinquante hommes qu'il avait recrutés dans les prisons, les dépose sur l'ile de Sable pour aller chercher sur les côtes de l’Acadie un lieu propice à l'établissement dune colonie. Surpris par une tempête furieuse, la même peut-être qui dispersa et détruisit l’invin- cible Armada, à la fin d'août 1588, * il est poussé vers les rives de France où il atterrit après une traversée de dix à douze jours. En débarquant, il se rend auprès de la reine mère, sa protectrice, qui s'était rélugiée à Blois après la journée des Barricades. * L’assassinat du duc de Guise, qui eut lieu quelque temps après ‘ dans le château de Blois, au-dessus de la chambre même où Catherine de Médicis devait, quelques jours plus tard, rendre le dernier soupir, * vient donner un regain de vigueur à la Ligue. Le duc de Mercœur, après avoir longtemps balancé entre le parti du roi, son beau- frère, et celui des Guise, ses oncles, poussé par l’ambitieuse Marie de Penthièvre, sa femme, arbore alors ouvertement l’étendard de la Ligue en Bretagne dont il rêvait depuis longtemps de devenir le duc indépendant.‘ Sans perdre de temps, le nouveau chef de la Ligue assiège les villes bretonnes qui ne lui avaient pas ouvert leurs portes.” Le marquis de La Roche, apprenant que Fou- gères était menacée, se hâte d'aller au secours de cette ville dont il était gouverneur. C’est en s’y rendant qu'il fut, dit-on, fait prisonnier. * Mais voici comment le docteur Dionne explique ces différents incidents : ° “A peine avait-il (le marquis de La Roche) rendu les derniers devoirs à celle qui 1 Traité de la Navigation, p. 124. (Citation de M. le docteur Dionne dans le Courrier du Canada du 20 sep- tembre 1890.) ? L’Invincible Armada, flotte considérable que Philippe II, roi d'Espagne, avait armée pour faire la conquête de l'Angleterre, fut dispersée et en grande partie détruite par une tempête, le 20 août 1588. 8 Le 12 mai 1588. * Henri de Lorraine, duc de Guise, fut assassiné pendant qu’il assistait aux Etats généraux de Blois, le 25 décembre 1586. 5 Le 5 janvier 1589. 5 Le duc de Mercwur se déclara ouvertement en faveur de la Ligue le 13 mars 1589. * Rennes, capitale de la Bretagne, capitula le 15 mars 1589. ® Courrier du Canada du 17 septembre 1890. ® Je suis d’autant plus à l’aise pour donner au marquis de La Roche quelques mois de répit entre le jour où il fut jeté par la tempête sur les rives de France et celui où il fut fait prisonnier, que M. le docteur Dionne dit à ce sujet dans le cours de son étude: “Maintenant, qui nous dit que le marquis fut fait prisonnier immédiatement ‘après son arrivée en France? Lescarbot dit bien: Esranr EN FRANCE LE VOILÀ PRISONNIER DU DUC DE MERCŒUR, ‘ mais il ne dit pas qu’il le fut aussitôt après avoir mis le pied sur le quai de Honfleur.” (Courrier du Canada du 3 novembre 1890). Sec. I, 1892. 2. 10 PAUL DE CAZES. “avait toujours été sa protectrice (Catherine de Médicis ), qu’il apprit que le duc de Mer- “ cœur, alors gouverneur de Bretagne et déjà en pleine révolte contre le roi, s’était rendu “ maître de Rouen! et qu'il se dirigeait sur Fougéres.* Le marquis courut en poste “a la défense du siège de son gouvernement, mais un jour qu'il traversait la ville de “ Sablé, * il fut aperçu et reconnu par les soldats de Mercœur qui, s'en étant saisi, le livrè- ‘rent à leur chef.” Ainsi, suivant M. le docteur Dionne, CE N’EST QU’APRES AVOIR APPRIS LA REDDITION DE RENNES, et alors qu’IL COURAIT EN POSTE À LA DÉFENSE DU SIÈGE DE SON GOUVERNE- MENT, que le marquis de La Roche fut arrêté. Or, comme la capitale de la Bretagne ouvrit ses portes au duc de Mercœur le 15 mars 1589, et que Fougères se rendit le 28 du même mois, l'arrestation du marquis dut avoir lieu dans la seconde quinzaine du mois de mars 1589. Le marquis de La Roche aurait donc été incarcéré, vers la fin du mois de mars 1589, dans le château de Nantes, où il fut retenu prisonnier pendant un laps de temps sur lequel les historiens ne s'accordent pas.‘ Comme il est parfaitement avéré qu'il était en liberté dans l’automne de 1596,° ayant été probablement relaché pendant la trève qui fut signée vers le milieu d'octobre de cette année, entre le roi Henri IV et le duc de Mercœur, ° son emprisonnement aurait alors duré environ sept ans. D'après les historiens contemporains, ce serait à la suite d’une entrevue qu’il eut avec le roi Henri IV, à Rouen, que le rapatriement des malheureux abandonnés sur l’île de Sable fut décidé. Une seule circonstance, à ma connaissance, aurait permis au marquis de La Roche de rencontrer le roi dans la capitale de la Normandie: c’est à l’occasion de l’assemblée des Notables qui s'y réunirent le 4 novembre 1596, et à laquelle sa haute position sociale 1 M. le docteur Dionne a évidemment voulu dire Rennes. * Fougères se rendit le 28 mars 1589. Voici la très singulière réflexion que M. le docteur Dionne fait au sujet de la date de la prise de cette ville: “M. De Cazes dit que Mercœur prit Fougères le 28 mars 1589, tandis que nous “ lisons dans ?’Art de vérifier les dates, vol. 2, p. 903, que ce fut le 28 mars 1588. Où est erreur?” M. le docteur Dionne avait très certainement oublié, quand il a lancé ce victorieux argument, que le duc de Mercœur n'ayant pris fait et cause pour la Ligue qu’au printemps de 1589 n'aurait eu aucune raison d’assiéger Fougères le 28 mars 1588. * La petite ville de Sablé, qui faisait autrefois partie de l’ancienne province du Maine, est de quarante à cin- quante bonnes lieues de Nantes, la plus rapprochée des villes fortes de Bretagne occupées par les ligueurs. On peut supposer que le marquis de La Roche y fut arrêté par les troupes du duc de Mayenne qui occupaient alors la contrée et qu’il fut livré ensuite au duc de Mercœur, son allié, car, comme le dit fort à propos M: le docteur Dionne, “le duc de Mercœur était alors plus occupé à se fortifier dans Nantes qu’à porter la guerre en dehors de son gou- “vernement.” (Courrier du Canada du 3 novembre 1890.) * Moins d'un an, d’après Henry Harrisse — Notes sur la Nouvelle- France, p. 14. Un an, d’après le P. de Charlevoix — Histoire de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 1, p. 109. Cinq ans, d’après Bergeron — Traité de la Navigation, p. 124 Huit ans, d’après le docteur Dionne — Courrier du Canada du 17 septembre 1890. Neuf ans, d'après M. de La Roche — Héron. Toutes ces citations, sauf celles se rapportant à sa propre appréciation, sont faites par M. le docteur Dionne dans le Courrier du Canada du 20 septembre 1890. 5 M. Dionne dit à ce sujet: ‘‘ Le premier signe de vie qu’il donna après son emprisonnement date du 12 novem- “bre 1596.” (Courrier du Canada du 6 novembre 1890.) 5 “ Après quelques pourparlers entre Henri IV et le duc de Mercœur— dit M. le docteur Dionne— le roi ‘accepta certaines conditions qui lui parurent raisonnables, et une trève fut signée le 18 du même mois ( octobre “1596). Ce fut probablement après cet armistice, qui devait durer jusqu’au 15 janvier suivant, que le duc de “ Mercceur ouvrit les portes du château de Nantes au marquis de La Roche qui dut payer 4,000 écus pour sa rançon.” ( Courrier du Canada du 18 septembre 1890. ) L'ÉPISODE DE L'ILE DE SABLE. 11 devait lui donner droit d'assister. Ce qui donne la plus grande vraisemblance à cette opinion, c’est que, à l’époque où se tint cette assemblée des Notables, à Rouen, il était en Normandie. ' Voici comment M. le docteur Dionne cherche à rétorquer cette hypothèse : “ Cham- “ plain, dit-il, ne parle que du parlement de Rouen, et son témoignage vaut bien celui “ de Lescarbot, et surtout de Bergeron qui a copié Lescarbot. Quoi qu'il en soit, l’objec- “tion est peu grave vu que le roi a pu se rendre à Rouen sans que la grande histoire de “ France le mentionne.” * La version de Champlain n’est qu'une variante de celles données par Lescarbot et Bergeron, deux historiens contemporains comme lui du marquis de La Roche, et ne les contredit pas. En disant : ‘ Par ordonnance de la cour du Parlement de Rouen il fut envoié un “ { vaisseau pour les requérir, ” il doit être dans le vrai, car le parlement de Rouen dut naturellement être chargé de faire exécuter l’ordre du roi. Il est bon aussi de ne pas oublier qu'à l’époque dont nous parlons les rois de France ne se déplacaient pas avec la même facilité qu'aujourd'hui et ne se rendaient pas dans la capitale d’une grande province sans qu'il en fût fait mention quelque part. Henri IV, on ne l’ignore pas, a laissé une volumineuse correspondance qui permet de retracer, jour par jour, les faits de quelque importance qui le concernent particulièrement. Si l’expédition à Vile de Sable avait eu lieu en 1598, il n’est pas supposable que le marquis de La Roche n’eût rien tenté pour délivrer les malheureux qu'il avait abandonnés, puisque la paix régnait alors en France, et l’on ne pourrait, dans ce cas, expliquer une aussi coupable indifférence de sa part. Voici comment M. le docteur Dionne explique une chose qui me paraît aussi inexplicable: * M. De Cazes, dit-il, ne peut pas s’imaginer que les gens de l'ile de Sable “aient pu être laissés à leur triste sort, sans qu'on ait songé à les rapatrier, alors surtout “ que la France était en paix. La réponse est bien facile. Le seul homme qui devait “ avoir des inquiétudes, le marquis de La Roche, ÉTANT RUINÉ* NE POUVAIT PAS AFFRETER “UN NAVIRE POUR LES ALLER QUÉRIR. L'ile de Sable n’est pas à la porte de la France ; “ c’est aussi LISLE DESGARNIE DE HAVRES ET DIFFAMÉE DE NAUFRAGES, suivant l’expres- “ sion de Jean de Laet. Le marquis en sayait quelque chose puisqu'il n’avait pu y “ aborder en revenant des côtes acadiennes. Les navires français voyageaient peu dans ces “ parages.” Etait-il absolument nécessaire que le marquis de La Roche, dont M. le docteur Dionne s’exagère la pauvreté, affrétät à ses frais un navire pour aller chercher les malheu- reux qu'il avait abandonnés sur l'ile de Sable ? Est-ce que le premier navire venu parmi ceux qui faisaient alors, en grand nombre, la pêche à la morue dans les parages de Vile de Sable, ‘ et dans lesquels le marquis avait 1 M. le docteur Dionne dit à ce sujet: “Ce jour-là (le 12 novembre 1596), id signait (le marquis de La Roche) devant les tabellions de la Vallée d’ Auge, une procuration à Guillaume Borvend, sieur de Crussy.” (Courrier du Ca- nada du 6 novembre 1890. ) ? Id. du 5 novembre 1890. 3 Il est prouvé par un acte authentique qu’à la date du 23 février 1600, le marquis de La Roche était encore ‘“ Lieutenant pour le Roy au pays du Canada.” (Voir Notes sur la Nouvelle-France, par H. Harrisse, p. 18.) # La pêche à la morue se faisait certainement alors dans les parages de l’ile de Sable. Le fait est prouvé par les actes de société signés le 4 mars 1597 et le 16 mars 1598 entre le marquis de La Roche et le capitaine Chefd’hostel, 12 PAUL DE CAZES. probablement des intérêts, comme M. le docteur Dionne, quoi qu’il en ait dit, ne semble pas éloigné de je croire,’ n’aurait pu être chargé de cet acte humanitaire ? Quoi qu'il en soit, dans le cours de 1597, nous voyons le marquis de La Roche s’occuper des préparatifs d’une expédition maritime. Voici le résumé que fait M. le docteur Dionne d'un marché qu'il passa a cet effet, le 4 mars de la même année, avec le capitaine Chef- d'hostel : “Le bâtiment devra être prêt à partir A UNE DATE QUE L'ACTE NOTARIÉ N'IN- “DIQUE Pas. Chefd’hostel ira d'abord à Brouage faire sa provision de sel et cinglera “ VERS LES PARAGES DE L'ILE DE SABLE, POUR LA PECHE. L’équipage sera composé de 33 “ matelots. Le commandant D'UNE COMPAGNIE D'HOMMES DE GUERRE sera confié au capi- “ taine Kerdement, au lieutenant de Keroual et à l'enseigne de Mondreville, gentilhomme ‘ normand.” Puis il ajoute : “ Il ressort du document qui renferme ces conventions que le marquis “ n'eut pas, en 1597. l'intention de coloniser l'ile de Sable et que cet affrétement de navire ‘“AVAIT SURTOUT POUR BUT DE FAIRE LA PECHE dans les eaux du golfe, ou, si l’on veut “ s’en tenir au texte, dans les parages de Vile de Sable......... Ce voyage se fitil? Le mar- “ quis de La Roche y prit-il part? Rien ne l'indique. Mais en tout cas, il n'avait d’autres “fins que la pêche à la morue...... Que prouve ce contrat dont la date d'exécution n'est pas même précisée, si ce n’est que le marquis de La Roche le faisait en vue des pouvoirs très étendus qu’un édit royal devait lui conférer quelques mois plus tard ? * Pourquoi cette expédition dans les parages de l’ile de Sable, avec UNE COMPAGNIE D'HOMMES D’ARMES, s’il ne s'était agi que d’y faire purement et simplement la pêche à la morue ? Que l’on me cite un seul acte d’association, pour la pêche à la morue, ‘ où une clause semblable soit insérée, Un autre acte passé le 16 mars 1598, entre le marquis de La Roche et le même capi- taine Chefd’hostel, tend à prouver, comme le dit M. Pol de Courcy, que c’est en cette année-là que furent rapatriés les pauvres gens abandonnés sur l'ile de Sable. Par ce second acte, le capitaine Chefd’hostel s'engage “ ...... à aller à l'ile de Sable et “Ja mettre à terre le dict seigneur (marquis de La Roche) et ses gens pour le service du “roy, AINSI QUE LE DICT SEIGNEUR EST COMMANDÉ par Sa Majesté, lequel fournira les “vivres nécessaires pour lui et ses gens dans le dict vaisseau. Le rapport qui se “ fera des pescheryes sera tout au dict Chefd’hostel. Et ‘lui a promis, le dict seigneur mar- “quis, que s’il met dans son dict navire MARCHANDISES PROVENANT DE LA DICTE ISLE, lui “ en donner les deux parts en faveur (tant) des bourgeois du dict navire que du dict “ Chefd’hostel, et l’autre tiers, IL L’APORTERA pour le dict seigneur marquis......”° dont je fais plus loin des citations empruntées au travail de M. le docteur Dionne. (Courrier du Canada du 6 novembre 1890.) ! Commentant une note de Harrisse au sujet d’un procès qui se passait au mois de février 1600, dans lequel le marquis de La Roche semble être concerné, M. le docteur Dionne dit: ‘ Rien n’empéche que, de son côté, le mar- “quis n’essayAt de refaire sa fortune au moyen de la pêche des morues qui donnait de beaux profits.” (Courrier du Canada du 4 novembre 1890.) ? Courrier du Canada du 6 novembre 1890. # Le 12 janvier 1598. * “Les actes d'association que j'ai sous les yeux,” dit M. le docteur Dionne, “ prouvent qu’il y avait toujours “plusieurs personnes intéressées dans ces entreprises de pêche.” (Courrier du Canada du 4 novembre 1890.) 5 Citation de M. le docteur Dionne. (Courrier du Canada du 6 novembre 1890.) L'ÉPISODE DE L'ILE DE SABLE. 13 Que signifierait cette mention spéciale que l’on trouve pour la première fois, tant dans les actes plus haut cités que dans l’édit royal de 1598, d’une ile réputée inculte, DESGARNIE DE HAVRE ET DIFFAMÉE DE NAUFRAGES, ! suivant la description de Jean de Laét ? A quel propos le roi aurait-il ORDONNÉ au marquis de La Roche DE DESCENDRE SUR L'ILE DE SABLE, s’il n'avait pas eu une raison toute particulière pour lui donner cet ordre ? Enfin, quelles marchandises pouvait-on s'attendre à trouver sur cette ile, si on ne l’avait pas su habitée ? ? On ne trouva que onze ou douze survivants des cinquante misérables qui avaient été laissés sur l’île de Sable, quand on alla pour les délivrer. Cette réduction considérable d’un groupe d'hommes qu’on avait du naturellement choisir PARMI LES PLUS VIGOUREUX, pendant un laps de temps relativement assez court, si mes calculs sont exacts, * ne peut s'expliquer que par les raisons qu’en donne Lescarbot : “ Cependant — dit-il — ces gens demeurent cing ans ‘ dégradés en la dite isle, SE MUTINENT “ pT COUPENT LA GORGE L'UN À L'AUTRE, tant le nombre se raccourcit de jour en jour.” * La misère et les privations qu'ils eurent à subir, quoique pénibles, ne semblent pas avoir été suffisantes pour produire un tel résultat, si on doit croire Champlain, quand il dit: “...... Cependant les hommes qui resterêt en ce lieu avec fort peu de commoditez “ furent sept ans abandonnez sans secours que de Dieu, et furent contraints de se tenir ‘ comme les renards dans la terre pour n'y avoir ny bois ny pierre en cette isle propres à “ bastir, que le débris et fracas des vaisseaux qui viennent à la coste de la dite isle; et “ vescurent seulement de la chair des bœufs et vaches, qu'ils y trouvèrent en quantité, et “s’y estant sauvez par la perte d’un vaisseau Espagnol qui s’estoit perdu voulant aller “ habiter l’isle du Cap Breton; et se vestirent de peaux de loups marins, ayant usé leurs “ habits et conservèrent les huiles pour leur usage, avec la pescherie de poisson qui est “ abondante autour de la dite isle......”° Rien ne prouve que le marquis de La Roche ait été de cette expédition, car son nom n’est pas mentionné au cours du procès qui eut lieu au sujet des effets que le capitaine Chefd’hostel avait extorqués aux malheureux qu'on lui avait donné ordre d’aller délivrer. Il est probable dans tous les cas qu’il n’en fit pas d’autre. 1 Voici ce qu’en dit le P. de Charlevoix : “ A peine l’isle de Sable produit-elle quelques herbes et queiques brous- “ sailles et jamais terre ne fut moins propre pour être la demeure des hommes, outre qu’elle est petite et qu’elle n’a “ point de port.” (Histovre de la Nouvelle-France, vol. 1, p. 109.) * Il est évident que l'espoir que le marquis de La Roche et Chefd’hostel avaient de trouver des marchandises sur l'ile de Sable n’a pas été déçu, car on lit dans l’ Histoire de la Nouvelle-France de Lescarbot: “Le roy com- “ manda à Chefd’hostel, Pilote, d'aller recueillir ces pauvres hommes quand il irait aux terres neuves. Ce qu'il fit, “et en trouva douze de reste, auxquels il ne dit point LE COMMANDEMENT QU’IL AVAIT DU Roy, AFIN D’ATTRAPER BON ‘“ NOMBRE DE CUIRS ET DE PEAUX DE LOUPS-MARINS, DONT ILS AVAIENT FAIT RÉSERVE......” (listoire de la Nouvelle- France, édition Tross, seconde partie, page 397.) * De 1588 à 1598. ‘ Ailleurs il dit sept ans, dans sa première édition. * M. le docteur Dionne ne partage pas l’opinion de Lescarbot; il semble croire, au contraire, que ces gens s'étaient livrés sur leur île à la pratique de toutes les vertus, car il dit: “ Leur barbe inculte et les peaux de pho- “ques dont ils étaient revétus pouvaient leur donner une apparence de sauvagerie, mais comme l’habit ne fait pas “le moine, il ne s’ensuit pas qu’ils eussent perdu le moindre degré de civilisation. Au contraire, IL PARAIT PRO- “ BABLE QU'ILS SH RÉFORMÈRENT AU SEIN DE L'ADVERSITÉ. De criminels qu'ils étaient à leur départ de France, 11s “ £TAIBNT DEVENUS DES GENS PAISIBLES, PLEINS DE BONNES DISPOSITION ET ENFIN MORALISES.” (Courrier du Canada du “5 novembre 1890.) ® Voyages de la Nouvelle-France, édition de 1632, pp. 32 et 33. 14 PAUL DE CAZES. Tout en conservant les privilèges spéciaux se rattachant à sa charge de Lieutenant du Roi a la Nouvelle-France, le marquis de La Roche abandonna, en 1599, au capitaine Jean Chauvin, ceux qui lui donnaient le monopole exclusif de la pêche et du trafic des pelleteries. ! M. le docteur Dionne doit faire erreur quand il dit que les lettres patentes furent accordées à Pierre Chauvin, sieur de Tonnetuit. ? Il ne peut y avoir de confusion possible entre ce Jean Chauvin, qui est toujours désigné dans les actes ofliciels sous le nom de “ Jean Chauvin, habitant de Honfleur” ou de “ capitaine Chauvin,” et Pierre Chauvin, sieur de Tonnetuit. Le capitaine Jean Chauvin mourut au commencement de l’année 1603, alors qu'il préparait une nouvelle expédition pour le Canada. Quant à Pierre Chauvin, sieur de Tonnetuit, nous le voyons revêtu en 1600 des pou- voirs de Lieutenant pour le Roi à la Nouvelle-France, * en absence du marquis de La Roche, et remplaçant, neuf ans plus tard, Dupont Gravé et Champlain, pendant un voyage qu'ils firent en France. * En terminant, je crois pouvoir donner une preuve irréfutable à l’encontre des préten- tions de ceux qui affirment que le voyage pendant lequel le marquis de La Roche laissa ses gens sur l’île de Sable se fit en 1598. Champlain, qui dit au sujet de cette malheureuse expédition : “ Cependant les ‘ hommes qui resterêt en ce lieu avec fort peu de commoditez, FURENT SEPT ANS ABAN- ‘“ DONNEZ sans secours que de Dieu......”” écrivait au commencement de mai 1604: “...., c “ Par ordonnance de la cour du Parlement de Rouen, IL Y FUT ENVOI£ UN VAISSEAU ‘ POUR LES REQUERIR...... 8 Ces deux citations mises en regard prouvent, de la manière la plus indiscutable, que le voyage du marquis de La Roche en question n’a pu avoir lieu en 1598. Car, outre qu’à l’époque où Champlain écrivait les dernières lignes plus haut citées, six ans ne s’étaient pas encore écoulés, il ne parle pas de cet événement, cependant assez remarquable, de façon à faire voir qu'il était de date très récente, et comme s'étant produit l’année pré- cédente. ? 1 Les privilèges accordés au capitaine Jean Chauvin n’affectaient pas ceux inhérents à la charge de Lieutenant pour le Roi au Canada, puisqu'il est prouvé que, le 23 février 1600, le marquis de La Roche avait encore ce titre. (Voir Notes sur la Nouvelle-France, par H. Harrisse, p. 18.) Les lettres patentes du capitaine Jean Chauvin devaient être de même nature que celles de la société Noël- Chatton. C’est-à-dire que les privilèges qu’elles conféraient ne devaient avoir rapport qu’à l'exploitation des péche- ries et au trafic des pelleteries. Il est assez probable qu’il y eut une société de formée entre le marquis de La Roche et le capitaine Chauvin. Du moins le procès du 23 février 1600 (voir Harrisse, p. 18) le laisse supposer. * Courrier du Canada du 19 septembre 1890. * Voir Notes sur la Nouvelle-France de H. Harrisse, p. 18. La commission de 1598 conférait au marquis de La Roche le droit de se choisir, en cas de maladie ou d’absence, un ou plusieurs lieutenants avec les mêmes pou- voirs qui lui étaient conférés à lui-même. * “Champlain, au retour de son expédition, résolut d'aller en France rendre compte à M. de Monts des travaux “ qu’il avait exécutés durant les quinze mois passés dans le pays. Il partit de Tadoussac au mois de septembre “ (1609) en compagnie de Pontgravé, LAISSANT DANS SON ABSENCE LE CAPITAINE PIERRE CHAUVIN CHARGÉ DU COMMAN- DEMENT.” (Cours d'histoire du Canada, par l'abbé Ferland, vol. 1, p. 156.) 5 Voyages de la Nouvelle-France, par Champlain, édition de 1632, pp. 32 et 33. 5 Voir édition de Champlain de 1613. 7 “Les cinquante Français,” dit M. le docteur Dionne, “ restèrent sur l’ile de Sable, sans secours, et quand le L'ÉPISODE DE L'ILE DE SABLE. 15 Ill Les historiens qui ont assigné l’année 1598 comme date du triste épisode de Vile de Sable se sont évidemment laissés influencer par la commission qui fut donnée, cette année- là, au marquis de La Roche. Champlain, quoiqu'il ait dit que l'expédition du marquis de La Roche EUT LIEU EN 1598 ! et que les malheureux abandonnés sur l'ile de Sable y restèrent SEPT ANS, détruit cette assertion en parlant de leur rapatriement, dans une relation DATÉE DU PREMIER MAI 1604, c'est-à-dire moins de SIX ANS après la date qu’il fixe pour cet événement. * Lescarbot, de son côté, place l'expédition dans l’année 1596, * dans son édition de 1609, ce qui ne l'empêche pas de dire, dans son édition de 1612, qu’elle se fit en vertu de la commission de 1598. La version de Bergeron semble être, en somme, la plus exacte. D’après lui, le mar- quis de La Roche serait allé “SUIVANT SA PREMIERE COMMISSION, DES LE TEMPS DE HENRI “III, à Vile de Sable,” mais, ajoute-t-il plus loin, “ayant obtenu une seconde commission, “il ne put continuer ses voyages.” * M. le docteur Dionne récuse cet historien sous prétexte qu’il se contredit en disant que les gens qui furent abandonnés sur l'ile de Sable par le marquis “ profitèrent grande- “ment du bétail, vaches et pourceaux QUI Y AVAIENT ÉTÉ ABANDONNES QUATRE-VINGTS “ ANS AUPARAVANT, par le baron de Léri qui avait entrepris ce voyage en 1518.” ° Il con- clut de ce que Bergeron met 80 ans entre l’expédition du baron de Léri et celle du marquis de La Roche que cet historien reconnaît, par là même, que cette dernière expédition se fit en 1598. En admettant que Bergeron, AU LIEU DE 1518, qu'on lit dans son Traité de la Navigu- tion qui fourmille de fautes typographiques, AIT ÉCRIT 1508, date exacte du voyage du baron de Léri qu'il ne devait pas plus ignorer que les autres historiens de son temps, il se trouverait alors complètement d’accord avec moi. Car, ainsi l'expédition du marquis de La Roche ayant eu lieu EN 1588, COMME JE LE PRETENDS, AURAIT ÉTÉ FAITE EN VERTU DE SA COMMISSION DE 1578, SOUS LE RÈGNE DE HENRI III, ° ET JUSTE QUATRE-VINGTS ANS APRÈS LE VOYAGE DU BARON DE LÉRI. Pour déméler la vérité sur ce fait historique qui a donné lieu déjà à de nombreuses - controverses, j'ai du faire la part des incorrections et des contradictions que l’on rencontre dans les ouvrages de Champlain, Lescarbot et Bergeron, les seuls historiens contempo- rains qui, à ma connaissance, aient relaté les épisodes se rattachant à une époque relative- ment éloignée. Pour sortir de ce dédale inextricable, les arguments qui m'ont été fournis par les écrits de M. le docteur Dionne m'ont été, je dois l’avouer, d’un secours inappréciable. “ pilote Chefd’hostel vint à leur recherche cinq ans plus tard (en 1603 naturellement) onze seulement avaient pu “ survivre à leur triste sort.” (Courrier du Canada du 19 septembre 1890.) ' Voyages de Champlain, édition de 1632, p. 32. * Comme il est loin d’y avoir sept ans entre 1598 et 1604, Champlain a fait erreur quelque part. Il est probable que l’erreur existe plutôt dans l'édition de 1632 que dans celle de 1613, car lorsqu’il écrivait sa relation du ler mai 1604, insérée dans l'édition de 1613, il devait avoir les faits plus présents à la mémoire que dix-neuf ans plus tard. * Histoire de la Nouvelle-France par Lescarbot, édition de 1609, p. 18. * Traité de la Navigation, p.124. (Citation de M. le docteur Dionne.) 5 Traité de la Navigation, p. 125. 5 Henri III fut assassiné le ler août 1589. SECTION I, 1892. RE 2] MÉMOIRES 8. R. CANADA. { IIL. — Etude ethnographique des éléments qui constituent la population de la province de Québec, bs Pot Par 3° M2 LEMOINE. (Lue le 28 mai 1892.) Tracer l’origine complexe des diverses nationalités qui habitent l’Amérique-Britan- nique, fixer l'ère exacte, décrire les causes de leur migration de la vieille Europe et de leur établissement sur cette féconde et salubre terre de l’ouest, déterminer la proportion précise dans laquelle chaque race a contribué à la création de la population composite des huit provinces du Canada confédéré, voilà certes un programme assez vaste pour satisfaire l'ethnographe le plus zélé. I] me sourirait, si j'avais sous la main toutes les données nécessaires au développement de mon sujet : vain espoir pour le moment. Je m’en tiendrai done aujourd’hui, à cette partie du programme qui nous intéresse de plus prés: l'étude des groupes qui peuplent l’ancienne colonie française de la Nouvelle- France. Pour la province de Québec, les sources ethnographiques se révèlent comme suit : 1. Les tables du recensement officiel, sous la domination française et sous le régime qui Ja remplaca en 1760, la domination anglaise. 2. Les registres authentiques des mariages, baptêmes et sépultures conservés dans les églises des divers cultes. (Qu'il me soit permis, avant d’aller plus loin, de rendre hommage aux savantes recherches sur cette matière, de feu les abbés Ferland et Langevin, et de l’abbé Cyprien Tanguay.) 3. Les états de service des régiments français, anglais, écossais, allemands, suisses, licenciés au pays. 4. Les annales canadiennes, augmentées des pièces justificatives et des documents déposés aux archives, à Ottawa et à Québec. D'abord disons un mot en passant des récits fantastiques et injurieux que certains écrivains légers ou malhonnétes ont fait circuler sur les commencements de la colonie. Les antécédents des premiers colons de la Nouvelle-France, sont fort différents, sachons-le, de ceux des gens que l'Etat envoyait aux Antilles françaises, à Saint-Christophe, par exemple. Ce n'était pas des repris de justice, des galériens, des malfaiteurs, en un mot des rebuts sociaux, que l’on destinait à la nouvelle colonie. Mais, comme l’a si bien dit M. Rameau de Saint-Père : “des paysans français, paisibles, laborieux, régulièrement “ organisés sous leurs seigneurs, avec l'aide et l’'encouragement du gouvernement.” Plus tard, en 1665, l'élément militaire fera acte de présence ; les troupiers du régiment de Carignan se grouperont autour du manoir seigneurial de leurs officiers concessionnaires de vastes seigneuries, auxquelles ces derniers laisseront leur nom et où ils feront souche. Les grands de Louis XIV, rivalisant d’empressement à seconder le roi, contribueront de Sec. I, 1892. 3. 18 J. M. LEMOINE. leurs deniers même, à fonder cette France nouvelle au delà des mers, arrosée par notre fleuve-roi ; radieuse contrée, plus vaste que l’Europe, où l'or, l’argent, le cuivre, le fer, n’attendent que le pic du mineur; où lacs et rivières fourmillent de poisson ; où les forêts offrent à l’exploitateur d’abondantes, de riches pelleteries. L’enthousiasme gagnera même les grandes dames de la cour: des femmes généreuses, distinguées par la naissance : les duchesses de Bouillon, d’Aiguillon, madame de la Peltrie, madame de Champlain, se chargeront de civiliser, de coloniser, de christianiser ces loin- taines contrées, dont on disait de si merveilleuses choses à la cour du grand roi. Aux paisibles fermiers normands, aux aventureux pêcheurs bretons, aux vigoureux militaires du colonel de Salières et du marquis de Traey, il fallait des compagnes. La France chrétienne leur en enverra. On fera choix dans les hôpitaux, dans les orphelinats de Paris, de Lyon, de jeunes personnes de mœurs irréprochables, que la flotte chaque printemps conduira sous escorte convenable, à Québec : et l’histoire nous répète que si par hasard, il se rencontrait quelques mauvais sujets parmi les recrues, les vaisseaux les ramenaient tout de suite en France." Le jésuite Le Jeune, en 1636, se plaisait à dire: “Nous voyons tous les ans aborder bon nombre de très honorables personnes, qui se vien- nent jeter dans nos grands bois, comme dans le sein de la paix, pour vivre ici avec plus de piété, plus de franchise et plus de liberté.” Néanmoins, l’arrivée chaque printemps, à la fonte des neiges, de ces honorables personnes, si elle avait son côté récréatif pour les colons en quête d’épouses, ne donna lieu à aucun abus appréciable, bien qu’elle ait fourni à LeBeau et au caustique et peu scrupuleux baron La Hontan, des pages plus grivoises que véridiques. La Hontan trace un tableau assez amusant de ces précoces fiançailles : l’heureux couple, déclaré mari et femme par le magique Conjungo vos du curé, et le contrat du notaire, recevait, le lendemain, du gouverneur de la colonie, comme gratuité, un bœuf, une vache, deux pores, un couple de volailles, deux barils de viande salée et onze écus en espèces sonnantes. On offrait aux officiers des gratuités encore plus fortes, lorsqu'ils prenaient femme et se fixaient dans la colonie ; à cette fin l’intendant Talon demandait à Colbert, le 27 octobre 1667, “des demoiselles bien choisies.” Quinze cents livres furent données à M. La Motte, qui avait allumé le flambeau de Vhyménée en Canada ; six mille livres furent distribuées parmi d’autres militaires qui suivirent son exemple, et douze mille livres furent mises à part pour les simples soldats, enclins à faire de même, et cela en sus d’octrois de terre et de provisions de bouche pour une année. Des gentilshommes français, plus riches en blason qu’en écus, obtinrent du roi des fiefs en Canada, où ils vinrent, entourés de leurs vassaux, couler une paisible existence, loin du bruit et du faste des cours; des militaires, signalés sur des champs de bataille européens en firent autant : leur nom revit chez quelques-uns de nos seigneurs. 1 Si parmi les colons, il se trouvait, aux rapports de LaTour, de l’intendant DeMeules et même de la mère de l’'Incarnation, de la marchandise avariée, on s'en débarrassait au plus vite; évidemment la majeure partie, comme le dit le père Leclerc, se composait de “très honnêtes gens, ayant de la probité, de la droiture et de la religion... L'on a examiné et choisi les habitants, et renvoyé en France les personnes vicieuses.” Ceux qui restaient au Canada “effagaient glorieusement par leur pénitence les taches de leur première condition.” Charlevoix, qui écrivait plusieurs années après, leur rend un semblable témoignage. ÉTUDE ETHNOGRAPHIQUE. 19 La colonie de Québec, dès son berceau, a été singulièrement privilégiée sous le rapport de l'immigration. Plus tard, sous le régime anglais, nous la verrons ouvrir la porte à une classe d’immi- grants distingués par leur éducation supérieure et leur position sociale: les loyalistes de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, United Empire Loyalists, qui abandonnérent leurs biens et leurs foyers, plutôt que de renier, en 1776, leur serment d’allégeance a leur souverain aimé, le roi de la Grande-Bretagne. L’historien Ferland a consacré d’éloquentes pages à justifier les premiers colons du Canada contre les assertions injurieuses de LeBeau! et de La Hontan. * De 1621 a 1641, une abondante immigration nous venait du Perche, de la Normandie, de la Beauce, de l'Ile de France, de la Saintonge, du Poitou, de la Picardie, du pays d'Aunis; on refusa de bonne heure l'entrée aux Huguenots, comme colons, bien à tort, selon plusieurs éminents écrivains, surtout après la révocation de l’édit de Nantes: on redoutait les dissensions religieuses dans un jeune pays. La Compagnie de Rouen et celle de M. de Monts qui lui succéda, étaient contrôlées par des marchands, en grande partie normands. Ils choisirent leurs employés à Rouen, à Dieppe, à Cherbourg, à Fécamp, à Honfleur. Les commis et serviteurs de ces puissantes compagnies, se familiarisèrent avec le climat et les productions du sol canadien, et quand Kertk s’emparait de Québec, en 1629, et que Charles I d'Angleterre, restituait en 1632 la colonie à la France, cette dernière se hata de la peupler de paysans français qui s’y fixèrent avec leurs familles. A cette fin, Samuel de Champlain, après avoir quitté Londres où il avait passé quelque temps, faisait voile de Dieppe, en 1633, avec ses compagnons : des soldats, des missionnaires et des colons, ces derniers natifs probablement de la Nor- mandie et du pays de Caux. En 1634, l’on constate l’arrivée du chirurgien Robert Giffard, natif du Perche, premier seigneur de Beauport, près Québec, avec sa femme, ses enfants, et sept familles perche- ronnes, les futurs colonisateurs de la côte de Beaupré. Deux familles importantes arri- vèrent de France en 1636, les LeGardeur et les LeNeuf. Les colons venus en 1642, se groupèrent autour de Québec ; quelques-uns, cependant, continuèrent leur route jusqu'aux Trois-Rivières, attirés sans doute par l’abondance du poisson et du gibier, dans le voisinage du lac Saint-Pierre. Les premiers défrichements à Québec, furent faits sur le Coteau Ste-Geneviève (faubourg St-Jean), les rives du Saint-Charles, le fief Notre-Dame-des-Anges, près Charlesbourg, le petit village de Fargy, à Beauport, les fiefs St-Michel et Sillery, à l’ouest de Québec. Champlain, dès le début, avait noté les belles prairies naturelles au pied du cap Tourmente et y avait placé des pâtres ou fermiers, pour y élever des bestiaux. D'industrieux colons s’y établirent en 1633. En 1636, le gouverneur de Montmagny et le père LeJeune y rencontraient de bons cultivateurs que le religieux visitait chaque année : le lieu fut nommé Beaupré “ car les prairies y sont belles et grandes et bien tenues,” dit ce religieux. De 1615 à 1641, c’est presque exclusivement la Normandie et le Perche qui font les frais de immigration. De 1641 à 1652, le flot envahissant nous arrive de la Normandie, du Perche, d’Aunis, 1 Aventures et voyages au Canada, 1727. ? Nouveaux voyages de M. le baron La Hontan dans l’'Amériqué septentrionale, 1704. 20 J. M. LeMOINE. du Poitou, du Maine, de la Bretagne, de l’Anjou, de la Picardie, de Brie, de l'Ile-de-France, de Paris, ete. Voir Cours d'histoire du Canada, Ferland, t. I, p. 512. Les registres de la Basilique de Québec mentionnent parmi les nouveaux colons, des personnes venues de Paris, des jeunes filles prises dans les asiles du roi en France, des orphelines, issues de gentilshommes pauvres, morts au service du roi: “l’une, pour sure, était la fille d’un ancien gouverneur de Nancy,” ajoute Ferland. Vers 1660, il était déjà né dans le pays plusieurs enfants. En 1665, le fameux régiment de 1,000 hommes levé en Savoie, en 1644, par le prince de Carignan et commandé par le colonel de Salières, accompagnait à Québec, comme escorte, le magnifique vice-roi, le marquis de Tracy. Près de deux siècles plus tard, notre fastueux vice-roi anglais, et grand commissaire en Canada, le comte de Durham obtenait de sa souveraine, une escorte non moins distinguée, les gardes de la reine — Colds/r+am Guards. Plusieurs compagnies du régiment de Carignan furent plus tard licenciées à Québec: l’Intendant réussit à retenir dans la colonie le plus grand nombre de ceux qui les composaient, en leur promettant des épouses françaises, des terres, des bestiaux, des gratuités en argent. Leurs officiers, également séduits par la libéralité du gouverne- ment, surent se tailler dans le domaine royal, de vastes et riches seigneuries dont les noms rappellent aujourd’hui les concessionnaires primitifs: Sorel — Chambly —Saint- Ours — Berthier — Contrecceur — La Valtrie— de Meloises —de la Pérade— Petit — Rouge- mont — Verchères — LaCombe — Portneuf, etc. Aux jours d’antan, il en coûtait moins pour se procurer une épouse à Québec, qu'en Virginie, en 1620. ‘Un des moyens adop- tés, dit l'historien Ferland, pour augmenter la population (de la Virginie), fut d’y envoyer une cargaison de filles, jeunes et honnêtes, destinées à épouser des planteurs ; elles furent débarquées à Jamestown, au nombre de quatre-vingt-dix. La compagnie fixa le prix de chacune à cent livres de tabac ; or le tabac qui était la monnaie courante de la Virginie, valait trois chelins la livre; de sorte qu’une femme, rendue sur les lieux, coûtait à l’ache- teur une somme de quinze louis. Bientôt le nombre des filles ayant considérablement diminué, il fallut augmenter le prix et le porter à cent cinquante livres de tabac. (Ferland, Cours d'histoire du Canada, vol. I, p. 193.) La dispersion, en septembre 1755, par le colonel Winslow, à l’instigation de la Nou- velle-Anglet:rre, des infortunés Acadi-ns qui refusaient de prêter le serment d’allégeance à la Grande-Bretagne, maitresse de leur pays, fournit au Canada français un peloton, peu nombreux et peu important de colons, dénués de tout. Ils furent assez mal accueillis à Québec ; la majeure partie des déportés—en tout 5,788—alla trainer une pénible existence au Maine, à Massachusett’s Bay, en Pennsylvanie, en Virginie, aux Carolines, à la Nouvelle- Ecosse, aux Iles de la Madeleine, à Terre-Neuve, et à l’Ile du Prince-Edouard. Quelques-uns retournèrent en France; des familles s’établirent près de Montréal, à un endroit qui plus tard prit le nom d’Acadie, devenu un centre assez important. On retrouve maintenant en Canada, bon nombre de vigoureux rejetons de ceux qui colonisèrent le pays d'Evangéline, chanté par Longfellow, chez les Landry, les Poirier, les LeBlanc, les Allard, les Cormier, les Arseneau, les Boudreault. Un rameau du vieil arbre gaulois reverdit de nos jours au grand conseil de la nation, a Ottawa, ‘dans la personne des sénateurs Landry et Poirier. Voila quelques-unes des grandes lignes de la population primitive de la colonie, sous la banniére fleurdelisée des Bourbons. ETUDE ETHNOGRAPHIQUE, 21 Le drapeau de Saint-Georges, planté par Wolfe sur nos bastions, en 1759, nous valut une immigration toute autre, par fois antagoniste. De 1759 à 1841, la France nous envoya peu ou point de colons. Lorsque Québec, Trois-Rivières, Montréal devinrent des villes anglaises quant à la régie, il s’y établit grand nombre d’ayides trafiquants, d’aventuriers sans aveu, accourus à la suite de l’armée, des rives de la Tamise. Le premier gouverneur, le général James Murray, l’ami des Franco-canadiens, en a tracé une assez sombre peinture dans une dépêche qu’il adressait au gouvernement métro- politain, en 1766. Certains officiers supérieurs de l'Etat ou de l’armée anglaise, le juge Gregory, Hect. Théophile Cramahé, le général Murray, le colonel Henry Caldwell, le major Samuel Holland, le major Moses Hazen, le capitaine T. Ross, les Hale, acquirent 4 bonne compo- sition des fiefs, de grands domaines, au départ précipité des anciens propriétaires pour la France ou quelques années plus tard. Vers 1762, le célèbre régiment de lord Lovat (Frazer's Highlanders) qui avait prodigué son sang pour |’ Angleterre dans la guerre de la conquête, fut en partie licencié. Il se composait de 1,100 montagnards écossais ; plusieurs des soldats se fixérent au Canada : ils y ont prospéré. On semblait dès lors préluder au bien-être et aux étonnants succès de cette rude et in- telligente race écossaise, dont les descendants--nos millionnaires canadiens—ont accumulé à Montréal et ailleurs, des fortunes fabuleuses : lord Mount-Stephen, sir Donald A. Smith, sir Hugh Allan, sir David McPherson, David Allan, John Redpath, les honorables James et Peter McGill, James Ross, H. Cochrane, Drummond, Robert Angus, W. W. Ogilvie, Duncan McIntyre, John Fraser, Peter McLaren, Hector McKenzie, Richard B. Angus, Rob. Anderson, B. Greenshields, James Burnett, Rob. Mackay, John McDougall. Les fils de la Calédonie se répandirent dans tous les coins des possessions britan- niques, à la Nouvelle-Ecosse, au Nouveau-Brunswick, etc.; le clan des Fraser, à lui seul, compte parmi nous ses fils par centaines. Deux officiers qui servaient au siège de Québec, le capitaine John Nairn et le lieute- nant Malcolm Fraser, obtinrent de leur commandant, le général Murray, en 1762, de fertiles et belles seigneuries sur la rive nord du fleuve Saint-Laurent, quatre-vingt-dix milles en aval de Québec : Murray Bay et Mount-Murray. Ils s’y installèrent, dans leurs confortables manoirs, entourés de leurs soldats : les Warren, les Harvey, les Blackburn, les McLean, les McNeil, les MeNicol, lesquels y épousèrent des Canadiennes. Leur descendance est maintenant fort nombreuse ; mais elle a fait table rase des tra- ditions, de la langue, du culte national de l’antique Calédonie. Elle a même substitué au pittoresque kilt des Montagnards, le modeste pantalon d’étoffe du pays ! La guerre de l'Indépendance américaine a enrichi le Canada d’une immigration remarquable à plusieurs points de vue. Mais la province de Québec n'a eu en partage qu'une mince portion des 10,000 loyalistes, qui sacrifièrent fortune et position sociale, à New-York, à Boston, à Philadelphie, etc., plutôt que de faillir dans leur allégeance à leur souverain, George III. Le gros de la bande se replia vers l’ouest du Canada ; ils devinrent par la suite, pour ainsi dire, les fondateurs de sa prospérité. Un peloton assez considérable, en 1783, faisait 22 J. M. LeMOINE. voile pour le Nouveau-Brunswick et y fonda la ville de Saint-Jean. Les hommes les plus en vue du groupe de Québee, les Smith, les Sewell, les McPherson, les Ogden, les Bethune, devinrent d’importants fonctionnaires publics, chefs de la classe dirigeante. Les troupes allemandes, qui accompagnèrent le général Burgoyne à Québec, en 1776, laissérent derriére eux a leur retour, a Québec, en 1782, plusieurs soldats hessois et bruns- wickois, qui s’établirent au Canada. Québee, vers cette époque, au reste, contenait quelques familles allemandes, les Pozer, les Wiirtele, etc. En 1797, la Révolution francaise jeta sur notre plage une immigration qui en quelque sorte rappelait les premiers temps de la colonie. Certains membres marquants du clergé français nous demandèrent asile: puis, de braves gentilshommes, des militaires de dis- tinction réfugiés à Londres, après avoir échappé à la guillotine de Robespierre, furent heureux de trouver protection sous le drapeau de la perfide Albion. Prévenus contre les frimas de Québec, ils allèrent s'établir, sous la latitude plus tempérée de Toronto, main- tenant la capitale de notre grande province d'Ontario. Un vieux plan exhumé par l’anti- quaire Henry Scadding, nous fait voir, au canton de Markham, près de York, les lots concédés aux royalistes francais par le gouvernement anglais, et les noms des concession- naires comme suit : René Aug. comte de Chalus ; Jean Louis, vicomte de Chalus, major général dans l’armée royale de Bretagne ; Ambroise de Farcy, général; le comte de Puisaye ; le chevalier de Marseuil ; Augustin Boiton, lieutenant-colonel ; Michel Saigeon ; François Renaux; Julien le Bugle; Quetton Saint-Georges ; Pierre Letourneaux ; Jean Furon et autres. Les mémoires du temps rappellent qu'aux bals du gouverneur de la colonie, les joyaux de madame la comtesse de Puisaye créèrent par leur éclat toute une sensation. Lamartine raconte que M. de Puisaye, avant la déroute au château de Brécourt, passa une année entière caché dans une caverne, d’où par ses manœuvres et ses écrits, il organisa la révolte contre la Convention. Cette noblesse de vieille roche ne fit pas souche au Canada: la colonie se dispersa. Le comte de Puisaye mourut a Londres, en 1827. Un incident des guerres européennes qui contribua puissamment à signaler à l’exploi- tation commerciale et à la colonisation, la province de Québec, fut le blocus continental ou la clôture, en 1808, par Napoléon I, contre l'Angleterre, des ports de la Baltique. La Grande-Bretagne tirait des forêts du nord de l’Europe, le bois pour ses vastes construc- tions navales. I] lui fallait aussi du pin pour usages domestiques, de l’épinette pour la mature de sa marine, du chêne pour la coque de ses frégates qui alors envahissaient toutes les mers. Sous ce rapport, les forêts du Canada étaient inépuisables. Les grandes maisons de commerce, à Londres, à Bristol, à Liverpool; les chantiers du roi, se hâtèrent d’expédier a Québec, des agents suivis de nombreux corps d'ouvriers, qui plus tard, y amenèrent leurs familles. Chaque été, de nouveaux colons nous arrivaient d’Albion: l'exploitation des douves et du bois carré, et la construction de notre marine marchande, datent, on peut dire, du blocus continental ; le grand ravageur des nations, Napoléon I, est devenu sans le savoir un biénfaiteur pour le Canada. Deux régiments étrangers, recrutés parmi les prisonniers de guerrre français détenus en Angleterre, consentirent à venir servir en Amérique sous le pavillon anglais à l’époque de la guerre américaine de 1812—pourvu qu'ils ne fussent pas tenus de se battre contre lu France. ETUDE ETHNOGRAPHIQUE. 23 Ces deux célèbres corps, les Watteville et les Meurons, furent plus tard licenciés en Canada. Les officiers y contractérent des alliances dans nos meilleures familles cana- diennes; on en retrouve la digne descendance chez les Montenach, les Labruére, les Dufresne, les d’Orsonnens, les Genand et autres. Au reste, à venir jusqu’au départ des légions anglaises, en 1871, le militaire semble avoir manifesté un penchant prononcé pour nos belles Canadiennes de toutes les origines. Grand nombre de fils de famille anglais ont contracté des alliances dans la colonie. Voir la table, à l’appendice II. L'Irlande, aux années de famine et après les grandes guerres continentales, nous versait la surabondance de sa population: ces exilés d’Hrin, tristes épaves, venaient par milliers, s’échouer sur nos plages, dénués de tout, certains d’y trouver le pain et la liberté. Ceci avait lieu de 1818 à 1850 et plus tard. Ils se fixaient par groupes de familles, aux prés féconds mais incultes des beaux cantons de l'Est, sous un pasteur de leur nationa- lité. Quelquefois, la verte bannière d’Erin pénétrait dans les environs de nus villes, ou même à l’intérieur, où elle réclamait un quartier entier pour son abondante progéniture. Les Franco-canadiens de la province de Québec ont conservé le langage, le culte, les traditions, les coutumes même de leurs aieux normands ou bretons. Si le peuple parle un idiome un tant soit peu suranné, du moins l'on n’y trouve point de patois, bien que l’anglicisme et l’américanisme y aient fait des brèches. Récem- ment la colonisation chez nous a souffert d’un mal dont se plaignent aussi nos progressifs voisins. Evidemment, le New-Hampshire, le Massachusetts, le Vermont, ne sont pas les seuls endroits où la population rurale, séduite par des récits colorés, quelquefois fantai- sistes, quitte les et va chercher fortune dans l'Ouest ou dans les grands centres manufacturiers des Etats-Unis. ay ? champs paternels,’ Québec et Ontario même ont payé un large tribut à cette soif de déplacement au profit d’un territoire où la charrue n’a encore tracé que de rares sillons, et où l'hiver est encore plus rude qu'en Canada. L'on se plaint amèrement aux Etats-Unis du dépeuplement des campagnes; et les tables de notre dernier recensement démontrent que le mal a traversé la frontière et menace de s’enraciner chez nos paisibles fermiers. VEXTRAIT qui suit du recensement de 1891, indique le lieu de naissance des pères de famille, RECENSEMENT DE 1891. ProviNcs DE QUÉBEC. Canada ...... esse sossee sonous sevens sovecs cesses soscso cesse 1,313,508 PATIO IGLOLLG ee eme sisi selefetele OO DO or doo mene weak 41,734 RANCE oleic mes enr « sl'aic niu win knloietare ah clalets\slevercheyalee Sion OUT 4,656 ATIOMARNO Lens e serie este s ey atofeicneloid:alelol el olay ouskejelate a’edeotsloiciieterabiere 2,007 Irlande ..... dm LOS e nn deco Me pe AOC noc 69,012 Thalia Se to dete cout VOUS MR NT kee eke 1,084 Terre NOUV ere ommmen diese et aroma ots aie Doris a resemaeer 2,051 Russie .-..- nas es elsese =isiclatelemn steers rer Rs sens ses 1,375 SCANAINAVID secret eee PHP U OO ADS OUT OP apodos 938 ECOBSO 2 2e ee creleicre none x) De do Se nN enn iee RESTE tio HAcooë 28,841 États Unis, 2. as Meet Dee AO 00e 17,187 Autres pays .....,... Ho AOCU ROO: Biateieini dare folel shel vie niaie las sise.e «is» 3,303 INCONNUS... 2. sat ain sononentlos Teens en tomes ses 1,959 1,488,535 GEORGE JOHNSON, Commissaire du recensement, 24 J. M. LeMOINE. APPENDICE A. I COLONS ARRIVES AU CANADA DB 1615 À 1641 INCLUSIVEMENT. NORMANDIE.—Jean Nicolet, de Cherbourg; Olivier LeTardif, Honfleur; Guillaume Huboust, Mesnil— Durand ; Jean Godefroy, Lintot; François Marguerite, Rouen ; Jacques Hertel, Fécamp; Adrien DuChesne, Dieppe ; Nicolas Marsolet, Rouen; Noël Langlois, Saint-Léonard ; Thomas Godefroy, Lintot; Nicolas Bellanger, Tonques; Paul de Rainville, Tonques ; Jacques LeNeuf de la Potherie, Caen ; Michel LeNeuf du Herisson, Caen ; Jean Bourdon, Rouen; Antoine Brassard.... ; Etienne Racine, Fumichon, près Lisieux ; Pierre LeGardeur de Repentigny, Thury ; Jean Cochon, Dieppe; Charles LeMoine, Dieppe; Antoine Damien, Rouen; Nicolas Bonhomme DuLac, Fécamp; Léonard Gouget, Thury ; René Maiseray, Thury ; Jean LePoutrel, Caen ; Charles LeGardeur de Tilly, Thury ; Guil- laume Grimaud, Pays de Caux, (27). PERCHE.—Robert Giffard, Mortagne; François Drouyn, Du Pin, près de Mortagne ; Jean Guyon, père, Mor- tagne ; Jean Guyon, fils, Mortagne; Zacharie Cloustier, Mortague ; Pierre DeLaunay, Fresnay-le-Vicomte ; Claude Poulin...... ; Julien Mercier, Tourouvre; Pierre Gadois, Appenai; Robert Drouin, Du Pin, prés de Mortagne ; Gaspar Boucher, Mortagne : Marin Boucher, Mortagne; François Boucher, François Bellanger, Mortagne; Jean Poisson, Mortagne ; Noël Pinguet, Tourouvre ; Henri Pinguet, Tourouvre; Jacques Maheust, St-Michel Auvertuy ; Pierre Maheust, Mortagne; René Maheust, Mortagne; M. Mauger, St-Martin du Vieux-Bellesme; Mathurin Gagnon, Tourouvre; Pierre Gagnon, Tourouvre ; Jean Gagnon, Tourouvre; Thomas Hayot...... ...... ; Guil- laume Bigot, Tourouvre ; Thomas Giroust, Mortagne ; Pierre Paradis, Tourouvre, (28). PICARDIE.—Adrien d’Abanconr, Soissons ; Pierre Gareman ; Philippe Amiot, (3). MAINE.—Jacques Boissel; Jean Melloue dit Dumaine, Saint-Léger en Charnie (Haut-Maine). (2). BRIE.—Noël Morin, Brie-Comte-Robert ; Jean Jolliet, Sezanne, (2). CHAM PAGNE.—Francois Chaviguy de Berchereau, Creancey ; Nicolas Macart, Mareuil-sur-Die, (3). BEAUCE.—Noél Juchereau des Chastelets, La Ferté-Vidame; Jean Juchereau de Maure, La Ferté-Vidame, Nicolas Pelletier, Saint-Pierre de Galardon, (3). PARIS.—Louis Hébert, Charles Sevestre, (2). BRETAGNE.—Jean Gory, Pont-Aven, (1). ILE DE FRANCE.—Louis Sedillot, Gif, (1). POITOU.—Jacques Gourdeau, Niort, (1). LIEU DE NAISSANCE INCONNU.—Guillaume Couillard, Abraham Martin, Nicolas Pivert, Jean Coté, Jacques Scelle, Robert Caron, Guillaume Boivin, Denis Du Quay, Pierre de la Porte, Martin Grouvel, Germain Le Barbier, Pierre Masse, (12). IT CoLoNS ARRIVES AU CANADA DE 1641 AU COMMENCEMENT DE 1666. Le manque d’espace nous force à omettre les noms et le lieu précis de naissance des colons qui s’établirent au Canada pendant ce quart de siècle. Nous ne pourrons en indiquer que le nombre fourni par chaque grand centre. Normandie, 98 colons ; Perche, 29; Saint-Onge, 13; Aunis, 37; Ile de Rhé, 3; Ile d’Oleron, 5; Champagne, 6 ; Poitou, 33: Blaisois, 2; Maine, 14; La Manche, 1; Languedoc, 1; Lorraine, 4 ; Ile de France, 7; Paris, 18 ; Bretagne, 13; Anjou, 11; Angoumois, 7; Picardie, 6; Lyonnais, 2; Forez, 1; Beauce, 6; Hainault, Guienne, 3; Gascogne, 2; Berry, 2; Périgond, 1; Flandre française, 1 ; Brie, 7; Provence, 3; Bourgogne, 2; Touraine, 5. Ferland, Cours d’histoire du Canada, Tome I, p. 512. M. Sulte ajoute à cette liste les noms suivants : — Normandie : Etienne Jonquest, Bertrand Fafard, Augustin Hébert, Guillaume Banse, Guillaume Couture. Perche : Sébastien Dodier, Jacques Badeau, Nicolas Godé. Maine : Jean Brossier. Paris : Jean-Paul Godefroi. LaRochelle et la Saintonge : Jean Sauvaget, Guillaume Pepin, Christophe Crevier, Pierre Miville. Le Forez : An- toine Desrosiers. Lorraine : Claude Etienne. Jnconnus: Guillaume Isabel, Pierre Blondel, François Aubert, Louis Gagné. ETUDE ETHNOGRAPHIQUE. 25 APPENDICE H. (Extrait de Maple Leaves for 1873). British OrricERS WHO HAVE RECENTLY MARRIED IN CANADA, 1840-1870. Rifle Brigade. Coldstream Guards. Earl of Errol................Miss Gore. Capt. Clayton...............Miss Wood. 7th Hussars. Kirkland ..........,,.. “Paterson. GOI Dites es --nescue +» Miss DeMontenach. 1st Royals. Major Campbell ............. “_ Duchesnay. Capt. Davenport ............ Miss Sewell. 13th Hussars. MeNicol eee mecs “Wood. Capt. Clarke... .....-...... Miss Rose. 7th Royal Fusiliers. Capt. Joyce ...ecs rose ceveee «Austen. Capt. W. Price Brown........ Miss Prior. Hient WHE ---------re..r ‘“ Esten. Lieut. Winter....... sons “ Sewell. Dr Milburn.-.-------m.cren «Allan. 9th Regiment. Royal Artillery. Capt. Straubenzee ........... Miss Cartwright. Col. Shakspear ...... ..... Miss Panet. “ Terry ....... se vecerciee “ Taylor. © Pipon serres one soso “Ashworth. 15th Regiment. “FitzGerald ..........., ‘“ LeMoine. Lieut.-Col. Nash ............ Miss Nanton. (ER GRO --- eme ‘ LeMesurier. Major Temple .............. ‘“ Sewell. Walker .... csooe soso Mrs. Ball. (TDS. 00a0 000906 0500 “Caldwell. “ Haultain.......-.0.... Miss Gordon. 16th Regiment. Capt. Noble................. “Campbell. Major Lucas...... seve eeeeee Miss McKensie. CO IDE) Mio nano onde “Rawson. de BEGtunon vocova Conan “Cunningham. Dre) Duff... -.- rence “ Sewell. Capt: Carter..." “_ LeMesurier. Dr. Mclntosh............ an NO ro DOME TE So o0000n 00100000 “Alloway. Capt. Brackenbury .......... “Campbell. (Platte ecisces csv «neces “ ‘Howard. LOT WATI Ve eee eme “Hamilton. Dr. Ferguson .......... s... “ Alloway. «© A.W. White... * Young. Lieut. Kane---.....1.0.0.. "100 “ Coursol. «Appleby ....s.. ses. “Macdonald. 17th Regiment. “ Sandilands ............ ‘“ Stevenson. Capt. Heigham ............, Miss Fraser. WO TBM me ere re “ Kirpatrick. Webber... +. “ Jeffrey. Capt. Hotham ............. CO FAle 1 Utterson) .--"--reoesss “ Burstall. CT OR porwodsoud vo00o “ Gzowski. (OS Parkers becoracnnacc vou “Webster. “ Sandham.......... +++» “ Maria Gzowski. Lieut. Burnett...........,., “_ Kreighoff. Col. Mackay.......... cece - “ Wood. (Wee! ois visieie- ern pisteis noir “ Motz. Royal Engineers. Us Ks uxtoopuricoddoco nde Mrs. Stevenson. Col Galway:-....-...... .. Miss McDougall ON 1 bad) Gonna dodo case Miss Motz. ETO W ieletenl eee Soocosd “ Hunt. “ Presgrave ..... 5550000 DAY: “ EÆord................. “ Racey. 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers, « White...... eisielsis\n sine “ Gibson. Capt. Hopton................ Miss Vaughan, ‘ Beatson......,.. eee DPI COTAON Lieut. Benyon ............., “Allan. ENT A Ye eee ere “ Fisher. Rowley .........,..... “Hollis. Capt. Noble. ................ “ Lunn. 25th Borderers. Capt. DeMontmorency....... “Motz. Capt. Smythe ..,............ Miss Perrault. Capt. Mann...............,, ‘“ Geddes. Dr. Gribben..........,...0. Allan IP UE AD NE eee users “Felton. ILI fot pAb seo codes cesser “ Maxham. Lieut. Carlisle .............. “Phillips. 26th Regiment. © TSEEES reserves TU OlYe Col. Crespigny ....... ....... Miss Buchanan. SOR ARUINOT ciereieisie ee soc s aie “Sprague, 29th Regiment. Grenadier Guards. Col. Middleton........,.....Miss Doucet. MOrdMAPDINTER. serrer Miss MacGruder. Capt. Philps ......,..,.. sees “ Geddes. Capt. Herbert............... “ LeMoine. 30th Regiment. Dr. Girdwood....,....,...... ‘“ Blackwell. Col. Atcherley ........,....., Miss Heward. Sec. 1, 1892. 4. 26 J. M. LeMOINE. 30th Regiment—Con. Capt. Moorson .............. Miss McCutcheon. 60) IBirChy cerner SVS. Dr. Paxton ................. “ Murray. “ Hooper --.- PIGAUDO COT ‘“ Dalkin. Capt. Clarkson .............. “ Coxwell. “# Glasscott.........,,... “ Cayley. “Nagle -ccccecscesecsses * Bell. Lieut. Flemming............ «Sewell. ‘ Charlewood........... “Poston. 32nd Regiment. Dr. M. Healey ............., Miss Smith. 59th Regiment. Capt. Dixon................. Miss Antrobus. Capt. Hawtayne............. “ Healey. Lieut. Tryon ................ “ McLeod. Lieut. Osborne Smith........ “ Smith. « LOS YO secs sstsiue “ Scott. 47th Regiment. Lieut.-Col. Villiers .......... Miss Shanley. Capt. Larken ............... ‘ Savage. ‘© Borckley....-.1. +... “ Dixon. Dr. Jamieson ....-.......... “Cartwright. Lt. de J. Prevost ............ “# Dow. Ene DIRE cesse ee “ McMurray. 53rd Regiment. Capt. Brown .....,.......... Miss Dower Lieut. Hitchcock............ “Ferguson. 54th Regiment. Capt. Lake ......... 4 aboaose Miss Phillips. 1 VTHOMIBOM = sens oecnise “Boxer. 60th Rifles. Capt. LeBreton ............. Miss George. “ Hamilton ............. « Willan. (4 Travers «+-.+0 eee eeee “Johnson. « Anderson........e,... “ Starnes. GC "NvoGittke "rer ‘“ Sicotte. «Crosby .... alate eile pele “ Thompson. Lieut. Mitchell Innes....-.- + “ Starnes. 66th Regiment. Col. Dames ................. Miss Kemble. Capt. Serocold .......... se. CODE VAl. Capt. Torrens +..........,... “Price. Lieut. Godby .........,..,.. .. “ Des Fossés. Dr Henry. creer ‘“ Geddes. Lieut. Cunningham ......... “ Robertson. 68th Regiment. Capt. Rhodes ...........:... Miss Dunn. Capt. Durnford......... +. “ Sewell. Capt. Barlow ..... .. sta c os “ Boxer. Lieut. Brown ....,.......... ‘ Stevenson. 69th Regiment. Capt. Clarke ....,........... Ke“ DHOVPE eels see) wo ere Miss Jeffery. Lieut. Homes ..........,.... Lieut. Glendonwyn ......... Miss M. C. H. A. Chauveau. ! 71st Regiment. Major Denny ............... Miss Richardson. Capt. Scott...2e0 vero. ceveve “" Stayner. “Ready ..... se -ceperer “ Hincks, «“ E, Antrobus, A.D.C.... ‘“ Bréhault. 73rd Regiment. Lieut. FitzGerald ........... Miss Hamilton. 74th Regiment. Capt. Austin ................ Miss Hall. 78th Highlanders. Capt. Colin McKenzie ....... Miss Falkenberg. US CINGie = Tete ‘ Dupont. 79th Cameron Highlanders. Gapt Butte "rer Miss Sewell. Major Ross .........:....... “ Lindsay. Capt. Cummings ............ “ Coxworthy. CSUR GOVE nent “Fraser. 89th Regiment. Toieut, ISAACS sci ec. Miss Cartwright. 93rd Sutherland Highlanders. Lieut. Elliot ......... .. .... Miss Wood. 100th Regiment. Capt. Herring .............. Miss L. Bell. Lieut. Latouche ............ - “ Bouchette. Rifle Brigade. Capt. Glyn ................. Miss Dewar. “ Kingscote ......... Sooo = SENTE Gh 1D Zal Gaston. coos 360005 “Harris. di Shean Giannctlo-scc dog dooc “Reynolds. Lieut. Swann................ “ Price. Mec Dillon---- "rer “ Stanton. Dr Hunt". MICRO MANN AlTETS eee sr sente “Geddes. Canadien Rifles. Golo ftaty tec sctmceiae otieroe= Miss Buchanan. “Walker ...... nodotn ase “ Yule. Major Bernard..... BIB DOOODE “Kingsmill. Capt. Gibson ..... praers sieiolctets “Gibb. EP DGD view savent ces “Gibb. LPO) Eid eGatcoaaocoe, codes “ Heward. ‘Royal Navy. SirJ. Westphall............. Mrs. Gore. Commander Ashe .......... «Percy. Capt. Orlebar ............... “Hale. 1 Ere six weeks were over, the cypress had replaced the orange blossoms on this fair young brow. Mrs. Glendonwyn wedded at Quebec, in October, died at Bermuda, on the 17th Dec., 1871, aged 19. An exquisitely sculptured group, “ Faith, Hope and Charity,” by the London artist Marshall Wood, now commemorates in Carara marble under the silent eaves of the Ursulines Chapel, at Quebec, the early demise of three of the Hon. P. J. O. Chauveau’s daughters. Ù ÉTUDE ETHNOGRAPHIQUE. 97 Royal Navy—Con. Capt. Bayfield ..:........... Mrs. Wright. WG RISIKNAY, odobanodo TOM ‘“ Murray. Wiles Thad) gogo cen nop oecse “ Poetter. Commissariat Department. Dep.-Com. Coxworthy ...... Miss Goddard. Dep.-Com. Webb ............ “Bradshaw. Com.-Gen. Weir ............ “ Stayner. Sir Randolph Routh......... “ Taschereau, Dep.-Com,-Gen. Routh....... SFA Dept.-Com.-Gen.Leonce Routh “ Pardey. Commissariat Department—Con. Assist.-Dep.-Com.-Gen. Price. Miss. Watson. Staff. COlNEMIChAT AE ere. Miss DeMontenach. Medical Staff. Drs Woodman se... ssc. «0 Miss Stevenson. US Eackatiepteiersestascisiie mam UIDIACE EN KG Hay nhcepoageccu 000 ‘“ Geddes. @ Blatherwick sec. es. « White. Ordnance. Major Holwell ..... Rdagonnox Miss Gibson. Mont Pipe: ee vente slate ens “Whale. SECTION I, 1892. Fae te hg MÉMOIRES 8. R. CANADA. IV.— François Bissot, sieur de la Rivière ', Par J=-Epmonp Roy. (Lu le 31 mai 1892.) I Ze On peut dire que, sous le régime français, la traite des pelleteries et la pêche de la morue ont été à peu près les seules opérations de commerce auxquelles se soient livrés les colons du Canada. Le pays possédait des mines superbes. Leur présence fut signalée, mais on tenta en vain de les exploiter. On pouvait fournir des bois, du goudron, de larésine, des légumes, de la farine, des huiles, contribuer par nos productions à la subsistance des colonies sœurs des Antilles. Dans les rares intervalles de paix que nous donnèrent les princes euro- péens, des navires vinrent prendre ici des chargements de planches, de madriers et de farine. Mais la colonie n'eut jamais un commerce régulier de ce genre de produits. Le ginseng, que le P. Lafiteau avait découvert, faillit un jour nous donner la fortune. On tua la poule aux œufs d’or, pour lui avoir voulu faire trop produire. La France estimait fort les pois du Canada, elle en fit des achats considérables. La disette vint et il fallut tout garder dans la colonie. Les raffineurs de sucre de la Guadeloupe et de la Martinique vinrent chercher le charbon de terre au Cap-Breton, mais cette exploitation ne nous rap- porta rien. Les rois avaient choisi la terre d'Amérique comme un champ clos où venaient se vider toutes les querelles du vieux monde. Pendant un siècle et demi le pays fut dans un véritable état de siège. Ce que l’on pouvait appeler la paix en Europe ne fut ici qu'un armistice mal dissimulé. Comment jeter les bases d’une industrie indigène, comment faire progresser le com- merce chez une population continuellement en armes ? Talon et les Raudot, qui vinrent dans la colonie dans les temps les moins tourmentés de son existence, essayèrent d’y faire fleurir les arts de la paix. Mais que d'obstacles il leur fallut surmonter ? La métropole qui voulait conserver son commerce d'exploitation voyait d’un ceil jaloux l'établissement de manufactures dans un pays que ses négociants avaient été accoutumés à considérer comme un simple comptoir. Que d’autres misères encore? Le Canada était aux mains d’un groupe de marchands avides, désireux de faire vite fortune, s’acharnant à la chasse des fauves, parce que la traite des pelleteries rap- portait de gros bénéfices sans exiger une mise de fonds trop considérable et un trop grand travail de préparation. Ces marchands avaient enrégimenté à leurs services l’armée des 1 Extrait d’une histoire de la seigneurie de Lauzon, en cours de préparation. 30 J-EDMOND ROY. coureurs de bois, masse flottante, composée d’aventuriers hardis, qui entrainait dans son orbite les vigoureux, les jeunes toujours passionnés, toutes les forces vives de la nation. L'industrie patiente et soigneuse convenait peu à ce peuple de guerriers, de voyageurs, à ces marins qui cultivaient la terre entre deux courses, sous la garde de sentinelles tou- jours en alerte. L'année 1668 devrait être une date mémorable dans les annales du Canada. En cette année, en effet, la liberté du commerce fut proclamée, et l’on vit onze vaisseaux à la fois dans le port de Québec. C'est à cette année encore, soixante ans après la fondation de Québec, qu'il faut remonter pour trouver l’origine des premiers établissements industriels sérieux dans la Nouvelle-France. Talon, plus que tout autre, avait contribué à faire secouer le lourd filet sous lequel depuis plus d’un demi-siècle les efforts légitimes des colons et des vrais habitants du pays étaient paralysés. Non content de harceler les ministres dans ses correspondances, il prêcha d'exemple, paya de sa personne et de sa bourse. Doué d’une capacité de travail considérable, il entrait dans le détail des moindres choses, invitait les habitants à venir chez lui ou allait les visiter chez eux. Grace à lui on commenca à fabriquer à la maison les étoffes que la France avait jusque-là fournies. Après avoir établi dans Québec une brasserie dont il fit construire les bâtiments à ses dépens, il voulut introduire dans le pays l’industrie du tannage des peaux. Les gens de métier faisaient défaut, Talon en fit venir de France. Parmi ce groupe de colons qui ne vivait que pour la traite des pelleteries et qui n’en voulait point démordre, Talon trouva heureusement un homme pour seconder ses efforts. je fut Francois Bissot, sieur de la Rivière. Quand tout le monde ne songeait qu’à faire le troc, Bissot fut le premier colon qui tenta une entreprise industrielle sérieuse dans le pays. Son nom mérite de sortir de l'oubli. L'industrie la plus importante de Québec est aujourd’hui le tannage des peaux. Sans elle, la capitale de la province ne serait rien ou presque rien. Rendons hommage à celui qui sut sortir de la routine et commença la pratique d’un art qui a fait la fortune d’un grand nombre, et qui donne encore l'existence à plusieurs centaines d'ouvriers. Le nom de Francois Bissot a été mêlé récemment à un procès célèbre. La seigneurie de Mingan, vaste domaine qui couvre sur la côte du Labrador près de huit cents lieues de pays, et que le gouvernement de Québec réclame comme sien, a eu autrefois comme pro- priétaire Francois Bissot. Depuis plus de deux ans une légion de jurisconsultes se dispu- tent devant les tribunaux la possession de ce superbe apanage. C’est peut-être une raison de plus pour connaître la vie humble mais bien remplie de celui qui en fut le premier sei- gneur. La terre de Mingan, prise comme elle l’est dans ce terrible engrenage qui s’ap- pelle la justice, est fatalement destinée à être morcelée un jour ou l’autre. Avant qu’elle devienne la pature des porteurs de papier timbré, sauvons du naufrage le nom de celui qui, il y a plus de deux siècles, essaya de mettre en valeur ses rives sauvages et inhos- pitaliéres. | IT I] est toujours difficile de dire la date précise de l’arrivée d’un colon dans le pays de la Nouvelle-France. Les compagnies étaient tenues de donner chaque année la liste des émigrés qu'elles embarquaient sur leurs navires. Mais elles ne paraissent pas s'être acquittées de cette obligation. Ki elles l’ont fait, les listes produites ont été perdues. FRANÇOIS BISSOT, 31 On procède d’ordinaire par tatonnement. La présence de Francois Bissot, sieur de la Rivière, est signalée pour la première fois dans la colonie dans un acte notarié de 1647". Rien n’empéche qu’il soit venu au Canada avant cette année. Ferland, chercheur consciencieux et que l’on prend rarement en défaut, donne le nom de Bissot dans la liste des colons venus au Canada entre 1641 et 1647, sans préciser davantage. Francois Bissot, sieur de la Rivière, était originaire de Pont-Audemer, ville de l’ancienne Normandie, qui forme maintenant partie du département de l'Eure. Sa famille y habitait la paroisse de Notre-Dame des Prés. Elle était de bonne bourgeoisie, puisque les documents de l'époque, parlant du père de Francois Bissot, Jean Bissot, sieur du Gommer, le qualifie d’honorable homme . M. Paul Bréard, notaire à Honfleur, qui a publié de précieux documents sur le Canada, a bien voulu faire pour nous des recherches dans les registres de l’état civil de la paroisse de Notre-Dame des Prés à Pont-Audemer, afin d’y découvrir les origines de la famille Bissot. Malheureusement, ces registres ne remontent qu’au milieu du 17™ siecle. Les plus anciens registres de N.-D. des Prés—pour les naissances—sont de 1628. Sous le nom de Bissot, M. Bréard a trouvé les trois actes qui suivent : 6 août 1629— Baptême d’une fille pour Jehan Boquet et Louise Bissot, sa femme, nommée Charlotte ;— 2 février 1630—Baptéme d’une fille pour Claude Lebailleur et Jehanne Bissot, sa femme, nommée Madeleine ;—24 octobre 1632— Baptème d’une fille pour les mêmes. C’est sur la côte de Lauzon, à la pointe de Lévy, que Bissot fixa d’abord son établis- sement. Cette seigneurie concédée depuis 1636 était encore sauvage et inculte. L’exploration que le P. Druillettes fit sur la rive droite du Saint-Laurent, en 1646, en remontant la rivière du saut de la Chaudière pour se rendre à la Nouvelle-Angleterre, semble avoir donné la première impulsion aux établissements en face de Québec. C’est l’année même du retour du P. Druillettes (1647) que fut construite la première maison à la pointe de Lévy. Bissot s'était associé à un de ses compatriotes normands, le fameux interprète Guillaume Couture, pour commencer son exploitation. Dans l'été de 1647 on aurait pu voir l’ancien compagnon du P. Jogues maniant la hache au milieu des grands bois qui couvraient alors la côte. A l'automne il avait abattu une certaine quantité d’arbres et terminé un petit corps de logis, rustique demeure faite de pièces grossièrement équarries. Bissot, qui avait contribué à la dépense et fourni des matériaux de construction, convint avec Couture de lui payer 200 livres pour son travail et de le laisser jouir du défriche- ment jusqu’à la Saint-Michel de 1645”. Le 15 octobre 1648, Jean de Lauzon, qui habitait alors Paris, accordait à ses deux ! Acte du 4 novembre 1647. — Greffe Claude Lecoustre. * Pont-Audemer (Pons-Aldemari), ville fortifiée et célèbre par ses sièges, même du temps des Romains, est située à sept lieues de Lisieux. Malte-Brun, parlant des monuments de Pont-Audemer, dit: “ L'ancienne église de Notre-Dame des Prés, dont il ne reste plus qu’une partie de la nef, est remarquable dans sa construc- tion mixte, qui laisse apercevoir les premières ogives de transition entre les époques romane et gothique.” Daus un petit bourg de France, à Jean-de-Daye, à 15 kilomètres de Saint-Lô (Normandie), près de la rive gauche de la Vire, on voit les restes du château de la Rivière, bâti au milieu de marais. Il y a trois de ses tours encore debout. La mère de Frangois Bissot s'appelait Marie Assour. * Accord signé le 4 novembre 1647, en présence de Nicolas Marsolet, Jean Bourdon, François Chavigny, Thomas Vivien, Guillaume Cochon.—Greffe Claude Lecoustre. 32 J.-EDMOND ROY, premiers censitaires des titres réguliers de concession. Les établisements de Bissot et de Couture étaient voisins. Ils contenaient chacun 200 arpents en superficie, cinq arpents de front sur le fleuve et quarante arpents de profondeur dans les terres. Un petit ruisseau qui vient se jeter au fleuve près de l’anse des Sauvages, à vingt pas de la gare de l’Inter- colonial, partageait les deux héritages. Couture habitait la droite du ruisseau, Bissot occupait la gauche. Ce ruisseau était commun aux deux colons. Entre les deux métairies, une route de dix-huit pieds de large devait courir depuis le grand chemin royal projeté jusqu’au fleuve. Jean Bourdon, ingénieur et arpenteur, traça lui-même ces bornes dès 1647. Bissot devait payer à son seigneur, chaque année, douze deniers de censive pour chaque arpent défriché et mis en terre labourable ou en nature de pré, et remettre au procureur fiscal à la Saint-Michel un quarteron d’anguilles salées et bien conditionnées. Il était tenu encore de faire travai!ler à ses terres sous un délai de trois ans, à peine de révocation de titre. De son côté le seigneur se réservait le droit de retrait en cas de vente, suivant la coutume de Normandie. Le titre de concession accordé par Lauzon avait été signé à Paris le 15 octobre 1648. Dix jours après, le 25 octobre, Bissot épousait à Québec Marie Couillard, cinquième enfant de Guillaume Couillard et de Guillemette Hébert. La jeune épousée était agée de quinze ans seulement. Elle avait été une des premières élèves des ursulines, et elle venait de sortir du pensionnat lorsqu'elle contracta mariage. Bissot avait trente-quatre ans. Couillard dota sa fille d’une somme de 300 livres tournois. Bissot lui assura une rente de 40 livres tournois, payable au prix du roi, suivant la coutume de Normandie, à prendre sur les biens de sa famille soit à Pont-Audemer ou ailleurs. Par son mariage Bissot devenait le beau-frère d'Olivier le Tardif, Jean Nicolet, Nicolas Macart, Charles Couillard de Beaumont, Jean Guyon, Couillard de Lespinay. Ce fut M. Jean Lesueur, alors chapelain des religieuses hospitalières, qui bénit l’union de Bissot. Bissot passa en France en 1649, et il en revint l’année suivante au mois de juillet. Dans l'automne précé- dent sa femme lui avait donné un fils qui fut appelé Jean-Francois. <4 - Le 9 août 1658, Bissot était nommé adjoint dans le corps des syndics de Québec pour y représenter la côte de Lauzon. Le seigneur de Lauzon, absent du pays, ne pouvait remplir envers ses censitaires les obligations que lui imposait le régime féodal. Dès 1655, Bissot fit bâtir à la pointe de Lévy un moulin où les colons purent porter leurs grains à la mouture. Le ruisseau qui séparait l'établissement de Bissot de celui de Couture faisait tourner les moulanges. Afin d'avoir la propriété entière de ce cours d’eau Bissot convint avec Couture qu'il ferait moudre son blé gratuitement au moulin pendant vingt ans. Bissot de la Rivière, tout en faisant défricher ses terres de la pointe de Lévy, habitait le plus souvent Québec. Au recensement de 1667, on trouve sur sa ferme de Lauzon trois domestiques : Jean Guay, âgé de 28 ans, Martin L’Enfilé, âgé de 29 ans, Pierre Perot, âgé de 32 ans. Il parait avoir voulu grouper autour de son établissement de colon, des gens de sén pays de Normandie. Guillaume Couture, avec qui il avait contracté à l’origine une société de défrichement, était normand comme lui, et il possédait en France des terres situées à la Haye-Aubraye, à 15 kilomètres de Pont-Audemer. Parmi les compatriotes de Bissot établis à la pointe de Lévy, on voit encore Louis Bégin, l'ancêtre du coadjuteur au siège de Québec, qui était originaire de Lieurey, petite commune des environs de Pont- FRANÇOIS BISSO'T. 33 Audemer. Francois Becquet, qui acheta une terre dans Lauzon le 6 avril 1660, était le neveu de Francois Bissot. Il venait de Notre-Dame des Préaux, commune située à six kilométres de Pont-Audemer. Les familles Lemieux, Chartier, Pourveu, venaient égale- ment de la Normandie. Une lettre du gouverneur Jean de Lauzon, datée de Paris le 8 mars 1664, donna a Bissot une nouvelle concession de dix arpents de terre de front sur le fleuve Saint-Laurent, sur quarante arpents de profondeur. Cette concession touchait d’un côté la rivière des Etchemins et de l’autre Jean Adam. Elle comprenait tous les îlots situés à l’entrée de cette rivière et le droit de chasse et de pêche. M. de Lauzon dit dans sa lettre qu'il veut par là récompenser Bissot des bons services qu'il a rendus aux habitants de la seigneurie. Bissot, comme représentant des censitaires de Lauzon dans le corps des syndics, leur avait rendu en effet des services considérables, mais la famille de Lauzon lui devait encore plus de reconnaissance. C’est lui qui l'avait déchargé de l'obligation de construire un moulin banal, alors que la seigneurie à peine habitée ne pouvait donner encore un revenu suffisant par les moutures. Il prit part aussi à l’organisation de la justice seigneuriale, fut procureur fiscal à partir de 1650 et succéda à Charles Sevestre comme juge prévot. Bissot remplit cette dernière fonction jusqu’à sa mort. Après le départ du gouverneur de Lauzon et la disparition tragique de la plupart des membres de sa famille, il prit la seigneurie à ferme, de concert avec Eustache Lambert, et s'occupa de son exploitation. En 1668, quand la métropole ordonna que les seigneurs rendissent foi et hommage et fissent l’aveu et dénombrement de leurs terres, c’est Bissot qui se présenta au contrôle et demanda souffrance pour les mineurs de Lauzon. Dans l'automne de 1672, le 2 novembre, Bissot obtenait à son tour un domaine seigneurial aux approches de Lauzon. A la naissance de son premier enfant, il avait acquis pour lui une concession foncière. Il voulut que ce domaine fut au nom de deux ‘de ses enfants, Jean-Baptiste et Charles Bissot. Cette propriété de soixante et dix arpents de front sur une lieue de profondeur était bornée à l’est par la seigneurie de Beaumont, que Talon concéda le même jour à Couillard des Islets de Beaumont. C’est cette seigneurie acquise en 1672 par Bissot, qui a porté depuis le nom de Vincennes, illustré par un de ses enfants. Dès 1670, Bissot y fit commencer des défrichements. En effet le 24 novembre de cette même année, il vendait à Jean Poliquin quatre arpeuts de terre de front sur quarante arpents de profondeur au lieu appelé la Petite-Péche. Le ruisseau de la Petite- Pêche traverse l’ancien domaine de Vincennes, jadis habité par la famille de M. Faucher de Saint-Maurice, et a longtemps fait tourner la roue d’un ancien moulin banal construit par le seigneur Joseph Roy, beau-père de ce Corpron, complice de Bigot, qui y amoncelait les grains quand Québec souffrait de la plus affreuse disette. Ill Pont-Audemer, la patrie de Bissot, était renommé autrefois pour sa péche maritime, et ses pêcheurs n’ayaient pas d’égaux pour la salaison des harengs. Aussi Bissot, tout en s’occupant de la culture des terres et du défrichement des forêts du Canada, voulut exploiter les ressources immenses de notre grand fleuve. Dans l’automne de 1650 (novem- bre) il formait une société avec Simon Guyon, Courville, Lespinay, de Tilly et Godefroy, Sec. L, 1892. 5, 34 J._KDMOND ROY. pour la chasse des loups marins vers Tadoussac. Outre la péche des loups marins, la société voulait encore attirer les sauvages à Tadoussac et y faire bon commerce de castors. Godefroy passa en France pour obtenir le droit de cette péche de la compagnie, et y asso- cier M. Rozée pour un huitiéme. Courville, Lespinay et Simon Guyon avaient fait un voyage dans le Saguenay dans le mois d’octobre, pour entrer en liaison avec les sauva- ges, et ils avaient rapporté de cette premiére excursion environ 300 castors. Le 4 mars 1663, M. d’Avaugour loua la traite de Tadoussac pour deux ans à Francois Bissot, la Tesserie, des Cartes, le Gardeur de Tilly, Després, Juchereau de la Ferté, Damours, Charron, Madry, Marsollet, le Gardeur de Villiers, Chartier, Denis, Bourdon, Juchereau de Saint-Denis (p. 11. J. & D., t. 1), mais ce bail fut cassé au mois d’octobre sui- vant par M. de Mésy. Bissot, se voyant le royaume du Saguenay fermé, dirigea alors ses vues vers les régions désertes du Labrador, où les Espagnols seuls jusqu'alors, de compagnie avec les Basques audacieux, avaient fait la pêche. Dans l'hiver de 1661, le 25 février, Bissot obtint de la compagnie de la Nouvelle- France Vile aux Œufs, située au-dessous de Tadoussac, vers les monts Pellés, du côté du nord, à quarante lieues environ de Tadoussac, avec le droit de chasse et d'établir en terre ferme, aux endroits qu’il trouverait le plus commodes, la pêche sédentaire des loups marins, baleines, marsouins, et autres négoces, depuis l’ile aux Œufs jusqu'aux Sept-Iles et dans la Grande-Anse, au pays des Esquimaux, où les Espagnols faisaient encore la pêche. Il obtenait en même temps le pouvoir de prendre dans ces endroits les bois et terres néces- saires pour y fonder son établissement. ; C’est sur cette ile aux Œufs, si célèbre depuis par le naufrage de la flotte de l’amiral anglais Walker, que Bissot commença à jeter les fondations de son premier établissement de pêche sédentaire. Ce n’est qu'un rocher stérile, dénué de toute végétation, long de trois quarts de mille environ. Dans le creux des roches granitiques, on installa les huttes des pêcheurs. Rien de plus primitif que ces campements de grève. Les sapins nains, les cyprès de la côte voisine en faisaient tous les frais. De larges fourneaux faits de pierres sèches servaient à bouillir les huiles. On voyait encore, il y a quelques années, les vestiges d’une installation de ce genre sur l'ile aux Basques près des Trois- Pistoles. La pêche, ou pour parler plus correctement, la chasse des loups marins se faisait surtout sur les côtes de la terre ferme. Le loup marin et le marsouin ont le long de ces rives des endroits de prédilection où ils vont se chauffer paresseusement au soleil. C’est au fond de certaines anses où ils peuvent entrer avec la marée qu'on les rencontre plus souvent qu'ailleurs. On fermait l'entrée de ces anses avec des filets et des pierres et on n'y laissait libre qu'un petit espace par où les loups marins se glissaient. Dès que la marée était haute on bouchait ces ouvertures et la mer en se retirant laissait ces poissons à sec. On n'avait plus alors que la peine de les assommer. Un coup de bâton sur le nez suffisait pour les tuer. D’autres fois encore le pêcheur suivait en canot les troupeaux à la nage. Comme ces cétacés sortent la tête de l’eau pour respirer, on profitait de ce moment pour tirer dessus. Une fois blessés on les pouvait prendre sans peine, vu qu'ils sont très doux, mais s'ils étaient tués, ils coulaient à pic au fond. On avait stylé les gros chiens du Labrador à aller les pêcher à sept ou huit brasses de profondeur. A part le loup marin et le marsouip, FRANÇOIS BISSOT. 38 on chassait encore les morses et les baleines, puis dans les temps de relache la péche des morues et du hareng occupait ces rudes travailleurs de la mer. Bissot s'était établi d’abord sur l'ile aux Œufs, afin de se mettre à l’abri des incursions des sauvages esquimaux, les plus farouches et les plus barbares des hommes. Il porta plus tard son exploitation au fond du havre de Mingan, et s’y construisit un petit fort de pieux. Bissot, de Québec, dirigeait ces exploitations lointaines. Chaque printemps ses barques, chargées des ustensiles de pêche et de marchandises de traite, partaient de la petite capitale, et ne revenaient qu’une fois la saison finie. Bissot, sur la côte du Labrador, Denis, sur la péninsule néo-écossaise, Riverin, sur les bords de la rivière de la Madeleine, au pied des monts Notre-Dame, furent les premiers Français qui tentèrent de fonder des établissements de pêche sédentaire. Sur la terre ingrate du Labrador, la pêche seule était possible. Aussi, Bissot n’y essaya aucune culture. Mais Riverin voulut fonder une de ces colonies mixtes, où l'habitant aurait partagé son temps entre le défrichement du sol et la récolte abondante que la mer apporte chaque année dans ces parages. Cette tentative ne fut pas couronnée de succès, mais Riverin eut l'honneur de la tenter. IV C’est dans le cours de l’année 1668 que Bissot commença à construire une tannerie à la pointe de Lévy, sur la terre qu'il avait eue en 1648 du seigneur de Lauzon. Le ruisseau qui servait de borne aux fermes de Couture et de Bissot et qui faisait tourner la roue du moulin à farine fut éclusé Un grand canal en bois y puisa l’eau pour la conduire dans les cuves à tannin. L’intendant Talon, dans le cours des années 1668 et 1669, avanca sur les deniers du roi, pour être employée à la construction des bâtiments nécessaires à la nouvelle exploitation, une somme de 3,268 livres. Cette avance, considérable pour l’épo- que, fut plus tard remboursée en grande partie par les héritiers Bissot. La communauté des habitants, pour aider Bissot dans son entreprise, lui alloua en outre une somme de 1,500 livres, à prendre sur la perception des droits du 107. Cette tannerie, la première qu’on ait vue au Canada eut un plein succès. On en espérait beaucoup, et les premiers essais réussirent parfaitement. Dès la sconde année les bénéfices réalisés dépassèrent toutes les prévisions. On a vu Bissot, lorsqu'il commença son exploitation rurale, appeler auprès de lui ses compatriotes de Pont-Audemer et des environs. Il va chercher maintenant à intéresser à sa nouvelle entreprise des gens du métier. Dans l’automne de 1665, deux frères venus de Sainte-Radégonde, paroisse de Poitiers, s'étaient établis dans l’ile d'Orléans, sur des terres que leur avait concédées la veuve René Maheu, près de la rivière qui porte encore son nom. Etienne et Jean Charest exercaient le métier de tanneur. Bissot les attira à la pointe de Lévy. Etienne, l’ainé des deux, était intelligent, actif, dévoué. Il ne tarda pas à gagner la confiance de son patron et les bonnes grâces de sa fille Catherine, jeune personne âgée de quinze ans à peine et qui venait de terminer son cours au couvent des Ursulines de Québec. Le parti était avantageux pour Charest. Le futur beau-père avait du bien et il était en train de faire fortune. Par sa femme il comptait les meilleures familles bourgeoises de la colonie dans sa parenté. Bissot, de son côté, ne pouvait donner la main de sa fille à un meilleur 36 J._EDMOND ROY. gendre. A part sa terre dans l’ile d’Orléans, Charest avait encore quelque bien à Poitiers et aux environs. I] possédait du reste un métier qui allait de la meilleure façon du monde à l’industrie nouvelle créée par Bissot. Le mariage fut marché conclu dans l’été de 1670. Bissot fit don à l’épousée de 2,000 livres comptant en argent ou en pelleteries, et promit de la nourrir elle, son mari et leurs enfants pendant trois ans. Charest don- na à sa fiancée un douaire de 500 livres. Ce fut le notaire Gilles Rageot qui eut l'honneur de sceller les fiançailles comme on célébrait les premières vépres de l'As- somption. Le même jour, Bissot, toujours pratique et ayant l'œil à ses affaires, associa Charest à son industrie du tannage des peaux pour dix années consécutives. Le futur gendre fournissait son travail et devait diriger les opérations de la tannerie de la pointe de Lévy. Le beau-père avançait les capitaux nécessaires. Pendant les trois premières années, Charest recevait le quart des profits réalisés dans l'exploitation. I] devait ensuite compter pour un tiers. Maintenant que nous savons comment s'établit cette première tannerie, il nous reste à voir le genre de travail qui s'y fit. Si Bissot s'était contenté pour alimenter sa tannerie de préparer seulement les peaux apportées par les colons de la région de Québec, son bénéfice aurait été peu considérable. La simple consommation locale n’aurait pas suffi pour couvrir les frais d’un pareil établis- sement. Pour tenter les chalauds sur le marché étranger, ou pour faire concurrence dans la colonie à l’importation de la métropole, il fallait un produit nouveau, indigène, bien adapté aux besoins du pays. L'industrie menée par Bissot à Mingan comprenait trois opérations : la pêche, la chasse, la traite. Les négociants du temps ne songeaient guère qu’à la traite, mais Bissot ne pensait pas de même. La traite pour lui ne fut jamais qu’un moyen de second ordre. Dans l'opération de commerce qui consiste à acheter un objet à vil prix et à le revendre à gros bénéfices, il n’y a rien qui puisse satisfaire un homme intelligent, hardi, ambitieux. Tout travail est insipide s’il n’apporte avec lui une difficulté à vaincre. Bissot avait d'abord pêché le hareng et la morue pour préparer ces poissons comme il avait appris dans son enfance sur les grèves de Pont-Audemer. Mais parmi les habi- tants étranges que la mer du golfe venait jeter dans ses filets, il y en avait un dont on n’avait pas encore su tirer tout le profit possible. On péchait le loup marin pour en tirer de l'huile excellente pour brüler et pour passer les peaux. Pourquoi ne pas tanner les peaux de ces cétacés comme on faisait de celles des animaux terrestres ? L’essai en avait été tenté en France et avait bien réussi. Pourquoi ne pas implanter cette industrie au pays? C’est ce que Bissot, encouragé par Talon, voulut faire dans sa tannerie de la pointe de Lévy. Sans doute que dans cet établissement on prépara des peaux de toute façon, mais d’après les documents que nous avons compulsés attentivement, c’est au loup. marin et au marsouin que la préférence fut donnée. Dans les premiers temps on employa ces peaux à faire des manchons. La mode s’en passa et leur grand usage servit à couvrir les malles et les coffres. Quand ces peaux étaient tannées, elles avaient presque le même grain que le maroquin. Elles étaient moins fines, mais s’écorchaient moins aisément et elles conservaient plus longtemps toute leur fraicheur. On en faisait de très bons souliers et des bottines qui ne prenaient point l'eau. On en couvrait aussi des sièges, dont le bois était plutôt usé que la couverture. On tannait les peaux avec de l'écorce de pruche et FRANCOIS BISSOT. 37 dans la teinture que l’on tirait de certaines pierres qui se trouvaient sur le bord des riviè- ou des marcassites de mines, dit le ” res. C'était ce-qu’on appelle “pierres de tonnerre P. Charlevoix. La peau de marsouin se tannait à la façon du maroquin. Cette peau, qui a un pouce d'épaisseur, est tendre comme du lard, raconte Charlevoix. On la gratte longtemps et elle devient comme un cuir transparent, et quelque mince qu’elle soit jusqu'à être propre pour faire des vestes et des hauts-de-chausse, elle est toujours très forte et à l'épreuve d’un coup de feu. On prétend que rien n’est meilleur pour une capote de carrosse. La tannerie de Bissot fournissait des cuirs à tous les cordonniers de Québec. Elle eut aussi avec le gouvernement des entreprises de fournitures considérables de chaussures pour la troupe. L'ancienne législation française veillait d'un ceil jaloux à la distribution du travail. Chaque métier avait ses privilèges que l'on ne pouvait enfreindre impunément. Tout était réglementé de façon à ce que chacun ptt gagner sa vie. Ainsi, dans la colonie, il fut réglé par ordonnance que les bouchers devaient vendre leurs peaux aux tanneurs. La fabrication des souliers sauvages était permise à tout le monde, mais pour les souliers francais le monopole en était réservé aux cordonniers. Afin d'empêcher l’accaparement des industries, une autre ordonnance défendit aux tanneurs de prendre chez eux aucune personne du métier de cordonnier. On concoit, en effet, que si les tanneurs avaient pu fabriquer eux-mêmes la chaussure dans leurs établissements, ordinairement éloignés des villes, cetit été tuer la cordonnerie. Le gendre de Bissot, qui voulait commander le marché, avait engagé à long terme plusieurs cordonniers et fabriquait la chaussure à son établissement de la pointe de Lévy. Il gardait toutes les peaux pour sa cordonnerie et les savetiers de Québec, sans matière première, allaient être forcés de fermer boutique lorsqu'ils s'avisérent d’en appeler à la justice de leur pays. Cette classe d'hommes a toujours été très diffivile à contenter. C’est parmi elle et dans la confrérie des tailleurs que se recrutent tous les révolutionnaires. Toussaint Dubau, Jean Guytart, Simon Esnart, Jean Journet, les quatre savetiers alors établis dans Québec, portèrent donc leurs doléances devant le Conseil supérieur. Ils demandaient dans leur supplique qu'il fût défendu à Charest d'employer chez lui des cordonniers, et qu’il lui fût ordonné d'apporter à la ville tous les cuirs qui conviendraient à la cordonnerie pour les distribuer aux cor- donniers, tant en hiver qu’en été, pour leur argent, suivant estimation faite par experts. On était rendu à l'automne et la navigation était sur le point de se fermer. Le conseil ordonna à Charest d'apporter immédiatement à Québec six cuirs entiers pour faire des semelles, six vaches pour empeignes, trois peaux de vache et une douzaine de peaux de veaux, sauf ensuite à en régler le prix. Telles furent dans ce pays les premières revendications des travailleurs contre les manufacturiers et les monopoles. y Bissot avait mis en branle trois exploitations : la culture de la terre, la péche, la fabri- cation des peaux. Toutes trois marchaient de front, et Bissot était en train de faire fortune. Le petit corps de logis qu'il avait fait construire par Couture dans l’automne de 1647, était disparu depuis longtemps pour faire place à une longue maison confortable. De 38 J.EDMOND ROY. belles moissons dorées couyraient les champs. Sur le petit ruisseau alerte la roue du moulin a farine tournait. Les terres produisaient alors du blé comme par enchantement. Les prairies de l’Etchemin fournissaient de gras pâturages. Là bas sur les hauteurs du cap Saint-Claude, la seigneurie de Vincennes commencait a se peupler. Chaque automne, à la Saint-Martin, dans la grande maison blanche cachée sous les ormes de la pointe de Lévy, on venait porter les chapons gras, les anguilles, le sol de cens. Le chemin qui con- duisait à l’habitation de Bissot était comme une espèce de pont d'Avignon. où tout le monde devait passer pour se rendre au fleuve et à la ville. Aussi il se faisait là un com- merce considérable. L'exploitation des pêches sédentaires du Labrador allait à merveille. On regardait ce genre d'industrie comme apportant des bénéfices assurés. (C’est ce que Talon écrivait au roi en 1671 en lui faisant part des succès de Bissot. Les pêches de loup marin exploi- tées par Denis, Bissot et Riverin produisaient assez d'huiles pour la consommation locale et pour l'exportation non seulement en France mais dans les Antilles. Talon, qui voulait établir des relations suivies avec ces colonies, en fit envoyer des chargements avec du poisson, des pois, du merrain et des planches. La femme de Bissot, comme une bonne mère canadienne qu'elle était, lui avait donné la douzaine d'enfants réglementaire : sept filles et cinq garcons. L’ainé, qui vint au monde en décembre 1649, mourut à l’âge de quatorze ans. Il s'appelait Jean- Francois. Les autres enfants eurent nom Louise, Geneviève, Catherine, Marie, Claire- Francoise, Guillaume, Charles-Francois, Marie-Charlotte, Jean-Baptiste, Jeanne et Fran- cois-Joseph. Madame Bissot songea à donner à ses filles une bonne instruction. L’annaliste des ursulines de Québec raconte comment cette bonne mère, le 25 mars 1665, conduisit à leur couvent ses trois filles Genevière, Catherine et Claire-Francoise. A peine sortie du couvent, on a vu Catherine unir son sort à celui d’Etienne Charest, l'associé de son père. François Bissot avait deja marié sa fille ainée Louise, en 1668, à un militaire d'excellente famille, Séraphin Margane de la Valtrie, lieutenant d’une compagnie du régiment de Linières. Cette Louise était entrée à l’âge de 14 ans au monastère de l'Hôtel-Dieu en qualité de postulante pour être religieuse de chœur. Son père promit même 3,000 livres pour sa dot. Après cinq mois de séjour au cloitre, la jeune novice avait demandé à sortir pour voir encore un peu le monde, et on la rendit à sa mère. M. de la Valtrie se chargea de sa conversion. Cinq ans après ce mariage, Bissot donnait la main de la deuxième de ses filles au chirurgien Louis Maheu. Il y avait à peine un mois que ce mariage était célébré que Bissot mourait à l'hôpital, le jour de la Sainte-Anne, 26 juillet 1673. II fut enterré dans le cimetière de l’Hôtel-Dieu de Québec, par le curé Louis Ango. De son vivant Bissot avait donné à la future paroisse de Saint-Joseph de la pointe de Lévy un terrain d’un arpent carré pour y construire une église, mais lorsqu'il mourut il n'y avait pas encore de paroisse organisée dans la seigneurie de Lauzon. Marie Couillard, restée veuve après un quart de siècle de ménage, avait à peine quarante ans. Au bout de deux ans de veuvage, elle épousa un jeune homme de vingt- sept ans, Jacques de la Lande, sieur de Gayon, qui appartenait à une excellente famille de Bayonne. Le mariage eut lieu à Québec le 7 septembre 1675. Un mois après, une des filles de François Bissot, Claire-Francoise, épousait Louis Jolliet, le découvreur du Mississipi. Il restait encore trois filles à marier. Marie épousa FRANÇOIS BISSOT, 39 d'abord, le 5 décembre 1682, Claude Porlier, marchand à Québec, puis en 1691 (26 février) Jacques Gourdeau, seigneur de Beaulieu et de la Grosardière. Marie-Charlotte épousa à la pointe de Lévy, en 1686, Pierre Bénac, marchand de Québec, originaire de Bayonne, la patrie de Jacques de la Lande. Quant à Jeanne, la cadette, elle unissait son sort en 1687 à un brillant capitaine d'infanterie, Philippe Clément du Vault, sieur de Varennes. Les familles de la Valtrie, Bénac, Maheu, Charest, Jolliet, Gourdeau, de Varennes, formaient alors partie de la classe élevée de la colonie. La noblesse et la bourgeoisie frayaient ensemble de la meilleure grace du monde. Gens d’épée et hommes de comptoir mettaient ensemble leur fortune, les uns donnant leur nom, les autres leur argent. Un de ceux qui apportèrent le plus de gloire, sinon le plus de fortune, à la famille Bissot fut bien Louis Jolliet. Quand il épousa Claire-Francoise, il était de retour depuis deux ans de son voyage de découverte. La cour lui découpa des fiefs dans les brumes du golfe Il mourut pauvre et ignoré sur une île perdue du Labrador, mais quelle famille canadienne ne tient-elle pas à honneur de se rattacher par quelque côté à ce hardi pionnier ? Tous les grands noms de la colonie sont liés à cet homme illustre, né d'un pauvre charron au service d’une compagnie de négociants. Geneviève Bissot, qui avait épousé le chirurgien Louis Maheu, devint veuve en 1683. Nicolas Daneau, sieur de Muy, capitaine d’une compagnie d'infanterie, et qui devait plus tard être appelé au gouvernement de la Louisiane, lui fit la cour. Il y eut promesse de mariage et les fiançailles furent solennellement arrêtées, lorsqu'un beau jour l’amoureux disparut tout à coup. On apprit au printemps de 1687 qu'il était sur le point d’épouser a Boucherville une petite-fille de Pierre Boucher, ancien gouverneur des Trois-Rivières. Malgré les protestations de la belle délaissée, M. de Caumont, alors missionnaire à Bou- cherville, maria l’infidèle à mademoiselle Marguerite Boucher. Un procès fut intenté en cour de prévôté à Québec, on en appela à Vofficialité de l'évêque, on fit saisir les gages de l'officier volage, le prêtre qui avait célébré le mariage fut sommé de s'expliquer. La position menaçait de se compliquer encore lorsque pour éviter plus grand scandale, il fut convenu que M. de Muy paierait un dédommagement de 350 livres à la veuve et que l'affaire serait éteinte. On ne sait rien de Guillaume, l’un des quatre fils de Francois Bissot. A l'inventaire des biens paternels, fait en 1676, Louis Jolliet comparait comme son tuteur. Il est alors âgé de quinze ans. Charles-Francois et Jean-Baptiste étaient propriétaires de la seigneurie de Vincennes. Ils prirent le nom de cette terre. Tous deux épousèrent à Montréal des filles du chirur- gien Forestier. Charles-François ne parait pas avoir laissé de postérité. Jean-Baptiste embrassa la carrière des armes et illustra le nom des Bissot de Vincennes. Il a été le fondateur du poste de Ougatamou. En 1736, il mourut brülé par les Chicachas. Le nom de la capitale de l’Indiana, Vincennes, est emprunté à celui de cet officier. Le cadet de la famille, Francois-Joseph, passa la plus grande partie de sa vie au Labrador, sur les bords du hâvre de Mingan, où il essaya de mettre en valeur les établis- sements commencés par son père en 1661. Francois-Joseph avait épousé une fille d’Eus- tache-Lambert Dumont. Il mourut en 1737 et fut enterré dans la cathédrale de Québec. 4O J—EDMOND ROY — FRANÇOIS BISSO'T. VI Apres la mort de Francois Bissot, Etienne Charest continua l'exploitation de la tan- nerie de la pointe de Lévy. Le contrat de société arrêté avec son beau-père se trouvant rompu par la mort de celui-ci, il s’occupa de régulariser sa position avec la veuve Bissot. On avait vécu en commun sans tenir aucun compte, on se déclara quitte de part et d'autre. Comme la plupart des héritiers étaient mineurs et que les biens de la succession pourraient être partagés un jour, Charest, par mesure de prévoyance, commença à faire des acquisitions de terrains aux environs de la tannerie. Il acheta d’abord 130 perches au pied des caps de la pointe de Lévy avec le privilège d'y conduire les eaux du ruisseau à sa commodité. Dans l’automne de 1674, il acheta plus d’un tiers de la seigneurie de Vincennes. Ce beau domaine lui assurait huit arpents de terre de front sur le fleuve et une lieue de profondeur, avec un service d’eau de premier ordre, puisqu'il touchait au ruisseau de la Petite-Pêche. La veuve Bissot en échange se contenta de deux chapons vifs et d’un denier de cens comme redevance annuelle. Charest s’assura de plus un pied-à-terre dans Québec en achetant la propriété des héritiers Eustache Lambert, rue du Cul-de-Sac. Quand la veuve Bissot eut épousé Jacques de la Lande, Charest partagea avec lui par moitié dans les profits réalisés, puis il devint locataire de toute l'exploitation à raison de 600 livres par an pour un terme de neuf années. De la Lande redevait alors à Charest 3,835 livres. Il finit par lui abandonner tous ses droits pour une somme fixe de 8,000 livres (10 novembre 1695). Par cette transaction Charest se trouva propriétaire de la moitié des biens qu'avait possédés Bissot à la pointe de Lévy: tannerie, moulin, seigneurie, métairies. D'année en année il parvint de la même façon à racheter de chacun des héri- tiers les parts qu'ils possédaient dans ce bel apanage. Charest, qui trouvait rémuné- rante l’industrie de la préparation des peaux, était trop homme d’affaires pour lâcher la proie pour l'ombre. Pendant que les héritiers Bissot s’'épuisaient à faire fructifier la terre du Labrador, espérant tout de la traite et de la pêche, Charest travaillait ferme et dur dans sa tannerie. I] abandonna à Louis Jolliet tous les droits qu’il pouvait avoir dans la seigneurie de Mingan, aux Sept-Iles et à ile aux Œufs, et Jolliet lui abandonna en retour sa part dans l'héritage de la pointe de Lévy, moyennant une compensation de 1,000 livres. Les autres héritiers suivirent l'exemple de Jolliet. De sorte qu'en 1699 Etienne Charest était seigneur et maitre de tout le domaine acquis par François Bissot à la pointe de Lévy au prix de tant de sacrifices. La succession ne se réserva que la terre des Etchemins et la seigneurie de Mingan. Charest mourut très riche, laissant à ses enfants une fortune con- sidérable. Ceux qui avaient préféré Mingan, sa pêche et sa traite, s'aperçurent plus tard que l’industrie patiente et laborieuse, resserrée dans des limites restreintes et connues vaut mieux que les entreprises lointaines. SECTION I, 1892. [ 41 ] Meémorres S. R. CANADA. V.— Grammaire de la langue alyonquine, Par M. L'ABBÉ Cuoa. (Présentée le 30 mai 1890.) PREMIERE PARTIE—Suite. CHAPITRE IX. VERBES PASSIFS. 78 A. De même que les verbes actifs, les verbes passifs sont de trois sortes, savoir, les verbes absolus, les verbes à régime animé, les verbes à régime inanimé. Les verbes passifs, soit absolus soit relatifs, se partagent en trois conjugaisons distin- guées entre elles par les figuratives ig, ag, og. Nous parlerons en premier lieu des verbes absolus ou sans régime : Première conjugaison : Ni sakihigo, je suis aimé ; Deuxième conjugaison : Ni pizindago, je suis écouté ; Troisième conjugaison : Ni pasanjehogo, je suis puni. 79. Il est important de bien distinguer le radical de ces verbes d'avec la figurative ; en voici le radical : SAKIH-, PIZIND-, PASANJEH. Aux troisièmes personnes de ce dernier, on supprime l’h, et alors le radical est simplement pasanje-. VERBES PASSIFS ABSOLUS. INDICATIF Présent. Hate 2, C. 3. C. Ni sakihigo, Ni pizindago, Ni pasanjehogo, Ki sakihigo, Ki pizindago, Ki pasanjehogo, sakiha, pizindawa, pasanjewa, Ni sakihigomin, Ki sakihigom, sakihak. Ni sakihigonaban, Ki sakihigonaban, sakihaban, Ni sakihigonanaban, Ki sakihigonawaban, sakihabanek, Ni pizindagomin, Ki pizindagom, pizindawak. Imparfait. Ni pizindagonaban, Ki pizindagonaban, pizindawaban, Ni pizindagonanaban, Ki pizindagonawaban, pizindawabanek. Sec. I, 1892. 6. Ni pasanjehogomin, Ki pasanjehogom, pasanjewak. Ni pasanjehogonaban, Ki pasanjehogonaban, pasanjewaban, Ni pasanjehogonanakan, Ki pasanjehogonawaban, pasanjewabanek. 42 L’ABBE CUOQ — GRAMMAIRE SuBJONCTIF Présent. lc: 241C. JC Sakihigoïân, Pizindagoïan, Pasanjohogoian, Sakihigoiän, Pizindagoian, Pasanjehogoian, Sakihinte, Pizindawinte, Pasanjehonte, Sakihigoiing, Pizindagoiang, Pasanjehogoïâng, Sakihigoiaing, Pizindagoiang, Pasanjehogoïäng, Sakihigoieg, Pizindagoieg, Pasanjehogoieg, Sakihindwa. Pizindawindwa. Pasanjehondwa. Imparfait. Sakihigoianban, Pizindagoïânbân, Pasanjehogoianban, Sakihigoiinban, Pizindagoïänbän, Pasanjehogoïänbän, Sakikindiban, Pizindawindiban, Pasanjehondiban, Sakihigoiangiban, Pizindagoiangiban, Pasanjehogoiangiban. Sakihigoiangoban, Pizindagoiangoban, Pasanjehogoiangoban, Sakihigoiegoban, Pizindagoiegoban, Pasanjehogoiegoban, Sakihindwaban. Pizindawindwaban. Pasanjebondwaban. 80. A part les troisiémes personnes, ces verbes se conjuguent comme les verbes neutres. Dans ceux-ci il y a de moins la figurative de la voix passive ; les terminaisons sont semblables a celles du verbe nese ; seulement, elles sont précédées de la voyelle unitive o. 81. Nous n’avons pas marqué ici l’impératif, parce qu'il est très rarement employé dans le plus grand nombre des verbes. Mais il est certain qu'il existe, en voici des exemples tirés du verbe “kikinoamaw,” instruis-le : *Awi kikinoamagon, ..-. gota, .... gok, *Pi kikinoamagokan,..-.kang,.... keg wabang, va, allons, allez à l’école ; demain viens, venons, venez au catéchisme. 82. I] sera parlé ailleurs des modes secondaires des verbes passifs-absolus, l'éventuel, le participe et le gérondif. VERBES PASSIFS A REGIME ANIME. 83. Ces verbes se forment de l’impératif du verbe actif. a). Pour la première conjugaison on se contente d'ajouter la figurative du passif qui suit la dési- nence personnelle. Ainsi de sAKIH, aime-le, on formera : Ni sakihik, je suis aimé de lui ; Ki sakihik, tu es aimé de lui ; O sakihigon, 4 est aimé de lui. b). Pour la deuxième conjugaison à la place de aw qui se détache de la racine, on met la figura- tive et à sa suite les différentes désinences. Ainsi de PIZINDAW, écoute-le, on ne garde que pizind auquel on ajoute ag, agon, etc. : Ni pizindag, je suis écouté de lui ; Ki pizindag, tues écouté de lui; O pizindagon, il est écouté de lui. c). Pour la troisième conjugaison on remplace le v final par hok, hogon, etc. Ainsi de PASANJEV, punis-le, on formera : Ni pasanjehok, O pasanjehogon, je suis puni par lui ; il est puni par lui, &e. Ki pasanjehok, lu es puni par lui ; * Pour bien comprendre ces deux phrases, il faut connaître la signification des deux particules aw! et Pr; on les retrouvera un peu plus loin, au Chapitre XIV : c’est là qu’on en fera connaître la véritable signification. DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 43 84. Rien de plus simple que la formation des autres personnes du présent de lindicatif ; on ne fait qu’ajouter à la suite de go, les différentes désinences de la voix active, savoir : nan,—wa,—wan. Même simplicité pour l'imparfait : ban,-banen,-naban,-waban,-wabanen. Si le régime du verbe est au pluriel, de i, de ag, de hok, on fait igok, agok, hogok ; on marque d'un accent grave l’o du go de la troisième personne (0 sakihigo), et après le go des autres, on ajoute nanik,—wak,—wa. k Pour l’imparfait les désinences plurielles seront : -banek,-banè,-nabanek,-wabanek,-wabanè. 85. La formation du subjonctif est un peu compliquée, et il nous semble utile d'en conjuguer sue- cessivement le présent et l’imparfait. Mais il suffira de marquer les désinences ; un tiret placé en avant remplacera très bien sakih pour la première conjugaison, pizind pour la deuxième, pasanje pour la troisième. La troisième personne étant la même pour les deux nombres, nous lui donnons une place commune, SUBJONCTIF Présent. se: 2.¢. 2 CG. -ite, -iwate -awite, -awiwate -hote, -howate -ik, -ikwa -ok, -okwa -ok, -okwa -igote —agote —hogote -iiaminte, -iilamindwa —awiiaminte, -awiiamindwa -hoiaminte, -hoiamindwa -inang, -inangwa —onang, —onangwa -honang, —honangwa -inag, -inagwa -onag, —onagwa —honag, —honagwa —igowatc -agowate —hogowate Imparfait. -ipan, -iwapan -awipan, -awiwapan —hopan —howapan -ikiban -ikwaban -okiban, -okwaban —hokiban, —hokiban -igopan -agopan —hogopan -jiamindiban, -iiamindwaban -awijamindiban, -awiiamindwaban -hoiamindiban,-hoiamindwaban -inangoban, -inangwaban -onangoban, -onangwaban —honangoban, -honangwaban -inagoban, inagwaban -onagoban, -onagwaban —honagoban, -honagwaban -igowapan -agowapan —hogowapan. 86. C’est toujours par le verbe passif qu'on rend en algonquin la relation active de la troisième personne : 7/ me, il te, il nows, il vous, ete. Ainsi pour traduire ces phrases : “il m'aime, il t’aime,” il faut d’abord leur donner la tournure passive: “ je suis aimé de Jui, tu es aimé de lui,” ni sakihik, ki sakihik. Il en est de même pour le verbe dont le sujet en français est inanimé, il devient régime en algonquin, et de la voix active le verbe passe à la voix passive. , VERBES PASSIFS A RÉGIME INANIME. 87. La conjugaison des verbes passifs à régime inanimé n'offre aucune difficulté; ils peuvent tous se conjuguer sur le modèle de SAKITON. Voici quelques exemples de l’em- ploi de ces verbes : Ni nisigon gackenindamowin, je suis tué par le chagrin ; Nind amogon nesitamenindamowin, Vinquiétude me dévore ; Ni takonigon akosiwin, je suis saisi par la maladie ; Nind otisigon masinaigan, une lettre m'arrive ; ! ! Littéralement : je suis abordé par une lettre, c’est-à-dire selon le génie de notre langue : je reçois une lettre. 44, L’ABBE CUOQ—GRAMMAIRE Ni nibwakahigon aiamiewin, la prière me rend sage ; Sakitota kit aiamiewininan, ki ga nibwakahigonanan, ki gat onicicihigonanan, wakwing ki gat ijiwinigonanan, aimons notre religion, elle nous rendra sages, elle nous rendra bons, elle nous conduira au ciel. CHAPITRE X. VERBES DIALOGUES. 88. Sous le titre de verbes dialogués nous renfermons tous les verbes dans lesquels la 5 première et la deuxième personne sont en rapport l’une avec l’autre, soit comme sujet, soit comme régime. Quand l’une de ces deux personnes est le sujet du verbe, l’autre en est le régime. De la deux sortes de verbes dialoeués, les verbes a régime de première personne: “ ki wabam,” to} ) [=] tu me vois ; ki nondaw, tu m’enlends ; et les verbes à régime de deuxième personne: “ ki wabamin,” je te vois ; ki nondon, je t’entends. VERBE A REGIME DE PREMIERE PERSONNE. 89. La conjugaison de cette classe de verbes dialogués commence par la racine elle- même du verbe, à laquelle il suffit de préposer le préfixe de la seconde personne : Ki sakih, ki pizindaw, ki pasanjev, Lu maimes, tu m'écoutes, tu me punis. 90. Dans les verbes passifs a régime animé nous avons distingué trois conjugaisons ; ici il n’y a que les verbes terminés en v qui font bande à part, ceux en aw se réunissent aux autres pour former la premiére conjugaison. Le signe de la première conjugaison est 7, il se place entre le radical et la désinence personnelle. Le signe de la deuxième conjugaison est o précédé de l’h qui tient la place du v re- tranché. 91. Partout, excepté à l'impératif, les désinences personnelles sont celles des verbes neutres de la première conjugaison. INDICATIF Présent. Imparfait. Ki sakih, tu m'aimes Ki sakihinaban, tu maimais a4 Pre tase tu nous aimes =o Le uw nous aimais Ki sakihimin, { Bet hanes Ki sakihinanaban, { ue im vous nous aimiez Ki sakihim, vous maimez. Ki sakihinawaban, vous maimicz. IMPERATIF Présent. Futur. Sakihicin, ama me Sakihicikan, amato me opens ama nos Hé cate amato nos Sakihicinam, { TES Sakihicikang, { AS OS Sakihicik, amate me. Sakihicikeg, amatote me. SUBJONOTIF Présent. Imparfait. Sakihüän, ames me Sakihziänbän, amares me { ames nos Sakihiäng, ametis nos ne »8 NOS Sakihiangiban, { TS NO amaretis nos Sakihiieg, ametis me. Sakihiiegoban, amaretis me. DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 45 92. Ainsi se conjuguent tous les verbes actifs quelle que soit leur terminaison, et même ceux qui se terminent en v, comme pakitev, pasanjev, pourvu que l’on ait soin de rem- placer le v par / et de mettre ensuite un o au lieu d’un 7: Ki pasanjev, tu me punis, Ki pasanjehomin, lu nous punis, Pasanjehocin, punis-moi. VERBE A REGIME DE SECONDE PERSONNE. 93. Entre les radicaux “ sakih, pizind, pasanje ” et les désinences personnelles il faut intercaler —in— pour le premier, —on— pour le second, —hon— pour le troisième. Les désinences du subjonctif sont empruntées aux verbes neutres de la troisiéme con- jugaison. Présent. Ki sakihin, amo te : nee J amamuste Ki sakihinimin, tannins Ki sakihinim, amo vos Présent. Sakihinin, amem te fae le Sakihinang, amMeMUS os Sakihinagok, amem vos INDICATIF Imparfait. Ki sakihininaban, te amabam Ki sakihininanaban, { Ld }amabamus Ki sakihininawaban, vos amabam. SuBJONCTIF Imparfait. Sakihinainban, amarem te Sakihmangiban, { amaremus |e Sakihinagokoban, amarem vos. 94. Par ce qui précéde, on voit assez le motif qui m’a fait inventer cette dénomina- tion de verbes dialogués. Les exemples suivants achéveront de la justifier en méme temps qu'ils serviront d'exercices pour ces sortes de verbes. Ki nondaw-na ?—Ki nondon, Ki nondawim-na ?—Ki nondonim, Ki nondawimin-na ?—Ki nondonimin, Nondawiän, nakwetawicin, Nondawiang, nakwetawicinam, Nondawiieg, nakwetawicik, Pakitehoïän, ki ga pakitehon, Pakitehoiang, ki ga pakitehonimin, Pakitehoieg, ki ga pakitehonim, Ki pitcisinamawiiän, ki ga madjisinamon, Wibate pitcisinamawicikang, Ganojicin, ki ga ganonin, Ganojicinam, ki ga ganoninimin, Ganojicik, ki ga ganoninim, Gaganotamawicik geganotamonagok, mentends-tu ?—je l'entends ; mentendez-vous ?—je vous entends ; nous entendez-vous ?—nous vous entendons ; si tu nentends, réponds-moi ; si tu nous entends, réponds-nous ; si vous m’entendez, répondez-moi ; si tu me frappes, je te frapperai ; si lu nous frappes, nous te frapperons : si vous me frappez, je vous frapperai ; quand j'aurai reçu ta lettre, je Venverrai une réponse ; hâtez-vous de nous écrire (dès que vous serez arrivés) ; parle-moi, je te parlerai ; parlez-nous, nous vous parlerons ; parlez-moi, je vous parlerai ; priez pour moi qui prie pour vous. CHAPITRE XI. VERBES RÉFLÉCHIS ET VERBES RÉCIPROQUES. 95. On a vu au chapitre précédent, que les verbes dialogués ont la forme des verbes absolus, bien qu’ils aient la signification des verbes relatifs. Il en est de même des verbes réfléchis et des verbes réciproques ; les uns comme les autres se conjuguent exactement sur le modèle des verbes neutres de la première conjugaison. Chez tous sans exception, les désinences personnelles sont celles du verbe nese ; seulement entre la racine et les dési- nences il faut intercaler la figurative du verbe. 46 L’ABBE CUOQ — GRAMMAIRE 96. À cause du mode de formation des verbes réfléchis et des verbes réciproques lequel est identique, et aussi de la ressemblance de leurs figuratives, nous réunissons ces deux sortes de verbes dans un même chapitre. Les uns et les autres se forment de la racine du verbe actif d’après les règles sui- vantes : a) Si la racine est en 4, comme sakih, aime-le, ou en », comme {akon, saisis-le, la figura- 31% tive du réfléchi sera “itis, 0,” et celle du réciproque “ iti Ni sakihitis, je m'aime ; Sakihitizo, il s'aime ; Ni sakihitizomin, nous nous aimons NOUS-MÊMES ; Ki sakibitizom, vous vous aimez vous-mémes ; Nisakihitimim, nous nous entr’aimons ; Ki sakihitim, vous vous entr’aimez ; Sakihitita, aimons-nous les uns les autres ; Sakihitik, aimez-vous les uns les autres. b) Si la racine est en m, comme kikenim, connais-le ; wabam, vois-le, on change m en “ndis, o ” pour le réfléchi, en “ ndi” pour le réciproque : Ni kikenindis, je me connais ; Kikenindizo, il se connaît ; Kikenindizoban, il se connaissait ; Kekona kikenindizoiin, puissé-je me connaître ! Pinawigo eko kikenindiwate, il y a longtemps qu’ils se conaissent l’un l’autre ; Nanda kikenindiegoban, acaie ki ta kikenindim, si vous aviez cherché l’un l'autre à faire connaissance, maintenant vous vous connaitriez l’un l’autre. c) Si la racine est en daw, comme pizindaw, écoute-le ; en taw, comme minototaw, traite-le bien; en maw, comme kikinoamaw, instruis-le ; en naw, comme nisitawinaw, reconnais-le ; on change w en “tis, 0,” pour le réfléchi, en “ ti” pour le réciproque : Pizindatizokang eiamiaiangon, il faut que nous nous écoutions nous-mémes quand nous prierons ; Pizindatik, écoutez-vous les uns les autres ; Minototatik, faites-vous du bien les uns aux autres. d) Si la racine est en kaw, comme inickaw, perce-le ; anamikaw, sulue-le; on change aw en “‘otatis, o” pour le réfléchi, en “ otati” pour le réciproque : Nind inickotatis, je me perce ; Ki inickotatizo, il s’est percé ; Nind anamikotatimin, nous nous saluons ; Ki anamikotatik, ils se sont salués. e) Si la racine est en 7, comme ganoÿ, parle-lui ; anoÿ, emploie-le, on change en “ nitis, 0,” pour le réfléchi, en “ niti,” pour le réciproque : Ni ganonitis, je me parle à moi-même ; Ni ganonitizonaban, je me parlais à moi-même ; Ganonitibanek, ils conversaient ensemble ; Ondas, ningwi, ki ga ganonitimin, viens, mon camarade, nous causerons. f) Sila racine est en ci, comme “ nici,” {ue-le; aci, place-le ; on change ci en “ sitis, 0” pour le réfléchi, en ‘ siti” pour le réciproque : Ki wi nisitis, nisitizon, tu veux te tuer, tue-toi ; Nisitizote awiia, matci totam, si quelqu'un se tue, il fait mal. Ki wi nisitim, vous voulez vous entre-tuer ; Apitci manatat i wi nisitieg, c’est très mal de vouloir vous entre-tuer. g) Si la racine est en v, comme “ pakitev,” frappe-le ; pasanjev, punis-le ; on change v en ‘ hotis, 0,’ pour le réfléchi, en “ hoti” pour le réciproque : Pakitehotizota, pasanjehotizota, frappons-nous nous-mêmes, punissons-nous nous-mêmes ; Pak:tehotibanek, ils se frappaient l’un l'autre ; Ta ki pasanjehotibanek, ils auraient dû se châtier réciproquement. DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 47 CHAPITRE XII. VERBES UNIPERSONNELS. 97. Sous ce titre général de verbes wnipersonnels nous réunirons non seulement les verbes que l’on appelle communément impersonnels, comme “il faut, il pleut,” mais encore tous les verbes absolus à sujet inanimé, comme “il s'ouvre, il se ferme, il est cassé, il est vermoulu, c’est bon, c'est mauvais,” ete. Ceux-ci ont de plus que les premiers, un pluriel. Les uns et les autres se terminent ou par », ou par {, ou par une voyelle. De la trois conjugaisons : 98. Première conjugaison, verbes terminés par une voyelle : Ate masinaigan, le Livre y est ; Aten masinaiganan, les livres y sont ; Atenio masinaigan, son livre y est ; Ateniwan o masinaiganan, ses livres y sont ; Ateban, il y était ; Atebanen, ils y étaient ; Atek ni masinaigan, piton, si mon livre y est, apporte-le ; Atekin ki masinaiganan, madjiton, si tes livres y sont, emporte-les ; Atenik o masinaigan, mij, si son livre y est, donne-le lui. 99. Deuxième conjugaison, verbes terminés par » : Onicicin ki tciman, tun canot est bon ; Onicicinon ki tcimanan, tes canots sont bons ; Onicicinini o tciman, son canot est bon ; Onicicinoban ni tcimaniban, il était bon mon canot ; Onicicininiwan o tcimanan, ils sont bons ses canots ; Onicicing ki tciman, ninga kicpinaton, si ton canot est bon, je Vachéterai ; Onicicingiban, ninda ki kicpinaton, sil avait été bon, je Vaurais acheté ; Onicicininik o tciman, kicpinaton, si son camot est bon, achète-le ; Onicicininigobanen o tcimaniban, ninda ki kicpinatonaban, si son ancien canot eût été bon, je Veusse acheté. 100. Troisième conjugaison, verbes terminés par ¢ : Animat totoc-pimite, le beurre est cher ; Animaton wawan, les œufs sont chers ; Animatoban piponong, il était cher l'hiver dernier ; Kinawe animatogoban kaiat, il était bien plus cher autrefois ; Animak nongom eji animakiban tcinago, sil est cher aujourd’hui comme il Vétait hier ; Eji animatogobanen kaiat, nongom nabing iji animakiban, s’i/ était aussi cher cet été qu'il avait été autrefois ; Onzam animatini ot anokadjigan, sa marchandise est trop chere ; Mino kijigak nongom, ninga pos, ni saiens dac wabaninik kata posi ijanawi matci kijigatinik, s’il fait beau aujourd’hui, je m'embarquerai, et mon frère s'embarquera demain, quoiqu'il fasse mauvais. 101. Toute la différence qu'il y a entre la deuxième conjugaison et la troisième conju- gaison, c’est que dans celle-ci le de l'indicatif se change en & pour le subjonctif, “ animat, animak,” tandis que dans celle-là, on ne fait qu’ajouter un g : “ onicicin, onicicing.” 102. Le ni à l'indicatif, le #i# au subjonctif, marquent l’obviatif des verbes uniper- sonnels : on les emploie quand le fait dont il s’agit est attribué uniquement à la troisième personne. Dans l’oraison dominicale nous disons : “ Kekona kitcitwawidjikatek kit ijinikazowin, kekona pitcijamagak ki tibeningewin,” sanctificetur nomen tuum, adveniat regnum tuum. 48 L'ABBÉ CUOQ—GRAMMAIRE Au lieu de twum, si l’on met ejus, on ne se contentera pas en algonquin de changer les pronoms, il faudra de plus donner aux verbes la marque de l’obviatif : “ Kekona kitcitwawidjikatenik ot ijinikazowin, kekona pitcijamagatinik o tibeningewin.” 103. On peut conjuguer avec ou sans pluriel selon que le verbe est ou non suscepti- ble d’un sujet au pluriel, les verbes suivants : sur ate: sur onicicin : sur animal : Kisina, il fait froid ; Notin, il vente ; Tibikat, il est nuit ; Kijate, il fait chaud ; Anwatin, le vent est tombé ; Ningwanakwat, le temps est couvert ; Sokipo, il neige ; Kackatin, la rivière est gelée ; Sanagat, cest facheux ; Kijite, c'est cuil ; Mackawatin, il gèle fort ; Manatat, c'est mauvais ; Pate, c’est sec ; Nangan, Cest léger ; Inenindagwat, i faut ; Cehikate, Cest ouvert ; Kosikwan, c’est lourd ; Minomagwat, cest odoriférant ; Kipaikate, c’est fermé ; Songan, | c’est fort ; Minotagwat, c’est mélodieux. 104. Les verbes ci-dessus expriment tous une qualité, une manière d’être, ou un état passif, ou encore (pour ce qui concerne les premiers des trois listes) un certain état de l'atmosphère. En ajoutant magal à des verbes absolus et complets, comme akos, i, étre malude ; sakihiwe, aimer ; kijiwe, parler fort ; maw, i, pleurer ; modjikenindam, se réjouir ; anwenin- dis, 0, se repentir, etc., on forme tout autant de verbes unipersonnels : Akosimagat, sakihiwemagat, kijiwemagat, mawimagat, modjikenindamomagat, anwenindizomagat. > F4 J 5 ? 4 ? J (=) , Voici quelques exemples de l’emploi de ces verbes : Akosimagat ni mitonenindjigan, mon esprit est malade ; Onzam sakihiwemagat kiteh, ton cœur esl trop aimant ; Kijiwemagat ickote-tciman, le bateau à vapeur a la voix forte ; Modjikenindamomagat otenaw, le village est en liesse ; Kekona mawimagak kakina kit otenawiwa ket apite anwenindizomagak ka iji matci totamomagak, puisse tout votre village pleurer de regret d’avoir si mal agi ! CHAPITRE XIII. LE PARTICIPE. 105. Nous avons dit que nos pronoms relatifs n’ont pas d’équivalent en algonquin, et qu’on supplée à leur défaut au moyen des participes. Le participe parait souvent se confondre avec le subjonctif; mais du moins, ils sont toujours distingués l’un de l’autre par la troisième personne du pluriel, dans les verbes absolus ; dans les verbes à régime animé, ils le sont dans toutes les personnes, quand le régime est au pluriel. C’est ce que l’on va voir clairement par les exemples suivants : a). Verbe absolu : GACKENINDAM, être chagrin. Nin geckenindamän, moi qui ai du chagrin, Kin geckenindamän, toi qui as du chagrin, : Lee Tes : Ninawint geckenindamang, | : : Y geckenindang lui qui a du chagrin = : 5 ! s qui avons du chagrin Win geckenindang, qu u chagrin, Kinawint geckenindamäng, j mous qui ae duchagrin, Kinawa geckenindameg, vous qui avez du chagrin, Winawa geckenindangik, eux qui ont du chagrin. Au subjonctif, il n'y a d'autre changement à faire que celui de la dernière personne, ainsi l'on dira: “megwate geckenindamowate,” pendant qu'ils ont du chagrin. Il en sera de même à l'imparfait : DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 49 Nin geckenindamänbân, moi qui avais du chagrin, Kin geckenindamänbän, Win geckenindangiban, Ninawint geckenindamangiban, \ Kinawint geckenindamangoban, Kinawa geckenindamegoban, Winawa geckenindangibanek, toi qui avais du chagrin, lui qui avait du chagrin, nous qui avions du chagrin, vous qui aviez du chagrin, eux qui avaient du chagrin. Au subjonctif, toutes les autres personnes restant les mêmes, on ne changera que la dernière : Megwate geckenindamowapan, pendant qu'ils avaient du chagrin. 106. Les pronoms isolés nin, kin, etc., ne sont pas de rigueur ; on ne les emploie d’or- dinaire que quand l’on parle avec emphase. Nous donnerons plus tard des exemples où ils se trouvent supprimés. b). Verbe absolu réfléchi ANWENINDIS, 0 : Nin aianwenindizoiân, moi qui me repens, Kin aianwenindizoïän, Win aianwenindizote, Ninawint aianwenindizoiing, \ Kinawint aianwenindizoiäng, Kinawa aianwenindizoieg, Winawa aianwenindizodjik, toi qui te repens, lui qui se repent, nous qui nous nous repentons, vous qui vous vous repentez, eux qui se repentent. c). Verbe absolu réciproque SAKIHITI... : Ninawint saiakihitiiing, } Kinawint saiakihitiiäng, Kinawa saiakibitiieg, Winawa saiakihitidjik, nous qui nous nous entr’aimons, vous qui vous vous entr'aimez, eux qui s'entr'aiment. d) Verbes unipersonnels, ATE, ONICICIN, ANIMAT : Wenicicing, le bien, Aianimak, ce qui est cher, les choses bonnes, Aianimakin, les choses chères. Etek, ce qu'il y a, Etekin, les choses qui y sont, Wenicicingin, e). Verbe absolu passif, SAKIHA : Saiakihindjik, ceux qui sont aimés. Saiakihinte, celui qui est aimé, f). Verbes à régime inanimé. Ces verbes, tant actifs que passifs, forment leurs participes comme ceux des verbes neutres : Saiakitote aiamiewin, Saiakitodjik nibwakawin, Tekonigotc akosiwin, Tekonigodjik pakatewin, celui qui aime la religion ; ceux qui aiment la sagesse ; celui qui est saisi par la maladie ; ceux qui sont saisis par la famine. g). Verbe actif à régime animé : Saiakihak, celui que j'aime ; Saiakihagik ceux que j'aime ; Saiakihate, celui que tu aimes ; Saiakihadjik, ceux que Lu aimes ; Saiakibadjin, celui qu'il aime ; Saiakihadji, ceux qu'il aime ; ee \ celui que nous aimons ; ea \ ceux que nous aimons ; Saiakiheg, celui que vous aimez ; Saiakihegok, CEUX que vous aimez ; Saiakibawadjin, celui qu'ils aiment ; Saiakibawadji, ceux qu’ils aiment, Sec. I, 1892. 7. 50 L'ABBÉ CUOQ—GRAMMAIRE h). Verbe passif à régime animé: Saiakihite, Saiakihik, Saiakihigodjin, Saiakihiiaminte, \ Saiakihinang, Saiakihineg, Saiakihigowadjin, 7). Verbes dialogués : Saiakihiian, Saiakihiiang, i Saiakibiieg, celui qui n'aime ; Saiakihidjik, ceux qui maiment ; celui qui Vaime ; Saiakihikik, ceux qui Vaiment ; celui qui Vaime ; Saiakihigodji, ceux qui Vaiment ; ee . Saiakihiiamindjik } . = An celui qui nous aime ; PRET D eux qui nous aiment ; q 8 ae Saiakihinangok, ceed 4 celui qui vous aime ; Saiakihinegok, ceux qui vous aiment ; celui qui les aime ; Saiakihigowadji, ceux qui les aiment. loi qui n’aimes ; Saiakihinan, toi que j'aime ; toi qui nous aimes ; ot ad tps toi que . . . œ ous ns ; vous qui NOUS avmez ; Saiakihinang, vous que ep de vous qui m’aimez ; Saiakihinagok, vous que j'aime. 107. Le participe a tous les temps du subjonctif, soit simples, soit composés. I] suffit de mettre ici les personnes du pluriel qui seules ont des désinences différentes, au passé comme au présent : a). Aianwenindizopanek, Nesepanek, b). Saiakihitipanek, Cangenindipanek, c). Etekibanen, , Aianimakibanen, d ). Saiakihindibanek, Waiabamindibanek, ceux qui se repentaient ; Pezindamopanek, ceux qui écoutaient ; ceux qui respiraient ; Tegocingibanek, ceux qui arrivaient. ceux qui s’entr’aimaient ; Makatipanek, ceux qui se battaient ; ceux qui se haissaient ; Watikendipanek, ceux qui habitaient ensemble. les choses qui y élaient ; Wenicicingibanen, quae erant bona ; que erant cara, ceux qui étaient aimés ; Pezindawindibanek, ceux qui étaient écoutés ; ceux qui élaient vus ; Pekitehondibanek, ceux qui étaient frappés. e). Saiakitopanek nandopaniwin, Nesigopanek ickotewabo, f ). Saiakihagibanek, Saiakihapané, Saiakihegobanek, Saiakihawapanè, g). Saiakihipanek, Saiakihigopané, Saiakihinegobanek, Saiakihigowapané, ceux qui aimaient la guerre ; ceux qui étaient tués par l’eau-de-vie. ceux que j'aimais ; Saiakihatibanek, ceux que tu aimais ; ceux qu'il aimait ; Saiakihangibanek, ne sit eis Ua nous aimi ceux que vous aimiez ; Saiakihangobanek, een OU CUTTS ceux qu'ils aimaient. ceux qui m’aimaient ; Saiakihikipanek, ceux qui Vaimaient ; ceux qui Vaimaient ; Saiakihiiamindibanek, : ue ceux qui vous aimaient ; Saiakihinangobanek, CONTE PATEREE ceux qui les aimaient. 108. Il nous reste à parler de l’éventuel et du gérondif. L’un et l’autre prennent l’augment. On forme l’éventuel du subjonctif en ajoutant in, on, wan, selon les personnes : J } , a). Naïeseïânin, Naiesedjin, Naieseiegon, Naiesewadjin, b). Neckenindiangin, Neckenindiangon, Neckenindiegon, Neckenindiwadjin, quand je respire ; Naieseiänin, quand tu respires ; quand il respire ; Naieseiangin, \ ART NO ERD REO quand vous respirez ; Naieseiangon, quand nous resp > quand ils respirent. } quand nous nous entrefdchons ; quand vous vous entrefdchez ; quand ils s’entrefâchent. c).. Dans les verbes unipersonnels, l'éventuel se confond avec le pluriel du participe présent : Etekin, wenicicingin, aianimakin, kajigakin, tebigakin, ejinikatekin, pengisingin. DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 51 d). Saïakihigoïânin, quand je suis aimé ; Saiakihigoiïänin, quand tu es aimé ; Saiakihindjin, quand il est aimé ; Saiakihigoiangin \ : c Saiakibigoiegon, quand vous étes aimés 5 Saiakihigoiangon, QUCPEMOUS SATITER GATES 5 Saiakihindwan, quand ils sont aimés. e). Sur le modèle de NAIESEIANIN, on conjugue l’éventuel des verbes à régime inanimé soit actifs, soit passifs. RÉGIME AU SINGULIER : RÉGIME AU PLURIEL : f). Saiakihakin, quand je l'aime ; Saiakihakwan, quand je les aime : Saiakihidjin, quand tu Vaimes ; Saiakihatwan, quand tu les aimes ; Saiakihâdjin, quand il l'aime ; Saiakihadjin, quand il les aime ; Shao, À quand nous Vaimons ; Frs ue } quand nous les aimons ; Saiakihegon, quand vous Vaimez ; Saiakihegwan, quand vous les aimez ; Saiakihawadjin, quand ils Paiment. Saiakihawadjin, quand il les aiment. RÉGIME AU SINGULIER : * REGIMB AU PLURIEL : * g). Saiakihidjin, quand il n'aime, Saiakihiwadjin, quand ils n'aiment, Saiakihikin, quand il l'aime, Saiakihikwan, quand ils Vaiment, Saiakihigodjin, quand il est aimé de lui, Saiakihigodjin, quand il est aimé deux, Saiakihinangon quand i nous aime, Sniakihinangwan,’ — } quand dls nous aiment, Saiakihinegon. quand il vous aime, Saiakihinegwan, quand ils vous aiment, Saiakihigowadjin. quand ils sont aimés de lui, Saiakihigowadjin. quand ils sont aimés d'eux. 109. Le gérondif est un mode exclusivement propre aux verbes absolus ; il se forme de la troisième personne du présent de l’indicatif : Sakidjike, il aime ; Sakihitizo, il s'aime ; Sakiha, il est aimé ; Sakihiti...., sventr’aimer : Saiakidjikengin, comme quelqu'un qui aime ; Saiakihingin, comme quelqu'un qui est aimé ; Saiakihitizongin, en égoisle ; Saiakihitingin, comme des amis, comme des gens qui s'entr'aiment, CHAPITRE XIV. LA PARTICULE VERBALE. 110. Nous donnons le nom de particule verbale à une espèce particulière de mots qui, se plaçant devant les verbes, font eux-mêmes l'office d’un verbe. Quand le verbe auquel se joint la particule verbale est à un des modes qui subissent la mutation de voyelle connue sous le nom d’augment, la particule affranchit le verbe de cette mutation, pour la subir elle-même, comme on le verra par quelques-uns des exem- ples que nous allons donner. WI. 111. La particule wi indique que l’on veut faire, qu’on a besoin de faire, ou que l’on est sur le point de faire ou de souffrir l’action qu’exprime le verbe devant lequel elle est placée : * Quand il m'aime, tournez : quand je suis aimé de lui. * Quand ils m’aiment, tournez : quand je suis aimé d’euxe 52 Ni wi ija Moniang, Wi anwenindizo, Ki wi kopesewim-na ?—Ni wi kopesewimin, Ki wi wisin-na ? veux-lu manger ? Gaganotamawicinam nongom gaie wi nipoiâng, Wa nipodjik, Wa ocki-kominiwidjik, je veux aller à Montréal ; L’'ABBÉ CUOQ — GRAMMAIRE Ni wi kitike, il veut se repentir ; je veux cultiver ; voulez-vous vous confesser ?—nous voulons nous confesser ; ceux qui sont sur le point de mourir, Pr c-a-d. as-tu faim ? as-tu besoin de manger ? ora pro nobis nunc et in hora mortis nostre ; les moribonds ; ceux qui se préparent à leur première communion. 112. Quand notre verbe venir est suivi d’un autre verbe à l'infinitif, il se rend en algonquin par la particule pi: Ni pi atamia, ki pi aiamia, pi aiamie, Pi aiamiakeg wabang kakina endatciieg, Ki pi mawatisin, je viens te faire visite ; Pi wabamicikeg i nijieg onagocik, Pa otisinang mino totawata, je viens prier, tu viens prier, il vient prier ; venez prier demain tous tant que vous êles ; Ningi pi anamikago, on est venu me saluer ; venez me voir tous les deux ce soir ; traitons bien celui qui vient chez nous ; Pa agwaciminang Jezos manadjihata, sakihata, mamoiawamata, adorons, aimons, remercions Jésus qui vient nous sauver. AWI. 113. La particule awi se traduit en francais par le verbe aller : Awi kapacimota, Awi kikinoamagok, Awi kopesewikeg ki ickwa abitozang, Nind awi aiamiamin, Ewi aiamiaiegon, kawin gote anote ainabikekon, allons nous baigner ; Awi otaminota, allez (être instruits) à l’école ; allez à confesse cet après-midi ; nous allons prier ; quand vous allez à l’église, ne regardez pas çà et la ; allons jouer ; Ewi kominiwidjik o ka pejikwenimawan ewi nanzikawawadjin, ceux qui vont communier penseront uniquement à Celui qu’ils vont aborder. NITA. 114. Cette particule placée devant un verbe indique qu'on sait faire l’action qu’ex- prime le verbe, qu’on est capable de la bien faire, qu'on la fait aisément, qu'on est même dans l'habitude de la faire : Nita ojipiike, Nita pimose, Nita kimoti, il est voleur ; Gaganotamawatak neta patatidjik, il sait écrire ; il peut marcher ; PWA. Nita nikamo, Nita anoki, Neta minikwedjik, oremus pro peccatoribus. il sait chanter ; il est chasseur ; les buveurs, les ivrognes ; 115. Pwa se place devant un verbe pour indiquer que l’on ne peut pas faire l’action qu’exprime le verbe : Acaie ni pwa pimose, Ni pwa madjamin, Pwa ijaieg nongom, wabang ki gat ijim, hors d'état de faire maigre. je ne puis plus marcher ; Ni pwa nikam, nous ne pouvons pas partir ; je ne puis pas chanter ; si vous ne pouvez pas aller aujourd’hui, vous irez demain ; Pwaia kiigocimodjik, naningotinon gaie pwa pakitandjikek, ceux qui ne peuvent pas jetiner, sont aussi quelquefois MADJI. 116. Cette particule exprime l'idée de commencement : DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 88 Madji anamensike, il commence la messe ; Madji nikamonaniwan, on commence à chanter ; Madji kikinoamatinaniwan, on commence la classe, l'école, le catéchisme ; Ni madji ojipiikenaban apite ka pindikete, je commencais à écrire quand il est entré ; Maiadji minikweieg, ki gitimageniminim, 6 vous qui commencez à boire, je vous plains ; Maiadji kikinoamawindjik, ceux qui commencent à être instruits, (les jeunes enfants qui vont à l’école.) ANI. 117. La particule ani exprime que l’action du verbe est en train de se faire, qu'elle continue à se faire, qu'elle se fera désormais : Ani onagoci, il se fait tard ; Nind ani kika, je me fais vieux ; Ki gitimagis, nanage ki gat ani gitimagis awacamenj, tu es malheureux, bientôt tu le seras encore davantage ; Kekona ani nibwakaieg ket ako pimatisiieg ! puissiez-vous être toujours sages tant que vous vivrez ! Mi monjak eni inatisitc, il continue toujours à se conduire ainsi ; Eni inatisiwate okom ockinawek kekona ani inatisieg! puissiez-vous continuer à vous conduire comme ces jeunes gens se conduisent ! KODJ. 118. Cette particule exprime l’idée d’effort, tentative, essai : Kodj ijak aiamie mikiwaming, tâchez daller à l'église ; Kodj aiamian, efforce-toi de prier ; Kodj ikwandaweta, faisons effort pour monter ; Kodj onbinan kitci packizigan, essaie de lever le canon ; Ni kodji minikwe, ni kodji wisin, je mefforce de boire, de manger ; Kwedjinikamongin iji nikamo, il chante comme quelqu'un qui s’exerce à chanter ; Kwedji kikenindangik mino aiamiewin, keg apite o ka kikenindanawa, ani tabasenindizowate, ceux qui cher- chent à connaître la religion véritable, finiront par la connaître, s'ils sont humbles. GWINAWI. 119. Cette particule renferme l’idée d’embarras, de perplexité : Ni gwinawi totam, je ne sais comment faire ; Ni gwinawi ikit, je ne sais que dire ; Ni gwinawi inenindam, je ne sais que penser ; Ni gwinawi mikawa, je ne sais où je pourrai le trouver ; Ni gwinawi apiha. . je ne sais où le placer ; Gwanawi totawegwan aiakosidjik, nandawenimakeg nandokonini, quand vous ne savez que faire aux malades, demandez le médecin ; Gwanawi wabamegwan nandokoninik, apaiweienimakeg Kije Manito, quand il vous est comme impossible de voir les médecins, ayez recours au grand Esprit. PON. 12). Cette particule indique cessation, interruption : Pon pimatisi, il a cessé de vivre ; Ki pon animisi, il a cessé de souffrir ; Pon akiwang, quand il cessera d’y avoir terre, (à la fin du monde) ; Pon patatik, neta patatieg, cessez de pécher, 6 pécheurs ; Pwan kimiwangin, pwan notingin, quand il cesse de pleuvoir, de venter ; Pwan nesengin towa, il est comme quelqu'un dont la respiration est interrompue. ICKWA. 121. Le mot ICEWA placé devant un verbe signifie que l’action exprimée par ce verbe est terminée : 54 L'ABBÉ CUOQ — GRAMMAIRE Ickwa anamensike, il a fini la messe ; Ickwa kakikwe, il a terminé le sermon ; Acaie nind ickwa ojiton ka anojiiän, voilà que j'ai fini le travail que tu m'as donné ; Andapite ket ickwa wisiniieg ? quand est-ce que vous achèverez de manger ? Panima ki ickwa manadjitaganiwang ninga pos, je ne membarquerai qu'après la fête ; Eckwa wisiniiegon, mamoiawamakeg Tebeningetc, à la fin de vos repas, remerciez le Seigneur. NICI. 122. Ce mot s'emploie toujours en mauvaise part ; il se met d’ordinaire devant les verbes-adjectifs qui expriment des défauts, des qualités mauvaises, et il en augmente la signi- fication : Nici kitimi, c’est un franc paresseux ; Nici kakipatisi, c’est une franche bête ; Nici kimoti, c’est un franc voleur ; Nici mamaiesandisi, cest un fripon fieffé ; Nici panikam, c'est un franc vaurien ; Neci panikangik gaie neci papinotangik aiamiewin ka napite widjiwieken, ne va nullement avec les débauchés ni avec les insulteurs de la religion. MAMANDA. 123. Ce mot indique qu'on excelle à faire l’action exprimée par le verbe : Mamanda kakikwe,—ojipiike,—nikamo, il excelle à précher, à écrire, à chanter ; Mamanda ikito, il dit des choses merveilleuses ; Mamanda gackito, il a une puissance merveilleuse, il fait des prodiges; Mamanda totamowin, action merveilleuse, prodige, miracle ; Memanda totangik, ceux qui opèrent des miracles, les thaumaturges. NANDA. 124. Ce mot se met devant un verbe pour signifier qu'on cherche à faire l’action qu’exprime le verbe : Nanda wisin, i, chercher à manger ; Nanda niinawe, il cherche à parler la langue de notre nation ; Nanda wabam, cherche à le voir, cherche-le des yeux ; O nanda kikenindan aiamiewin, il cherche à connaître la religion ; Nanda oconiami, il cherche à avoir de l'argent ; Nenda kikinoamawindjik, ceux qui cherchent à être instruits ; Nenda sikahandazodjik, ceux qui cherchent à étre buptisés, les catéchumènes. PWATAWI. 125. Ce mot est pour marquer qu’on tarde à faire l’action exprimée par le verbe : Pwatawi tagocin, il tarde bien à arriver ; Pwatawi kape, il met bien du temps à débarquer ; Pwatawi kapatekwenaniwan, on tarde beaucoup à descendre la chaudière de la crémaillère ; Onzam ki pwatawi pindikem, vous tardez trop longtemps à entrer ; Ki ki pwatawi matwesike, tu as été lent à tirer, à faire feu ; Maianatak ki gat otisigonawa, kinawa pwaiatawi pindikeieg, malheur vous arrivera à vous qui entrez tard. MATWE. 126. Cette particule sert à exprimer qu'on entend se faire l’action du verbe, ou que l’on apprend l'évènement énoncé par le verbe : DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 55 Matwe piisan, on entend pleuvoir ; Matwe kikandiwak, on les entend se disputer ; Matwe mawi, on Ventend pleurer ; Matwe akosi, on entend dire qu'il est malade ; Ki matwe nipo, on a entendu dire qu’il était mort ; Metwe papidjik, ceux que Von entend rire. MANADJ. 127. Cette particule sert à exprimer qu'on se garde, qu'on prend garde de faire l’ac- tion du verbe : Manadj pangicinin, prends garde de tomber ; Manadj pikositon onagan, prends garde de casser le vase ; Manadj minikwen, garde-toi de boire ; Manadj amatinik, gardez-vous bien de Véveiller ; Menadj pangicingin, inoseban, il marchait comme quelqu'un qui a peur de tomber. PITCI. 128. On emploie cette particule pour marquer que c’est par méprise, par mégarde que se fait l’action du verbe : du Pitci pinkike, il entre où il ne voulait pas entrer, il se trompe de porte ; Pitci ikito, il emploie un mot pour un autre, il commet un lapsus linguæ ; Pitei posi, il s'embarque sans y faire attention dans le canot d’un autre ; Petci ikitodjik, ceux qui se trompent en parlant, qui font des quiproquos ; Petci wisiniegon kaigocimokijigakin, quand vous mangez par mégarde les jours de jeûne. PATA. 129. Placé devant un verbe, ce mot exprime qu’on a tort de faire l’action du verbe : Ki pata totam, tu fais mal, tu as tort d'agir ainsi ; Ki pata ikit, tu as tort de parler ainsi ; Ki pata ganonak, tu as tort de leur parler ; Ki pata mikatim, vous avez tort de vous battre ; Paiata mikatidjik towa gaie win, lui aussi, il est un de ceux qui ont tort de se battre. WANI. 130. On se sert de ce mot pour exprimer qu'on commet une erreur en faisant l’action verbe : Wani tipaige, il se trompe en mesurant ; Wani tipapadjige, il se trompe en pesant ; Wani tipakonike, il se trompe en jugeant ; Tasin weni tipakonikewadjin tipakonikewininiwak, toutes les fois que les juges se trompent en jugeant. CHAPITRE XV. LA PRÉPOSITION. 131. Les prépositions algonquines sont de plusieurs sortes : a). Les unes précèdent le nom qui leur sert de régime, ce sont les prépositions proprement dites, telles sont les suivantes : Nananj nongom, jusqu'à présent ; Teik teipaiatik, près de la croix ; Nananj wakwing, jusqu'au ciel ; Wakite masinaigan, sur le livre ; Pinte aiamie-mikiwam, dans Véglise ; Megwe anicinabek, parmi les hommes ; Anam wisiniwagan, sous la table ; Naw kitikan, au milieu du champ. 56 L'ABBÉ CUOQ — GRAMMAIRE b). Il est des prépositions improprement dites qui ne se mettent qu’aprés le nom : Wakwing inakak, vers le ciel ; Nin ondji, à cause de moi ; Kiwetinong inakak, du côté du nord ; Aiamiewin ondji, pour la religion ; Niso kizis inikik, pendant trois mois. c). Plusieurs prépositions s’unissent aux noms qu'elles précèdent : Tcikikana, sur le bord du chemin ; Pintcina, dans le corps ; Wakitcictikwan sur la téle ; Anamonak, sous le canot ; Nawakwa, au milieu du bois ; Mitabik, sur la pierre. d). Un certain nombre de prépositions sont inséparables et s'unissent à des verbes qui parfois ne pourraient subsister sans elles ; les voici: A-, iko-, nis~, am--, abam-, exemples : Otenang apato, il accourt au village ; Nind apaiwen ki iaw, j'ai recours à toi ; Icpimisakong ikwandaweta, montons à l’élage supérieur ; Nisandaweta, descendons ; Amadjiwe, il gravit la montagne ; Nisadjiwe, il descend de la montagne ; Abamise pinecenjic, l'oiseau voltige autour ; Abanabik, regardez derrière vous. e). Quelques prépositions françaises se rendent le plus souvent en algonquin par le locatif, comme on a déjà vu. Il semble à propos de citer encore à ce sujet quelques exemples : Niping, dans l'eau ; Aking, sur la terre ; Ickoteng, dans le feu ; Mackimotang, dans le sac ; Mikiwaming, dans la maison ; Akikong, dans la chaudière ; Kitikaning nind ija, je vais au champ ; O kitikaniwang ijiwak, ils vont à leurs champs ; Ni kitikaning nind ondjipa, je viens de mon champ ; O kitikaniwang ondjipik, ils viennent de leurs champs. f). Il y a diverses manières de rendre les prépositions françaises qui manquent en algonquin : Pi widjiwiciu, viens avec Mot ; Kije Manito ki mamawiitim, Dominus tecum ; O witopaman, il mange avec lui ; O cinisan o ki witikemabanen, il habitait avec son beau-père. Voilà des exemples pour la préposition avec ; nous verrons ailleurs comment on peut rendre en algonquin nos prépositions sans, contre, selon, devant, sauf, et quelques autres. g). Certaines prépositions font l'office d’adverbes et même de conjonctions : Abita tebikak ako, depuis minuit ; Eko pimatisiiän, depuis que je vis ; Ka ako nodjimoian, depuis que j'ai lé guéri ; Ket ako pimatisiiân, lant que je vivrai ; Wekonen ondji ? pourquoi ? Cur ? quare ? Awenen ondji ? pour qui ? Mi wendji nanzikonan, voilà pourquoi je viens te trouver ; Aiamiewin ka ondji nanindjik, ceux qui ont été mis à mort pour la foi ; Oom masinaigans Moniang ondjipamagat, celle lettre vient de Montréal. DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 57 CHAPITRE XVI. L’ADVERBE. 132. La liste des adverbes algonquins est assez longue; ils se trouvent dans le Dictionnaire selon l’ordre alphabétique. Ici nous les partagerons en différentes classes d’après leur signification. On remarquera aisément que quelques-uns d’entre eux sont dérivés et d’autres com- posés a). ADVERBES DE TEMPS. Wibatc, de bonne heure ; Kaiat, autrefois ; Nongom, maintenant ; Nomaie, récemment ; Kakik, toujours ; Naningim, souvent ; Naningotinon, quelquefois ; Wikat, tard ; Ningotin, une fois ; Kawikat, jamais ; Pinawigo, depuis longtemps ; Wawikat, rarement ; Nongom ongajigak, aujourd'hui ; Awasonago, avant-hier ; Tcinago, hier ; Wabang, demain ; Awaswabang, après-demain ; Kijate, d'avance ; Kitci awaswabang, dans trois jours ; Pinama, avant tout ; Jeba, ce matin ; Monjak, continuellement ; Wabang kikijeb, demain matin ; Panima, rien qu'après ; Tibikong, la nuit dernière ; Awas tibikong, Pavant-derniére nuit ; Wenagocik, le soir. b). ADVERBES DE LIEU. Pindikamik, dans la maison ; Awete, là-bas ; Pindik, dedans ; Ondas, en decd ; Pinte aii, en dedans ; Awas, au dela ; Agwatcing, dehors ; Akaming, au bord de l’eau ; Agwatcaii, en dehors ; Akâming, à la rive opposée ; Pecote, pres, tout pres ; Ondas ina pingi nikamomin, nous avons chanté ; ningi nikamonanaban, nous avions chanté. 325. On voit par les exemples ci-dessus comment se forment le parfait et le plus-que- parfait de l'indicatif à l’aide de la particule auxiliaire placée devant le présent et devant Vimparfait. On va voir dans un tableau synoptique les diverses terminaisons des verbes relatifs et des verbes dialogués, au présent et à limparfait de Vindicatif d’abord, puis au présent et à l’imparfait du sub- jonctif. Il est presque inutile de dire pourquoi certaines cases sont vides, pourquoi d'autres sont DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 111 marquées de R, d’autres de RR, et qu’il y en a une où la place du radical est marquée d’un double tiret, et n’est suivie d’aucune terminaison. Le vide s'explique aisément par l'impossibilité d'association entre certaines personnes, telles que je vous, tu vous, vous te, &c. Les cases marquées de R sont celles où le verbe doit se mettre au réfléchi, telles sont les cases je me, tu te, &e. Le signe RR désigne celles qui demandent soit le réfléchi, soit le réciproque, telles sont les cases NOUS NOUS, VOUS VOUS. Le simple tiret tient la place de la racine des verbes relatifs qui est toujours la deuxiéme personne du singulier du présent de limpératif actif, et le tiret a été doublé dans un seul cas, (celui de la relation tu me au présent de l'indicatif), parce que c’est la seule relation qui n’a pas de terminaison. A la place du tiret soit simple soit double que l’on mette la deuxième personne du singulier du présent de l'impératif d’un verbe actif de la première conjugaison, et l’on aura la conjugaison entière de ce verbe à l'indicatif et au subjonctif pour l'actif, le passif et le dialogué. A la première conjugaison appartiennent tous les verbes qui se conjuguent sur SAKIH, aÿme-le, savoir : lo, Les verbes en ih, comme: Pih, attends-le ; papib, fais-lui bonne mine. 20. Les verbes en oh, comme: Moh, fais-le pleurer ; nodjimoh, sauve-lui la vie. 30. Les verbes en eh, comme: Kikeb, guéris-le ; nipeh, endors-le. do. Les verbes en ah, comme: Minah, donne-lui à boire ; wabandah, montre-le lui. 5o. Les verbes en am, comme: Acam, donne-lui à manger ; witopam, mange avec lui. Go. Les verbes en em, comme: Nändwewem, appelle-le ; diajitewem, réplique-lui. To. Les verbes en im, comme: Mäwim, pleure-le ; käkwedjim, interroge-le. 80. Les verbes en om, comme: Käkizom, calme-le ; käkanzom, exhorte-le. 90. Les verbes en in, comme: Webin, rejette-le ; kandin, prouve-le. 100. Les verbes en on, comme: Täkon, saisis-le ; abiskon, détache-le. 110. Les verbes en enim, comme: Pägosenim, prie-le ; mikawenim, souviens-toi de lui. 2 L'ABBE CUOQ —GRAMMATRE 112 uedeme — neqeAseuL — ueqeasuvur — UBQEMpPULUIBIT — uedene — ueqoseur — uedemMr — IJEME — BMSBUL — BMSUBUI — BMPUIUBIT — oye Me — Seur — OJEMI — QUEQUME — oO yourqeMost — ry yourqvuost — 14 ysueqvuosr — 1 moURqeMs — O yourqost — 1H yeurqost — 1 EMB— O HEMOBI — TY MIUBUOST — 14 AIUBUOSI — 1U uBMB — O Yost — 1y yost — 10 ueqease — ueqisuer — ueqose — uBqoserl — BMS9 — Suert — 30 — solr — HOUEQUME — IA YU UUQEUCUL — 14 UBJBME — Ty UBBMEUL — [A BMS — TA COUT "PL BMG — TA Qui fi uvqeaMsue — ueqosue — rMSue — . sur — yourqeue — 14 JA ueqeue — IA HIUBUE — 14 uvuue — 14 UBUMIBOE — ueqisueur — ueqisue — uvqisueur — BMJISUE — suvut — oy13ue — Sueut — yourqvue — tu uvqevuBurlut — Ty WY ueqeue — IU ueqeUBUIUL — A AIUBUE — 1 ULUIUL — Ty ueuë — 10 ULULIUL — I uedeue — uvqoseur — ueqoSueUur — UBAIPUITUBIT — usde — ueqryt — uedr — oy — Seur — sueur — oP ULB IL — 018 — i) oy — aueqe — o UBqeMOSI — 14 uUBQUUOSI — 1 ueqvuost — IU uourqe — oO uBqosi — 14 ueQOBI — iu E— 0 BMODI — 14 UBUOST — 1 UBUOSI — IU uv — oO ALT At — ta UEJEMFE — UBQISUBIT — ueqiye — URQUEIT — BAJE — Sur — 278 — agit — yourqe — 14 UEQEUBUL — 14 ueqe — 14 4 ueqeuL — 1 ODA MOO 1ST BAT Hi urqeMSE — ueqoso$eut — ueqrye — uequeur — BMse — yosvur — ye — uvur — yeurqe — ru uUvqeMBUIUL — 14 ueqe — lu ueqeul — 14 4 AU ree iI Cae el Sa snoa “pour snow ‘1272 SUOU eI 9} on sit snoA “pur snou “oma snow I ny af : rouofqns np Je JBOTpUL,] ep yrejreduity Je Juosaid ne HIAYS 2qioA np agnsorerp jo aAISSEd ‘aATjoe SOULIOF Sep AVATAV, DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 113 CHAPITRE XVII. EMPLOI DES MODES ET DES TEMPS. 326. Ainsi qu'il a été dit, les modes et les temps des verbes algonquins ne concordent pas toujours avec les modes et les temps des verbes francais. Afin de ne pas se tromper dans l’emploi des modes, il est nécessaire avant tout de distinguer les phrases principales et les phrases incidentes. En algonquin, on appelle phrase principale celle dont le verbe est à Vindicatif ou à Vimpératif: Madjan, pars; ni madja, je pars ; ki madja-na? pars-lu ? Ka ni madjasi, je ne pars pas ; ninda madjamin, nous partirions ; madjakeg onagocik, partez ce soir. La phrase incidente est celle dont le verbe se met du subjonctif, au participe ou à l’éventuel: Kicpin madjan, si tu pars ; ape madjawate, qu'ils partent, puissent-ils partir ; Mi wak okom ke madjadjik, voici ceux qui partiront ; tasin maiadjaiangon, toutes les fois que nous partons. 327. Les phrases interrogatives se construisent tantôt avec l'indicatif tantôt avec le subjonctif, selon les particules qui accompagnent le verbe: Ainsi on mettra à l'indicatif le verbe suivi de na, ou précédé de ka-na : Ki ki wabama-na Okima? Vidisti-ne Regem ? As-tu vu le Roi? Ka-na ki ga cawenimisi ? non-ne misereberis mei? n’auras-tu pas pitié de moi? De même encore, comme en latin et en français, on mettra à l'indicatif le verbe précédé de KETNA, KETNANGE : Ketna ningi wabama ? numquid illum vidi ? Est-ce que je Vai vu? Ketnange ki ta gackitom ? numquidnam possetis ? Est-ce que vous pourriez ? 328. Toute autre phrase interrogative veut son verbe au subjonctif, ce qui arrive toutes les fois que le verbe est précédé soit des pronoms awenen, wekonen, soit des adverbes anin, andi, andapitc. Pour bien comprendre ce qu'offre ici de particulier la langue algon- quine, il est important de distinguer deux sortes d’interrogations, l'interrogation directe et l'interrogation indirecte. Linterrogation indirecte est toujours exprimée par une proposition subordonnée. Dans ces phrases: ‘“ Dis-moi quelle heure il est; tu sais quel âge il a; je voudrais savoir où il est allé; ” quelle heure il est, quel age il a, où il est allé, sont des interrogations indirectes. L’interrogation directe se construit ainsi: “ Quelle heure est-il? quel âge a-t-il? où est-il allé ? ” Comme on le voit, le verbe qui suit le terme interrogatif se met toujours à l'indicatif dans l'interrogation indirecte aussi bien que dans l'interrogation directe. En latin le verbe se mettra à l'indicatif dans l'interrogation directe et au subjonctif dans l’inter- rogation indirecte, ainsi on dira: “Quota hora est? Dic mihi quota hora sit.” “Quot annos natus est? Scis quot annos natus sit.” “ Quo ivit? Scire vellem quonam iverit.” En algonquin, le verbe se mettra invariablement au subjonctif: “ Anin endaso tipaiganek ? Windamawicin anin endaso tipaiganek.” “ Anin endaso piponesitc ? Ki kikenima anin endaso piponesite.” “ Andi ka ijate ? Ninda wi kikenima andi ka ijate.” Sec. L, 1892. 15. 114 L'ABBÉ CUOQ— GRAMMAIRE 329. Citons encore quelques exemples où l’on verra de même l'indicatif en français, le subjonctif en algonquin, et, selon que l'interrogation est directe ou indirecte, l'indicatif ou le subjonctif en latin: “Quem quæritis? Dicite mihi quem quæratis.” “ Qui cherchez-vous ? Dites-moi qui vous cherchez.” “Awenen nendawabameg? Windamawicik awenen nendawabameg.” “Quis loquitur ? Nescio quis loquatur.” “ Qui parle? Je ne sais pas qui parle.” “ Awenen aianimitagositc? Ka ni kikenimasi awenen aianimitagosite.” “ Quandonam profecturus est? Dicet tibi quandonam profecturus sit.” “ Quand partira-t-il ? Il te dira quand à partira, (quand il doit partir).” “ Andapite ke madjatc? Ki ga windamag andapitc ke madjate.” Le subjonctif et ie participe ont entr’eux tant de ressemblance qu’on serait exposé quelquefois a les confondre : Dans les verbes absolus leur forme est partout la même sauf à la troisième personne du pluriel: Anin ejinikazowatc, comment s'appellent-ils ? winawa Piien ejinikazodjik, ceux qui s'appellent Pierre ; Anin ejinikazowapan, comment s’appellaient-ils ? winawa Mani ejinikazopanek, celles qui s'appellaient Marie. 331. Dans les verbes relatifs, il faut distinguer les participes-sujets et les participes- régimes. Les participes-sujets sont ceux par lesquels on traduit le pronom relatif qui; le pronom relatif que se traduit en algonquin par les participes-régimes. Ainsi les participes algonquins: ‘ nin saiaki- hagwa,” moi qui les aime; nin saiakihagwaban, moi qui les aimais, sont appelés participes-sujets, tandis que nous donnerons le nom de participes-régimes aux participes suivants : Saiakihagik, ceux que j’aime ; saiakihagibanek, ceux que j'aimais ; Saiakihadjik, ceux que tu aimes ; saiakihatibanek, ceux que tu aimais. Les participes-sujets ne diffèrent du subjonctif qu’à la troisième personne du pluriel, de même que dans les verbes absolus : Megwatc pekitewawate, pendant qu'ils le frappent ; pekitewadjik, ceux qui le frappent. 332. Les caractéristiques temporaires sont les mêmes pour le subjonctif et pour le participe, c’est ka pour le passé, ke pour le futur. KE prend un ¢ euphonique en présence d'une voyelle : Mi ka ikitote, c’est ce qu'il a dit ; mi ka ikitopan, c’est ce qu'il avait dit; mi ket ikitote, c’est ce qu'il dira ; Mi ket ikitowate, c’est ce qu'ils diront; aïanotc ket ikitodjik, ceux qui diront toutes sortes de choses. 338. A l'indicatif le signe du futur varie selon les verbes. Aux deux premières per- sonnes, c'est ga; à la troisième, c’est ka dans les verbes relatifs, kata dans les verbes absolus. GA et KA prennent un ¢ euphonique en présence d’une voyelle : Ningat ina, je lui dirai ; ningat inanan, nous lui dirons ; ki gat ina, tu lui diras ; ki gat inawa, vous lui direz ; o kat inan, à lui dira ; o kat inawan, à lui diront ; kata iji, i ira ; kata ijiwak, is dront. DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE, 115 334. Le conditionnel a pour signe la particule {4 qui s’adoucit en da à la première personne : Ninda ija, j'irais ; ninda ijamin, nous irions ; Ninda ina, je lui dirais ; ninda inanan, nous lui dirions ; ki ta ija, tu irais ; ki ta ijam, vous iriez ; ta iji, à trait ; o ta inan, #/ lui dirait. 335. Le futur passé et le conditionnel passé se forment au moyen de la particule ki qui vient se mettre à la suite des signes ordinaires du futur et du conditionnel : Ninga kiina, je lui aurai dit ; ninda ki ina, je lui aurais dit. Ce ki s'emploie aussi pour les temps passés du subjonctif et du participe : Mi ke ki ikitote, c'est ce qu’il aura dit ; ke ki ikitodjik, ceux qui auront dit. 336. Le conditionnel algonquin n’a pas toujours la signification du conditionnel français ; surtout à la deuxième et à la troisième personne, il a assez souvent un sens un peu différent, ainsi on dira: Ki ta kopesewim tcibwa maci posieg, vous devriez vous confesser avant de vous embarquer ; Ta ki kopesewiban Aneksandiban ibwa maci madjapan, feu Alexandre aurait bien fait de se confesser avant de partir. 337. L’impératif n'ayant pas de temps composés, n’a nul besoin de particules ; le futur de ce mode est un temps simple aussi bien que le présent. Il n’a pas de troisième personne, si ce n’est au négatif de quelques verbes absolus, et seulement au singulier : Ka manatwesiwite awiia, que personne ne dise de mauvaises paroles ; Ka kitimisiwite ki kwisis, que ton fils ne soit pas paresseux ; Ka widjiwesiwite kit anis i nimihitinaniwang, que ta fille Wassiste pas aux danses. 338. On supplée d’ordinaire à la troisième personne de l'impératif par celle du condi- tionnel : Qu’il entre, ta pindlike ; qu'il sorte, ta sakaham ; qu’ils aillent à l’école, ta awi kikinohamawak ; Qu'il empêche son fils de boire, o {a ondjihan o kursisan kitci minikwenite ; Qu'ils défendent à leurs enfants de rôder la nuit, 0 ta kinahamawawd o nidjanisiwà kitei nipackanite ; Que jamais personne ne fréquente les ivrognes, kawikat awiia o ta widjiwasiwd neta minikwenidji. 339. Comme il a été dit, les Algonquins n’ont pas le mode infinitif; ils y suppléent de différentes maniéres : lo. Par les particules verbales WI, PI, AWI, GWINAWI, NANDA, &c. : Tu veux danser, ki wi nim ; il veut chanter, wi nikamo ; Je viens manger, ni pi wisin ; il vient boire, pi minikwe ; Allons travailler, awi anokita ; allez vous promener, awi papamosek ; Il ne sait que dire, gwinawi ikito ; ils ne savent que faire, gwinawi tolamok ; Cherchez à connaître la religion, nanda kikeuindamok aiamiewin ; Nous cherchons à nous amuser, ni nandu olaminomin. 20. Par les noms verbaux en win: Il est honteux de mentir, agatenindagwat kinawickiwin ; C’est un péché de dérober, patatouniwan kimotiwin ; Ce n’est pas bien de se quereller, ka minosesinon kikandiwin ; C’est mal de médire les uns des autres, manatat pakwanondiwin ; C’est une excellente chose de s’entr’aimer, de s’entr’aider, apitci onicictn sakihitiwin, cawenindiwin. 416 L'ABBÉ CUOQ—GRAMMAIRE 30. Par le subjonctif: Je désire aller au Ciel, ni misawenindam wakwing kitei ijaidn ; Je serais heureux de recevoir sa visite, ninda minwenindam kicpin pi mawatisile ; J'aime à visiter les malades, à secourir les pauvres, ni minwenindan i mawatisagwa aiakosidjik, à cawenimagwa kwetakitodjik. Je serais bien affligé d’apprendre qu'ils ont été tués, ninda kitei gackenindam, initageidnbdan iki nisindwa. 40. Par divers tours de phrases: Dieu nous a créés pour le connaître, l’aimer et lui obéir, ninga kikenimigok, ninga sakihigok, ninga papamitagok, mi enenindamogobanen Kije Manito apite ka kijihinang ; C’est pour nous sauver de l’enfer et nous faire entrer au Ciel que Jésus est mort sur une croix, ninga agwacimak anamakamikong, gaie wakwing ninga pindikanak, ki ki inenimigonan Jezos apite nepogobanen teipaiatikong : Je pense aller demain à Montréal, wabang ninga moniake, nind inenindam ; Ils me disent de ne pas y aller, ka ijaken, nind igok ; Dis-leur d’aller se confesser, ani kopesewik, iji ; Le maitre d’école nous dit sans cesse d’être sages, de rester tranquilles, de nous taire, nbwakak, pejikwanong apik, kickowek, monjak nind igonan kikinohamagewinini. C’est lui qui m’a fait fâcher, win ot indowin iki nickatisiidn ; C’est vous autres qui me faites rire, kinawa kit indowiniwa wendji papiidn. 50. Par les verbes causatifs et autres sortes de verbes : Je le fais pleurer, ni mohak ; je lui fais voir, ni wabandaha ; Faites prier vos enfants, aiwmiehik ki nidjanisiwak ; faisons-les venir ici, ondaje pile ijinajawatak : Fais-les sortir vite, sakidjinajikaw ; cela est fort à craindre, apitci gotanenindagwat ; Ce n’est pas à désirer, kawin misawenindagwasinon ; Ils m’ont fait monter au jubé, icpimisakong ningi ikwandawenijahogok. 340. On verra encore d’autres manières de suppléer à l’absence de l’infinitif, dans la troisième partie de cet ouvrage! C’est là aussi surtout qu'on pourra voir les nuances de signification qui parfois se font remarquer dans les temps aussi bien que dans les modes des verbes algonquins. CHAPITRE XVIII. ONOMATOPEE ET LANGAGE ENFANTIN. 341. On pourra remarquer, en parcourant les pages du Lexique, un assez grand nombre de mots formés par onomatopée. Nous nous bornerons ici à citer quelques exemples de noms d'oiseaux tirés de leur cri : ANHANHWE, espèce de canard que les Américains nomment communément: Pigeon-tail, son nom algonquin signifie littéralement : i dit anh! anh ! ATCITCICKIWENS, C’est le nom de l’allouelte, qu’on donne également à une sorte de bécassine ; KAKABE, effraie, chouette des clochers ; KAKAXKI, corbeau ; KASKASKANIDJISI, Tossignol ; KOKOKO, COUCOU ; KOKOKOO, buse ; OxanisI, petit oiseau gris du Canada dont le cri est kan ! kan! Peox, engoulevent, mangeur de maringouins ; Pre, tout petit oiseau ainsi nommé de son eri pih! pil! TCATCAKANO, élourneau. On dit du loup qu'il hurle, onoho; du chien qu'il aboie, miki, et qu'avant d’aboyer il gronde, nikimo. Les Algonquins n’ont pas de termes particuliers pour exprimer les divers cris des animaux, à part du loup et du chien. Du chat qui miaule comme du coq qui chante, ils disent également: nondagosi, il se fait entendre, 1 Voir note page 118. DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. pb, On trouvera çà et là dans le Lexique des verbes qui paraissent avoir été formés par onomatopée, tel est certainement le verbe teatcham, 0, éternuer. A propos d'éternument, teatcamowin, il faut signaler ici un usage encore assez répandu parmi les tribus de langue algonquine: Quand quelqu'un éternue, on lui dit: A? wawinik Kije Manito, Dieu parle de vous. 342. Les principaux mots du langage enfantin sont : BA, terme dont se servent les jeunes enfants pour exprimer le désir de recevoir ou de donner un baiser ; Toro, bobo ; ioioc, mauvais bobo ; KaKA, ce mot a diverses acceptions et dénote dans le petit enfant un grand goût pour la chair des animaux; Kaxac qui semblerait n’étre qu'un détérioratif de kaka, à un sens tout différent, et signifie en général, ordure, malpropreté ; il équivaut à nos mots enfantins caca et pipi ; Koxo, tout étre terrible dont on fait peur aux enfants ; LaABALA, tout individu de race blanche ; Loto, mot de l'enfant qui veut être remis dans son berceau, cf. en français : dodo ; Mama, pour se faire porter par sa mère ; Manon, se dit aux petits enfants pour les endormir, c'est le dodo des nourrices à leurs nourrissons ; Naxa et NANAN, sucre, bonbon, dragée ; Op, dit le petit enfant qui veut se lever, sortir du berceau ; Pawo, tout ce qui se mange avec la cuiller; Pret, terme dont se servent les enfants pour demander de l’eau; Tapsic, c’est le cri d’admiration des enfants. Plusieurs adultes continuent jusqu’à l’âge de 20 ans et au-delà, à se servir des mots enfantins TATA et DJODJO soit en s'adressant à leurs parents soit en parlant d’eux. Sortis de la première enfance, ceux des enfants algonquins qui vont aux écoles, laissent quelquefois leurs mots TATA et DJODJO et les remplacent par leurs correspondants français PAPA et MAMAN, mais alors le plus souvent, ils les abrègent en disant simplement pa, mam. C’est ainsi ce que font nos petits iroquois. 343. On a remarqué plus d’une fois dans le cours de cette grammaire, l’altération produite dans les mots français en passant dans la langue des Algonquins, par exemple, Pon au lieu de Paul, Pinomen au lieu de Philomène. Chose singulière! Les adultes pro- noncent aisément / dans les mots du langage enfantin /abala, lolo, et ils ne peuvent que très diflicilement prononcer cette même lettre, quand elle se rencontre dans des mots français, ils la remplacent alors par. Voyez Lexique de la langue iroquoise, page 191. 344. Au langage enfantin on peut joindre le langage diminutif; celui-ci ne consiste guère que dans un changement de prononciation. Il parait certain que cette sorte de langage se trouve dans toutes les nations Américaines. Voyez Lexique de la langue iroquuise, page 192. CHAPITRE XIX. SYNTAXE. 345. En exposant les é/éments de la grammaire algonquine, nous en avons fait con- naître aussi la syntaxe, et il ne nous reste que peu de chose à ajouter aux nombreux exemples de syntaxe soit d'accord soit de régime qu’on a vus dans les chapitres précédents. 346. Quand un verbe a pour sujet ou pour régime des noms de genre différent, il faut séparer ces noms et donner à chacun d’eux le verbe qui lui convient. Ici sont plantés des arbres et des pierres, ondaje patakicinok mitikok, patakisinon gaie asinin ; J’aime le pain et le sucre, ni minopwa pakwejigan, ni minopitan sinzipakwat gaie ; Demain je mangerai du poisson et des patates, wabang ningat amwa kikons, patakan gaie ninga midjinan ; Mangeras-tu du lard et des pommes? ki ga midjin-na kokoc winin, ki gat amwak-na gaie wabiminak ? 118 L'ABBÉ CUO0Q— GRAMMAIRE 347. La conjonction que entre deux verbes se rend par kici avec le subjonctif quand le premier verbe est un de ceux qui en latin pourrait-étre suivi de wt : Je désire qu’il vienne. capio ut veniat, ni misawenindam kitei pilcijate ; Ordonne qu’il soit tué, jube ut occidatur, anokimon kitei nisiminte ; Je permets que vous y alliez, permitto ut eatis, ni papamitam kitei tjaieg. 348. Quand le que ne peut se rendre par kitci il faut tourner la phrase : Je crois qu’il ment, tournez : il ment peut-être, je pense de lui, kinawickitok, nind inenima ; Je doute qu’ils disent la vérité, tournez: ils ne disent pas la vérité peut-être, je pense d’eux, kawin tepwesitokenak, nind inenimak ; On nous dit qu’il arrivera bientôt, tournez : bientôt il arrivera, nous dit-on, wibate ta tagwicin, nind igomin ; Il dit qu’il ira demain au Sault, tournez : j'irai demain au Sault, il dit, wabang ningat ija Kanawakeng, ikito ; Je leur ai dit que je n’avais pas d’argent, tournez : je n’ai pas d’argent, je leur ai dit, ka mind oconiamisi, ningi inak; Jésus veut que nous aimions ceux qui nous haissent et que nous fassions du bien à ceux qui nous font du mal, on peut ici tourner ou ne pas tourner la phrase ; en tournant, on dira : Aimez ceux qui vous haissent et faites du bien à ceux qui vous font du mal, Jésus nous dit, sakihik cangeniminegok, gaie minototawik metci totonegok, kit igonan Jezos. Sans tourner, on dira: Kit inenimigonan kitci sakihangwa cangeniminangok gaie kitci minototawangwa metcitoto- nangok, à pense de nous que nous aimions nos ennemis et que nous traitions bien ceux qui nous maltraitent. ] 349. En algonquin le placement des mots dans la phrase ne saurait être soumis à des règles, il faut consulter l'usage, et l'usage laisse là-dessus beaucoup de latitude, ainsi on peut dire indifféremment: “ pepejikokackwe ningi kicpinana” ou bien ‘“ ningi kicpinana pepejikokackwe,” j'ai acheté un cheval. Cette phrase, nos enfants viendront ici aujourd'hui, pourra se tourner de plusieurs manières diffé- rentes en algonquin: Ni nidjanisinanik ta pi ijik ondaje nongom; ondaje nongom ni nidjanisinanik ta pi ijik; Nongom ondaje ta pi ijik ni nidjanisinanik ; ta pi ijik ni nidjanisinanik nongom ondaje; Ta pi ijik ni nidjanisinanik ondaje nongom ; ni nidjanisinanik nongom ta pi ijik ondaje ; Nongom ondaje ni nidjanisinanik ta pi ijik ; ondaje ta pi ijik nongom ni nidjanisinanik. CHAPITRE XX. MÉTHODE. 350. On a eu occasion de remarquer ça et là dans les chapitres précédents un certain nombre de tournures propres à la langue algonquine, mais c’est surtout dans la troisième partie ' qu’on verra à peu près tous les idiotismes de cette langue. Nous nous bornerons ici à noter trois ou quatre locutions qui sont d’un assez fréquent usage. 351. Ondas, kit igo, /ittéralement en deca, on te dit. C’est ainsi qu'on traduit on te demande. Ondas, kit igomin, on nous demande ; ondas, kit igom, on vous demande ; ondas, nind igo, on me demande. Après ondas, il y a un verbe sous-entendu, ondas ijan, viens par ici, ondas ijak, venez par ici. Pour avas qui est l’opposé de ondas, voyez le Lexique. ! La troisième partie de cette grammaire renferme dix chapitres; mais comme la plupart de ces chapitres n’ont qu'un rapport très-éloigné avec la grammaire, je crois devoir supprimer cette troisième partie, et terminer ici ma grammaire. Ce que j'ai composé pourra paraître plus tard sous un titre nouveau, peut-être ANOTC KEKON ? Avec encore un peu de grammaire, on trouvera dans ce recueil, des morceaux d'histoire, de bibliographie, d’éthno- graphie, de critique littéraire, et de Folk-Lore. DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE. 119 352. On dit, non sans quelque ironie : WABANDJIKECIN, ah! vois maintenant ce qui t’arrive, je t'avais pourtant bien prévenu ; WABANDIIKECIK, hé bien! voyez à présent ce qui est arrivé, on vous l'avait bien dit, vous n’avez voulu nous croire. 358. Quand on ne se rappelle pas le nom d’une personne, d’une chose ou d’une localité, et qu’on cherche à se le rappeler, on s’imagine venir au secours de sa mémoire en répétant les mots aiaa, aiaans, aii, aiing ; on les répète quelquefois à plusieurs reprises, en appuyant sur la syllabe finale : Awenen ka tagocing tcinago? Quiesl-ce qui est arrivé hier ? —aiaa... aiaa... Awenenak ikim patcimosedjik ? Quels sont ceux qui s'en viennent par ici? —aiaak.., aiaak... Awenenan kwiwisensan matci aiawic ka pakitewadjin? Quel est ce petit garçon que le mauvais garnement a frappé ? —aiaan... aiaansan... : Wekonen aiim? Qwest-ce que cela ? Anin ejinikatek, comment le nomme-t-on ? —aii... ail... Andi wendjipawate ? D'où viennent-ils ? Andi ejawate? Où vont-ils ? -aiing... allig.., SECTION I, 1892. ET MÉMOIRES 8S. R. CANADA. VI.— Voltaire, Madame de Pompadour et Quelques Arpents de Neige. Par M Josepx TASSÉ (Lu le 31 mai 1892) VOLTAIRE. I VOLTAIRE A PARIS—SA STATUE ET SON TOMBEAU—JEANNE D'ARC ET VOLTAIRE. Le Canada, pays couvert de neiges et de glaces huit mois de l’année, habité par des barbares, des ours et des castors. VOLTAIRE. Pendant toute sa vie, Voltaire ne cessa de dénigrer la patrie devant les étrangers. Dp TocQUuEvILLE. Voltaire n’a pas vu tout ce qu’il a fait, mais ila fait tout ce que nous voyons. CoNDorcer. Dans l’automne de 1885, je passai quelques mois à Paris en la compagnie la plus intéressante et la plus éclairée que j'aie connue. Pour la seconde fois, je me trou- vais dans la Ville-Lumiére, que Victor Hugo a aussi appelée le cerveau de l'humanité. Voltaire s'est contenté de décréter qu'elle est la première cité de l'univers. Mais je n'avais pas encore eu l’occasion d'y voir d’aussi près les hommes et les choses. Je ne fus pas lent à visiter l’Académie française, qui venait de couronner l’un de ‘nos poètes et qui, depuis si longtemps, conserve intact le dépôt de la langue incompa- rable. Or, un jour que j'avais franchi la Seine dans le but d’assister à une séance publique des Quarante Immortels--M. Jules Simon devait faire l'éloge de son ami Mignet, et j'accompagnais M. Ferdinand de Lesseps, alors dans toute sa gloire--je ne pus me défendre d’un sentiment de tristesse et de mécontentement, peut-être même de colère, en apercevant sur la place de Rennes, près l’Institut, la statue de l’homme qui m'est le moins sympathique, qui s’est prosterné aux pieds de Frédéric de Prusse et de Catherine de Russie, qui n’a pas compris la fierté francaise ni l'importance de faire flotter le drapeau de la France sur d’autres continents que celui d'Europe, qui a aimé, s’il était susceptible d'affection, presque tous ceux que ses compatriotes ont eu raison de hair, qui n’a guére parlé de Dieu sans blasphémer, bref, qui a prostitué un immense talent aux causes les moins avouables. Ce même sentiment, je l'éprouvais quelques jours plus tard au Théâtre- Français, en applaudissant le Cid de Corneille—ce maitre de notre langue que Voltaire a tant déprécié—et en me heurtant au buste en marbre de l’auteur de la Pucelle, qui est sorti du ciseau de Houdon. Sec. L., 1892. 16. 122 JOSEPH TASSE Mon indignation ne connut plus de bornes, lorsque, après avoir lu sur le fronton du Pan- théon cette belle inscription : “Aux grands hommes la patrie reconnaissante,” l’on me montra dans l’un des caveaux de la crypte, le tombeau de Voltaire, surmonté cette fois encore de la statue de Houdon. Est-ce bien véritablement son tombeau ? Quelques-uns prétendent que l’on fit consumer son cadavre par la chaux vive, aussitôt après sa mort, et que ce n’est pas le corps de Voltaire, mais celui d’un moine qui, en 1791, aurait été transféré au Pan- théon. Cette poussière, plus ou moins authentique, m’occupa peu, je l'avoue. Mais je ne pus m'empêcher d’éprouver du soulagement après m'être transporté de l’autre côté de la Seine, où je saluai la statue équestre que l'on a érigée en l'honneur de la vierge de Vau- couleurs—la plus grande de toutes les Françaises—que Voltaire a vainement essayé de salir dans un poème immonde. Jeanne d’Arc et Voltaire, quel contraste! La vertu opposée au vice, les voix célestes aux voix humaines, la foi naive a la libre pensée railleuse, la foi qui enfante les preux à l’incroyance qui produit les laches, le courage qui enseigne le devoir aux grands à la lacheté qui leur conseille des bassesses, le désintéressement à la cupidité, l'intégrité territoriale de la France à la désagrégation, la délivrance à l’asservissement ; en un mot, la grandeur de la nation à sa déchéance. Tel est l’abime qui sépare le savant Voltaire de Villettrée Jeanne d'Arc. La statue de l’insulteur de tant de gloires, que je rencontrai un peu partout, m'impressionna si défavorablement, que, M. Paul de Cassagnac m'ayant demandé quelques lignes pour son journal le Pays, sur l'importance de rouvrir des relations entre l’Ancienne et la Nouvelle-France, je ne pus m'empêcher de lui dire, au cours de la lettre que je lui adressai : “ Pendant plus d’un siècle, la France n’a guère songé à ses enfants éparpillés dans les vastes espaces de l'Amérique du Nord Elle semblait les croire à jamais ensevelis dans leurs ‘ quelques arpents de neige,’ suivant la dédaigneuse expression de Voltaire. Vous élevez des statues au patriarche de Ferney. Pareil marbre ne pourrait tenir debout au Canada. Le peuple se souvient que cet homme néfaste banquetait, illu- minait, lançait des feux d'artifice, jouait la comédie, au lendemain même de l'effondrement de la France en Amérique. Tel cet autre histrion qui s’appelait Néron, sur les ruines de l’ancienne Rome. C’est incroyable apparemment, mais c’est historique.” Les faits qui vont suivre établiront que cette appréciation n'est exagérée sur aucun point. IT QUELQUES TRAITS DE VOLTAIRE—MME DU CHATELET — SES RAPPORTS AVEC FREDERIC LE GRAND—SON EXIL EN SUISSE. Francois-Marie Arouet de Voltaire naquit en 1694, de Francois Arouet, ancien notaire et trésorier de la chambre des comptes, et de Marguerite d’Aumart, d’une famille noble du Poitou. Il fut instruit par les Jésuites au collèce de Louis-le-Grand à Paris. En 1701, il eut même pour préfet le P. Charlevoix, le futur historien de la Nouvelle-France. Comme tant d’autres, il les paya par l’injure. sa monnaie habituelle. De bonne heure, son parrain, l’abbé de Châteauneuf, l’introduisit dans la société des grands seigneurs et des incrédules. En ces temps-là, les abbés de Paris n'étaient pas toujours ce qu’ils sont au Canada. A VOLTAIRE. 1238 vingt et un ans, il avait écrit contre Louis XIV une satire qui lui valut une année de Bastille. Elle se terminait par ce fameux vers: J’ai vu ces maux, et je n'ai pas vingt ans. A sa sortie de prison, M Arouet changea son nom en celui de Voltaire, que portait un petit domaine appartenant à sa mère. En 1726, après avoir publié plusieurs poèmes et s'être querellé avec un chevalier de Rohan, il était de nouveau remis à la Bastille. Une réclusion de six mois lui permit de se livrer à l'étude de l’anglais, puis il passa à Londres où il publia maints livres et pamphlets. Ses Leltres philosophiques sur | Angleterre, imprimées d’abord en anglais, ayant été brülées par la main du bourreau, par ordre du parlement, il alla s’enfermer au chateau de Cirey, en Lorraine, chez son ancienne amie la marquise du Châtelet, avec laquelle il vécut pendant vingt ans dans une liaison intime. Cette femme, qui ne demeurait pas avec son mari — une espèce de demi-séparation con- forme aux mœurs du temps — n’était pas seulement éprise des plaisirs de la vie; pendant que Voltaire travaillait à ses œuvres historiques et dramatiques, elle cultivait, à ses côtés, avec non moins d’ardeur, les lettres, les arts et les sciences, abordant même de hautes questions scientifiques, qu’elle a traitées dans plusieurs volumes : Dissertation sur la nature du feu, Institutions de physique, ete. Cette liaison que le jeune Saint-Lambert parait avoir ébréchée, ne fut pas sans nuages. En 1740, Voltaire se rendit à Berlin, sur les instantes invitations de Frédéric IT, surnommé le Grand, qui venait de succéder à son père comme roi de Prusse. De retour à Paris, il fut chargé, trois ans plus tard, par le roi de France, d’une mission auprès de Frédéric, qui ne lui valut ni honneur, ni place, ni argent. Il devint ensuite l'hôte de la duchesse du Maine, à Nancy, où régnait Stanislas ; et à la mort de Mme du Châtelet, qu’il perdit en 1749, il retourna à Berlin (1750) où les pressantes sollicitations de Frédéric le rappelaient depuis longtemps. Frédéric posait au général, à l’homme d'Etat, au plus grand roi que la Prusse eût pro- duit, mais il se piquait davantage de son amour pour la philosophie, la poésie, l’his- toire, les sciences et les arts. Elevé par une Française réfugiée, Mme Duval de Rocoulle, qui avait de l'esprit et des connaissances, il n’écrivait qu’en français, ne trouvait beau que ce qui était composé dans cette langue, et ne se génait pas de montrer son dédain pour l’allemand, une langue insupportable, selon lui. I] se complaisait même à écrire des vers français, entre deux batailles, et peu de rois en ont livré autant que Frédéric. Une fois même, se trouvant dans une position désespérée, résolu à périr s’il était vaincu, il écrivit à Voltaire : Pour moi, menacé du naufrage, Je dois, en affrontant l'orage, Penser, vivre et mourir en roi. Frédéric voulut se composer toute une cour de philosophes, de poètes et de savants. En correspondance avec Voltaire depuis 1736, il avait même publié une édition de luxe de la Henriade, avec une préface, dans laquelle il appelait l’auteur le prince de la poésie fran- caise, un génie vaste, un esprit sublime. A son arrivée en Prusse, Voltaire fut installé par le roi à son palais de Potsdam, et nommé chambellan. Les choses allèrent bien pour com- mencer, l’un et l’autre s’accablant de compliments. “Il me traitait d'homme divin, a dit 124 JOSEPH TASSÉ Voltaire; je le traitais de Salomon. Les épithètes ne nous coûtaient rien.”* Une autre fois, il écrivit à Frédéric : “ Vous pensez comme Trajan, vous écrivez comme Pline, et vous parlez français comme nos meilleurs écrivains. Quelle différence entre les hommes! Louis XIV était un grand roi, je respecte sa mémoire, mais il ne parlait pas aussi humainement que vous, Monseigneur, et ne s’exprimait pas de même. J'ai vu de ses lettres; il ne savait pas l'orthographe de sa langue.” Ne voulant pas être en reste d’éloges, Frédéric lui avait répondu: “Si jamais je vais en France, la première chose que je demanderai, ce sera: Où est M. de Voltaire? Le roi, sa cour, Paris, Versailles, ni le sexe (ni le sexe surtout !), ni les plaisirs n’auront part à mon voyage; ce sera vous seul.” Mais le penchant de Vol- taire pour la raillerie ne tarda pas à lui valoir des brouilles, suivies de raccommodements, et, trois ans plus tard (1753), n’y pouvant plus tenir, il alla se réfugier en Suisse avec sa nièce, la fameuse Mme Denis, sa future héritière.? C’est des bords du lac de Genève qu'il entreprit cette campagne contre le Canada, qui devait nous rendre son nom à jamais exécrable. III QUELQUES ARPENTS DE NEIGE—ORIGINE DE L'EXPRESSION APPLIQUÉE AU CANADA— CANDIDE—LETTRE À M. DE MoncriF—MartEe-THÉRÈSE D'AUTRICHE—LADRERIE DE VOLTAIRE. Quel est le Canadien qui n’en a pas voulu à Voltaire d’avoir parlé de notre pays, la moitié d’un continent,--et cette moitié est plus vaste que l'Europe—comme de quelques arpents de neige ? Peu d'expressions sont devenues aussi tristement célèbres, et l’Intermé- diaire des Chercheurs et Curieux, qui est publié à Paris, contenait la question suivante dans son numéro du 10 juin 1888 : On cite souvent un mot de Voltaire au sujet du Canada. Ila écrit quelque part, à l’époque de la cession de la colonie à l'Angleterre, que la France ne perdait 14 que quelques arpents de neige. Il serait intéressant de connaître le texte exact de Voltaire, et dans quelles circonstances il a laissé échapper cette boutade. L'on n’a qu’à ouvrir le fameux roman de Voltaire: Candide, pour trouver la réponse. Ce roman fut publié en 1759, l’année même où les troupes françaises commandées par Montcalm s’ensevelissaient sous les ruines de la colonie. A la veille d'aborder en Angle- terre, l’un des personnages, du nom de Martin, s’écrie : Vous savez que ces deux nations (la France et l'Angleterre) sont en guerre pour quelques arpents de neige vers le Canada, et qu’elles dépensent pour cette belle guerre beaucoup plus que tout le Canada ne vaut. Voltaire avait la spécialité de désayouer ses œuvres. du moins pour un temps, sur- tout quand il craignait qu'elles ne lui valussent une lettre de cachet, c'est-à-dire la Bas- tille ou l'exil. Aussi, quand parut Candide, l'un de ses nombreux factums contre la Providence, il le répudia tout comme il avait répudié la Pucelle, et bien d’autres écrits qu'il se plaisait à faire courir. Cela n’empécha pas les autorités de Genève d’ordonner, dès son apparition, qu'il fut brulé par la main du bourreau. Dans une lettre à M. Vernes, il va même jusqu'à dire pour donner le change: “J'ai lu enfin Candide; il faut avoir perdu le sens pour m'attribuer cette cochonnerie. J'ai, Dieu merci, de meilleures occupa- tions.” Voltaire ne manquait jamais l'expression malpropre pour donner le mot propre. 1 Mémoires, Œuvres, A. X, L. p. 150. ? Voltaire lui laissa 160,000 livres de rente. VOLTATRE. 125 Cela n’empéchait pas que Candide ne fit bien son enfant et qu'il ne l’adoptat plus tard. Ses Œuvres complètes ne laissent aucun doute a cet égard. C’est de Candide que Thomas disait : “Ce Voltaire est un mauvais génie qui est venu rire d’un rire de démon sur les maux de l'humanité, et qui a déshonoré l’espèce humaine.” Avant d'appeler notre pays: quelques arpents de neixe—l’expression la plus connue— Voltaire avait fait une légère variante; il s'était apitoyé sur le sort du pauvre genre humain qui s'égorge à propos de quelques arpents de glace en Cunada. Neige et glace sont pro- ches parentes, je l'avoue. Ecoutons ce qu’il écrivait à M. de Moncrif, le 27 mars 1757 : Je suis histrion les hivers, à Lausanne, et je réussis dans les rôles de vieillard. Je suis jardinier au prin- emps, à Mes Délices, près de Genève. Je vois de mon lit le lac, le Rhône et une autre rivière. Avez-vous, mon Cher confrère, un plus bel aspect? Avez-vous des tulipes du mois de mars? Avec cela, on barbouille de la philo- sophie et de l’histoire ; on se moque des sottises du genre humain et de la charlatanerie de nos physiciens, qui croient avoir mesuré la terre, et de ceux qui passent pour des hommes profonds, parce qu’ils ont dit qu'on fait des aiguilles avec de la pâte aigre. On plaint ce pauvre genre humain, qui s’égorge dans notre continent à propos de quelques arpents de glace en Canada. On est libre comme l'air depuis le matin jusqu’au soir. Mes vergers, mes vignes et moi, nous ne devons rien à personne. Histrion! Voltaire ne le fut pas seulement durant les hivers à Lausanne. Il fut comédien partout: sur les planches, dans ses pièces, même dans les tragédies, dans ses pamphlets, dans toutes ses œuvres. À la cour de Versailles, il avait puisé ce goût du spectacle qui ne l’abandonna plus. Et ce gout était très répandu : presque partout les cha- teaux et les salons se transformaient en théâtres. L'on y invitait les actrices les plus renom- mées. Les frères et les sœurs du roi de Prusse jouèrent la comédie maintes fois avec Voltaire au chateau de Berlin. A son arrivée en Suisse, il acquit deux résidences: l’une qu'il appelait Mes Délices, près de Genève, et l’autre à Monrion, entre Ouchy et Lausanne. La maison de Jélices dominait la ville et le lac de Genève, et l’on y avait une vue magni- fique sur 1 s glaciers des Alpes. C’est de là qu'il écrit à son ami Thiériot: “Les Délices sont à présent mon tourment: nous sommes occupés, madame Denis et moi, à faire bâtir des logis pour nos amis et pour nos poulets. Nous faisons faire des carrosses et des brouettes, nous plantons des oranges et des oignons, des tulipes et des carottes ; nous manquons de tout, il faut fonder Carthage.” * Marie-Thérèse d'Autriche lui ayant offert l'hospitalité de sa maison, à l'exemple de Frédéric de Prusse, le philosophe de Ferney répond: “ J'adore de loin; je n’irai point à Vienne; je me trouve trop bien de ma retraite des Délices. Heureux qui vit chez soi, avec ses nièces, ses livres, ses jardins, ses vignes, ses chevaux, ses vaches, son aigle, son renard et ses lapins qui se passent la patte sur le nez!”’* Plus tard, il déménagea à Lausanne, puis à Ferney, situé à une lieue seulement de Genève. Pour charmer ses loisirs, il installa un théâtre, où il jouait ses comédies et ses tragédies. Voltaire se vante qu’on venait l’applaudir de trente lieues à la ronde.‘ Les ' 24 mars 1755. * Lettre du 9 août 1775. 5 Lorsqu'on jouait ses drames, Voltaire ne se possédait pas. Un jour, il suivait de la coulisse une représenta- tion de Zaïre, sa pièce favorite. Entrainé par le jeu, il avança son fauteuil sans s’en apercevoir, si bien qu’il se trouva entre Zaïre et Orosmane au moment du coup de poignard fatal, qu’il empécha de donner. Le rôle de Lusignan dans Zaire était celui que Voltaire jouait le mieux et dans lequel il faisait verser le plus de larmes. Dans son zèle, il s’habillait dès le matin de son costume tragique, et ses jardiniers stupéfaits voyaient arriver leur maitre drapé à l’antique ou à lorientale, transformé en Zamti ou en Narbas, et donnant tranquillement des ordres pour préparer une planche de tulipes ou de jacinthes.—La Vie intime de Voltaire, par Lucien Perey et Gaston Maugras, p. 131. 126 JOSEPH TASSE autres rôles étaient remplis par des acteurs qu'il formait lui-même. Mme Denis, ' lui donnait la réplique. De Monrion il écrit que les gentilshommes et les belles dames interprétaient ses piéces avec autant d’art et de sentiment que les acteurs de profession.’ Ses démélés avec la prude et calviviste Geneve,’ qui trouva dans Jean-Jacques Rousseau un dénonciateur véhément des spectacles, sont restés célèbres : ils durérent vingt ans. Voltaire parle avec orgueil de ses vergers, de ses vignes, qui ne doivent rien à per- sonne, N’en soyons pas surpris, le vieux sceptique ne flattait pas les grands pour la seule odeur de son encens. Sa place de commensal de l'avare Frédéric lui valut six mille thalers paran. L'intérêt que son ami Paris Duverney ‘ lui obtint dans la fourniture des vivres de l’armée de France, lui donna 700,000 francs, et, dans les dernières années, son revenu s'élevait à 150.000 francs. Il avait fait auparavant d’heureuses spéculations commerciales, notamment dans le commerce des blés, sous le nom de Demoulin. Marie Leczinska lui accorda une pension. Cette pauvre reine qui rentait le flatteur de la maîtresse de son époux! Avec beaucoup de thalers et de francs, il est de beaux esprits qui savent se moquer du genre humain. Voltaire se plaisait à rappeler une tragédie anglaise qui commence par ces mots: “ Mets de l'argent dans ta poche, et moque-toi du reste.’ Sa ladrerie inspira un jour à l’abbé de Voisenon la réponse suivante à des dithy- rambes qu'il avait publiés sur les plaisirs champêtres : O maison de Voltaire et non pas d’Epicure, Vous renfermez une tête à l’envers, Qui, sans connaitre la nature, Veut la célébrer dans ses vers. Plutus est le Dieu qu’il adore, C’est pour lui seul qu’il a vécu ; Il donnerait Pomone et Flore Pour un écu. 1 Mme d’Epinay, qui passa deux ans à Genève, en a tracé un portrait plein de malice. “ La nièce de Voltaire dit-elle, est à mourir de rire; c’est une petite grosse femme, toute ronde, d'environ cinquante ans, femme comme on ne l’est pas, laide et bonne, menteuse sans le vouloir et sans méchanceté; n'ayant pas d'esprit et paraissant en avoir; criant, décidant, politiquant, versifiant, raisonnant, déraisonnant, et tout cela sans trop de prétentions, et surtout sans choquer personne; ayant par-dessus tout un petit vernis d'amour masculin, qui perce à travers la retenue qu’elle s’est imposée. Elle adore son oncle, en tant qu’oncle et en tant qu'homme. Voltaire la chérit, s'en moque, et la révère; en un mot, cette maison est le refuge et l'assemblage des contraires.” Mme Denis était veuve d’un ancien officier au régiment de Champagne, et avait la réputation d'être fort galante. Elle se disait “ une gentilhommesse suisse.” : ? Les invités étaient parfois tellement nombreux qu’il leur fallait se giter dans les maisons voisines transformées en auberges. A défaut de logement, ils dansaient toute la nuit au son des violons et rentraient de bonne heure en ville. Mme de Constant, qui était l’une des actrices les plus applaudies, écrit le 12 octobre 1760, après une repré- sentation de Nanine: “ Nous étions soixante-trois à table et au moins soixante laquais. Joly de Fleury est arrivé avec cinquante-deux chevaux qu’il voulait que Voltaire logeât. Voltaire, pour faire parade de magnificence, a fait monter des lits à Ferney et à Tournay et les a menés lui-même à deux heures du matin.” 5 Une ordonnance portait que “ nulle femme ou fille n’eût les cheveux tors ou frisés, mais honnêtement liés et joints à la tête comme le saint apôtre l’admoneste.” Elle défendait aux femmes de se farder ou de se poudrer, “ d'avoir les cheveux pendant plus bas que le visage, et enfin de porter aucun anneau avant leurs fiançailles, ni, en tout temps, aucuns pendants d'oreilles.” Un autre article portait que “tous tailleurs, cordonniers, chaperon- niers et lingers, qui feront des coiffures et habillements sur une mode nouvelle, sans en avoir obtenu une permission expresse du conseil, seront punis par la prison et par une amende arbitraire, et en outre, châtiés comme par- jures.” 4 Les frères Paris, fils d’un aubergiste de Maros en Dauphiné, se nommaient: l'aîné, Antoine ; le second, la Montagne; le troisième, Duverney ; le quatrième, Montmartel. Mme de Pompadour, qui était la filleule du dernier, en fit les financiers de l'Etat, et tous quatre amassèrent des fortunes en se prétant aux dilapidations de la favorite. VOLTAIRE. 127 ‘ Non, dit-il, le parfait bonheur Ne se trouve point sur la terre!” Pour le trouver, divin Voltaire, Sais-tu qu’il faut avoir un cœur ? Grand philosophe sans morale, Toi qui fais un Dieu de Vor, Oses-tu chanter encor Les douceurs d’une vie innocente et frugale ? _ Voltaire n’eut pas le moncpole des épigrammes. S'il en écrivit un peu contre tout le monde, il ne fut pas non plus épargné, Jean-Jacques Rousseau lui lança plus d’un trait qui le fit écumer de rage. IV VOLTAIRE À MME DU DEFFAND—LE MARQUIS DE CHAUVELIN—LE COMTE D’ARGENTAL— NEIGES, OURS ET CASTORS DU CANADA. Ceux qui ont lu les Lettres à Voltaire de cette brillante ennuyée qui eut nom la mar- quise du Deffand, savent qu’elle entretint une correspondance active avec le patriarche de Ferney. Celui-ci ne manqua pas de lui exprimer son dédain de nos neiges, et, le 13 octobre 1759, il lui écrivait : Nous avons eu l'esprit de nous établir en Canada, sur des neiges, entre des ours et des castors, après que les Anglais ont peuplé, de leurs florissantes colonies, quatre cents lieues du plus beau pays de la terre, et on nous chasse encore du Canada. Un autre ami de Voltaire, le marquis de Chauvelin, fut lieutenant général en 1749, ambassadeur à la cour de Turin en 1753, et maitre de la garde-robe du roi en 1760. Il jouissait de l'intimité de Louis XV, et il mourut sous ses yeux en 1774. Le 3 octobre 1760, Voltaire le conjure de débarrasser la France du Canada. Si j'osais, je vous conjurerais à genoux de débarrasser pour jamais du Canada le ministère de France. Si vous le perdez, vous ne perdez presque rien; si vous voulez qu'on vous le rende, on ne vous rend qu’une cause éternelle de guerre et d’humiliation. Le comte d’Argental nous est aussi connu pour avoir été l’un des correspondants les plus intimes de Voltaire. Il occupa tour à tour les fonctions de conseiller au parlement de Paris et d’envoyé du duc de Parme près la cour de France, consacrant ses loisirs aux matières littéraires. C'est dans ses bras que Voltaire ira tomber d'abord, quand il revien- dra à Paris pour y mourir. Le patriarche ne manqua pas de soufller à d’Argental sa haine contre le Canada. De Ferney, il lui écrit le 28 août 1761 : Le public fait trop de commentaires sur la perte du Canada et des Indes-Orientales, et sur les trois vingtièmes, pour se soucier beaucoup de commentaires sur Corneille. Voltaire n’aimait guère plus Corneille que le Canada. Nous n’étions que des neiges, et le soleil de Corneille obscurcissait sa gloire. Dès 1734, Voltaire avait commencé à le dénigrer, prétendant que l’Académie française pourrait rendre un service signalé aux lettres, à la langue et à la nation, si, au lieu d'imprimer tous les ans des compliments, elle publiait les bons ouvrages du siècle de Louis XIV, épurés des fautes de langage dont Corneille, Molière et La Fontaine fourmillaient. A la date de 1761, il préparait ses Com- 128 JOSEPH TASSE mentaires sur le grand poète, le traitant de “ père du galimatias aussi bien que du théâtre, de rabâcheur et déclamateur, bien bavard, bien rhéteur, bien entortillé, présentant toujours sa pensée comme une tarte des quatre façons.” I] est assez singulier que ces mêmes Commentaires aient eu apparemment pour but de procurer une dot à une petite-nièce de Corneille que Voltaire avait adoptée avec éclat. Mais tout est faux, tout est trompe-l’œil chez cet homme. La mémoire de Corneille ne souffrira pas de ce persiflage. Homère, Virgile, le Tasse, l’Arioste, Dante, Milton, ces génies de la pensée, furent traités par Voltaire avec le même sans-géne. Quant à Shakespeare, “le monstrueux et l'absurde,” il n’était pour lui qu'un “Gille de la foire, qu'un sauvage ayant de l'imagination, dont les pièces ne pou- vaient plaire qu'à Londres ou en Canada.” Toujours le mot flatteur pour le Canada! Obsédé de la même pensée, il récrit au marquis de Chauvelin, le 4 février 1762: Qui aurait dit, il y a cing ans, que le roi de Prusse résisterait aux trois quarts de l’Europe, et que vous seriez heureux de céder le Canada aux Anglais ? Qui aurait dit plutôt qu'il se trouverait un Français pour applaudir à l’humiliation de la France et pour féliciter Frédéric d’avoir battu ses compatriotes ? Voltaire a pu ne pas admirer Shakespeare, mais l’homme le plus illustre que le drame anglais ait produit, a eu raison d'écrire que c’est un sale oiseau, celui qui salit son nid. It is an ill bird that soils his own nest! Voltaire fut cet oiseau. Wa VOLTAIRE FÊTE LA CHUTE DU CANADA—GRAND SPECTACLE À FERNEY—SON AMOUR DES ANGLAIS ET DES RUSSES—LA STATUE DE PIGALLE—COURONNÉ PAR 1’ AGA- DEMIE—BRULÉ PAR LA MAIN DU BOURREAU. Lorsqu’on apprit a Londres que le drapeau anglais flottait enfin sur les vieux rem- parts de Québec, on se porta à de grandes réjouissances. Nos pères s’étaient battus un contre trois, un contre cing, un contre dix, mais on avait presque fini par croire qu'ils étaient invincibles. Seules la ténacité saxonne et la supériorité du nombre réussirent à les écraser, quand, à mourir pour la France, sous le commandement du chevalier de Lévis, il ne restait plus guère parmi les Canadiens que des enfants de seize ans et des vieillards de soixante ans. Oui, grandes furent les réjouissances en Angleterre. On y savait toute la portée de la victoire. Ce fut une série ininterrompue de fêtes : bals, banquets, illuminations, feux d'artifice. Les temples retentirent d'actions de grâces, et le roi Georges fut couvert d'adresses de félicitations. William Pitt, qui haissait la France, comme les Romains haissaient Carthage, triomphait! Mais cet homme devant Louis XV, c'était un consul de Rome devant un monarque efféminé de ]’Orient.' Wolfe, qui était mort en héros sur les plaines d'Abraham, fut l’objet d’une véritable apothéose, et le parlement lui décerna un monument à Westminster, cette sépulture des rois. Si Français que je sois, j'allai m'in- cliner respectueusement devant sa statue, à mon voyage à Londres, au mois de septembre 1873. Les héros sont de toutes les races, et nous avons appris à honorer celui-là presque autant que Montcalm. Lord Dalhousie nous a donné l'exemple, en élevant à Québec un ? Henri Martin, Histoire de France, tome XV, page 500. VOLTAIRE. 129 obélisque à Wolfe et Montcalm, sur lequel se détache cette belle inscription : Mortem virtus, communem famam historia, monumentum posteritas dedit. “Leur courage leur à donné même mort, l’histoire même renommée, la postérité même monument.” De la Suisse, Voltaire célébra la prise de Québec tout autant qu’ Anglais de Londres. Pour lui, ce n’était pas une victoire sur la France, ce n’était pas la perte d’une France transat- lantique, c'était la victoire de la liberté qu’il fétait, l'indépendance prochaine des colonies anglaises. Garneau a trouvé les détails de cette fête insolite dans un journal anglais du temps, le Public Advertiser de Londres, du 28 novembre 1759, et il les accompagne de commentaires sévères, malheureusement trop mérités. Voltaire, retiré à Ferney, célébra le triomphe des Anglais à Québec par un banquet, non comme le triomphe de l’ Angleterre sur la France, mais comme le triomphe de la liberté sur le despotisme. Il prévoyait que la perte du Canada serait la délivrance des colonies anglaises et, par suite, l’affranchissement de toute l'Amérique. Après le banquet, la compagnie se retira dans une galerie terminée par un théâtre élégant, où l’on joua “le Patriote insulaire,” pièce remplie de sentiments chaleureux pour la liberté. Voltaire parut lui-même dans le principal rôle. Après la pièce, les fenêtres de la galerie s’ouvrirent, et l’on vit une cour spacieuse illuminée et ornée de trophées sauvages. On fit partir un magnifique feu d’artifice au bruit d’une musique guerrière. L'étoile de Saint-George langait des fusées, au-dessous desquelles on voyait représentée la cataracte de Niagara’. Ce spectacle étrange donné par un Français a quelque chose de sinistre. C’est le rire effréné d’une haine plus forte que le malheur; mais ce rire effrayant a reçu depuis son explication dans les bouleversements et les ven- geances à jamais mémorables de 1793. La cause des Canadiens fut vengée dans des flots de sang. Mais, hélas ! la France ne pouvait plus rien pour ses enfants abandonnés sur les bords du Saint-Laurent, et un peu plus tard elle en avait perdu le souvenir. L'indignation de notre historien, je la partage. Mais faut-il bien s'étonner, quand on a lu la vie de Voltaire et que l’on s’est rendu compte de ses véritables sentiments? Sa faiblesse pour les Anglais n’avait rien de bien nouveau. Il avait passé trois ans à Londres à s’imprégner de leur pays. Là il étudia le mouvement de la société et de la poli- tique ; la il étudia la langue de Shakespeare avec ardeur, au point qu'il put publier bientôt des ouvrages en anglais; là il connut Horace Walpole et Bolingbroke, avec lesquels il échangea par la suite une correspondance bien connue ; et telle fut la faveur qui l’accueillit, que la reine elle-même lui accorda son patronage pour la publication de la Henriude. Et quelles bassesses n'a-t-il {pas commises envers le roi de Prusse, même après avoir été chassé de ses domaines ? Frédéric ayant battu les Français à la sanglante bataille de Rosbach, le 5 novembre 1757, Voltaire ne craignit pas d'envoyer des félicitations en français au vainqueur de sa patrie, puis ces vers ignobles : Héros du Nord, je savais bien Que vous aviez vu les derrières . Des guerriers du roi très chrétien, A qui vous tailliez des croupiéres. La suite est encore plus dégotitante. Supprimons. Frédéric n'avait pas une meilleure idée du Canada que Voltaire lui-même : il devait la tenir du philosophe de Ferney. Dans une lettre au prince Henri, du 12 juin 1772, il lui disait : J’ai vu cette Prusse (polonaise) que je tiens en quelque façon de vos mains; c’est une très bonne acquisition, 1 Ces fêtes n'étaient pas exceptionnelles à Ferney. le 4 octobre 1768, les amis du philosophe célébrèrent sa fête avec éclat, et l’on voit que deux pièces y furent jouées: la Comtesse de Givry et la Femme qui a raison, suivies d’une illumination, d’un feu d'artifice, d’un souper et d’un bal. La fête avait commencé le matin par une grande messe et le Te Deum dans l’église de Ferney, en présence du régiment de Conti et de tous les notables du pays de Gex.—Voir la Vie intime de Voltaire aux Délices et à Ferney, 1754-1778, par Ludovic Perey et Gaston Maugras. Sec. I., 1892, 17. 180 JOSEPH TASSÉ. et très avantageuse, tant pour la situation politique de l'Etat que pour les finances; mais pour avoir moins de jaloux, je dis à qui veut l'entendre que je n’ai vu sur tout mon passage que du sable, des sapins, de la bruyère et des Juifs. Il est vrai que ce morceau me prépare de l'ouvrage, car je crois le Canada tout aussi policé que cette Pomérellie. ! Même aplatissement devant une autre ennemie de son pays: Catherine II de Russie. “Mon impératrice, ma Catherine,” ainsi qu'il appelait celle qui fut accusée d’être la meurtrière de son époux, écrasa la Pologne et commenca le dépécement de l’infortunée et courageuse nation qui arborait l'image de la Vierge Marie sur ses drapeaux : il n’en fallait pas davantage pour que Voltaire applaudit à ses succès. C'était une libre penseuse, une amie des philosophes, des encyclopédistes, une alliée du roi de Prusse : autant de raisons pour que l’encens lui fat prodigué. Celui qui aimait à s’appeler le “Suisse Voltaire,” n’eut pas honte de lui écrire un jour: “Daignez observer, Madame, que je ne suis point un Welche ; je suis un Suisse, et si j'étais plus jeune, je me ferais Russe.” Les Welches—le Dictionnaire de l'Académie dit Velches—reviennent souvent sous la plume de Voltaire ; c’est le nom sous lequel les Gaulois étaient connus avant la con- quête romaine, et ce nom a passé dans notre langue pour désigner des hommes ignorants. Voltaire a même employé welcherie comme synonyme de barbarie. ‘ Les Welches, écrivait- il encore, seront longtemps Welches ; le fond de la nation est fou et absurde ; et, sans une vingtaine de grands hommes, je la regarderais comme la dernière des nations ! ” Que les Anglais, les Prussiens et les Cosaques coulent Voltaire en bronze, ou le sculp- tent en marbre, je le congois, mais que des Français lui vouent un pareil culte, c'est de la démence! Cet homme ne connut jamais l’esprit de nationalité, la fierté de ce sang qui faisait dire à Jeanne d’Arc : ‘“ Ce sang est de la gloire.” Sije me suis senti humilié de voir sa statue en tant d’endroits, j'avoue que j'ai également rougi en constatant que, lorsqu'il revint à Paris, en 1778, presque tout ce qu’il y avait de plus distingué dans la capitale de la France se jeta à ses pieds, encombra ses salons, le couvrit de fleurs et faillit l’étouffer d’encens. Partout où son carrosse passait, s’élevaient des cris formidables de “ Vive Voltaire!” Les femmes surtout, oubliant /a Pucelle,—ce recueil d’obscénités, ce tas d’injures à la plus pure d’entre elles —accouraient sur son passage. Il en est même qui poussèrent le cynisme jusqu’à crier: ‘ Vive l’auteur de la Pucelle!” Benjamin Franklin, qui représentait les Etats-Unis, se trouva là pour partager les bravos d’un public affolé, et pratiquer ce que l’on a appelé l’embrassement des deux mondes ; sa qualité d’ennemi du Canada lui donnait droit à cette accolade.” L'Académie française alla à la rencontre de Voltaire, ce qu’elle n'avait jamais fait pour un autre mortel, pas même pour les princes étrangers. Couronné à la Comédie-Française, l’on joua son Irène, puis l’on montra son buste,‘ entouré de comédiens chargés de palmes et de cou- ronnes; la Vestris, une étoile, déclama ensuite ces mauvais vers de Saint-Marc : 1 Œuvres de Frédéric le Grand, publiées par ordre du gouvernement prussien, sous la direction de M. Preass, historiographe de Brandebourg. ? Franklin fut agent à Londres dela plupart des colonies américaines, et c'est principalement sur ses conseils que Pitt régla le plan des opérations d'Amérique pour 1758. “Point de repos pour les treize colonies, disait-il, tant que les Français seront maîtres du Canada.” Il publia une brochure après la guerre pour empêcher qué le Canada ne fût rétrocédé à la France par le traité de Paris. Le congrès de Philadelphie, qui nous dénongait à l'Angleterre à cause de l’Acte de 1774, lequel protégeait notre religion et nos lois, le compta parmi ses inspirateurs. Peu après on le retrouve au Canada, essayant d’en gagner les habitants à la cause de l'indépendance des Etats-Unis. Homme perfide ! # Ce buste avait été fait par Pigalle, fameux sculpteur, qui avait été chargé de cette besogne, à la suite d’un VOLTATRE, 131 Voltaire, reçois la couronne Que l’on vient te présenter ; Il est beau de la mériter, Quand c’est la France qui la donne. Le parlement de Paris comprit mieux la fierté nationale, en faisant brûler ses livres par la main du bourreau. Le Salomon du Nord — Voltaire appelait ainsi le roi de Prusse '— traita avec le même mépris son fameux pamphlet Diatribe du docleur Akakia en le faisant brüler, le 24 décembre 1752, sur la place des Gendarmes, à Berlin. C’est à Voltaire qu'il faudrait appliquer son affreux mot: Herasons l'infäme ! VI L'Essar SUR LES MŒURS—DESCRIPTION DU CANADA—PAYS COUVERT DE NEIGES ET DE GLACES—SES PREMIERS HABITANTS—L’ACADIE—LA LOUISIANE. Avant d'écrire Candide, Voltaire avait publié son pendant en histoire, l’Essai sur les mœurs et l'esprit des nations, et sur les principaux faits de l'histoire depuis Charlemagne jusqu'à Louis XIII. Deux satires de l'humanité, l’une par les faits et l’autre par la fantaisie. Commencé en 1754, continué en 1758, l’Essai ne parut cependant qu’en 1769, après avoir reçu de nombreuses retouches. Voltaire a pris la peine de nous expliquer que c’est une “esquisse, une peinture des misères, des sottises et des atrocités humaines, depuis Villustre brigand Charlemagne, surnommé le Saint, jusqu'à nos ridicules jours.” Charle- magne, un illustre brigand ! voilà un début qui promet. Les Français y peuvent aussi apprendre qu'ils n'ont été que “ des imbéciles et des barbares pendant douze cents ans,” que des ‘polissons en tout genre,” ‘qu’une race de singes.”* Et ce contempteur de sa race a des statues en France ! Un chapitre du troisième volume est consacré aux “ Possessions des Francais en Amé- rique.” L'auteur ne pouvait manquer de déprécier l'établissement du Canada. Suivant lui, nous ne sommes pas seulement un pays de glaces et de neiges, mais nous en sommes couverts pendant huit mois. Pourquoi pas toute l’année ? Et quels en sont les habi- tants ? Des barbares, des ours et des castors. Je donne ce chapitre entier, avec les notes qui l’accompagnent. Déjà les Anglais se mettaient en possession des meilleures terres et des plus avantageusement situées qu’on puisse posséder dans l'Amérique septentrionale, au delà de la Floride, quand deux ou trois marchands de Nor- dîner chez Mme Necker (le 17 avril 1770), où les encyclopédistes avaient résolu d'élever une statue à Voltaire. Il fut l’objet de plusieurs épigrammes, notamment de la suivante : J’ai vu chez Pigalle aujourd’hui Le modèle vanté de certaine statue : A cet œil qui foudroie, à ce souris qui tue, A cet air si jaloux de la gloire d’autrui, Je me suis écrié: “Ce n’est pas là Voltaire, C’est un monstre. — Oh! m’a dit certain folliculaire, Si c'est un monstre, c’est bien lui.” ! Mme de Pompadour n’était pas aussi entichée de Frédéric, qui avait accueilli avec dédain ses avances diplo- matiques. — “ Qui appelez-vous le Salomon du Nord, grand’femme ? Dites le tyran et vous aurez raison.” C’est ainsi qu’elle en parait, à la date du 18 septembre 1756, dans un billet à Mme de Lutzelbourg, qui était aussi la correspondante de Voltaire. * Voltaire, sa vie et ses œuvres, par l'abbé Maynard, tome second, page 526, 132 JOSEPH TASSE mandie, sur la légère espérance-d’un petit commerce de pelleterie, équipèrent quelques vaisseaux, et établirent une colonie dans le Canada, pays couvert de neiges et de glaces huit mois de l'année, habité par des barbares, des ours et des castors. Cette terre, découverte auparavant, dès l’an 1535, avait été abandonnée; mais enfin, après plusieurs tenta- tives, mal appuyées par un gouyernement qui n’avait point de marine, une petite compagnie de marchands de Dieppe et de Saint-Malo, fonda Québec en 1608, c’est-à-dire bâtit quelques cabanes ; et ces cabanes ne sont deve- nues une ville que sous Louis XIV. Cet établissement, celui de Louisbourg, et tous les autres dans cette nouvelle France, ont été toujours très pauvres, tandis qu’il y a quinze mille carrosses dans la ville de Mexico, et davantage dans celle de Lima. Ces mauvais pays n’en ont pas moins été un sujet de guerre presque continuel, soit avec les naturels, soit avec les Anglais, qui, possesseurs des meilieurs territoires, ont voulu ravir celui des Français, pour être les seuls maîtres du commerce de cette partie boréale du monde. Les peuples qu’on trouva dans le Canada n'étaient pas de la nature de ceux du Mexique, du Pérou et du Brésil. Ils leur ressemblaient en ce qu’ils sont privés de poil comme eux, et qu’ils n’en ont qu'aux sourcils et à la tête.! Ils en diffèrent par la couleur, qui approche de Ja nôtre ; ils en diffèrent encore plus par la fierté et le cou- rage. Ils ne connurent jamais le gouvernement monarchique; l'esprit républicain a été le partage de tous les peuples du Nord dans l’ancien monde et dans le nouveau. Tous les habitants de l'Amérique septentrionale, des montagnes des À palaches au détroit de David, sont des paysans et des chasseurs divisés en bourgades; institutions naturelles de l'espèce humaine. Nous leur avons rarement donné le nom d’Indiens, dont nous avions très mal à propos désigné les peuples du Pérou et du Brésil. On n’appela ce pays les Indes, que parce qu’il en venait autant de trésors que de l’Inde véritable. On se contenta de nommer les Américains du Nord Sauvages; ils Pétaient moins, à quelques égards, que les paysans de nos côtes européennes, qui ont si longtemps pillé de droit les vaisseaux naufragés, et tué les navigateurs. La guerre, ce crime et ce fléau de tous les temps et de tous les hommes, n’avait pas chez eux, comme chez nous, l'intérêt pour motif; c'était d'ordinaire l’insulte et la vengeance qui en était le sujet, comme chez les Brésiliens et chez tous les sauvages. Ce qu’il y avait de plus horrible chez les Canadiens, est qu’ils fesaient mourir dans les supplices leurs ennemis captifs, et qu’ils les mangeaient. Cette horreur leur était commune avec les Brésiliens, éloignés d’eux de cinquante degrés. Les uns et les autres mangeaient un ennemi comme le gibier de leur chasse. C’est un usage qui n’est pas de tous les jours ; mais il a été commun à plus d’un peuple, et nous en avons traité à part. C’est dans ces terres stériles et glacées du Canada que les hommes étaient souvent anthropophages; ils ne l'étaient point dans l’Acadie, pays meilleur où l’on ne manque pas de nourriture. Ils ne l’étaient point dans le reste du continent, excepté dans quelques parties du Brésil, et chez les cannibales des îles Caraïbes. Quelques jésuites et quelques huguenots, rassemblés par une fatalité singulière, cultivèrent la colonie nais- sante du Canada; elle s’allia ensuite avec les Hurons qui fesaient la guerre aux Iroquois. Ceux-ci nuisirent beau- coup à la colonie, prirent quelques jésuites prisonniers, et, dit-on, les mangèrent. Les Anglais ne furent pas moins funestes à l'établissement de Québec. A peine cette ville commençait à être bâtie et fortifiée, qu’ils l’attaquèrent. Ils prirent toute l’Acadie ; cela ne veut dire autre chose, sinon qu'ils détruisirent des cabanes de pêcheurs. Les Français n’avaient donc dans ces temps-là aucun établissement hors de France, et pas plus en Amérique qu’en Asie. La compagnie de marchands, qui s'était ruinée dans ces entreprises, espérant réparer ses pertes, pressa le cardinal de Richelieu de la comprendre dans le traité de Saint-Germain fait avec les Anglais. Ces peuples ren- dirent le peu qu’ils avaient envahi, dont ils ne fesaient alors aucun cas: et ce peu devint ensuite la Nouvelle- France. Cette Nouvelle-France resta longtemps dans un état misérable ; la pêche de la morue rapporta quelques légers profits qui soutinrent la compagnie. Les Anglais, informés de ces petits profits, prirent encore l’Acadie. lis la rendirent encore au traité de Bréda. Enfin ils la prirent cinq fois, et s’en sont conservé la propriété par la paix d’Utrecht, paix alors heureuse, qui est devenue plus funeste à l’Europe ; car nous verrons que les ministres qui firent ce traité, n'ayant pas déterminé les limites de l’Acadie, l'Angleterre voulait les étendre, et la France les resserrer; ce coin de terre a été le sujet d’une guerre violente en 1755 entre ces deux nations rivales ; et cette guerre a produit celle de l'Allemagne, qui n’y avait aucun rapport. La complication des intérêts politiques est venue au point qu’un coup de canon tiré en Amérique peut être le signal de ’embrasement de l’Europe. La petite ile du Cap-Breton, où est Louisbourg, la rivière de Saint-Laurent, Québec, le Canada, demeurèrent donc à la France en 1713. Ces établissements servirent plus à entretenir la navigation et à former des matelots, 1 Tlest très vraisemblable, comme nous l'avons déjà observé, que si ces peuples sont privés de poil, c'est qu’ils l’arrachent dès qu’il commence à paraître. Pérou. ti VOLTATRE. 133 qu'ils ne rapportèrent de profits. Québec contenait environ sept mille habitations ; les dépenses de la guerre pour conserver ce pays, coûtaient plus qu’elles ne vaudront jamais; et cependant elles paraissent nécessaires. On a compris dans la Nouvelle-France un pays immense, qui touche, d’un côté, au Canada, de l’autre, au Nouveau-Mexique, et dont les bornes vers le nord-ouest sont inconnues ; on l’a nommé Mississipi, du nom du fleuve qui descend dans le golfe du Mexique ; et Louisiane, du nom de Louis XIV. Cette étendue de terre était à la bienséance des Espagnols, qui, n'ayant que trop de domaines en Amérique, ont négligé cette possession, d'autant plus qu’ils n’y ont pas trouvé d’or. Quelques Français du Canada s’y trans- portèrent, en descendant par le pays et par la rivière des Illinois, et en essuyant toutes les fatigues et tous les dangers d'un tel voyage. C’est comme si on voulait aller en Egypte par le cap de Bonne-Espérance, au lieu de prendre la route de Damiette. Cette grande partie de la Nouvelle-France fut, jusqu'en 1708, composée d’une douzaine de familles errantes dans des déserts et dans des bois. ! Louis XIV, accablé alors de malheurs, voyait dépérir l’ancienne France, et ne pouvait penser à la nouvelle. Il est bon de savoir que, dans cette misère publique, deux hommes avaient gagné chacun environ quarante mil- lions, l’un par un grand commerce dans l'Inde ancienne, tandis que la compagnie des Indes, établie par Colbert, était détruite ; l’autre, par des affaires avec un ministère malheureux, obéré et ignorant. Le grand négociant qui se nommait Crozat, étant assez riche et assez hardi pour risquer une partie de ses trésors, se fit concéder la Loui- siane par le roi, à condition que chaque vaisseau que lui et ses associés enverraient, y porterait six garçons et six filles pour peupler. Le commerce et la population y languirent également. Après la mort de Louis XIV, l'Ecossais Law ou Lass, homme extraordinaire, dont plusieurs idées ont été utiles etd’autres pernicieuses, fit accroire à la nation que la Louisiane produisait autant d’or que le Pérou, et allait fournir autant de soie que ia Chine. Ce fut la première époqne da fameux système de Lass. On envoya des colonies au Mississipi ; on grava le plan d’une ville magnifique et régulière, nommée la Nouvelle-Orléans. Les colons périrent la plupart de misère, et la ville se réduisit à quelques méchantes maisons. Peut-être un jour, s’il y a des millions d'habitants de trop en France, serait-il avantaseux de peupler la Louisiane: mais il est plus vraisemblable qu’il faudra l’abandonner (?). VII Les SIECLES DE Louis XVI ET DE Louis XV—GUERRES DE LA FRANCE ET DE L'AN- GLETERRE—PERTE DU CANADA—ONZE CENTS LIEUES DE DESERTS GLACÉS D'APRÈS VOLTAIRE—BERNARDIN DE SAINT-PIERRE ET BIGOT. Voltaire avait publié le Siècle de Louis XIV. C'était un grand sujet, mais il sut s'élever à la hauteur qu'il comportait. Il y a là de fort belles pages, remplies de nobles senti- ments, de réflexions justes et profondes. Ce livre est incontestablement le meilleur de ses ouvrages historiques. Il y travailla vingt ans. Dès le 26 juin 1735, il pouvait écrire à son ami Cideville : “ Mon principal emploi à présent est ce Sièrle de Louis XIV, dont je vous ai parlé il y a quelques années. C'est la sultane favorite ; les autres études sont des passages. J'ai apporté avec moi (à Cirey) beaucoup de matériaux, et j'ai déjà commencé l'édifice ; mais il ne sera achevé de longtemps; c’est l'ouvrage de toute ma vie.” Le livre parut toutefois en 1752. L'idée est bien francaise: faire de la France le centre de l’Europe et des affaires humaines, les autres nations lui servant de satellites, et de Louis XIV le soleil de tout le système.* ‘Ce n’est pas seulement la vie de Louis XIV,” dit Voltaire dans l'introduction, ‘ qu'on prétend écrire ; on se propose un plus grand objet. On veut essayer ! Les Français, dans la guerre de 1756, ont perdu cette Louisiane, qui leur a été rendue à la paix, mais qu’ils ont cédée aux Espagnols, et tout le Canada. Ainsi. à l'exception de quelques îles et de quelques établissements très peu corsidérables des Hollandais et des Français sur la côte de l'Amérique méridionale, l'Amérique a été par- tagée entre les Espagnols, les Anglais et les Portugais. ? Voltaire, sa vie et ses œuvres, l'abbé Maynard, tome second, page 40. 134 JOSEPH TASSE de peindre à la postérité, non les actions d'un seul homme, mais l’esprit des hommes dans le siècle le plus éclairé qui fit jamais.” Le Siècle de Louis XV, ouvrage fait par morceaux, est loin de valoir Je précédent ; mais il renferme tout un chapitre sur le Canada. L'ancien régime n’était plus à l'apogée ; sauf quelques intermittences, c'était la décadence. Recueillons ce que dit Voltaire : Une légère querelle entre la France et l'Angleterre, pour quelques terrains sauvages vers l’Acadie, inspira une nouvelle politique à tous les souverains d'Europe. Ilest utile d'observer que cette querelle était le fruit dela négligence de tous les ministres qui travaillèrent, en 1712 et 1713, au traité d'Utrecht. La France avait cédé à l'Angleterre, par ce traité, ]’Acadie, voisine du Canada, avec toutes ses anciennes limites; mais on n’avait pas spécifié quelles étaient ces limites, on les ignorait; c’est une faute qu’on n’a jamais commise dans des contrats entre particuliers. Des démélés ont résulté nécessairement de cette omission. Si la philosophie et la justice se mélaient des querelles des hommes, elles leur feraient voir que les Français et les Anglais se disputaient un pays sur lequel ils n'avaient aucun droit; mais ces premiers principes n’entrent point dans les affaires du monde. Une pareille dispute élevée entre simples commerçants aurait été apaisée en deux heures par des arbitres; mais entre des couronnes il suffit de l'ambition ou de l'humeur d’un simple commissaire pour bouleverser vingt Etats. On accusait les Anglais de ne chercher qu’à détruire entièrement le commerce de la France dans cette partie de l'Amérique. Ils étaient très supérieurs par leurs nombreuses et riches colonies dans l'Amérique septentrionale: ils l’étaient encore plus sur mer par leurs flottes ; et ayant détruit la marine de France dans la guerre de 1741, ils se flattaient que rien ne leur résisterait, ni dans le nouveau monde ni sur nos mers : leurs espérances furent d’abord trompées. Ils commencèrent en 1755, par attaquer les Français vers le Canada; et, sans aucune déclaration de guerre, ils prirent plus de trois cents vaisseaux marchands, comme on saisirait des barques de contrebande; ils s'emparèrent même de quelques navires des autres nations, qui portaient aux Français des marchandises. Le roi de France, dans ces conjonctures, eut une conduite toute différente de celle de Louis XIV. Il se contenta d’abord de demander justice ; il ne permit pas seulement alors à ses sujets d’armer en course. Louis XIV avait parlé souvent aux autres cours avec supériorité; Louis XV fit sentir dans toutes les cours la supériorité que les Anglais affectaient. On avait reproché à Louis XIV une ambition qui tendait sur terre à la monarchie universelle; Louis XV fit con- naître la supériorité réelle que les Anglais prenaient sur les mers. Cependant Louis XV s’assurait quelque vengeance ; ses troupes battaient les Anglais, en 1755, vers le Canada; il préparait dans ses ports une flotte considérable, et il comptait attaquer par terre le roi d'Angleterre, George II, dans son électorat d'Hanovre. Cette irruption en Allemagne menagait l'Europe d’un embrasement allumé dans le nouveau monde. Ce fut alors que toute la politique de l’Europe fut changée. Le roi d'Angleterre appela une seconde fois, du fond du Nord, trente mille Russes qu’il devait soudoyer. L'empire de Russie était l’allié de l’empereur et de l’impératrice-reine de Hongrie. Le roi de Prusse devait craindre aue les Russes, les Impériaux et les Hanovriens ne tombassent sur lui. Il avait environ cent quarante mille hommes en armes; il n’hésita pas à se liguer avec le roi d'Angleterre, pour empêcher d’une main que les Russes n’entrassent en Allemagne, et pour fermer de l’autre le chemin aux Français. Voilà donc encore toute l'Europe en armes, et la France replongée dans de nouvelles calamités qu’on aurait pu éviter, si on pouvait se dérober à sa destinée. Le roi de France eut avec facilité et en un moment tout l’argent dont il avait besoin, par une de ces promptes ressources qu’on ne peut connaître que dans un royaume aussi opulent que la France. Vingt places nouvelles de fermiers généraux et quelques emprunts suftirent pour soutenir les premières années de la guerre; facilité funeste qui ruina bientôt le royaume... Les Français ont fait de grandes pertes en Amérique. Sans entrer ici dans le détail de cent petits combats, et de la perte de tous les forts l’un après l’autre, il suffit de dire que les Anglais ont pris Louisbourg pour la seconde fois, aussi mal fortifié, aussi mal approvisionné que la première. Enfin, tandis que les Anglais entraient dans Surate, à l'embouchure du fleuve Indus, ils prenaient Québec et tout le Canada, au fond de l'Amérique septentrionale; les troupes qui ont hasardé un combat pour sauver Québec, ont été battues et presque détruites, malgré les efforts du général Montcalm, tué dans cette journée, et très regretté en France. On a perdu ainsi en un seul jour quinze cents lieues de pays. Ces quinze cents lieues, dont les trois quarts sont des déserts glacés, n'étaient pas peut-être une perte réelle. Le Canada coûtait beaucoup, et rapportait très peu. Si la dixième partie de l’argent englouti dane cette colonie avait été employée à défricher nos terres incultes en France, on aurait fait un gain considérable ; mais on avait voulu soutenir le Canada, et on a perdu cent années de peine avec tout l’argent prodigué sans retour. VOLTAIRE. 135 Pour comble de malheur, on accusait des plus horribles brigandages presque tous ceux qui étaient employés au nom du roi dans cette malheureuse colonie. Ils ont été jugés au Châtelet de Paris, tandis que le parlement informait contre Lally. Celui-ci, après avoir cent fois exposé sa vie, l’a perdue par la main d’un bourreau, tandis que les concussionnaires du Canada n’ont été condamnés qu'à des restitutions et des amendes, tant il est de dif- férence entre les affaires qui semblent les mêmes. .! L'Etat perdit, dans le cours de cette funeste guerre, la plus florissante jeunesse, plus de la moitié de l'argent comptant qui circulait dans le royaume, sa marine, son commerce, son crédit. On a cru qu'il eût été très aisé de pré- venir tant de malheurs, en s’accommodant avec les Anglais pour un petit terrain litigieux vers le Canada; mais quelques ambitieux, pour se faire valoir et se rendre nécessaires, précipitèrent la France dans cette guerre fatale. Il en avait été de même en 1741. Lamour-propre de deux ou trois personnes suflit pour désoler toute l'Europe. La France avait un si pressant besoin de cette paix, qu’elle regarda ceux qui la conclurent comme les bienfaiteurs de la patrie. Les dettes dont l'Etat demeurait surchargé, étaient plus grandes encore que celles de Louis XIV. La dépense seule de l'extraordinaire des guerres avait été, en une année, de quatre cents millions: qu’on juge par là du reste. La France aurait beaucoup perdu, quand méme elle eût été victorieuse. Les suites de cette paix, si déshonorante et si nécessaire, furent plus funestes que la paix même. Les colons du Canada aimèrent mieux vivre sous les lois de la Grande-Bretagne que de venir en France ; et quelque temps après, quand Louis XV eut cédé à la couronne d’Espagne la Nouvelle-Orléans et tout le pays qui s'étend sur la rive droite du Mississipi, il arriva, pour comble de douleur et d’humiliation, que les officiers du roi d'Espagne condam- nèrent à être pendus les officiers du roi de France qui ne se soumirent à eux qu'avec répugnance. Le procureur général, son gendre, d'anciens capitaines chevaliers de Saint-Louis, des négociants, des avocats, ayant fait quelques représentations sur les formalités qu’il convenait d'observer, le commandant envoyé d’Espagne les invita à diner, on leur fit leur procès au sortir de table, on les condamna à la corde, et par grâce on les arquebusa; ce qui est, dit- on, plus honorable. Le commandant qui fit cette étrange exécution, était ce même O’Reïlly, Irlandais au service d'Espagne, qui fit battre depuis l’armée espagnole par les Algériens. Cette défaite a été publique en Europe et en Afrique, et l’indigne mort des officiers du roi de I'rance, dans la Nouvelle-Orléans, est encore ignorée. I] n'y a guère à reprendre, au point de vue historique, dans ce récit de la chute de la France en Amérique. Voltaire ne peut s'empêcher de réitérer son éternelle observation, que les trois quarts de nos vastes territoires sont des déserts glacés. L’assertion que le Canada coûtait beaucoup et rapportait très peu, est vraie, mais elle mérite que l’on s’y arrête. La colonie était à ses premiers développements, et ce n’est pas avec les guerres fréquentes dont elle était le théâtre, par suite des vieilles haines de la France et de l'Angleterre, qu’elle pouvait rapporter beaucoup. Les habitants quittaient la charrue à chaque instant pour prendre le fusil, et plus d’une fois ils furent menacés de disette. Tout se vendait cher, tout se faisait à prix d'argent. De 1749 à 1760, les dépenses mon- tèrent de 2,100,000 francs à 26,000,000 par an—en tout 123 millions. Ce chiffre de 26,000,000 de francs représente à peu près le budget actuel de la province de Québec. Mais n’oublions point que lorsque la France perdit le Canada, elle devait 80 millions de cette somme, dont 41 millions aux Canadiens, et que cette dernière créance fut presque entièrement perdue pour eux. II faut donc aller chercher ailleurs la cause de l'épuisement du trésor français. La dépravation de la cour et la rapacité des ministres et des autres fonctionnaires de l'Etat suffisent pour tout expliquer. ‘Bernardin de Saint-Pierre écrivait de Varsovie le 25 juillet 1764, à M. Duval, négociant français à Saint- Pétersbourg: “J'ai soupé hier avec M. le Stolnik. On a parlé de politique, puis du Canada, des Anglais. J'ai pris la parole et j'ai dit que les Anglais avaient eu bon marché de ce pays-là par la mauvaise manœuvre ou plutôt la trahison de Bigot...” Le stolnik signifie grand-échanson, et le grand-échanson était alors Stanislas Poniatowski, futur roi de Pologne, 136 JOSEPH TASSE POMPADOUR. I VOLTAIRE ET POMPADOUR—LA MAITRESSE DE Louris XV—LA FAMILLE PorssoN— MAUREPAS ET LA FAVORITE—POMPADOUR GOUVERNE LA FRANCE. On est prêt à céder volontiers le Canada aux Anglais; grand bien leur en fasse ! Me DE PompaDour. Nous en avons donc fini avec ces quelques arpents de neige qu’on appelle le Canada : le roi dormira tran- quille. Mme op Pompapour à Voltaire. Fidèle à la France, le paysan canadien n’a point par- donné à la politique de ce temps, et, personnifiant dans un nom cette politique désastreuse, accuse encore aujour- @hui /a Pompadour. J.-J. AMPÈRE. Tombé en disgrace auprès de Louis XV, qui ne put jamais se décider à lui rendre ses faveurs, Voltaire songea à se faire un parti à la cour, afin de pouvoir, un jonr ou l’autre, retourner en France. Il savait la puissance de la coquine du Roi, en attendant quelle put être seulement son amie,—et, comme elle adorait l’encens, il lui brüla tout ce que sa casso- lette contenait. Au lendemain de la bataille de Fontenoy (11 mai 1745), il lui avait méme adressé ces vers : Quand Louis, ce héros charmant Dont tout Paris fait son idole, Gagne quelque combat brillant, On doit en faire compliment A la divine d’Etiole. Trois ans avant, Voltaire avait connu Mme d’Etiole, qui, alors dans tout l'éclat de sa beauté, tenait un salon très fréquenté, dont il devint bientôt l’un des habitués avec Fontenelle, l'abbé de Bernis,? Maupertuis,’ etc. Plus tard, il lui rappellera dans une lettre le bon vin de Tokai qu’il avait bu à Etioles. Et bien d’autres choses. 1 Cette bataille, livrée à Tournai, en Flandre, fut gagnée par le maréchal de Saxe, qui, vieux, malade, se fit transporter en litière çà et 14 sur le théâtre des opérations. Le maréchal avait eu à lutter contre environ 50,000 hommes, composés d’escadrons anglo-hanovriens, autrichiens et hollandais. Louis XV, qui n’entendait rien à la guerre, assista à la bataille avec son fils et toute la cour. On connaît la prétendue manière courtoise dont le com- bat s’engagea.—“ Tirez, messieurs des gardes françaises,” aurait crié lord Hay.—" Messieurs, aurait répondu le comte d’Auteroche, tirez vous-mêmes ; nous ne tirons jamais les premiers.” Les alliés perdirent 7,000 morts et blessés, 2,000 prisonniers, 40 canons et 150 voitures d'artillerie; et l’armée française, 1,701 morts et 3,500 blessés. Cette victoire valat aux Français la prise de Tournai et la conquête des Pays-Bas. 2 L'abbé de Bernis exerça une influence considérable sur la carrière de cette femme. Ecrivain galant, poète à ses heures, membre de l’Académie française, ce fut lui qui se chargea de sa correspondance amoureuse avec Louis XV, avant qu’elle en devint la maîtresse. Il était alors simple tonsuré. Plus tard, la protection de la favorite lui valut d’être fait ambassadeur à Madrid, puis à Vienne, en attendant d’être nommé ministre d'Etat et de prendre le portefeuille des affaires étrangères. 11 fut disgracié pendant la guerre de Sept Ans (1758), pour avoir conseillé la paix contre l’avis de Mme de Pompadour. 3 Maupertuis était un géométre fameux qui fut attiré plus tard à la cour de Frédéric de Prusse, où il eut un démélé avec Voltaire qui eut du retentissement. POMPADOUR. 137 Qui était la divine d’Etiole, qui enflammait Voltaire et dont tout Paris faisait son idole? Quelle était cette femme qui devait exercer une influence si néfaste sur nos desti- nées? Avant de paraître à la cour, elle s'appelait Mme Lenormant d’Etiole, née Jeanne-Antoinette Poisson, à Paris, le 29 décembre 1721 (Saint-Eustache), et mariée, le 9 mars 1741, à Charles-Guillaume Lenormant, seigneur d’Etiole. On s'accorde à dire, écrit Sainte-Beuve,' qu'elle eut dans sa jeunesse tous les talents et toutes les graces. Son éducation avait été des plus soignées pour les arts d'agrément, et on lui avait tout appris, hormis la morale. “Je trouvai là, écrit quelque part le président Hénault à Mme du Deffand, une des plus jolies femmes que j'aie jamais vues ; c’est Mme d’Etiole. Elle sait la musique parfaitement, elle chante avec toute la gaieté et tout le goût possible, sait cent chansons, joue la comédie à Etiole, sur un théâtre aussi beau que celui de l'Opéra, où il y a des machines et des changements.” M. G. Leroy, lieutenant des chasses du parc de Versailles, nous en a laissé le portrait que voici: “La marquise de Pom- padour était d’une taille au-dessus de l'ordinaire, svelte, aisée, souple, élégante; son visage était bien assorti à sa taille, un ovale parfait, de beaux cheveux plutôt chatain clair que blonds, des yeux assez grands, ornés de beaux sourcils de la même couleur, le nez parfaitement bien formé, une bouche charmante, les dents très nettes ; et le plus délicieux sourire, la plus belle peau du monde donnait à tous ses traits le plus grand éclat. Ses yeux avaient un charme particulier qu’ils devaient peut-être à l'incertitude de leur cou- leur ; ils n'avaient point le vif éclat des yeux noirs, la langueur tendre des yeux bleus, la finesse particulière aux yeux gris, leur couleur indéterminée semblait les rendre propres à tous les genres de séduction et à exprimer successivement toutes les impressions d'une âme très mobile: aussi le jeu de la physionomie de la marquise de Pompadour était-il infi- niment varié; mais jamais on n’apercut de discordance entre les traits de son visage, tous concouraient au même but, ce qui suppose une âme assez maitresse d’elle-méme ; ses mou- vements étaient d'accord avec le reste, et l’ensemble de sa personne semblait faire la nuance entre le dernier degré de l'élégance et le premier de la noblesse. ” * Oui, on lui avait tout enseigné, hormis la morale. Fille d’une mère galante, * qui au dire de Barbier “avait de l'esprit comme quatre diables ”, et qui était entretenue par un fermier général, mariée nominalement au neveu de ce dernier, elle avait pour père un personnage sans éducation, sans décence, sans mœurs, qui cria un jour à un valet de chambre qui hési- tait à l’introduire en haut lieu: Maraud, apprends que je suis le père de lu p.....du roi!* Tout son entourage, séduit par ses charmes, se disait qu'elle ferait wn morceau de roi, 1 Causeries du Lundi, tome 2, page 381. 2 Louis XV et Mme de Pompadour. Baur, 1876. % Mme Poisson mourut le 24 décembre 1745, n'ayant encore que quarante-six ans. Elle se montra glorieuse du déshonneur de sa fille, au point que, sur son lit de mort, elle lui dicta la règle de conduite qu’elle devait tenir à la cour. On lui fit cette épitaphe satirique : Ci-git qui, sortant d’un fumier, Pour faire une fortune entière Vendit son honneur au fermier, Et sa fille au propriétaire. 4 Poisson avait été condamné à être pendu pour des malversations dans la fourniture des vivres, il s'enfuit à l'étranger, et ce n’est qu’en 1741, grâce à de fortes influences, que la sentence fut cassée. — Une jolie famille ! Sec. I., 1892. 18. 138 JOSEPH TASSE et quand mourut Mme de Châteauroux (fin 1742), l'une des plus fameuses maîtresses de Louis XV, qui elle-méme avait remplacé trois de ses sceurs, toutes filles de la maison de Nesle, l’ainée, Mme de Mailly, ayant été la première qui fut reconnue officiellement, Mme Lenormant n’hésita pas 4 poser sa candidature pour la succession. Une intrigue habile- ment ménagée dans la forêt de Sénart, près d’Etiole, qui était le rendez-vous des chasses royales, suivie d’une rencontre dans un bal masqué, lui valut de connaître Louis XV et d'acquérir ensuite sur lui un incomparable ascendant. Cela se passait en l’an 1745. Devenue la maitresse du roi, “la divine d’Etiole” ne tarda pas à monter au faite des honneurs et à s'appeler la marquise de Pompadour (1752) — nom d’une famille éteinte —avec une pension de 200,000 livres. Quatre ans plus tard — le 7 février 1756 — elle était nommée dame du palais, malgré la protestation de la Reine, qui se résigna à cette nouvelle humiliation, en proférant ces nobles paroles: ‘“ Sire, j'ai un Roi au ciel qui me donne la force de souffrir mes maux, et un Roi sur la terre à qui j’obéirai toujours.” Il ne faudrait pas croire que la favorite se soutint sans des difficultés toujours renaissantes. Elle appelait sa vie “un combat perpétuel.” Les courtisans n’avaient rien eu à dire quand Mme de Mailly était devenue la maîtresse de Louis XV (1735), “le nom de Nesle étant un des premiers de la monarchie, ” suivant une autre expression de Barbier. ' Mais ce fut une levée de boucliers quand cette grisette, sortie de la bourgeoisie, cette robine, comme l’appelait le marquis d’Argenson, passant par-dessus la tête de l’aris- tocratie, s'empara du roi, qui n'aurait du appartenir qu'aux belles dames de la cour. Aussi les langues, aiguillonnées par la jalousie, de l’éplucher sans cesse, de la couvrir de méchants propos, de signaler ses moindres erreurs d’étiquette, de relever son parler bourgeois, ses façons et ses tournures, de fouiller l’ordure de son berceau, de crier à l’hu- miliation de la couronne, d’exciter contre elle l'hostilité de la famille royale. Le ter- rible comte de Maurepas, le frondeur implacable, l'ennemi né des maitresses du Roi, pour une toute autre raison que l'horreur du vice, menait la campagne, lardant la favorite d’épigrammes, de chansons, de vers satiriques, que Paris dévorait ; on en a fait un recueil, les Poissonnades® Quelques couplets en donneront une idée : Les grands seigneurs s’avilissent, Les financiers s’enrichissent, Et les Poissons s’agrandissent ; C’est le règne des vauriens, rien, rien. On épuise la finance En bâtiment, en dépense, L’Etat tombe en décadence, Le Roi ne met ordre 4 rien, rien, rien. Une petite bourgeoise, Elevée à la grivoise, Mesurant tout à sa toise, Fait de la cour un taudis, dis, dis. Le Roi, malgré son scrupule, Pour elle fortement brûle ; Cette flamme ridicule Excite dans tout Paris, ris, ris. 1 Journal historique du règne de Louis XV. ? Mémoires et journal inédit du marquis d’Argenson. Janet, 1857. Ÿ Recueil, manuscrit de Maurepas, vol. XXXIV et XXXV. Bibliothèque nationale, POMPADOUR. 139 Cette catin subalterne Insolemment le gouverne, Et c’est elle qui décerne Les honneurs à prix d’argent, gent, gent. Devant l’idole tout plie, Le courtisan s’humilie, Il subit cette infamie Et n’est que plus indigent, gent, gent. La contenance excitée, La peau jaune et maltraitée, Et chaque dent tachetée, Les yeux froids et le cou long, long, long ; Sans esprit, sans caractère, L'âme vile et mercenaire, Le propos d’une commère, Tout est bas chez la Poisson, son, son. Si dans les beautés choisies Elle était des plus jolies, On passerait les folies Quand l’objet est un bijou, jou, jou. Mais pour si sotte créature Et pour si plate figure Exciter tant de murmure, Chacun juge le Roi fou, fou, fou. Maurepas était bien puissant puisqu'il était chargé de la maison du roi, y compris le département des grâces, de l’administration supérieure de la ville de Paris et du ministère de la marine et des colonies ; mais Mme de Pompadour, blessée jusqu’au vif, finit par avoir raison de ses épigrammes en le faisant confiner (1749) à son château de Pontchar- train, qu’il ne put quitter qu'à l'avènement de Louis XVI. Sa vengeance marque le commencement de sa puissance politique. Plus tard le fameux marquis d’Argenson, qui s'était mis en tête de la contrecarrer, sera traité avec la même implacabilité: il ne pourra revenir à Paris qu'après la mort de la marquise. Les chansons n’en continuèrent pas moins, ainsi que l’on en peut juger par les vers ci-dessous : Fille d’une sangsue et sangsue elle-même Poisson, d’une arrogance extrême, Etale sur ce château sans crainte et sans effroi, La substance du peuple et la honte du roi. La disgrace du comte de Maurepas prouve que l'étoile de la marquise de Pompadour montait promptement. Maitresse de l’esprit du roi plus que Mme de Maintenon ne le fut de celui de Louis XIV, c’est elle qui bientôt allait gouverner la France, nommer et révo- quer les ministres, les ambassadeurs, les généraux, régler avec eux les plus graves ques- tions d'Etat, distribuer les honneurs, les cordons, les charges, les vendre ou les faire vendre quand il y avait des besoins pressants d’argent, loger à la Bastille ceux qui ne lui plaisaient pas. Les ordonnances des batailles ne lui étaient même pas étrangères. Le maréchal d’Estrées racontait qu’il avait reçu d’elle un plan de campagne où les posi- tions étaient indiquées avec des mouches collées sur le vélin à vignette d’une de ses lettres. Quand la lutte s’engagera entre la cour et le parlement, on la verra intervenir pour jouer le rôle de médiatrice. Elle n’hésitera pas non plus à écrire au pape pour se faire pardon- 140 JOSEPH TASSE ner ses débauches et braver les mandements de l’archevêque de Paris. Sous les câline- ries de l’enchanteresse se cachait un cœur sec, dur souvent, parfois implacable. Quand elle avait un but à atteindre, elle y allait froidement, résolument, sans s'occuper des obstacles. On l’accuse même d’avoir enivré le roi pour s’emparer de la clef de la cassette qui contenait des secrets qu’elle ne devait pas voir. Ce trait donnerait une idée de ses manigances. Mme de Pompadour n'était pas seulement un premier ministre s’occupant des choses d'Etat ou une frivole qui donnait le ton à la mode, elle s’intéressait à tout, peinture, sculpture, architecture, gravure, costume théâtral, bijouterie, etc. La fon- dation de la manufacture nationale de porcelaine de Sèvres est son œuvre: elle suffirait pour tirer son nom de l'oubli. “Elle ne baptise pas seulement les élégances et les coquet- teries. Elle baptise encore la main-d'œuvre de son temps, tout le mobilier et tous les acces- soires d’une civilisation exquise et raffinée. Elle baptise le carrosse, la cheminée, le miroir, le sofa, le lit, la chaise, la boîte, jusqu'à l’étui, jusqu’au cure-dent du dix-huitiéme siècle. De la tapisserie de Beauvais à la chinoiserie jetée sur l’étagère, de la tasse de Sèvres au pot à oille d’argenterie, du panneau de boiserie au lustre de Bohême, du cartel à la glace en trumeau, du grand à l’infiniment petit du goût, des bois chantournés et dorés au vernis Martin d’une navette à frivolite, tout est fait à la Pompadour. Elle est la marraine et la reine de Rococo’.” Non contente d'encourager les artistes en tout genre, elle aimait à pro- mener la pointe de l’aqua-fortiste sur le cuivre ou la pierre dure, ce qui lui permit de pro- duire soixante-neuf planches qui portent pour nom une Suie d’estampes gravées par Mme la marquise de Pompadour. Sans être parfaites, ces eaux-fortes sont appréciées des amateurs. À sa demande, le roi fit venir un détachement de l'imprimerie royale, et l’on imprima dans sa chambre, sous ses yeux, le Cantique des Cantiques et le Précis de Ecclésiaste, para- phrasés par Voltaire, puis Rodogune de Corneille. Sa bibliothèque était considérable, les romans de tous les temps y coudoyaient les traités politiques, et la plus parfaite élégance caractérisait ses reliures frappées à ses armes, trois tours. Ces livres n'étaient pas seule- ment pour la montre; elle trouvait moyen de consacrer chaque jour de longues heures à la lecture. Toutes autant de choses qui indiquent une intelligence raffinée, qui avec une éducation morale et dans d’autres conditions, eût pu faire grand. IT VOLTAIRE COURTISAN—SES VERS—PoMPADOUR À VOLTAIRE—LOurSs XV—La Du BArRY—LE ROI DORMIRA TRANQUILLE ! La marquise de Pompadour montra toujours une préférence marquée pour Voltaire. Elle croyait avoir besoin de son esprit fin, de sa plume redoutée, de l’ascendant qu'il exercait sur les gens instruits, même sur les têtes couronnées, pour défendre son sceptre contre ce qu’elle appelait les “dévots” de la cour ou le parti du dauphin. Aussi que de pamphlets sortirent de cette plume acérée et gouailleuse pour défendre sa belle philosophe contre tous ceux qui l’attaquaient de près ou de loin! A son tour, la marquise subira 1 Edmond et Jules de Goncourt, Madame de Pompadour, Firmin-Didot & Cie, 1888. POMPADOUR, 141 l'influence de Voltaire quand il s'agira de guerroyer contre les jésuites et de les expulser de France. La protection de la favorite avait valu à Voltaire d’être nommé tour à tour historio- graphe, gentilhomme ordinaire de la chambre, et de lui ouvrir les portes de l’Académie française. Cette place de gentilhomme était un présent d'environ 60,000 livres, qu'il obtint de troquer plus tard pour 30,000, ne voulant pas s’astreindre aux devoirs qu’elle comportait. ‘ Pour faire la plus petite fortune, disait-il, il valait mieux dire quatre mots à la maîtresse d'un roi que d'écrire cent volumes.” Quant à l’Académie française, Vol- taire avait vainement essayé d'y entrer jusque-là, bien qu'il eût eu recours à l'influence de la duchesse de Châteauroux. Pour en forcer les portes, il n’est pas de bassesses qu'il ne fit. Comprenant qu'il lui fallait à tout prix se concilier le clergé, il obtint des médailles et un bref de Benoit XIV, persuadant à tous qu'il allait être “ un petit favori de Rome,” et “au roi très chrétien qu'il était un sujet très chrétien.” Tout en faisant une cour assidue aux “jetonniers français,” il en écrivait à Frédéric dans les termes les plus irrévérencieux. Ces gens doctement ridicules, Parlant de rien, nourris de vent, Et qui pèsent si gravement Des mots, des points et des virgules. Cependant, malgré tous les efforts de la favorite, Voltaire ne put rentrer à Paris que durant quelques mois, à l'occasion des fêtes qui accompagnèrent le mariage du dauphin, et Louis XV évita soigneusement de s’apercevoir de sa présence. Mme de Pompadour ayant commandé pour ces fêtes la Princesse de Navarre et le Temple” de la Gloire, deux pièces fort médiocres, Voltaire l’en remercia en lui dédiant Tuncrède, en la célébrant sous le nom de Téone dans la Vision de Babouc, et en vantant ses charmes, ses talents singuliers, son esprit et la place enviée qu'elle occupait (sic). N'oublions pas le sixain : Ainsi donc vous réunissez Tous les arts, tous les goûts, tous les talents de plaire ; Pompadour, vous embellissez La cour, le Parnasse et Cythère, Charme de tous les cœurs, trésor d’un seul mortel, Qu'un sort si beau soit éternel ! Comme les amitiés de Voltaire ne duraient pas longtemps, quand elles avaient cessé de lui être utiles, il se vengea un jour d’une disgrace, qui lui valut près de trente ans d’exil, en administrant une terrible boutade à son impuissante protectrice, dans des vers trop vifs pour être reproduits. Quoi qu'il en soit, Mme de Pompadour ne se montra pas insensible à la flatterie d’un homme dont tant de gens enviaient l'esprit. Elle prit même la peine de peindre 1 Voltaire n’était pas heureux dans la structure de ses Temples. Au point de vue de l'ambition, il le fut moins encore. Après la représentation de cet opéra, où Trajan vainqueur, donnant la paix au monde, reçoit la couronne refusée aux conquérants, et réservée à un tiers ami de l'humanité, il s’approcha de Louis XV et lui dit: “ Trajan est-il content?” Moins flatté du parallèle que blessé de la familiarité d’un poète pour lequel il n’eut jamais de goût, Trajan ne répondit pas et lui tourna le dos. C'était la fortune qui tournait le dos à Voltaire, et il n’avait plus lui-même qu’à tourner le dos à la cour.”—Vollaire, sa vie et ses œuvres, l'abbé Maynard, tome second, pages 409-410. 142 JOSEPH TASSE. son propre portrait et d’en faire cadeau à Voltaire, qui l’étalait complaisamment dans son chateau. Ajoutons les lignes suivantes qu’elle lui adressait en 1762: A M. de Voltaire. Je vous remercie beaucoup du livre que vous m’ayez envoyé: tout y est beau, tout y est vrai; et vous êtes toujours le premier homme du monde pour bien écrire et pour bien penser. Vous avez raison de précher la tolé- rance ; mais les ignorants ne vous entendront pas, et les hypocrites ne voudront pas vous entendre. Pour revenir à vous, mon cher monsieur, peut-on écrire encore avec tant de feu et de génie à votre âge? Continuez à instruire les hommes; ils en ont bien besoin : pour moi, je continuerai à vous lire et à vous admirer. On a eu l’insolence de m'adresser l’autre jour des vers très injurieux pour le Roi et pour moi. Un homme voulut me soutenir que c'était vous qui les aviez faits. Je lui soutins qu'ils ne pouvaient être de vous, parce qu'ils étaient mauvais et que je ne vous avais jamais fait de mal; vous voyez par là ce que je pense de votre génie et de votre justice. Je pardonne volontiers à mes ennemis ; mais je ne pardonne pas si aisément aux ennemis du Roi, et je ne serais pas fâchée que l’auteur de ces beaux vers passât quelque temps à Bicétre, pour pleurer ses péchés, ses calomnies et sa mauvaise poésie. Est-il vrai que vous avez été dangereusement malade, et que vous avez reçu les sacrements avec une dévotion exemplaire? J’appris cette première nouvelle avec douleur, et la seconde avec plaisir: parce qu’elle confirme la bonne opinion que j'ai toujours eue de vous sur le fait de la religion. Cependant vous avez beau faire, vous ne fermerez jamais la bouche à vos petits mais dangereux ennemis. M. d’Argouge disait à ce sujet: “Ah! le vieux pécheur, il ne croit jamais en Dieu que quand il a la fiévre!” Pour moi, je le grondai beaucoup, lui disant qu’il n’y avait dans ce discours ni vérité ni charité. Adieu, Apollon, les bonnes nouvelles que j'apprends de votre‘santé me sont très agréables ; la joie serait com- plète si je pouvais vous être utile à quelque chose, et voir la France plus heureuse. Les méchants vers dont la courtisane se plaint et que l’on attribuait à Voltaire, ne sont-ils pas ceux qui sont indiqués plus haut et qu’il avait glissés dans une édition de la Pucelle ? On serait porté à le croire. Ce qu’elle dit de la conversion forcée de Voltaire, quand il est menacé de rendre l’âme, est conforme à tout ce que nous en savons. Sa terrible fin, arrivée à l’âge de quatre-vingt-quatre ans, après une si longue vie consacrée à insulter Dieu, montre que l’on n’abuse pas impunément des sacrements.' Comme il l’écrivait à Thieriot, à la date du ler juin 1731, il avait passé sa vie à se moquer de tout, Toujours un pied dans le cercueil, De l’autre faisant des gambades. Mme de Pompadour disparue, Voltaire s'adresse à Mme du Barry, qui lui avait succédé, sans la remplacer, pour obtenir sa rentrée en France. Mais, malgré tout son empire sur le roi, la nouvelle maitresse n’eut pas plus de succès que l’autre. Pour le dédommager, elle lui envoie, en 1772, deux coussins brodés de sa main et un médaillon contenant son portrait, le musicien La Borde, qui était chargé du paquet, devant donner deux baisers au seigneur de Ferney. Ravi, Voltaire compose aussitôt le quatrain suivant : Quoi ! deux baisers sur la fin de ma vie! Quel passeport vous daignez m’envoyer ! Deux! c'est trop d’un, adorable Egérie: Je serais mort de plaisir au premier. Voltaire baise le portrait de la courtisane, s’excusant de cette liberté dans jes vers suivants : Vous ne pouviez empêcher cet hommage, Faible tribut de quiconque a des yeux. C’est aux mortels d’adorer votre image ; L’original était fait pour les dieux. ! En 1768, Voltaire écrivait : “ Oui, parbleu, je communie et je communierai tant qu'il y aura une communion dans le monde, et je hurlerai avec les loups pour n'être point dévoré par eux...” POMPADOUR. 143 Quelle flagornerie! Cette rentrée a Paris ne pourra se faire que plus tard, quand Voltaire n’aura plus que quelques mois à vivre. Si Marie-Antoinette parut avoir quelque faiblesse pour lui, disons que le roi traita le vieux cynique avec le même dédain que son prédécesseur. Un jour que Louis XVI, alors dauphin, devait aller à la Comédie-Frangaise, quelqu'un lui demanda ce qu'il désirait entendre: “Tout ce que vous voudrez, dit-il, pourvu que ce ne soit pas du Voltaire.” Est-ce Mme de Pompadour qui inspira à Voltaire son mépris du Canada, ou Voltaire qui empoisonna son esprit ? Je l’ignore, car dans les lettres qu’ils ont échangées, ou plutôt que j'ai pu consulter, il n’est guère mention du Canada. Ce qui est certain, c’est que Mme de Pompadour dédaignait le Canada tout autant que Voltaire. On lui prête ce mot terriblement frivole à la nouvelle de la prise de Québec par les Anglais: “ Enfin, le roi dormira tranquille!” Les rois qui dorment tranquilles, en pareil cas, ont une terrible responsabilité devant l’histoire. Louis XV u’y a pas échappé. Il Pompapour ET M. ROUILLÉ—LA MARINE FRANGAISE—LES SAUVAGES D’AMERIQUE— LE MARQUIS DE BEAUssAC—LE Duc DE NIVERNOIS—LA COMTESSE BascHi—Nos MANCHONS ET TOUTES LES NEIGES DU CANADA. A ja bibliothèque du Parlement, à Ottawa, j'ai mis la main sur un fort curieux volume intitulé : Lettres de la Marquise de Pompadour : Depuis MDCCLITI jusqu à MDCCLXIT inclu- sivement. L'ouvrage parut à Londres en l’an 1772. Ces lettres sont-elles authentiques ? On les dit apocryphes, mais il parait certain que les sentiments qu'on y attribue à la marquise sont bien ceux qu’elle exprimait d'habitude. Si Mme de Pompadour n’a pas brodé sur nos glaces et nos neiges, dans ses lettres à Voltaire, en revanche elle en écrit aussi légèrement que iui à d’autres correspondants. La première lettre que j'ai recueillie d'elle sur ce point est adressée à M. Rouillé, ministre sont bien d'Etat, à la date de 1752: A M. RourLzé. Vous me dites, monsieur, que le Roi a actuellement cinquante vaisseaux de ligne et trente frégates; mais n'y a-t-il pas dans ce compte un peu d’exagération? N’avez-vous pas mis dans le nombre ceux que vous avez dessein de construire, mais qui n’existent pas encore? Si votre compte est exact, on assure que la France sera en état de faire face aux Anglais quand il plaira à ceux-ci de l’attaquer ; et je l'espère. Le pauvre Albermale observe toutes vos opérations avec un œil inquiet et jaloux. mais il n’ose plus se plaindre ; en effet, il est ridicule de trouver mauvais qu’un homme s'occupe à bâtir chez lui et agrandir sa maison, Je ne sais pas qui a conseillé au Roi de faire cette nouvelle promotion de chefs d’escadre et autres officiers de mer. Tl me semble qu’il ne fallait pas faire tant de bruit. C’est se donner en spectacle au reste de l’Europe, qui ne man- quera pas d’en prendre ombrage. Au reste, nous n’avons à craindre que les Anglais. Mais, mon cher monsieur, si vous avez enfin une marine, avez-vous aussi des matelots? C’est le point capital et le plus difficile. Les Français n’aiment ni la mer, ni le service des colonies, ce qui me fait trembler par avance; et j'ose dire que jamais la France ne brillera comme puissance maritime. M.d’Argenson vient de faire casser la moitié des officiers du régiment de Guienne, qui n’ont pas voulu passer au Canada, ni s’aller faire manger, comme ils disent, par les sauvages ; ce caractère d'esprit ne présage rien de bon. Je m'imagine donc que le point le plus essentiel est d'encourager le service de mer; mais cela sera bien difficile. Le vieux Maurepas est jaloux. Il a dit publiquement: “Mon successeur en fera tant qu’il détruira à la fin la marine française.” J'espère que vous le ferez mentir. Du moins le Roi est très content et la nation aime votre a. QG! \ Atal 5 C ‘ jut) | 1 f 144 JOSEPH TASSÉ Louis XIV n’a brillé que l’espace de quatre ans sur l'Océan; si vous y faites briller plus longtemps Louis XV, vous serez un grand Apollor. Je suis, etc. Ce que Mme de Pompadour dit de la marine frangaise confirme le récit de Voltaire et ne manque pas d’exactitude. Comparée a la marine anglaise, elle était absolument impuissante à protéger son drapeau. Si inférieurs qu'ils fussent, les rares secours que la France envoyait au Canada n’y arrivaient pas toujours: ils étaient capturés en mer ou dans le golfe Saint-Laurent par les bâtiments anglais. Dans la seule année 1755, trois cents navires français, valant une trentaine de millions, furent emmenés dans les ports d'Angleterre, et six mille matelots languirent dans une dure captivité, ou se virent forcés, par la misère et les mauvais traitements, de servir contre leur patrie.’ En 1756, deux cents vaisseaux et barques de commerce étaient encore enlevés par les Anglais. La dernière bataille de Québec fut une victoire pour les troupes de Lévis ; malheu- reusement le vaillant général ne put poursuivre son avantage. Le sort du Canada dépen- dait de l’arrivée d’une flotte anglaise ou française : ce furent les voiles de la première qui parurent à l’horizon, et la Nouvelle-France fut rayée de la carte d'Amérique. La flotte anglaise parut le 25 juin 1759 devant Québec. Elle avait évité les banes et les bas-fonds du fleuve, grâce à la trahison d’un officier de marine prisonnier, qui lui avait servi de pilote. Il s'appelait Denis de Vitré. C’est le seul traitre qu'eut produit le Canada.” La méme année, Mme de Pompadour écrit a M. Rouillé une lettre trés curieuse sur les sauvages d’Amérique et l’inviolable affection qu’ils portent aux Francais. Les nouvelles d'Amérique sont fort agréables. Comme il y a toute apparence que ce vaste continent sera le sujet de la guerre, il est très important d’y faire des amis. J’aime ces honnêtes sauvages qui ont tant d’estime pour le capitaine des Français et ses vaillants querriers. Ils nous offrent si généreusement /e bras droit de leur brave jeunesse, qu’il faut bien se garder de le refuser. Leur nation, qui compte plus de dix mille lunes, se prépare à régaler leurs femmes et leurs enfants des cadavres des Anglais, et à manger sa conquête. Elle l’a juré par le grand esprit, en nous donnant le calumet de paix. Quoique je n’approuve pas qu'on mange les morts, cependant, il ne faut pas se quereller avec ces honnêtes gens pour des bagatelles. J'espère que cette alliance sera plus utile à la France que la vaine ambassade de Siam, dont Louis XIV fit tant de bruit. Les Français, que tous les peuples de l'Europe haïssent, envient et imitent, sont pourtant estimés par des hommes barbares, à la vérité, mais simples et vrais, parce qu’ils sont bons et humains. La nation française est peut-être la seule du monde qui soit bienfaisante par caractère : les autres ne le sont que par caprice ou par intérêt: aussi un Huron ne fait-il pas difficulté de dire: Un Français est un homme comme moi. On entend tous les jours parler de soulévements et de révoltes dans les colonies des autres Européens : mais cela n’arrive presque jamais dans les nôtres; parce que nous avons autant de talent pour nous faire aimer, que les autres pour se faire hair. Vous avez aussi ce talent, monsieur, quoique vous soyez ministre. Continuez à mériter l’estime du Roi et celle du public par vos talents et vos services : les hommes tels que vous sont rares. J’ai l'honneur d’être, etc. Le marquis de Beaussac ayant envoyé (1762) à la grande voluptueuse des fourrures de Russie, elle laisse échapper la doléance suivante, après s'être plainte du nouveau czar (Pierre III) qui, dit-elle, n’aime pas la France : Les fourrures que vous m’avez envoyées sont fort belles, et je vous remercie de vos peines. Elles valent mieux que celles du Canada; mais, hélas! celles du Canada étaient à nous. Et que n’avez-vous pris la peine de les garder, les fourrures du Canada? Cela eût 1 Henri Martin, Histoire de France, tome XV, page 476. ? Henri Martin, Histoire de France, tome XV, page 551. POMPADOUR. - 145 peut-être empêché Catherine de Russie de faire de votre ami Voltaire un plat valet en lui donnant une superbe pelisse rouge fourrée et le bonnet pareil pour couvrir ce qu'il appelait “du vieux parchemin mal collé.”' Le duc de Nivernois était l’un des favoris de la courtisane. Elle l’appelait familière- ment mon pelit époux? Il avait dû son avancement à ce qu'il avait joué avec elle dans la troupe des spectacles des petits appartements. Ne pouvant le distraire autrement, dans les dernières années de son règne, Mme de Pompadour, épuisant tout ce que l’art de la soubrette pouvait inspirer, amusait le roi par des comédies, sans compter les ballets, les concerts, les chasses et les petits soupers. Le Pare aux Cerfs, véritable sérail sans cesse renouvelé, qui en dix ans coûta plus d’un milliard de franes, complétait les fantaisies et les débauches royales. Tour à tour ambassadeur à Rome, à Berlin, à Londres, le duc de Nivernois prit une part considérable, en cette dernière qualité, au fameux traité qui allait céder le Canada à l'Angleterre. L'année même qui précèda le traité, son amie lui adressait une lettre typique. Vous avez done vu la capitale et les nouveaux Romains, comme ils s'appellent; vous aurez de la peine à les aimer. Le roi George vous a bien reçu, les seigneurs vous caressent, et la canaille vous siffle ; c'est tout ce que nous avions prévu. Lo grand point est de s'attacher au principal: il faut parler au pilote et aux officiers du vais- seau, sans faire attention à la populace qui murmure à fond de cale. L/histoire de votre souper de Cantorbéry nous a bien fait rire; cela est juste, la paix n’est pas faite, et votre hôte vous a traité en ennemi. Les Anglais, dites-vous, ont généralement désapprouvé la conduite de cet honnête homme; la réparation est généreuse et suffisante, mais je ne crois pas que vous soupiez jamais chez lui. On admire vos dépêches; le roi est très content. On est prêt à céder volontiers le Canada aux Anglais. Grand bien leur en fasse | Mais pour les îles de Pondichéry, il faut les sauver à quelque prix que ce soit. Quant à la rançon des prisonniers et aux billets du Canada, il n’y aura pas de difficulté ; c'est un petit mémoire de marchand qu’il faudra payer aussitôt. Je suis, etc. On est prét à céder volontiers le Canada aux Anglais: grand bien leur en fasse! Ainsi parlait Mme de Pompadour à son ambassadeur. L'établissement de Pondichéry, qui avait eu le même sort que le Canada, fut sauvé, comme elle le voulait, en attendant de tomber de nouveau aux mains des Anglais, puis d’être repris par la France. Pendant que les négociations se poursuivent, elle écrit à son amie la comtesse Baschi (1762) : Il y a de bonnes nouvelles de Londres. Le duc nous mande que les Anglais savent faire la guerre, mais qu’ils ne savent pas faire la paix. Cependant il faudra faire des sacrifices: ils nous rendent notre sucre et les étoiles des Indes; mais il faudra leur céder nos manchons et toutes les neiges du Canada: grand bien leur en fasse ! La perte n’est pas grande, excepté celle de l'honneur, qui nous fait frémir. Nos amis nous ont bien servis. ~ Passons à une autre lettre de la même à la même : Les Anglais parlent déjà de guerre; les uns parient qu’elle se fera en six mois, d’autres en un an. C'est l'usage de ce peuple fou; on parle au lieu de raisonner. Mais voici des nouvelles effrayantes qu’on a lues dans les papiers anglais. Il faut done que vous sachiez, Madame, que l’empereur hait les Français à la mort; qu’il veut ravir la Lorraine sans rendre ce qu’il a reçu à la place; il doit encore conquérir l’Alsace et les trois évéchés, comme des anciens domaines de l’Empire. Son armée est déjà en campagne, elle est auprès de Trèves, où sans doute elle est ! Lettre à Mme Necker, 21 mai 1770. 2 Tous les amis de la marquise avaient leurs surnoms qui n'étaient pas toujours très recherchés. Mme de Lutzelbourg, s'appelait grand’femme; l'abbé de Bernis, son pigeon patlu ; le duc de Chaulnes, son cochon ; M. de Maras, son gros cochon; M. de Saint-Florentin, le petit saint ; Duverney, son nigaud ; M. de Paulmy d’Argenson, sa petite horreur ; le duc d’Aiguillon, M. Cavendish ; M. de Vandiéres, son frère (Abel Poisson), M. de Marcassin ; Mme d@’Asnblimon, son torchon ! Sec. I., 1892, 19. 146 JOSEPH TASSE tombée des nues ; et tout cela va fondre sur la pauvre France, au printemps. Voilà, Madame, ce que les Anglais couvent et ce qu’ils croient: cependant, ils se disent sages et raisonnables. Il semble qu’ils auront beaucoup de peine à se bien établir au Canada: les sauvages aiment toujours les Français et font à leurs nouveaux maitres tout le mal qu’ils peuvent: je ne pense pas qu’il y ait de nation au monde qui possède si bien l’art de se faire hair que les Anglais. Tant mieux, ils seraient trop dangereux, s’ils étaient encore aimables. J’ai presque envie de vous aller surprendre un de ces jours, mais ne m’attendez pas, car ce ne serait pas une surprise. Mon Dieu, le beau temps! Que n’êtes-vous pas ici pour m’aider à le trouver encore plus beau? Adieu. Mme de Pompadour fut mauvais prophète. Les sauvages continuèrent d'aimer les Français, et ce sont les seuls blancs qu'ils aient aimés, mais les Anglais, qu’elle trouve si détestables, n’eurent guère de peine à se bien établir ici. Abandonnés de la France, les Canadiens restèrent fidèles à leurs nouveaux maitres, quitte à leur arracher une par une les libertés dont ils jouissent ! IV CoTiLLON IV—$SES DÉPENSES DÉPASSENT SEPT MILLIONS DE PIASTRES—LES PRÉSENTS DU ROI—LA GUERRE DE SEPT ANS—CHUTE D'UN PEUPLE QUI FUT GRAND— MORT DE PoMPADOUR—DORS-TU CONTENT, VOLTAIRE ! Pendant que Voltaire se plaignait que le Canada coûtait cher, qu’il ne serait pas une perte réelle, et qu’il faudrait tout au plus, comme l’écrivait Mme de Pompadour, céder aux Anglais nos manchons et toutes les neiges du Canada, quelle saignée pratiquait à la France la courtisane qui la gouvernait, et se lancait dans la guerre de Sept Ans, parce que Frédéric de Prusse l’avait surnommée Colillon IV', et que Marie-Thérèse d'Autriche flattait sa vanité en lui écrivant des lettres de sa propre main et l'appelant ma cousine ou ma bien bonne amie. Les registres secrets de Louis XV constatent que, dans les seules années de 1762 et 1763, il fut payé à la marquise de Pompadour et à son frère, le marquis de Marigny, l'énorme somme de 3,456,000 livres; et que le roi lui fit à maintes reprises des cadeaux somptueux, sous forme d'hôtels, chateaux, seigneuries, un seul immeuble valant 800,000 francs. Un inventaire dressé quelques jours avant sa mort, porte que sa cassette contenant tous ses diamants représentait 1.783,000 livres, une autre conte- nant 98 boîtes d'or valait 394,000 livres, et qu’elle avait des porcelaines anciennes pour 150,000 livres, de la vaisselle d'argent, pour 537,000 livres, de la vaisselle d’or pour 150,000 livres? Et ce ne sont là que quelques articles. Un seul voyage au Havre où 1 I] désignait les maîtresses de Louis XV, sous ce nom, par ordre de date. D’autres disent Cotillon II. ? Extrait de la correspondance parisienne du Courrier des Etats-Unis, à la date du 27 novembre 1858: “A propos de son séjour à la campagne du célèbre romancier sir Edward Bulwer, devenu un très bon ministre, M. Cartier m’a raconté une anecdote qui n’est pas sans intérêt. A la fin d’un diner, l’envoyé du Canada à Londres examinait avec curiosité des assiettes de dessert en vermeil, sur lesquelles étaient peintes des armes et des devises qui ne lui paraissaient pas celles de son hôte.—“Ces assiettes attirent votre attention, lui dit sir Edward Bulwer; elles viennent d’une femme qui a été votre compatriote.” — “ Une compatriote ? je ne sais pas, en vérité, quelle peut être cette femme. — C’est la célèbre marquise de Pompadour.” Et sir Edward Bulwer raconta comment la vaisselle de la favorite de Louis XV était arrivée en sa possession. Mais ce qui m’a le plus frappé, dans cette his- toire, c’est le terme de compatriote employé par le ministre anglais vis-à-vis d’un Canadien et d’une Française. Il prouve que Canadien et Français sont identiques dans la pensée de John Bull. Et cependant, s’il est quelqu'un qui a mérité d’être renié par les descendants de Jacques Cartier, c'est la marquise de Pompadour qui, après l'abandon du Canada à l'Angleterre par Louis XV, écrivait à Voltaire; “Nous en avons donc fini avec ces quelques arpents POMPADOUR. 147 Yon avait donné un combat naval en son honneur, et où le roi l’accompagnait, avait couté un million. Toutes ces dissipations ne représentent pas moins de trente-six mil- lions de francs — plus de sept millions de piastres ! Et les habitants des bords-du Saint-Laurent mouraient de faim, abandonnés à presque leurs seules ressources, alors qu’une ambitieuse proxénète, qui avait rêvé sa SUC- cession pour sa fille,' déshonorait la France, en gaspillant des millions qui eussent suffi pour sauver ceux qui luttaient pour elle. ‘“Aïnsi tomba cette race d'hommes que l’habi- tude de vivre au sein de la nature sévère du Nord avait rendue forte et simple comme les anciens. Dans l’Inde, on avait pu admirer quelques grands hommes ; ici, ce fut tout un peuple qui fut grand.” * Le châtiment du principal auteur de tant de maux ne se fit pas attendre. Son indif- férence aux intérêts les plus sacrés fut bientôt vengée par l'indifférence du Roi à son égard. De nouvelles maitresses allumérent de nouveaux feux, et l’ancienne favorite, trop intelli- gente pour ne pas saisir ce changement, comprit qu’elle n’était plus aimée, et que, si on la subissait encore, c’est que l’on redoutait de sa part un acte de désespoir, un suicide : le roi en fit l’aveu plus tard. L’on pent dire que les derniéres années de la favorite furent autant de tourments sans nom. Sa santé s’altéra promptement, et, malgré tout son maquillage, la reine des graces ne fut plus bientôt que l’ombre d’elle-même : la mort parut sur sa figure avant de la glacer. La marquise ne perdit pas seulement l'affection de Louis XV, qui avait cru à son génie politique, mais elle fut trahie par plusieurs dames de la cour dont elle avait fait la fortune. Et chaque jour amenait une nouvelle blessure a son orgueil, chaque jour suscitait une nouvelle humiliation causée par les défaites de l’armée, chaque jour encore elle pouvait entendre les malédictions du peuple de la France qui lui reprochait de l'avoir saigné à blanc, d’avoir enlevé aux campagnes plus d’un million de bras, d’avoir appauvri, ruiné, abaissé le royaume comme jamais il ne l'avait été.—“ Je me meurs de chagrin,” répétait-elle sans cesse. Et le chagrin la tuait parce qu’elle voyait s’évanouir le rêve de sa vie: la gloire, la domination ! Le 15 avril 1764, elle s'éteignait à peine âgée de quarante-quatre ans, d’autres disent quarante-deux. Avec l'agrément du roi, elle recut les secours de la religion, et, comme le curé de la Madeleine qui était venu les lui administrer à Versailles, s’en retournait : “ At- de neige qu'on appelle le Canada; le roi va pouvoir dormir tranquille.” Ces quelques arpents de neige sur les- quels on ne comptait alors que 50,000 colons français, sont devenus une province fertile, industrieuse, dent les 50,000 colons se sont multipliés d'eux-mêmes, avec tant de fécondité, qu’ils dépassent aujourd’hui le chiffre d’un million. Ils ont conservé dans leur cœur la religion de leurs pères et le culte de leur ancienne patrie, qu’ils n’ont pas rendue solidaire des fautes d’une cour abâtardie par la corruption, et les destinées du Canada, déjà si grandes, grandiront encore lorsqu'il fera partie de la confédération que l'Angleterre songe à établir entre ses diver- ses provinces de l'Amérique du Nord, confédération qui doublera leurs forces par l'union, tout en laissant à chacune d'elles son indépendance et son autonomie. Voilà ce que deviendront un jour les quelques arpents de neige dédaignés par la marquise de Pompadour.” ! On lit à l'état des pensions que faisait Mme de Pompadour : “600 livres à Mme Lebon pour m'avoir prédit à l’âge de neuf ans que je serais un jour la maîtresse de Louis XV.” Sa fille s'appelait Alexandrine-Jeanne Le Normand. Elle mourut dans sa dixième année, au couvent de l’Assomption, le 17 juin 1754. La marquise de Pompadour avait aussi ambitionné de la marier à un fils naturel de Louis XV, le comte de Luc, qui ressemblait beaucoup à son père, mais quand elle en parla au roi, celui-ci resta tellement froid qu’elle n’osa plus revenir sur le sujet. ? Henri Martin, Histoire de France, tome xy, page 554. 148 JOSEPH TASSE—POMPADOUR. tendez un moment, Monsieur le curé, lui dit-elle, nous nous en irons ensemble.” Et elle s’en alla pour ne plus revenir! Tout ce que Louis XV jetai sur le cercueil dans lequel elle fut portéeau couvent des Capucines, c’est ce mot de glace: “ La marquise n’aura pas beau temps pour son voyage” dit-il, par allusion au temps affreux qu'il faisait. Et à peine enterrée, elle était oubliée, ce qui fit écrire à la malheureuse reine Leczinska, dont elle avait empoisonné l'existence : “ Au reste, il n’est non plus question de ce qui n'est plus que si elle n’avait jamais existé. Voilà le monde, c’est bien la peine de l'aimer!” Voltaire, qui n’avait pas les mêmes raisons d’être indifférent, parait avoir pleuré sincèrement sa sceptique protectrice, si l’on en croit une lettre à Cideville. “J'ai été fort affligé, disait- il, de la mort de Mme de Pompadour : je lui avais obligation, je la pleure par reconnais- sance. I] est bien ridicule qu'un vieux barbouilleur de papier, qui peut à peine mar- cher, vive encore, et qu'une belle femme meure à quarante ans, au milieu de la plus belle carrière du monde.” Ce vieux cynique était fait pour comprendre l’autre '. Voltaire et Pompadour! Deux noms sinistres attachés à notre histoire. Plutus et Vénus accouplés! Deux mauvais génies qui changèrent le cours de nos destinées et détruisirent l’œuvre de Francois ler, de Henri [V, de Louis XIV, de Richelieu et de Colbert. Ce qu'ils ne firent pas eux-mêmes, d’autres le firent pour eux, sous leurs ordres ou sous leur inspiration. Ils semèrent le vent de notre ruine. Notre peuple les confond dans un même mépris, dans une même réprobation. Ils souillèrent l'honneur de la France. Ils lui firent perdre son empire d'Amérique, un empire qui comprenait le Canada, l'Acadie, Vile du Cap-Breton, le golfe et les îles du fleuve Saint-Laurent. “ Après nous le déluge !” avait dit un jour la Pompadour à son royal amant, qui s’exclamait avec non moins de cynisme: “Au reste, les choses comme elles sont dureront autant que moi!”* Le déluge devait s'appeler la Révolution francaise avec ses épouvantables saturnales. Grace à Dieu, si nous fames victimes d’un gouvernement corrompu, notre nouveau sort, qui nous livrait à une nation étrangère, nous permit, du moins, d'échapper à ce terrible châtiment. Ce serait le temps de s'écrier avec Musset : Dors-tu content, Voltaire, et ton hideux sourire Voltige-t-il encore sur tes os décharnés ? ! Diderot s’est montré moins complaisant que Voltaire pour sa mémoire. ‘ Mme de Pompadour, dit-il, mourut au moment où on la croyait hors de péril. Eh bien! qu’est-il resté de cette femme qui nous a épuisés d'hommes et d’argent, laissés sans honneur et sans énergie, et qui a bouleversé le système de l’Europe? Le traité de Versailles, qui durera ce qu’il pourra; l'Amour de Bouchardon, qu’on admirera à jamais ; quelques pierres gravées de Gai, qui étonneront les antiquaires à venir; un bon petit tableau de Vanlor, qu’on regardera quelquefois ; et une pincée de cendres.” ? Mémoires de Mme de Hausset (témoin auriculaire), p. 72. ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA TRANSACTIONS SECTION II. PNG AN oh Mak AT UE LS TOR ¥; AR CGH A OLOGY," ETC: PAPERS hOR 1389/2 : ala 4 é L DT." > es oth et hls . Le ee re A oe Ca edd AY ù . : 2 i Ar, —_ : | TE dr "1 Le a Len ee” =. 2 a a « evs as a ACCES SECTION II, 1892. ei Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. [.— Canadian Copyright: By Sir DANIEL WizsoN, LL.D., F.RS.E., President of the University of Toronto. (Read May 31st, 1892.) While the Royal Society of Canada is inviting the publication in its annual volumes of ‘ Proceedings,’ of contributions designed to extend our available resources in special departments of knowledge outside the range of popular literature, and thereby to facilitate the interchange of philosophical speculation, and of the results of scientific discovery and research, it cannot be regarded as foreign to its true functions to take into consideration the facilities, and also the impediments and restrictions affecting Canadian literature. In the report of the Provisional Council, which furnished the basis on which the Royal Society was organized, it is provided in section 9 “That the advice and assistance of the Society shall at all times be at the disposal of the Government of the Dominion in all matters which may be within the scope of the Society’s functions.” Among the subjects on which the Society may with fitting propriety offer such advice, there are few, if any, that can be more legitimately ranked in such a category than the legislation which aims at placing on a just basis the rights of authorship and the privileges of copyright. The definite recognition of a proprietary right in the fruits of intellectual activity and the creative powers of genius, alike in letters and in art, is one of the evidences of a matured civilization. The tardy recognition of an authors right of property in the productions of his pen and brain, along with the limitations and restrictions on such rights, furnish materials for an interesting chapter in the history of civilization. It was undoubtedly due to the absence of all recognition of an author's copyright in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and James I. that the larger half of Shakespeare’s dramas appeared for the first time in the famous 1623 folio, published seven years after their author’s death, with the irreparable lack of proof-reading and final revision. From this it has followed that the text of the noblest writer in English literature is marred by numerous misreadings and blundering misprints, and has furnished the subject, not only of laborious critical acumen, but of embittered controversy to a long succession of commentators. But at the very time when England was awakening not only to an intelligent appreciation of the rights of authorship, but of the interest of all in the beneficent results to which such protection tends, a new element of disturbance among the English-speaking race came into play. Old colonies cast off their allegiance to the mother-land, and English statute laws ceased to be co-extensive with the common race and speech. Under the circumstances in which separate and rival nationalities thus originated among those “who speak the tongue that Shakespeare spoke,’ but of whom it could not always be 1 This paper was the last literary effort of the author, who died before he could revise the manuscript or see a proof, Ed. Trans. + SIR DANIEL WILSON ON THE said, by authors at least, —‘ The faith and morals hold which Milton held,” the interest in the literature of the mother-land remained unimpaired, but the interests of the English authors ceased to concern the New Englander. The result has been the systematic appropriation, for upwards of a century, by the Anglo-American, of the productions of English authorship during one of the most brilliant periods of English literature, in open disregard of every moral claim of rightful proprietorship in the products of literary industry. Nor have the wrongs of the English author been limited to the appropriation and reproduction of the fruits of hishonest labour. Other, and in some respects still more vexatious grievances have followed as a consequence of this ignoring of his proprietary rights in the fruits of his own workmanship, and so of control over their reissue through the press. The writings of Scott, Byron, Wordsworth, Coleridge, Shelley and Keats, as of the Brownings, Tennyson, Morris and other poets of the past and present generation; of Carlyle, DeQuincy, Ruskin, Arnold; of Hallam, Macaulay, Green, Stubbs, Freeman and Gardiner; of Bulwer, Dickens, Thackeray, and the whole array of brilliant English writers of fiction, have been a source of pleasure and profit to hundreds of thousands of readers, without their giving a thought to the wrong done to their benefactors by the traders whose devds they condone, and who practically act on the assumption that these products of exceptional intellectual power, and in some cases, of rare genius, are the sole work of the compositor and printer’s devil. We have been so long accustomed on this continent to the shameless contempt ofan author’s rights, and the deliberate printing and selling of his works for the benefit of everybody but himself, that the purchaser of the cheap reprints has come at length to feel himself aggrieved at the idea of the author claiming any control over their issue. The English publisher who pays the author for his manuscript, or undertakes the risk of publishing an untried author's first work, must necessarily issue it on very different terms {rom the reprinter, who—safe beyond the protecting powers of English justice—waits till the work has won its way to popular favour, or the author has made for himself a name, and then steps in to reap where he has not sown, wholly regardless of the author’s claims. To pick his pocket as he landed in the harbour of New York would be criminal as well as base. To steal his brains and appropriate the profits of his labour, in open contempt of his claims to his own property. under cover of an alien law, is simply “smart practice,” and the certain avenue to such wealth as “covers a multitude of sins.” One of the defenders of such proceedings argues that as “according to the statutory laws of the United States, foreign authors have had no copyright, the appropria- tion of their works could not be a theft.” But there is another enactment older than either American or English statutory laws; and there are still countries where the appro- priation of the author’s coat or his purse would as little conflict with any known statutes as the laying of violent hands on his writings. Ifan American author appropriates even a few choice pickings from his alien confrére’s writings, he is forthwith arraigned before the court of Apolloand the Nine, and adjudged guilty of the high crime and misdemeanour of plagiarism, with very grave penalties in reputation and standing. But the publisher seizes the whole in open day, with the full approval of a community of buyers of cheap editions, as a laudable act of legitimate trading. But public opinion is not so absolutely stereotyped, even under the influence of self-interest, as to be beyond all reach of amend- ment. The Southern planter has ceased to luxuriate on the profits of fields cultivated by CANADIAN COPYRIGHT. 5 unpaid labour ; andthe community that profited by their gains has awakened to a sense of moral obligation. The recently enacted American copyright law, meagre as are its con- cessions to the British and Canadian authors, may be fairly welcomed as a recognition of what the old moral law teaches as our duty to our neighbours. But the acquisition of the choicest English literature on such easy terms is a very seductive temptation. Onone occasion when I was setting out on a visit to Europe, I was addressed by a New England lady who begged me to convey to Mrs. Oliphant an assurance of the grateful appreciation of her American sisters for all the pleasure her writings have given them. I duly delivered the message, and carried back to her appreciator a reply which, while acknowledging the compliment, suggested that the most practical evidence of the estimation of an author's works would be some share in the profits of their sale. To my surprise the message— though conveyed in all good humour,—was seriously resented, with the blunt comment that anything that interfered with the cheap circulation of popular literature would be opposed to the general interests of the community, and an encroachment on popular rights. It is a noble incident in the life of Emerson, his turning to account the absence of a protective copyright to win for Carlyle some fruits of his early and still unrequited literary toil. Nor is that by any means a solitary instance of such generous sympathy with struggling genius. American authors have cordially sympathized with the wrongs of English writers, and none the less so that the latter have always resented the idea of any English retaliation. But of the profits made in America by the sale of Carlyle’s writings the share that fell to their author was insignificant indeed ; of small worth, in truth, except as a manifestation of brotherhood from a kindred spirit, wafted in kindly sympathy across the ocean. What Carlyle himself thought of the marauders in the field of unprotected copyright he had left on record in his most graphic style, when, in 1839, some threatened legislation by the British Parliament evoked his “ Petition on the Copy- right Bill” It expresses in effective fashion the righteous indignation of an aggrieved author. “To the Honourable the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, the petition of Thomas Carlyle, a writer of books, humbly showeth : “That your petitioner has written certain books, being incited thereto by various innocent or laudable considerations, chiefly by the thought that said books might in the end be found to be worth something. “That your petitioner had not the happiness to receive from Mr. Thomas Tegg, or any publisher, republisher, printer, bookseller, bookbuyer, or other the like man or body of men, any encouragement or countenance in writing of said books, or to discern any chance of receiving such ; but wrote them by effort of his own and the favour of Heaven. “That all useful labour is worthy of recompense ; that all honest labour is worthy of the chance of recompense ; that the giving and assuring to each man what recompense his labour has actually merited, may be said to be the business of all legislation, polity, government and social arrangement whatsoever among men; a business indispensable to attempt, impossible to accomplish accurately ; difficult to accomplish without inaccuracies, that become enormous, insupportable, and the parent of social confusions which never altogether end. “That your petitioner does not undertake to say what recompense in money this labour 6 SIR DANIEL WILSON ON THE of his may deserve; whether it deserves any recompense in money, or whether money in any quantity could hire him to do the like. “That this labour has found hitherto, in money or money’s worth, small recompense or none ; that he is by no means sure of its ever finding recompense, but thinks that if so, it will be at a distant time, when he, the labourer, will probably be no longer in need of money, and those dear to him will still be in need of it. “That the law does at least protect all persons in selling the production of their labour at what they can get for it, in all market-places, to all lengths of time. Much more than this the law does to many, but so much it does to all, or less than this to none. “That your petitioner cannot discover himself to have done unlawfully in this his said labour of writing books, or to have become criminal or to have forfeited the law’s protection thereby. Contrariwise your petitioner believes firmly that he is innocent in said labour ; that if he be found in the long run to have written a genuine enduring book, his inerit therein, and desert towards England and English and other men, will be considerable, not easily estimable in money ; that on the other hand, if his book proves false and ephemeral; he and it will be abolished and forgotten and no harm done. “That, in this manner, your petitioner plays no unfair game against the world, his stake being life itself, so to speak (for the penalty is death by starvation) and the world’s stake nothing till once it sees the dice thrown ; so that in any case the world cannot lose. “That in the happy and long doubtful event of the game’s going in his favour, your petitioner submits that the small winnings thereof do belong to him or his, and that no mortal has justly either part or lot in them at all, now, henceforth, or forever. “ May it therefore please your Honourable House to protect him in said happy and long doubtful event, and (by passing your Copyright Bill) forbid all Thomas Teggs and other extraneous persons, entirely unconcerned in this adventure of his, to steal from him his small winnings, for a space of sixty years at shortest. After sixty years, unless your Honourable House provide otherwise, they may begin.” Respectable printers, publishers, and booksellers, are naturally scandalized at the pirated editions,” etc., to their free dealings with 9 66 application of such terms as “ stealing authors’ works. But toa writer who, like Carlyle, has produced a book, which is the embodiment of the thought and experience of studious years, of long and patient labour much expenditure of time, and not a little outlay of money in the accumulation of his materials, it is not easy to cull a phrase which shall express his feelings on its appropria- tion for the sole use and profit of a stranger, and yet prove acceptable to the highly respectable appropriators. Shakespeare’s Falstaff tried his hand at it long ago. ‘ ‘Convey,’ the wise it call. ‘Steal!’ foh, a fico for the phrase!” We have had some grave lessons of the need of a high standard of morality to be the guide of public opinion, and of public life in Canada. In the long run all experience proves that honesty is the best policy. In spite of all the gains of the American community from the wide diffusion of cheap literature, they have sustained a serious loss in the impediment it long presented to the encouragement of native talent. But apart from this, it is a reflection of grave import to a people among whom the love of literature has been fostered by such means, to consider how many struggling authors who have con- tributed to their pleasure, would have welcomed a reasonable share in the profits of American reprints and a gleam of sunshine in some of life’s deepest gloom. Scott died in the CANADIAN COPYRIGHT. Ff struggle to redeem his fortune by his pen, while thousands, aye hundreds of thousands, of American readers were deriving pleasure and profit from his writings. It must surely awaken some sense of remorse in the minds of American appreciators, who have adorned their parlours with his statues, and their galleries with his portraits, to reflect that if Scott had received his honest dues for the editions of his works printed and sold in America, it might have transformed the sorrowful tragedy of his closing years into a bright and happy eventide ? Authors of his type are rare; butit would not be difficult to name a consider- able list of gifted men and women, to whom the enjoyment of the profit of works, the product of their genius and toil, would have made all the difference between the depress- ing drudgery of writing for bread and such ease as might have reflected itself in their inspired writings. But it is a narrow view of the question which assumes the author as a mere producer of marketable articles, and a bread-winner. A large portion of the highest class of litera- ture makes no pecuniary return to the author for his expenditure of labour, time, research, and actual outlay of money in the production of his work. It is his, as is the land which the industrious settler has by years of laborious toil redeemed from the wilderness ; or as the manufactured goods of the producer, who by labour and ingenious skill transforms the raw material, the wool, cotton, hemp, or flax, into the marketable goods that are so large a source of national wealth, and the property in which is jealously guarded by the laws of every civilized community. But Canadians have hitherto moved in the wake of their more enterprising neighbours, and been content to share the fruits of the energetic if somewhat unscrupulous doings of American aggrandizers. They have been educated accordingly, until the convenient results have come to be regarded as their just rights. It does not seem to suggest itself to most Canadians that the author’s right of property in the product of his brain, of his time, study, labour and pecuniary outlay, is a matter of any importance. It is treated as a mere question between English and Canadian printers and publishers ; as though the “ Idyls of the King ” and the ‘“ Descent of Man,” Carlyle’s “ Frederick the Great,” or Bryce’s “ American Commonwealth ” were the mere work of the type-setter. But American publishers, after systematically flourishing on the property of British authors, and printing and selling pirated editions of every popular English work, in utter contempt of their rights or wishes, have at length been shamed into the grudging conces- sion of a meagre instalment of the honest recognition of an author’s rights; and our Canadian legislators forthwith proceeded to take this as their model. With the view of eliciting some expression of public opinion on the question of Canadian Copyright, I addressed letters on the subject to two of our leading Toronto papers. One of the replies is so essentially of arepresentative character and of value now, as emanating from the secretary of an organization claiming to have had a leading part in the movement that led to the framing of the Copyright Act of 1889, that I reproduce its chief arguments here. Its author, Mr. Richard T. Lancefield, the librarian of the Hamilton city library, writes, as I understand with the advantage of long experience in the itinerant book trade. He thus begins his letter “ on the Canadian Copyright Act ” : “ As the secretary of the body that was mainly instrumental in directing Sir John Thompson’s attention to the necessity for a new Canadian Copyright Act, I desire to add a few remarks to the recent discussion on this question. in. the columns of the 8 SIR DANIEL WILSON ON THE Mail. Sir Daniel Wilson champions the rights of the author, but he is decidedly wide of the mark when, in speaking of the new Canadian Copyright Act, he says :—‘ The whole aspect of the question is assumed to be the protection of printers and publishers on either sile of the Atlantic.’ Those who recall the discussions when the petition of the new Copyright Act was presented at Ottawa will remember that the protection of the printers and publishers was only one of the reasons advanced for the passing of the Act. But, while that is a most important reason, others were not wanting. Sir Daniel intimates that a book is the production of its author, and is only produced after the expenditure of much time, money and labour. Perhaps it would be better to say that these remarks apply rather to the manuscript than to the book itself, for in many cases the author is but one of the factors that enter into the making of a successful book; the publisher, with his wide and varied connection and ready facilities for handling, is frequently equally as important a factor as the author, and occasionally even more so.” He then refers to the well-known case of Archdeacon Farrar, who, having parted with his copyright of “ Life of Christ” to a publisher, at what we may presume had seemed to him a reasonable price, instead of bargaining for an interest in the profits, claimed—as I venture to think unreasonably—to share in the unexpectedly large results of its sale. I have been assured by a member of one of the largest London publishing firms, that notwithstanding all their experience, about one in every ten of their new ventures proves a failure; and as the Archdeacon would have thought it unreasonable, in the latter case, to be asked to refund any portion of the money paid for his MS. it seems reasonable that the publisher should retain the fruits of his successful speculation. The case, therefore, is not in point; but on the other hand it is instructive as an illustra- tion of the uncertainties that the original publisher has to encounter, and the unfair advantage enjoyed by the reprinter, who gets all the advantage of his experience, whereby to select popular works involving no risk, and secured at no cost. But Mr. Lancefield goes on to say :— “ The law, therefore, very properly holds that so long as a work is in manuscript it is the sole and exclusive property of the author ; but the moment it is put into book form for sale to the public, that moment the author loses his exclusive right in it. He is granted copyright for a term of years, after which his right lapsesentirely. The principle that the author’s right lapses after a term of years is accepted by all nations granting copyright ; and this brings us face to face with the fact that others besides the author have to be considered in framing a Copyright Act. Author, publisher, and people must indeed all be considered ; and, as a matter of fact, these very interests have all been carefully guarded in the passing of the new Canadian Copyright Act.” As the English author’s copyright endures, under any circumstances, for forty-two years; for the natural life of the author, however prolonged, and for seven years after his death, it is a little misleading—if it be in a sense literally true,—to say that “his right lapses after a term of years.” But a previous paragraph in the letter of Sir John Thompson’s adviser in the framing of the new Copyright Act is a highly significant avowal of the ideas of “the trade” relative to the basis and extent ofthe claim to the fruits of his industry by the literary workman. Authors are not likely either to under- estimate the power of the printing press, or to undervalue its beneficent influence on literature; neither are they in any danger of underestimating the influence of the pub- CANADIAN COPYRIGHT. 9 lisher’s share in the issue, sale and profits of their works. But the statement is highly satisfactory as a clear definition of the aspect of the question from the trader’s point of view. ‘Sir Daniel,” says Mr. Lancefield, “intimates that a book is the production of the author, and is only produced after the expenditure of much time, money and labour.” But he adds, ‘“ perhaps it would be better to say that these remarks apply rather to the manuscript than to the book itself”; for, in his estimation, “the publisher with his wide and varied connection and ready facilities for handling is frequently equally as important a factor as the author, and occasionally even more so.” We are all tolerably familiar with a class of books, urged on our attention with pertinacious insistency by the itinerant book hawker, to which the latter statement will very aptly apply. Books made, not to read, but only tosell; books that no student would, on any terms, admit on his library shelves, and which do for the most part owe their main attractions to the experience of the publisher in catering for vulgar taste or personal vanity, with the help of meretricious illustrations, showy binding, and a taking title. On the other hand, the author is not unappreciative of his publisher’s share in the work. Publishers are not infallible, even in estimating the trading value of literary workman- ship, as many a well-known incident in the history of letters shows. Nevertheless full justice is done to the services rendered by the great publishing houses to English litera- ture, and the liberality that has chara:terized the transactions between many of the most eminent writers, and the leading members of the guild wont of old to b: known, from their chief haunt under the shalow of St. Paul’s, as ‘The Row.” But when we are gravely told that, in the production of literary works, the publishers share not only equals, but at times exceeds that of the author, the temptation is great to recall the story of the dispute between the organist and his bellows-blower, and the triumphant establish- ment of the latter’s claims to an equal share in the production of the music, by his taking a favourable opportunity to stop the bellows and withhold the needful supply of wind. No doubt authors sometimes appropriate what is not their own, and frequently turn to their own account materials to which they have no exclusive right. They are, in a sense, manufacturers of raw material ; at times transmuting the unwrought ore and the baser materials into gold. We give printers and publishers full right to whatever use they can make of the same material. The crude myths and prosaic chronicles which Shakespeare turned to account in his “ King Lear” and “ Macbeth,” his “ King John,” “ Richard IL.” and “ Henry IV.” are accessible to all. Homer is no less available as a model now than when Milton earned £10 for the MS. of his “ Paradise Lost,” and the ballads and traditions woven by Scott into his later romances, or the Arthurian legends out of which Spenser gleaned for his “ Faerie Queen,” and from which Tennyson has fashioned his “‘ Idylls,” are still as much asever at the service of every “ factor” in the book-making trade whether he work with pen or type. No doubt the Spensers, Shakes- peares, Miltons, and other stars of the first magnitude are rare in the literary firmament. But the expropriators of the works of British authors for behoof of printers and publishers in utter disregard of the workman’s claims, have dealt with the creations of Scott and Byron, of Wordsworth, Shelly, Dickens and Thackeray; of Macaulay, Ruskin, De Quincy, and Carlyle, as freely and unscrupulously as with the marketable products of the meanest literary hack. Since “ The Declaration of Independence ” freed the citizens of the United States from all legal restraints in the appropriation of any literary production, they have Sec. IL, 1892. 2. 10 S[R DANIEL WILSON ON THE assumed a right to traffic in the fruits of English authorship which—unless on the basis of the venerable “ Tables of Stone ”’—could not be legally called in question. The powers of our Canadian Parliament, though not unlimited, are undoubtedly great enough to legislate away very important rights of British authors. But it is significant to note the employment of the language “pirated copies of British copyright works,” employed in a report of the Honourable the Privy Council of Canada, approved by His Excellency the Governor-General in Council, on the 17th August, 1889, when referring to the legalized importation of American reprints into Canada. It is quoted from the opinions given in 1871, by Sir Roundell Palmer and Sir Farrer Herschell—then among the highest authorities at the English bar,—relative to the legal rights of the British author through- out the whole empire. “The provision in the 5th and 6th Vic., which prohibits the importation into any part of the British dominions of pirated copies of British copyright works, is not now in force in its integrity. The Imperial Act ofthe 10th and 11th Vic. enables Her Majesty to suspend this prohibition in the case of any colony which should pass an Act providing reasonable protection to the authors of such works. The Canadian Legislature, under this provision, passed an Act (30 Vic., c. 56) imposing a duty for the benefit of the authors of such imported works, and the prohibition against importation has accordingly been suspended, and does not now apply to Canada, but with this ex- ception, the Copyright Act, 5 and 6 Vic., is still in force throughout that colony.” The benefit that did accrue to the author under the aforesaid provision, it may be added, proved wholly illusory. The dealings of American publishers with British authors have been, from time to time, redeemed from the aspect of callous indifference to all moral obligations unsustained by statute, by honourable acts of liberality. But the history of the relations between the American “ book trade ” and the British author since the “ Declaration of Independence ” left the former free to do as he pleased, might, as a whole, form no unfitting sequel to the well-known book entitled “A Century of Dishonour.” I refer to such proceedings now solely because they are made the excuse for assimilating the Canadian Copyright Law to the petty instalment of some fractional item of the British author's rights extended to him by recent American legislation. The case as it presents itself in the interests of the Canadian printer and bookseller, has been thus-fully set forth by Mr. G. Mercer Adam, whose long familiarity in earlier years with one aspect of the question as a bookseller and publisher, is supplemented by the later experiences of a journalist. ‘“ What,’ he asks, ‘‘is the Canadian position ? Here, if in the discussion of this vexed question, and in our attempts to legislate upon it, we have to some extent looked ‘to the protection of (native) printers and publishers, we have not looked to their interests alone. Necessarily and properly we have sought to foster our own industries rather than those of the ‘ piratical’ publishers across the line. But have we not had regard to the British author? Sir Daniel will, I hope, take me seriously when I say that it has often been a difficult task to make the British author see where his best interests lie. His best interests have not lain in compelling Canada to buy his publisher’s high-priced English editions ; still less have they lain in shutting us up to the use of unauthorized American reprints. By English enactment the American reprint has for now fifty years been legally allowed to enter Canada. For quite half of that time friends of the English author in Canada haye striven to induce him to protect CANADIAN COPYRIGHT. 11 his interests in the country by exchanging an ineffective for an effective system of royalty upon the sale of his works here; while, at the same time, by abandoning the methods in vogue he would help Canadian publishing industries, and the more speedily lead the American reprinter to agree to some measure of reciprocal copyright. To this day, he has in the main failed to see the advantage of this, and Canada has consequently had to bear. the.odium of complicity with what Sir Daniel Wilson calls ‘literary theft.’ That in the proposed Canadian legislation there is a measure of compulsion, or an absence of what is termed ‘ by your leave,’ was, under the circumstances, inevitable, as every one knows who has given study to the question. But the measure set out to meet a real difficulty, and to meet it with honour and success.” Mr. Adam does his best to state in courteous terms the conyiction that the British author has persistently played the part of a pig-headed fool. But, apart from the fact that the appeal thus presented to him is to make the best terms he can with men who insist on taking and using his property as they please, without leave of the owner, the author has in many cases far other and more valued interests at stake than the royalty or percentage on his works. Why should not Canada deal with him as one capable of managing his own affairs ; the present tendency in most civilized communities is to proceed on this assumption, and the ‘‘ Berne Convention ” aims at placing it on a cosmo- politan basis. Every country possessing a literature of its own, or desiring to acquire one, must give the author full control of his work, and leave him to make his commercial arrange- ments in the way which he thinks best promotes his interests. The law merely protects his right of property. The spirit of the Berne Convention is to make those rights as complete and uniform as possible. Let us not, as Canadians, proceed on the assumption, that we neither have nor anticipate any near future when we shall have a literature of our own, and so have a common interest in the republic of letters, as well as in the world’s trade and commerce. In so far as the ethical aspect of the plea for an immediate compromise with the trade is concerned, the line of argument seems to amount to this, that as our neighbours beyond the line have systematically availed themselves of their immunity from British law to turn to their own account the property and braiu-work of English authors, and Canadian booksellers and bookbuyers have profited in the wrong, therefore the English author may as well give up all hope of being honestly dealt by, and come to terms with the spoilers. If he will not, then he is blind to his best interests and must take the consequences. The Act of 1889 is an amendment of an older one which, under the pretense of giving the British authors a percentage on pirated editions imported into Canada from the States, proved as already stated, a delusion and mockery. Moreover, while thus professedly aiming at securing cheap literature for the people, they are to a great extent debarred from the higher class of literature, and the public and university libraries are restricted in their purchases by a heavy duty on imported books. The passing of the Copyright Act in 1889 almost without attracting the notice of Canadian authors and those specially interested in science and letters is significant. Our legislators appear to have welcomed advice from the book trade, but to have wholly ignored the representatives of the ‘‘ manufacturer” of books. But brief as is the interval, Canadian authorship has already assumed a more aggressive status, and the small but 12 SIR DANIEL WILSON ON THE growing number of Canadian authors may find it worth their while to look at the question from another point of view. It is notorious that American publishers have made large fortunes by their systematic appropriation of the fruits of English authorship. But American authors have come to realize some idea of their own share in the inevitable fruits of such injustice. American publishers naturally looked askance at the productions of native authors, with legal rights, and a claim for adequate payment, when they could put to press the “ copy ” furnished free of cost by a host of popular English writers. Self interest has accordingly tended to enlist the American author on the side of his English confrére. But, altogether apart from any mere personal motives or interests, the British author could not fail to command the sympathy ofthe men of high intellectual rank and moral worth whose names adorn American letters, and some of whom still prize the kinship of blood, as well as of genius, which tempts them to claim their rights in the common Valhalla of the English race, and to covet a shrine in the poets’ corner of West- minster Abbey. Nor has the honourable treatment which the American author has received at the hands of English publishers been without its legitimate influence in quickening such sentiment. A persistent pressure has accordingly been brought to bear upon public opinion in the United States until the Washington Legislature has been shamed into the grudging concession of certain very limited terms of copyright, in which the interests of the American printer and publisher still occupy the foremost place ; and which, as now appears, commends itself to the Canadian trader as a fit and proper model for Canadian imitation. It isaccordingly provided by the Canadian Copyright Act, that — “ Any person domiciled in Canada or in any part of the British possessions, or any citizen of any country which hasan international copyright treaty with the United Kingdom, in which Canada is included, who is the author of any book, map, chart or musical or literary composition, and the legal representatives of such person or citizen, shall haye the sole and exclusive right and liberty of printing, reprinting, publishing, reproducing and vending such literary works, in whole or in part, and of allowing translations to be printed or re- printed and sold of such literary works, from one language into other languages, for the term of twenty-eight years from the time of recording the copyright thereof in the manner and on the conditions, and subject to the restrictions hereinafter set forth. “The conditions for obtaining such copyright shall be that the said literary work shall, before publication or production elsewhere, or simultaneously with the first publi- cation or production thereof elsewhere, be registered in the office of the Minister of Agriculture, by the author or his legal representatives ; and further that such work shall be printed and published in Canada, within one month after publication elsewhere ; but in no case shall the sole and exclusive right and privilege in Canada continue to exist after it has expired in the country of origin.” Then, after sundry provisions as to reprints already in the hands of the trade ; or of contracts entered into before the new law was passed, it is next provided that— “Tfthe person entitled to copyright under the said Act as hereby amended fails to take advantage of its provisions, any person or persons domiciled in Canada may obtain from the Minister of Agriculture a license or licenses to print and publish the work for which copyright, but for such neglect or failure, might have been obtained ; but no such license shall convey exclusive rights to print and publish or produce any work: CANADIAN COPYRIGHT, 13 “ A license shall be granted to any applicant agreeing to pay the author or his legal representatives a royalty of ten per centum on the retail price of each copy or reproduction issued of the work which is the subject of the license and giving security for such pay- ment to the satisfaction of the Minister. “The royalty provided for in the next preceding section shall be collected by the officers of the Department of Inland Revenue, and paid over to the persons entitled thereto, under regulations approved by the Governor in Council; but the Government shall not be liable to account for any such royalty not actually collected.” This is a repetition of the old illusory promise ofa royalty utterly beyond the author's reach. He cannot possibly ascertain how many copies of his book are printed and sold ; and he would find on application to the Customs, as has long since been abundantly demonstrated, that he might as well seek to recover the last winter’s snows! In spite of all the saving clauses, including this promise of a royalty, which the Government are neither to be expected to account for or collect, the author is really classed apart as a pariah, outside of the ordinary rights of property in his own products. If any other class of manufacturers—and surely an author’s manuscript is a very special class of skilled manufacture—were so dealt with by the legislature, it would be denounced as a monstrous wrong. One month is allowed him to register his legal property, and if he neglect to do so, it is free to any one to appropriate it for his own profit, it having thereby passed entirely beyond his control. The statute embodying those provisions passed through the various stages in the two Houses of the Canadian Parliament, in May, 1889; but, as an Act especially affecting British interests, was reserved by the Governor-General for the consideration of Her Majesty. The Royal assent to the Act has thus far been withheld, and it may be assumed that it will be again brought under the consideration of the Canadian Parliament. With this prospect in view, it appears to be specially incumbent on the members of the Royal Society of Canada, as representatives of important interests involved, carefully to review the measure in all its aspects, and endeavour to obtain the enactment of a measure, creditable to the Dominion, and just tothe author, while giving all reasonable considera- tion to the claims of other parties interested in the results of such legislation. But it is obvious that popular opinion requires to be enlightened on some moral aspects of the question. Viewed from the narrow stand-point of mere self interest, there is no doubt that the Canadian Parliament by legislating away the rights of the British author, or placing him under restrictions and limitations analogous to the grudging con- cessions of the recent American Copyright Law, may secure to Canadians the acquisition of a certain class of popular literature at a cheaper rate, while this course of action is defended on the plea that whether we do so or not, our American neighbours certainly will. In the letter addressed by the Canadian Government to the Secretary of the Colonies in defence of the terms of the new Copyright Act it is stated that: ‘Parliament considered that the peculiar position in which Canada is placed on account of her proximity to the United States, and the copyright policy of the United States, demand peculiar treatment in legislation on the subject, and treatment different from both the Berne Convention and from the Imperial and Canadian Copyright Act heretofore in force.” American legislation, even inits recent first recognition that an author has any moral 14 SIR DANIEL WILSON ON THE rights to the fruits of his labour, and of whatever exceptional gifts he may possess, is still very much based on “The good old rule, the simple plan, That he should take who has the power, And he should keep who can.” A righteous Canadian Copyright Law will recognize the paramount claim of an author to control the issue of his works, and to dispose of them on his own terms, even if those are not the most acceptable to the Canadian purchaser. The measure of estimation extended to authors, and the general standard of literary taste, are unmistakable indices of the intellectual status of a people. England could afford to laugh at Napoleon when he labelled the race of whom Shakespeare and Milton, Wordsworth and Scott, Bacon and Newton, sprung as a “nation of shop-keepers!” The “ Frogs” of Aristophanes, alike by its plot, as a critical review of Hellenic tragedians, and by its popular reception, furnished a marvellous gauge of the intellectual stature of a community to whom such an appeal on behalf of the claims of authorship could be addressed with an assurance of its acceptance. Such a community realizes the debt they owe to their literary entertainers and instructors as one not to be estimated at its mere money’s worth. Men and women like Carlyle, Tennyson, Darwin, Ruskin, Macaulay, Freeman, Stubbs, Green, the Brownings, George Eliot, Mrs. Oliphant, Bryce, Morris, ete., are benefactors to the world. They enormously increase the sum of human happiness, as well as of intellectual, and even in some cases of material, wealth. It is surely a very reasonable demand that we shall recognize their right to some honest payment for their labours, even though we should have to submit to a higher charge for our books. No doubt the publisher who reprints Tennyson, George Macdonald, Mrs. Ward, Mrs.Oliphant, or any other author—picking out the already popular work, so'as to run no risk—can afford to undersell the author’s publisher. But if this is a righteous proceeding it should have a wider application; for, tried by such a standard, the smuggler, or other fraudulent acquirer of materials for his craft, if he thereby furnishes a cheaper article, is a public benefactor. An author expends time, labour, money, and often the fruits of long years of preparatory training, in the production of his work. The manufacturer does the same. In addition to his time, labour, and money, he also has probably spent years in learning his trade. But the article he manufactures is a tangible product. Ifanybody lays hands on it even international extradition laws will deal with the thief. But the article manufactured by the historian, the poet, the novelist, or the man of science, can be filched by the process of reprint, and neither extradition law nor international code of morals takes any notice of the wrong. Looking to Canadian copyright legislation from the point of view that this Society may be assumed to represent, there are some aspects of it that “ The Trade ” are least likely to appreciate. There are a considerable class of writers to whom pecuniary profit is a matter of very secondary consideration. As Carlyle aptly puts it: “He does not under- take to say whether his literary labour deserves any recompense in money ; or whether money in any quantity could hire him to do the like.” No mere money payment would have begot either the “ Principia” or the “ Paradise Lost,” Locke’s ‘‘ Essay on the Human Understanding,” Adam Smith’s “ Wealth of Nations,” Darwin’s “‘ Descent of Man,” or other epoch-making books. But authors of that class attach supreme importance to the form of publication ; and frequently regard the accompanying illustrations as no less indispen- CANADIAN COPYRIGHT. 15 sable than the letter press to the full expression of their ideas. The piratical publisher, in his aim at a cheap popular reissue, often inflicts a grievous injustice on this class. To no author is the external aspect of his work a matter of indifference. Long years ago Messrs. Macmillan issued “The Five Gateways of Knowledge,” the work of my late brother, Dr. George Wilson—a prose poem of suggestive thought and graceful play of fancy—in a dainty little volume, with a beautiful frontispiece of kindred idealism from the pencil of Sir Noel Paton. I have an American reprint of it on poor paper, in bad type, and coarse boards. I cannot imagine any royalty accruing from the disfigured, dingy reprint that would have compensated for the wrong. Yet we constantly see the reissue of popular English authors in small type, double columned editions, and paper covers, fit only to be glanced over, dog-eared, and thrown aside. His Canadian critic is shocked at the stupidity of the British author who will not be tempted by a 10 per cent royalty on the product, to “help Canadian publishing industries” by becoming a party to such an issue of his works. Well, if they are his, he has a right to say whether or not they shall be published on such conditions. Again an author—scientific investigator, philosophical speculator, political or theolo- ‘gical controversialist—may have modified or wholly renounced his earlier views like the poet, Southey, who, at the outbreak of the French Revolution, in a fit of youthful enthu- siasm, wrote his “ Mat Tyler,” an extravagant exposition of anarchical republicanism. Long after he had sobered down into the orthodox champion of high-church toryism, the for- gotten MS. fell into the hands of an unscrupulous opponent, and was published to the world, in purposed contempt of the author’s supposed wishes. The poet disarmed criticism by the manly retort that he was no more ashamed of having been a republican, than of having been a boy! Nevertheless, an author may justly complain of the legalized sanctioning of such a procedure, as a mere source of gain to some mercenary publisher. Like Wordsworth, Coleridge, and the rest of the pantisocratic enthusiasts of Bristol, he may have wholly abjured the opinions of his youth, or like Newman, have exchanged evangelical Protestantism for the Roman faith, and a Cardinal’s hat. If he is sufficiently noteworthy the transformation will be chronicled in due time; but he surely has a right to withhold long repudiated opinions from publication under his name. I venture then to offer the following propositions, though I can scarcely hope that they will meet with the unqualified approval of the ‘ publishing industries ” :— 1. An author should have a right to say whether his book shall be printed or not. 2. An-author should have some control over its form of issue, and a right, if he thinks fit, to object to shabby paper, doubled-columned small type, yellow paper cover, ete. 3. Still more, an author should have a right to prohibit absolutely the stereotyping and perpetuation of a first or other early edition, long after he has modified or materially altered his work in subsequent editions. This is a grievance keenly felt by the author, who finds himself quoted as maintaining views he has long repudiated. But while the printer can make use of his name to sell the obsolete version—which it will ever be the interest of the printer and publisher to do—he has no redress. Here the reader’s and the author’s interests coincide, and are in direct antagonism to those of the publisher. The school books of Canada continued for years to ignore the great astronomical discovery of Neptune, and in other ways to lag behind the age, just 16 SIR DANIEL WILSON ON THE because it was profitable to the publisher to use his old stereotyped plates. In all pro- gressive sciences ; in anthropology, archeology, geology, and biology ; in the science of language, in history and philosophy; in theological and historical criticism, no author would willingly see his book stereotyped. He welcomes the invitation which a new edition offers, as an opportunity for revision, and the modification or expansion of earlier conclusions. To the publisher, on the contrary, every motive of interest and ready profit is in favour of stereotyping. He not only lays his plates aside, and prints additional copies from time to time, to meet the current demand, but he can take advantage of the fresh impetus given by the favourable reception of an author’s new and revised edition, to reissue the old one, with all its shortcomings and blunders. Such cases have been by no means rare. The Harpers of New York, stereotyped the earlier editions of Sir Charles Lyell’s works, and continued to supply them to the American reader until the fraud culminated in a professor of natural theology producing the long abandoned views of the author of “ The Antiquity of Man,” in confutation of opinions of which he was the avowed champion. Only those who have suffered can fully realize the intense disgust with which an author sees his early, crude opinions, his errors, and imperfections, perpetuated in a new edition over which he has no control, and which he would gladly have revised on almost any terms. 4. Further, an author should have a right to prevent the addition of any preface, supplement or appendix, unauthorized by him; and still more, to preclude all tampering with his text. This has been a frequent ground of complaint by English authors. The late Dr. Robert Chambers, for example, protested indignantly against encyclopedia articles reproduced with his name attached to them, while they had undergone material alterations to adapt them to American popular opinion. The more recent tamperings with the text of the Encyclopedia Britannica, a woik brought out at great cost by its English publishers, and reproduced in the United States in open contempt of all moral obligations as to proprietary rights, either of authors or publishers, has been scan- dalous. The conditions imposed by the Canadian ‘“ Copyright Act,” which abrogate an author’s right in his own property, within one month from its issue from the English press, are glaringly unjust. Ifthey are reasonable, why not apply them to all property ? The author, or his publisher having duly registered his work, where it had been produced and published, is known and accessible to all, as the rightful owner or disposer of the copyright. It is no unreasonable requirement that his rights shall remain in perpetuity, and any Canadian printer or publisher desiring to issue a reprint, or in any other way to co-operate in the publication and sale of his work, shall be required to negotiate with him or his agent in precisely the same way as is now required to transact business with the manufacturer of any other marketable goods. “ Even in England,” one of the defenders of the Canadian Copyright Act remarks, “neither literary copyright nor patent right is held to be absolute and perpetual. Without protection by the common law literary industry would, of course, have no stimulus ; but in no country is the work of an author, when given to the public, an indefeasible and inalienable property. So treated, there is a broad distinction for the general good as it is held, between literary property and property of other kinds. That the public, after a CANADIAN COPYRIGHT. 17 reasonable time, become the reversioners of literary property is sufficient indication of the difference which the law has intentionally created.” As the English law secures the author not only a life-rent property, but certain rights as to its disposition thereafter, the contrast between those rights, and the proposed Canadian wrongs render any detailed discussion on the point unnecessary. Literary pro- perty, like property in land, requires special legislation just because it cannot be put in the pocket or locked up in the safe. So long as Homer and the old minstrels carried about their epics and ballads in their brains their property was safe in their own keeping. Shakespeare and his brother players of the “Globe” and “ Blackfriars,” did their best to protect their popular tragedies and comedies,—the “ Hamlet,” the “ Lear,” the ‘“ Romeo and Juliet,” the ‘ Tempest,” and “Midsummer Night’s Dream,” —from the piratical appropriators of such wares in the Elizabethan age, by keeping them out of the printers’ hands. But once the beneficent printing press has multiplied copies of our “ Hamlet” and “ Midsummer Night’s Dream,” our “ Alices in Wonderland,” or our “ Idyls of the King,” they are not only available for the delight of thousands of readers, but also for the dishonest gain of a good many misappropriators beyond the reach of statute law. An honest Canadian Copyright Act will place the author’s rights foremost. The fact that he has disposed of the copyright for the British market is no reason why he may not negotiate with the Canadian printer and publisher for its issue here. Native Canadian authors are as yet few ; but they are growing in number, and we may hope for a more intelligent and honest recognition of the author’s interest being supreme in the right of property in the creations of his mind, and the products of his pen. It is a small return to ask of the civilized world for all the pleasure and the profit it owes to its historians, poets, biographers, scientific discoverers, novelists and other authors, that it shall protect them in the same right to an honest payment for the fruits of their labour, as it extends to the manufacturer of dry-goods or hardware, to the baker, the brewer, the farmer or the tailor. It is creditable to Great Britain that she has never yielded to the temptation to retaliate on the American author, and deny him any right of property in his works. We shall do well and wisely if we follow the honourable example of the mother country, whose authors have a much stronger claim on us. If they are provoked to insist on retaliation against Canadian authors, Canadian literature is just reaching the stage when its effect might prove most adverse. It will be in the true interest of the Dominion if we are compelled to reconsider the basis on which a Canadian Copyright Act should be framed. In doing so such bodies as the Royal Society, the Canadian Institute and the Universities should be consulted, as well as the booksellers, printers and publishers. The result may be the adoption of a measure framed on broad principles of justice and honour— principles that pay better in the long run than those of a mere narrow selfishness. Sec. IT., 1892. 3. \ 0 ars Sec. Il, 1892. OO TRANS. Roy. Soc. CANADA. IL .— Beothik Vocabularies, with a Few Notes on Paper on the Beothiks in ‘ Trans- actions of Royal Society of Canada’ for 1891. By the Rev. GEORGE PATTERSON, D.D. (Read June 1, 1892. Below will be found three vocabularies of the Beothik language. The first was taken down by the Rev. John Clinch, it is said from John August. But this is scarcely possible. He was captured when a child and lived with the whites ever after. He could therefore scarcely have retained his acquaintance with the language of his people. On the other hand it gives “‘Owbeg, her own name,” showing clearly that it was taken down from a woman so named, and this could be no other than the woman captured by Cull in 1804. This I obtained from an old Newfoundland paper, through the kindness of Rey. W. Pilot. From the short time that she lived among the whites, we need not be surprised that it should be very imperfect, and probably there are errors in the printing. The second was taken down by the Rey. John Leigh from Demasduit. I have care- fully compared it with the original MS., corrected some errors in several published copies, but, from the indistinctness of the handwriting, I am uncertain about afew words. Capt. Robinson’s is the same, with a few additional words. These I have inserted and marked (R). The third was compiled by Dr. King and transmitted by Mr. R. 8. Latham to the Ethno- logical Society. It was revised by Mr. Gatschet, with the assistance of Mr. J. P. Howley of St. Johns. The most valuable part of it was taken down by Mr. Cormack from Shan- andithit. Not only was he a man of some scientific attainments, but he had better oppor- tunities than any other inquirer, as she had lived for six years among the whites, a good part of that time in his house, and had learned more English than any of her countrymen. But of his notes have been preserved only the words under A and B in English, together with the numerals and names of months. These are marked (C). The words taken by Dr. King from Leigh’s appear in the latter's list, and are omitted in this place. Those marked (K) were obtained by Dr. King from sources unknown to us. 1See ‘Transactions of Am. Phil. Society,’ v. 22, 1885. 20 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON I. Cuers. II. Leren’s. Afraid, to be... Alive... ANQTY 2-02 5 ANKLE. Miss see eters Arm “ the whole..... the upper Arrow senate nner to shoot one per- pendicularly Awake . …... .. ….. ……. on ss... pogson...... AR EOS - | gwashuwet, -| pug-a-tbuse...- see! | Memayet (see hand)... III. Garscapr's. er nn sus he eee muunns wae …... DRE | geswat (K), cokaboset, afraid (K). mamishet gayzoot or mamsheet gayzhoot, mamset. life (K. | ass-soyt (C). nondsingei jebursit (C), conterms. moosin. wathik (C). no fear! do not be .| watheekee (IX). shedbasing wathik. -| ashwoging (C), ashoking (K). ie Semen .| messiliget hook. «| mudti (C), muddy © mandee ( (K); cf, dirty, devil; mudeet, bad man. sosheet (K). -| baasick (C); bethec, necklace. Dukan rite, 1 obathoawy! y te h, a Beate: | him ; bogathoowytch, to kill (K). Beating and killing are often expressed by the same word in ere languages. Belly (see body). ......|.......... deco) Sabo cn sieie) | s\sisieiee dessertes see DELLE ETES Berries............. GO enGnes EE oo de 0 ---| bibidigenidic ..... munus (10), Birch- -rind or paper.. -|pawshee.... -|DOyISN ere... le--cre BARDEN SA yo dat aon Bird ee ee tree caler destin eee see deneeioe ee deyn-vad, sail deyn-vadrook (C). rie ere ou-ner-nish........ allé boochadbiaden Ais 9006 obseet (C). Probably a pede gots pos “a large..... +++! po-pa-dish ...........| ....... Bb o.55.0 seen ses ces 5 soso Bite, to... RTS seras 30 5000080 École on mashed ite eB) a ses ace cameras rte) sue nie sel e cel sie sas ai SIO I ete BLACKS Er wie’ CUBE ne Re Piece È ere. |Imandzey, mandzei (K), mandzyke (C). Blackbird ..........+. eee I doooomboanencelhurauelde (Co) Blanket Stao00dul| sognae@ades acd Dé -| manavoret, manabo- ret (R)....….. LA pere Re CS maa ne PS boites Jha) conesuods Fedo) sea e oc OFC Monster “Onder kaesingninyeet (C), from gasook, dry, and gheenyan, eue. Blood.....…. soso ar-ro-bauth ..... .---|ILOODAN(R - aatelas le ..| ashaboo-uth (C). LSM IDr == cc oumsenroellascen rester ELA Ne «+. ....| deschudoick (C). Blow the nose......,.. she-ga-me .- AA she gamik or ite . Re Mas eleva NS Re PU Te eur tard IBIue er. Pod) Nobo ce Dodo Roots sadn 508 .|eeshang eygth (©). JANINE CONS dene 0590 acod a d oi outt dos alPooduccmonn, usoccd eds boos-seek (C). Boat or canoe...... Sat ihateas thew . | adothe......" ........|adoltktek (K), adolthe, ode-othyke (C). Boat, a lurge.......... Jon oder co +++ -++-| dho-orado (K) Bodies ones se hadda-bothy SOA EE haddabothic .......,. hadabatheek, belly (C). Bo D eee ce tee _ Pestaudoodiidonnpposuc HOT Gao oadjameet (C), v. trans. or intrans.; mooda- meet (C), to boil, v. trans. BONE wide neue tasse tele she scene does lee ee:e tente ...|a-enamin (C), Bonn Ace wear eee ee lee ME een loe .. | abodonik ............| abodoneek (C). IBORO Mere terne : Has Soe Sco |Edadca 06000 00 -| bodibmoot (C), bemoot (C). Brésil shet= 29 A aoa B80 bogomet...-......... te (K) ; boghmoot, woman’s reast Bow.. 5 -| ha-the-may........ Total ANYeINeN: Boy (see white)». S000 || Sopokuiccdbon as scmadce bukashemeshe | Bukashemesh, white boy (C). Breud....... M0 O Pete cee te RITES do se... ....| amawadya (K), manjebathook (C). Dated sack. We Sono pug-e-non . Ana td ale Be een ee Sn ere rm etetale ste (oases ins Grease eee CRE Breath”... 10e serais eo Sr. RON no Ada B0d bo OT OU gaboweete. Brook or river....+ werel|leate dadarteaian nate oer Sahat’ Pielorouets .| shebou, sheebin (C). IN donspacoec ann Manet ue Shor NO 0e S pub e des shuwana, shuwan (K). 6 SMALL. 6.0004 ee croche see cereeceeceie-ceenceee | UMA eGR D, Bunlies mousses ses dues Ms sd nssel resseaece ow a}slereien eterele|| | DATOS WeeGhCK), Buttons, “also money. manches. |IACAMIOt se... AIR Ce-P-ree RM ele sua à Se 5 F CARO VI UG = #201) 5, «.5%010) lee os... se] motheryet ...........| ses... cesser a. diss ola sein (age CONN ace bres tchin es messe tessen-eee-lSNADAtNes---- 07 shapoth (K). - (CLE EEF IRON) eee rennes cc ....| tapathook ...........1...... PI eate sso alate ovale is, o:0..0, a1c oo ne Gils) San de nen Smeg IODC sane sense] ceceee cece senece sone eeseebvon (K). Cattle, cows and horses. Check. Child (see white) Chinese. ÉUNAUTTSS TS OT ANTON Clouds .. sv... CORP EEE) the-own....... sus... Ce ss... ss. ee -| nethabeet . ‘ immamooset .|gown, toun (R).,......|. thingyum... -| berroich or berrvick.. nn ee nus weenoun. nn nn mms eo sens rss sus dingyam (K). Cr ee ee iy ee ey BEOTHIK VOCABULARIES. 2 Cockle-bar.. ...... bool acoaoco Gate oo) (GGL aaanaguase croco conan aco aon S630 Combes. nooo 500004 D800, 0000 Bae Come hither.......... Bites | Comet, cf. spear. ...... Consort ........ ses... Crying ....... Cup (see pitcher). Cup, drinking Currants ....v002 oe. Cut, to... Dancing .........v.. Darkness ........ Death. ss... I. Cirxcn’s. sham ye hady-us-um thub-wed-jie.........! ss mn nur | moidersee.. -|edrathin..... | thooret, kooret (R)... .| matheoduc .......... II. Leren’s. III. GarscHet’s. ss. munune. shamye (R) cesse | « odishuik . GOA ASS badisut or badiseet. . .| sheedeneesheet (K). eenoja (K), but probably called (see to hear). deioad, come with us (IK); dyooni, “come h hither (K); dyoot thooret come hither (C); toonet, tu come (K); nadyet, you come back (K). Anwoyding, husband, when said by wife; wife, when said by husbund. shuwana (K). depplapso-nd60 dha feaedos co. no 0000 cod dane | washew tch (K); washen, night or darkness. gausep (K); gosset, death and dead ce) Deer's horns..........| ..... soon core magorun. SHoob ode elec Hqo6cU eoceuD conde chon se: IDUL 3 cga0dcaa00G000!| adanes coop buguE 0ond|)"0 000 dooce res... oeee| 28hmudyim, bad man (C); haoot (K). LOSS COBH scsace eo yew-why | afoleielsiciaelsiee methic (R) ........ sde Gonpne oo ob 0 00000 0 066808 Dirty vee (GTI) too duoceene getooD 2o0ol|lncasobsono 0000 ë .| moeddy. Dig. . D. 0naC Or on ll 000 PO stersis) elels .......| mammasaveet or ma- moserwit(J.Peyton) mamasameet (K); mamudthuk, mamud- | thut (K); mammusemitch, puppy; pl. | mammasavit. Drawiknife. nn. lle. vas RE se ee CRE OOM moeshwadit (K). Dis Un 26080 00e en ee oPo non coll choc cgohnas osa05e0 opal ebathook (K); zebathoong, to drink water (K). Dry seer VELO BAR DO O EE 2 SRE ene +. -... | gasook, or yosook, or yasook (IX). LOE coos Saga etre mis- amouths naqnescuD .| mooshaman ..... ....| mootchaman. Eating or to eat....... DUS-A-Z0-..- ses ve 6s | OMOIE...- 20501 mesee pokodoont, pokoodsont, baootyone (K). TT RE eue boood dcr oo are dubuic, dubuie | re .| deboin (K). Elbow .....s....e INOOCUS EE MOOCUB ere ooallécud. 26200 Eds Moon von UO Ac asset é BEDE RAIILO Nec ecrire SdloncnonyaoRnd 6 sisoueoan obo -Asceda cons! ashwan. TOC 255060 een oine di S008. Ado VOD alien doaoomdnodge ocd gheeguyan, geeguyan, guinya, (K). Eyibrow .............lmo-me-augh ......:.. marmeuk bscon étés can SOA EC OAS ns ENS inst eae dgdu deacon Excrement of birds.... pt gesraieh GabRagEoTn| ous cnrs Oo onda Cann 6500 PDO AION 0000 TOP PPS Go) OodoadE see FH iseooonba woHdoe nb Ae bin. Sosene sods loi teur co db eclleoce add Ses inerte rnelelestte nb Dir GS onto ont balles Poteau es all poocdoosho cdco Ho-56 00 eeg. Feathers., .... mes... | O-VO-MAU! » 000 wee nines abobidress:......,...|ewinow (K). Ji BODEN cree ie ÉÉLO TE TNT UO a 0000 rene) HANYees (IE). Fire (see dams): scene Gonou onde, Eos den woodrut ............| boobeshawt (K). Fish. . +... | POO- pus-rout - reco > balllobpoee coud a mobi one | baubooshrat. iy catching. . . l'ESR-DAUTHE-----..-.e do cool! 6660 doc cocode counde vhdaonr cie con uiiig? eee ER codobe Cage adothook «. « 00 Hodase dodo oo mana God gonna CL Fishing line (cf. fish- hook and seal spear).| dis-up ............... |edat or edot ......... oan eee adc EE Gi ete Rose || eee oo puoi] DoeGeoE we ae ashautch (K) Fly, to, or flying ...... mia-w oth .. sive coos) MIAOtN. «. cancel! sao0oe Betestolsteiisistatelstelisielefais axecaustaleralatstclaraiare es Foot... cece danse) sersraccce ve soso siee Noosies 9050 sande 0000 adyouth. TR ATRL, oan BOBO OOD do cbanno Hood! onde ooGuhandaa pres doothun. IHOTESI, (TEE, MOQUE eee |Mesrermmeeone--e-eu-- Names or Monras. shendeek (C). dabzeek (C). nineyeek (C). bashedtheek (C), oodzook (C). aadazook (C). yeothudic (C). shansee (C). ee forms the numerals of the first decade. From eleven to nineteen it is prefixed to the single numeral and emphasized. Thus: ee-yaziech, ee-adzike, ee-shendeek, ee- dabzook, ee-nineyeek, ee-bashadteek, ee-oodzook, ee-aa-dazook, ee-yeothudic. .. | adjeich- -dthoonut (C). -| shendeek-dthoonut (C), etc. SG one SO ADOrT: Kobshuseesamut (C). eee ween eee ween nus -| Kosthabonong-bewajowit (C). | Munumiss (C). BEOTHIK VOCABULARIES. 25 I. Cuixcw's. IT. Lrien’s. III, Garscner's. | April... see cevnsess| menvoosose onoose soon seve socsve .| Wasumeeweeseek; same for June and Sep- | tember ; said to mean “first sunny month.” MUR eee ele Emi ce eeeliecteeeee 1S000d 0e Bedejamish-bewajowite (C). TUNE ete nirnnse la clelsiee ciciels weicicine seselloosecs see eee Wasumeeweeseek (C). TITI Odette] ado Ton TOO TON lauduenmeeusvo. cv e0e | Kewayaseek (C). Aline uen con 206 || SRE TRIER Tate |Focn ec reconnue | Wadawhegh (C). September ............ DT bo bond noonh| oo den noeaOD LOTO spas stevens (dha? coca odeo adce-aa}) DOdGoaCOaN ODO. do) ton C cobooccnr dou | Godabonyegh (C). INGER sooccusocen ED ON Orne Non cone .. ....| Godabonyeish (C). Didi 4G 60.0608 bacon tone Corolle Po dbntconade date Odasweeteeshamut (C). List or ANIMALS. HÉLLEtoodorpbaede 0e loire ca |wosade sont ot ao undol ie Umeodurg Soong do id wate eV sletatet bduc hache Jr és ÉnEna nono Goo | sooaon. Gnd Coan Macon te coop Conon Doon sosheet (K). BEM eee cree see seuelNeseese eee ls cie PWASDUW Ole ce nse|E ce Reis elesettele saine ONCE PEINE ‘ 1220177 bo 00 DUBOCOa SO S00 00 PODD-GnGH00 OOO mamshet -....,..,., mamshet (K) (thinks simply animal). Deer... Sb awe co Ctras léécstpBéooinerooc. 06e RE dec to ous bouc kosweet (K). ILfoaocosooteotonce As ete de eee mammasaweet or | mammoosewit (J.P.) mammasameet, mamudthuk (K); puppy, | mammusemitch ; p/. mammasavit (K). [RBI ap ano boos CoDaMLOd| sos oouGUE Odeo Cond) Gadobe tons on6 en .| dogajavich. Tesi? caqdod ooo eaccno) oo onto (MVE douces dosocolloconcoddbceot did ob0É co pren doc era ONE eee cotes eee esere ue PIG IS Nesle error ect: ces 6 ao d0 Gane Domestic cat (little mar- ten [?] or compare Das ado neut conte boot mn edocur cor AP UCAIS HCH eeetatede ntol otter | Mood copdboyooo oo open ob oooorataooct (DIT Éradoodocpacos 6000] occasion Cabous ides EU scucoaicgosno 1400 edachoom (K). RG Cent sere isl er eneereect galgisnish (R). ...... ARGaD A pCoot,cedand pobécmonesDSoun donc Seal .. Sons honor ess Gosdeo opax fo céascannascalldoco-coondodootpon dunes one so... gif oods souper Méta obo vor 06 and moosemadrook.,...../.........,........, beeen eeeeee peus ses . Birbs. add aBoo aogasdall rond asc cad |PaapGac CopbecouOCcORcce woodch (C). AT adige.cc doo dCocd| | nocndo sacs vOnNaUD One OO nvinl Ugeterereletem atatararafst literate etslayateisre) th=-ye dd sacco DONoGS CDD TON LPC OS Date, Cl oonogodol) Gcocrcor adouonsdods mameshet, prob. mat-| Goose, a wild......... Gull Partridge or ptarmigan or willow grouse (La- gopus albus) Guillemot or sea-pigeon. Puffin, a bird of the Alcidæ family Snipe Ticklas (tern), species not identifiable Tern or sea-swallow (Urea troile) Tinker, a sea bird Woodpecker acy ss. uns nn Halibut or hat fish Species of blunt nose fish Herring nn nn ns lard duck ; boschas.....,.. anas ...|eesheet (K), prob. abbrev. gobidin (C). | BUN-U br eee some ZOSWE bee ces zozoot (K). pose EBEdToMI onde OW DOCS ieterersialeshate afo|"inialelsinrePelelafentintnlejislele(o 'wielele\elelalleeisiele's) LOC 0 S000 Goonco bord onde gwashawit........... vee é sent e ess corse see BOUJCE . ce cee cece nee] ones cece onvses cece restore seveee rosecsoece sons tees eee as ose gotheyet ............|... ones essor verses cocese corses ee core eee sus woes geonet ..............|..... ss cers sossor rene cesse soso seis sensen sono ee osthuck..............1..,,,....,,.,,. sereee vere sees soccce soc er Perle cie shebohowit ..........|sheebniut. Fisu. POD-DHR=OUb EEE Eee eeere ce cesse .| baubushrat (see codfish). Adouod oo dane ot de shamoth ............|thanook, shamook (K). CHOCO DOS 0 0 D 00 ileetibiiioonnanconl conthdonosotombadobgoede en non saa pti ocdoeetocdedval| Jodnon0oPbpos co Cudr hanawasutte (K). oies lee sie ele -vsins washemesh...........| mokothut (C). Dante fe ein, OCR as a-eshemeet (C). Lego encom Soc .| wasemook (K). ue secrobbrovavses sc... PRET Re se elle ss re sieste Ê 260000 -| dattomeish ..........|..,........ on euro eos. Sec, IL., 1892. 26 - REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON INSECTS. I. Cuers. II. Leicr’s. III. Garscaer’s. Spider see cece ne) secs cocaee ere net . woad-thowin (K). HIER sente ue kiss-yet. ............ Ses AE ey ETE OOOO) (COLA AO Jeg Pr AONOe echo ele ac Louse. ...:..........|eugce-hee.: 1... KusGbeetic--cec-rre lee ee eee sioleivicisre elevate Mosquito, black fly ..--| cc: cecece «cess ess shemabogostic .......1....,.... Nipper, a fly known by dis MOMENI OH. cel aleve aialalsts elias si=\e7>is\s\= = bebadrook "2-2 eeepc Ob É oo “ED PLANTS. Bake apple. .......... | Sanssea00 Sonate des abidemagheek (R)...:| 2... ... 0. geccene sees cerner Rd Hdd eee lle ee secrets soe] ssoose voce sense cece by-yeech (K). GOOSEDETYN see melleoohacecn cesse Negamint--ee-c----- lc 5 564050 bonoob-one suerese secs: sisiaie Indian cup (Sarracenia | rn DUTDUTER) esse | --e----.-:-ce-lerse shucodemit.. ........ shucododimit (K). Mountain ash (called on | the island, dogwood).| .......... ...... sees emoethook ... 4... .eselmeseans covece covers sauces sovvce elec se Dogberries (island name | for fruit of last)... | me-no-mee .......... licooos secs teense sece| secees succes sons eos oees screen sacs soso Partridge-berry ....... traw-da-mee......... | sapednindts desc iron Ponant docs on os o Con sc lela cate Raspberry | gaw-zadun, Size goagO00n nonmDS fesse. eee) eee ee pes cereentisisie eines aiclces bin tdiieouoodese|lacaeco0oobooaononn con como Ganato ant mamoose. BrorHik SONG PRESERVED BY CORMACK. Sugut if bafu buth Baousheen oosaddüdish edabauseek. But as there is really no f in the language, the copying or the phonetics of the song must be faulty. Proper NAMEs. Owbec.-.--. sens ecsns reins wie 'eloliecleieielsialslic/a) vielele visteveeisls.e.eio) release seine Demasduit or Waunathoake (Howley).-...... Mary March. Monosebasset..... DB dec con Dodo tn Mary March’s husband (6 ft. 74 in. high). Shaunandithite = "cer aod ss500578 Jancy. Dewdehbewshet.. 010 6 e.+c cee sais secs esse Nancy’s mother. Mang iesdoo es cece ZANT OOK EEE ptakevisielelajstetejtejeta’s taroraki, Bolanghitam. Leaf............ ..| Mmadyna...... ..... Anogodocooc idun, Mysol. Sun, moon... ....|kewiss, euiss......,..........., coyoss, Pelew; kawake, Paumotua. Moule -nereeccees mamudthun.........s..se.se numatea, Amblaw. INOSEsiajejatorelaye oreista) e's geen..... aleeietala(alaccleia' s?eielshels picts o-anu, Bouton ; jjunga, Bolanghitam. River «00.0 Sono cdot adauos0o crsSo0ou on sawan, Sanguir. STE rer cette SHanWA TETE tole) ee ereuseessne tahwettu, Tahiti. TONGUE . wees. 0%) MaAMUAURS ee. qaaododd |imod, Gani. Water ............ CHAnTRON reed ee | banju, Borneo; manu, Bouton. Wiener 06 |lrelN EE oononconddeoc .…..... | babut, Ahtiago. Saltwater ..,.......| massooch ................,... masiu, Ahtiago (salt). Finger ....... nr | flapWaRyel tooo GoddD ido COUMad auto kaniuko, Mysol. PONS ses. ++ | MOWAQECNE. +... sure... | MOmMumM, Ahtiago. Norte eee: (CUS a Se bondeoodon oo oo (Mk Teac (D'rÉTopoonubabee gathet, yazeek . sane pone 0000 10 bc kotahai, Easter Island ; asaha, Tuham. 1 nb hdo done due ACAI Cee ere -ce-eeee . | addua, Philippine. Dre ce eee thedesic, phendéek Sas ste .. | tiga, Malay ; kunete, Lifu. THOT he eee | (A DICLO ORB IR eielelelete weit lela me . | effats, Malagasy. JAPON one nejech.- ..06 ‘eeoe.s re | ngeka, Paumotua. Seven ............1|004Z00K «+... ......... ...... | hiddoo, Easter Island. I imagine that the Beothiks belonged to the same tribe as the New England Paw- tuckets and Pequods, and that their remote ancestors must have formed part of a great emigration from the Indian archipelago, consequent upon the Buddhist invasions of these islands prior to the Christian era. This involves a certain state of civilization and the possession of large vessels or proas. Landing on the Pacific coast of America, they were driven inland by successive waves of their own Algonquin race, and finally, about the seventh century A. D., by tribes of Siberian origin, who became Aztec-Sonora, Paduca, Choctaw, Iroquois and Dacotah Indians, and who drove the Algonquins into the far east. The Beothiks, perhaps the earliest colonists and the weakest, were at last compelled to cross the sea as a refuge from their enemies, and take up their abode in Newfoundland. Their vocabulary agrees best with those of the New England tribes. BEOTHIK VOCABULARIES. 31 A FEW ADDITIONAL NOTES ON PAPER IN ‘ TRANSACTIONS OF ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA’ FOR 1891. 1. Page 131, line 7 from bottom, for “north-west ” read “ north-east.” 2. Page 160.—Since that paper was written my attention has been called to the fact that the ancient Egyptians were also in the habit of depositing in their tombs small images, supposed to represent the deceased. Thus Wilkinson (“ Ancient Egyptians,” vol. ii., p. 399) says. ‘‘ Besides the richly decorated coffins, many vases, images of the dead, papyri, jewels and other ornaments were deposited in the tomb.” Again, after speaking of the more valuable objects deposited by the rich, he says: “But small figures of the deceased, of wood or vitrified earthenware, were common to all classes except the poorest of the community.” 3. Page 162.—Among the articles found in graves should have been mentioned small packages of red ochre. This shows the importance they attached to this substance and their desire to provide their lost ones with everything necessary to their comfort or honour. 4. Page 165.—A friend has pointed out the resemblance of the Beothik name for the devil, Ashmudyim, to the Greek Asmodeus, the Hebrew Ashmedai, the destroyer. 5. Same page.—In the ‘ Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada’ for 1891 appears a paper by Mr. Alexander McKenzie, entitled, “ Descriptive Notes on Certain Implements from Graham Island, Queen Charlotte Islands, B.C.,” in which we find the following : “ Dance Staff (Haida Tusk)—A ceremonial staff of this kind was formerly used at feasts, dances and distributions of property. The principal man concerned in the cere- mony, by forcibly tapping the floor with such a staff or baton, called the attention of the audience to the business immediately in hand. At feasts, where property or blankets were given or paid away, a significant tap of the staff intimated that the transaction was closed, resembling much the tap of an auctioneer’s hammer on a bargain being concluded. The carved devices of crane, whale, crow, owl and bear, with which it has been orna- mented, refer to tribal legends. “The proprietorship of such a staff of course showed that the owner was an Eitlahgeet or chief, who had made the necessary feasts and distributions of property to entitle him to that dignity. The staff was always carefully preserved in a safe place in the owner’s lodge. Several somewhat similar staffs are figured by Mr. Niblack.” (See memoir entitled “The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia,” published in one of the annual reports of the Smithsonian Institution.) There cannot be a doubt that the staffs drawn by Shanandithit, and of which Lieut. Buchan saw one in one of their camps, were implements of the same kind. But the use of them is so widely spread, that the fact of its being found among the Beothiks is not sufficient to prove any close tribal relation between them and the Haidas or other tribes of British Columbia, where it is now found. 6. Pages 124, 170.—I mentioned that the Micmacs called the Beothiks Maquajik or red people (from megwek— red). And I presumed that it was the same that John Giles referred to when he tells of their speaking of a people whom, he says, they called the Maquas. It has been objected that this is the name applied to the Mohawks. This was received by the Dutch from the Mohicans, who so designated them from a word in their 32 REY. GEORGE PATTERSON, ETC. language signifying bears, from the totem of their leading clan being the bear. But the Micmacs had an entirely different name for them. They called them the Kwedechs. At all events it is indubitable that they knew the Beothiks by the term Maquajik or red people (from megwek red). Since my paper was published I have again examined intel- ligent men among them, and find that they know about Newfoundland, which they call Mtomcook, and have distinct information about its original inhabitants, whom they agree in designating Maquajik, or, to be more accurate, in the singular, Maquajit, a Red Indian, plural Maquajijik, Red Indians. _ 7. In regard to the proposed etymology of Beothik as connected with an Eskimo word meaning forefooi of deer, mentioned on page 124, I have received the following from the Right Rev. M. F. Howley :— “ Whatever may be thought of the suggestion of the word it is I, and not Mr. J. P. Howley, who must bear the brunt of it. I made the suggestion first, and it is not so void of verisimilitude as you seem to think. The train of reasoning is this. It is most pro- bable that the white men adopted the name for these red men which they heard given to them by the Micmacs. The Micmacs were the go-betweens, the agents of the white men in dealing with the Indians—for their destruction. The Micmacs called them beothue or deerfooted, on account of their swiftness of foot—deerfoot Indians. And as the deer’s foot is black, they were afterwards called by a sort of metonymy Blackfoot, which is only a translation of Beolhuc. It is supposed (and this is plainly shown on Shanandithit’s drawing) that the remnant of them fled to Labrador, and a harbour there is called Penware, a corruption or provincial pronunciation of Piednoir, where probably they made a settle- ment. They never called themselves Beothuc, but Shawantharot.” I stand corrected as to the tone of my remark, but I am not convinced by Mr. H.’s arguments. His statements are mainly conjectural, and do not seem to be sustained by the facts of the case. 1. There is no evidence that the Micmacs applied the term Beothuc to the Red Indians. On the contrary we know that their name for them is, and we have reason to believe always has been, Maquajik. 2. It is not the word in Micmac for black or blackfoot. 3. Mr. Leigh, in his vocabulary taken down from Mary March, and McCormack, and those who had intercourse with Shanandithit, all give the word, though varying in the spelling of it, as their tribal name. 4. I at first supposed it possible that a remnant of this people had escaped to Labrador, but a careful examination of the papers connected with Shanandithit, now in the St. Johns museum, convinced me that this was impossible. SECTION IL. 1892. Packs a] Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. II1.— Annals of the Nova Scotian Currency. By ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN. — (Communicated by Dr. Bourtnot, June 1, 1892.) Nothing approaching a scieutific form of money has yet been discovered. From time to time, fluctuations and other disturbances come to shake men’s confidence in their circulating medium, showing that although many trust implicitly in money, whatever its form, times of unrest arise wherein what they possess of that commodity is much depreciated in value or rejected as altogether worthless. And while troubles have been caused by a redundancy of change, greater and more persistent troubles have arisen in times past, especially in the colonies, on account of its scarcity. Thus how to remedy the evils arising out of the quantity and quality of their change has always been a vexed question with colonial lawgivers, as many pages of their statute books show, which have been filled with projects, some of them most utopian and childish, for the proper adjustment of the currency. No colonial government has given the currency question such careful attention or made such good provision for the monetary wants of the people as that of Nova Scotia. Besides a regular issue of paper money from 1812, coinages of copper tokens have been periodically struck from 1823 until shortly before Confederation. Since then the Dominion Government has assumed control of the currency and has made such abundant provision that the people do not now suffer from an unsuitable form or dearth of change. As copies of letters and other documents in connection with the Nova Scotian currency have come into my possession I have thought well to lay them before this Society with such conclusions, bearing on a difficult page of our history, as may be drawn therefrom. Under the French the currency of Acadia was French, consisting of such limited supplies of money as were brought from the mother land by colonists or traders. In 1670 this was supplemented by a special coinage, struck at Paris, under edict of Louis XIV, for La Compagnie des Indes “ pour la facilité du commerce dans les Isles et Terre ferme de Amérique.” ' As several specimens of this coinage have been found in Nova Scotia and only one in Quebec, we may conclude that Acadia was the “Terre ferme” mentioned in the edict. As these coins together with those privately imported were’soon exported as remittances for goods, the country was left with an inadequate supply of change. This state of affairs continued until the conquest, with perhaps occasional specimens of the card money first issued at Quebec in 1685. After the expulsion of the Acadians, British monetary forms and terms began to prevail; but, from the abundance of Spanish silver and from constant and intimate shipping communication with the Spanish West Indies, these coins formed the prevailing 1 Histoire Monétaire des Colonies Françaises, Paris 1892, E. Zay, page 41. Sec. II., 1892. 5. 34. ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE circulating medium; therefore, the first reference to money in the statutes relates to foreign coins! This occurs in an Act for punishing criminal offenders, passed shortly after the removalof the seat of government to Halifax. Itis a law that savours of medieval times, not only for its barbarous penalties but because it proscribed “clipping, filing and rounding,” forms of “impairing” that could only prevail with hammered coins. No such coins, save the cob money of the Mexican mines, had been struck since the early days of Charles II. In 1787 a law was enacted against the importation and circulation of “any halfpence or other copper coin, other than Tower halfpence or such copper as may and do legally pass current in Great Britain and Ireland.” * The same law also enacted that the English crown should pass current for five shillings and sixpence and the shilling for thirteen pence. This made the current value of shillings and sixpences relatively higher than crowns, half crowns and halfpence ; consequently shillings and sixpences were the only English coins that continued to circulate after the enforcement of this act; as all others could be exported at a profit in exchange for shillings. This act then did not prove a panacea for the evils that troubled the currency of the province. It had if anything the contrary effect, for it tended to denude the country of all copper change. While the first section of the act, interdicting the circulation of “base copper coin,” was good, the last section could not but prove injurious in that it made it profitable to export all that was left of the copper coin. We are not surprised then to note that the Act of 1787, as far as the issue of illegal copper coin is concerned, soon became a dead letter, for the people must needs have small change, and this, it seems, they could only procure by the old methods. These coins, mainly cast off tokens and worn out coppers from England and other places, were at first imported secretly, but the penalties of the act were soon forgotten and their issue became more open. The importation of copper coin was for a time so considerable that it formed a profitable department in the business of many of the Halifax merchants, and as the supply of rejected coppers began to run out coins were especially struck to order; the earlier of which, mainly anonymous, usually had for design the bust of the king with some device relating to shipping or commerce. Others commemorate the victories of Wellington, or are inscribed with a claim to be “Genuine British Copper.” Of these anonymous coins the most noteworthy is one struck in 1814 to commemorate the triumph of the Shannon over the Chesapeake. The obverse bears a bust of Broke and the reverse Britannia seated by the sea viewing the naval duel in the distance.* But the importers becoming at length more bold, looking upon the providing of copper coin as part of their legitimate business, and had their names inscribed upon the coins they issued. In this manner are commemorated such firms as Carritt & Alport, Hosterman & Etter, Starr & Shannon, Miles W. White, W. A. & S. Black, J. Brown, W. L. White and John Alexander - Barry, all celebrated in the early commercial history of Halifax. The last named was at one time conspicuous in provincial politics as an incorrigible member of the legislature from which he was repeatedly expelled.* 1 Appendix I. ? Appendix II. 5 Appendix XI., À. * Appendix XL, 8. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 35 Under the Act of 1812, to provide for larger coins, treasury notes were issued." These were gladly hailed by business men as a great convenience and passed current for all transactions within the province. The notes were first printed from type, signed by the treasurer and countersigned by the commissioners, as provided for in the Act. In 1820, regular notes, printed from engraved plates, prepared by Mavrick, a Boston engraver, were issued. These notes, as the treasurer writes in 1825, were extensively counterfeited. In this letter he states that there are many counterfeiters in Boston; and, after asking that a stamp with special ink be sent him, inquires if any paper, especially made for bank notes, so as not to be easily imitated, could be procured.” This Act was amended or supplemented by later Acts, as necessity required, providing for the redemption of the old notes, issuing new ones or for increasing the issue. Montgomery Martin reports that, in 1836, these notes had driven all gold coin out of the country, and that the amount of treasury bills in circulation, chiefly one pound notes, reached £67,644 ; besides this there were £54,991 in bills of the Halifax Banking Company, and a like amount the issue of private firms, bringing the total paper circulation of the province up to $700,000." But as these unauthorized coppers continued to be imported in ever increasing quan- tities, the supply became so excessive that small change was looked upon as a nuisance. In 1817, an Act, to remedy this state of affairs, was passed, making it illegal to import or further circulate “base and counterfeit half pence.” * More judgment was exercised in framing this Act than that of 1787, for, by it, provision was made to import a regular pro- vincial copper coinage. The same year an order in council’ was passed appointing commis- sioners to carry out the provisions of the Act, but nothing seems to have been done until 1823, when the Provincial Treasurer wrote to the agents of the Province, at Liverpool, ordering a coinage of 400,000 halfpenny tokens to be struck for the province The design, described in the Act. which states that the coins should bear on one side the Royal arms and on the other the great seal of the Province, was rejected and a new one chosen with- out any other apparent authority than that of the Treasurer. This called for the head of the King on the obverse and a“ handsome thistle” on the reverse. Thus has an emblem, found on the ancient coins of Old Scotia, become the chief characteristic of the coins of the New Scotia across the water. The correspondence shows that in striking off such a large number of coins many pairs of dies had to be engraved.’ This fact has been established by the number of varieties, of this date, discovered by mumismatists. In preparing these dies more than one engraver seems to have been employed, for different portraits of the King, some young, others older, have been noted on these coins, each of which differs from that delineated on the ordinary English coins of George IV. On all varieties the name of the province is incorrectly inscribed ; for, while it should be writ- ten as two words, on some it appears as one and on others as a compound word connected by a hyphen. The mistake was rectified on subsequent coinages. This order, sent early in May, was not delivered until late in November. On the 29th of that month the 1 Appendix III. 2 Appendix V,R, 5 Statistics of the Colonies, London, 1839, page 229. * Appendix IV. 5 Appendix V, a. 5 Appendix V, 8. 7 Appendix V, », 36 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE Treasurer reported that the copper halfpence were ready for issue.. It was therefore ordered that these coins be received at the public offices to the exclusion of private tokens.' In a letter to the agents the Treasurer writes that :—‘‘The legislature...... having authorized the procuring of silver as well as copper tokens,...... Ihave therefore sent by Mr. Fraser one hundred Spanish milled dollars out of each of which to have five tokens made with the King’s head and the year upon one side and on the other side ‘ Province of Nova Scotia’ round the margin and ‘fifteen penny token’ in the centre.”’ This was to have been a trial coinage to be followed by a much more extensive one should it prove satis- factory. These coins, it would appear, were to have been issued as promissory tokens, for out of the dollar, worth four shillings and two-pence sterling, coins to the amount of six shillings and three pence were ordered to be made. The project was never carried out, as silver coins could not legally be minted without the order of the King in Council The agents offered to make application for the necessary permission and to have it re- commended by the member for Liverpool ;* but they did not give much hope of success, as several similar applications had already been refused. They also wrote that any attempt at such coinage, without the requisite authority, might bring about an inter- ference with any further coinage of copper tokens. Although this proposition, regarding the Spanish dollars, apparently meant a profit of thirty-eight per cent, its ultimate effect, had it been carried out and continued as the needs of the people required, would have been so to have depreciated the Nova Scotian currency as to make the pound sterling current at thirty shillings. As soon as the tokens of 1823 had been approved of by the council and ordered to be put into circulation, an order was given for four tons of pennies, supplemented later on by an order for one ton of halfpennies® This was the coinage of 1824. Calculating the pennies at twelve pennyweight and the halfpennies at five and a half, as stipulated by the Treasurer, the number of the former would be 217,776 and of the latter 118,638, or together equal to £1,154 11s 2d face value. If to this be added £833 6s 6d, the face value of the first order. we have a total of £1,987 17s 8d. The Treasurer reported the whole cost of the two coinages, including freight and the “ enormous premiums” paid for exchange, to have been £1,791 6s 1d currency.’ This shows that the transaction apparently yielded the treasury a profit of over eight hundred dollars. The features of the King on this coinage are oider than on that of 1823, appearing to have been copied from Pistrucci’s portrait on the earlier crowns of George IV. The die varieties are fewer and less distine- tive. From these orders we learn that the Nova Scotia penny was first struck in 1824, notwithstanding that Sandham and those who quote from him describe one dated 1823. Although these coinages seem large for the limited commercial wants of the small population then inhabiting the province, in less than eight years it became so inadequate 1 Appendix V, a. 2 Appendix V, I. 5 Appendix V, xk. * William Huskisson, a prominent member of the House of Commons, holding at one time a seat in the Cabinet, was accidentally killed at the opening of the first railway between Liverpool and Manchester. 5 Appendix V, x and 1. 5 Appendix V, s. 7 Coins, Tokens and Medals of Canada: Montreal, 1869; pages 16 and 17. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 37 that a new and much larger supply had to be ordered. In 1832 three commissioners were appointed who at once sent an order, to the provincial agent in London, for £600 sterling in pennies and £1,200 in halfpennies.' Calculating the cost at the same rate as in 1823 the number of pieces should be about 200,000 and 800,000, respectively ; worth £2,500 face value on which, after allowing for the difference of the currency and cost of transport, the treasury netted a profit of about $1,500. Although, as is reported, many pairs of dies were destroyed in striking such a large coinage’ no die varieties have been noted; which shows that the dies were duplicated by sinking them with a hub die. The design, a copy of that of 1824, hardly so well executed, is wanting both in boldness of relief and artistic merit. In connection with the copying of the old design a strange oversight on the part of the commissioners may be described. They wrote to the Agent: “We have herewith sent a specimen of those hitherto imported and we will be obliged by your transmitting, at your earliest convenience,......... tokens similar to those sent with alteration of the year to 1832.” * Nothing is said about the bust of the King; con- sequently the Agent and Coiner, without question, did strike the coins according to sample, “with the exception of the date which will in course be 1832,”* although in the second year of William IV., bearing the bust of his predecessor.’ Had these coins been inscribed with the name of the King such a blunder could not have occurred. This coinage although large was rushed through with considerable dispatch for it was delivered within five months from the sending of the order. This, allowing for the slowness of the mails and transport of those times, left about seventy days for its execution. The coins of 1832 were extensively counterfeited as there are three or four light varieties in each denomination very inferior in workmanship. Of these one has a curious transposition in the date making it read as if struck in ‘“ 1382.°” They are so poor as to be evidently the work of unskilled engravers. The style of art, the inferior quality of the brass, and their lightness point to Montreal or vicinity as the place of mintage. Vast quan- tities of similar base coin were struck and put into circulation in Lower Canada between the years 1833 and 1837. Hadthey been imported from Birmingham or the United States, their execution would have been better and the metal purer. Old residents state that these counterfeits were brought, in large quantities, by vessels to St. John, N.B., and from thence distributed through fishing vessels to Nova Scotian out ports. An informant tells of having seen a fisherman from Yarmouth paid for his catch in this coin. The counter- feits, although easily detected by numismatists, continued for a time to circulate un- challenged with the genuine. But, as they came to be issued in such large quantities that their number exceeded the genuine, the attention of the government was called to the matter and their further circulation stopped. They were then gathered up and shipped to the Upper Provinces whence they came. 1 Appendix VI, a. 2 Appendix VI, p. * Appendix VI, a. * Appendix VI, c. 5 A coin of the Province of Upper Canada, struck in the same year, also bears a bust of George IV. This mistake is not so easily accounted for as it was the only official coin of that province. It seems to connect the coinage in some way with that of Nova Scotia; possibly the upper province asked for coins similar to those of the lower. 5 Appendix XL, a 38 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE The currency, notwithstanding the ample provision of copper coin and treasury notes made by the government, was, on account of the scarcity of exchange, all along in an unsettled condition. According to the Treasurer, in 1825, fifteen per cent premium had to be paid for a private bill while the real par was seven and one-half per cent as shown by the cost of the Governor’s exchange.' This tended to entirely denude the country of silver coin as traders could afford to allow a premium over its circulating value to ship it to England as remittances.” Even the copper tokens were shipped to the United States where they circulated as cents.’. Thus, while nothing had been done to regulate the stand- ard since the Act of 1787, to which allusion has already been made,' we are not surprised then to find that the shilling circulated at thirteen pence halfpenny ° instead of thirteen pence as provided for by the Act; or that the Treasurer considered doubloons and Spanish dollars an unprofitable form of remittance,’ and, as is stated by writers of the time, money was so scarce that the people, especially in the country parts, were often in sore straits for want of coined money.’ They had to resort to rare expedients to carry on their necessary trade, which was transacted mainly in kind; and recipients of large payments or those doing a flourishing country trade often accumulated a motley collection of commodities. In 1834 an Act was passed provisionally raising the English shilling to fifteen pence, and other coins in like proportion, with the view of co-operating with the other colonies in passing a uniform currency among them.* From this the standard has become known as “ Halifax currency.” In 1836 this provisional act was confirmed by the Customs Act, which fixed the Halifax currency as the standard of the province, by making it necessary to reduce all foreign invoices to this currency.’ By it the sovereign was legalized to pass for twenty-five shillings. But the idea of a uniform currency was not realized, for the other provinces adopted different standards. In Upper and Lower Canada, although, for convenience of reckoning, the shilling circulated at fifteen pence, to make the pound currency equal to four dollars, the sovereign was rated at twenty-four shillings and four pence. In New Brunswick it was fixed at twenty-four shillings.” As under this standard the enhanced relative values of Spanish and United States silver could only be made inconvenient fractions, these coins were altogether withdrawn from the province, leaving English silver and the tokens as the only coins that continued to circulate. This difference in the Nova Scotian currency from that of the other provinces continued until 1869. In 1:68, “an Act respecting the currency ”" was passed, providing, among other things, for assimilating the Nova Scotian standard to that of the Dominion. But a clause in the Act provided that, should the suggestions of the monetary conference, held in Paris in 1867, be carried out by the United States, which proposed to reduce the 1 Compare letters D, H and 1 with statement s in Appendix V. * Letters from Nova Scotia by Captain W. Moorsom, London, 1830; pages 86 and 87. 5 Appendix VI, a. * Appendix II. 5 Statistics of the Colonies, London, 1839 ; page 229. 5 Appendix V, M. 7 Letters from Nova Scotia, by Captain W. Moorsom, London, 1830; page 88. $ Appendix VII. The Currency of the Colonies, London, 1848 ; page 89. 20 fe fs Ks pages 69, 79 and 94. Appendix IX. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 39 dollar to the value of the five franc piece and make that the universal unit, the proposi- tion should be adopted in Canada, This would have required very little change in the Nova Scotian standard, but it now seems unlikely ever to be carried into effect. There were coinages of pennies and halfpennies in 1840 and 1843, but, not having had access to the correspondence and minutes of council ordering their issue, no details can be given as to the number of pieces struck or their cost. The mistake referred to re- garding the coinage of 1832 has not been repeated in this instance for, although the design is otherwise the same, the head of Victoria has been substituted for the bust of George IV. The workmanship shows a decline from that of the last coinage, for the Queen’s portrait lacks expression while the whole finish is inartistic. A number of varieties occur in each date, some of which are poorer in execution than others. Estimating these coinages each to number 150,000 pennies and 300,900 halfpennies their face value should amount to about £2,166 13s 4d. In 1855 the copper coin in circulation was again reported to be inadequate, and an order in council was passed authorising the importation of “Æ€1,000 sterling in penny and halfpenny pieces”! In compliance with this order the deputy provincial secretary wrote to Baring Brothers & Co., in London, instructing them to procure for the Province 150,000 pennies and 300,000 halfpennies, similar to those of 1843, with the date changed to 1855 They were advised, at the same time, to confer with the Honourable Joseph Howe, then on a visit to London, with regard to any change in the design or such other improvements as he might suggest. At that time an energetic society, with branches throughout the province, met at Halifax, which for a number of years had been spread- ing a purer spirit of patriotism among the people and trying to instil into their minds a greater love of country. A provincial flag and other emblems, calculated to stimulate Nova Scotian patriotism, were either suggested or adopted. Paramount among these was the May-flower * so abundant in the forests of the Province. It was made the theme of the orator, talked about in the streets, illustrated and paragraphed in the newspapers and, to the exclusion of all other flowers, worn in button-holes until it came to be known and loved in every town and hamlet throughout the Province. The moving spirit in this patriotic propaganda was John S. Thompson, father of Sir John Thompson, a teacher in one of the Halifax schools. He was a fair botanist, and, as the first to suggest the May- flower, was constant in his efforts to secure its official recognition as a provincial emblem. According to one of his pupils, who well remembers the circumstances, he spent con- siderable time in his spare hours drawing designs of sprigs of this plant. When at length a design had been drawn to his satisfaction he forwarded it to the Honourable Joseph Howe, with whom he was on intimate terms, to be reproduced on the new coinage.’ This was put in the hands of L. C. Wyon, one of the celebrated family of engravers, to be perfected as a piece of numismatic art, while the mechanical work was 1 Appendix VIII, a. ? Appendix VIII, 2. 5 Epigea repens, known also as trailing arbutus or ground laurel. *The wording of the deputy’s letter shows clearly that he had been induced to leave the question of the design to the discretion of the minister in London in order that influence could be brought to bear on him for the adoption of the May-flower. This was an official recognition most desired by the promoters. It had been adopted by the temperance society as an emblem on their medal] issued some time before. See Appendix XI, r, No. 66. 4O ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE entrusted to Ralph Heaton & Sons, the great Birmingham firm of coiners ; and together : they have produced that beautiful bronze coinage of 1856, which has continued to be the pride of patriotic Nova Scotians. This is how the bristling thistle, received from the stern mother, came to be supplanted in the affections of the daughter by the sweet and lowly May-flower. In 1861 the decimal system, based on the Halifax standard of twenty-five shillings or five dollars to the pound sterling, was adopted, isolating Nova Scotia from the mone- tary systems of the other provinces that were based on that of the United States~ by which the pound was reckoned at the rate of $4.863. Under this system, as English silver coins could easily be circulated at their proper relative values, no provincial coinage was required, except the cents in copper, and, to make proper change for the sixpence which passed for twelve and one-half cents, the half cent. As this was the first provincial coin, smaller than the halfpenny, it never was popular, and, ceasing to be necessary after the withdrawal of the English silver in 1871, no longer passed current. In connection with the coinage of the half cents a mistake made at the Royal mint, where these coins were struck, may be mentioned. A coinage of cents, of the same design, was also ordered in 1861 for New Brunswick, and, although this order required no half cents, a quantity were struck and sent out with those ordered for Nova Scotia. These copper, or rather bronze cents and half cents were the first true coins, struck under royal authority at the Royal Mint, for the province ; all others, as the word token inscribed thereon indicates, were simply provincial promises to pay. The amounts issued were 800,000 cents and 400,000 half cents in 1861, the same quantities in 1864, and 1,000,000 cents in 1862. Al- though such a large number of cents are reported by the Mint authorities to have been issued, cents of 1862 are rather scarce, commanding in good condition, a premium among collectors. When the new coins were introduced the old tokens were withdrawn from circulation and sent to the Upper Provinces where they continued to circulate until the old coppers were called in, between 1870 and 1873, by Sir Francis Hincks, finance minister. The design was entirely changed, and consisted of a wreath of May-flowers and roses entwined inclosing an imperial crown and the date on the reverse; while the obverse was the same as that of the ordinary English halfpenny. A pattern was first submitted on which the wreath consisted of roses only, but it was rejected because it did not display the emblem held in such high esteem in the land of the May-flower. If we estimate the issues of private firms and counterfeiters to be about one and a half millions, this, with those issued by the government, would make the total number of copper tokens imported into Nova Scotia, within the hundred years previous to Confedera- tion, about ten millions, at a cost of one hundred thousand dollars to the general public. In coining these different issues, private and provincial, not less than sixty-five tons of copper was employed. Almost the whole of this has disappeared or been destroyed. An average annual loss of 10,000 tokens, worth one thousand dollars. If to this we add one thousand dollars for loss and wear of the limited gold and silver circulation, and three thousand for loss and renewal of the treasury notes, we can safely calculate the an- nual cost of their circulating medium to the people of Nova Scotia at about five thousand dollars. And now looking back over that hundred years of struggle and privation, during which those indomitable pioneers opened up and pushed forward trade under adverse ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. Ad circumstances, we may know what the whole Dominion owes to the people of Nova Scotia for permanence and plenty in the currency we now enjoy. APPENDIX I. 1758.—32 George II, Chap. xx. AN ACT FOR PUNISHING CRIMINAL OFFENDERS. VIII.—And be it further enacted that every person duly convicted at the Court of General Gaol delivery or quarter sessions, of counterfeiting or impairing, diminishing or umbasing any foreign coins current in the province by washing, clipping, rounding, filing, or scaling of the same or of uttering any counterfeit or impaired coin, knowing the same to be impaired, shall be set on the pillory by the space of one whole hour and one of the ears of the offender shall be nailed thereto, and such offender shall also be publickly whipped through the streets of the town where such offence shall be committed and shall pay all charges of the prosecution. APPENDIX II. 1787.—28 George III, Chap. ix. An Act to prevent the circulation of base and counterfeit half pence and other copper coin and to establish the current value of English crowns, half crowns and shillings in the Province. Whereas, great quantities of base metal under the denomination of half pence have been imported in this Province and are daily used in payment to the injury of merchants and others, for remedy whereof: I. Be it enacted by the Lieutenant Governor in council and house of assembly, that from and after the publication of this Act, no person or persons whatsoever shall import, vend or knowingly or wittingly offer in payment or circulate any half pence or other copper coin other than Tower half pence or such copper coin as may and do legally pass current in Great Britain and Ireland, on pain of forfeiting such base half pence and coin and paying for the use of the poor of the town where such offence shall be committed a sum not exceeding double the amount or nominal value of such base half pence and copper coin so imported, vended, offered in payment or circulated as aforesaid, to be recovered on information before any two of His Majesty’s justices of the peace within the town or county where such offence shall be committed. II. And be it further enacted that in future each and every English crown shall pass current as five shillings and sixpence, and every such half crown at two shillings and nine pence, and every such shilling at thirteen pence, and so in proportion for lesser divisions of such coin. APPENDIX III. = / 1812. An Act to empower the Lieutenant-Governor, or commander in chief for the time being, to appoint commis- sioners to issue Treasury notes. Be it enacted by the Lieutenant-Governor, council and assembly, That it shall and may be lawful for the Lieutenant-Governor, or commander-in-chief for the time being, when, and as soon as he may deem necessary, to appoint three fit and proper persons as commissioners to issue Treasury notes to the amount of twelve thousand pounds as follows, viz: Fifty notes of fifty pounds each, one hundred notes of twenty sounds each; two hundred notes of twelve pounds ten shillings each; four hundred notes of five pounds each; four hundred notes of two pounds ten shil- lings each; and two thousand notes of twenty shillings each; making in the whole twelve thousand pounds, which Treasury notes shall bear lawful interest from the day they shall be issued in payment from the Treasury, and shall be indented and impressed with the words “ Nova Scotia,” signed by the Treasurer of the Province and countersigned by the said commissioners and containing the following figures and words, to wit: No. Province of Nova Scotia, £ Treasurer’s Office. By a law of this Province, the bearer of this note is entitled to receive at the Treasury the sum of with interest, at the rate of six per cent. per annum from the day it is issued by the Treasurer. Dated at Halifax, the day of in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and All which notes shall be of the same date and when so completed and signed, be delivered to the Treasurer by Sec. IL, 1892. 6. 42 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE the persons appointed to countersign the same; and the Treasurer shall be accountable for such notes so delivered to him. IJ. And be it further enacted that when and as often as money shall become due and payable by virtue of any act or acts already passed, or that may be passed during the present session of General Assembly, and war- rants for the same are produced for payment to the Treasurer of the Province, he shall pay the amount of such warrants on demand in gold or silver or in the said notes, to the person or persons entitled to receive the same at his or their election which notes shall again be received at the Treasury, and also by the collectors of Import and Excise for the several Districts of this Province at their specified value, equal to the like value in gold or silver when and as often as the same are presented and offered in payment of duties and the interest from the day of their being issued in payment computed and allowed. III. And be it further enacted: That the Treasurer of the Province shall, on the day, and before, he issues, any of the notes in payment as aforesaid, write on the same the day of the month and the year they are so issued, and sign the name thereto, and from the time so written by him on the said notes so issued, and they shall bear lawful interest. IV. And be it further enacted: That the said notes or any of them when received by the collectors of Import and Excise for the several districts in this Province, in payment for duties, the said collectors shall write on the said notes the day of the month and the year the same where so received; and the person or persons delivering them in payment shall sign his name thereto; and the said notes, when received by the Treasurer of the Pro- vince from the said collectors shall not be again issued from the Treasury, but shall be cancelled in such manner as the Lieutenant-Governor or commander in chief for the time being shall deem expedient. V. And be it further enacted That if any person or persons whatsoever shall counterfeit any of the notes aforesaid, issued by virtue of this Act, or alter any so that they shall appear to be of greater value than when originally issued or shall knowingly pass or give in payment, any of the notes aforesaid so counterfeited or altered every person convicted thereof shall be set on the pillory for the space of one whole hour and one of the ears of the offender shall be nailed thereto and such offender shall also be publickly whipped through the streets of the town or place where such offence shall be committed and shall pay all charges of the prosecution. VI. And be it further enacted That so soon as by the report of the joint committee of His Majesty’s council and the House of Assembly in their annual examination of the public accounts it shall appear that the state of the Treasury will admit the calling in to the value of two thousand pounds and upwards of the notes so issued and paid out the Treasurer shall, by advertisement in the Royal Gazette, appoint a time at which he will receive such notes, and pay the amount of the same together with the interest due thereon in gold or silver, giving sixty days notice of such redemption and mentioning the number so required to be produced for payment calling in first the notes of the largest amount then in circulation, and on failure of such notes being produced at the time limited all future interest on the same shall cease and no other or greater amount of interest shall be paid on such notes so called in than was due and payable at the date the same were required to be presented at the Treasury aforesaid. VII. And be it further enacted that the Treasurer of the Province together with the persons appointed to countersign the said notes are hereby empowered to contract for and superintend the printing and completing the blanks of such notes as are directed to be issued by virtue of this Act. VIII. And be it further enacted that in case the Lieutenant-Governor or commander-in-chief shall, by his warrant or warrants require the said commissioners to re-issue notes to the amount of the notes so received in payment at the Treasury or the amount of any part of such notes it shall and may be lawful for the said com- missioners to issue new notes to the amount which such warrant or warrants shall require provided the amount of the new notes so to be issued shall not exceed the amount of the notes so from time to time received at the Treasury. APPENDIX IV. 1817.—57th George III, Cap. 1. An Act in amendment of an Act, passed in the twenty-eighth year of His Majesty’s reign, entitled an Act to prevent the circulation of base and counterfeit halfpence, and other copper coin and to establish the current value of English crowns, half crowns and shillings in this Province. Whereas notwithstanding the provisions contained in said recited act, many ignorant and evil disposed per- sons still continue to import and circulate, as halfpence, large quantities of base copper coin, and whereas expe- rience has proved that a sufficient quantity of copper coin or palf-pence, such as do legally pass current in Great Britain and Ireland cannot be obtained in this province whereby the trade of the same suffers great injury and inconvenience, for remedy whereof: ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 43 J. Be it enacted, by the Lieutenant-Governor, council and assembly, That immediate measures shall be taken to obtain a quantity of good and proper halfpence, suflicient for the trade and circulation of this Province, and calculated not to be under the weight of five pennyweight and twelve grains for each halfpenny ; for which pur- pose one or more fit and proper persons, not exceeding three, shall be nominated by the Governor, Lieutenant- Governor or commander-in-chief, for the time being, by and with the advice and consent of His Majesty’s council, for the time being, to act as commissioner or commissioners in this behalf and it shall be lawful for such commis- sioner or commissioners when so appointed, to cause a quantity of copper, such as is generally used for the copper coin issued from the Mint to be stamped and coined in England, each piece of copper when so coined and stamped off, to be of the weight of five pennyweight twelve grains, at least; and the device of the die to be used in stamp- ing and coining such copper shall be taken from the great seal appointed by His Majesty for the use of this Province—the arms of the United Kingdom to be on one side, and the Provincial Badge of distinction, by Royal Authority appointed, for the reverse of said great seal to be on the other side of such copper coin, with such suit- able legend or inscription as the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor or commander-in-chief for the time being, with the advice of His Majesty’s council, may appoint and direct. II. And be it further enacted That the copper halfpence so to be provided and imported, shall be of a value not exceeding two thousand pounds of the Provincial currency; and the said commissioner or commissioners shall cause the same, when so imported, to be deposited in the treasury of the Province, and shall take care that the die or stamp used for such coinage, shall be deposited in such a place and such a manner for safe-keeping in England as the Governor, Lieutenant-Goyernor, or commander-in-chief for the time being, by and with the advice of His Majesty’s council, shall appoint and direct. III. And be it further enacted, That as soon as conveniently may be after such half-pence shall have been so lodged in the Provincial Treasury, it shall be lawful for the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, or commander-in- chief, by and with the advice of His Majesty’s council, by proclamation, to order such half-pence to be issued and to circulate from the Treasury ; and also to appoint a time when all other kind of copper, coined or uncoined, ex- cept the copper coin issued under the authority of this Act and there enumerated and made lawful in the Act of which this is an amendment, and such as shall be issued by Royal Authority for the use of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, since the first of January one thousand eight hundred, shall cease to be used and shall no longer be tendered or received as halfpence in this province under the penalty of incurring the forfeiture and fine imposed by the act of which this is an amendment. IV. And be it further enacted, That any person convicted of counterfeiting or impairing any of said copper coin, or of uttering any counterfeit or impaired coin, knowing the same to be counterfeited or impaired, shall suffer the same fines and penalties which any person or persons convicted of counterfeiting or impairing any foreign coins current in this Province, are liable to suffer by the laws or statutes of the Province in such cases made and provided. APPENDIX V. MINUTES OF COUNCIL, AND LETTERS RELATING TO THB COINAGE OF 1823 AND 1824. A. MINUTE OF COUNCIL, MARCH 18, 1817. His Excellency appointed the Honorable the Treasurer and the Honourable Charles Hill commissioners to carry into effect the provisions of the copper coinage Act passed last season. B. Hauirax, Nova Scotia, May 20th 1823. Messrs. Smitu, Forsyra & Co, Gentlemen, This Province having for some years experienced much inconvenience and difficulty in its commercial deal- ings for the want of silver coinage of every denomination, and the impossibility of retaining it when occasionally imported, which has been the cause of introducing a very great quantity of base coppers and from necessity is now circulated to an alarming extent. The Legislature, therefore, during its recent session, resolved and directed that some thousand pounds in value of pennys and half pennys, should be provided and imported from England without delay, of good copper coinage for the public service, and thereby, if practicable, put a stop to the further circulation of base copper. I am therefore to request that you will take the trouble to procure at Birmingham, or elsewhere as you may deem best, 400,000, say four hundred thousand halfpennys, of the same size and weight as those that were struck off in England in 1806 and 1807; they weigh nearly 6 dwt, six pennyweight each. Let them have the present King’s head on one side, with the Province of Nova Scotia round it, and on the reyerse a handsome thistle (in place 44, ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE of Britannia) with halfpenny token round it; and have them executed immediately and sent out to me by the first good conveyance. By my calculation it will require something more than six thousand pounds of copper to make them, valuing it at one shilling and four pence per pound. which I am informed is about the present advanced price of that article; in this, however, I may not be correct, but at any rate, have the above mentioned quantity struck off as they are intended for experiment, and if they are approved of, a much larger quantity will be ordered immediate- ly ; it may therefore be necessary that you preserve the dies from which they are struck. Expecting the exchange to fall in a short time I do not now send you a remittance to pay for the coppers, but by the July packet at latest, you will receive it. I continue with much esteem, Gentlemen, Your obedt. servt. Mica. WALLACE. Per packet. Livprroot, Ist July, 1823. The Honourable Micnant WALLACE, Sir, We have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 20th May, requesting us to purchase for the Province of Nova Scotia 400,000 halfpennies. The same have been ordered agreeably to the description you have sent and the manufacturer promises to have them here by the middle of this month when they shall be shipt by the first vessel bound for Halifax. We cannot exactly ascertain what they will cost but if our calcula- tion be correct it will be somewhat less than you reckon on. We are, sir, Your most obedient servants, Halifax, N.S. Smira, ForsyrH & Co. Liverroot, 3rd September, 1823. The Honourable Micnann WALLACE, Sir, We have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th July enclosing a bill on the Lords of the Treasury for £500, which shall at maturity be placed at your credit. We have been much disappointed at not haying by this time received the coins from Birmingham, in the manufacturing of which more time has been required than was at first expected, in consequence of the dies having been repeatedly broken. We expect to receive the whole in the course of a week, when they shall be put on board of the first good vessel for Halifax. There is none at present here. We are very respectfully, sir, Your most obedient servants, Halifax, N.S. Smirn, Forsyta & Co. LryErroor, 12 September, 1823. The Honourable MicHEAL W ALLACE, Dear Sir, There being no prospect of another conveyance for Halifax this season, we have been induced to ship the tokens on board the Lord Exmouth to sail to-day for Lunenburgh or Halifax, if the wind permits the Captain ‘ going in there. Should it not, it is stipulated that they are to be delivered to you, at the expense of the ship, and we have got the insurance effected so as to cover any risk in small craft from Lunenburgh to Halifax. Enclosed you have the Furnishers’ Bill of Parcels and our Invoice, amounting to £615 6s 4d. The short price is charged as you have remitted us for the greater part of the cost before the shipment bas been made, on the balance interest is due till we are in cash for the same. We hope the tokens may arrive safe, and give satisfaction. Since we contracted for them the price of copper has advanced considerably and they could not now be made on the same terms. : The manufacturer keeps the dies in case you may wish to order a further quantity. We are, very respectfully, Your most obedient servant, Halifax, N.S. Sir, Forsytn & Co, ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 4S F. Hauirax, 15th October, 1823. Messrs. Smiru, Forsytu & Co. Gentlemen, I have been duly favored with your letters of 21st August and 3rd September. I am sorry to observe, from the contents of the last, that there is little probability of my receiving the copper coinage this season, which is a great disappointment. I have to request that you may send me the invoice of what has been ordered by the first packet that I may be enabled to judge whether it will be advisable to order a further supply of the same quality. I am with esteem, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, Liverpool packet. Mic. WALLACE. G. Mure or Councm, 297TH Novemerr, 1823, The Treasurer of the Province reported to His Excellency and the council that under the authority of a resolution of the General Assembly during its last session he had ordered and received from England a quantity of copper halfpenny tokens for the accommodation of the Province, amounting in value to about eight hundred and thirty-five pounds, which are now ready to be issued, and he requested to know the pleasure of his Excellency and the council whether he should order a further supply of tokens conformably to the aforesaid resolution, the present importation having been made merely as a sample for approbation. Thereupon it was ordered that the Treasurer do direct a further supply of copper halfpenny tokens be im- ported in conformity with said resolution. Ordered that no copper halfpenny token or copper halfpence of any description be received or taken in pay- ment at any of the public offices within the Province except the said copper halfpenny tokens imported by the Treasurer under authority of the resolution of the General Assembly. H. Hazrrax, 15th December, 1823. Messrs. Smira, Forsyrn & Co., Gentlemen, Your letters by the October mail and the brig Lord Exmouth covering invoice and bill of lading of the copper tokens I ordered for the service of the Province, were duly received, and the thirteen casks of tokens safely landed here a few weeks ago. So far as I have yet examined the contents of the barrels they are found to be correct in quantity and the execution of the pieces approved of; altho’ they are four or five grains heavier than I wished them to be, but that may be owing to my not being more explicit in the order I sent. I am sorry to observe by your letters that the price of copper had advanced after my order was completed ; but, if it has fallen again to the former price or under, by the time this reaches you, I have now to request that you will cause to be prepared and sent out by the very first vessel in the spring four tons of penny pieces of the same impressions as the halfpenny tokens now received, (altering the year) to be put up in paper parcels to contain 60 pieces in each, conformable as nearly as may be, to the size of the British penny enclosed herein as a pattern; and let the barrels they are put into have one strong iron hoop on each end besides strong wooden hoops. The weight of each penny token not to exceed twelve pennyweight. No government bills are to be procured at present, otherwise I should now remit the balance of your account and a further sum towards paying for the present order, however I hope to procure some at the end of the month or early in January. Should I through any channel obtain information of the fall in copper, an additional order will be transmitted for more halfpenny tokens, since our present supply is found to be very far short of the wants of the Province, there being no silver coin of any denomination left in the country. i I remain, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, Per brig Adelphi. Mica. WALLACE. Hazxrax, 10th January, 1824. Messrs. Smiru, ForsytuH & Co., Gentlemen, ‘ The foregoing is a duplicate of my letter to you by the Brig Adelphi, which vessel sailed from La Have, as I am informed, about the 30th ult., and I hope this will reach you soon after her arrival. 46 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE I now inclose you Sir James Kempt’s exchange on John Kirkland, London, at 30 days for four hundred and twenty-five pounds sterling, and not being able to procure any other public bill even at the enormous premium of 15 per cent, I have sent you by Mr John Fraser, of Miramichi, seventy-five doubloons to dispose of on the best terms you can obtain and apply the proceeds with the bill of exchange first to extinguish the balance of your account for the copper tokens already received and the residue towards payment of those ordered by the Adelphi, which I trust you may be able to ship on no higher terms than the last; but, if the price should be a halfpenny higher, they must be sent. Upon consideration of the terms under which I am obliged to remit money, and especially if the price should exceed the last importation, you will please to direct the contractor to execute the penny tokens of eleven penny- weight only, and the halfpenny ones to be five and one-half penny weight only. This I hope can be done without making a new die for the latter, the cost of which I am ignorant of. Here let me observe, that it would be desirable to know the cost of the dies, as well as the price of the copper, and the charge of minting or manufac- ture of the tokens, for our future government. You will please to add to my order by the Adelphi one ton more of halfpenny tokens, as we find the quantity received quite inadequate to our wants. The Legislature in its last session haying authorized the procuring of silver as well as copper tokens, but opinions proying so various as to the kind and yuality that the subject was suffered to lay over until the necessity of having them has now become so great that something must be done. It is finally left to me to make a small importation as a sample to be approved of; I have therefore sent by Mr. Fraser one hundred Spanish milled dollars out of each of which to have five tokens made with the King’s head and the year upon one side and on the other side Province of Nova Scotia round the margin, and fifteen penny token in the centre, and send them in a parcel by themselves by the earliest conveyance that you can meet with, that if approved of an immediate order may be transmitted for a necessary quantity. I remain, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, Mics. WALLACE. Ist per packet from Falmouth. 2nd per Herald for Boston. Liverpoor, 7th February, 1824. The Honourable Micxarz WALLACE, Dear Sir, We wrote you on the 5th inst., by the packet in case she may be detained we shall send this to Fal- mouth that you may receive the earliest intelligence of our having received your esteemed favours of the 10th and 15th January and that your order for halfpenny and silver tokens shall have our immediate attention. We cannot now get the weight of the penny pieces altered but we shall take care that it does not exceed 12 penny- weight. The price, however, will be considerably less than the last parcel cost, Mr. Fraser has not yet had an opportunity of getting the dollars and doubloons delivered to us. We have forwarded the bill for £425 to London. We are, dear sir, Your most obedient servants, Suite, Forsyrx & Co. Liverpooz, 16th February, 1824. MicmAEL WALLACE, Dear Sir, We are very sorry to inform you without a special order in council it is illegal to attempt to execute your order for silver tokens, the expense of which being considerable where so small a quantity was required. We was hesitating about making the application when we was informed that several similar requests have of late been promptly refused, that the only chance of success was an application from the Province to the King in Council. Under these circumstances we shall suspend our proceedings lest there might be any impediments thrown in our way respecting the copper tokens which are now in the hands of the manufacturer who promises to have them here by the 25 March. They will cost considerably less than the former parcel. We have sold 61 of the doubloons at 63s Gd each and 14 being republican at 63s. We shall keep the Spanish dollars until we have your answer to this letter. We have endeayored to ascertain what the expense of coining the silver tokens would have been but we have not yet obtained the information. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. AT In presenting your petition, interest should be made for permission to employ any person you like to execute the tokens, for if it be transferred to the Mint the extra expense will be enormous. We are very respectfully, dear sir, Your most obedient servants, Halifax, N.S. Smiru, Forsyta & Co. We shall assist your petition by requesting our member, Mr. Huskisson, to support it. L. LiverPooL, 31st March, 1824. The Honourable MicrAEL WALLACE, Dear Sir, The manufacturer of the tokens has disappointed us sadly for he has sent forward only five casks (containing little more than one ton) in time for this conveyance, for which we enclose his bill of parcels together with bill of lading and our invoice which amounts to £170 9s. We hope you will receive them soon and in good order. We shall be glad to hear that they are approved of, the cost is considerably less than the former parcel. We are promised the remainder in the course of 8 or 10 days when they shall be immediately forwarded. You have in a former letter been informed that we could not execute your order for silver tokens as a copy of said letter is enclosed we refer you toit. The manufacturers do not know or they do not chuse that we should know what would be the expense of coining the silver tokens for they have declined answering our queries on that point. We have now to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 20th February, enclosing a bill of exchange on Messrs. Morlands & Co. for £195, which has been duly honored and the amount passed to your credit. We are very sorry to observe that there were some inaccuracies in the contents of the casks of tokens sent by the Lord Exmouth, we wish you had weighed each of them, as by that you pay and not by the number of tokens, we should suggest the propriety of doing so with those now sent whenever you can unpack them. We remain very respectfully, dear sir, Your most obedient servants, Halifax, N.S. Suirx, Forsyrn & Co. um Hazrrax, Nova Scotia, 2nd April 1824. Messrs. SmitH, Forsyru & Co., Gentlemen, I have been duly favored with yours of the 5th, 7th and 16th February, and I am well pleased to find you suspended negotiating my order for silver tokens which, from the difficulties you state, I shall entirely abandon. I hope soon to have the pleasure to hear from you again with the copper coinage and it is very fortunate that the prices has fallen. I find that doubloons make a bad remittance from hence, however, the insurance was saved upon those I sent by Mr. Fraser. I remain with esteem, Your obedient servant, Mrcxapz WALLACE. Liverroon, 7 April, 1824. The Honourable Micnart W ALLACE, Dear Sir, : The unexpected detention of the Favorite has enabled us to put on board of her six casks more of copper tokens just received from the manufacturer. Enclosed you have a copy of his bill of parcels together with a bill of lading and our invoice amounting to £203 11s 2d, which we pass to your debit. We remain, Very truly yours, Halifax, N.S. Sir, Forsyru & Co. O. Per Britannia. Liverpoor, 27 April, 1824. The Hon’ble. M. WALLACE, Dear Sir, Enclosed we hand you copies of our respects of the 31st March and 7th inst., to which we refer and now annex inyoice of six casks more of the copper tokens amounting to £211 7s, say two hundred and eleyen pounds, 48 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE seven shillings, which we place to your debit. The halfpenny tokens have not yet come forward but we hope to receive them soon when your order will be completed. We have to-day been favored with yours of the 2nd inst., and note its contents. Agreeably to your request we hand at foot a note of the amount at Dr. Porter’s debit in our books which we now transfer to yours, say £3 3s 9d. We hope to hear of your receiving the different parcels of tokens safe and that they give satisfaction. We are, dear sir, Yours truly. 13th May, 1824. Smrrx, Forsyrn & Co. The manufacturer has disappointed us in not sending forward the halfpenny tokens in time for this conveyance. B Livprpoot, 25th May, 1824. The Hon’ble Micnant WALLACE, cat We have this morning received from the manufacturer the halfpenny tokens which you ordered, As the Trafalgar has been detained they have been put on board of her and we hope you will soon receive them, and that they give you every satisfaction. We have sold the dollars which you sent by Mr. Fraser at 4s 13d each and as the present shipment completes your order we beg leave to wait on you with a statement of the whole transaction which leaves a balance of £26 17s 8d in your favor. Believe us very respectfully, Dear Sir, Your most obedient servants, Smiru, Forsyrx & Co. Haurax, Nova Scotia, 17th August, 1824. Messrs. Situ, Forsyra & Co., Gentlemen, Your several favours of the 26th May, 6th and 10th July have come to hand and the various ship- ments of copper tokens received in good order. They are not all opened but it is probable they will be found correct. The particulars of the contents of the casks in two of the shipments was not sent which has made neces- sary to count them as they were opened. I notice the accourt current you have transmitted leave a balance in my favor of £26 17s Sd. I have received the protest for non acceptance of McKay’s bill on Ritchie, but I shail hope it will be finally taken up. Iam pleased to find that you expect to have executed the order I sent for Province Notes and in time to be sent in the Adelphia. With continued esteem, I remain, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, MicxAez WALLACE. x Hauirax, Nova Scotia, 26 March, 1825. GENTLEMEN, I was duly favored with yours of the 26th January, enclosing Sir James Kempt’s note to you on the subject of the tokens I had requested you to procure and send out to me. I am satisfied you postponed the execution of that order for the reasons he gaye, and which he communicated to me in his letters by the February mail, although I apprehend some inconvenience by the delay of the Govern- ment’s intentions. We have lately been annoyed by the discovery of our Province notes being forged at Boston and brought into the country for circulation and I am very desirous of procuring some kind of stamp to put on the face of them that would not easily be imitated. You have plenty of ingenious mechanics in your neighbourhood, no doubt at Birmingham particularly. You will do mea fayor by consulting the engraver whether such a stamp could be had, and if there is, that you would get it executed and sent out as soon as possible with suitable ink for the purpose of using it. Have the bankers in England discovered any improvement in the manufactory of paper for notes that is not liable to be imitated by our neighbours in the United States where many of the first masters of arts have congregated? A paper medium is absolutely necessary in this Province and hitherto has proved of great public utility and we have been very fortunate in suffering very little by forgery since its commencement in 1811. I remain, Gentlemen, Yours with esteem, Messrs. Surrx, Forsyra & Co., Mico. WALLACE. Liverpool, G.B. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 49 8. STATEMENT OF THE IMPORTATIONS OF CoPPER TOKENS FROM LIVERPOOL FOR THD SERVICE OF THE PROVINCE : £stg. s. d. Mmaportedune B23. por! INNOICE COR teen cesse sets eee masses cs A'600000 615 6 4 To pay which remitted Messrs. Smith & Co., 1 Bill of Exchange for £500 stg., at a premium of 73 per cent. currency....-...... 597 4 4 1 ditto for £115 6s 4d stg., at a premium of 15 per cent.......,,...,. 147 6 8 Freight, &c., on this importation ......,.,..,......,.,.., eevee Sieleletainieefeisteteietsterslst> TS LZiS nmportedem, 1824 per UN VOICE COST, «0-0 «occes semence vee ciate /etatelsrstonerctsieleteferstels's 739 19 3 à : 1355 5 7 To pay which remitted Messrs. Smith & Co., 1 Bill of Exchange for £425 stg., at a premium of 15 per cent. currency.......... 5438 1 i il ditto for £315 ste., at a premium of 13} per cent............,...., 396) ge Freight, &c., on this importation...........,......,... deep eee OO DONS NS 1,705 15 9 Commissions, 5 per cent... ... ocre vocees eee cece Eh Gr &) TOM G Charged in account current for 1823... +... cise sere sseecrcelcccs 1465 5 5 Balance to be charged in 1825.......,........ ddbcagadgnodcaune ces... £325 16 1 E. E. Mice. WALLACE, 31 Dec., 1825. Treasurer. APPENDIX VI. CoRRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE CoINAGH OF 1832, A. HazrrAx, Nova Scotia, 16 February, 1832. Sir, The Province having experienced much inconyenience from the want of copper change the Legislature have authorized the importation of eighteen hundred pounds sterling in that coin. We have herewith sent a specimen of those hitherto imported and we will be obliged by your transmitting at your earliest convenience by the way of Liverpool £1,200 in halfpenny and £600 in penny tokens similar to those sent with the exception of the alteration of the year to 1832. The weight must not be greater, as from present value there is sufficient inducement to forward them to the United States where they circulate as cents, which we wish to obviate. You will have them packed the penny in parcels of 60 each and the halfpenny in parcels of 120 for the con- venience of counting. We have the honor to be, Sir, Your obedient servants, CHartes W. WALLACE, WizziAM Lawson, JAMES FOREMAN. Messrs. SwaAINsoN & WILLIS, Liverpool. Lonpon, 23rd March, 1832. Cartes W. WALLACE, Esq., Dear Sir, I have received your favor of the 19th February, accompanying an order from the Legislature for copper tokens for the use of the Province. I have given the necessary instructions and have no doubt but my friend at Birmingham will have the order satisfactorily executed; he says it will require the renewal of many dies and the old ones of no use. I feel confident he will do his duty well and upon the best terms; as soon as a ton is ready it shall be sent and the whole forwarded as finished via Liverpool insured. I am sorry to hear such reports as are here spread by some gentlemen home from the General Mines; they say that Mr. Fairbanks and the directors of the canal have been deceived and that it will be an entire failure; this I hope is not the case, but our Sec. II., 1892. 7. 50 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE friend, Mr. Fairbanks, is certainly much censured here by those friends who took the shares; he promises me a report and I shall indeed be glad to have a more favorable account. With great regard believe me, My dear Sir. Yours always truly, JoHN BAINBRIDGE. Lonpon, 28rd March, 1832. CHARLES W. WALLACE, WILLIAM sete and JAMES Foreman, Esquires, GENTLEMEN, I have to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 16th February by which you inform me the Legislature have authorized the importation of eighteen hundred pounds sterling value in copper tokens of pennys and halfpennys of which you enclose me specimens and requested me to procure £1,200 sterling in halfpennys and £600 sterling in penny tokens similar in weight to those sent and the impression the same with exception of the date which will in course be 1832. I wrote immediately to my old friend in Birmingham, who for many years has been entrusted with our business and has put in band the execution of the dies which require to be many times renewed in such a quantity and he assures me he will have the order executed in the best man- ner at 1s 2}d delivered in Liverpool and will have them insured. I feel confident the house to whom I confide the execution will do justice to my order and it will afford me much gratification if on arrival it meets your approbation. I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your most humble servant, JoHN BAINBRIDGE. Loxpox, 9th May, 1832. CHARLES W. WALLACE, WILLIAM a and JAMES Forrman, Esquires, GENTLEMEN, Agreeably to what I had the pleasure to write you on the 23rd March I now beg to hand you an invoice of 18 casks of copper tokens forwarded from Birmingham on the 5th instant by Mr. Walker to my friends Messrs. Willis & Swainson, of Liverpool, who will ship them on board the —— for your port and will enclose (with the invoice herewith amounting to £619 10s 4d) a bill of lading and I will request them to give a note of the shipping charges upon this parcel for your government and I will add them to the final ship- ment when made. The expense of papering will not exceed 20s per ton. In filling up casks 7 & 10 Mr. Walker says 253 papers were put into each but there were some used to fill up and the person neglected to note the small further addition, but the aggregate he is certain is 374,040 which I doubt not will be found correct. This forms about } of the order, and Mr. Walker adds he is proceeding as well as he can wish with the remainder. Many pairs of dies are destroyed in making such a number. I haye desired Messrs. Willis & Swainson will write you by the ship and the remainder shall follow in succession. I remain with great respect, Gentlemen, Your most humble servant, Joun BAINBRIDGE. P.S.—I have no reply from Liverpool as to the shipment but expect to hear on Monday; the Jane going to-day, induces me to send copy of my letter sent down to be sent by the ship. J. B. E. Lonpon, 31 May, 1832. Cuartes W. WaALLACE, WiLLrAM eee and James ForEMmAN, Esquires, GENTLEMEN, I had the pleasure to address you the 23rd March informing you of having intrusted the execution of the manufacture of the copper tokens ordered by the Provincial Legislature to Mr. John Walker, of Birming- ham, and the shipments will be made by Messrs. Willis & Swainson, of Liverpool, for account of the Province; they will send you the invoices regularly by the ships that may be sailing the next week for none have left Liverpool since the time of my advising you, the 9th inst. that the first parcel of 18 casks had reached ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 51 them and I supposed were about to be shipped. They have now two vessels on the berth for Halifax and to avoid you any trouble they will send the bills of lading to S. Cunard & Co., who will deliver them as they arrive. I directed them to divide the shipment and I am not without hope that Mr. Walker will get the whole done to go by these two ships; they will be regularly insured as directed by you and you will be pleased to reinit Messrs. Willis & Swainson the amount of the shipment; the credit agreed with Mr. Walker was 4 months, and I shall be happy to learn that he has performed the execution to the satisfaction of the Legislature. I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your most humble servant, JOHN BAINBRIDGE, Halifax, N.S. Agent for the Province. Lonvon, 6 June, 1832. Caarces W. WazLace, WicrrAM Lawson and James ForemAN, Esquires, i GENTLEMEN, I confirm my respects of the 3lst and have now the satisfaction to learn from Mr. Walker that he has forwarded the remainder of the tokens, completing my instructions, and that he has sent the last invoice to Willis & Swainson. who have also written me they shall ship one half by the Mary Ann and the remainder by the Laburnum for your port and they will transmit you invoices of the whole. Walker’s last invoice, they inform me, is £600 19s 3d, including the papering which I have arranged with him shall be 15s per ton. I feel much confidence that the execution of the order will give satisfaction and I believe no house could perform it at a lower rate. Ishall be happy to be the medium of rendering my services to the Legislature at any future time. And with great respect I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your most humble servant, JoHN BAINBRIDGE. Haurax, 30 July, 1832. My par SIR, I enclose you bill of lading of 25 casks of copper coin shipped by Willis & Swainson, on board the Mary Ann, the remainder are on board the Laburnum. I also send you the manufacturer’s account, the finished invoice will be received by the Laburnum, it amounts to £1,938 16s 8d sterling. You may either remit this amount to Willis & Swainson or hand it to me. Mr. Lawson mentioned to me that he had some bills he would furnish for that purpose. : I remain, dear sir, Yours truly, C. W. Wazzrace, Esq. 8. Cunarp. APPENDIX Vil. 1834.—4th William IV, Chap. 61. Whereas the adoption of British sterling money in the currency and moneys of account, of and throughout all His Majesty’s dominions would be highly useful, and tend to unite more closely the interest of the Colonies with those of the mother country. But to make such alteration in the currency of this Province, at present would be inconvenient and inexpedient unless the same were adopted in the adjoining Provinces; and whereas, in the meantime, and until such changes shall be made in the currency of other Colonies, it is requisite and necessary to establish a standard of value and equivalent of property which may be obtained by fixing a value upon foreign gold and British silver coins : Be it therefore enacted, that from and after the passing of this Act, the several British silver coins herein- after mentioned and specified, shall and may be offered, received, paid, and legally tendered by and to the Provincial Treasurer, or other public officer, or by or to any body politic or corporate, person or persons whom- soever, in payment, satisfaction or discharge of any debt, sum of money, duties, contracts, obligations, liabilities 52 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE or demands whatsoever, at the several rates of value following: that is to say the English shilling at the rate of 1s 3d currency, and the English six-pence at the rate of 74d currency, provided that no person shall be receiver, in one payment, of mcre than 50s Halifax currency in British silver coins, at the rate or rates aforesaid. And whereas Spanish American doubloons are brought into the Province in the course of trade, and in payment of the exports therefrom, and have been since the year 1819 received and paid at and after the rate of £4 currency; and four treasury notes of £1 each have since that time been deemed equivalent to one doubloon and the difficulty of procuring British coins in the ordinary course of trade still continuing it is necessary that the said doubloons should become and be made a legal tender at the rate aforesaid ; Be it therefore enacted, etc., that from and after the passing of this Act, the said doubloon being of full weight and fineness, shall and may be offered and received, and paid and legally tendered to the Provincial Treasurer, or other person ‘or persons whomsoever, in payment, satisfaction, or discharge of any debt, sum of money, duties, obligations, liabilities, or demands contracted since the 19th day of April, 1819, at and after the rate of £4 currency for one doubloon. And be it enacted, that the pound sterling as represented by the gold coin of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, called the Sovereign, shall henceforth be deemed and taken to be the unit or standard, or measure of money, or value whereby or with reference to which all contracts which shall be entered into for the payment of British sterling money, shall be regulated and ascertained within the Province. And be it further enacted that the copper money of the United Kingdom, and copper coins procured by the Legislature for the use of the Province shall be current at the same rate as the British penny and halfpenny pieces, when the payment is to be made in sterling money; but if payment is to be made in the existing cur- rency, then in like proportion, as such currency as is adjusted in the Act, bears to sterling money. APPENDIX VIII. Minvre or Couxcrz AND Læerrer RELATING To ram CornaGH or 1856. A. Minute or Counorz, August 28TH, 1855. The existing scarcity of copper coin in the Province being reported at the board, ordered that £1,000 stg. in penny and balfpenny pieces in equal proportions be ordered from England and that application with a view to obtaining the same be made to Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., with models and specimens of the coins enclosed to them. 13 Hatirax, N.S., August 30, 1855. GBNTLEMEN, 4 The Government of Nova Scotia having been desirous of procuring for the public convenience copper coins pence and halfpence of the Provincial currency to an extent which will represent in that currency in equal sums one thousand two hundred and fifty pounds and the provincial secretary being absent, I have the honor, in obedience to the commands of His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor, to request that you will have the goodness to direct on behalf of this Government the execution of this service and make suitable arrange- ments for carrying it into effect so that the amount may reach the Colony at the earliest period that may be convenient. The number of coins required being 150,000 pence equal to £625 300,000 halfpence cc 625 Total in currency.. £1,250 These it is requested may be put in papers of 120 halfpence and 60 pence each and in secure and convenient packages properly distinguished and addressed On Her Maszsty’s SERVICE, Tun HonoragLe JAMES McNas, RECRIVER GENERAL, HaztrAx, Nova Scorra. Insurance being made on the shipment in London. Specimens of the coins at present in use here are transmitted, the new coinage being intended to be of the same weight and size and fineness, the obverse and reverse designs being also the same with the single alteration of the year of Our Lord which will be 1855 instead of 1843. You will understand however that the Honorable Joseph Howe, at present in London, has been instructed to suggest and communicate to you any modifications in the design which he may deem proper and such if communicated you are requested to adopt. The Receiver General of Nova Scotia will pay to your order or remit as you may direct the amount of charges and expenses incident to the service. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 58 In the event of your being unable to undertake this order be pleased to transfer its execution to such person as you or the Honorable Mr. Howe, if in London, may select. I have, &c. Wm. KBATING, Deputy-Secretary. Messrs. Barina Bros. & Co. London. APPENDIX IX. Extracts FROM STATUTES or DOMINION or CANADA. 1868.—31 Victoria. An Act respecting the currency. 2 Whereas it is expedient to have one currency for the whole Dominion of Canada: Therefore, Her Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate and House of Commons of Canada, enacts as follows : 11. The foregoing sections of this Act are as regards the Province of Quebec, Ontario and New Brunswick declaratory of the law in force in these Provinces before and at the time of the passing of this Act;—and as regards the Province of Nova Scotia, they shall come into force and take effect in that province, upon, from and after the day to be appointed for that purpose by Proclamation by the Governor;—Provided always, that any sum of money payable on and after the day last aforesaid, under any act or law of the Province of Nova Scotia passed before the said day, under any bill, note or instrument, contract or agreement made before the said day, if from the terms used or the date or place of making, it is to be presumed that some other currency thar that hereby established was intended, shall, on or after the said day, be payable by a sum in the currency of Canada, of equal value with that by which it would have been payable in any other currency if this Act had not been passed. 12. And for the prevention of doubts be it enacted that all sums mentioned in dollars and cents in the Imperial Act known as the British North America Act, 1867, and all Acts of the Parliament of Canada passed in the present or in any future session, shall unless it be otherwise expressed, be understood as well with respect to the Province of Nova Scotia as to the other Provinces composing the Dominion of Canada, to be the currency of Canada as hereby established, subject only to the following exception, that is to say :—the duties, penalties and other sums of money mentioned in the Act of the Parliament of Canada, passed in the present session, and intituled: An Act respecting the Inland Revenue, shall as regards all such duties, penalties or sums of money accrued, incurred or payable in the Province of Nova Scotia, before the day of 1868, be understood to be sums of the then currency of that Province, but as regards all such duties, penalties or sums of money accrued, incurred or payable on or after the said day, they shall be understood to be sums of the currency of Canada, as hereby established. 13. The seventh section of the Act of the Parliament of Canada passed in the present session and intituled : An Act to impose Duties on Promissory Notes and Bills of Exchange, shall be repealed as regards Promissory Notes, Drafts and Bills of Exchange made, drawn or accepted in Nova Scotia upon or after the said day of 1868, and the amount on which duty is payable under the said Act upon such Promissory Notes, Drafts or Bills of Exchange shall be reckoned in the currency of Canada as hereby established, as shall also any penalty incurred under the said Act in Nova Scotia on and after the said day. 16. The first, second, sixth and seventh sections of chapter eighty of the Revised Statutes of Nova Scotia, third series, and so much of any other parts of that chapter or of any other Act or law of the said Province as may be inconsistent with this Act, shall be repealed on and after the day to be appointed by Proclamation under the eleventh section; but nothing in this section shall alter or impair the effect of the Proviso to section eleven of this Act. 18. Provided, that inasmuch as there was held in Paris, in the year 1867, an International Monetary Conference with a view to promote a uniform currency among the nations at which the United Kingdom and the other principal nations of Europe and the United States of America, were represented by duly accredited delegates, and at which the great advantages of such uniform currency were demonstrated and a basis of such currency was agreed upon by the great majority of the delegates, and there is now pending before the Congress of the United States a Bill founded on the reports and resolutions of said Conference, and by which it is declared that, with a view to promote a uniform currency among the nations, the weight of the gold coin of five dollars, or half Eagle, of the United States shall be one hundred and twenty-four and nine-twentieths troy grains, and the fineness thereof shall be nine-tenths, so that it shall agree with a French coin of twenty-five francs, of like weight and fineness ; and whereas, that it is highly desirable to provide that the currency of Canada shall be in accordance with the basis agreed upon by the said Conference and shall be (as it now is except in the Province of Nova Scotia) of the same value as the metallic currency of the United States: Therefore, it is enacted, 54 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE that if the Bill hereinabove mentioned be passed by the Congress and becomes a law of the United States during the present session of the said Congress of the year 1868, then the Proclamation mentioned in the 11th, 14th and 16th sections of this Act shal! not be issued, but instead thereof the Governor may issue a Proclamation reciting the passing of the said Bill, and appointing a day on and after which the following enactments shall come into force and be law, that is to say APPENDIX X. Esrimare OF THE NUMBER, WEIGHT AND VALUE OF THE CoPPER COINS IMPORTED INTO Nova SCOTIA DURING THE HUNDRED YEARS PREVIOUS TO CONFEDERATION. - Weight Face value | Face value ISSUED BY. Date. | D ca A in | Quantity. in old in new er ; Tons. Currency. | Currency. SAT | Zoe Gh Gk $ G $ c. Issued by private firms from 1760. Various. Halfpennies 16L 3,513,588 | 739 19 6 29,279 90 ue 29,279 90 Issued by Provincial Government) 1823 |Halfpennies 4 400,000 | 836 6 6 3,345 00 siete 3,345 00 cs « es) L824) | Pennies.---- 4 217,776 | 907 8 8 3,629 23 se a “ ,...] 1824 |Halfpennies 1 118,636 | 247 3 2 988 64 — 4,618 27 4%. Gi T8 Pennies Ehods 4 200,000 | 833 6 6 3,333 30 fi as “ ....| 1832 /Halfpennies 8 800,000 11666 13 0 6,666 60 | — 9,999 90 oS L ‘“ ....| 1840 |Pennies...-. 3 150,000 | 541 13 4 2,166 66 # “ « ,...1 1840 |Halfpennies 3 300,000 | 541 15 4 2,166 67 4,332 33 Us € sae] 1843|Pennies.-2. 3 150,000 | 541 13 4 2,166 66 x a “ ....| 1843 |Halfpennies 3 300,000 | 541 13 4 2,166 67 — — - 4,333 33 « ce ‘ ,...| 1856 |Pennies..... 3 150,000 | 541 13 4 2,166 66 G3 us “ ....| 1856 |Halfpennies 3 300,000 | 541 13 4 2,166 67 ——— |. 4,333 33 Issued by Imperial Government .| 1861 Cents..:..... 4 800,000 8,000 60 L “ “« ....| 1861 [Half cents. 1 400,000 2,000 00 10,000 00 D “s He Tee o|l| S62) Cente severe cts 5 1,000,000 10,000 00 — 10,000 00 a Se fe 1864 (Cents ...... 4 800,000 8,000 00 Bs de “ ,..-| 1864 [Half cents. 1 400,000 2,000 00 ——— — —|— —_ |— —— ———| 10,000 00 65 |10,000,000 — 90,243 26 APPENDIX XI. Corns, Mepais AND Tokens RELATING to Nova Scorra. A. Anonymous Corns Issurep By PRIVATE Firms. 1. Obv. BROKB HALIFAX NOVA scoTrA A bust to the left in military costume. Rev. BRITANNIA Ex. 1814 Britannia to the left, with a sprig in her right hand and a trident in her left. Before her is an engagement between two war yessels. Copper. Size 27 millimetres. There are three varieties of this coin differing in minor details. : 2. Obv. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1815 Bust of George III to the right. Rev. wHauirax A ship under full sail to the right. Copper. Size 26 m. 3. Obv. + HALF PENNY TOKEN : 1814 Bust of George III to the right. Rev. FOR THE CONVENIENCE OF TRADE* A ship under sail to the right. Copper. Size 27 m. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 55 This has the same obverse as the Carritt & Alport coin. 4, Obv. NOVA SCOTIA AND NEW BRUNSWICK success A ship under sail to the right. Rev. HALFPENNY OKEN A female figure to the left, seated on a bale of goods, with a pair of scales in her extended right hand and a cornucopia in her left. A ship in the distance. Copper. Size 28 m. 5. Obv. HALFPENNY TOKPN NOVASCOTIA A ship under full sail to the right. Rev. + COMMERCIAL CHANGE - 1815 An Indian with a bow and arrow; a dog by his side. Copper. Size 28 m. 6. Obv. HALE PENNY Gable front of a warehouse. Rev. J Bin script. Copper. Size 28 m. 7. Obv. Same as last. Rev. A crowned harp within a wreath. Copper. Size 28 m. These two coins are rude in workmanship and indistinctly struck. The building resembles that on the Black coins Nos. 18 and 19. 8. Obv. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1815 Bust of George III to the right. Rev. GENUINE BRITISH COPPER Britannia seated to the left as in No.1. Copper. Size 26 m. There are three varieties of this coin differing slightly in detail. 9. Obv. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1815 Bust of George III to the right. Rev. SUCCESS 10 NAVIGATION & TRADE A ship under full sail to the right. Copper. Size 27 m. There are two varieties of this coin differing in the details of the bust. 10. Obv. GRHAT BRITAIN Bust of George III to the right. Rev. commerce 1814 Britannia to the left seated with a sprig in her extended right hand and a palm branch in her left. Copper. Size 28 m. There are two varieties of this coin. The palm branch probably refers to the victories gained during the war of 1812. 11. Oby. TRADE & NAVIGATION 1813 Female, to the left, seated on a bale of goods with a sprig in her extended right hand and a caduceus in her left. Rev. PURE COPPPR PREFERABLE TO PAPER. Within an inner circle ONE | FARTH | ING. Copper. Size 22 m This coin is said to have been imported by a small-wares merchant named Haliburton who did business in Halifax. He afterwards failed and left the province. There were many other coins, especially “ Wellington tokens,” imported into Nova Scotia, but it is impossible to separate them from those imported into the other provinces. B. Corns Bparinc THp Names or Nova Scoria MERCHANTS.. 12. Obv. + HALF PENNY TOKEN : 1814 Bust of George III to the right. Rev. PAYABLE BY CARRITT & ALPORT HALIFAX À ship under sail to the right. Copper. Size 29 m. 13. Obv. + HALFPENNY TOKEN - 1814 Bust of George III to the right within an inner circle. Rev. + PAYABLE BY HOSTERMAN & ETTER - HALIFAX A front view of the Government House, Halifax. Copper. Size 28 m. 14. Obv. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1815 Bust of George III to the right. Rev. + PAYABLE BY HOSTERMAN & BETTER + HALIFAX A front view of the Govennntent House, Halifax. Copper. Size 26 m. There are two varieties of this coin, in one of which some of the windows are not sashed. These are much lighter than the last described, showing that those imported in 1815 were for profit. 15. Obv. + STARR & SHANNON HALIFAX - 1815 Indian with bow and arrow ; a dog by his side. Rev. HALFPENNY TOKEN NOVASCOTIA A ship under full sail to the right. Copper. Size 28 m. Two varieties differing in the barbs of the arrow. 16. Obv. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1815 Within an inner circle a keg having its head inscribed srixns | NAILS with &c on the side. Rev. IMPORTER OF IRONMONGERY HARDWARE &c. Within an inner circle, PAYABLE | By | MILES w. | warre | HALIFAX | N S Copper. Size 28 m. : Hardware firms seem to have done the larger part of this business of supplying the country with copper change. 56 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE 17. Obv. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1815 Bust of George III to the right. Rev. : PAYABLE BY JOHN ALPXE. BARRY: HALIFAX A ship under full sail to the right. Copper. Size 26 m. There are three varieties of this coin, differing mainly in the size and position of the date. 18. Obv. WHOLESALE & RETAIL HARDWARE STORE Æx. 1816 A large building with a gateway in the centre. Rev. HALIFAX NOVA SCOTIA A keg standing on end inscribed round the centre spikes and on the end Nats; above it are two spades crossed, to the left a scythe and to the right a sickle. Copper. Size 25 m. The building represented on this token was no doubt the warehouse of the firm issuing the coin. It seems to have been a wooden structure with no architectural beauty worthy of commemoration. 19. Obv. Same as the last. Rev. PAYABLE AT W. A & S. BLACK’S. HALIFAX. N.S. Device same as the last. Copper. Size 25 m. The name of the firm haying been omitted from the previous token, a new die was made and the issue of the earlier tokens stopped. As the building on Nos. 6 and 7 are similar to the one displayed on this coin, they were probably issued by the same firm. 20. Obv. PAYABLE AT THE STORE OF J BROWN A ship, with sails furled, to the right. Rev. NEMO ME IMPUNE LACESsIT A four-leaved thistle. Copper. Size 26 m. This token is described as a Scottish token by Lindsay in his second supplement to the Coinage of Scotland, No. 94, page 28; but without assigning it to any place. He mentions two varieties differing as to size, but I have only seen one. The style of workmanship, especially of the thistle, differs altogether from any other Nova Scotian coin. 21. Obv. PAYABLE AT W. L. WHITES. HALIFAX HOUSE HALIFAX. N.S. In the field; ONE | FARTHING. Rev. W. L. WHITE'S. HALIFAX HOUSE HALIFAX, In the field, cxpaP | DRY | Goops | store Copper. Size 22 m. There are two varieties of this coin differing in relative positions of the letters. 22. Obv. ROBERT HOPWOOD & SON | NOVA SCOTIA | CROSSFIELD & | WELLINGTON | MILLS Rev. Arms. Motto Grapatm. Date 1852, I have not been able to locate either Crossfield or Wellington Mills. The above coin is said to have been struck for a proposed firm of millers that intended to commence operations in Nova Scotia in 1852. No specimen exists in Canada. This and the following coins were intended as advertisement cards rather than for circu- lation. 23. Obv. + ROBERT PURVES: | CHEAP | FAMILY | STORE | WALLACD Rev. ENCOURAGE | COUNTRY | IMPORTERS Copper. Size 26 m. 24. Obv. Female head to the left surrounded by thirteen stars, on the head is a coronet inscribed LIBERTY; underneath is the date 1882. Rev. BLAKLEY & C9 | GREAT DRY | SALT GOODS | WAREHOUSE | HALIFAX | N. S | Cor GRANVILLE & DUKE ST. Brass. Size 28 m. The obverse of this coin is a copy of the ten dollar piece of the United States. An evident mistake has been made in the expression “dry salt goods.” As the coin was struck in England where the name drapers is applied to what are called dry goods merchants in this country, the die makers, believing it had something to do with dried codfish, added the word salt. 25. Obv. x GASS’ TEA * STORE Within a beaded circle HALIFAX | N. 5. Rev. + THA * CHEQUH Within a beaded circle 1882 Brass. Size 24 m. Made by Dawson in Montreal. 26. Obv. coop For|1|R. s. Rev. plain. Brass. Size 25 m. This is a bar cheque made in the United States for Richard Sheppard of Halifax. 27. Obv. HALIFAX STEAMBOAT COMPANY. A side-wheel steam vessel to the left, barque rigged. Rev. FERRY | TOKEN Copper. Size 20 m. This was used as a ticket on a ferry between Halifax and Dartmouth. It was for a time very rare, but as some time ago a large hoard was found in the office of the company it is now common. C. CouUNTERFEITS OF THE COINAGE OF 1832. 28. Obv. PROVINCE OF NOVA scoTrA Laureated bust of George IV to the left, rudely executed. Rev. ONB PENNY TOKEN 1832 A two-leaved thistle. Brass. Size 34 m. Three varieties differing in the style of work. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 57 29. Obv. PROVINCE OF NOVA scoTrA Bust as in last. Rev. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1832 A thistle. Brass. Size 28 m. Four varieties differing as to rudeness of finish. 30. Obv. As last. Rev. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1382. A thistle. Copper. Size 28 m. This is the variety with the wrong date. D. Corxs Issupp BY THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT. 31. Obv. PROVINCE OF NoVAscorIA Laureated bust of George IV, young portrait. Rev. HALFPENNY TOKEN 1823 A thistle. Copper. Size 28 m. Two varieties differing in the shape of the thistle. 32. Obv. PROVINCE OF NovA-scoTIA Bust of George IV. Rev. As last. Copper. Size 28 m. There are six varieties of this coin, differing mainly in arrangement of the hair and in the features of the King. 33. Obv. As 31, but the features are much older. Rev. ONE PENNY TOKEN 1824 A thistle. Copper. Size 34 m. Three varieties differing in minor details. 34. Obv. As last. (Halfpenny of 1824.) Rev. As No. 31; date 1824. Copper. Size 28 m. Three varieties. 35. Obv. As No. 33. (Penny of 1832.) Rev. As No. 33; date 1832. Copper. Size 34 m. 36. Obv. As 33. (Halfpenny of 1832.) Rev. As 31; date 1832. Copper. Size 28 m. 37. Obv. PROVINCE OF NOVA ScoTIA Head of Victoria. Rev. ONE PENNY TOKDN 1840 A thistle. Copper. Size 34 m. Two varieties. 38. Obv. As last. _ (Halfpenny of 1840.) Rev. As 31; date 1840 Copper. Size 28 m. Three varieties. 39. Obv. As 37. (Penny of 1843.) Rev, As 37; date 1843 Copper. Size 34 m. Two varieties. 40. Obv. As 37. (Halfpenny of 1843.) Rev. As 31; date 1843. Copper. Size 28 m. Three varieties. 41. Obv. VICTORIA D : G: BRITANNIA R: RBG: F:D:1856 Coroneted head of Victoria to the left. Rev. PROVINCE OF NOVA SCOTIA ONE PENNY TOKEN A sprig of May-flower. Copper. Size 34 m. Two varieties. 42. Obv. As last. Rev. PROVINCE OF NOVA SCOTIA HALFPENNY TOKHN A sprig of May-flower. Copper. Size 28 m. Two varieties. E, Corns IssUED FROM THE RoyAL Minr. 43. Obv. VICTORIA D : G : BRITT : REG: F : D: Laureated bust of Victoria to the left. The letters and bust larger than on the ordinary English halfpenny. Rev. + NOVA-SCOTIA ONE CENT - 1861 A wreath of roses enclosing an imperial crown. Copper. Size 25 m. This and the three following are rejected patterns, 44. Obv. As last. Rev. + NOVA-SCOTIA HALF CENT + 1861 A wreath of roses enclosing an imperial crown. Copper. Size 20 m, Sec. II., 1892. 8. i 58 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE 45. Obv. As 43. Rev. ONE cpNT NoyA scorIA A wreath of roses and May-flowers entwined enclosing a crown and the date 1861. Copper. Size 25 m. 46. Obv. As 43. Rev. As last, but HALF ceNnT instead of cent. Copper. Size 20 m. 47. Obv. As 43, but with the bust and letters smaller. These are the same as on the regular English coinage. (Cent of 1861.) Rev. Same as 45. Copper. Size 25 m. Two varieties. 48. Obv. As last. (Half cent of 1861.) Rev. Same as 46. Copper. Size 20 m. 49, Obv. As 47. (Cent of 1862.) Rev. As 45; date 1862. Copper. Size 25 m. 50. Obv. As 47. (Cent of 1864.) Rev. As 45; date 1864. Copper. Size 25 m. 51. Obv. As 47. (Half cent of 1864.) Rev. As 46; date 1864. Copper. Size 20 m. F. List or MppaLs RELATING To Nova Scorra. 52. Obv. LUDOVICUS XV. D. G. FR. ET NAY. REX. Ex. DU vivier. Young laureated bust of Louis in toga. Rev. LUDOVICOBURGUM FUNDATUM ET MUNITUM. Ex. M.pcc.xx. View of the fort and harbour of Louisburg, with vessels in the harbour and at sea. Size 42 m. Struck to commemorate the completion of the fortifications of Louisburg. 53. Obv. LUDOVICUS XV. REX. CHRISTIANISSIMUS An older bust than the last. On the truncation of the bust DU VIVIER. Rev. Same as last. Size 42 m. A re-strike by the Musée Monétaire in which the obverse of a later medal was used by mistake. 54. Obv. PAX UBIQUE VICTRIX Ex, GALLORUM ET BRITANNORUM | CONCORDIA | MpccLxuI. Peace, standing, holding in her right hand an olive branch, and in her left a caduceus. At her feet a nude male figure is seated on a bat- tering ram, with flags and implements of ancient warfare. Rev. Same as 52. Size 42 m. The reverse of a medal commemorative the treaty of peace of 1763 has been used at the Musée Monétaire to strike this medal. 55. Obv. A prostrate naked female figure on a rock pointing to an inverted fleur-de-lis. Resting on the female is a globe, inscribed in their proper places, CANADA AMERICA; to the left is a soldier with a musket and bayonet, and to the right a sailor with his hat raised. Between them is a scroll inscribed PARITER - IN + BELLA; behind the globe is the Union Jack; and above Fame blowing a trumpet, and in her left hand two laurel wreaths; in the distance are five boats and a high rock. To the left, on the rock in the foreground, T. PINGo. pr. Rev. LOVISBOVRG . TAKEN . MDCCLVIN In the foreground is a battery shelling a fortified town to the right. To the left a lighthouse on the ocean, in front of the battery are eight war vessels and a number of small boats, one of the former is in flames. Silver and bronze. Size 44 m. | This and the following nine medals relate to the capture of Louisburg in 1758. 56. Obv. © + FAIR + BRITANNIA - HAIL Ez. 1. KIRK. Fr A female head to the left with a Phrygian cap before and a trident behind. Rev. LOVISBOVRG + TAKEN - MDCCIVIIT Hx. 1. Kirk. F Victory marching to the right holding on her left shoulder a pole supporting a shield with a fieur-de-lis, an ancient cuirass and a palm branch; in her right hand she holds a large fish, with several small fish about its mouth. Bronze and silver. Size 41 m. 57. Obv. As last but without the name of the engraver and the cap. Rev. LOUISBOURG TOKEN. MpccLYIN, Victory to the right standing on the prow of an ancient war galley holding a wreath in her extended right hand and a palm branch in her left. Bronze. Size 39 m. 58. Obv. Gnorciys. 11. REX. Bust of the King in armor to the left. Rev. SENEGAL MAI. 2. | MARSH MASON. | S? MALOS IUN 16. | MARLBRo. | CHERBOURG. AU. 16. | HOW. | LOUISBOURG. IUL. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 59 27. | BOSCAWEN-AMHERST | FRONTIS AUG. 27. | BRADSTRHET. | DUQUESNR. Noy. 24, | FORBES. | GORDE, pp 29 | KHPPEL., Britannia seated in a chariot drawn by a lion, supported by the figure of Justice to the left and of Liberty to the right. The ground on which they stand is strewn with fleur-de-lis ; above is a scroll inscribed F&DUS-INVICTUM, below, mpccvi. Brass. Size 43 m. 59. Obv. Same as reverse of last. Rev. Inscription to the left, GUADALOUPE | BARINGN MOORE | MAY 1 | NIAGARA | IONSON | IULY. 25 At top, QUE- BEC | WOLFE | MONCKY TOWNS? | sep. 13 & 18 | HAWKE | QUIBERON | Noy. 20 To right, CROWN POINT | AMHERST | AUG. 4 | LAGos | BOSCAWEN | AUG. 19. At bottom, MINDEN | FERDINAND | AUG. 1 Arms, consisting of a fleur-de-lys re- versed, surrounded by a garter inscribed prrrmiA EVERSA. Supporters: a crowned lion to left and a horse to right; ribbon inscribed, w. PITT AUSP. GEO. 11 PR. MI; under the arms, MpccLrx. Bronze. Size 43 m. 60. Obv. ADM’ BOSCAWEN - TOOK : CAPE: BRETON Half length bust of Boscawen to the right. Rev. LOUISBOURG. A rude view of what is intended to represent the town and harbour of ‘Louisburg, four vessels in the harbour. Hw. rut 26 1758. Brass. Size 40 m. This and the six following medals were struck by Pinchbeck, of London. They are all rude in finish and made from the “ pinchbeck ” brass. 61. Obv. Same as last. Rev. As last, exeept that there are five vessels in the harbour and a ball from a mortar is about to strike the fort on the summit of the hill. Brass. Size 40 m. 62. Obv. ADM BOSCAWEN TOOK CAPE BRETON A three-quarter figure of Boscawen in naval uniform to the right with a baton in his right hand. Rev. Similar to 60, but the town is on the left, and the date 1768. Brass. Size 37 m. 63. Obv. As last. | Rev, LOUISBURG HARBOUR View of the town and harbour of Louisburg. Ez. sun 26 1758. Brass. Size 37 m. 64. Obv. As 62. - Rev. Similar to 60, but the town is to the left. Brass. Size 24 m. 65. Obv. TO BRAYP ADM™ BOscAWPN Bust of Boscawen in armor to the right. Rev. I SURRENDER PRISONER Æx. 1758. An officer to the right kneeling and presenting his sword to another officer to the left, standing and holding a sword over him. Copper. Size 25 m. 66. Obv. Nova scorrA In field, UNION Is STRENGTH with a Maltese cross underneath, the whole partially enclosed by two sprigs of May-flower. Rev. THMPERANCE | society In field roKpN | or | MemMppRsHIP with similar sprigs of May-flower. White metal Size 39 m. This is the earliest numismatic recognition of the May-flower, as this medal appeared some years before the coinage of 1856. 67. Obv. HALIFAX TEMPERANCE socinty Across the field, TOKEN | Or | MEMBERSHIP. Rev. UNION IS STRENGTH A wreath of laurel enclosing a fasces, White metal. Size 38 m. 68. Obv. PER IPSUM ET CUM IPSO ET IN 1PSO viNCes Arms Chief Vert. A lamb to the left, below rms. Sup- porters, a man to the left and a woman to the right; crest, a radiated cross. Rev. . HALIFAX ROMAN CATHOLIC TOTAL ABSTINENCE SOCIETY. THB VERY REV? JOHN LOUGHNAN. V. G. PRESIDENT. : a Greek cross inscribed PLEDGE | I PROMISH| TO | ABSTAIN | FROM ALL | INTOXICATING DRINKS &C | EXCEPT USED MEDICINALIY | AND BY ORDER OF A MEDICAL MAN | AND TO DISCOUNTENANCE | THE | CAUSE & | PRACTICE | OF | INTEMPERANCE The corners of the cross are radiated, and contain the words FOUNDED | 24 jAN¥ 1841 | HALIFAx | NOVA scorrA White metal. Size 44 m. 69. Obv. sT MARY & S! PATRICKS TEMPERANCE SOCIBTY FOUNDED IN HALIFAX BY THE R! REV? DE watsa 1843 The Virgin Mary, in the foreground of a landscape with a child on her knee who holds a lamb witha ribbon; in her left hand is a flower; with her right she is patting the lamb’s head and by her side is a shepherd’s crook. From her left hand a flash of lightning strikes a wolf that is chasing a lamb. Hills in the distance, and a palisade with an open gate in the foreground. Rev. SAINT PATRICK APOSTLE OF IRELAND. Ea. WE ARB THE CHILDREN OF | SAINTS. | TORIAS 1. 18. St. Patrick, with crosier,in the foreground standing treading on a snake; to the left, in the distance, are a spire, martello tower and a cross, to the right, rocks and trees. White metal. Size 43 m. 70. Obv. CATHOLIC TOTAL ABSTINANCE MEDAL OF THE CITY OF HALIFAX REV? FATHER JOHN HIGGINBOTHAM FOUNDER FEBY 2. 1857 Same scene as last. Rev. As last. White metal. Size 43 m. 60 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE 71. Obv. CHAMPION OF HALIFAX HARBOUR on a garter. A shield argent bearing a kingfisher to the left standing on a mound; before which is a May-flower. Rev. A wreath of May-flowers. White metal. Size 32 m. This medal was given by Dr. Cogswell to be competed for annually at the Halifax regatta. The dies were engraved in Birmingham. 72. Obv. *THH STARR MAN’F’G CO * | (LIMITED) | MAKERS OF THE | CHLEBRATED | ACMB SKATES | (FORBES’ PATENT) | HALIFAX & DARTMOUTH, N.S. Rev. A large star. Lead. Size 32 m. 73. Obv. Same as last. Rev. SUPERIOR CUT | NAILS SPIKES | FROM | LONDONDERRY IRON | SHIPS SPIKES | GALVANIZED & BLACK | RAILWAY SPIKES BOLTS NUTS | COACH SCREWS; WASHERS | AND RIVETS OF EVERY | DESCRIPTION ; FRAMES | FORGED & MACHINE | WORK | VAULT DOORS &c Lead. Size 32 m. These are advertising cards of a hardware manufacturing firm at Dartmoutl. They are rudely executed having been made at the company’s works. G. Communion Tokens UsED IN THE DiFFERENT PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES IN Nova Scorra. 74. ANTIGONISH. Obv. C. (May be the initial of a former minister of Johnshaven.) Rev. Plain, oblong cut corners, 14 x 17 m. This church was organized about the year 1804. The Rev. James Monro, who had been for some time in Halifax, became the first pastor, in 1808. He was connected with the -Church of Scotland, but joined with the other churches in Nova Scotia, in 1817, to form the Presbyterian Church of Nova Scotia. 75. ANTIGONISH. Obv. REV” | THOS | TROTTER | 18.08 Rev. asso. con | Johns Haven for Asso(ciate) Con(gregation,) oval 21 x 30 m. The Rey. Thomas Trotter was minister of the Burgher Church of Johnshaven, Scotland. When, in 1818, he came to Nova Scotia, he brought with him the tokens made for his former charge, and these tokens were used until a recent date in the Antigonish Church. 76. Apion Mines, (Stellarton). Obv. Ss? JOHN’S CHURCH ALBION MINES, N. S., between two beaded ovals; in the centre is the word TOKEN, while the corners are occupied by ornaments. Rev. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND between two beaded ovals ; in the centre is the date 1866. ornaments in the corners, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. The members of this church had, up to 1866, been connected with St. Andrews Church, New Glasgow. It, like most of the Kirk Congregations in Pictou County, still retains its old connection. 77. Barnnys RIVER. Obv. B R in large letters, for B(arneys) R(iver.) Rev. Plain, oblong cut corners, 20 x 28 m. This place received its name from the first settler, Barnabas McGee. As the district was mainly settled by Highlanders they desired a minister of the Church of Scotland ; and in that connection a church was accordingly organized, about the year 1830, with the Rev. Dugald McKeichan as minister. 78. Barneys River. Obv. FRED CHURCH BARNBY’s RIVER. In the centre 1851. Rev. THIS DO IN REMEMBRANCE OF MB Across the centre 1 cor. x1.24 oval, 22 x 30 m. This church was organized after the “ disruption” in Scotland by members who came out from the Kirk. The Rey. D. B. Blain was the first minister ; who was installed as pastor about the year 1848. 79. Caxso (River Inhabitants). Obv. KIRK | D. M°K. | canso. for D(ugald) McK(eichan.) Rev. Plain, upright oblong, 23 x 30 m. Organized as a Church of Scotland, but now connected with the Presbyterian Church in Canada. This must not be confounded with the town of Canso as it is a district, more generally known as River Inhabitants, on the Cape Breton shore of the Straits of Canso. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 61 80. DARTMOUTH. Obv. st JAMES’s | CHURCH, | DARTMOUTH. within beaded lines with ornamental corners. Rev. “ THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | or mp.” | r. cor. x1.24. within beaded lines with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. This is a town, or more properly a suburb of Halifax, across the harbour from that city. The first pastor was the Rev. James Morrison, sent out in 1827, by the Glasgow Colonial Society in connection with the Church of Scotland. The church is now in the Union. 81. Doucrass, (Shubenacadie.) Obv. Rev,p | A. Drcr | Douczrass | 1803. Rev. Plain, square, with the inscription running diagonally, 22 m. This church was organized by the Rev. Dr. McGregor, under whose supervision it continued until the arrival of the Rev. Alexander Dick, in 1802. In 1803 Mr. Dick was ordained by the newly organized Presbytery of Pictou, and was therefore the first Presbyterian Minister regularly ordained in the province. His charge covered a large district known as the township of Douglass, which included Shubenacadie, Noel, Maitland, Nine Mile River, Gore and Gray’s River. The township has since been subdivided leaving Shubenacadie, the central church, outside its boundaries. 82. Earurown. Obv. ro THB | Kirk Concrecations | or | Earcrowx | AxD | West Branca, R. J. | sy | Rev. W. M°Mizaw. Rev. “THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF ME.” | 1. Cor. x1.24. within beaded lines with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. This place was settled, from Sutherlandshire, about the year 1815. As the people had been mainly adherents of the Church of Scotland before emigrating, they kept up their old connection without any regularly appointed Kirk minister, although they were for a time under the charge of the Rey. Alex. Sutherland who was not of that connection. At the disruption most of the members joined the Free Church; still a number held to the Kirk and these were ministered to by the Rey. William McMillan whose name appears on the token. Both the congrega- tions at Earltown and West Branch River John refused to join the Union; although since the Free Church was formed, the two denominations worship in the same building. 83. Economy. Obv. A. Kerr’s | CONGREGY | OECONOMY Rev. Plain, oblong rounded corners, 19 x 23 m. This place was occasionally visited by the Rev. John Brown, of Londonderry, until the settlement of the Rev. Andrew Kerr, in 1817. He belonged to the Antiburgher section of the Secession Church. It may be noticed that “ Oeconomy ” is spelled with an initial O. 84. ELmspaLe. ; Obv. A communion table bearing a chalice and a plate of bread, underneath is the inscription THrs po | 1N REMEMBRANCE | OF ME | LUKE 22.19 : Rev. Gop FORBID.| THAT I SHOULD | GLORY, SAVE IN| THE Cross OF our | Lorp Jesus Curist,| BY WHOM THE WORLD | IS CRUCIFIED UNTO | ME, AND I UNTO | THE WORLD. | GAL. c 6. v 14, round, 22 m. After the death of Mr. Dick the Douglass Church was divided. The division of which Elmsdale was the centre had the Rey. Robert Blackwood as the first minister. 85. GAIRLOCH. Obv. A four pointed starlike figure, indented. Rev. Plain, oblong round corners, 22 x 25 m. This was a settlement from Gairlock in Scotland, hence the name. The congregation became connected with the Church of Scotland, which connection, like most of the Kirk congregations of Pictou, it still retains. The design is one of the simplest. The token is, doubtless, 60 years old. 86. GREENHILL. # Obv. SALEM CHURCH. | GREENHILL. | 1850. within beaded lines with ornamental corners. Rev. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF ME. | I. cor. x1.24. within beaded lines with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. The church formed, up to 1848, a part of the West River congreyation when the charge was sub-divided. The Rey. George Patterson, D.D., the historian of the county of Pictou, ordained in 1849, was appointed its first minister. 62 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE 87. Goosp River (Linden). Obv. R. P. C | G. R for R(eformed) P(resbyterian) C(hurch) G(oose) R(iver.) Rev. Plain, oblong, 14 x 18 m. Organized by missionaries from the old Cameronian Church. It is now connected with the Presbyterian Church in Canada. 88. Goosx River. Obv. An oblong indentation serrated. Rev. Plain, oblong, 12 x 15 m. This token is used in the outlying or branch congregations of the Linden Church. 89. GRAND River. Obv. FREE CHURCH | GRAND RIVER | C. B. for C(ape) B(reton.) Rev. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF Mp | I. Cor. XI 24 oval, 22 x 28 m. Organized shortly after the disruption, with the Rev. James Ross as the first minister. 90. Hatirax. Obv. P C | H | 1784 for P(resbyterian) C(hurch) H(alifax.) Rev. A rude representation of the burning bush, nearly round, 28 x 30 m. This congregation was organized as a Congregational Church by the “ dissenters” of Halifax, and was com- posed mainly of Congregationalists and Presbyterians. The first pastor was the Rey. Aaron Cleveland, installed 1750. He afterwards removed to the United States, of which his great-great grandson is now President. On the breaking out of the revolution in the thirteen colonies to the south mcst of the Congregational ministers of Nova Scotia, as sympathizers with the movement, left their charges; and as some of them were replaced by Presbyterians the congregations joined the Presbytery. The first Presbyterian minister settled over the Halifax congregation was the Rev. Thos. Russell, who came out in 1783. After continued disputings between the two parties in the congregation the difficulty was settled, in 1787, by the Congregationalists agreeing to accept a Presbyterian minister chosen by the Principal of the Edinburgh University ; while the Presbyterians yielded the point that the church should remain independent of the Presbytery. The first minister, chosen under this agreement, was the Rey. Andrew Brown, installed 1787. The church continued independent until 1840 when it joined the Presbytery. 91. Hatirax. Obv. ST MATHEW’S | CHURCH | HALIFAX N.S. Rev. THIS DO IN REMEMBRANCE OE MB I. COR. XI. 24 a chalice, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. This token belongs to the same church as the last. The church was first known as the ‘ Protestant Dissenters Meeting House,’ afterwards as St. Matthews Church. When the Rey. Principal Grant, now of Queen’s College, Kingston, was installed as pastor, he removed the last trace of Congregationalism—Watt’s Psalms and Hymns. 92. HarrrAx. Obv. PR + cH | H | N.S. | 1786 for PR(esbyterian) CH(urch) H(alifax) N(ova) S(cotia.) Rev. I. Cor. | x1 xxiv a chalice in outline, oval, 27 x 30 m. I have not been able to trace this token to any church; having obtained it from a collector who assured me that it had been in his father’s possession for a number of years and that he had secured it when travelling with samples in the Lower Provinces. 93. HALIFAX. Obr. R. C. H for R(elief) C(hurch,) H(alifax.) Rev. 1818 across the field, round, 24 m. This church was organized by the Rev. Henry Paterson who was sent out in 1818, by the Relief Presbytery of Scotland to organize a church of its own order. It afterwards became connected with the Church of Scotland when it was called St. Andrew’s Church. 94. Hairax, Obv. st JOHN’s PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 1863 Within a parallelogram naALtrAx | N.S. Rev. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | CF ME. | BUT LET A MAN | EXAMINE | HIMSELF. oblong cut corners, 21 x 27 m. A Free Church was organized in Halifax in 1843 with the Rey. Ralph Robb as their first minister. This church was built in the north end, but afterwards a new building known as Chalmer’s Church, was built in the centre of the city. When the congregation removed to the new place a party broke off and worshipped in the old building until St. John’s Church was erected. - ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 63 95. HaALIFAx. Obv. POPLAR GROVE | PRESBYTERIAN Rev. REV. P. G. M°GREGOR | HALIFAX NS. | 1843 oblong, cut corners. 18 x 30 m. The Rev. P. C. McGregor, the first minister, was inducted in 1843. The congregation is now known as Park Street Church. 96. HoPpweLz. Obv. s? | coLumBa | CHURCH an ornament below. Rev. THIS | DO IN | REMEMBRANCD | OF MB round, 32 m. This formed a part of the East River Congregation, organized, in 1824, in connection with the Church of Scotland. It afterwards became a separate congregation, and still retains its connection with the old Kirk. CHURCH 97. Lower SEITLEMENT (New Glasgow). Obv. Lower sert. for serr(lement) between two beaded ovals, corners radiated. Rev. Plain, oblong, 20 x 22 m. An early church built in the most accessible part of what was known as the Lower Settlement of the East River of Pictou. The congregation was organized about the year 1788, by the Rev. James McGregor, D.D., who was for many years the only minister in the county of Pictou. He had the whole of Pictou and parts of the neighbouring counties for his parish. After the arrival of fellow workers, and “ the parish ” divided, he confined his labours, more particularly, to the district of which this church was the centre. The church, built nearly oppo- site where Stellarton is, on the lower part of the East River, was called James Church after the founder. The town of New Glasgow grew up two miles further down the river where the congregation built the new James Church; and in this church the original tokens were used up to a few years ago. There were evidently two or three different issues of the tokens struck from the original die, as they occur in various thicknesses. Dr, McGregor was the first Antiburgher minister in Nova Scotia. 98. LOoNDONDERRY. Obv. Rev? | I: Brown | L. Derry | 1808 for J(ohn) Brown L(ondon)derry the inscription running diagonally. Rev. Plain, square, 22 m. The first Minister of this congregation was the Rev. David Smith who settled over it in 1771. After the death of Mr. Smith the Rev. John Brown was called to the pastorate and entered upon the work in 1795. Uptothe striking of this token, in 1808, a supply of these made for the Truro church were used. Evidences of this are visible on this token as it was struck over an old one, bearing the name of Mr. Cock, Truro. Traces of this inscription may be seen on all existing specimens of Mr. Brown’s token. k 99. LONDONDERRY. Obv. THB PRESBYTERIAN | CHURCH | LONDONDERRY | 1844 Rev. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF ME | L cor. x1 24 oblong cut corners, 21 x 27 m. A new token made to be used in the same church as the last. 100. LocHazer. Obv. LocHArnrR | & | st MARy’s | FRED cHURCH | 1851. Rev. THIS DO IN REMEMBRANCE OF MB In the centre across the field I cor. x1. 24 oval, 22 x 30 m. Lochaber in Antigonish County and St. Mary’s, in Guysborough, are two townships from which the member- ship of this congregation are drawn. The first minister was the Rey. Alex. Campbell, who came from Scotland in 1848. 101. Marrianp. Obv. MAITLAND | PRESBYTERIAN | CONGREGATION Rev. Rpy? 1. s. crow | 1845, oblong cut corners, 21 x 27 m. This formed part of the Douglass Congregation until 1815, when the church was divided. The northern half, consisting cf Maitland, Noel and smaller settlements, called Mr. Crow to be their pastor. Towards the close of his ministry the congregation split, the larger part continuing under Mr. Crow. After his death the congregation became a Congregational Church. Only one or two of these tokens are known, as the supply on hand was destroyed when the parsonage was burnt in 1857. 102. Marrnanp. Obv. PRESBYTERIAN | CONGREGATION, | MAITLAND. Rev. THIS DO IN REMEMBRANCD OF ME À chalice on a table, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. This token was made for the congregation that split off from Mr. Crow’s church, by which it is still used. 103. McLenxnan’s MouxrTaix. Obv. M L M) indented) for M(c)L(ennan’s) M(ountain.) 64 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE Rev. Plain, oblong cut corners, 18 x 29 m. This is claimed as the first church organized, in the Province of Nova Scotia, in connection with the Church of Scotland. The Rev. Donald A. Fraser came out from Scotland in 1817, and was at once called to the church at McLennan’s Mountain. The church still holds to its old ties. 104. McbLennan’s MouxTAIN. Obv. SAINT JOHN’s | M° LENNAN’S | MOUNTAIN Rev. “po THIS | IN REMEMBRANCE | or MP” oval, 22 x 31 m. A new token used in the same church as the last. McLennan’s Mountain received its name from the name of the first settler at the mouth of the brook that flows past the base of the mountain. 105. Mupricomisu. Oby. MIRIGOMISH PRESBY CoNG* between two circles. Within the circles W. P | min? | 1819. for W(illiam) P(atrick) min(iste)r. Rev. Plain, square cut corners, 19 m. The Rey. William Patrick came from Scotland in 1815, and was at once settled over the Merigomish Congrega- tion, which position he retained until 1844. The congregation received the early attention of Dr. McGregor, and was considered under his pastoral charge until the arrival of Mr. Patrick. 106. Musquopozorr. Obv. MUSQUIDABOIT PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. forming an oval enclosing REV? J. $. | 1841 | 1. cor. x1 28. 29. for for J(ohn) S(prott) within beaded lines with ornamental corners. Rev. Plain, oblong cut corners, 20 x 27 m. Musquodoboit was separated from Stewiacke Church, in 1816, with the Rev. John Laidlaw as Minister. The Rey. John Sprott became Pastor in 1841. This church was organized under Burgher section of the Secession church. The name of the place is incorrectly spelt on the token. 107. Musquoposoir. Obv. st? ANDREWS | CHURCH | MUSQUODOBOIT | N. 8. Rev. THIS Do | IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF MB oblong cut corners, 19 x 26 m. This is a church built in another part of the settlement known as Little River. 108. New ANNAN. Obv. NEW ANNAN | PRESBYTERTAN | CONGREGATION Rev. Plain, oblong cut corners; 19 x 30 m. This for a time formed part of the Tatamagouche Congregation. 109. New GLASGOW. Obv. COMMUNION TOKEN | S! ANDREW’S, | NEW GLASGOW. | 1855. Rev. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF Me. | I. Cor. x1. 24, within beaded lines with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. A church was built in 1819 at Fraser’s Mountain, about two miles from New Glasgow, where afterwards the greater number of the members resided. For this reason the building was removed into the town. The congrega- tion still retains its connection with the Church of Scotland. 110. New GLascow. Obv. A communion table bearing a chalice and a plate of bread, below is the inscription TS Do | IN REMEMBRANCE | OF MB | LUKE 22.19 Rev. Gop FORBID | THAT I SHOULD | GLORY, SAVE IN | THD cross of our | LorpD Jesus Curist,| BY WHOM THE WORLD | IS CRUCIFIED UNTO | ME, AND I UNTO | THD WORLD. | GAL. c.6 v. 14. round, 24 m. This token is similar to the one used in the Elmsdale Church except that it is a size larger with letters slightly larger. A token of the same kind is used in a church in Birmingham, England. This congregation, known as Primitive Church was formed in 1846, by members who separated from James Church. The first minister, the Rey. George Walker, was inducted in 1848. Afterwards when the building was burned down, the congregation united with John Knox Church, and has since been called the United Church. 111. New GLasGow. Obv. JOHN KNOX | CHURCH, | NEW-GLASGOW. | THIS DO IN. | REMEMBRANCE OF MB.” Rev. PREP CHURCH OF SCOTLAND. Below is the burning bush and a ribbon inscribed NEC TAMPN CONSUMEBATUR ; on the groundwork is the maker’s name crAWFoRD GLAsGow oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. This was a Free Church that split off from St. Andrew’s at the time of the disruption. The Rey. John Stewart, was the first minister. The union of this with the preceding formed the United Church. ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 65 112. Newrort. Obv. PRESBYTERIAN | CHURCH, | NEWPORT. within beaded lines with ornamental corners. Rev. “THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF MB.” | 1. cor. xt. 24. within beaded lines with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. 118. Nort. Obv. NOBL | PRESBYTERIAN | CONGREGATION Rev. Rev? Pp. s. crow | 1845 oblong cut corners, 21 x 27 m. Noel formed part of the Douglass congregation until 1815 when it was with Maitland erected into a separate charge and, like Maitland, it divided towards the close of Mr. Crow’s ministry and the part remaining under Mr. Crow afterwards became Congregational. The initial “ P” in Mr. Crow’s name is wrong, it should be “T” as on the Maitland token. 114. OnsLow. Obo. + John J. Baxter + Onslow. between two circles. In the centre is the date 1832. Rev. Plain, square, 22 m. This was a Burgher congregation separated from Truro in 1816, the Rey. Robert Douglass was the first minister, and Mr. Baxter assumed charge in 1832. 115. Prorou. Obv. PARISH | OF | PICTOU Rev. Rev? | T. M°C. | 1810 for T(homas) McC(ulloch) oval, 18 x 28 m. The first church in the vicinity of Pictou was built in 1787 up the harbour and across the river at Loch Broom ; but in 1804 when the town began to grow and became a centre, the people there organized a separate congregation. They were supplied occasionally by the Rev. Dr. McGregor and the Rev. Duncan Ross. On the arrival of Dr. McCulloch in Pictou, in 1803, on his way to Prince Edward Island, he was induced to remain in Pictou and was inducted as pastor of the church im 1804. 116. Picrov. Obv. PRINCE STREET | CHURCH, | PICTOU Rev. “ do THIS | IN REMEMBRANOR | or MB” oval, 22 x 30 m. _ This is a later token used in the same church as the last; like most of the early churches in Pictou, it was organized as an Antiburgher. 117, Prcrou. Obv. St. A C P for St. A(ndrew’s) C(hurch,) P(ictou). Rev. Plain, irregular oblong cut corners, 23 x 30 m. In the year 1824 a congregation in connection with the Old Kirk was organized in Pictou with the Rey. K. J. McKenzie as minister. The church still retains its original connection. 118. Prcrou. Obv. ST ANDREWS CHURCH | Pictou | NOVA scorrA 1850 Rev. THIS DO | IN REMBMBRANCE | OF ME oval, 22 x 36 m. This is a later token used in the same church as the last. For a time the old tokens were retained for use among the Gaelic speaking part of the congregation but they were afterwards melted down to make new tokens consequently few of the old ones are to be had. 119. Picrov. Obv. Pictou | FREE CHURCH | 1844 Rov. LEY A MAN | BXAMINE | HIMSELF | 1. cor. xt. 28 oblong cut corners, 19 x 29 m. Organized, at the time of the disruption, by a division of the St. Andrew’s Church. The Rey. Murdoch Sutherland was the first minister. When this token was discarded by the Pictou Church supplies of it seemed to have been distributed among a number of other churches, as I have specimens from three or four churches in Noya Scotia, two in Prince Edward Island, and one in Ontario. 120. Prcrov. Obv. KNOX’S CHURCH | PICTON N.S. Rev. “po THs | IN REMEMBRANCE | OF MB” oval 22 x 30 m. A later token used in the same church as the last. The mis-spelling of the name would make it liable to be ~ confounded with “ Picton,” in Ontario, were the letters “ N. S.,” not present. 121. Pucwasx. Obr. puawasH | 1868 | r. cor. xu within a beaded oval, ornaments in the corners. Sec, IL., 1892. 9, 66 ROBERT WALLACE McLACHLAN ON THE Rev. “THIS DO IN | REMBMBRANCE | OF Mp.” | I. cor. x1. 24. within beaded lines with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 20 x 27 m. 122. River Jon. Obv. ass: con: | J. R. J. M. | mix. for ass(ociate) con(gregation) J(ohns) R(iver) J(ohn) Mitchell) mrx(ister.) Rev. 1. coR: | 11.23.24 oval, 20 x 29 m. Organized by Dr. McGregor at an early date. Mr. Mitchell, a native of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, was sent out to Quebec, in 1803, by the London Missionary Society. He removed to New Carlisle, and afterwards to Amherst, N. S.; remaining in each place two or three years. In 1808 he came to River John, and, although a Congrega- tionalist, joined the Presbytery of Pictou. The tokens were made in 1809. 123. River Jonx. Obv. ST GEORGES CHURCH | RIVER JOHN | 1863 | 1 cor. x11 within a beaded oval, ornamental corners. Rev. “THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF ME.” | 1. cor. x1. 24. oblong cut corners, 20 x 27 m. Organized in connection with the Church of Scotland, which connection is still retained. 124. Sr. Paut’s East River. Obv. Plain centre with serrated border. Rev. Plain, oblong cut corners, 25 x 32 m. The East River congregation in connection with the Church of Scotland embraced what is now known as St. Pauls East River and St. Columba Church, Hopewell. The church was organized in 1824, with the Rev. John McRae as minister. The places were then known as East Branch East River, and West Branch East River. 125. Sr. Mary’s (Glenelg). Obv. st MARY’s within beaded lines with ornamental corners. Rev. REV? | J. CAMPBELL | 1839. within beaded lines, with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 20 x 27 m. This is the name of a large township or district in Guysborough County of which Glenelg was the central church. The first settlement of the township was made in 1801. The first minister was the Rey. Alexander Lewis from the Secession Church, Ireland, who arrived in 1818. He went to Mono, Ontario, and was succeeded by the Rev. John Campbell in 1837. Mr. Campbell had three stations, Glenelg, Caledonia and Sherbrooke. 126. Scorssurn, (or Rogers Hill). Obv. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF MB | BUT LET A MAN | EXAMINE HIMSELF Rev. Plain, with beaded border, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. A congregation organized in connection with the Church of Scotland which connection it still maintains. The . first minister was the Rey. Rod. McAulay, settled in 1833. 127. SHELBURNE, Obv. P=C |S for P(resbyterian) C(hurch,) S(helburne). Rev. The burning bush, square, 18 m. Organized about the year 1784 by Loyalists with the Rev. Hugh Fraser, as minister, who had been chaplain of one of the regiments during the war; and who came out with them to their new home in Nova Scotia. 128. Sxeer Harsour. Obv. PRESBYTERIAN | CONGREGATION | SHDET HARBOUR Rev. THIS DO IN REMEMBRANCE OF ME. In one line curved, under it is a chalice, the whole enclosed within beaded lines with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 20 x 27 m. 129. SPRINGVILLE. Obv. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | oF M. | I. cor. x1. 24. within beaded lines with ornamental corners. Rev. Plain, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. In this token the reverse common to many tokens is used for obverse. The congregation is made up of two churches nine miles apart; one at St. Pauls five miles above Springville, and the other at Churchville, four miles below. See Upper Settlement. = 130. STEWIACKE. Obv. J. SMITH STEWIACKE 1830. Rev. TOKEN in large letters across the field with a rosette above and another below, round, 22 m. The early settlers of Stewiacke were mainly Scotch Irish, from the North of Ireland. They had belonged to the Associate Synod and received occasional visits from the Rev. D. Cock, and also from Dr. McGregor under whose pastoral charge they considered themselves until the Pictou field was divided when the Rey. D. Ross gave them every third Sunday. In 1830 the Rey. Mr. Graham was settled as their first regularly appointed ANNALS OF THE NOVA SCOTIAN CURRENCY. 67 minister. When he died, in 1830, the Rev. J. Smith whose name appears on the token was called to supply his place. 131. Sypney Mines. Obv. SYDNEY MINES | PRESB. CHURCH | M. W. 1842. for M(atthew) W(ilson) within beaded lines with ornamental corners. Rev. Plain, oblong cut corners, 21 x 27 m. Mr. Wilson, the first pastor of the church, continued in charge over forty years. 132. TATAMAGOUCHE Obv. ‘TATAMAGOUCHE in a curved line. Rev. Plain, oval, 19 x 29 m. This place was visited occasionally by the Rev. Dr. McGregor; on the arrival of Mr. Mitchell it was considered as part of his charge until 1826 when the Rev. Hugh Ross became its first reguiarly appointed minister. 133. Truro: Obv. TRURO NOVA SCOTIA 1772 between two circles. Mr. | D. C. | for M(iniste)r D(aniel) C(ock). Rev. Plain, square, 21 m. Mr. Cock was the first regularly appointed Presbyterian minister who remained inthe province. He arrived in 1770 and returning to Scotland in 1771, he came out again in 1772, bringing with him a supply of the tokens and the die with which to strike fresh supplies when the old ones were worn out. This is the oldest token of any used in Canadian churches. 134. TruRo. Obv. ST. P. for S(ain)T P(aul’s) in an oblong oval. Rev. Plain, metal copper, round 27 m. This token is a small “ countermark” struck over au old copper worn so smooth that hardly anything of the original design is visible. 135. UPPER SETTLEMENT. Obv. U.S. | P. E. for U(py er) S(ettlement) of P(ictou) E(ast River) within a beaded circle with coarse irregular rays occupying the corners outside the circle. The letters are irregularly formed. Rev. Plain, square, 20 m. I have not been able to ascertain with certainty what the letters “ P. E.” stand for, but the above rendering seems the most probable. 136. UPPER SRTTLEMENT. Obv. U.S. | P. E. for U(pper) S(ettlement) P(ictou) E(ast) within a circle of fine regular rays occupying the corners. The letters are regular. Rev. Plain, square, 20 m. Two churches on the Upper Settlement of East River of Pictou were among the earliest organized by Dr. McGregor. One on the East Branch now known as St. Paul’s, and the other on the West Branch now Hopewell. These remained under the charge of Dr. McGregor until 1824, when they were assigned # pastor to themselves, the Rey. Angus McGillivray. A third church was afterwards erected at Churchyille. But whether one of these tokens was used in each church or the second variety introduced into both churches after the stock of the older ones had been worn out, I have not been able to learn. 137. WaAaLLacE Obv. WALLACE between two beaded ovals; in the centre is the date 1857 Rev. THIS DO IN REMEMBRANCE OF MB between two beaded ovals; in the centre is 1. cor. x1. 24 oval, 24 x 29 m. This congregation was founded by the Church of Scotland. It is now connected with the Presbyterian Church in Canada. 138. West River. Obv. ass: con: | W. R. | D. R. | min: for Ass(ociate) con(gregation) W(est) R(iver) D(uncan) R(oss) m(ister). Rev. 1. cor: | 11 23 24 oval, 21 x 30 m. Founded by Dr. McGregor by whom occasional services were given until the arrival of the Rev. Duncan Ross, in 1795, who assisted as colleague. In 1801 the parish was divided into three and the western part with West River as centre assigned to Mr. Ross. 139. WesrviLip. Obv. sT PHILIP’S CHURCH WESTYILLE, N. 8. between two beaded ovals; in the centre is the word TOKEN. 68 R. W. McLACHLAN ON THE ANNALS OF THE N. 8S. CURRENCY. Rev. CHURCH OF SCOTLAND and small ornaments between two beaded oyals; in the centre is the date 1884. oblong cut corners, 20 x 27 m. 140. Wuycocoman. Obv. WHYCOCOMAH | PRESBYTHRIAN.| CHURCH Rev. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | OF ME oval, 21 x 31 m. The Rey. Peter McLean was the first minister of this church. 141. Winpsor. : Obv. winpsor in irregular roughly cut letters. Rev. Plain, metal copper, oblong, 12 x 34 m. The Rey. James Murdock preached in Windsor at an early date, but no congregation was organized until the arrival of the Rey. George Gilmore in 1784. This seems to be one of the rudest of this series of tokens in design and execution. 142. YARMoUTH. Obv. PRESBYTERIAN | CONGREGATION, | YARMOUTH. Rev. THIS DO IN | REMEMBRANCE | or ME. | I. cor. x1. 24. within beaded lines with ornamental corners, oblong cut corners, 19 x 27 m. H. RECAPITULATION. Number. | Varieties. Total. A.—ANONYMOUS COÏNBeesenr serres 11 6 17 B.—Private coins..... Sisacde 5u0s 0 | 16 5 21 C.—Counterfeit coins.........,...... 3 5 8 D.—Provincial Government coins.... 12 18 et) E.—Imperial Government coins...... 9 1 10 F.—Medals............ seen nee | 22 ” 22 G.—Communion tokens.............. | 69 NE. 69 142 35 177 SECTION II. 1892. AGE Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. IV. The Assiniboine River and its Forts, By GrEorRGE Bryce, LL.D. 1 (Communicated by Dr. Bourinot, June 1, 1892.) The City of Winnipeg stands at the point of junction ofthe Assiniboine with the Red River. The former river runs through a district of marvellous fertility, and though not more than one hundred and twenty yards wide at its mouth, is found winding its way through the prairies for four hundred miles. No less than twenty forts have been erected on its banks, and the history of the earliest of these goes back to more than one hundred and fifty years ago. We shall endeavour to bring together the more interesting features of this history. THE NAME ASSINIBOINE. The name of the river seems to have been taken from the designation of a tribe of Indians living on the banks. The word is probably Cree or Ojibway, and was applied to the people called the ‘“ Assiniboines ” or “Stonies.” The tribe bearing the name was of Sioux origin, and had broken off on account of a social dispute from the Dakota nation and lived on friendly terms with the Crees. That this breach was of ancient date is shown by a letter written from Fort Bourbon in 1695, which says: “It is said that the Assiniboines are a nation of the Sioux, which separated from them a long time ago.” Dr. Neill, the historian of Minnesota, states that the Dakota tradition is that a quarrel over an affair of love took place between two Sioux families near Big Stone Lake, at the head of the Red River, which resulted in the separation of the Assiniboines, who hence bore the name “Stone Indians,” though called by the Dakotas ‘‘ Hohays.” Whether from this derivation, or from the stones, gravel or rock exposures found at the rapids of the river on which this tribe of the Sioux have since been found, it is certain that in 1798, David Thompson, surveyor of the North-West Company, called the river ‘“ Stone Indian River.” DERIVATION oF “ ASSINIBOINE.” The best philologists derive the name from the Cree “ Assiniy ” or Ojibway “ Assin,” a stone; and the Cree “ Pwat” (Ojibway “ Bwan ”) a Sioux Indian. Hence the English Hudson's Bay Company (1744) meeting the Muskegan or Swamp Crees used their word “Assinapoets,” but as the Ojibway country was reached by the French on their way to the North-West, the form “ Assiniboine” came into general use. Another derivation has been suggested. This is from the Ojibway “ Assin,” a stone, and the French “ bouillir,” to boil. The referénce is to a custom of this tribe of heating stones and casting them into water to make it boil. The custom was a real one but was not confined to this tribe, and the derivation is more specious than probable. In connection with the use of the word in 70 GEORGE BRYCE ON THE the name “ Assiniboia” given by Lord Selkirk to his colony on this and the Red River a curious statement was made. This was in Chappell’s Voyage to Hudson Bay (1814) ; the writer says: “The infant colony is called by His Lordship Osna Boia (two Gaelic words signifying “Ossian’s town”) from the resemblance between that and the Indian name of Red River, “ Asnaboyne.” However consoling this may be to the High- lander, it must be consigned to the limbo of fanciful conceits. THE SPELLING. The following are several of the different ways of spelling the name :— Assinipoels, (Margry after Joliet, 1671). Assinipoulacs, (French map, 1680). Assiniboels, (Margry after Verandrye, 1730,| Asseniboels, (Franquelin’s map, 1688). CD RUE and Bourgainville, 1757). Assinebouels, (Map, 1692). Assiniboin, ) _. : Las Re Rotel ((D Iberville, 1702). oe (De l'Isle’s map, 1700). Assinipoets, (Robson, 1759). RD EEE NC) Assinipolis, (De la Harpe). Assiniboilles, (Map of 1740). Assenepolacs, (Duluth, 1684). Assinibouels, (Map of 1744). Assinipouals, (Lahontan, 1703). Assinibouans, (John McDonnell, 1793). ( ( Assinipoulak, (Marquette’s map of 1673). Ossiniboyne, (Selkirk settlers). THE ASSINIBOINE OCCUPIED. The fur trade was the cause of the first occupation of the valley of the Assiniboine. Several companies, with conflicting interests, found it profitable to extend their trade along the valley, and within its limits were enacted a number of the most sanguinary conflicts of the fur country. It is more than a century and a half since the first European explored the Assiniboine, although as our list of the different forms of the name shows, the country of the “ wild Assinibuine” was known to geographers more than two hun- dred years ago. Four movements claim our attention in this earlier history. I—Tue FRENCH Perron, (1736-63). So far as we can ascertain, it was by the French explorer Varennes de la Verandrye, who, after leaving Lake Superior in 1731 and threading the watery ways of Rainy Lake and River, Lake of the Woods and Winnipeg River, across Lake Winnipeg. came up the Red River in 1735 or 1736, that the mouth of the Assiniboine, where the City of Winnipeg now stands, was first seen by white men. Some question has arisen as to whether or not there was a French fort built at the mouth of the Assiniboine. It may be well to notice again the grounds for believing that there was such a fort, as given by the writer in a paper read before this Society in 1886. Fort ROUGE. (1.) In the French archives at Paris is a map, of date 1737, showing at the mouth of the Assiniboine, and on the south side, a fort marked “ abandoned,” so that it could only have been in existence for two years at most. ASSINIBOINE RIVER AND ITS FORTS. val (2) A map in the Department of Marine, Paris, claiming to be of 1740, gives Fort Rouge at the mouth of the Assiniboine, and on the south side of it. (3.) On a map in Paris, of date 1750, at the mouth of the Assiniboine, on the south side, is a fort marked “ Ancien Fort,” showing that for a number of years it had been given up. (4.) A map of the Department of Marine, Paris, bearing date 1750, places Fort Rouge on the Assiniboine, at its mouth. T ae 5 CUMBERLAND Ho. Drow > n° FALABosSe BRANOON > FALaSouris (5.) In the journal of John McDonnell, published by ex-governor Masson (1889), occurs as follows :—‘ At the Forks (ri. e. of Red and Assiniboine rivers), the remains of several old forts are still (1793) to be seen, some of which were built as far back as the time of the French government (i. e. before 1763).”’ (6.) Parkman in his new book (1892), ‘“ A half century of conflict,” states that Ver- andrye erected six fortified posts during the first few years of explorations, and “ besides these he built another post called Fort Rouge on the site of the City of Winnipeg—which was not long occupied.” 12 GEORGE BRYCE ON THE FORT DE LA REINE. Verandrye and his sons pushed up the Assiniboine, and we learn that on October 3rd, 1738, fifty or sixty miles from the mouth of the river they began to build Fort de la Reine. This fort seems to have been on the north side of the river, and to have marked the south end of the portage, or Indian carrying place, to Lake Manitoba. Exactly at what point on the river this fort was situated we can hardly now determine, though on the bank of the river south of the present Town of Portage la Prairie seems the most likely spot. Several of the early maps give the site of Fort de la Reine at the northern bend of the river, near the present village of Poplar Point. John McDonnell in the ac- count of Red River (1793-97) speaks of a French commercial settlement a day’s journey from the mouth of the Assiniboine, probably about the site of the Hudson’s Bay Company establishment of recent days days known as “ White Horse Plains.” This he calls Blondishe’s Fort, and the trader says :—“ Blondishe’s Fort is the first we come to; next to it is Fort la Reine according to some, but others say that Fort la Reine stood at the Por- tage la Prairie.” The same writer speaks of another trading station of the French period, “ Adhemar’s Fort,” which was south of the present High Bluff Station of the C. P. R. McDonnell says :—“ by land the distance does not exceed six miles from Portage la Prairie.” Fort la Reine became the headquarters of the French operations in the North-West. From this centre the expedition departed, by which the sons of Verandrye discovered the Rocky Mountains (1743), and at Fort la Reine, Legardeur de St. Pierre wintered in 1752, but on the French leaving it in that year the fort was burnt to the ground by the Assini- boine Indians. PoruaR Fort. Another reminder of the French period is found in the site of Poplar Fort (le Fort des Trembles), nine miles south-west of Portage la Prairie. Its site is still marked by the thick belt of poplar trees extending out on the plain. It is worthy of note that the name St. Charles given to the Assiniboine by Verandrye still lingers among the old French half-breeds of the river, and one of the best known French parishes on the Assini- boine bears the name $t. Charles. Sixty or seventy miles south-west of Portage la Prairie by land, the Souris or Mouse River, called by Verandrye, St. Pierre,empties into the Assiniboine. We have no exact traces of fort or settlement during the French period at that point. But Margry says :— “This point was the centre of the establishments and the point of departure of the ex- peditions which the explorers intended to make to the south and to the north.” Harmon in 1805 says of it :—“ It is now more than fifty years since a French missionary left this place, and the prayers then taught the natives have not been forgotten.” We know that in 1738 the River Souris was used to reach the country of the Mandans, and in 1742 Ver- andrye’s sons crossed the plains from the Souris to the Missouri, ascended it and saw at a distance the Rocky Mountains. It would seem that from the junction of the Assiniboine and Souris rivers, expeditions to the north were undertaken by which Lake Dauphin and Lake Bourbon, where forts were built, were reached, and even the great Saskatchewan explored to the Forks and beyond. The French period of exploration was one of great ASSINIBOINE RIVER AND ITS FORTS. 73 energy, and probably not less than six or eight commercial establishments or forts were founded in the valley of the Assiniboine. IJ.—TuEr Nortu-West Fur COMPANY. The check given the fur trade by the transfer of Canada to the British (1759-63) was ‘short. Two Scottish merchants of Montreal organized expeditions to penetrate the fur country. It was in 1766 that the Montreal merchants reached Kaministiquia on Lake Superior, and soon after (1770) Thomas Curry penetrated to Cedar Lake on the Saskatche- wan, and carried on a successful trade. James Finlay followed Curry and reached far distant Athabasca The brothers, Frobisher, the determined merchant Simon McTavish and the firm of Gregory, McLeod & Co., became rivals in this enterprise. It was in 1783-84 that a- combination took place under the name of “The North-West Fur Com- pany,” and in 1790 the reorganized company contained almost all the fur traders of Montreal. It would seem that the impulse of this union led to the fuller occupation of the Assiniboine valley. To us the natural entrance to this valley is by way of the Red River; but it was from the headwaters of the Assiniboine, from the direction of the Sas- katchewan and Lake Winnipeg, that the occupation came. By coming to Lake Winni- pegosis and ascending the Swan River (always a fur-trader’s paradise), a short portage led to the upper Assiniboine. Fort ESPERANCE. The oldest fort in the Assiniboine valley built by the North-westers appears to have been Fort Esperance, and that on a branch of the Assiniboine. It is declared by John McDonnell to have been “two short days’ march” from the junction of the Qu’Appelle (usually written in the early records QuiAppelle) River and the Assiniboine, probably near the mouth of Cut Arm Creek. Fort Esperance would seem to have been built by Mr. Robert Grant, a bourgeois of the North-West Company, a year or two after 1780. According to David Thompson it was in 50° 28’ 58” and 101° 45’ 45” West. Fort ALEXANDRIA. = In the year 1800 Harmon describes this fort :—‘ The fort is built on a small rise of ground, on the banks of the Assiniboine or upper Red River, that separates it from a beautiful prairie about ten miles long and from one to four broad, which is as level as the floor of a house. At a little distance behind the fort are small groves of birch, poplar, aspen and pine. On the whole the scenery around it is delightful. The fort is sixteen rods (256 feet) in length by twelve (196 feet) in breadth ; the houses, stores, etc., are well built, are plastered on the inside and outside, and are washed over with a white earth, which answers nearly as well as lime for whitewashing. This. earth is found in certain places in all parts of the country.” The position of Alexandria is given by Harmon as 52° N. and 103° W. John McDonnell states that Fort Tremblante (named from the com- mon poplar or aspen) is a little farther from Shell River than Shell River is from the Qu’Appelle. A glance at the map shows that Fort Tremblante (1793) and Alexandria (1800) were in about the same locality. Probably the name Tremblante was changed to Alexandria in honour of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, for so the tradition goes. Sec. II., 1892. 10. TA GEORGE BRYCE ON THE Connected with this locality is the name of Cuthbert Grant. Cuthbert Grant, Sr., the father of Cuthbert Grant, who became so celebrated as a half-breed leader in 1816, was the explorer of the Upper Assiniboine. He took up his abode on his first arrival in the district at the point known as River Tremblante. This was as early as 1790—prob- ably earlier. The explorer was afterwards sent up the Saskatchewan and John McDonald of Garth makes a touching reference to his death (1799) as follows: —“ Spring came on and Mr. Grant feeling quite ill, I had to fit him out a comfortable awning in one of the boats to take him down the river to Cumberland House. We got Mr. Grant to Kaminis- tiquia where he soon died.” It is worthy of notice that in this, since known as the Fort Pelly district, which John McDonnell says was ‘Cuthbert Grant’s favourite residence,” his great grandson, Cuthbert McKay, a Red River half-breed known to the writer, estab- lished among his Indian relations what is now the successful Presbyterian Crowstand Mission, and died earnestly working for his kindred. From the records of the time we learn also that a small fort was built at Shell River (La Coquille) by the trader Peter Grant in 1794, but that it was trifling and could not compete with Fort Esperance to the south or Fort Tremblante on the north. MountTAIN À LA Bosse. After leaving the junction of the Qu’Appelle River with the Assiniboine, the latter runs east and south, until when within about fifty miles from the United States boundary it turns directly east. A few miles east of this turn stood a fort about the beginning of this century, which was of some importance. It was some distance from the present town of Virden on the C. P. R. Harmon incorrectly speaks of it as “Mountain a la basse” but undoubtedly the French word “bosse,” a “hump,” referring to the shape of the hill near it, is correct. Palliser’s map and also Hind’s sketch map mark a spot north of Oak Lake, known as “ Boss Hill,” which is plainly a corruption of the old name. The writer has been over the ground, but without being able to identify the site of the fort. The reason of this is no doubt to be found in the statement made by John McDonnell :— “The Mountain a la Bosse, a north-west fort, has been frequently established and as often abandoned, owing to the oppositions that come into that quarter, as these gentlemen when by themselves establish as few posts as they conveniently can, in order to save property. On the contrary when incommoded by new comers, they subdivide and divert the trade into as many little channels as they have men and clerks to occupy, well know- ing that their opponents, who have but few goods generally, cannot oppose them at every place.” This no doubt accounts for the shifting nature of some of the posts, which are continually appearing and disappearing from the view of the historian. PINE FORT AND ASSINIBOINE HOUSE. Coming down the Assiniboine with their trade it became the habit of the North- westers to follow the Assiniboine and Red Rivers to Lake Winnipeg and on return to bring goods for the western trade by this route. Accordingly about eighteen miles below the junction of the Souris with the Assiniboine it was found convenient to have a post for distributing the supplies brought up by the canoes. At this point was built in 1785 what was called Pine Fort. This place was however abandoned by the traders when ASSINIBOINE RIVER AND ITS FORTS. 75 they built in 1795 the Assiniboine House, a little above the mouth of the Souris, and if tradition is to be followed, on the north side of the Assiniboine. Thompson placed this fort in 49° 40’ 56” N. and 99° 27’ 15”. This fort became of great importance as the depot for expeditions to the Mandans of the Missouri River. There is the record 6f an expedition in 1804 from this place, which met on the Missouri the celebrated party of Lewis and Clark on their way across the continent. We shall see that the mouth of the Souris be- came the key of the western trade. III—THE X Y Company. In 1795 great discussions took place among the Nor’-Westers, and in the following year Forsyth, Richardson & Co., of Montreal, began an opposition trade as a separate company. Alexander Mackenzie sympathized with these discontented partners, although he did not join them till 1799. This opposition company was known as the “ New North- West Company ” (see page 483 Masson’s Bourgeois Vol. 2), or “ Sir Alexander Mackenzie & Co.,” or better still as the ““X Y Company.” Though the X Y Company was absorbed in the coalition of 1804 after an eight years’ existence, yet its operations were conducted with great vigour ; and included the valley of the Assiniboine. We have information that there was an X Y fort near that of the Nor-Westers on the Qu’Appelle, and that in 1804 the X Y Company erected a new fort five miles above Alexandria on the Upper Assini- boine. At the mouth of the Souris in 1795 there were five rival forts. These were the newly founded Hudson’s Bay Company fort, of which we shall speak, that of the Nor’- Westers, and no doubt the trading house of Forsyth, Richardson & Co., besides two smaller concerns. There is the evidence of the trader John Pritchard, that he was at the X Y fort à la Souris in 1805, no doubt while it was passing over to the new company, and it is known that this trader was in charge in 1807 of the same fort then under the auspices of the North-West Company. IV.—TuHE Hupson’s Bay COMPANY. The steady-going old Hudson’s Bay Company, from the beginning of its career in 1670, had for a hundred years drawn by the magnetism of its name and wealth the Indian tribes of the interior to trade with it on the shores of Hudson Bay. The pushing traders of Montreal were, however, becoming formidable, and having penetrated the wilds were cutting off the sources of the English trade. The formal pledge to a decisive battle was given when Joseph Frobisher, on behalf of the Montreal traders in 1772, erected a fort near Sturgeon Lake on the Saskatchewan. This was a strategic point, and threatened to cut off both the north and south supplies of trade that had gone down to Hudson Bay. Immediate steps were taken by the great English company to penetrate the country from the Bay, and in 1774 Samuel Hearn, who had already gained a reputation by the discovery of the Coppermine River, arrived at the Saskatchewan, and five hundred yards distant from the new fort of their Montreal opponents erected Cumberland House. Now began a struggle of the giants, Shortly after 1780 as we have seen, the Nor’-Westers by way of Swan River occupied the Assiniboine valley. Following in their wake the Hudson’s Bay Company crossed from Lake Winnipeg, through Lake Winnipegosis, and erected an establishment about 1790 near the mouth of Swan River. This they deserted shortly 76 GEORGE BRYCE ON THE after and built a fort some nine miles below Fort Alexandria on the Assiniboine, a few miles north-west of the site of the present Fort Pelly. This was the first Hudson’s Bay Company House on the Assiniboine. BRANDON HOUSE. Determined, when once it had undertaken the task, to cover the whole country with its forts, the Hudson’s Bay Company was so energetic that we find the Nor’-Westers com- plaining that their rivals could enter the River Dauphin, out of Lake Winnipeg, a month earlier than they were able to do, and thus secure most of thetrade Pursuing their new policy of aggression the Hudson’s Bay Company descended from the headwaters of the Assiniboine, and a couple of miles above the mouth of the Souris River founded in 1794, the historic fort known as Brandon House. On the grassy bank of the Assiniboine the writer some time ago found the remains of the old fort, and from the well preserved character of the sod was able to make out the line of the palisades, the exact size of all the buildings, and to give the ground plan as here shown. tl /0 oman it MEINE 165f£: Group PLAN oF H.B.Co.FORT Branoon HOUSE (1794-1817) SW % Sec19 ET RUINS fort Souris The fort was on the south side of the Assiniboine about seventeen miles below the present City of Brandon. It is situated on the homestead of Mr. George Mair, a Canadian settler from Beauharnois, Quebec, who settled here on 20th July, 1879. He is proud of the possession which he by good chance obtained, and keeps the plot in good order. The site was well chosen at a bend of the river, having the Assiniboine in front of it on the east and partially so also on the north. The front of the palisade faced to the east, and midway in the wall was a gate ten feet wide, with inside of it alook-out seven feet square. On the south side was the long storehouse marked. 71 b In the centre had stood a building ASSINIBOINE RIVER AND ITS FORTS. TITI said by some to have been the blacksmith’s shop. Along the north wall were the build- ings for residences and other purposes. Across the ravine to the south and east are the remains of another fort, generally thought to have been Fort à la Souris of the X Y Company. This had probably become the fort ofthe North-West Company after the fusion of 1804, for we learn that during the troubles of 1812-17 Brandon House and the North- West fort were within gun-shot of one another. On the north side of the river, and some distance down the river may still be seen a gap in the woods, where there are traces of another fort, and indications point to it having been Assiniboine or Stone Indian House described by David Thompson and already referred to. SS HI # th LOT CHU A 22 a À ~~ = ~~ Front gateway. Only fragment remaining (1892) of Fort Garry (1835-82.) Days oF CONFLICT. In the fierce contest between Lord Selkirk and the North-West Company (1812-17) the forts of the Assiniboine played an important part. It was at Brandon House thatthe seizure of pemican took place that brought on the hostilities. It was on the Qu’Appelle River in 1816 that the Half-breeds or Bois-brulés, under young Cuthbert Grant, organized their party to attack Fort Douglas—Lord Selkirk’s fort within the limits of the present City of Winnipeg. As soon as the grass had started in the spring of 1816 it was down the Assiniboine the invading force came, taking a contingent from each fort, to make the attack of the 19th of June, by which Governor Robert Semple and twenty of his officers and men fell. The monument of “Seven Oaks” erected last year by the Manitoba Historical Society marks the scene of this tragedy. RECENT Forts. The union of the Hudson’s Bay and North-West Companies in 1821 led to a change in the distribution of the forts along the Assiniboine River. Fort Pelly, named after a governor of the Company, served for the Upper Assiniboine. Fort Qu’Appelle was placed in the beautiful spot now occupied, ninety miles west of old Fort Esperance. Near the 78 GEORGE BRYCE ON THE ASSINIBOINE RIVER AND ITS FORTS. mouth of the Qu’Appelle, at its junction with the Assiniboine, was erected Fort Ellice, so called after the prominent fur trader Edward Ellice, formerly of the X Y Company, The forts at the mouth of the Souris, at one time so numerous and so important, fell, after the conflict of the companies, out of sight, and perished either by fire or by disuse. The union of the companies led to the building of the first Fort Garry on the Assiniboine, south of the site of the present Hudson’s Bay Company mill in the City of Winnipeg. In 1835 the second Fort Garry was begun under Governor Alexander Christie, and stood facing the Assiniboine at the point still marked by the ruined front gate west of Main street in the City of Winnipeg. It was the centre of much of the history of the country until its sale in the year 1881-82, when by an act of vandalism it was pulled down, and its walls and bastions which might have spoken to us of the scenes of the fur trade and of the Selkirk colony, are to be seen no more. The Assiniboine is now the abode of the farmer ; the fur trader has deserted it for the far north. But the record of a century and a half, including the events of the French, the Nor’-Wester and the Hudson’s Bay Com- pany movements, will ever be of interest to us; and this, though as Governor Masson says, in closing his sketch of the North-West Company, “ The Lords of the lakes and forests have passed away.” SECTION II., 1892. ps) TRANS. Roy. Soc., CANADA. V.—Sir William Alexander and the Scottish Attempt to colonize Acadia. By the Rev. GEORGE PATTERSON, D.D. — (Read 31st May, 1892.) Sir William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, was born about the year 1567* at Menstrie, situated about five miles to the east of Stirling, at the base of the Ochils, in Clackmannanshire, Scotland. It was afterward the birthplace of Sir Ralph Abercrombie, and is now distinguished for the manufacture of Scotch blankets, but was then noted as the seat of a good family, who traced their descent from Somerled, the Lord of the Isles, through his younger son Alexander, who married the Princess Margaret, daughter of Robert II., King of Scotland. His father having died in February, 1581, he was brought up by a granduncle, a burgess of Stirling. It seems certain that he obtained his early education at the grammar school of that town, then under the charge of Thomas Buchanan, nephew of the celebrated George. He appears afterward to have studied at one of the universities of Scotland, and is asserted also to have attended the University of Leyden. Having gained a reputation as a scholar, he accompanied the young Duke of Argyle in his travels on the continent. On his return, through the influence of that nobleman, he was introduced at court, and became tutor to Prince Henry. His poetical writings had by this time begun to attract attention, and, together with his general learning, brought him into favour with the King, James VI. of Scotland, a position which he continued to hold amid all the changing humours of that pedantic monarch. Accordingly, when in 1603 James succeeded to the throne of England, Alexander followed in his train. He was soon afterward enrolled one of the thirty-two genilemen extraordinary of Prince Henry’s private bedchamber, and, after the death of the latter, held a similar position in the suite of Prince Charles. Prior to his going to England, even as early as while travelling on the continent, he had commenced to woo the muses, and, soon after his return to Scotland, some of his poetical works were published, the first being “The Tragedie of Darius” in 1603. These productions are somewhat numerous and various, embracing tragedies, elegies, sonnets, sacred poems, etc. They are described as too often characterized by a wearying wordiness, but at times much elegance of expression. His “ Domesday” is said to contain some 1Tt is commonly said in 1580, but Mr. Rogers has shown that this is an error. See Memorials of the Earl of Stirling, I. p.32. To this work I am indebted for the information regarding his early years, for which the author refers to the Hawthorne MSS. in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. See also Slafter’s Life, published by Prince Society. 80 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON grand things, while, in others of his writings, the student reader meets with “ full many a gem of purest ray serene.” ! Perhaps, however, the matter of deepest interest connected with his literary life was his metrical version of the Psalms of David. King James, ambitious of literary fame, had set himself to compose a version which should supersede those in use in the churches both of England and Scotland ; but at the time of his death his work had extended over only thirty-one psalms. Sir William, who had previously been consulted by the King, now re- solved to complete the translation and assign it to his deceased sovereign. He also revised those already prepared, probably had a hand in their authorship. At all events, at the close of the year 1627, the work was completed, and, by arrangement with King Charles, it was issued under the name of his royal father The influence of the King was also vigorously exerted to have it adopted in the public services of the churches of the three kingdoms, but without success. In particular, the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland issued ‘“ Reasons” for rejecting it, mentioning among them that it contained expressions more adapted for secular than sacred verse, as where the moon was styled “ pale lady of the night,” and the sun was apostrophized as “the lord of light.” It may be mentioned, however, that when that body afterwards appointed a committee to prepare: a revised version, Sir William’s was one of the versions they were instructed to use. The result of their labours appears in the version still in use in the Scottish Presbyterian churches, but how far Sir William’s renderings are to be found in it does not appear. Dr. Beattie, writing of it as the production of the King, says: ‘The work does honour to the learned monarch. It is not free from the northern idiom, but the style seems to me to be superior to every other Scotch writer of the age, Drummond excepted. There are in it many good stanzas, most of which have been adopted by the compilers of the version now authorized in Scotland. Nay, those compilers have not always equalled the royal versifier where they intended, no doubt, to excel him.” He gives as an example the third verse of the fiftieth psalm, which stands in the Assembly’s version thus : “Our God shall come, and shall no more Keep silence, but speak out. Before him fire shall waste ; Great storms shall compass him about.” Alexander's, he considers as having the advantage both in the arrangement of the words and harmony, as follows : “ Our God shall come, and shall not then Keep silence any more, A fire before him shall consume ; Great storms about him roar.” At the same time, however, that he was engaged in literary work, his attention was taken up with public affairs. As early as 1609 he was knighted. In 1626 he was appointed Secretary of State for Scotland. In 1630 he was created a peer as Lord Alexander of Tullibody and Viscount Stirling. At the same time he was appointed 1 His writings were generally recommended by Addison, who was consulted about them by A. Johnson, who in 1720 began to edit a collected edition of them, which he did not complete. The whole were collected and published in 1870-2 in three yolumes, by Messrs. Ogle, of Glasgow. SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 81 Master of Requests. In 1631 he was made an Extraordinary Judge in the Court of Session. In 1633 he was advanced a step in the peerage, being appointed Earl of Stirling and Viscount Canada, to which titles was added in 1639 that of Earl of Dovan. He died in London in 1640. The chief point of interest for us in his life, however, is the grant which he obtained of land in America, and his attempt at colonization there. To appreciate properly this movement we must keep in view the fact, which our colonial historians have largely overlooked, that the movement was entirely a Scottish one. Though the crowns of England and Scotland were upon one head, the kingdoms and peoples were still separate, their governments distinct, and their interests different and sometimes regarded as antagonistic. In this case the whole proceedings were conducted by Scottish men, under the authority of their King as ruler of Scotland. In this connection we must also notice the circumstances of the country at the time. Fora length of time Scotsmen had found their country too narrow for them ; and, repelled by its stubborn soil, its severe climate and the hard conditions of life there, had already become a by-word for seeking fame and fortune in more genial regions to the south.’ Several pursuits presented openings for their ambition. Prominent among them was the profession of Arms. To daring souls military employment on the continent presented powerful attractions. Strong hands and stout hearts were wanted there, and vast numbers of brave and adventurous men, sometimes singly or in small groups, at other times in whole regiments. or brigades, levied by their chieftains, left Scotland in pursuit of honour or gain, and took service under the banners of the princes, who were warring for supremacy on the continent. Another field was letters, and the choice of the Scottish youth thronged the continental universities, in which sometimes their countrymen held distinguished positions as teachers. At this time, however, with the progress of civilization, the Scot found largely increased attractions in commerce, for which he was even then regarded as having a natural aptitude. From a very early period Scotland had had considerable traffic with foreign countries. At the time of the union of the English and Scottish crowns it had a profitable trade with France, Holland, Germany and Scandinavia. Even countries so distant as Poland, Russia and other territories to the west, whose inhabitants were yet unskilled in art, had become the field of Scottish enterprise.” All this was stimulated by 1 In a work called “ The Golden Fleece,” by Dr. Vaughan, the author gives the following of what in our day would be called an interview with Sir William : “The native and genuine salt of the earth, which fructified our Cornfields with so many infinite ploughings of our Ancestors and ours, is spent; nor will Lime or Marie ever recover them to their pristine and antient vigour and fertility. English Cloth, which heretofore was dignified with the title of the Golden Fleece, grows out of request—vea (and with inward grief I speak it), in contempt also among the owners and Inhabitants themselves. Our Tin, Lead and Coal Mines begin to fail. Our Woods, which Nature produced, and our Fathers left us for firing, for reparations of decayed Houses, Ploughs and Shipping, are lately wasted by the Covetousness of a few Tronmasters. What then remains in the famous Isle? except we relieve our wants by Navigation, and these must be by Fishing by hook or by crook, by Letters of Mart, by way of reprisals or revenge, or else by Traffick and Commerce with other Nations besides Spaniards.” ?Sir William, in his memorial to the King applying for a grant of land in America, says that “a great number of Scotch families had lately emigrated to Poland, Sweden and Russia, and that it would be equally beneficial to the interests of the kingdom, and to the individuals themselves, if they were permitted to settle this valuable and fertile portion of His Majesty’s dominions.” Sec. II., 1892. 11. 82 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON the union with England. It is also to be noted that at that time Scotland had on some parts of her coast a hardy and adventurous seafaring population, who extended their voyages to the Spanish main, and traded to the north for fur and fish. But as the civilized world was at this time ringing with tidings of lands of fabled wealth beyond the western wave, and men’s minds were excited by visions of riches to be gained by colonization in America, it was not to be expected that the people of Scotland should remain unmoved by these occurrences. Apart from any more sordid influences, it was natural that the patriotism of her sons should be fired with the idea of the glory of Scotland being extended by the planting of a new Scotland on the shores of America. On the 8rd of November, 1620, Sir Frederick Gorges, Governor of New Plymouth, received from King James a patent by which forty English subjects, incorporated as “the council for planting, ruling and governing New England,” were granted a territory extending from the fortieth to the forty-eighth degree of north latitude, and from the Atlantic ocean to the Pacific. The colonists found on their northern frontier some French settlers, and Sir Frederick, on behalf of his people, entreated the English Government to dislodge them. King James consulted his “philosophical poet,” who by intercourse with the projectors of the scheme, and probably by other causes, had become interested—as he says, “exceedingly inflamed,”’—in regard to American colonization. But, instead of joining with them to build up a New England, he resolved, by the favour of the King, to engage his countrymen in extending the glory of their native land by founding a New Scotland beyond the ocean. Writing some time after, he thus speaks regarding his first connection with the scheme: ‘Being much encouraged hereunto by Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and some utheris of the undertakers for New England, 1 shew them that my countrymen would never adventure in such an enterprise, unless it were as there was a New France, a New Spain and a New England, that they might likewise have a New Scotland.” The King entered fully into the proposal, and the company of New England having surrendered part of their territory, the King agreed to give him the vast region from the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence. On the 5th of August, 1621, he communicated his royal purpose to that effect to the Scottish Privy Council. “ Having,” he says, “euer beene ready to embrace anie good occasion whereby the honor or proffete of our kingdome might be advanced ; and, considering that no kynd of conquest can be more easie and innocent than that which doth proceede from Plantationes, especially in a country commodious for men to live in, yet remayneing altogither desert, or, at least, onely inhabited by Infidells, the conversion of whom to the Christian faith (intended by this meanes) might tend much to the glory of God since sundry other Kingdomes, as likewise this our kingdome of late, vertuously aduentring into this kind, haue renued their names! considering (prayse to God) how populous that our kingdome is at this present, and what necessity there is of some good means whereby ydle people might be employed, preventing worse courses, Wee think there are manie that might be spared who may be fitt for such a forraine Plantatioun, being of mynds as resolute and bodyes as able to overcome the difficulties that such adventurers must at first encounter with : as anie other Nation whatsoeuer.” For these reasons he “had more willingly harkened lie. the Kingdom of England in New England. SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 83 to a motion made by Sir William Alexander, Knight,” and that it was his pleasure that the council, if they should see it for the good of the kingdom, should give him a grant of the lands lying between New England and Newfoundland, “to be holden of vs from our Kingdome of Scotland as a part thereof,” etc. The Privy Council, having acceded to the royal request, a warrant for a charter was granted at Windsor Castle on the 10th of September, 1621, and on the 29th of the same month the charter passed under the Great Seal, appointing Sir William Alexander hereditary lieutenant of the new colony. The face of the patent indicated the importance of the transaction. The initial letter contained portraits of the King and his lieutenant, the former seated on his throne and in the act of handing the charter to the latter. The border of the instrument was decorated with embellishments illustrating the customs and productions of the colony. The document is very voluminous. It commences by setting forth the reasons already given, and goes on to say that from “ his sovereign anxiety to propagate the Christian faith, and to secure the wealth, prosperity and peace of the native subjects of our Kingdom of Scotland,’ the King grants him the country described as follows: “ All and single the lands of the continent and islands situated and lying in America, within the head or promontory commonly called Cape of Sable, lying near the forty-third degree of North Latitude or thereabouts ; from this cape, stretching along the shores of the sea westward to the roadstead of St. Mary, commonly called St. Mary’s Bay, and thence northward by a straight line crossing the entrance or mouth of the great roadstead which runs toward the eastern part of the land between the countries of the Suriqui and Etechemini, commonly called Suriquois and Etechemines, to the river commonly known by the name of St. Croix, and to the remotest springs or source from the western side of the same, which enter into the first-mentioned river; thence by an imaginary straight line which is conceived to extend through the land, or run northward to the nearest bay, river or stream emptying into the great river of Canada; and going from that eastward along the low shores of the same river of Canada to the river, port or shore commonly known and called by the name of Gathepe, or Gaspie, and thence south-southeast to the isles called Bacalaos, or Cape Breton, leaving the said isles on the right, and the mouth of the said river of Canada, or Large Bay, and the territory of Newfoundland, with the islands belonging to the same lands on the left ; thence to the headland or point of Cape Breton, aforesaid, lying near latitude 45° or thereabouts ; and from the said point of Cape Breton toward the south and west to the above-mentioned Cape Sable, where the boundary began”—including the islands off the coast, Sable Island among the rest. It will be seen that this territory included all Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, part of the State of Maine, and that portion of the Province of Quebec south of the St. Lawrence, comprising altogether an area 54,000 square miles. It was in all future time to have the name of New Scotland or, as it appears in the courtly Latin of the original, Nova Scotia, the first time the name appears, and now, we may say, the only permanent memorial of the undertaking. This charter gave almost unlimited privileges and powers. It granted all mines (with the exception of a tenth part of the gold and silver), pearls, precious stones, quarries, forests, fisheries (in both salt and fresh water), hunting, hawking, and anything that may be sold or inherited} the gift and right of patronages of churches, chapels and benefices ; 84 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON the power of setting up states, free towns, free ports, etc.; of establishing markets and fairs ; of holding courts of justice and admiralty; of levying all tolls, customs, anchor dues, and other revenues ofthe said towns, etc. with all other prerogatives, &c., which, the King himself could give or grant, and in as ample form as any of his ancestors granted any charters to any subjects of whatever rank and character. It also constitutes Sir William and his heirs hereditary Lieutenants-General for representing His Majesty both by sea and land, authorizing them to govern, rule and punish all his subjects, to pardon the same ; to establish such laws, etc., as to them shall seem fit, and to change and alter the same ; in case of rebellion, to use martial law ; in case of noblemen joining the expedition, to confer favours, privileges, gifts and honours on those who deserve them, to convey any part of said land, etc.; also, to erect machines, introduce arts and sciences, or practise the same; to make and appoint such captains, officers, bailiffs, governors, etc., for the execution of justice, as shall seem-necessary to them or to remove the same from office. It goes on to say: “ As it is very important that all our beloved subjects who inhabit the said Province of New Scotland or its borders may live in the fear of Almighty God, and at the same time in His true worship, and may have an earnest purpose to establish the Christian religion therein, and also to cultivate peace and quiet with the native inhabitants and savage aborigines of these lands, so that they, and any others trading there, may safely, pleasantly and quietly hold what they have got with great labour and peril. We... give and grant to the said Sir William Alexander and foresaids . . . free and absolute power of arranging and securing peace, alliance, friendship, mutual conferences, assistance, intercourse, ete.” It also granted the power of attacking suddenly, invading, expelling, and by arms driving away . . . all and singly those who without their special license should attempt to occupy these lands, or trade in the said Province of New Scotland. They were also authorized to construct “ forts, fortresses, castles, etc., with posts and naval stations, and also ships of war;” to “ establish garrisons of soldiers, and generally to do all things for the acquisition, increase, and introduction of people and persons to preserve and govern New Scotland .... as the King might do if present in person.” There was even granted the right of regulating and coining money. These and many other privileges were given on the sole condition of paying annually “one penny of Scottish money, if so much be demanded.” Less, we think, could scarcely be asked. Soon after obtaining his patent, Sir William made an arrangement for the transfer of his rights in the island of Cape Breton, originally included in the Province of New Scotland, to his friend Sir Robert Gordon, of Lochinyar. To this, styled the barony of New Galloway, the latter, with his son Robert, obtained a royal charter, dated 8th. November, 1621. Sir William lost no time in adopting measures for settling his territory. In March, 1622, he provided a ship at London, which he sent round the coast to Kirkcudbright, where he hoped, through the influence of Sir Robert Gordon, whose lands lay in that direction, to obtain a body of emigrants. The inducements offered, however, were too meagre to attract persons possessing the ordinary comforts of life at home. Only purchasers of land were to have any rights in the soil. Farmers might obtain leases ; but, after a specified time, all were to pay one-thirteenth part of the land revenue to the Lieutenant-General. Artizans might receive holdings, but only for their lives. We SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 85 need not wonder, therefore, that we hear of only one artizan, a blacksmith, connected with the expedition, the other emigrants being generally agricultural labourers of the lowest class. Probably, however, in none of the early attempts at settlement in America were the terms offered more fayourable, and the material engaged in them was no better. The prevalent idea seemed to be to establish in America a state of society similar to that of medieval Europe, with the soil in the possession of certain lords paramount, under whom the masses should hold their lands in a condition approaching more or less that of serfs. Had Sir William offered lands in fee he would have gathered a different class of emigrants—men who could have provided the means of subsistence, men who would have become attached to the soil and who would have built up a free and prosperous society. Such an idea, however, was far ahead of the time and opposed to the social ideas of the age. It must be added that with the religious spirit of the period, and with the avowed design of the undertaking to propagate true religion, the services of a Presbyterian minister were secured for the spiritual interests of the new colonists. Besides the difficulty of obtaining suitable settlers, Sir William met with another obstacle. Provisions had lately trebled in price, and were scarce at that rate, and he seems to have been pressed for means of procuring them. The vessel, however, sailed in the end of June, proceeding first to the Isle of Man. The voyage was resumed early in August, and about the middle of September the emigrants sighted St. Peter’s Island off the coast of Newfoundland. Continuing their course westward, they reached the coast of Cape Breton, but met a storm which drove them back to Newfoundland. Here they took refuge in the harbour of St. Johns, and resolved to pass the winter there. despatching the vessel back to Britain for further supplies, while those who remained sought to eke out a precarious existence by fishing. It is easy to see how injudicious their arrangements were—in sailing so late in the season, and in not having sent a party in advance, under some qualified leader, to select a site for commencing settlement, and to make arrangements for the reception of the settlers on arrival,—but such unwisdom was common at the time and long after. Sir William was not discouraged, and in the end of March, 1623, despatched a vessel named “ The St. Luke,” from London, with additional colonists and supplies. By contrary winds she was detained at Plymouth till the 28th of April, and it was the 5th of June before she arrived at St. Johns, about eight months after the landing there of the former band. During that time, amid other casualties, “their minister and smith—both, for spiritual and temperal respects, the two most necessary members—had both died.” The rest had scattered, and were earning a scanty subsistence as fishermen. “Seeing no hope to plant themselves in any good fashion that yeere, ten of the principall persons concluded to go alongst with the ship to New Scotland to discouer the countrey, and to make choice of a fit place for a habitation against the next yeere considering very well that they could not doe so much good by staying there with so few a number as they might do at their return by reporting the truth to their friends of that which they had seen, whereby a new Colonie might be encouraged to set forth well-furnished and instructed according to that might be learned by their experience.” “The three and twentieth of June they loosed from Saint Iohn’s Harbour and sayled towards New Scotland, where for the space of fourteen days they were, by foggs and contrary winds, kept back from spying land till the eighth of Iuly, that they saw the 86 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON West part of Cape Bretton, and till the 13th day they sayled alongst the coast till they ranne the length of Port de Mutton, where they discovered three very pleasant Harbours, and went ashore in one of them, which, after the shippe’s name, they called Luke’s Bay, where they found a great way up avery pleasant river, being three fathom deep at a low water, at the entry thereof; and on every side of the same they did see very delecate Meadowes, having roses white and red growing thereon, with a kinde of wild Lilly, which had a daintiesmel. The next day they resolued (coasting along the land) to discouer the next Harbour, which was but two leagues distant from the othcr, where they found a more pleasant river than the first, being four fathome deep at a low water, with Meadowes on both sides thereof, having Roses and Lillies growing thereon, as the other had. They found within this River a fit place for a plantation, both in regard that it was naturally apt to be fortified, and that all the ground between the two Rivers was without wood, and very good, fat earth, having several sorts of beries growing thereon, as gooseberies, Strawberies, Hindberies, Rasberies, and a kind of Wineberie ; as also some sorts of graine, as pease, some Hares of Wheate, Barly and Rie growing there wilde; the Pease grow in abundance alongst the coast, very bigge and good to eate, but did taste of the fitch. This river is called Port Jolly, from whence they coasted along to Port Negro, being twelve leagues distant, where all the way, as they sayled alongst, they spyed a very pleasant countrey, having growing everywhere such things as were observed in the two harbours where they had beene before. They found likewise in every River abundance of lobsters, cockles, and all other shel-fishes ; and also, not only in the rivers, but all the coasts alongst, numbers of several sorts of wild fowle, as wild-goose, black-Ducke, Woodcock, Crane, Heron, Pidgeon, and many other sorts of Foule, which they knew not. They did kill, as they sayled alongst the Coast, great store of Cod, with severall other sorts of great fishes. The countrie is full of woods, not very thicke, and the most part Oake; the rest Firre, Spruce, Birch and some Sicamores and Ashes, and many other sorts of Wood, which they had not seene before. Hauing discouered this part of the Countrie, in regard of the voyage their ship was to make to the Straits with fishes, they resolued to coast alongst from Luke’s Bay to Port de Mutton, beeing foure leagues to the Hast, thereof, where they encountered with a Frenchman, that in a very short time had made a great Voyage, for though he had furnished one ship away with a great number of fishes, there were neere so many ready as to loade himself and others. After they had taken a view of this Port, which, to their ingement, they found no waise inferior to the rest they had seene before, they resolved to retire backe to Newfoundland, where their ship was to receive her loading of fishes. The 20ni of Iuly they loosed from thence, and on the seven and twentieth thereof they arrived at Saint Iohns Harbour, and from thence sayled alongst the Bay of Conception, where they left their ship and despatched themselves home in severall ships that belonged to the West part of England.” ! 1We haye given the above in full from Sir William’s “Encouragement to Colonies” to be noticed immediately, as it isthe only narrative of any part of these expeditions that we possess. The names and distances do not agree with the position of the harbours bearing the same names now. Thus, what these explorers called Luke’s Bay, they place four leagues west of Port de Mutton, and Port Jolly two leagues further west still; but the present Port Joli is the next harbour west of Port Mouton. Ferland reports that they returned, baffled in‘their attempt to form a settlement by the French occupying the ground so strongly. There is no evidence of this. On the contrary, it will be seen that this was only a party of explorers, and that their report led to the vigorous prosecution of the plan of settlement. SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 87 These two expeditions involved Sir William in serious losses. The amount was estimated at £6,000 sterling, and for its repayment a royal warrant was directed to the exchequer. The failure did not seem to damp his ardour. In the following year he issued 2 small work entitled “ An Encouragement to Colonies,” accompanied with a map of New Scotland. On this names are given, showing the determination to reproduce the peculiarities of Scotland, even in minor matters. Thus the St. Croix river is named the Twede, while from near its head another is represented as flowing into the St. Lawrence, called the Solway. A river, probably intended for the St John, is called the Clyde, while an inlet of the sea on the coast of New Brunswick is marked as the Forth. In this work he traced the history of colonization from the days of the sons of Noah. through the Phenicians, Greeks and Romans, to modern times. The discovery of America, he maintained, was a call of Providence to Britain to extend her boundaries by occupying the new country. He commended Spanish enterprise as manifested in trans-Atlantic colonization. He celebrated King James’s energy in suppressing rebellion and restoring tranquillity in Ireland, and expressed the hope that the dignity of his throne would be further maintained by the plantation of New Scotland. He urged the glory of colonists carrying into unexplored regions the civilizing influences of British culture and the elevating doctrines of the Christian faith. He expatiated in glowing terms on the success which had attended the founding of colonies in New England and Virginia. He depicts New Scotland as having “very delecate meadowes,” “ with roses white and red,” and “ very good, fat earth,” as the voyagers in the “St. Luke” had seen it along the coast, and rich grains, abundance of fowls and fishes, all inviting early occupation. He refers to Scotland as like a bee-hive, yearly sending forth swarms of her people, who had heretofore expended their energies in foreign war. But now Scotsmen were invited to settle in a new country, where the merchant might prosecute successful commerce, the sportsman enjoy abundant recreation, and the Christian have ample scope for missionary enterprise. “ Where,” he argues, ‘was euer Ambition baited with greater hopes than here, or where euer had Vertue so large a field to reape the fruits of Glory, since any man who doth goe thither of good qualitie, able at first to transport a hundred persons with him, furnished with things necessary, shall have as much Bounds as may serve for a great Man, whereupon he may build a Towne of his owne, giving it what forme or name he will, and being the tirst Founder of a new estate, which a pleasing industry may quickly bring to a perfection, may leaue a faire inheritance to his posteritie, who shall claime unto him as the author of their Nobilitie there, rather than to any of his Ancestours that had preceded him, though neuer so nobly borne elsewhere ? ” Notwithstanding the glowing prospects held out in this work, it failed to excite any enthusiasm on behalf of the undertaking. The English treasury refused to compensate the author for losses in a matter in which it had no concern. To relieve his embarrassments and carry on the undertaking, therefore, a new method was suggested to him. Since his accession to the English throne James had systematically replenished his royal revenues by the sale of titles. In particular, to promote the colonization of Ulster, he had shortly before established an order of knights baronets, membership in which was conferred on English land-owners on their paying into the exchequer the sum of £1,100. In this way, between 1611 and 1622, 205 persons had obtained the new dignity with a profit to the 88 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON treasury of £225,000. And it now occurred to Sir William that the expenses of his colony might be provided for by establishing a new order—the baronets of New Scotland, —in which the Scottish land-owners and the sons of the Scottish nobility might be induced to become members on terms less costly. Accordingly, on his recommendation, a royal letter was issued, informing the Privy Council of Scotland that the King had resolved to make the colonization of New Scotland a work of his own, and in connection therewith to establish a new order of baronets, and inviting them to assist in carrying out the royal intention. Under the influence of Sir William the council approved the royal order, and on the 23rd of November, 1624, addressed a letter to the King, in which they indicate a scheme for carrying out His Majesty’s intentions : “ We are given to understand that the country of New Scotland, being dividit into twa Provinces and eache Province into several Dioceises or Bishoprikis, and each Diocese in thrie Counteyis, and eache Countey into ten Baroneyis, every baronie being three myle long vpon the coast and ten myle up into the countrie, dividit into sax paroches, and eache paroche contening sax thousand aikars of land; and that every Baronett is to be ane Barone of some one or other of the saidis Barroneis, and is to haif therein ten thousand aikars of propertie, besidis his sax thousand aikars belonging to his burt (burgh) of baronie, to be holden free blanshe, and in a free baronie of His Majesty as the baronies of the kingdome.” The only conditions required were “the setting furth of six men towardis His Maiestie’s Royall Colonie, armed, apparelld and victualled for two yeares, and every baronet paying Sir William ane thousand markis Scottis money only toward his past charges and endevouris.” Accordingly, on the 30th was issued a proclamation intimating His Majesty’s pleasure to create one hundred baronets of the kingdom of Scotland, “ who, and their airis maill, sall haif plaice and precedencie nixt and immediatlie after the youngest sones of the Vicountes and Lordis Barronis of Parliament, and the addition of the word Sir to be prefixed to their propper name, and the style and title of Baronett subjoined to the surname of everie ane of thame, and their airis maill, Togither with the appellation of Ladie, Madame and Dame to their Wyffis in all time coming, with precedencie befoir all otheris knights als weil of the Bath as Knights Bachelouris and Bannarettis.” The two documents from which we have quoted were doubtless drawn up by Sir William. They depict in glowing terms the importance of the undertaking, and the honours and advantages to be derived by those who should engage in it. But the parties addressed were slow to respond. The payment to be made Sir William for his past expenses was not encouraging, while the failure of the late expedition proved quite a discouragement, and it was feared that the undertaking would collapse. This would have been an overwhelming disaster to Sir William, and on the 23rd of March, 1624-5, he renewed his appeal, on this occasion in the form of a royal mandate. In this document he informs all candidates for baronetcies that they could negotiate with him personally ; or, in his absence, with his deputy, Sir John Scott, Knight. The proposal that each undertaker should pay a thousand merks to meet his past losses was omitted, and the sum of two thousand merks, spoken of as commutation for the services of Sir William was to be applied strictly to the purposes of the colony. And, for the satisfaction of the applicants, it was promised that the baronets, or undertakers, might appoint certain of their number to superintend the expenditure of their money. Four days after King James died, and the project was again interrupted. SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER, 89 On the 28th of May proceedings were resumed by the appointment, under Sir William’s direction, of three persons as undertakers, who were at the same time baronets. These were Sir Robert Gordon, son of the Earl of Sutherland, William (Earl) Marischal, and Alexander Strachan. On the following day five others were added to the roll, viz., Sir Duncan Campbell, of Glenurquhie ; Robert Innes, of Innes ; Sir John Wemyss, of Wemyss; David Livingston, of Dunipace; and Sir Robert Douglas, of Glenbervie. According to the new arrangements, the lands included in the baronies of New Scotland were surrendered by Sir William to the King, who was to regrant them to the knights baronets, so that they were to hold them direct from the sovereign. The patent constituting Sir William Lieutenant of New Scotland, though approved by the Scottish Privy Council, had not been ratified by Parliament, the Estates not having assembled between the date of its issue and the death of King James. On the 12th of July, 1625, therefore, the King (Charles I.) granted under the Great Seal a charter of Norodamus, in which is recited the previous charter, and all the privileges previously conferred are renewed, with a promise that the former grant should be confirmed by Parliament as soon as tt should meet. It contained additional clauses recognizing the creation of the Order of Knights Baronets of New Scotland, whose number was now limited to 150. On the 19th of the same month the King informed the Privy Council that certain baronets of New Scotland had been created, to each of whom he had granted territory in that country six miles in length by three in breadth. His Majesty also authorized the council to confer baronetcies on intending undertakers, without their proceeding to London, so that a colony might be despatched to Nova Scotia in the following spring.’ Accordingly, on the 31st of August, the council issued a public proclamation in terms of the King’s letter. (Reg. of Letters.) But now the project met with unexpected opposition. At the Convention of Estates, held at Edinburgh in November of the same year, the barons presented a memorial complaining that the precedence granted to the new order of baronets interfered with their hereditary dignities and was otherwise unjustifiable. By a majority the Estates approved of the sentiments of the memorialists, and adopted a resolution to that effect for transmission to the King. This, with the memorial, was embodied in their records and duly forwarded to His Majesty. In this they deny Sir William’s allegation of the necessity of such precedency to the success of the undertaking, and offer that, if the plantation of the colony be found expedient, to carry it out without charge. (Acta. Parl. Scot., vol. 5, pp. 185-188). This last undertaking they must have known they could not accomplish, and, indeed, had no idea of attempting. The fact is that a party were jealous of Sir William’s powers and influence. Their leader was Thomas Hamilton, Earl of Melrose, a favourite of the late King, who now held office as principal secretary. The result, however, was his prompt dismissal from office and the appointment of Sir William in his place. By this the latter reached the highest pitch of greatness, not only being virtually monarch of all New Scotland, but holding the highest position to be held by a subject of the old kingdom. Nor was he disposed to allow his power to remain dormant. He was determined to carry 1Sir Daniel Wilson also informs me that part of Edinburgh Castle was set apart as part of New Scotland, to which the baronets might repair to receive infeftment of their lands. Sec. II., 1892. 12. 90 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON out the scheme in which he was engaged. Accordingly he obiained a royal letter, in which was administered a sharp rebuke to the author of the petition as interfering with the royal prerogative, and the convention were warned not to do anything against the rights of the said baronets. Orders were also issued to some of the malcontents that they accept the honour. In the summer of 1626 Sir William began to make arrangements for sending out an expedition in the following spring. In January he intimated to the King that he had prepared two ships, one of which was at Dumbarton, with ordnance, provisions and other supplies necessary for the undertaking. To meet the expenses of the new expedition money was urgently needed. No part of the £6,000, for which Sir William had received a royal warrant, had ever been paid, and the King issued a new warrant to the Scottish Treasurer of Marine causes, instructing him to pay the amount ‘out of the first readiest moneyes that you haue or shall receaue for our part of the prises taken,” while in subsequent letters to the Privy Council, he urges the completion of the number of knights baronets, with the view of reimbursing Sir William for the extra expenses he had incurred. On the 10th of March it is mentioned that the ship “ Eagle,” of 120 tons, was lying in the Thames “loaded with powder, ordnance, and other provisions, for the use of a plantation” in New Scotland, and also for the supply of another vessel of 300 tons, which was at Dumbarton for the same destination, and orders were given to allow her te pass “without paying customs or any other duties.” Delays occurred in the sailing of the expedition, and now dangers arose from another source. In the year 1603 the King of France had granted to Sieur de Monts, a territory in America under the name of La Cadie, covering nearly the same ground as granted by James to Sir William Alexander, under the name of New Scotland, or, as we may call it from this time, Nova Scotia. In the following year he brought out a band of settlers, who entered the beautiful sheet of water then called Port Royal, known now as Annapolis Basin. Continuing their exploration, they spent the winter on an island at the River St. Croix ; but in the following summer they returned and commenced settlement at Port Royal. The visitor to this place is readily told that the site of the present town of Annapolis, situated on a point of Jand at the head of the basin, marks the spot where was thus founded the first European settlement in Northern America. The inhabitants would probably consider you as attempting to rob them of their birthright, were you to question the accuracy of the statement. Even our historians, as Haliburton and Murdoch, have made the same assertion. Yet, a mere glance at the map of Champlain, one of the party and a comparison of the account given by Lescarbot, the historian of the expedition, will show that the real site of their operations was abont five miles further down on the north side of the basin, on what is now the Granville shore, opposite the present Goat Island. é Two years after the settlement was abandoned ; but a little later M. de Poutrincourt obtained from the King of France a confirmation of the grant which he had received from De Monts of the land around Port Royal, and in the spring of 1610 proceeded thither to resume settlement. He returned to France in the following year, leaving the infant colony in charge of his son Biencourt. In the meantime the English had established a colony in Virginia. In the year 1614 the Governor despatched an armed expedition under SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 91 Captain Argall to destroy all the French establishments in Acadia, as encroaching upon the territories of the English. That commander executed his commission, and at Port Royal destroyed the fort and all monuments and marks of French power. He even caused the names of De Monts and other captains and the fleur de lys to be defaced with pick and chisel from a massive stone on which they had been engraved. Refusing all compromise with Biencourt, the latter fled to the forest, and, with others of the French, lived a semi-savage life with the Indians. By these proceedings, which took place in a time of peace between the two countries, and which do not seem to have been resented by the French Government, the English not only asserted their claim to that region, but deemed themselves to have secured peaceable possession of it. Accordingly, all the arrangements were made by Sir William with the English King on the supposition that their occupancy would be undisturbed ; but now, when measures were nearly completed for sending out a colony, the projectors learned that the French Government, inspired by Cardinal Richelieu, had determined to reassert their title to Acadia. In 1627, the year as we have seen in which Sir William Alexander was preparing to send out his second colony, there was formed, under the auspices of the Cardinal, a new and powerful association, called the Company of New France, usually known as the Hundred Associates. They were to send out and settle two or three hundred men of all trades during the following year and one thousand every year during the fifteen years following. Quebec and all New France (in which Acadia was comprehended), Florida, Newfoundland, etc.—in fact, it was said all America, from Florida to the North Pole, was given them, on the condition of homage merely. Probably the zeal now manifested by Sir William for the settlement of Nova Scotia had stimulated the French to this measure. Of course, this threatened collision might prove fatal to his undertaking ; but the emergency was faced boldly. The intelligence was brought by Captain David Kirk. His origin has been disputed. He has generally been represented as a French Huguenot, but again as a native of Dieppe, the son of a Scotch father and French mother; but, from papers now in the archives of Canada, it is asserted that he belonged to an English family still existing in Derbyshire. At all events, he undertook, if placed in command of Sir William’s fleet, to oppose the Cardinal] and his intended settlement. He recommended that Sir William should be appointed Admiral as well as Lieutenant of Nova Scotia. The Royal Commission to that effect was readily granted, and in that capacity he was authorized to “ seize vessels belonging to the King of Spain, the Infanta Isabella, or others, the King’s enemies.” No special authority was given to commit any hostility against the French, for the two countries were then at peace, though war broke out the same year ; yet, it was really against them that the effort was directed. Captain Kirk was named Deputy-Admiral and invested with all the powers of his chief. Nor did he allow them to remain dormant. Strenuous efforis were put forth to equip a fleet sufficiently powerful to meet their rivals. With this he captured the next season eighteen French ships under the command of M. de Rocquemont, in which were found 135 pieces of ordnance intended for the fortification of Quebec and Port Royal. At this time interest in the undertaking seems to have revived, as we find that between the 1 Variously spelled Kertk, Kertch, etc. 92 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON 18th of October, 1627, and the February following, fourteen patents of baronetcy were issued and recorded. The proceeds were applied to chartering vessels; and further to indicate his earnestness in the undertaking, Sir Willian announced that his son would go out in charge of the expedition. Accordingly. William Alexander, the younger, was in- troduced at court and honoured with knighthood. He was also appointed Knight-Admiral of Nova Scotia, and a seal for his special use prepared by authority of the Scottish Privy Council. In command of a fleet of four vessels he set out for Nova Scotia in the month of March, 1628. Proceeding by Scotland, while moored off the coast, he had to complain that a number of men, after engaging and receiving pay, had deserted ; and we find a commission issued on the 20th of April to the sheriff and other officers to apprehend and bring to punishment those who after engaging had abandoned the service. At length, however, in May the fleet left Scotland, carrying upwards of seventy colonists, who were safely landed at Port Royal. They immediately occupied the site of the old French fort, which, as we have seen, was on the north side of Annapolis Basin, about five miles from the present town. Here a fort was built or the old one repaired, though the site has been known as the Scots’ fort down to our day. It is said in some accounts that Kirk captured Port Royal at this time, but there was really no capture needed. The fort had never been rebuilt since it had been destroyed by Argall, and the French Government had during the interval maintained no establishment of any kind there, or exercised any authority or any care over the few scattered residents who remained. Not only were no acts of hostility necessary to obtain possession—these parties, deeming themselves forsaken by their king, made submission to the new-comers. In a statement of a convention of Scottish Estates, drawn up by Sir William, His Majesty’s commissioner to it, we have the following statement of subsequent proceedings : “The remainder of this French collony (after Argall’s raid), not having occasion to be transported to France, stayed in the contrie. Yet, they were neglected by the State not owning them any more, and hardly supplied in that which was necessary for them by voluntary aduenturers, who came to trade, in hopes of their commodities, in exchange of what they bought. “ After that tbe Scottish Colonie was planted at Port Royall, they and the French who dwelt there hauing met with the Commanders of the nation, called by them Sagamoes, did make choice of one of the cheefe of them, called Sagamo Segipt, to come, in the name of the rest, to his Ma’tie’s subjects, crauing only to be protected by his Ma’tie, who did promise to protect them, as he reported to the rest at his return. “ Monsr La Tour, who was chief commandr of the few French then in that countrie, being neglected (as is sayd) by his own countriemen, and finding his Ma’ties title not so much as questioned, after their beeing expelled from Port Royall, and the coming in of the Scottish necessary for his security, did along with the same Sagamo, come offring and demanding the like in the name of the French who live here: so that his Ma’tie hatha good right to Nova Scotia by discouery, by possession of his Ma’ties subjects, by removing of the French, who had seated themselves at Port Royall, and by Monsr La Tour, com- mandr of them there his turning Tenant, and by the volontarie hauing tenents of the rest to his Matie, and that no obstacle might remain, the very sauages, by their commis- sioner, willingly offring their obedience vnto his Matie; so that his Matie now is bound SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 93 in honor to maintaine them, both in regard of his subjects that have planted there vpon his warrant and of the promises that he made to the Commissioner of the natives that came to him from them.” It is probable that Kirk’s fleet accompanied the colonists to Port Royal. If so his visit must have been a very hurried one, for we find that he had navigated the St. Lawrence, captured a French fleet under M. de Rocquemont, taken Miscou and Tadousac, plundered Cape Tourmente, and summoned Quebec, all before the middle of July. The statement above regarding La Tour, if the reference is to Claude the father, gives a different view of his first connection with the British interest from that commonly received. The statement of mist historians is that he had gone to France the year pre- vious, with a petition from his son, Charles Amador, to be made governor of Acadia, and that on his return he was captured by Kirk in the St. Lawrence, on board one of the fleet which had been sent out by the new company for the strengthening of the French colony. As Alexander was at the time of writing well acquainted with the elder La Tour, having had him associated with him in his undertaking, it is natural to suppose that it is to him he refers as ‘Mons’r Latour.’ He is said to have come to Port Royal with Poutrincourt jn 1610, his son being thena boy. And it seems strange that while the father was still in the prime of life, and the son yet quite a young man, the latter should be exer- cising such authority as could be exercised over the few French then scattered in the neighbourhood of Port Royal, and the father voyaging to France to obtain for him the government of Acadia. But on the other hand French authorities agree in stating that Biencourt after the return of his father Poutrincourt to France, exercised at least the leadership among the residents at Port Royal after the death of the latter in 1615, till his own death in 1623, that he was the intimate companion of the younger La Tour, and in dying bequeathed to him all his rights in Port Royal, at the same time naming him as his successor in office. But while we are writing we notice in a published catalogue of MS. for sale by M. Dufosse of Paris, the following : “ BIENCOURT DE POUTRINCOURT (Charles) né en 1583, mort vers 1638, fils du sieur de Poutrincourt, gouverneur en Acadie pour M. Des Monts.—Piece sur velin signée, in 4 oblong (64).” “ Recu par le sieur Charles Biencourt de Poutrincourt d’une somme de trois mille livres pour sa charge de directeur de l’Académie du roi, décembre 1621.” And another with exactly the same title, but marked “ Piece signée 2 pp. in fol. (66) ”’ and with the addition, “ Pouvoir donné au sr. Francois de Vaux d’administrer certaines propriétés. Paris, 17 avril 1638.” We have not been able to get access to these documents, but these statements are sufficient to show that Biencourt had returned to France some time before this time, pro- bably at the same time as his father, and that he lived there till his death some years after. The more we examine the case the more satisfied we are of the correctness of Sir William Alexander's account. He could not be misinformed as to the facts which he has here recorded in a grave official document, and we may therefore regard it as certain, that what French still remained in that part of the country with La Tour at their head quietly submitted to the new-comers. It is probable that it was then that Charles 94 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON La Tour leaving Port Royal established himself at Fort Louis, afterward Fort La Tour, where we find him soon after. In consequence of the success of Kirk several English adventurers were led to seek a share in the profits of the trade of the new colony. In a letter from Mr. William Maxwell of Edinburgh dated 23rd November, 1628, we have a reference to this, with some particulars of the expedition. “Tt is for certaintie that Sir William Alexander is come againe from Nova Scotia, and heath left behind him 70 men and tua weemen, with provisioun to serve tham be the space of ane yeir, being placet in a pairt of the countrie quhilk is a naturall strenthe, to githir withe some cannoun, muskett, pouder, and bullet, in caice of some suddent invasioun, together withe all thing is necessar for their present use; and is to goe hither againe in the spring with a new plantatioun. Bot since he came home the Englische men ar suiten (petitioning) of his Majestie to plant and possesse quhatsumover lands thairoff quhilk they please, and there to be halden of the Crowne of England.” (The Maxwells of Pollok, edited by William, Vol. 11, p. 200.)' Sir William the elder immediately applied to the Scottish Privy Council entreating their support in the maintenance of his privileges against English rivals. That body in consequence addressed a memorial to the king, setting forth that parties in Scotland had “ adventured soums of money for setting furth of a colonie to plant there, and that they understood that by reasoun of a voyage made by ane Captain Kercht, thither this last summer, there are some making sute for a new patent to be hold of the Crown of England,” they represent this as derogatory to their ancient kingdom, and discouraging to the undertakers, who had already spent their money, and pray that the original grant to Sir William be maintained. The representation was successful, and a royal patent was granted to Sir William, the younger, and others, incorporating them as “ sole traders” in the Gulf and River of Canada. They were farther empowered to settle a plantation “ within all parts of the gulf and river above those parts which are over against Kebeck (Quebec), on the south side, or above twelve leagues below Todowsack, on the north side,” while all others were prohibited from making any voyage into the said gulf or river upon “payne of confiscation.” They were also authorized to make “prise of all French or Spanish ships and goods at sea or land, and to displant the French.” The patent was accompanied with a special commission to Sir William and others, dated 4th of February, 1629, by which they were empowered “to make a voyage into the Gulf and River of Canada, and the parts adjacent, for the sole trade of beaver wools, beaver skins, furs, hides and skins of wild beasts.” (Colonial papers, p. 96.) In the meantime we hear little of the settlers left on the shores of Annapolis Basin. We may conclude that during the summer (1628) all would pass pleasantly—the beauties of the scene must have arrested the attention of the most prosaic, and besides erecting the fort they would probably have made their first attempts at cultivation of the soil. But summer passed all too quickly, and they were soon called to face a Nova Scotian winter, of whose severity amid the delights of summer and autumn, they could have formed no 1 We also find in a petition to the King from certain lords, dated 18th November, 1628, the following : “ We ar verie hopefull that as the said Sir William Alexander has sent forth his sonne with a colonie to plant there this last year, so it will be secounded,” etc. SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 95 conception, and for which therefore they were unprepared. They, therefore, suffered severely so that when young Sir William returned the next season he found that thirty of the colonists had died. Otherwise the prospects of the colony were not unsatisfactory. French accounts say that they were subjected to the hostility of the Indians. Ferland says that they all perished from this cause or from scurvy except one family, If these things happened it must have been at a later date, for we shall find evidence that they held their position for four winters. Undoubtedly, too, the Indians were now friendly, though we may doubt whether they really understood the relations in which they entered with the new-comers, as involving such subjection to the King of England as the other party meant. At all events they must have been on terms of entire confidence when, as indicated by the paper of Sir William Alexander already quoted, they consented to send to England their leading chief and his family. We know little more of the visit of this chief to England, but we learn that he was accompanied by his wife and son, and that they were dignified with the titles of king, queen and prince of New Scotland. In December (1629) a royal letter was directed to Sir James Bagg, Governor of Plymouth, to conduct to court “one of the commanders (or - chiefs) of Canada, attended by some others of that countrie.” (Royal Letters, etc., p. 52) And the Rey. Joseph Mead, in a letter dated Christ College, 12th February, 1630, says :— “There came last week to London the king, queen, and young prince of New Scot- land. This king comes to be of our king’s religion, and to submit his kingdom to him, and to become (?) his homage for the same, that he may be protected against the French in Canada. Those savages arrived at Plymouth, were a while entertained at my Lord Poulet’s in Somersetshire, much made of, especially my lady of the savage queen. She came with her to the coach, when they were to come to London, put a chain about her neck with a diamond valued by some at near £20. The savages took all in good part, but for thanks or acknowledgment made no sign or expression at all.” (Birch’s Court and Times of Charles I., vol. 12, p. 60.) We have no further accounts of the proceedings of these dusky denizens of the forest, but it appears somewhat ludicrous to read of their being treated as king and queen and prince of New Scotland. By the statement, however, from which we have quoted, it appears that he submitted himself to the king (whether he understood what he was doing or not), obtained assurance of His Majesty’s protection and returned to tell his dusky compatriots of the great things he had seen, and perhaps the fine promises he had received, doubtless then to return to his old forest life. During the summer of 1629 we hear nothing of the settlers on the shores of Anna- polis Basin. But it was atime of activity on the part of these associated in the enterprise. Early in the season Kirk again proceeded to the St. Lawrence, and this time Quebec surrendered to his arms. Sir William, now deeming the success of the enterprise assured, resolved to establish a shipping port on the west coast of Scotland. The king accordingly “ considering the great and manifold services rendered to his father and himself by his well beloved counsellor, Sir William Alexander,” more especially “his care, toils and endeavours for establishing and founding his colony of America called Nova Scotia,” granted to him the lands and muir of Largs at the mouth of the Clyde, which was also erected into a free barony. In this charter Sir William was empowered to build a free port and haven at Largs for “advancing trade and commerce” between Scotland and Nova 96 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON Scotia, (Reg. Mag. Sig. lit, 223.) For some time several Ayrshire landowners had sought to improve their shattered fortunes by acquiring lands in Ulster, and had been engaged in forming plantations there. Now it occurred to Sir William that his intended port might be rendered profitable in shipping men and goods to that province as well as to Nova Scotia. In this scheme he had been much encouraged by James Stewart, fifth Lord Ochiltree, who had taken an active part in the colonization of Ulster. In the hope of retrieving his shattered fortunes, he now consented to join Sir William Alexander, the younger, in his expedition. In May, 1629, Charles I. authorized £500 sterling to be bor- rowed for his Lordship’s use, “in his present expedition to Cape Bretton for planting of a colony there.” (Reg. of Letters.) In June he sailed with three vessels, carrying a band of settlers. He arrived in safety and entered the small harbour Baleine, some six miles to the east of Louisburg, where he erected a fort and two of his vessels were sent forward to Port Royal. They commenced fishing and regarding the island as belonging to the British, treated foreigners as intruders, and attempted to collect tribute from them, when Captain Daniel, of Dieppe, with two vessels armed with siege material, swooped down upon the new colony, claiming the country in the name of the Company of New France. He destroyed their fort, captured their vessel and took the whole band prisoners. Soon after he sailed for home, taking with him the whole band of Scottish settlers, whom to use the quaint language of Lord Ochiltree, “ he enclosed in the hold of the schippe in so little bound, that they were forced to ly upon other as they haden beeim so many fisshes lying in their awin fillthe, and fed upon bread and water.” About forty of them were allowed to land at Falmouth, but Lord Ochiltree himself and seventeen others were taken as prisoners to France, where they were subjected to harsh treatment till the January follow- ing, when they were released through the interposition of the English ambassador. Lord Ochiltree reckoned his losses at £20,000, for which he received no compensation. To carry out farther the colonization of Nova Scotia, it appears by a letter from the king, dated the 17th November, 1629, that Sir William had “agreet with some of the heads of the Cheef Clannes of the Highlands of that our kingdome, and with some other persones for transporting themselves into New Scotland,” in regard to which proposal His Majesty says, “ we doe very much approve of that course for advancing the said plantatione, and for debordening that our kingdome of that race of people, which in former times hade bred soe many troubles ther,” and ‘“ since that purpose may very much import the publick good and quiet thareof,” he urges a voluntary contribution for the object. How little could he have imagined the part that the people whom he was thus so willing to trans- port beyond seas as anuisance, would afterward act in the support of himself and family. Nothing, however, came of the proposal. During this time the calls for money were incessant. Sir William had received more than one office of emolument, yet still was becoming involved. More than once a royal letter was issued for the payment of the £6,000 allowed him for expenses, but it still remained unpaid. All the influence of the king was employed to promote the object. Much reliance was placed on the baronetcies. They were pressed upon the attention of parties likely to accept them. In 1629 six were created, and thirteen in the two following years. To induce persons of wealth to seek the honour, the comimissioners were empowered to fill up the dates of patents at their discretion, so that those unwilling to oceupy a lower place on the rolls might be reckoned amongst the earliest creations. All SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. OZ was done to render the honour attractive. In a missive of the 17th of November, 1629, the king authorizes “ everie one of them and thare heires male to weare and carry about their neckis, in all time coming, ane orange tauney ribbane, whairon shall hing pendant on a skutchion argent, a saltoire azeur thereon, ane inscutcheune of the armes of Scotland, with ane imperiall croune above the scutchone, and incircled with this motto: “ Fax Mentis HONESTAE GLORIA.” This was to be proclaimed publicly at the market cross of Edinburgh. And in the same paper there was a threat of fine and imprisonment to any person who should, “out of neglect or contempt, presume to tak place or precedence of the said baronettes. thare wifes or childring, or to weare thare cognoissance.” On the 17th of November, 1629, the king, through Alexander as Chief Secretary for Scotland, urged “contractors for baronets ” to proceed with their work diligently, “ so that the next supplie for Nova Scotia may goout in time.” We presume that the supply was sent out in the following spring. That season La Tour was in England, whether brought there as a prisoner by Kirk or otherwise, and now, if not before, connected himself with the English cause. He was introduced at court, and, according to Charlevoix, married a maid of honour of the queen, He was a Huguenot, and, probably on that account, more readily fell in with the schemes of his English co-religionists. At all events, he joined with Alexander in his plan for settling Nova Scotia, and on the 30th of November he received his patent as a knight-baronet of Nova Scotia. On the 30th of April, 1630, he received from Alexander a grant to himself and hisson Charles, who was at the same time created a knight baronet of Nova Scotia, of “all the country, coasts, islands from the cape and river of Ingogon (Chegoggin), near unto the cloven cape (Cape Forchu), in the said New Scotland, called the coast and country of Accadye, following the coast and islands of the said countrey towards the east, unto the Port de la Tour, formerly named L’Omeroy (Lomeron), and further beyond the said port, following along the said coast unto Mirliguesche (Lunenburg),” a district embracing about half the present county of Yarmouth, the counties of Shelburne and Queen’s, and about half the county of Lunenburg. This was to be divided into two baronies, to be held by the father and son on their “ promise to be good and faithful vassals of the sovereign lord the King of Scotland, and to give unto him all obedience and assistance to the reducing of the people of the country.” The father had already made this submission for himself and promised the same for his son, whom he had left in Nova Scotia. On arrival, however, he found his son in possession of a fort at what has since been called Fort La Tour. He appealed to him to join the English, but met with a stern and resolute refusal. The father was accompanied with two armed vessels, with which he made an attack upon the fort for two days, which was unsuccessful. There are different accounts of what followed. According to Charlevoix, he made application to his son for permission to reside in Acadia; that the young man replied that he did not wish to expose his father to lose his head by going back to England—that he would willingly give him an asylum, but that he could not allow either him or his wife to come to the fort, but that he would not suffer him to want—that the father had no alternative but to accept these terms—that, with the leave of the English commander, he with his wife disembarked with all their effects, and the men of war returned to England—that the Sec. II., 1892. 13. 98 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON younger La Tour then caused a suitable dwelling-house to be erected for them at some distance from the fort, where he provided for their maintenance. The story carries much of the aspect of romance. That La Tour should fear to lose his head by returning to England is absurd. Scarcely less so is the statement of his asking his son’s permission to reside in Acadie when the English were in possession of Port Royal, where the Scotch colony had been for two years, and, according to Charlevoix himself, every other post in Acadia, except Fort La Tour. The two men-of-war spoken of could only have been private armed vessels of Alexander’s company, and it is incredible that they should have returned to England without visiting the settlers at Port Royal. Besides, the story of his residing near his son is contradicted by what we learn of him shortly after. The other story given by Ferland is that he joined the colony in Port Royal with one hundred Scottish emigrants that he bad brought out. There can be little doubt of the truth of this, as we soon after find him there, though we may doubt his bringing such a number of settlers in addition to those previously on the ground. We have scarcely any notice of the infant colony this year (1630). In a royal letter, dated 13th May, 1630, the king thanks Sir William, the younger, for his “ careful and provident proceeding for planting of a colonie at Port Royall,” and desires him to continue as he had begun, that the work might be brought to perfection. He further charges him to appoint a deputy during his absence. (Reg. of Letters.) On the 3rd of July the Governor was further informed of the king’s desire to maintain the patents granted by himself and his father, while, in reference to French claims, he desires a statement of the right of his own subjects, and of the grounds on which he is called to maintain the patents granted by his father and himself. A notice from a French source, however, shows that the colony not only existed, but was in considerable force. Champlain mentions that this year the directors of the Company of New France despatched two vessels under the command of Captain Marot to make a settlement in Acadie. They encountered adverse weather, and the voyage was three months long. They at length reached Cape Sable, where they found young La Tour with some French volunteers under him. The captain delivered him a letter from M. Tufet, by whom the vessels had been fitted out, which urged him to remain steadfast in the King’s service, and not to adhere to the English or submit to their wishes, as many worthless Frenchmen had done. This confirms the statement of Sir William Alexander, that the scattered French around Port Royal had submitted to the English or Scotch authorities there. Charles La Tour and Captain Marot, on consultation, deemed it advisable that La Tour (the father) should be informed of what had occurred, and urged to leave the English and come back, so that they might learn the condition of the English (Scotch) and act accordingly. One Lestan was sent with a letter from La Tour to his father, on reading which he set out to go to his son, having lost reputation with the English, and haying in consequence little hope of advancement or wealth from them. Arrived at Cape Sable, he informed his son that it was the intention of the English to take their fort. He also reported that of seventy Scotch who had wintered at Port Royal sity had died.' At all events, they were still so strong that the French made no attempt 1This seems to be the same es as we have given regarding the winter previous. It is much more likely to have happened on that which was their first winter. Besides, we know that seventy was the number in the first band ; but, if one hundred came the next spring with La Tour, the number must have been En greater. SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 99 to dislodge them, but were apprehensive of being dislodged by them, and accordingly leaving them in quiet possession of Port Royal, they resolved to establish themselves on the St. John River. Ferland says that the Scotch settlers had been protected by the presence of La Tour from the enmity of the Indians, and that when he left, they were so beleaguered in their fort by them, that they all fell victims to their enmity or the scurvy with the exception of one family. He does not give his authority for this statement and the facts seem to contradict it. At the time La Tour left, they were so strong, that they could threaten to dislodge the French from Fort La Tour. And after he was gone we find them the next season able to maintain their position. In February, 1631, King Louis XIII. granted a commission to the younger La Tour to act as his lieutenant-general in Acadie, and in April, the Company of New France sent a vessel with supplies for him. The vessel carried back the Sieur de Krainguille, the lieutenant of La Tour, who reported that the Scotch were unwilling to leave Port Royal and had brought families and cattle there. (2 Cham- plain, 366.) In the autumn previous, Sir William the younger had returned to Britain, leaving the colony in charge of Sir George Home. Still now after three winters they not only held their position against any French power then on the field, but were making all arrangements for permanent settlement. But the whole project was doomed to sudden overthrow, and the blow was to come from a source the least expected. Treachery at home was to accomplish what foreign force had failed to do, and men were to receive another lesson in regard to putting their trust in princes. On the 29th April, 1631, the Scottish Privy Council were assured by royal letter that the plantation of New Scotland was still an object of solicitude, and they were invited to nominate members of their body to assist in the enterprise. On the 5th May followed another missive intimating that the king was prepared to grant baronetcies to those aiding the new colony, special commissioners being appointed to receive from Lord Stirling resignations of land for that purpose. But about two months later came the following letter from His Majesty to Sir William, now Ear] Stirling. “ CHARLES R. Wheras ther is a finall agreement made betweixt ws and our good brother, the French king, and that amongst other particulariteis for perfecting heirof, we have condescended that Port Royall shal be putt in the estate it was befor the beginning of the late warre, that no pairtie may have any advantage ther dureing the continuance of the same & without derogation to any preceeding right or title be vertew of any thing done, ather then, or to be done, by the doeing of that which we command at this tyme: It is our will and pleasur, yow ordour to Sir George Home, Knycht, or any yther haveing charge from yow ther, to demolisch the Fort, which was builded by your Sone ther, and to remove all the people, goods, ordnance, munition, cattel and vther things belonging vnto that Colonie, leaveing the bounds altogidder waist and unpeopled as it was at the tyme when your said Sone landed first to plant ther, by vertew of our commission, and this yow faill not to doe, as yow wilbe answerable vnto ws. Greenwich 10 July, 1631.” In the year 1627, the year as we have seen in which Alexander’s preparations for sending out his colony were completed, and the year in which the French company of a hundred associates was formed, a war was precipitated upon France through the influ- ence of Buckingham, the English prime minister, mainly to gratify a personal pique, but 100 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON ostensibly for the relief of Rochelle. In this it failed and except perhaps in the efforts of Kirk hostilities had been carried on languidly, and on the 23rd April, 1629, a treaty of peace was concluded in which it was provided that whatever prizes were taken on either side within two months after the signing of the treaty, should be restored. This could have been intended to refer only to vessels taken under letters of marque. Charles understood it so. But supposing it to refer to conquests on land, it would include Quebec, which had been taken after the treaty had been signed, but it could not refer to Port Royal, which had been in possession of the Scotch settlers since the year previous. Moreover, it had not been captured at all. As Sir Williams puts it; “ This business of Port Royall cannot be made lyable to the Articles of the Peace, seeing there was no act of hostilitie comitted therebye ; a Collony onely being planted vpon his Ma’ties owne ground, according to a Patent granted by his Ma’ties late deare father and Ma'ties selfe hauing as good a right thereto, as to any part of that continent: and both the patent and the possession taken thereupon was in the time of his Ma’ties late deare Father. But neither by that possession nor be the subsequent plantatioun, hath anything been taken from the French, where of they had any right at all, or yet any possession for the time ; and that what might have been done, either before the warre or since the warre without a breach of peace, cannot justly bee complained ypon for beeing done at that time.”— (Colonial papers, p. 119.) Nevertheless, the French Government demanded the removal of Capt. Kirk, Sir Wil- liam Alexander, and other British subjects, and the surrender of Quebec, Port Royal and the Cape Breton coast. Charles asserted his rights and to his subjects proclaimed his determination to maintain them, but at the same time temporized with the French monarch. He asserts his right to hold these places, but at the very time that he had expressed to the Scottish Privy Council his solicitude to maintain the colony of Port Royal, he had actually agreed to transfer both it and Quebec to France. Writing to the English Ambassador on the 12th June, 1631, he says: ‘ We have formerly consented & still continue our purpose and resolution that the one, that is, Quebee shall be restored, & from the other (viz., Port Royal) such of our subjects as are there planted shall retyre, leaving those parts in the same state they were before the peace; which wee do not out of ignorance as yf we did not understand how little wee are hereunto obliged by the last treaty (the 7th article whereof, which is that of restitution, regards only shipps which were then abroade with letters of mart), but out of an affection & desire to complye with our good brother, the French King, in all things that may friendly & reasonably, though not rightly & duly, be demanded of vs.” Even if this benevolence were real, the propriety of it might be questioned, consider- ing how the interests of his subjects were involved, but in fact the transaction was a sordid one throughout. By the letter just quoted it appears that Charles sold the concessions proposed for hard cash or its equivalent. One-half the dowry of his queen, Henrietta Maria, had never been paid by the French Government, though as stated in this letter they had promised more than once, and were bound by treaty to do so, but now on con- sideration of “ receaving the remainder of the porcon money due unto vs eyther in present payment or good and valuable assignacon,” he agrees to “the rendering of Quebec and retyring from Port Royal.” ! The letter will be found in full in the Report on Canadian Archives for 1884, Ixi, SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 101 But to his subjects he held quite different language. On the 12th July, two days after the issue of his letter to Sir William, stating his agreement with the King of France, and commanding him to evacuate Port Royal, he wrote to the Scottish Privy Council, saying that he understood from reports that came from New Scotland how well the work of plantation had begun; that Sir William had fully performed what was expected from him, and “ being very desyreous, that he should not suffer -therein, bot that both he & others may be encouraged to prosecute the good beginning that is made,” he, therefore, directs them “ seriouslie to consider how that work may be brought to perfection for,” he adds ‘‘ we ar so far from quytling our lille to New Scotland and Canada, that we wilbe verie carefull to manteane all our good subjects who doe plant themselfiis there.” He further authorized them to issue a proclamation to that effect. This was accordingly done on the 28th July. But on the same day, from his palace at Greenwich, he sent a despatch to the King of France under the great seal of Scotland, in which he says: “ We offering the guarantee of our royal word and promise in this matter against reasons or objections to be brought forward or urged against it whatever, by these presents do declare, and on the faith of our royal word, promise that we will underlake, cuuse and effect, that by our subjects dwelling in the said fortalice or castle and settlement of the Royal Haven commonly called Port Royal, whe- ther they reside or dwell there as soldiers of the garrison or colonists or inhabitants, the said fortalice or castle and settlement of Port Royal shall be forthwith abandoned and relinquished, and also all their weapons, machines, provisions, cattle, goods and chattels therefrom transported, immediately and as soon as letters declaring this our will and decree shall be shown and read to them,” (Reg. of Letters.) Yet on that same 28th of July, and from his same palace at Greenwich, he wrote to the Scottish Privy Council informing them that the Earl of Haddington and twelve others were appointed commissioners “ for the better furtherance and advancement of the plantation of New Scotland.” (Reg. of Letters.) Various matters connected with the peace remained unsettled, but these were finally adjusted by the treaty of St. Germain-en-laye, signed on the 29th March, 1632, when the king finally agreed “to give up and restore,” to the King of France, “ all the places occupied in New France, Acadia and Canada by subjects of his Majesty, the King of Great Britain; and to cause all such to withdraw from the said places.” At the same time in consequence of his further losses by the surrender of the colony, Lord Stirling received a warrant on the exchequer for £10,000 sterling, in place of £6,000 formerly granted. This was accompa- nied by a letter to the Privy Council, in which the king says, “ least any mistaking should ensue ther vpon, we have thought it good to declare ynto you that it is no ways for quyting the title, ryght or possession of New Scotland, or of any part thereof.’ In these assurances he persisted for some time. On the 14th June, 1632, he wrote to the Scottish Privy Council as follows :— CHARLES R. “Trustie, etc. Wheras upon the late Treatie betwixt ws and the French King, we wer pleased to condescend, that the Colonie which was latelie planted at Port Royall, in New Scotland, should be for the present removed from thence; and have accordinglie gevin ordour to our right, etc., the Viscount of Stirling, our principall Secretarie for Scot- land, altho’ by all our several ordours and directions concerneing that business, we have ever expressed that we have no intention to quyt our right or lille to anie of these boundis; yet, in regard our meaneing perchance will not be sufficientlie vnderstude by these our loveing 102 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON subjects, who heirefter shall intend the advancement of that work ; ffor their further satis- faction heirin, we doe heirby requyr you to draw vp a sufficient warrant for our hand to pas vnder our great Seall, to our said Right, etc., the Viscount of Stirling, to goe on in the said work, whensoever he shall think fitting, wherby, for the mcouragement of such as shall interest themselffis with him in it, he may have full assurance from vs in verbo principis, as we have never meaned to relinquish our title to any part of these cuntreyis, which he hath by patents from us, so we shall ever heirufter be readie, by our gracious favour, fo pro- tect him, and all such as have or shall heirufler at aney tyme concurre with him, for the advancement of the plantatiouns in these boundis foirsaidis ; And if at aney tyme heirefter, by ordour from ws, they shalbe forced to remove from the said boundis, or aney part therof wher they shall happin to be planted, we shall fullie satisfie them for all loss they shall susteane by aney such act or ordour from ws. And for your soe doeing, etc. Greenwich, 14 Juni 1632.” Other missives of similar purport followed. There was even an attempt further to raise money on the scheme. On the 21th April, 1632, the king published a royal letter, offering baronetcies to His Majesty’s loyal subjects of England and Ireland, on the same terms on which they had been previously offered to those of Scotland. At the same time he declared that, notwithstanding his arrangement with the French king, he had not abandoned his right to New Scotland, but would certainly carry on the plantation “ by com- pleiting of the intendit number of Knight Baronetts or otherwayes,” (Reg. of Letters.) But “surely in vain is the net spread in the sight of any bird,” and after what had trans- pired none were caught by this contrivance. It is difficult to account for the conduct of Charles throughout these proceedings. It seems to manifest stupidity or duplicity altogether inexplicable, or as we are inclined to believe a large mixture of both. How could he suppose that he could afterward maintain his claim to the possession of Nova Scotia, when he was now surrendering to France all that his subjects held there, and that in answer to her claiming it as her right? How was it possible for his subjects to carry on the work of planting a colony there after by the order of their own king, every man of them with all their possessions had been removed from the bounds and their forts and other buildings razed to the ground? And what reliance henceforward could be placed on “the word of a prince ” to be “ carefull to main- teane all his good subjects who doe plant themselffis there.” The extraordinary thing is that the very day he held out such pledges to his subjects, he in fulfilment of his bargain with the French king sent to him a despatch under the Great Seal of Scotland engaging to cause and effect the removal of all his subjects from Port Royal. It may be admitted that giving up the places occupied by his subjects was not quitting his title to Acadie, but it was almost equivalent. It was at least giving the French the benefit of occupation which could only be wrested from them by the sword. In the meantime what had become of the settlers on the shore of Annapolis Basin ? By the terms of the treaty of St. Germains signed in March, 1632, we infer that they were still there. Ifso that would have been the fourth winter of their residence. There are indications that the progress made had been regarded as satislactory. Writing in July, 1631, the king says, “ we understand both by the reports that came from thence, and by the sensible consideration & notice taken thereof by our nyghbour cuntreyis, how well that work is begun.” But on the 10th May Isaac de Razilly received a commission from SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 108 the French king authorizing him to effect the removal of all subjects of Great Britain from Quebec, Port Royal and Cape. Breton. He was also furnished with letters patent from King Charles under the great seal of Scotland for the surrender of Port Royal, and a letter from him to his subjects there commanding the demolition of the fort and the abandonment of the place. He also carried a letter to the same effect from Sir William Alexander to Captain Andros Fonesteo in command of his colony there. On his arrival the place was surrendered to him, the fort having been previously destroyed. Razilly had brought out colonists, but he preferred Lahaye as the site for a settlement and removed thither. The old site was now abandoned, and the Port Royal of De Monts and Champlain, of Lescarbot and Poutrincourt, of Membertou and Biencourt, of La Tour and Alexander became a waste. When Haliburton wrote, about the year 1828, he says that “the remains of the fort could be traced with great ease. The old parade, the em- bankment and ditch had not been disturbed.” But since that time the ground has been so frequently ploughed over that the site is barely recognizable. Afterward when the French settled here, they chose the present Annapolis as the site of their town and fort, being probably attracted by the rich meadows there, which still constitute so much of the wealth of the inhabitants.’ What became of the settlers we are not informed. When the king’s orders were carried out for the destruction of the fort and other buildings, they probably removed some to New England and some to the old land. Lamothe Cadillac mentions that in 1635, he found two of them there who had married French women and turned Catholics, while their mother was still living in Boston at the age of 90. As we have seen that in the first band there were seventy men and only two women, it was not surprising that some of the men should have taken up with French women, and remained with them. And so ended the attempt to found a new Scotland on the western shores of the Atlantic. A pretext of continuing the project was still kept up. On the 11th May, 1633, Sir William (Qu. the younger) obtained a royal patent “for the sole trade in all and singular the regions, countreys, dominions, and all places whatsoever adjacent to the river and gulf of Canada, and the sole traffick from thence and the places adjoyning, for beaver skins and wool, and all other skins of wild beasts for 31 yeares.” (Colonial Papers, p. 165.) Andon the 28th June, the Scottish Parliament passed an act, ratifying the grants made by James and Charles of New Scotland to Sir William Alexander, with all the privileges therein conferred, and also the act by which the order of knights baronets was created, and all the grants made under it. But as the country had been given up to the French such proceedings were little better than a sham. As to the final disposal of his rights a cotemporary * asserts that he sold them to the King of France for five or six thousand pounds sterling. But this is the obiter dictum of a hostile critic who is not deemed of any authority, and it is contradicted by the facts of the subsequent history. Again, it is asserted that he transferred his rights in Acadia to La Tour. This is ! At what time the first fort was built on the site of the present one is uncertain. Some years ago a stone was dug up near what Haliburton calls “the eastern parapet” of the old Scots fort with the inscription “ Luger, 1643,” which would seem to indicate that till that date it was still occupied by the French. * Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty. 104 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON represented as having taken place in the years 1629 and 1630, when, as we have seen, the Scotch colony still held its own Though this representation is given in the Canadian Archives (1883, 121 and 1886 clv), and by more than one of our historians, it is not only without evidence, but is entirely contrary to the facts of the case. On the 14th of September, 1633, three years after the alleged sale to La Tour, a commission was granted, under the Great Seal, to the High Chancellor of Scotland and seven other distinguished officials and gentlemen, for the passing of enfeoffment of lands in New Scotland, and on the 15th February, 1634, they accepted the commission with all the requisite forms. It was the duty of this commission to convey to the knights baronets the lands surrendered by Sir William Alexander to the Crown for that purpose. Accordingly, we find him making such surrenders up till within two years of his death, in 1640. Moreover, in a deed of assignment for the benefit of his creditors, signed a few days before his death, the lands granted in New Scotland under his patent are recognized as still held by him. \ These facts show conclusively that Alexander had not made over his rights to La Tour. It is easy to see, however, how the report arose. At the time mentioned Sir William did grant to the La Tours (father and son) land in Acadia. The situation and boundaries we have already given. It extended from Yarmouth to Lunenburg, in Nova Scotia, but this was only a small corner of the New Scotland of Sir William’s grant, sufficient to form two baronies. On the 24th of August, 1659, the La Tour family registered this grant in the Records of the County of Suffolk, Massachusetts, (the county in which Boston is situated). The reason for this step at that date was that a detachment of Cromwell’s army had captured Nova Scotia, and his government were likely to hold it permanently. In these circumstances the La Tours thought it important to establish an English title to their lands. From this fact, and parties not examining the bounds stated in this grant, arose the report of Alexander having granted his rights in Acadia to La Tour. Had the latter any more extensive grant than this it would undoubtedly have been produced. This action shows that they claimed no more than the two baronies granted in 1630.' But new troubles began to accumulate upon the head of our hero. His second son, Sir Anthony, died on the 17th of September, 1637, and his eldest, Lord Alexander, on the 18th of May following. On the latter occasion Robert Baillie, the learned Presbyterian divine, wrote : “ With the President came word of my L. Alexander’s death. I have into .itt a losse of a near coosin and familiar friend. The King did profess his losse of a servant of great hopes. Ye know, beside the galantries of his person, he was both wise, learned and verie well spoken. The countrey makes not much doole for him, for they took him for ane advancer of the episcopall causes to his power. It feares me his death will undo that rysing House. Their debts are great,” ; His pecuniary difficulties increased. The £10,000 granted to pay his expenses con- nected with his Nova Scotia colony, was not paid, and he received nothing for his rights there. Notwithstanding the losses he sustained in this undertaking, he might from the emoluments of his offices have maintained himself free of debt. But on obtaining one 1 The whole subject is treated exhaustively in Rev. E. F. Slafter’s “Sir William Alexander and American Colonization,” published by the Prince Society. SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 105 degree after another in the peerage, he launched out into expenditure beyond his means, which ultimately brought him to a state of bankruptcy. Two measures brought him into disrepute with his countrymen. The one was the attempt persisted in for some time to force his version of the Psalms in connection with Laud’s service upon the Scottish church. This connected him with all the measures of the king to introduce Episcopacy into Scot- land. The other was his copper coinage. He had obtained authority from the king to issue coin of small denominations. The result was that the land was overstocked with copper coin of inferior value, which was afterward cried down to half its original nominal value, to the great loss of many, particularly of the common people. He died at his resid- ence, Covent Garden, on the 12th February, 1640, and notwithstanding his embarrass- ments, he was awarded a funeral befitting his rank. His remains were deposited in the family vault at Stirling. Rogers thus sums up his character: “ The personal character of Lord Stirling presents a two-fold aspect. As a poet and private gentleman, he was admired and loved. Sir Robert Aytoun has celebrated him in an approving sonnet. In Latin verse he is lauded by the poets, John Dunbar, Arthur Johnston and Andrew Ramsay. Daniel in his ‘ Phi- lotas ; Davies, of Hereford, in his ‘Scourge of Folly ; Hayman, in his ‘ Quodlibets ;’ Habington, in his ‘Castara, and Lithgow, in his ‘ Pilgrim’s Farewell,’ have severally commended him. Drayton names him with affection, and Drummond, of Hawthornden, esteemed and honoured him. Asa politician he might have acquired great distinction, but he sacrificed his fame by striving to maintain a rank, which he was unwise to covet, and which two successive kings were sufficiently weak to bestow. That his intentions respecting the colonization of Nova Scotia were sincere and upright may not be questioned ; but losses in connection with the undertakings involved him in difficulties, to escape from which he had recourse to expedients, which if not wholly unwarranted, cannot be approved.” By his ingenious contemporary Sir Thomas Urquhart, of Cromarty, his public character has been thus pungently, but not unfaithfully portrayed : “The purity of this gentleman’s vein was quite spoiled by the corruptness of his courtiership ; and so much the greater pity, for by all appearanceif he had been contented with that mediocrity of fortune he was born unto, and not aspired to those grandeurs of the court, which could not without pride be prosecuted, nor maintained without covetousness, he might have made a far better account of himself. It did not satisfy his ambition to have a laurel from the muses, and be esteemed a king among poets, but he must be king of some new-found-land ; and like another Alexander, indeed, searching after new worlds, have the soveraignty of Nova Scotia. He was born a poet, and aimed to be a king; therefore, would he have his royal title from King James, who was born a king and aimed to be a poet. Had he stopped there it had been well; but the flame of his honour must have some oil wherewith to nourish it. Like another King Arthur he must have his kinglets though nothing limited to so small a number; for how many soever that could have looked out but for one day like gentlemen, and given him but one hundred and fifty pounds sterling, (without any need of a key for opening the gate to enter through the temple of vertue, which in former times was the only way to honour) they had a scale from him whereby to ascend unto the platforms of vertue, which they treading under foot, did slight the ordinary passages, and, to take the more sudden posses- sion of the temple of honour, went upon obscure by paths of their own towards some Sec. IL., 1892. 14. 106 REV. GEORGE PATTERSON ON secret angiports and dark postern-doors which were so narrow that few of them could get in till they had left all their gallantry behind them. . . . After this manner, my Lord Stirling for a while was very noble; and according to the rate of sterling money, was as twelve other lords in the matter of that frankness of disposition, which not permitting him to dodge it upon inches and ells, better and worse, made him not stand to give to each of his champions territories of the best and the most; and although there should have happened a thousand acres more to be put in the charter or writing of disposition than was agreed upon at first, he cared not; half a piece to the clerk was able to make him dispense with that.” These are to be regarded as the words of a satirical cotemporary, after the scheme had failed, and its author was, therefore, fair game for the witlings of his day. That his intentions were pure we deem unquestionable. We may even give him credit for that desire to promote the interests of religion, which he professes in advocating his project. “The greatest encouragement of all,” he says, “ for any true Christian is this: That here is a large way for advancing the glory of Jesus Christ, to whom churches may be builded where his name was never known, and if the saints in heaven rejoice at the conversion of a sinner, what exceeding joy would it be to them to see many thousands of savage people who do now live like brute beasts, converted unto God ? And I wish (leaving those dreams of Honour and Profit which do intoxicate the brain and empoison the mind with transitory pleasure) that this might be our chief end, to begin a new life, serving God more sincerely than before, to whom we may draw more nere by retiring ourselves further from thence.” To say that in his measures personal ambition mingled with other motives is only to say that he was not above the infirmities of humanity. It is easy now to point out want of wisdom in his measures. We can sce that before sending out colonists means should have been adopted to obtain fuller information regarding the country to which they were going, its soil and adaptation to agriculture or other industries, and the character of its aborigines, and, besides that, proper preparations should have been made for their reception on arrival. We who live in the nineteenth century see so much farther than those who lived in the seventeenth, that we can readily point out such mistakes; but they were the mistakes of all who engaged in such attempts in that age; and when we find it noticed that the settlers on landing were supplied with provisions to last twelve months, we are inclined to believe that the managers showed a foresight such as was not manifested in similar undertakings, even at a later period. The plan of founding baronies may in the present day excite our contempt, or even appear laughable, but we must remember that it was quite in accordance with the sentiments of the times, and when we consider his financial position, pressed for money and without government aid, we can understand how such a plan of enlisting the interest of one hundred and fifty families of the landed gentry of Scotland in the project should appear a stroke of wise policy. One thing, we think, must be conceded, and that is the extraordinary energy and perseverance with which he prosecuted his undertaking in defiance of every obstacle. To us there appears something of the morally sublime in the manner in which he held to his purpose in spite of straitened circumstances, the jealousy of rivals, the indifference of the public, the hostility of the French and the faithlessness of his king. We must say, SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 107 too, that the scheme promised well. The few notices we have of the colony during the four years of its existence indicate that its progress was encouraging and its condition hopeful, and we believe that nothing but the extraordinary conduct of the king caused its failure ; but it was one of those failures which prove the necessary preparation for subsequent success. Still, having failed from whatever cause, it is, of course, doomed to hopeless condemnation. Will the time ever come when those who attempt great things for their race will be judged by the motives from which they conceived them and the energy with which they prosecuted them ? Nore.—Not expecting that this paper would be published in this form, I was not particular in noting the authorities for my statements. Beside the different colonial histories of the time, I would refer specially to the following for information on the subject: Sir William Alexander and American Colonization, edited by Rey. Edm. F. Slafter, Boston, 1873 ; Sir William Alexander, the Earl of Stirling; Registers of Royall Letters relative to affairs of Nova Scotia, 1615-1635, Edinburgh, 1885; and Memorials of the Earl of Stirling and the House of Alexander, by Rey. Charles Rogers, Edinburgh, 1867. ERRATA. In Dr. Bourinot's Paper on Cape Breton : | Page 173, Ist line of ‘‘ Prefatory Note,” for ‘‘last century ” read ‘present century.” Page 174, No, IV (‘Illustrations in Text”) for ‘‘ Admiral Hovenden’s Cross,” read ‘‘ Admiral Hovenden Walker's Cross. Page 202, for ‘ Rasle” read ‘ Rale.” Page 231, 4th line from top, for ‘‘ people of England” read ‘people of New England. Page 234, 4th line from foot, for ‘‘ Abercrombie” read ‘* Abercromby.” Page 290, last line, leave out ‘‘ French” and insert ‘‘ 07d.” = $ + . in Nue x = LS . - ‘ . ~ > ‘ à t + c! = LA va 740. ae iors em ha Trans. R.S .C., 1892 Sec. Il ., Plate Il. Sastlut , ————— Pe Connon 7) [ASS Q) 1 ; | Quesnel } Quesnelle L. SE QUAP MU Q = Z CHITKH OH’ TENNE HE RS Tsimshian Dené Awekwiull Salish A/gonguin Opel en Bi A A ICONRO .—-— Boundary BC 119 117 MAP OF PART OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. SHEWING THE HABITAT OF THE WESTERN DENE TRIBES, TOGETHER WITH PORTIONS OF THE TERRITORY OF SURROUNDING RACES. To illustrate Rev.A.G.Morices Paper. SECTION II., 1892. DOS] Trans. Roy. Soc., CANADA. V.—Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology Indigenous or Exotic? (WITH A MAP.) By The REV. FATHER A. G. Morice, O.M.I. (Presented by Dr. G. M. Dawson, May 31st, 1892.) LIST OF INDIAN (DENE) VILLAGES, REFERRING TO NUMBERS SHOWN UPON THE MAP. 1. Na’kraztti 9. Hwo'tat 17. Teinlak(populationexter- 23. Pel’katcék 2. Pintce 10. Tsétcah minated by the Chi 24. ql’katco 3. Thatce 11. ’yéyorhwotqet Koh’tin) 25. Nakunt’lin 4. Yakutce 12. Tse) kazyoh 18. qeitri 26. (I have forgotten name) 5. ’Kaztce 13. Stélla 19. Nosietcah 27. T’lothényah 6. Sést’sethüt 14. Natle 20. Tcontsithal’a (Quesnelle) 28. Tlesyoh 7. Lathakrozla 15. Nuyjkreh 21. Stélla (Carriers) 29. Stélla (Chipxoh’tin) 8. Nos’qôllsk 16.. Saïkez 22. rqus’kez 30. Qézoïlathût Though very few aboriginal words occur in the course of this paper, I give below the chief peculiarities of the Déné phonology such as rendered in the following pages : The vowels are as in French, except e, u, as in Italian ; éas the ¢ in the French “ mets”; è as e in English “ten”; 2 as the so-called French e muet ; au as in German “hauss;” ai as the à of the English “ file.” N is a nasal followed by a sonant n; [is a lingualo-sibilant of peculiar sound ; R and K are very guttural ; q almost corresponds to ty, both letters being consonants ; ch and sh as in English. The apostrophe (’) accom- panying certain letters adds to their original value the peculiar exploding sound common to most Indian languages. The names of non-Déné tribes on the map and through the paper are according to Dr. Boas’s orthography. INTRODUCTORY. In the first place, who are the Carriers ? Unless I am greatly mistaken, a respectable majority of the intelligent reading public, and even not a few professional Americanists, would not be the worse for some light being thrown on this subject before an attempt is made to answer the question heading this paper. For, strange as it may seem, while all of their heterogeneous neighbours have served as the theme of many a learned dissertation by Canadian and American ethnologists, the Carriers, and in general the whole aboriginal stock to which they belong, had before the publication of the present writer’s monographs on their sociology and philology hardly been honoured by aught else than brief passing references which, I am bound to say, evidenced as a rule more ignorance of, than familiarity with, the subject. The conscientious reports of Dr. Franz Boas published in 1889 and 1890 under the auspices of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, while minutely describing all that is worth knowing concerning every Indian tribe having its habitat in British Columbia, do not contain any more lengthened mention of our Carriers than this brief remark, which implicitly refers to them; ‘ The authors 110 FATHER MORICE ON researches do not include the Tinneh tribes, some of which are comparatively well known.”' This “comparatively,” the learned Doctor will pardon me for remarking, is certainly not out of place here. ‘‘ Well known,” I am tempted to retort, are “some ” of the tribes whose social condition and philological peculiarities he has taken so great pains to faithfully expose, such as are, for instance, the Kwakwiutl, through the efforts of Dr. G. M. Dawson ;* the Haida, through the same authors ‘“ Notes on the Haida,”* and, I might almost say, all of the North-Western Coast Indians, through the writings of such Americanists as G. M. Sproat,! J. Deans,’ J. G. Swan,’ F. Poole,’ H. H. Bancroft,’ O: T. Mason,’ and a host of others, not mentioning the early explorers Geo. Vancouver,” G. Dixon,"! Urey Lisiansky,” ete. I would especially cite the lately published monograph “ of U. $. N. Ensign Albert P. Niblack, who, except in so far as philology and folk-lore are concerned, may be said to have almost exhausted the subject. Our Carriers’ sociology has lost much in not being presented to the scientific world by such painstaking writers, though I cannot but fancy that, to more easily comprehend and faithfully describe a people’s social system, one should previously be conversant with its language, an accomplishment of which few, if any, of the above-mentioned authors could boast. To the best of my knowledge, the only attempt made to give any idea of the Carriers’ institutions was the writer’s paper, published in the ‘ Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, under the title: “The Western Dénés ; Their Manners and Customs.” “ Although I do not flatter myself with having thereby made them fully known to the readers of the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, I feel that I cannot repeat here what I then said in a somewhat lengthy essay. Therefore, I shall content myself with merely condensing what information may be necessary to the full understanding of the remarks I shall offer as anattempted answer to the initial question: ‘“ Are the Carrier Sociology and Mythology Indigenous or Exotic ? ” ETHNOLOGICAL. The Carriers constitute one of the western tribes of the great American family of aborigines commonly called by ethnographers Tinneh, Tinne, or Athapaskan, appellations which I have shown elsewhere” to be inappropriate, and which, in my estimation, would 1 Fifth Report of the Committee, etc., p. 6, 1889. * Notes and Observations on the Kwakiool People of Vancouver Island. Montreal, 1887. * Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands. Ann. Rep. Geol. Sury. Canada, 1878-79. ‘Scenes and Studies of Savage Life. London, 1868. 5 Articles in the Victoria Colonist and other publications. 5 Tbid. 7 Queen Charlotte Islands. London, 1872. “Native Races, vol. 1. Wild Tribes. San Francisco, 1883. * Various papers in the Smithsonian publications. ” A Voyage of Discovery, etc. 3 vols. London, 1798. 1 A Voyage Round the World. London, 1789. © A Voyage Round the World in the Years 1803-06. London, 1814. “The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia, in Annual Report, ete.—Report of the U.S. National Museum. Washington, 1890. Proc. Can. Inst., October, 1889. Toronto. © The Western Dénés, etc., p. 109, note 2. It might be rejoined that ethnologists have merely adopted, as a common denomination for the whole stock, the verbal suffix noticeable in the names of many tribes or tribal subdivisions, just as it is practised by some with regard to the Nootka, or (according to them) Aht nation. In which CARRIER SOCIOLOGY. 111 be advantageously replaced by the name they give themselves, “ Déné,” in the dialect of the largest and most central of the tribes into which this family is divided. The Carriers, as a separate tribe, are generally called Tacully, or Takulli by outsiders, on what grounds I never could find out. Among themselves they are to-day known as Takhe[ne (singular, Takhe]), a word perfectly meaningless, at least in their own language, to which it is exotic. From their eastern neighbours (the Tsé’kénne) they receive the name of Arene (singular, Arey), or “ Carriers,’ though the custom which gave rise to this appellation, that in deference to which widows “carried” or packed a few charred bones of their deceased husbands, has long been abolished. As will be seen by a glance at the map accompanying this paper, except on their western frontier, the Carriers proper are surrounded by congenious tribes, namely : the Chikoh'tin in the south, the Tsé’kénne in the east, and the Tsé’kénne and Nah’ane in the north. But, as to all practical purposes, the Chi,Koh’tin—and, indeed, the western Nah’ane as well—have the same general characteristics and, in the main, possess similar social institutions as the Carriers, it may truly be said that the latter’s neighbours are : In the south, the Salish, Sequapmug or Shushwap, and Stlatlumq, or Lillouet ; the Kawichin in the south-west. In the west from south to north, the Kwakwiutl, the Bilqula (a Salish race), the Kwakwiutl again, and the Tsimshian. In the south-east they also border on the Nehiyawok, or Crees, through a portion of their frontier. But, owing to the natural barrier opposed to frequent intercourse in the shape of the Rocky Mountains, they never had much contact with them.’ So that the Carriers may be said to be environed by no less than four very distinct races, each of which is subdivided into several different tribes possessing ethnic and linguistic characteristics of their own. This fact should be borne in mind by the reader who wishes to easily understand the bearing of the remarks I shall submit to him after I have given some idea of the Carriers’ social institutions. SOCIOLOGICAL. With the exception of that custom to which they owe their name, the Carriers’ sociology was substantially that obtaining amongst the nearest heterogeneous races with which they had social or commercial intercourse. And, remember, that here I associate with the Carriers their kindred in blood and language, the Chifkoh’tin, who, as has already been said, are also sociologically related to them, though, as will be seen, their particular environment caused them to differ in some points. They were divided in two very distinct social classes: the hereditary nobles, or case I would beg to say: Then, by al! means, write the word as it ought to be; for, in all the Déné dialects, there is as much difference between the sense of T'inne and ’tinneas there is between that of night and day. Moreover, this suffix varies more according to the tribe than the word for “man (Déné, ete.,”) for which reason I think the latter should be preferred. Everybody calls the Tlingit after the word they use for “man.” Why not do the same with regard to the Dénés ? *Yet the Carriers owe to their intercourse with Cree-speaking people—more probably balf-breeds in the the H. B. Co.’s employ—the words kekus (swine); mastus (eattie) ; stiniya (money and silver), and séndnpal (Cree santmpan) ribbon. ct FATHER MORICE ON notables, who possessed the land and enjoyed many jealously-guarded privileges, and the common people who had no voice in the councils of the nation and acted as serfs to the notables, with whom, and for whom, they hunted. The titles of these American noblemen descended among the Carriers from uncle to nephew by a sister, and not from father to son, as with them matriarchate or mother-right, and not patriarchate, prevailed. The rank of such personages was obtained and sustained through that famous institution familiar to the Indians of the whole North Pacific coast, the “ potlach,” or. public distribution of victuals and goods, which was made by the aspirant or received notable, with the help, generally, of all the members of his particular clan. For, as among the maritime Indians, the Carriers were also divided into several clans or gentes, which originated, in their estimation, a relationship closer and more binding than that resulting from blood parentage. Hach gens had one or more totems which were held in high veneration, as was more particularly noticeable on festive occasions. In case of extended travelling—which, however, was of rather rare occurrence —the totem served also as an emblem guaranteeing to the bearer a brotherly reception and constant protection by any member cf the same clan he might fall in with. The kinship resulting from fellow-clanship was reputed to be so strict that it precluded the possibility of co-clansmen intermarrying, while, on the other hand, marriage between even first cousins, if on the mother’s side, was quite common, and, in some cases, almost obligatory. By an immemorial custom, the widow of a Carrier was also inevitably transferred as wife to the deceased’s surviving brother. If we now pass from the general organization of the tribe to the constitution of the family, we see the wife working as a slave, without exercising any authority (unless, by exception, she were a notable), and the husband domineering as her lord and master and having in hands the full administration of the family affairs. Polygamy flourished here as on the coast, and marriage, though somewhat difficult of attainment for the young man, was never considered as indissoluble. Young gir!s, when they reached the age of puberty, had to undergo a very trying ordeal of sequestration accompanied by various bodily mortifications and penitential privations, which were the exact counterpart of those noted by all the authors who have treated of the maritime aborigines. Among other peculiarities, the pubescent girl had to wear a bonnet and veil of a particular pattern, protecting the passers-by from the malign influences which were supposed to emanate from her while she was menstruating. She could not scratch or even touch her head or hair with her fingers, but wore for that purpose a diminutive bone comb, and would also never drink but through a swan bone tube or “ chalumeau.” Once she was married, the same sequestration and many of its concomitant observances were repeated on the occasion of every child-bearing and each recurring menstruation. The death of a member of the tribe, especially of a nobleman, was seized upon as a pretext for interminable lamentations on the one side and ostentatious feasting and banquetting on the other. The remains haying been cremated in the presence, if possible, of a large concourse of people, the few remaining charred bones were handed to the widow, to be continually carried in a small package for a term of one, two or CARRIER SOCIOLOGY, 113 more years, according to the dignity of the deceased and the ability of his surviving fellow-clansmen to gather a sufficient amount of eatables and dressed skins to be distributed in a final potlach. Upon this occasion the deceased’s bones were ultimately deposited in a mortuary post or column close by the village. This was the signal of the widow’s liberation from the very exacting bondage she had suffered at the hands of her late husband’s relatives, her hair having been clipped by them to the skin and her face disfigured by gum or dirt as a token of her degraded condition. If we now examine those aborigines’ beliefs and their notions with regard to the creation, we find that they are practically identical with those of their immediate or mediate western neighbours; their myths and legends, and a like similarity is observed. Well may we ask ourselves : Since these Indians are ethnologically, philologically and psychologically so different from those neighbouring races, the Tsimshian, Salish, etc. how did it come to pass that both maritime and inland aborigines possess so strikingly similar social institutions, such identical superstitions and folk-lore ? Being of such confessedly unrelated stock, one race must, of necessity, have borrowed from the other. Who, then, were the borrowers ? Who the originals ? Thinking scientists who examined and admired the very elaborate social system and customs obtaining among the Coast Indians have naturally tried to investigate the source from which they must have originated. Some fancy to see it in the primitive Aztec civilization; others think they have found it in the inhabitants, ancient and modern, of the Japanese isles. As far as I know, the only authors who ever ventured a comparison between coast and inland sociologies are Drs. G. M. Dawson and Franz Boas. It is somewhat remarkable that both should seem to have reached an identical conclusion, which may be resumed in two words: The coast and south races have copied, at least partially, from the inland northern aborigines. Under date March 3, 1891, the first-named wrote to the author : “ In your letter of June last I see that you refer to the probability of the Tinneh hav- ing borrowed mythology and customs from the coast. Is it not probable that borrowing has been on both sides? The similarity of the Tinneh creation myth to that of the Haida— of Us-tas to Ni-kil-stlas—induced me to think that the Haida had it from inland, and this seems to be borne out by the fact that Dr. Boas has lately found practically the same story among the Bilhoola, probably independently obtained by them from adjacent Tinneh peoples.” On the other hand, Dr. Boas has the following to say in a note appended to his report on the Shushwap : “The mourning ceremonies of the Shushwap are evidently influenced by those of their northern neighbours, the Carriers, which have been described. by the Rev. A. G. Morice in the ‘ Proceedings of the Canadian Institute,’ 1889. The strictness of the levirate and the ceremonies celebrated at the grave are almost the same in both cases.” ! More recently, Sir Daniel Wilson, after noting the commercial relations which existed from time immemorial between the coast and the inland aborigines, adds in his introduction to the Seventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada: 1 Sixth Report on the N.W. Tribes of Canada. P.91. Sec. II., 1892, 15. 114 FATHER MORICE ON “ As a result of this inter-communication between the Bilqula and Tinneh it is found that houses essentially similar to those of the Coast Indians in mode of construction and ornamentation, though smaller and less skilfully built, occur far inland on the upper waters of the Salmon and Blackwater Rivers ; while, on the other hand, the practical identity of some points in the mythology of the Bilqula with that of the Tinneh of the interior is a clear instance of reciprocal influence.” ! Now, I may appear presumptuous, but my inmost convictions bid me beg leave to totally dissent from the conclusions, expressed and implied, of these learned writers, and unhesitatingly assert that all such customs and beliefs as are not purely aboriginal or general among all races of Indians, but are common to both coast and inland stocks, have been borrowed by the Carriers, and that consequently the latter’s sociology is extraneous.” Had Drs. Dawson and Boas been favoured with my opportunities for studying the question, I have no doubt whatever that there could not have been two opinions on the subject. To me, to ask whether our Indians lent their customs to the maritime aborigines is almost paramount io inquiring whether Europeans have learnt from the Mikado’s court to wear close-fitting uniforms or tight-lacing corsets ; yet, as nobody’s word ought to be taken for a proof of what he advances, I shall presently produce my reasons for setting forth such an uncompromising opinion. CARRIER SOCIOLOGY EXOTIC—GENERAL ARGUMENTS. Let me observe at the outset that on the peculiar character of the Carriers and Chi[Koh’tin depends the strength of much of the evidence which I am going to adduce in corroboration of my argument. I would, therefore, impress upon the reader the absolute necessity of penetrating himself with the nature of these aborigines’ main characteristic, viz., their wonderful receptiveness whereby they instinctively adopt the practices and beliefs of such peoples as may appear superior to themselves. In spite of their shortcomings and of the weaknesses which they share with the rest of mankind, their motto is, and seems to have ever been, Sursum ! Upwards ! Nothing could be construed as a better proof of this than their behaviour since the advent of the whites amongst them. While many aboriginal tribes have to this day remained refractory to all idea of exchanging the customs they inherited from their forefathers for those of the pale-faced strangers, despite the confessed superiority of the latter, our Carriers had no sooner obtained a glimpse of the adventurers hailing from a distant land, than they immediately set upon imitating them. Their skin clothing was discarded for the new fabrics offered in return for their peltries ; their hair was cut short as soon as this became the fashion among the foreigners; tattooing began to be avoided because it was not noticed among them ; native utensils and implements were soon contemptuously thrown away and replaced by those of imported patterns ; regular log-houses, such as they saw in the North-West Company’s forts, were substituted for their primitive pole lodges, etc. They could not help perceiving that each of the North-West Company’s posts was governed by a single officer, who alone was recognized as the ruler of the ‘Seventh Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada. Brit. Assn. for Adv. Sci., p. 2. * This rule, of course, does not extend to details or minor observances, which often considerably differ evenin several tribes of the same maritime stock, CARRIER SOCIOLOGY, 115 whole establishment ; so every village asked for and obtained from that personage what is now called a chief. As that trading company’s officers and, no doubt, some of their employees as well, wore finger-rings, the Carriers thought to raise themselves in the social scale by making for themselves and wearing such previously unknown ornaments; and as copper was rather rare amongst them, they substituted therefor boiled caribou horn, which circumstance accounts for the fact that a ring of such material was lately found here." If potlaching and old-fashioned dancing did not at once fall into desuetude, it was because both were countenanced by the North-West Company and, later on, the Hudson Bay Company people, who, the better to keep the natives under subjection, gave themselves every year a kind of tobacco potlach, in connection wherewith the traditional differences of rank among the receivers were scrupulously observed, and more than once found a welcome recreation in attending the dances and other amusements of the Indians. Sothat our Carriers were perfectly justifiable if they supposed that both potlach and dance were as much in honour in the country of the whites as the peculiar rank privileges which the latter unconsciously helped to perpetuate. As the foreign traders had only one wife, the natives, who seemed to have but one ambition—that of raising themselves to the standard of their social superiors—abandoned polygamy even before any minister of religion had set foot among them. So they acted with regard to the cremation of the dead, which, to imitate the whites, they replaced by interment, and that so soon and so spontaneously that I doubt whether there now lives among them an eye-witness of the traditional ceremony. With the arrival of the missionaries, what remained of their old customs gradually gave way : ceremonial paraphernalia were burnt ; sequestration of women was stopped ; in most cases landed estates were parcelled out to heads of families, and, in general, such practices as were distinctively aboriginal and unconnected with, or resulting from, human frailty, disappeared as if by enchantment. To-day it is considered insulting among the Carriers to be called an Indian, and, in their estimation, a person of Caucasian descent is no more a white man than the redskin who conforms to European social notions. Their innate power of imitation and propensity for self-betterment haye also led them into appreciating the value of literary knowledge. They now read and write their own language, and even support a monthly periodical of their own. As regards their present material condition, this much can be said: that, asarule, their houses are just as well built, and often quite as comfortable, as those of any white man who ever ventured in their country. They possess horses and cattle, which they keep in stables and feed at the cost of much personal exertion during their long winters. Close by their habitations some of them have regular carpenter shops, wherein they turn out such difficult work as window-sashes, fancy boxes, etc., while in every village a number boast the possession of sleighs, cutters, pack-saddles (and, among the Chijkoh’tin, riding- saddles) of their own manufacture. They dress well, insist upon getting such garments, household utensils and working tools as are the most in vogue among white men; and, in a few cases, it is even amusing to see some of them attired in their best clothes parading the village street, cane in hand, as a dandy would in some fashionable resort. ‘Stuart’s Lake, where the author is stationed. 116 FATHER MORICE ON If we now turn our attention to the Carriers’ heterogeneous neighbours in the west, we are not slow in discovering that, to this very day, in almost all sociological particulars, they have remained what they were one hundred years ago! Despite reiterated prohibitions and even threats” by the civil authorities, potlaching is going on every year with renewed vigour ; * old-fashion dancing is the order of the day every successive winter ; the erecting of commemorative or heraldic columns is continued ; in many places the solitary blanket without trousers or shirt is, as of old, the only garment worn by the men when at home; most of the traditional myths and legends are narrated by the fireside to credulous audiences ; the division of the tribe into noble and common people is religiously preserved, not one of the traditional privileges of the former being overlooked ; the manufacture and use of the ceremonial paraphernalia, masks, rattles, head-dresses, etc., goes on just as if no superior civilization had ever presented its claims to their consideration, and I know even of dead bodies which have been burnt within the last few years by aborigines of Tsimshian parentage!‘ And note that most of these Indians have seen modern civilization in all its glory through their periodical trips to Victoria, New Westminster and Puget Sound, while our Carriers, as a rule, never see more of it than what is offered in the Hudson’s Bay Company’s forts. When, some twenty years ago, our missionaries visited the latter with the results above recited, they pushed their way into the Kitikson’s (a Tsimshian tribe) country.’ But when these Indians learnt that to become Christians they would have to sacrifice all their superstitious beliefs and observances, they turned a deaf ear to the appeals of the preacher, who returned without having made a single proselyte. For fully seven years our mis- sionaries likewise resided and arduously laboured among the Kwakwiutl, but absolutely to no purpose, so that they had to leave them to their fate. To-day all the Carriers and Chi[Koh’tin are Roman Catholic, while there is not a single adherent to that faith among the Kitikson, Tsimshian, Haida, Bilqula and Kwakwiutl. Now I would ask: “ Between such receptive and progressive Indians on the one hand, and such exclusive and conservative tribes on the other, who are likely to have borrowed the other’s sociology ?”” Evidently to propose the question is to answer it. Furthermore, we should not forget that the Carriers are but a small fraction of a great nation divided into at least a score of tribes, some of which are several times more ‘It will seem to many that a reservation should be made in favour of some Tsimshian tribes, especially those gathered at Metlkahtlah by Mr. Duncan, a majority of whom migrated a few years since to an Alaskan island. But even these have retained most of their aboriginal social institutions, as is confessed by Dr. Boas through this remark : “They have given up all their old customs, except those referring to their social organization.” (5th Report, page 11.) Moreover, the Tsimshian tribes, whom I claim to have the most influenced Carrier sociology, are not the coast, but the inland tribes, who still adhere to all their original customs. * An act was passed against potlacbing, with penalties attached to its infraction. * A Coast chief or noble, who wanted to outdo his predecessors, lately made so bold as to send to Queen Victoria the sum of $200 as her share of the goods and money distributed. ‘These lines were written when I happened to read in the Victoria Colonist (October 9, 1891), that a party of Haidas—and, a few days after, another of Tsimshians—amused the inhabitants of that town by theatrical representations illustrating the most notable among their own native observances, such as dances, medicine men, conjuring, etc., a feat which would now be utterly impossible to any number of Carriers. The name of that tribe is spelt Gyiksa’n by Dr. F. Boas. I write it as it is pronounced by the whites and our Indians, without any pretension at improving on the Doctor’s orthography, which I have no doubt must be the correct one. CARRIER SOCIOLOGY. 117 populous, surrounded by congenious peoples, and, therefore, more likely to keep aloof from foreign practices. If we look into the social system of those large tribes untouched by alien influences, what do we see? I do not hesitate a moment to affirm that all such institutions as are common to the Carriers and Coast Indians, by contradistinction from those upheld among all Indians as American aborigines, are absolutely unknown in the main body of the Déné nation. Through the works of Rev. E. Petitot and the letters of missionaries stationed among the Eastern Dénés, as well as through personal observation among the Sékanais (or Tse’kenne), who, sociologically speaking, are Eastern Dénés, I have come to the conclusion that their social system differs as much from that of our Carriers and Chiyjkoh'tin as European differs from Chinese civilization. In all the tribes of the Déné nation which have had no intercourse with Coast Indians, patriarchate takes the place of the matriarchate obtaming here, and the clans, with their totems' and the socia] peculiarities derived therefrom are unknown. So are the tribes’ division into noble and common people, the right of the former, or any, to particular hunting grounds, the potlaches or distribution feasts, as observed here the burning of the dead, the protracted and systematic wooing of the young man before winning over his intended wife’s parents, etc. In view of these facts, is it probable, I would ask again, that a comparatively small tribe, characterized by a remarkable receptiveness and power of self-appropriation, would have originated a very elaborate social system totally unknown to the great mass of the nation to which it belongs, while to this day that same system is tenaciously clung to by alien peoples coterminous with it, and with it was formerly, in a commercial point of view, in the relations of vassal to suzerain ? [am very much mistaken if there can be two answers to that question. Yet, as some may not feel satisfied with arguments of such general nature, I shall now enter, as it were, into the kernel of the subject, and endeavour to confirm my thesis by more detailed remarks, and by pointing out the originators, or, at least unconscious propagators, of the most prominent customs and institutions formerly in vogue among the Carriers and Chifkoh'tin. CARRIER SOCIOLOGY EXOTIC—PROVED BY FACTS. First, as to the tribal division into noble and common people. Beyond the possibility of a doubt, it owes its existence to the intercourse of the Carriers with the Tsimshian tribes, especially the Kitikson. Before I proceed further, I must be permitted a remark which I deem necessary in this connection. When, speaking of our aborigines, I call their headmen nobles or notables, I should not be understood as referring to any social class different from that whose ' Petitot (Monographie des Déné-Dindjié, p. xxiii) speaks of the totems as being familiar to the Eastern Dénés ; but these are personal, not gental, totems, and everybody knows that there is a very wide difference between the two. Personal totems are revealed in dreams to individuals, and as such were also known here independently of gental totems, with which they have nothing—save the name—in common. ?I am well aware that among the Eastern and intermediate Dénés it is not a rare occurrence to see successful hunters share with others the fruit of their expedition, which would otherwise soon get spoiled. But here, again, I of the Rockies. Cf. “The Western Dénés,” p. 147 et seq. aS oPS y 4 « co Le 118 FATHER MORICE ON representatives writers on Coast Indians usually call “‘ chiefs.” To eastern ears these two words cannot fail to evoke ideas suggestive of dissimilar dignities; and my reason for avoiding the latter is that it is misleading to most people unacquainted with western aboriginal sociology. Previous to the Carriers’ contact with white men, a chief as the first officer, the leader of a place, never had an existence here, and those investigators who are conversant with the languages and habits of the maritime Indians will bear me out in my assumption that, there as here, genuine chiefs were but recently unknown, and, in many places, have remained so to this very day.' It sometimes happens, indeed, that one notable will obtain more influence and become more prominent than his colleagues ; but, as I have said elsewhere,” he was never but prior inter pares. To come now to the origin of the notables as a social class. I find my best evidence of the derivation of that institution from Tsimshian sociology in the very ceremonies which accompanied the creation of such a dignitary. On that occasion, when attendant young men had extended in a line the dressed skins they were going to distribute, one of them would exclaim, addressing the assembly : “These he will give away as a fee for his enthronization,” upon which the whole crowd would break forth in loud acclamations: “ Samdqét ! samagét!” Now, what does that word mean? Ask a dozen or more Carriers, and probably they will be unable to satisfy you. And no wonder, for that word is exotic to their language, since it is nothing else than the Sama’yit of the Tsimshians noted by Dr. Boas as being used by those Indians when they address the sun. It means “ wealthy” or “chief through wealth.” This borrowing of a foreign word would seem as if it were intended to emphasize the extraneousness of the custom itself and quite unnecessary for any other purpose, since the Carriers possess themselves a term (mutih) identical in meaning. After the new notable had made his grand distribution of skins he would give an immense repast to the crowd ix trough-like carved vessels which were called ‘sak, a word which evidently had not a different origin from that of ?’sékh, used by the Kitikson, to designate a like vessel. It may also be noted that those utensils were in many cases either imported or incrusted with haliotis shells brought from the sea-coast. Then, to honour the new nobleman and signify his accepted accession to his predecessor's rank and title, the latter’s hereditary song was taken up and repeatedly executed by the assembly, Now, again, what was that song? Merely a Tsimshian air with badly pronounced Tsimshian words ! * ‘Dr. Boas (Fifth Report, p. 34), though not plainly asserting it, seems, however, to be aware of this peculiarity when he says: “The last [i.e. the chiefs] form a group by themselves, the members of the class forming the highest nobility.” Horatio Hale is more explicit in his prefatory notes on the Doctor’s Sixth Report: ‘ As Dr. Boas informs us, there are in all the tribes tliree distinct ranks—the chiefs, the middle class and the common people—or, as they might perhaps be more aptly styled, nobles, burgesses and rabble. The nobles form a caste. Their rank is hereditary.” (Sixth Rep., p. 4.) A. P. Niblack seems to recognize the existence (in modern times at least) of a local chief with several petty chiefs. (‘‘ The Ind. of the West Coast,” etc., p. 250 et seq.) But what he says of the rivalries between chiefs of the same place leads me to infer that, even among the Tlingit, of whom he treats at greatest length, there was no real “ chief” in our sense of the word. As for the middle class of Dr. Boas, so far as ] am aware, it was here in an embryotie state, and, had it not been for the advent of European civilization, it might have grown to as prominent a position in the Carrier sociology as it enjoyed in that of most of the Coast tribes. ? “The West. Dénés,” p. 144, Proc. Can. Inst., Oct., 1889. * Upon the information of several Indians who knew no better, I stated three years ago (“The West. Dénés,” p. CARRIER SOCIOLOGY. 119 And bear in mind, that neither nobles, nor consequently potlaches, 'tsak or traditional chants are known to the main body of the Déné nation. Yet it may not be amiss to mention here as an additional illustration of that race’s remarkable power of assimilation that, some years ago, even the Tsé’kénne tried to adopt the potlach and its concomitants, but were obliged to desist, owing to the precarious life they lead, having constantly to roam over forests and mountains in search of food, as there isno salmon stream in their country. This abortive attempt was witnessed by my informant, an old and intelligent Tsé’kénne who died last year, and [ quote it as corroborating by suggestion the thesis I am endeavouring to establish. It should not be forgotten also that such Nah’ane as have no intercourse with the Tlingit tribes have remained in all sociological particulars pure, unsophisticated Dénés, while those subdivisions of the tribe which inhabit the Stickeen River and immediate tributaries have assimilated the social institutions of the alien races wherewith they are in contact. To return to the question of the noblemen and their origin: As a personal emblem of their rank, they wear among the Tsimshian tribes ear-rings of a particular shape. Identical ornaments are to this day worn by Hwotso’tin and Babine! notables, but their use had not penetrated into the other septs of the Carriers when the arrival of the missionaries prevented any further development of that custom. Everybody will see that if such a practice had been introduced from inland, the .geographical circumscription within which it was prevailing would be to-day in an inverse direction. This last remark holds good also with regard to the commemorative columns so well known through all the writers on the North-West coast. The Hwotso’tin, who pass part of the year in almost daily contact with the Kitikson, had already adopted them, as may be seen from the ruins of their old village; but they had remained practically unknown further inland. Yet—and this is another evidence of the extraneous origin of that social class—even amongst the Carriers proper, notables were often called “khéyer hwo-techon” that is, “stick, or post, of the village” —which circumstance would seem to indicate that the Tsimshian practice of erecting such monuments had already been noticed by the islanders, who were, perhaps, unconsciously drifting towards its adoption, when they were dissuaded from going further in their assimilating process by the apparition of a new and more perfect civilization. As arule, it should be said that such customs as were borrowed by the Carriers had their complete expansion among the originators. Several details, it would seem, had not had time to reach the interior of the country, or, for some other reason, had not as yet been accepted. Thus, for instance, on the occasion of potlaches, destruction or burning of goods was not practised by the Carriers, nor even by the Hwotso’tin and the Babines ; but the women of the two latter sub-tribes had already conformed to the custom of wearing labrets, which is so prevalent all along the North Pacific coast, though it never obtained among the Carriers proper. So far as I am aware, the phratries were still unknown among them ; the traditional origin of the gentes received no definite explanation, and the secret societies common to most maritime tribes had hardly passed beyond their first or 155) that the words of those songs were claimed to be remnarts of the Carriers’ original language, which circum- stance shows that relying upon the words of Indians, even when you cannot misunderstand them, will not always ensure to you exemption from errors. 1 The Hwotso’tin subtribe of the Carriers immediately border on the Kitikson, and the Babines come next. 120 FATHER MORICE ON embryotic stage of existence when the Carriers commenced looking to others than Coast Indians for models to copy from. I have hinted at frequent intercourse between the inland and coast aborigines, and tried to expose some of its results. It may be weil to explain its raison d'étre. As has been pointed out elsewhere,’ the Carriers of the old stock, though great imitators,were but poor workmen. So they periodically repaired in large numbers to the principal village of the Hwotso’tin— Tséchah—where they met important parties of natives who had come up all the way from the sea-coast, Tsimshian, Haida, occasionally Tlingit, desirous of trading with the inland tribes. Stone axes and other impl: ments, dentalium and haliotis shells, copper ore and ornaments, wooden boxes made of cedar slabs, carved ceremonial paraphernalia, oulachon oil, ete., were generally the objects brought in by the maritime Indians and bartered away for the Carriers’ dressed skins, fur blankets and pelts generally. Naturally, feasting parading, speechifying and story-telling were inseparable from such large gatherings, and thus our Indians could not help wituessing, and afterwards trying to imitate, the practices of people who boasted of such skill and brought them such useful and precious goods. The legends narrated to them were, of course, reported with no lack of embellishments when back in their forest homes, and the source of such stories was soon forgotten. I never saw any such fairs, but my predecessor here witnessed one where fully two thousand Indians had congregated. Passing from the general organization of the Carriers, we come to the style of their habitations, the constitution of their families and their mortuary practices. I think no better points could be chosen as illustrative of their wonderful power of observation and propensity for assimilation. The Dénés, as a distinct nation, when socially unchanged by foreign influences, had, as may still be observed among some of their tribes, for habitations huts of coniferous branches, or, more generally, frame tents, or lodges covered with moose or caribou skins. Let us hear on this subject the Rev. E. Petitot, who for twenty years laboured and extensively travelled among almost all the eastern tribes : “ Peuple nomade de chasseurs, de trappeurs et de pécheurs, les Déné-Dindjié habitent sous des tentes de peaux d’élan ou de renne, garnies de poil ou sans poil, coniques ou demi- sphériques. * * * Ces loges ou boucanières circulaires reposent sur des perches réunies en faisceau ou sur des cerceaux plantés en terre. Une ouverture ménagée au sommet laisse échapper la fumée d’un feu qu’on y entretient sans cesse. Certaines tribus plus apathiques ou plus endurcies à la rigueur du climat se contentent de cahuttes en branches de sapin décorées pompeusement du titre de maisons proprement dites.” * Now, I suppose that every American sociologist is familiar with the large wooden lodges, with pole or log walls, gable and roof, accommodating several families common to the Tsimshian and Tlingit races. These he will find likewise among the Carriers and such Nah’ane as have come into immediate contact with the Tlingit, while the Chipkoh’tin adopted the ‘“ Kekule houses,” ajizkhan, or semi-subterranean huts, described by Dr. Boas and others,’ as the distinctive style of dwellings of the Shushwap, the Chi[koh'tin’s The Western Dénés, p. 136. ? Monographie des Déné-Dindjié (prefixed to that author's polyglot dictionary), p. xxv. 3 Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 80 et seq. CARRIER SOCIOLOGY, 121 eastern neighbours. The sweat-houses (/sé-22/) of the latter were also of exactly Shushwap pattern. As regards succession to rank and property, the heterogeneous neighbours of the Chiyxoh'tin, the Bilqula, the Kwakwiutl and the Southern Salish tribes are governed by father right. Now, it so happens that the present head chief of the Chipkoh’tin, Anarèm, is the immediate successor in the chieftainship of his father, who was also called Anarém. This would be utterly impossible among the Carriers, who have borrowed from the Tsimshian the matriarchate, which is unknown to the bulk of the Déné nation, to which they belong. I trust that the most exacting sceptic may now confess that the Dénés are indeed a borrowing nation. And yet this is not all. Let us now investigate their national mode of disposing of their dead, and compare it with that obtaining among the Carriers and the Chipkoh’tin. Among the eastern and intermediate tribes (such as the Tsé’kenne and the Rocky Mountains Nah’ane) it consisted simply—especially if travelling—in pulling down the brush hut on the remains and proceeding on their journey, or if stationed at any place, or even while travelling, if impelled by special consideration for the deceased, by erecting for the remains a rough scaffolding, wherein they were incased as in a kind of primitive coffin constructed of slender poles or the limbs of trees. Then, as a rule, the birch-bark canoe of the dead person was left upside down by way of cover to this aerial grave. Let us hear Petitot on this point : “ Dans les tribus Déné-Dindjié qui ont conservé l’usage antique et général aux Peaux- Rouges, les morts sont déposés en cache dans un coffre très grossier et à claire-voie, fait de petits troncs d’arbre encochés et élevé de trois à sept pieds au-dessus du sol. Les vêtements, les armes et les ustensiles du défunt sont ensevelis avec lui ou bien lancés au gré du courant. Tous les objets ayant appartenu au défunt et qui ne peuvent être cachés avec lui sont sacrifiés. On les brûle, on les jette à l’eau, ou bien on les suspend dans les arbres.” ! Sometimes—as among the Tsé’kénne, and even some eastern tribes, as appears from the same author’s letters— the corpse was also hidden, in a standing position, in a tree hollowed out for the purpose. In mo case was it ever cremated. Now, what do we see among the Carriers and Chilkoh’tin? When the former came in contact with the Tsimshian races they could not fail to notice that cremation was practised by them, and at the time of the discovery of their country all the subdivisions of their tribe burnt their dead and erected for the few remaining boues mortuary columns identical with those in vogue among the Tsimshian. On the other hand, the Chipkoh’tin, who are coterminous with the Shushwap, who bury their dead, at once adopted interment as the final disposal of them. To come to the object of Dr. Boas’s note quoted in a previous paragraph: The Tsimshian races may have remotely influenced, through the Carriers, the mourning customs of the Shushwap ; but I think it highly improbable, on account of the little intercourse the main body of these tribes had together, as will be easily explained by a glance at the 1 Monographie des Déné-Dindjié, p. xxvi. ?In Missions de la Congrégation des Oblats de Marie Inmaculée, Paris, passim. That custom—though remembered even here—nevertheless appears to have obtained more especially in ancient times. Sec. IL., 1892. 16. 122 FATHER MORICE ON map prefixed to this paper. I would rather be inclined to believe that, even in this respect, our Carriers have shown their faculty of self-appropriation, as may be inferred from the following little incident of recent occurrence : In his report on the Shushwap Dr. Boas says! that “ wherever they find human bones they clean them and bury them ;” and, a little further on, he speaks of the “report that the bones of the dead were washed regularly” by the Shushwap. Now, four years ago, the writer had the misfortune of losing one of his boatmen, who was of good social standing in his own tribe. He was drowned while attempting to “jump ” the Fort George rapid, and his remains could not be found until some months ago, when a Fort George Indian discovered them lying on the beach of the Fraser River. Next to identifying the remains, his first move was to carefully wash them.’ Might I not ask here : From whom did this young man learn to treat thus the bones of his fellow-villager ? Certainly not from his ancestors, who practised cremation and left no bones to be washed after the funeral ceremony was over. Not from his congenious neighbours, the Tsé’kènne, who, as Petitot very appropriately remarks, “éprouvent la plus grande répugnance à manipuler les cadavres ou les ossements des morts.”* Nor from the few whites with whom he had occasional intercourse, since that custom is equally foreign to them. He—and indeed all the southern Carriers dwelling on the banks of the Fraser—must have borrowed that practice from the Shushwap, who, from time immemorial, interred their dead and—occasionally at least—washed their bones. CARRIER MYTHOLOGY MOSTLY EXOTIC. But what about Carrier mythology ? I must confess that it cannot be described as wholly imported. The East has furnished its quota of legends as well as the West, though in unequal proportion. Such myths as our aborigines possess as Dénés are rather few compared with those which can be traced to western folk-lore. Of course, to present the reader with evidence fully corroborative of this assertion would lead us too far. We would have to reproduce very long stories such as they are narrated here, together with their Tlingit, Tsimshian, Haida or Kwakwiutl versions. This may be done when time and better opportunities than are at present available will allow. Just now, though, I am acquainted with a number of Carrier legends, I hardly possess the full text of any of their equivalents among the Coast Indians; yet, such general outlines of many and vague allusions to others as have come to my notice warrant me to state, as in the case of Carrier sociology, that any such myth as is unknown among the eastern Dénés, but obtain among both the Carriers and their western neighbours, has been borrowed from the latter. The reason for this is obvious, and this is a natural corollary to what has been said about the Carrier social institutions. Among imported or extraneous myths, I will mention that concerning the state of 1 Sixth Report, p. 91. : 2 Sûcho thanasaskez as he said. That this is not an isolated case is shown by that Indian’s remark in answer to words expressive of my surprise at his taking such liberties with human bones :—Hweni Takpej l'sinli, ndat’s?ten, “ we Indians act in that way,” thereby hinting at a well-recognized custom as his excuse for his conduct in the case. ’ Monographie des Déné-Dindjié, p. xxv. CARRIER SOCIOLOGY. 123 the soul after death, published three years ago in “The Western Dénés.”’ It cannot be doubted that our Indians owe it to the Tlingit through the Tsimshians. Readers of a comparative turn of mind will not fail to remark that the peculiar belief, according to which yawning is an infallible means of attracting the departed soul’s attention, deducible from that story, is also shared by the Tlingit, as evidenced by a myth of analogous character related by Dr. Boas.* According to that writer, a resuscitated shaman thus describes his experiences in the land of the shades : “T resolved to go into the land of the souls. Soon I arrived at a fork in the road. A much-trodden road led one way, while the other seemed to have been seldom used. I followed the former. * * * At last I arrived at a steep rock, the end of the world. At the foot of the rock a river flowed sluggishly. On the other side I saw a village and recognized many of its inhabitants. * * * Icried: ‘Oh, come, have pity on me! Take me over to you!’ But they continued to wander about as though they did not hear me. I was overcome by weariness and lay down. * * * I stretched my limbs and yawned. Then the people in the village cried : ‘Somebody is coming! Let us go and take him across the river !’”’ In the Carrier narrative the shaman is replaced by two young men lost in the woods. Here are the corresponding parts of the legend as told by our Indians: “Out of curiosity they crawled in [a hollow tree lying on the ground] to see where it led. * * * After some hard creeping on all fours through a dark subterranean passage * * * the road widened and darkness ceased. Then they suddenly found themselves to be on the top of a hill commanding the view of a broad river, on the other side of which stood a village. This consisted of innumerable board houses, some of which were black, others red. It was the abode of the shades who were enjoying themselves on the lawn. * * * At this sight one of the young men ran away and hid himself in the bush. As for his cousin, * * * perceiving several black and red canoes hauled up on the other side of the river, he hallooed for somebody to come and take him across ; but the tumult was such that they did not hear him. At last, after repeated efforts to attract attention, having inadvertently yawned, one of them heard the movement of his jaws. Having apprised his fellow-spirits of the fact, some of them, at length, came across to fetch him.” * To such as might be tempted to suppose that the original of this story came from inland, I would say that this cannot be the case, for three excellent reasons: First, because, to the best of my knowledge‘ this legend has no counterpart in the mythology of the eastern or main portion of the Déné nation. Secondly, because a significant point of the Carrier account is the mention of board houses which, though common all along the coast, were unknown here, the material of which they were generally formed, split cedar, being wanting all over the Carriers’ territory. Lastly, only a few of the subdivisions of the Carrier tribe are acquainted with this story, and these profess to have received it from ! Proceedings Can. Inst., October, 1889, pp. 159-160. ? Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, 1889, pp. 47-48. “Loc. cit. *T have not seen Petitot’s latest collection of Déné legends, but am well acquainted with three other works or papers of identical nature by that author, which could not but include this important myth, if it had course among the Eastern Dénés, 124 FATHER MORICE ON Tsèchah, the village where the large inter-tribal fairs already mentioned were held. It might also be noted that I did not see Dr. Boas’s account of it until long after my own paper had been published. : While reviewing a paper published in Berlin (Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1888), by Dr. Boas, A. 8. Gatschet quotes ' a Tsimshian myth, of which I regret not having seen the text. Its title, “ The Abandoned Man,” is suggestive to me, because our Indians possess a tale for which no better heading could be devised. Of course, in a question of comparative mythology, perfect identity of narratives ought not to be sought. Native imagination is bound to have its play, and the peculiar psychological tendencies of the narrator or of the tribe to which he belongs will also generally influence the structure and wording of a myth, and sometimes even completely divert it from its original simplicity. Local colouring should also be expected as a matter of course, since it is well known that Indian legends relate happenings which are, as a rule, supposed to have taken place in the narrator’s country. However, the main drift of them makes generally their identity unmistakable. It should also be added that several Carrier legends have the sea-coast for the scene of their heroes’ adventures. It happens, also, not infrequently, that a Tsimshian or Haida myth has been mixed up with, or added to, a purely Déné legend; but, even in such a case, the resemblance between the original and the main points of the complex story is, as a rule, too great to escape detection. Take, for instance, the creation myth. Whether the creating power be called gstas by the Carriers, Y7t/ by the Tlingit, Mi-kil-stlas by the Haida, or Kaneakeluh by the Kwakwiutl, though its role is, in this connection, more restricted in the Carrier mythology, and, in spite of the unavoidable local colouring, it remains perfectly clear that the hero of the various narratives is one and the same personage acting in a similar capacity. This national legend, which is common to all the Coast tribes, is unknown among the Tsé’kenne and all such Dénés as have had no tribal intercourse with the Tlingit, Tsimshian or Kwakwiutl. Therefore, it could not have originated among the inland tribes, as Dr. Dawson was inclined to suppose. According to Petitot, by some Eastern Déné tribes, the creation of the universe was believed to have resulted from the Thunder Bird touching with its wing the open sea, from which the earth is said to have emerged, while, according to others, the creation was due to certain genii, servants of a Superior Being, who created all things by the spreading of a sort of magic veil over the bare earth.” What is said of the marvellous and somewhat burlesque personage, gstas, would fill a good-sized volume. It is, therefore, impracticable to attempt here even an abridged. relation of his many adventures. Suffice it to say that what I have read of his doubles among the Coast Indians is the exact counterpart of what is related of him here. Where his role has suffered the greatest alteration is, I thinky in connection with the creation, or rather distribution of light, fire and water. In the Carrier myth, it is only with regard to the last-named element that qstas comes in for his share of the marvellous. As Dr. Dawson, in his essay on the Haida,’ has reproduced from those aborigines that ‘The American Antiquarian, Noy., 1889, p. 390. * Monographie des Déné Dindjié, pp. xxiv, xxvi. “Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands. Geol. Surv. Can., 1878-79. CARRIER SOCIOLOGY. 125 important portion of the international legend, it occurs to me that it may not be amiss to give, by way of conclusion to this paper and as an incentive to the comparison of the two theogonies, the version of it which obtains among our Carriers. CREATION MYTHS. Creation of Light.—A long time ago darkness reigned all over the earth, except in the lodge of an old man—a Aaneza, or noble,—who alone possessed light, fire and water. Therefore, men were very miserable and kept continually sighing after light. Repeatedly they entreated the old man to share it with them, but he would not hearken to their prayers. Finally, they agreed to get possession of it by force. With this object in view they went, with all the animals, into the old man’s lodge, and started a song to wrest light from him bv dint of persisting in noise' and singing. Each one of the crowd had his own particular song, and the young fox (Ahaih-pa-lso, “he cries for daylight,”)* kept repeating in time hath, khaïh, khaih, expecting to win thereby yakhaih, or daylight. But ‘the old man was inflexible. However, the assembly named light so often and so persistently that after awhile it began to slowly steal up the heavens, even as it now does every morning. The old man perceived it, and excitedly shouted: “ Layul !...... let there not be....... ”* Immediately the light receded below the edge of the sky. Yet the young fox would not tire of repeating khaih, khath, khath, and both men and animals vied with one another in turbulent singing, hoping thereby to weary the old man into granting them light. Again the horizon began to be illuminated by a growing light. It was already high up the heavens, when the old man, perceiving it, got confused in his mind, and, without taking time to reflect, hurriedly exclaimed by mistake : “ Yaykhaj ! let there be light!” Immediately there was light, and ever since men have retained possession of it. Creation of Fire.— Hitherto they had no fire, and all were benumbed with cold, except the same old man who had fire in his lodge which he jealously guarded. As he would not give them the least part of it, they resolved upon getting it by stealth. Therefore, they engaged the services of a yearling caribou and of a muskrat. Having made for the former a ceremonial head-dress of resinous pine shavings, which was attached to his growing horns, and presented the latter with a ceremonial apron consisting of a marmot skin, they entered the old man’s lodge, singing.' The caribou and the muskrat commenced their dance, stationing themselves at opposite extremities of the fireplace, over. which the old man was keeping close watch. The song of the muskrat consisted in the repetition of the word O! shatte!’ wherewith some of us still greet him. Iu the course of the dance, by jerking its head to the right and left as we used to do in dancing, the young caribou managed to ignite the inflammable material of which his ‘It should not be forgotten that Indians invariably accompany their singing by striking the time on a drum, or kettle, or a board. *By allusion to his matutinal barking. 3 For “ pyukhal!” The omission of the desinence, which contains the root for light, is intended to express the old man’s fear of even naming it. * These particulars refer to a special ceremonial dance described in “The Western Dénés.” Proc. Can. Inst., 1889, pp. 150, 151. 5 Unintelligible to the Carriers—an additional evidence of the extraneousness of the myth. 126 FATHER MORICE ON CARRIER SOCIOLOGY. head-dress was constructed, but the old man immediately extinguished it with his hands. After a little while, amidst the singing of the whole assembly of men who accompanied the danve, the caribou again managed to ignite its head-dress to such an extent that the old man had much trouble in extinguishing it. Meanwhile, the wily muskrat, who had beforehand made all necessary preparations by burrowing through the earth, and who was watching his opportunity, furtively took a piece of fire while the old man’s attention was taken up with the fruitless attempts of the caribou, and disappeared in the ground. A short time after somebody discerned a huge column of smoke rising from a mountain towering at the horizon. Soon smoke was followed by immense tongues of flames, and thus men knew that the muskrat had succeeded in getting for them the long-coveted fire. Creation of Water.—However, men had as yet no water, and they were thirsty. As they could not obtain any from the only old man who enjoyed its possession, gstas, who was very cunning, resolved upon a trick to get it for them. This same old notable had a daughter, a virgin. One day, as she was bending to drink from the water barrel,’ which was always kept in a corner of the lodge, she perceived a spruce frond floating therein. In order to avoid swallowing which, she moved it aside; but as often as she did so it returned to the same place on the water Getting wearied of her unavailing attempts to avoid it, she swallowed it, soon alter which she became pregnant. In the course of time she gave birth to a son, who was no other than the wily gstas, who had for the purpose transformed himself into a spruce frond. He had no sooner been born than he began to grow up at a prodigious rate. His great pastime was to amuse himself with the barrel containing the water, which he was constantly rolling in the direction of the doorway. His mother would then carefully take 1 back to its original place in the lodge. When the boy commenced to walk he would even roll it out some little distance from the door ; but his mother as often put it back in its place. At last, having grown up to be a young man, he one day dashed away with it to distribute its contents to his fellow-men. With his index finger qstas sprinkled water where we now see rivers ; lakes and the sea resulted from his spilling out with his hand larger quantities of the liquid ; and when he had well-nigh done with his distribution, he threw away, by a rapid movement of his arm, what remained in the barrel, thereby producing what we now call Neto ponren, which circumstance accounts for the great length of that lake. Thus it is that gstas gave us water. Should it be necessary to point out the extraneousness especially of this latter part of the myth and thereby of its hero, gstas, I would just add that: 1. The mention therein of a wooden water box or jug (modernized into a barrel) can have originated only where such vessels were manufactured, and that was among the Coast Indians ; and, 2. The very reference to Neto ponren, or French Lake, is to me unmistakable evidence that the story came to the Carriers proper through the Hwotso’tin, the Kitikson’s immediate neighbours. That lake is one of the Hwotso’tin’s favourite hunting resorts, and, among the other subdivisions of the tribe, there is not, I dare say, one out of fifty Indians who ever as much as saw it, let alone obtained an exact idea of its dimensions. 1This word will, no doubt, sound as somewhat modern, but I can find no fit substitute for it since the Indians insist that qstas was in the habit of rolling the vessel thereby designated. It is called théi-changre) (etymology : water-wood [or wooden]-pack), whereby are also denominated the square wooden boxes imported from amongst the Coast tribes, but which obviously cannot be rolled. ? Français, or French Lake. See the map. Trans. R.S.C., 1892. Sec. II. Plate I. == 06 +—2—1—+ OG! ob! Ofr OFZ) oo! OO! To illustrate Rev. George Patterson’s Paper. ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA kes. CRON SECTION III. MATHEMATICAL, PHYSICAL AND CHEMICAL SCIENCES. PANIERS LENOIRY aktshey2 SECTION II1., 1892. [ear] Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. T.—On the Fundamental Hypotheses of Abstract Dynamics.— Presidential Address. By Pror. J. G. MacGreaor, D.Sc. Dalhousie College, Halifax, N.S. (Read May, 1892.) On account of the variety of the scientific interests represented in this Section, I have had some difficulty in selecting a subject for the address, with which, owing to your having done me the honour to elect me President for the year, it is my duty to open the session. I venture to hope, however, that the subject I have chosen, the fundamental hypotheses of abstract dynamics, may be one which will be of interest to you all. For the mathematician comes into contact with these hypotheses in the application of his subject, and the natural philosopher, the astronomer, the chemist and the engineer must discuss them when they investigate the security of the foundations of their different departments of science. The term Abstract Dynamics has been differently used by different writers. I use it to-day as denoting that portion of dynamics which treats of the general laws held to apply to all natural forces and as excluding that portion, often called Physical Dynamics, which treats of the laws of particular forces. I wish therefore to discuss in some respects the fundamental principles or axioms involved in the general laws which either have been proved, or are generally assumed, to hold with regard to all the forces of nature. Dynamical writers employ a great variety of axioms, including Newton’s laws of motion, Galileo’s law of the physical independence of forces, D’Alembert’s Principle, the principle of moments, the principle of the transmissibility of force, the principle of virtual velocities, the impossibility of the perpetual motion, and others too numerous to mention. Of these, all but one either are merely transformations of Newton’s laws, or are readily deducible from them, while that one, the impossibility of the perpetual motion, is frequently held to be deducible from them also. Thus Newton’s laws may be taken as being a statement of the formally recognized axioms of dynamics. What I have to say with regard to them will apply at once to axioms which are cither these laws in other forms or deductions from them. The Laws of Motion may be regarded either as constituting a definition of force or as being statements about force, force in the latter case being regarded as a familiar concep- tion. If they be regarded as forming a definition of forve, it is at once clear that the con- ception of force thus obtained is different from the ordinary conception. Thus according to the first law we recognize a body as being free from the action of force, by its having 1 Through the lamented death of the Secretary of the Section the manuscript of this address was lost. I have rewritten it by the aid of rough notes and of an abstract published in Science, vol. xx, 1892, p.71.—In rewriting it I have made a few modifications suggested by the criticisms of Prof. Hoskins and Mr. E. T. Dixon (Science, vol. xx, pp. 122 and 149). 4 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE a velocity which is uniform both as to magnitude and direction. Now velocity is a relative conception, that is, it can be specified only by reference to a point and to lines or axes through the point ; and the velocity of a body which is uniform relatively to one point and one set of axes, may be variable if specified by reference to another point and another set of axes. Hence if the first law be regarded as a definition, we require to consider this body as not acted upon, or as acted upon, by force, according as we may happen to specify its velocity by reference to the one or the other point and set of axes. Now, while it is difficult, and indeed impossible, to express in words the ordinary conception of force, this conception being given us by sense, it is clear that according to this conception a body either is, or is not, acted upon by force. Its being so acted upon does not depend upon our point of view. Hence the conception of force which is given by the laws of motion regarded as forming a definition, is different from, and wider than, the ordinary con- ception. In the remarks I have to make I shall employ the ordinary conception of force. But let it be noted that ordinary is notsynonymous with popular. That the ordinary concep- tion is also the usual scientific conception, is shown by the fact that some at least of the natural forces are held to be capable of being expressed as functions of the masses and the distance, of the particles between which they act, mass and distance being quantities which according to the usual conceptions of them do not vary with the point and axes by reference to which positions, velocities and accelerations are specified. The Laws of Motion, when thus regarded as statements about the action of force, may, so far as the translation of bodies is concerned, be considered either as generalisa- tions established by direct though necessarily somewhat rough experiments, or as hypo- theses made to explain phenomena and verified by means of the deductions drawn from them. When, however, we come to study the effect of force in changing the rotation of bodies or their state of strain, we assume the laws of motion to hold for the small parts (particles or elements) of which we imagine the bodies to consist. And hence, since it is impossible to make experiments on particles, without the aid of Maxwell’s so far unem- bodied demons, the laws of motion, as forming the basis of the whole science of dyna- mics, must be regarded as hypotheses. The remarks I have to make on these hypotheses have reference to four points. First I wish to consider whether or not the laws of motion may be made more precise in their enunciation ; secondly, whether or not they are independent; thirdly, whether or not they are sufficient for the deduction of all the laws of abstract dynamics, and if not, what addi- tion should be made to them for this purpose ; and finally whether or not the laws of motion thus found necessary may be diminished in number. It is hardly necessary to bring argument to show that the axioms of our science ought to be precise in their enunciation, independent of one another, sufficient for the deduction of all propositions applicable to natural forces generally, and as few as possible. That when regarded as statements about force the first and second laws of motion are not precise in their enunciation, becomes obvious when we consider that, as force has a non-relative character while velocity and acceleration vary in magnitude and direction according to the point and the directions of reference, these laws cannot hold generally, but only provided the motion of bodies be specified in a particular way. It is important therefore to determine what mode of specification of motion they imply. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 5 To find this in the case of the first law we need only note that as according to this law two particles which are both free from the action of force must have uniform velocities relatively to the unspecified point and axes of reference, each must have a uniform velocity relatively to the other and to axes through it parallel to the unspecified axes, and therefore also relatively to the other and to any axes through it which have a con- stant inclination to the unspecified axes. Now it follows from the first law also that the lines joining particles which are free from the action of force and have the same velocity must have constant inclinations to the unspecified axes. Hence the first law holds relatively to any particle, not acted upon by force, as point of reference. and to lines drawn from it to other particles which are unacted on by force and have the same velocity as the first particle, as axes of reference. We may say for shortness that it holds relatively to a set of particles, free from the action of force and having the same velocity, it being under- stood that the set is at least four in number and that they are not co-planar. It may therefore be enunciated so as to be quite precise, in the following words :—Relatively to a set of particles free from the action of force and having the same velocity, the velocity of a body which is not acted upon by force is uniform.—It may be noted that it is always -possible to select from a group of particles on which no forces act, those which have the same velocities, by taking any one of the group as point of reference, and lines drawn from it to other three, as axes of reference. Though, relatively to these axes, the velocities of the other particles will in general be variable, we may by using these axes select the particles whose velocities at any instant are the same. Thomson and Tait regard the laws of motion as holding relatively to the fictitious fixed point and axes, and show in the following passage, how we may imagine our- selves as obtaining directions of reference fixed relatively to the fixed axes :—“ If two material points be projected from one position, A, at the same instant, with any velocities in any directions, and each left to move uninfluenced by force, the line joining them will be always parallel to a fixed direction....... Hence, if four material points O, P, Q, R, are all projected at one instant from one position, OP, OQ, OR, are fixed directions of reference ever after.” It will be obvious that this mode of obtaining a point and axes by reference to which the first law holds, is quite independent of the as- sumed fixedness of Newton’s unspecified axes, and that it is essentially the same as the mode employed above. Tait regards the first law as holding “relatively to any set of lines drawn in a rigid body of finite dimensions, which is not acted on by force and which has no rotation.” This mode of specifying the relativity cf the first law is clearly the same as that employed above. But it is open to the objection that the first law by itself gives us no means of recognizing a rigid body as not rotating ; and that unnecessary reference is thus made to the other laws of motion. The second law of motion states that the acceleration of a body isin the same direction as the force which produces it, and is proportional to the quotient of the force by the mass of the body. To determine a point and axes by reference to which it holds, itis only necessary to find a point and axes by reference to which the acceleration will have the 1 Treatise on Natural Philosophy, Vol. I, Part 1 (1879), 4 249. > Properties of Matter (1885), p. 92. 6 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE same value as it has relatively to the unspecified point and axes. Now it follows from this law that a particle free from the action of force will have no acceleration relatively to the unspecified point and axes of reference, and that lines drawn from it to other par- ticles unacted on by force and having the same velocity, will have a constant inclination to the unspecified axes. Hence, relatively to this point and these axes of reference an acceleration will have the same value as it has relatively to the unspecified point and axes. And thus the second law, like the first, holds relatively to any set of particles on which no forces act and which have the same velocity. Its enunciation may thus be made precise by a modification similar to that suggested in the case of the first law. As it follows from the second law that a particle of infinite mass, acted upon by no infinite force, has zero acceleration, it is obvious that the second law, and therefore the first as well, hold also by reference to axes determined by any set of particles of in- finite mass acted upon by no infinite force and having the same velocity. But both finite particles on which no forces act, and particles of infinite mass on which no infinite forces act, are fictitious. To bring these laws within the region of prac- tical application, therefore, we must find accessible points and axes by reference to which they hold. And this may readily be done. For if 4, B, Cand D form a set of particles by reference to which (i.e. with A, say, as point of reference and AB, AC, AD, as axes of refer- ence) the acceleration of a body E is equal to the quotient of the force acting on it by its mass, and if we act on all these bodies with such forces as will produce in them all equal accelerations in the same direction relatively to any point and axes, the acceleration of E relative to A will be the same as before. Thus if any set of particles be so acted upon by forces as to have all the same acceleration, all or all but one having the same velocity, relatively to any point and axes, and if an additional force or additional forces act upon this one, the acceleration produced or the component accelerations produced, if specified relatively to the other particles, will be proportional to the quotient of the force, or the quotients of the forces, by the mass of the particle. This is what is always assumed in dealing with the motions of bodies on the earth’s surface. Neighbouring points on the earth’s surface and bodies situated near them, whether they be at rest or in uniform motion relatively to them, have all practically the same acceleration. Hence the accelera- tions of such bodies relatively to these points may be determined by the application of the second law, and the absence of such acceleration in them may be taken, in accordance with the first law, as sufficient evidence that no force is acting on them save that which gives them the acceleration which they have in common with the neighbouring points of the earth’s surface. Even in cases in which the forces acting on bodies at the earth’s surface are stresses between the bodies and the earth itself, as in the great majority of cases in practice, the second law may be considered to hold relatively to points of the earth’s sur- face, without any sensible error. For, owing to the relatively enormous mass of the earth, the accelerations produced by such stresses in the points of reference themselves are so small, compared with the accelerations produced in the bodies, as to be practically negligible. It is interesting to note that it was a point on the earth’s surface, that was employed by Newton as point of reference in the experiments made by him to verify the third law.' 1 Principia : Scholium to Axiomata. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 7 In these well-known experiments on the impact of spheres, the spheres were suspended by strings, so attached that when the spheres were in their equilibrium positions, they were in contact, their centres were in the same horizontal plane, and the strings were vertical. Impact was made to occur when the spheres occupied their lowest positions, one or both being drawn aside and let go. Their velocities before and after impact were taken to be proportional to the chords of the ares (corrected for resistance of air), through which they had fallen, or were found to rise, respectively. Hence the acceleration of a freely falling body was assumed to be vertical; and the point of reference was conse- quently the point of the earth’s surface at which the experiments were made. Also at the instant of impact, the spheres were passing through their positions of zero accelera- tion relatively to this point. Hence the equal and opposite changes of momentum ob- served were specified by reference to a point with respect to which, apart from the action of the stress due to impact, the impinging spheres had no acceleration. Were we engaged in determining the relation of force to acceleration by direct experi- ment, we would make our experiments necessarily on the earth’s surface, and would find, if we exerted no forces on a body, that the more completely we could eliminate the action of such forces as friction, the more nearly would the body exhibit a uniform velocity rela- tively to points near at hand on the earth’s surface, and if we did exert forces upon it, that the more completely we could eliminate friction, the more nearly would the quotient of the resultant of these forces by the mass of the body represent the acceleration relative to such points. Having thus found that the quotient of force by mass measures the acceler- ation of a body relative to points which apart from the action of the force would have the same acceleration as the body and which themselves have the same velocities, we could argue backwards to the expression of the second law obtained above. The third law asserts merely the equality and opposition of two forces. If, therefore, we regard force as a quantity which does not vary with the points of reference employed in specifying motion, this law must hold whatever our points of reference may be. It is independent of points of reference. The third law thus holding for all points of reference, it follows that the centre of mass of asystem of particles which is free from the action of external force, can have no acceleration relatively to points by reference to which the second law holds. Hence the centre of mass of such a system may be used as point of reference in applying the second law. It may be well to notice here a fiction sometimes found useful in expressing dynami- cal laws, viz., that in treating the motion of a system we may refer the motion to a par- ticle or body of infinite mass, and regard the forces acting on the particles of the system as exerted on them by the body of infinite mass, according to the third law of motion, the third law being taken, if we use a particle of infinite mass as point of reference, as assert- ing that action and reaction are equal and opposite, but not that they are in the same straight line. That this fiction is permissible follows from the results noted above, that a particle of infinite mass may be employed as point of reference in applying the second law and that the third law holds for all points of reference, and from the consideration that as no finite force can produce a change in the motion of a body of infinite mass, we may imagine such a body to be acted upon by forces equal and opposite to the forces act- 8 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE ing on the particles of the system, in which case the forces acting on the particles of the system become pairs of equal and opposite forces acting between them and the body which is being used as point of reference. We now come to the question of the independence of the laws of motion. Are they independent of one another and of other more simple axioms, or are they capable of de- duction ? It is obviously impossible to give a final answer to this question. All that is pussible is to discuss various efforts which have been made to deduce them and to reach a conclusion as to whether or not they have been successful. With regard to the first law, Maxwell' has maintained that “the denial of it is in contradiction to the only system of consistent doctrine about space and time which the human mind has been able to form.” If this be so, it must be possible to deduce the law from the doctrine of space and time, and the law cannot therefore be held to be hypothe- tical in character. Maxwell’s argument is as follows :—“ If the velocity [ofa body freed from the action of force] does not remain constant, let us suppose it to vary. The change of velocity must have a definite direction and magnitude. By the maxim of Art. xix. [that the same causes will always produce the same effects], this variation must be the same, whatever be the time or place of the experiment. The direction of the change of motion must therefore be determined either by the direction of the motion itself or by some direction fixed in the body. Let us, in the first place, suppose the law to be that the velocity diminishes ata certain rate... . . The velocity referred to in this hypotheti- cal law can only be the velocity referred to a point absolutely at rest. For if it is a rela- tive velocity, its direction as well as its magnitude depends on the velocity of the point of Teferenees 0.0 Hence the hypothetical law is without meaning unless we admit the possibility of defining absolute rest and absolute velocity.” Tait? says of this argument that it “is a good example of a valuable application of a principle which, in its widest scope, is inconsistent with the true foundations of physical science. It is in fact the exceedingly dangerous ‘principle of sufficient reason ’—which requires for its legitimate use the utmost talent and knowledge on the part of the user.” Fortunately the utmost talent and knowledge are not requisite on the part of the critic of its use; and I hope, therefore, it may not be regarded as presumptuous in me to endeavour to prove the argument to be fallacious. One is led to think it must be so by noticing that it may be used to prove Newton’s law, as well as the law assumed for the sake of argument to replace it, to be without meaning. For this purpose all that is necessary is to substitute displacement for velocity or motion, wherever these words occur in the above quotation, and changes for diminishes. The argument is thus transformed into one equally good or bad, in favour of the cessation of motion on the cessation of the action of force, as against Newton’s law. The fallacy seems to me to lie in the incomplete recognition of the relativity of a law of the kind under consideration. When it is recognized that a velocity whether uniform or variable can be specified only relatively to some point or points it becomes obvious that not only Maxwell’s hypothetical law, but Newton’s law also, and indeed, any law giving the variation of the velocity of a body under any circumstances, must be without 1*Matter and Motion,’ Art. x1. 2 Ency. Brit., 9th Ed., Art. Mechanics, 4 298. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 9 meaning unless the points of reference are known. It becomes obvious also that if the points of reference are given, no such law will be unintelligible merely because the points of reference may have velocities relatively to other points. Accordingly if we introduce into Maxwell’s argument a specification of the point of reference, where he speaks of velocity simply, using the same point of reference both for Newton’s law and for the hypothetical law, the argument becomes manifestly inconsequent. For the second last sentence becomes in that case : For if it is a relative velocity, its direction as well as its magnitude depends on the velocity of the point of reference relative to the point of re- ference ;—and the only conclusion we can draw from this is that as the velocity of a point relative to itself is invariably zero, the velocity referred to in the hypothetical law satisfies the maxim by which Maxwell is testing it. We may put the same criticism otherwise by pointing out that one of the elements of the cause whose effect is the change of velocity of the hypothetical law, is the velocity of the point of reference. As therefore, the maxim which Maxwell is applying assumes the cause to be the same at all times and places, this velocity is thus assumed to be every- where and always the same, and must not be taken to be variable as it is in the second last sentence of the argument under consideration. I think, therefore, we may conclude that the first law of motion has not been shown to be capable of deduction from merely kinematical principles. As has often been pointed out, however, the first law may be at once deduced from the second law of motion, being merely a particular case of that law ;' and this being ad- mitted, its enunciation as a distinct hypothesis, however advantageous in introducing young students to dynamical science, must be pronounced illogical. There is one objection, however, which may perhaps be urged against the omission of the first law, viz., that Maxwell? and other authorities, following Newton, hold that this law, “ by stating under what circumstances the velocity of a moving body remains constant, supplies us with a method of defining equal intervals” of time. As no such statement is ever made about the second law, it would thus appear that the omission of the first would leave us without a basis for the measurement of time. This objection, however, is easily met. For, first, the second law supplies us with more methods of defining equal intervals of time than the first law. In addition to the definition given by the latter, it tells us, for example, that those intervals are equal in which a body acted upon by a constant force undergoes equal changes of velocity. Second, both laws assume that equal intervals of time have already been defined. So far as power of defining is concerned, therefore, they give us nothing that we did not possess before their enunciation. The only advance in time measurement which we owe them is that they show us how to construct time-pieces which will mark off for us the intervals assumed to be equal in their enunciation. Third, the intervals assumed equal in the enunciation of these laws are not known to be equal. What they assume is therefore nothing more than a conventional time scale; and what they give us is nothing more than certain methods of securing accurate copies of this scale. 1 Maxwell’s position with regard to the first law, considered above, would thus make it possible to deduce from kinematical principles a particular case of an admittedly dynamical law. ? Matter and Motion, Art, xliii. Sec._III, 1892. 2, 10 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE And, fourth, both of these laws may be enunciated so as to retain all their dynamical significance, and yet make no reference to the measurement of time, by adopting as the definition of velocity not distance traversed per unit of time, but the distance traversed - while the earth (or, better, a certain ideal earth) rotates through a certain angle relatively to the fixed stars. Enunciated in this way these laws assume no definition of equal in- tervals of time, and can consequently supply us with no such definitions. Thus the necessities of time measurement would seem to offer no opposition to the demand of logic that the first law of motion should not be given separate enunciation. Newton’s second law asserts that the acceleration produced in a body by a force is directly proportional to the force and has the same direction; and as the assertion is with- out restriction, the law implies that the effect of the force is the same, whatever other forces may be acting upon the body. Many writers regard the latter implied part of the law, often called Galileo’s law or the law of the physical independence of forces, as being the only hypothetical part. They therefore make it the second law of motion and attempt to deduce the former part from it, the argument being usually that since any number »# of equal and co-directional forces will produce in a body an acceleration » times as great as that produced by one, the acceleration produced in a body must be proportional to the force producing it. At first sight Galileo’s law seems to be a more simple hypothesis than Newton’s law. To judge of their relative simplicity, however, it must be noted that in deducing the latter from the former, two additional hypotheses are employed, viz., (1) That the direc- tion of the acceleration produced by a force is the same as that of the force, and (2) That » equal forces, acting in the same direction on a particle, produce the same effect as a single force m times as great as any one of them. Thus while Galileo’s law follows at once from Newton’s, Newton’s can be deduced from Galileo’s only by the introduction of two addi- tional hypotheses. The superior simplicity of Galileo’s law is thus apparent, not real. The third law is supposed by some writers to have been deduced from the first by Newton himself. Maxwell' appears to hold this view ; Lodge” declares his adhesion to it; and Tait* says the third law “is very closely connected -with the first.” Three questions present themselves here: (1) Did Newton really attempt to deduce the third law from the first? (2) If so, is his argument sound? (3) If not, is Maxwell’s version of his argument sound ? That Newton really regarded himself as having deduced the third law from the first is rendered extremely doubtful by the fact that he retained this law as one of his axioms. But it seems clear (though to speak positively would require a more thorough knowledge of his usage of Latin than I possess) that he regarded part of what we now consider to be included in the third law to be capable of deduction. That Newton regarded the third law as less general in its applicability as an axiom, than we do, may be gathered from his comments on it. He illustrates it by reference to the finger pressing a stone, a horse hauling a stone by means of a rope, and bodies im- pinging upon one another,—all cases of palpably contact actions. And he concludes his 1 Matter and Motion, Art. lviii. * Elementary Mechanics (1885), p. 56. ’ Properties of Matter (1885), p. 103. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 11 illustrative comments by saying: “This law holds also in cases of attraction, as will be proved (probabitur) in the following Scholium.” The fact that his third law states action and reaction to be equal and opposite but says nothing as to their being in the same straight line, forms corroborative evidence that he regarded his law as applicable directly to contact actions only. For in such actions it would follow, from the opposition of action and reaction, that they must be in the same straight line. It would thus appear that Newton regarded the application of the third law to at- tractions as capable of deduction. If so, the argument by which the deduction is made is as follows:—‘In attractions I prove the law briefly in this way. Imagine any obstacle interposed between any two mutually attracting bodies A and B, preventing their coming together. If either of the bodies, say A, is attracted more strongly towards the other, B, than B is towards A, the obstacle will have a greater pressure exerted upon it by A than by B, and will not therefore remain in equilibrium. The greater pressure will prevail and will cause the system of the two bodies and the obstacle to move in a straight line directed towards B, and to go with an ever-increasing velocity in free space to infinity. This is absurd and contrary to the first law. For by the first law the system ought to maintain its state of rest or of uniform motion in a straight line, and therefore the bodies will exert equal pressures on the obstacle and therefore attract one another equally.” ' Then follow the description of an experiment by which this result is tested in the case of a system of bodies which included a magnet and a piece of iron, and an application of the above argument in the particular case of the gravitational attraction between two portions of the earth. This argument contains two assumptions. First, it assumes the applicability of the third law to contact actions. Immediately before giving this argument Newton had described his experiments on the impact of spheres by which he had verified its applica- bility in such cases. In the argument itself he refers to the contact stresses between the obstacle and the attracting bodies ; and his statement that with the assumed inequality in the action and reaction of the attraction, the system must have an acceleration, implies that in the case of the contact stresses action and reaction were taken to be equal. Even, therefore, if Newton’s argument be considered sound, the third law, as a whole, is not shown to be capable of deduction, but only its applicability to attractions. The second assumption, however, seems to me to vitiate the argument, viz., the assumption that the acceleration of a system of attracting bodies acted upon by no external forces is inconsistent with the first law. That Newton himself regarded the first law as directly applicable to single bodies only is obvious from the fact that in his comment on it he illustrates it by reference to single bodies only, and from the further fact that in the fourth corollary to the laws of motion he deduces the law of the con- 1 In attractionibus rem sic breviter ostendo. Corporibus duobus quibisvis A, B se mutuo trahentibus, concipe obstaculum quodvis interponi, quo congressus eorum impediatur. Si corpus alterutrum A magis trahitur versus corpus alterum B, quam illud alterum B in prius À, obstaculum magis urgebitur pressione corporis A quam pressione corporis B; proindeque non manebit in æquilibrio. Prævalebit pressio fortior, facietque ut systema corporum duorum et obstaculi moveatur in directum in partes versus B, motuque in spatiis liberis semper accele- rato ebeatin infinitum. Quod est absurdum et legi primæ contrarium. Nam per legem primam debebit systema perseverare in statu suo quiescendi vel movendi uniformiter in directum, proindeque corpora æqualiter urgebunt obstaculum, et idcirco æqualiter trahentur in invicem.”—Principia: Scholium to Axiomata. 12 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE servation of the motion of the centre of mass of a system of bodies. It is with this deduction from the first law, therefore, that the acceleration of the system is asserted to be inconsistent. But in making this deduction he had assumed the third law. If, therefore, in making it he regarded this law as directly applicable only to contact actions, the deduction could only apply to systems exerting contact actions, and the acceleration of a system of attracting bodies, unacted upon by external force, would not be incon- sistent with it. If, on the other hand, in making the deduction he regarded the third law as applicable to all stresses, his application of the deduction in the argument under consideration would be a begging of the question. That Newton should have tripped in so simple an argument is of course possible, but is highly improbable. It is much more probable that the discussion which is generally regarded as a deduction of the third law of motion from the first, but which I think I have shown cannot be regarded as having been meant to be more than a deduc- tion of one part of the third law from the other part and from the first, is in reality merely an illustrative comment. Maxwell, as I have said, regards Newton’s argument “as a deduction of the third law of motion from the first.” He paraphrases it as follows! :—“If the attraction of any part of the earth, say, a mountain, upon the remainder of the earth, were greater or less than that of the remainder of the earth upon the mountain, there would be a residual force acting upon the system of the earth and the mountain as a whole, which would cause it to move off with an ever-increasing velocity through infinite space. This is con- trary to the first law of motion, which asserts that a body does not change its state of motion unless acted upon by external force.” Whether or not I am right in thinking that Maxwell misrepresents Newton in the view he takes of his argument, he himself obviously considered the above paraphrase of it to be a sound deduction. It may, how- ever, be attacked on two grounds. First, it assumes that the attraction between the mountain and the remainder of the earth is the only stress between them, ignoring the stress at their surface of contact, an inequality in the action and reaction of which might obviously neutralise the “residual force” due to the assumed inequality in the action and reaction of the attraction. And secondly, the conclusion drawn is not the third law of motion. For the third law asserts the equality and opposition of the action and reaction between two bodies, not between two parts of one body. That this criticism is sound becomes especially obvious when we reflect that the laws of motion, as fundamen- tal axioms of dynamics, must be applicable to particles, not to extended bodies. It is clear that the above argument is not applicable in the case of a particle; and it is also clear that if the laws of motion be enunciated as applicable directly to particles, the conservation of the motion of the centre of mass of an extended system cannot be established without the assumption of the third law. We conclude then with regard to the independence of the laws of motion that while the first law is re-enunciated in the second, the second and third have not been proved to be capable of deduction either one from the other or from more simple hypotheses. With regard tothe sufficiency of the laws of motion to give by deduction all the laws of abstract dynamics, the best test to apply is the question :—Can we deduce from them 1 Matter and Motion, Arts. lvii. and lviii. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 13 the greatest of all dynamical laws, the conservation of energy? This law may be proved, by the aid of the second and third laws of motion, to hold in the case of any sys- tem of particles which is neither giving energy to, nor receiving energy from, external bodies, provided the stresses between the particles may be regarded as acting in the lines joining them and as being functions of their distances, as for example in the case of gravitational, electrical and magnetic attractions. It has also been proved by experiment to hold in a very large number of cases in which the laws of the forces acting are unknown, the energy disappearing in one form, and the energy appearing simultaneously in another form, being measured. One immediate deduction from it, that it is impossible to construct a machine which will do more work for us than we do upon it, has been so abundantly verified by experience that “the perpetual motion” has come to occupy in physics the same position as circle-squaring in mathematics, the philosopher’s stone in chemistry, and the elixir vite in physiology. An immense number of other deductions from it have been verified by experiment, and no deduction properly drawn from it has been found inconsistent with fact. The evidence of all kinds in its favour is so over- whelming that no doubt is now entertained of its being applicable to all natural forces ; and accordingly either this law itself or some law from which it may be derived is universally treated as being axiomatic. It would seem, therefore, that the formally recognized hypotheses of dynamics should either include this law or give it by deduction. Several writers have held, at any rate indirectly, that the law of the conservation of energy may be deduced from the second law of motion. They have not usually said so in so many words, but they have made statements involving the possibility of this deduction. Thus Garnett says': “ In order to lose our faith in the principle of the conservation of energy, we must give up our belief in the fundamental principles of dynamics expressed in the laws of motion.” He therefore holds that this law involves no hypothesis addi- tional to those of the laws of motion. Forif it did we must lose faith in the conservation of energy on losing faith in the additional hypothesis, even though we retained our belief in the laws of motion. It would follow that the law of conservation, involving no addi- tional hypothesis must be capable of deduction from the laws of motion. Garnett does not state, in the paper from which the above quotation is made, from which law, or in what way, the deduction may be made. But in another work” he asserts that a certain statement made by Newton in his comments on the laws of motion, which, owing to the form he gave it, is often referred to as his second interpretation of the third law of motion, “Gs nothing more nor less than the enunciation of the great principle of the conservation of energy ;””* and as we shall see, this is equivalent to the assertion that the law of the con- servation of energy may be deduced from the second law of motion alone. This statement* of Newton’s is translated by Thomson and Tait’ in the following 1 Ency. Brit., 9th Ed., Art. Dynamics. ? Elementary Dynamics, 1886, p. 47. * For evidence that Garnett may not have meant what he seems to say in this passage, see his Elementary Treatise on Heat (1878), p. 169. *“Si æstimetur agentis actio ex ejus vi et velocitate conjunctim; et similiter resistentis reactio æstimetur conjunctim ex ejus partium singularum velocitatibus et viribus resistendi ab earum attritione, cohæsione, pondere et acceleratione oriundis; erunt actio et reactio, in omni instrumentorum usu, sibi invicem semper æquales.” (Principia : Scholium to Axiomata). 5 Treatise on Natural Philosophy, Vol. I. Part I. (1879), ¢ 263. 14 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE words :—‘“ If the activity of an agent be measured by its amount and its velocity conjoint- ly; and if, similarly, the counter-activity of the resistance be measured by the velocities of its several parts and their several amounts conjointly, whether these arise from friction, cohesion, weight or acceleration ;—activity and counter-activity, in all combinations of machines, will be equal and opposite.” They have also given the following paraphrase of it in modern dynamical terms : '—‘‘ Work done on any system of bodies has its equiva- lent in work done against friction, molecular forces, or gravity, if there be no acceleration ; but if there be acceleration, part of the work is expended in overcoming the resistance to acceleration, and the additional kinetic energy developed is equivalent to the work so spent,”—a paraphrase which would be closer to the original, it seems to me, if the last clause were omitted. With regard to this statement, the same authors point out” that it may be expressed analytically in the following equation : 3S (Xe + Vy+ 72) =Sm@ctyy+z2), in which thesymbols have their usual meanings. ‘“ Here,” they say, “the first member is composed of Newton’s Actiones Agentium ; with his Reactiones Resistentium so far as friction, gravity and molecular forces are concerned, substracted : and the second consists of the portion of the Reactiones due to acceleration.” Now this equation, as is well known, and as may be seen in the passage cited above, is obtained directly from the second law of motion without the use of any other dynamical hypothesis. Hence Newton's state- ment may be deduced from the second law alone, and if it be “nothing more nor less than the enunciation of the great principle of the conservation of energy,” that principle must also be capable of deduction from the second law. We must therefore consider whether or not Garnett’s assertion as to this statement is correct. Before doing so, however, we may observe that other writers make similar though more guarded assertions. Thus Tait* says Newton’s statement “has been shown to require comparatively little addition to make it a complete enunciation of the conserva- tion of energy,” and, “ what Newton really wanted was to know what becomes of work which is spent in friction.” Maxwell ‘ says: “ That this statement of Newton’s implicit- ly contains nearly the whole doctrine of energy was first pointed out by Thomson and Tait,” which, though doubtless expressing his own opinion, is somewhat stronger than the statement of the authors he quotes, who say that “the foundation of the abstract theory of energy is laid by Newton in an admirably compact and distinct manner in the sentence of his scholium already quoted,”* and that this sentence “ points out the modern principles of work and energy.” Besant’ says: “This passage really shadows forth the principle of energy in its modern form, and indeed states the principle as far as it could be stated at the time when the Principia was written. It was not until Count Rumford began to make observations, and to draw inferences from his observations, followed by 1 Treatise on Natural Philosophy, Vol. I., Part I., (1879) ? 269. 2 Thid., 4 293. # Properties of Matter (1885), p. 104, and Recent Advances in Physical Science (1878), p. 38. 4 Matter and Motion, Art. xcvi. 5 Treatise on Natural Philosophy, Vol, I., Part L., 2 268. 6 Tbhid., 4 242. 7 Dynamics (1885), p. 49. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 15 a host of other investigators, that the principle of energy presented itself in the form which now renders it the one principle of the greatest utility in the dis- cussion of natural phenomena.” According to these and other writers ' who take the same view, Newton’s statement is an enunciation of the law of the conservation of energy so far as mechanical energy is concerned, in fact of what Thomson and Tait call “ the law of energy in abstract dynamics,” viz., “The whole work done in any time on any limited material system by applied forces is equal to the whole effect in the forms of potential and kinetic energy produced in the system, together with the work lost in friction.” As between this view and that of Garnett, the latter would seem to be the more tenable. For whatever Newton’s statement may mean, he undoubtedly made the same statement about the work done against friction, molecular forces, gravity and the “ resist- ance to acceleration.” If, therefore, the statement was an enunciation of the law of the conservation ofenergy in the case of the last three, it must have been an enunciation of the same law in the case of the first. On the other hand, if Newton did not assert the law of the conservation of energy in the case of the work done against friction (and Garnett himself states? that such work done was supposed by Newton to be lost), his statement cannot be an enunciation of the law of the conservation of energy at all. Thus internal evidence would seem to show that both these interpretations of Newton’s statement are untenable. Lest, however, the above internal evidence should not be considered sufficient to dis- prove an assertion made so widely and by such authoritative writers, it may be well to note that Thomson and Tait, having obtained from the second law the analytical expression of Newton’s statement given above,’ proceed to deduce from it “ the law of energy in abstract dynamics,” which they do of course in two steps, first showing that the second member is equal to the rate of increment of kinetic energy, and next, that in the particular case of a conservative system the first member is equal to the rate of decrement of potential energy. Whether or not Newton ever took these steps, which would doubtless have been but small strides for such a giant ashe was, we need not inquire. It is sufficient for our present purpose to have shown that after the statement under consideration has been accepted, these steps remain to be taken before the law of the conservation of energy, even in the restricted form in which Newton is supposed to have enunciated it, can be reached.* 1 W. W. R. Ball in his Short Account of the History of Mathematics, p. 313, takes a different view of Newton’s statement from both Garnett’s and Tait’s. He says: “If this second interpretation had been extended to include work done by or against molecular forces, which of course Newton did not intend, it would have been equivalent to the statement that the work done by an agent on a system is equivalent to the increase of kinetic energy plus the increase of potential energy, which is the principle of the conservation of energy.” And yet there would seem to be little doubt that Thomson and Tait are quite justified in translating cohæsio, by the term molecular force. ? Elementary Treatise on Heat (1878), p. 172. 3 Thomson and Tait call this expression, the equation of energy. The name seems unfortunate, because none of the terms of the equation are expressions of energy. The first member expresses merely the rate at which the forces acting on the various parts of the system are doing work, and the second, the rate at which work is being done against the “ resistance to acceleration.” 4 I had not seen when I wrote this address, Prof. W. W. Johnson’s paper on “The Mechanical Axioms or Laws of Motion” (Bull. N.Y. Math. Soc. Vol. I. (1892) p. 129), in which Prof. Johnson takes the same position as I have, though on different grounds, with respect to the interpretation of Newton’s statement referred to above. 16 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE Passing now to the third law of motion, we find Lodge’ apparently claiming to have deduced the law of the conservation of energy from it. The passage in which he seems to do so is the following :—‘ All this indeed, [that it is as impossible to create energy as it is to create matter, and that whenever energy appears as the result of work, it is always at the expense of some other form of energy which was previously existing] in a much more complete and accurate form—more complete, because it involves the non- destruction of energy as well as its non-creation—follows from Newton’s third law of motion, provided we make the assumptions (justified by experiment as above [on the sub- ject of the ‘ perpetual motion’ and others]), Ist, that just as something called energy is generated whenever positive work is done, so whenever negative work is done something so like the first as properly to be called energy too, is destroyed ; and 2nd, that quantity of energy is measured by the work done or undone in producing or destroying it. For the third law tells us that whenever force is exerted and therefore (a fortiori) whenever work is done, the two things concerned—the body which acts, and the body which is acted upon or reacts—exert equal and opposite forces ; hence whatever quantity of work one body does, the other has done upon it; or the posttine and negative works are equal. The agent or body which does the positive work, /oses a certain quantity ofenergy. The body which has the work done upon it gains the same amount. Hence, on the whole—that is, taking both bodies into account—no energy is lost, and, algebraically speaking, no work is done. The energy is merely transferred, and the act of transfer involyes two opposite works.” With regard to this argument it is to be noted that while the only fundamental hypothesis formally recognized is the third law, the “assumptions justified by experi- ment,” to which appeal is made, and the assumption of the impossibility of action at a distance (involved in the conclusion “hence whatever work one body does, the other has done upon it ”) constitute additional hypotheses, and that therefore the deduction is not made from the third law alone. That Lodge only apparently claims to have made it without other hypotheses is obvious from the fact that he himself directs attention to the assumptions based on experiment. It may be well to note also that the law of the conser- vation of energy which he thus deduces is, as pointed out by himself,” “ probably not iden- tical with that currently accepted.” If we regard it as established that the deduction of the conservation of energy requires more fundamental hypotheses than the three laws of motion supply, we must ask next what additional hypothesis should be adopted as a fourth law of motion that such deduction may be possible. It is obvious from what has just been said that the necessary addition will depend on whether we aim at deducing the law of the conservation of energy in its ordinary form, or in the form given it by Lodge. It would be interesting to inquire into the hypotheses employed by Lodge in deducing his law of the conservation of energy both in the above passage and in subsequent publications.* But it would be foreign to our present purpose. For while Lodge’s law may be the law of the future, and is, perhaps, in some form, likely to be, (for the tendency of dynamics seems to be towards the denial of action at a distance), it 1 Elementary Mechanics (1885), p. 82. 2 Phil. Mag., Ser. 5, Vol. xi. (1881), p. 533. 3 Phil. Mag., Ser. 5, Vol. viii. (1879), p. 278, Vol. xi. (1881), p. 533, and Vol. xix. (1835), p. 483. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 17 is not the law of the present ; and it is because the law of conservation in its ordinary form is widely assumed in dynamical investigation to be so completely verified as to have become axiomatic, that 1 have taken the possibility of its deduction as the test of the sufficiency of the laws of motion. Helmholtz showed in his celebrated memoir on the Conservation of Force,' that the de- duction of the law of the conservation of energy in its ordinary form may be “ based on either of two maxims, either on the maxim that it is not possible by any combination whatever of natural bodies to derive an unlimited amount of mechanical force, or on the assumption that all actions in nature can be ultimately referred to attractive or repulsive forces, the intensity of which depends solely upon the distances between the points by which the forces are exerted.” It may also be deduced, as is well known, from the axiom that the work done during any change of configuration of a system of particles acted upon by natural forces depends only upon the changes in the positions of the particles and not upon the velocities with which or the paths by which they have moved from the old positions to the new. The first of these hypotheses is the assertion of the impossibility of “the perpetual motion,” the second is the assertion that natural forces may be regarded as central forces, the third may be referred to as asserting that natural forces are conserva- tive forces. In addition we may adopt the law of the conservation of energy itself as a fundamental hypothesis, on the ground that it ‘is always acquiring additional credibility from the constantly increasing number of deductions which have been drawn from it, and which are found in all cases to be verified by experiment.” ° To reach a conclusion as to which of these hypotheses is best fitted for adoption as a fourth law of motion, a knowledge of their relations to the three laws already widely adopted isobviously of importance. I shall consider them individually therefore from this point of view. Taking the last mentioned hypothesis first, the law of the conservation of energy it- self, we have seen that it may be derived from the second law of motion together with the assumption of the conservatism of natural forces, The hypothesis of which this law, if made a law of motion, would be the expression, would thus include the hypothesis of the second law, and the second law would thus have to be rejected as logically superfluous. The third law would thus become meaningless ; and the new law having been expressed in terms of energy, the third law would have to be replaced by a law of the transference of energy between particles. The adoption of this hypothesis would therefore render a complete readjustment of our fundamental hypotheses logically necessary. It may per- haps be desirable to make this readjustment, to adopt, as Tait’ suggests, the laws of the conservation and the transformation of energy as our dynamical axioms, and thus to banish the conception of force to the limbo of once useful things. But this course has educational disadvantages. For in accordance with the sound educational maxim that we should proceed from the known to the unknown, it would seem to be better to start from the sense-given idea of force rather than from the derivative idea of energy. Until there- fore it has been shown that the adoption of the laws of energy as fundamental hypotheses 1 See Taylor’s Scientific Memoirs, —Nat. Phil., 1853, p. 114. ? Maxwell: Matter and Motion, Art. Ixxiii. 5 Ency. Brit., 9th Ed., Art. Mechanics, 4 299. Sec. III, 1892, 3. 18 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE has logical advantages to compensate for its educational drawbacks, it would seem to be better to select as an additional law of motion one which will admit of the retention - Newton’s time-honoured laws. When the impossibility of the perpetual motion is employed as an axiom it is used merely as a means of showing that natural forces are conservative, and this proposition may be deduced from it' without the employment of any other hypothesis. So far as their hypothetical content is concerned, therefore, the impossibility of the perpetual motion and the conservatism of natural forces are identical. The only advantage the former would appear to have over the latter, as an axiom, is that it is in closer touch with experience. Though men have sought out many inventions they have found the perpetual motion impossible of attainment, while experience cannot be said to have shown in any direct way that natural forces are conservative. This would doubtless be an advantage if, in passing from the one to the other of the above propositions, we could keep in touch with experience. That we cannot do so, however, is shown by any of the processes by which the passage is made. Thomson and Tait make it in this way: “ If more work is done by the mutual forces on the different parts of the system in passing from one particular configuration to another, by one set of paths than by another set of paths, let the system! be directed by frictionless constraint to pass from the first configuration to the second by one set of paths and return by the other, over and over again. It will be a continual source of energy without any consumption of materials, which is impossible : ” and it is obvious that when we employ frictionless constraint we lose our touch with experience. There would thus seem to be no advantage in the impossibility of the perpetual motion over the conservatism of natural forces, as an axiom. The hypothesis of the conservatism of natural forces is independent of the second law of motion, but is closely allied to the third. This latter states that the action and reaction between any two particles of a system are equal and opposite, and in applying it, is always interpreted as stating also that they are in the straight line joining the particles. The hypothesis of conservatism states that if X, Y, Z are the rectangular components of the resultant of all the forces acting on any particle of a system, and if dz, ae dz are the components of its displacement during any small change of configuration, > (Xdx + Ydy + Zdz) must be a complete differential of a function of the co-ordinates of the sate of the system, and, therefore, that the magnitude and direction of the resultant of these forces on each particle must depend upon the configuration of the system and upon nothing else. Both the third law and the hypothesis of conservatism thus tell us something about the stresses between the particles of a system. If we combine them we obtain the sum total of the information given by both together, viz.. that since, by the third law, action and reaction are equal, opposite and in the line joining the particles, if Sis the stress be- tween ey two particles and s the distance between the particles,we have > (Xdx + Ydy + Zdz)= = Sds, and since by the hypothesis of conservatism this must be a complete differential, each stress may depend upon the distances of the various pairs of particles in the system and can depend upon nothing else. In the particular case of a system of two particles, the two axioms together tell us that the stress between them must be in the line joining ‘See Thomson and Tait: Treatise on Natural Philosophy, Vol. I. Part 1 (1879), 22 271, 272. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 19 the particles and can depend only upon the distance between them. But they do not give us the same complete information as to the magnitude of the stress between two particles in a system consisting of more than two. Thus these two hypotheses together give us only a partial statement of the law governing natural stresses. While, therefore, the enunciation of the hypothesis of the conservatism of natural forces, would admit of the retention of Newton’s laws and would form an extension of them, the laws of motion thus reinforced, would still be incomplete and thus logically de- fective, though of course they might possibly be as complete as any hypotheses warranted by the present state of dynamical science. The second of the hypotheses mentioned, that natural forces may be regarded as central forces, is, like that just considered, independent of the second law of motion and closely allied to the third. But the alliance is so close in the case of this hypothesis that the third law is but a partial statement of it. For when it is asserted that natural forces may be regarded as attractions or repulsions it is implied that their action and reaction are opposite and in the line joining the particles between which they act, and when it is asserted that natural forces depend only on the distance of the particles between which they act, it is implied that the action and reaction are equal. This hypothesis in factis a complete statement about the stresses acting between particles and thus includes the incomplete statement of the third law. The hypothesis under consideration is thus wider than the combined assumption of the conservatism of natural forces and of the third law of motion, and we must therefore inquire whether or not the additional hypothesis involved in it is axiomatic. What the additional hypothesis is, is easily seen. For the conservatism of natural forces along with the third law of motion tells us that, while in a system of two particles the stress depends only on their distance, in a system consisting of more than two particles the stress between any two may depend on the distances of the various pairs of particles in the system. The axiom under consideration tells us that under all circumstances the stress between two particles depends only on the distance between them. Thus the additional hypothesis involved in assuming natural forces to be central forces over and above that involved in assuming them to be both subject to the third law and conservative, is that the stress be- tween two particles is not changed by the action of other stresses between them and other particles. This additional hypothesis is one which it is customary to make in whole or in part, in dealing with many dynamical problems. For example, in applying the third law of motion, as already noted, to the discussion of rotation, it is, I think, invariably assumed that the action and reaction of the stress between two particles are not only equal and opposite, but also in the straight line joining the particles, or in other words, that the direction of the stress between them depends only on the position of the two particles concerned, not upon the configuration of the whole system. In the case of forces, such as gravitational, electrical and magnetic attractions, whose laws have been determined, the hypothesis under consideration may be said to have been proved to hold, so extensive is the experimental verification which it has received. And in investigations into the laws of forces whose laws are not yet known, it is, so far as my knowledge goes, invariably made. So customary is it to make this assumption that it is usually made without com- ment. Thus Helmholtz, in the memoir cited above, states that the two maxims from 20 J. G. MacGREGOR ON THE which he deduces the law of the conservation of energy are “identical,” and that “in systems to which the principle of the conservation of force can be applied, in all its gene- rality, the elementary forces of the material points must be central forces ;” and he considers himself to have proved this statement by showing that the force must be central in a system consisting of two particles. Williamson and Tarleton’ quote his proof with- out protest against the assumption involved in it. Mr. W. R. Browne in a paper? in- tended to prove that the law of the conservation of energy and the axiom that natural forces are central forces, ‘ imply each other,” confines himself to the case of two particles, and Mr. G. W. von Tunzelmann,’* in criticising the paper, makes no objection to it on this ground. The additional hypothesis is therefore seen to be already recognized as axiomatic, though it has never, so far as I am aware, been formulated asa law of motion. Since then the adoption, as a law of motion, of the hypothesis, that natural forces may be regarded as central forces, would admit of the retention of Newton’s laws, and would indeed make them a complete statement with regard to natural forces, since it is sufficient for the deduction of the law of the conservation of energy, and since it includes no unre- cognized hypothesis over and above what is necessary for this deduction, it would seem to commend itself for enunciation as a law of motion, more than any of the other hypotheses referred to above. In formulating this hypothesis as a law of motion it will be obvious that, as in the case of the third law of motion, it is unnecessary to specify points and directions of re- ference. For the hypothesis simply states the direction of a certain force to be the same as that of a certain line and the magnitude of the force to be dependent upon the length of that line. It may be well to note here an obvious corollary from this conclusion, viz., that as the law ofthe conservation of energy may be derived from this hypothesis and the second law of motion, and as the former holds for all points of reference, the law of conservation must hold for all points by reference to which the second law holds. This conclusion is incon- sistent with Newcomb’s assertion * that this law “ assumes that we refer the motions of all the bodies whose energy is considered to some foreign body of infinite mass, from which emanate the forces which give motion to the system.” According to the above, this law may of course be expressed relatively to a body of infinite mass, and, if thus expressed, the forces which give motion to the system may be supposed to emanate from that body. But it may also be expressed relatively either to a particle of finite mass free from the action of force, or to the centre of mass of the system itself whose energy is conserved. The above assertion of Newcomb’s occurs in a paper which ends as follows :—“I cannot but think that sound philosophy would be promoted could these limitations of the conservation of energy be made clear to those philosophers who see in the doctrine only a special case of a general law of mind and matter.” It may doubtless be well that the attention of philosophers shou!d be called to the limitations of the law of the conservation of energy; but the statement that it makes the assumption referred to above, gives it a much more fictitious appearance than it really ought to present, and is thus misleading. 1 Dynamics (1885), p. 398. ? Phil. Mag., Ser. 5, Vol. xv. (1883), p. 35. # Ibid., p. 152. ‘ Phil. Mag, Ser. 5, Vol. xxvii. (1889), pe 116. HYPOTHESES OF DYNAMICS. 21 Finally, ifthe hypothesis that natural forces may be regarded as central forces be adopted as an additional law of motion, these laws are found to be capable of considerable condensation. For as the first law is but a particular case of the second, and as the third law is included in the proposed fourth law, the first and third should not be enunciated as distinct hypotheses. While, therefore, it may be advantageous for educational pur- poses to break up the laws of motion into smaller or larger portions according to the mental digestive power of the students under instruction, they may logically be enunciated in two statements, which may be formulated somewhat as follows :— The Law of Force—Relatively to any set of particles free from the action of force and having the same velocity, the acceleration produced in another particle by a force is pro- portional to the force and has the same direction. The Law of Stress—Natural forces may be considered to be attractions or repulsions whose magnitudes vary solely with the distances of the particles between which they act. It may be objected to this condensing of the laws of motion into two statements that different portions of these statements have received different degrees of verification, and that we are thus more sure of some parts than we are of others. There is, however, no means so far as I know of making a quantitative estimate of the amount of verification which the different parts into which these statements might be broken up, have received ; and it is thus impossible to divide them into portions whose parts haye received the same verification, except by dividing them into portions which would be themselves indivisible. This of course might be done. But the relative amount of verification would seem to be unimportant. The only requisite of our formulated axioms is that they should be axiom- atic, that is, that they should really represent the fundamental hypotheses which, either in the form in which they are enunciated or in some other form, are actually employed in dynamical investigations. It will be noted that the law of stress is so formulated above, following Helmholtz, as to be obviously temporary. Even the most strenuous supporter of contact action may admit that though action at a distance is not to be admitted as a fact, dynamical pheno- mena may be deduced from hypotheses expressed in terms of action at a distance as a fiction. When dynamical science has made further advances, the above laws will, probably have to give way to others more closely corresponding to the advanced state of the science. Meantime, however, the laws given above seem to me to represent better than any others the present fundamental hypotheses of abstract dynamics. SECTION III, 1892. [ 280] Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. IL— Upon the Flexure of Columns. By Prof. H. T. Bovey, M.lnst.C.E., McGill University, Montreal. (Read June 1, 1892.) The ordinary moment equation is expressed in the form dx? 4 and this is sufficiently accurate if the deviation of the axis of the strut P' Y | 3 te from the vertical is so small that 3) “may be disregarded without sensible error. The more correct equation is EI — =M=Py p being the radius of curvature. Consider, e. g., a strut with both ends hinged. Then — a’ y dy = sin 6.d6 where @ E I=-P’, P' being the least thrust which will bend the strut laterally. Integrating, 2,2 . = cos 0 — cos 6, (1) 4, being the value of # at end of strut. ue 7 Let Sin» = 4 and sin 5 = HE sin @ Then “2 = 2 y (1 — sin 2) OÙ y=] cos ¢ (2) Let Y be the max. deviation of the axis of the strut from the vertical, ie., the value of y when #—00r#—0. Then VE = a Sin (3) Again, tu rl dd er tree sin *¢ Hence, if / be the length of the strut, T 2 Ve dé 2 t= ave Vij sin a” (4 6), (4) 24: BOVEY UPON THE FLEXURE OF COLUMNS. F (x, ¢) being an elliptic integral of the first kind. Then Ps T° crate OW Da l and F(u, D == (5) Let the actual thrust on the strut be aera (6) n being a coefficient > wnity. The corresponding value of the modulus is given by HSE 7 > IM, D) = ser =D (7) By reference to Legendre’s Tables it is found that a large increase in the value of w, te., sin 5 Or 4,, is necessary in order to produce even a small increase in the value of F (y, 0) and therefore of #° ( = a Hence, as soon as the thrust P exceeds the least thrust which will bend the column, viz., P’, 6, rapidly increases. The total max. intensity of stress in the skin of the strut at the most deflected point 2 Z . 70 =f+ =, silo) tL (8) Z being the distance of the skin from the neutral axis and f being equal to = The last term of this equation includes the product f Æ, which is very large, and also the factor sin = which increases with 4,, so that the ultimate strength of the material is rapidly approached, and, in fact, rupture usually occurs before the column has assumed the position of equilibrium defined by the end slope 4,. If there were no limit to the flexure the column would take up its position of equilibrium only after a number of oscil- lations about this position, and the max. stress in the material would necessarily be greater than that given by Eq. 8. | 1 GA —2 y# sin 4) dg Again, dx = ds cos 6 = — 7 Jira tee Let X be the vertical distance between the strut ends. Then, L2 À bo] À 7 | 3 | 1 — 2 y? sin 7¢ 2 dd E Vi—}ésin‘ a | m/1— y'sin*¢.dd J m Y1— 4 su] 2 26 = a = OT ®) — Fu, ot. E (y, à) being an elliptic integral of the second kind. Hence, the diminution in the length of the strut = L— X=— i F p) —E ¢ =L-X=7I FH EG wh. SECTION III, 1892. 254] Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. III. — On the Mexican Type inthe Crystallization of the Topaz. By E. J. Cuapman, Ph.D. LL.D., Professor in the University of Toronto. (Read June Ist, 1892.) In the crystallization of many substances, the crystals present certain distinct types or form-combinations, mostly connected with locality, or with geological conditions of occurrence—as seen in Orthoclase, Amphibole, Pyroxene, Barite, and other minerals. In the crystallization of the Topaz, three types of this kind—the Brazilian, Siberian, and Saxon types—have long been recognized.’ The object of the present communica- tion is to point out a fourth, or Mexican, type, as exhibited by crystals from the State of San Luis Potosi in Central Mexico. A brief, preliminary notice of the leading points involved in the crystallization of the Topaz generally, may serve to bring out more appreciably the distinctive character of this Mexican type. In all topaz crystals certain vertical or prismatic forms are invariably present. As a general rule, these comprise two well-marked rhombic prisms: V, with front or obtuse angle of 124° 17’; and V2, with front inclination (ée., that over axis #) of 86° 49. A third prism V3, with angle in front of 64° 28’, is also frequently present ; and very commonly intermediate forms are indicated by coarse or fine vertical striæ, causing these prisms to merge into one another or to lose their sharpness of definition. The Front-vertical or Macro-pinakoid V is of exceedingly rare occurrence. In many scores of topaz crystals that have passed through my hands I have never seen it ; but the Side or Brachy-vertical Ÿ occasionally appears, although its two planes when present are usually very narrow, or little more than mere lines. It seems to be best developed in some of the Trumbull crystals, as figured by Dana. é The basal form, B, is practically unknown in Brazilian crystals, or is merely indicated in some rare examples of these; and although frequently present in crystals of the Siberian type, it is mostly of small size, and often little more than linear in its dimen- sions. In the Saxon type, on the other hand, it is always largely developed, forming the characteristic feature of this type. The polar forms in Topaz, or those which incline upon the vertical axis, are chiefly rhombic pyramids,=mP, and side-polars (ée., brachy-polars or brachydomes) = m P. Front-polars or macrodomes are very rarely present and are then only of small size. The rhombic pyramids or octahedrons in the vertical zone of V, are chiefly, if not only, three in number; but in many crystals only one of these is present. This is the form P, with front (or macro-) and side (or brachy-) angles equal respectively to 141° and 1 The colourless, comparatively large crystals obtained of late years in Japan belong to the Siberian type. To this type, also, the Aberdeen crystals essentially belong. Sec. III., 1892. 4. 26 E. J. CHAPMAN ON THE 101° 40. The other pyramids comprise: 4P, with front and side angles of 149° 34’ and 120° 6’; and 2P, with these angles equal to 130° 22’ and 74°54’. Another triaxial pyra- mid, 4P2, in the vertical zone of V2, is also of occasional occurrence, but its planes as a rule are very small or more or less linear. The angle over a front or macro-polar edge equals 122° 51’, and that over a side edge, 126° 10’. The Side-Polars (= Brachy-Polars or Brachydomes) comprise: 2P, the side polar of most common occurrence, with angle across the summit equal to 92° 42’; and the less acute side-polars, $P with summit-angle of 108° 51’, and P (a rare form) with summit- angle of 129°.' Also the more acute forms, 3P (of very rare occurrence) measuring 69° 54’ over the summit, and 4P with summit-angle of 55°20. It is this latter form, in a largely developed condition, which characterizes essentially the Mexican type of Topaz crystals. The interfacial angles in Topaz fluctuate, it is well known, within slight limits, and they are not always easily obtained in consequence of the striation or want of lustre of many planes. But, taking the commonly accepted angles, the axial ratios of the protaxial forms are as follows: x (vertical axis) ‘476975 ; x (macrodiagonal) 1 or unity ; « (brachy- diagonal) ‘528542. The symbols corresponding to those employed above, in the notations of Naumann, Dana, and Miiler-Grassmann, are shown in the following table.” hae, N. D. M.-G. B. Ties we 0 001. Vv Pc li 100. Vv. wPw il 010. Vv. «P I 110 v2 oP 2 i2 120. v3 oP 3 15 130 2P. 2 Poo 2 201 ap 3 Poo 3-4 032 P Poo i 011. oP. 2 Poo 2-1 021 3P. 3 Poo 3-1 031 4P 4 Poo 4-1 041. P P 1 111 3P. 3P 3 293, 2P. 2P 2 221. 4p2 sP2 4.9 243. 1 Since this paper was drawn up, the writer has observed another obtuse brachydome or side-polar form, 5P in a colourless crystal from Japan. The summit-angle of this form, measured by application-goniometer (the planes being devoid of lustre), equals 118° to 119", or by calculation, 118° 24. The known side-polars or brachy- domes, therefore, comprise the series PEE ge, 2P, 3P (a rare form) and 4P—or in the Miller-Grassmann notation: 011, 045, 023, 012, 013, 014.—E.J. C., November, 1892. 2 See also, as regards a fuller explanation of the author’s system, the Appendix to this paper. 3 In this symbol, 041, ae well as in several other symbols of the Miller-Grassmann notation, a very erroneous conception is likely to be occasioned: namely, that the form, in place of being (as it really is) a very acute form, is MEXICAN TYPE IN THE TOPAZ, PAT In the Brazilian type of Topaz (figure 1), the crystals are characterized by the pre- dominance of the tri-polar form or pyramid P. This is always accompanied by the vertical prism V, or by V and V2; both, as a rule, highly lustrous, but strongly striated longitudinally—the striæ indicating other vertical forms. The base is almost invariably absent. The colour of these crystals is deep-yellow or wine-yellow, changing commonly to pink or red on ignition. The Siberian type (figure 2), to which also the Aberdeen and Japanese crystals be- long, is characterized by the predominance of the side-polar or brachydome 2P; with vertical planes as in the preceding type, but, as a rule, much less coarsely striated. The basal plane is frequently absent, or, if present, is narrow or small in size; and the planes of other forms, as P, etc., are also essentially of small dimensions. The colour is typically some clear shade of green, deepening into bluish-green ; but the crystals of this type from Japan are practically colourless, and their polar planes (2P, $P, P—the two latter quite subordinate) are commonly dull or granulated, as though coated with a siliceous efflorescence. In the Saxon type (figure 3) the characteristic form is the base, B, always well or largely developed, but mostly without lustre. This is generally bordered by several polar forms (2P, 4P, P, 2P, ete.,) but all of small size and frequently of little more than linear dimensions. The vertical forms comprise V and V2, and occasionally V3, with finely striated planes. The form V2 predominates in some cases to the exclusion, or nearly so, of V, giving the crystal a marked rectangular aspect, as the angles of this prism equal respectively 86° 49’ and 93° 11. The same peculiarity is occasionally shown, however, by crystals of other types, notably by many of the Aberdeen crystals. Examples of this Saxon type generally present a pale tinge of yellow, but some are practically colourless. In crystals of the Mexican type (figure 4), to which attention has not to the writer's knowlege been hitherto directed, the characteristic form is the comparatively rare side- polar or brachydome 4P, accompanied by the pyramid 2P—both largely developed, so as to impart a strikingly acute aspect to the crystals. The pyramid P is also frequently, and the base B occasionally, present, but these forms are hardly characteristic. In most, but not in all examples, the polar planes are more or less dull; but those of the vertical prisms V and V2 are comparatively bright, and sufficiently free from striæ to give good reflecting surfaces for measurement. These Mexican crystals are chiefly pale yellow, with a slight brownish tinge, and thus, as regards colour, they fall between the Brazilian and Saxon varieties. a flattened or obtuse one, with its macro- or right and left axis four times the length of the vertical axis. Proper- ly, the symbol should be written 014 instead of 041—the brachy-axis being always assumed in this notation to be placed first, the macro-axis in the centre, and the vertical axis third. Another objection to this method of notation, is, that it is only adapted to the eye, not to the ear. When employed verbally, it can hardly be followed without a certain amount of confusion or mental strain, even when used by a comparatively slow speaker. It has also the defect of making the notation of a plane refer more to the axis cut by the plane than to that to which the plane is parallel: whereas it is evident that, from a physical point of view, forms are in closer relationship to the axes to which they are parallel, than to those which they cut, as long recognized in the employment of the terms brachy- pinakoid, brachydome, macro-pinakoid, etc. 28 E. J. CHAPMAN ON THE MEXICAN TYPE IN THE TOPAZ. The following figures exhibit in their more distinctive aspect the four types described above : APPENDIX. The system of crystallographic notation employed in this paper has been long followed by the author. It-possesses the advantage of being readily translated into words corres- ponding more or less closely with its symbols, and of thus bringing before the mind’s eye, at once and without effort, the position of any given form. It is based on the self- evident fact that the forms present in any crystal must be either Basal, Vertical, or Polar, forms ; no other kind of form (as regards position) can possibly occur, These—apart from crystals of the Regular or Isopolar System, in which there is no distinction of axes, and where consequently the initial of the form’s familiar name is of more convenient usage—are denoted respectively by the symbols B, V, and P. A basal form consists, of course, of a single plane at each extremity of the vertical axis, and therefore lying parallel with the middle or basal axes, to which it essentially conforms. It is evident, therefore, that in all cases the sign B is sufficient to define this form. Vertical forms consist of planes which stand parallel with the vertical axis. The symbol V indicates this. But these forms are of three general kinds: Front Verticals (i.e. Macro-Verticals or Ortho-Verticals, according to the crystal system) ; Side-Verticals (i.e. Brachy-Verticals or Clino-Verticals) ; and Vertical prisms, the planes of the latter being parallel only to the vertical axis. All front forms whether Verticals or Polars are distinguished by the hori- zôntal sign (—) placed above their symbol ; and all side forms by a short or inclined sign (- or /), representing the sign of the basal axis to which they are parallel. Polar or Pyramidal forms incline upon or towards the vertical axis or poles of the crystals. They lie thus above and below the vertical planes when present, connecting these with the basal planes, or, in the absence of the latter, with the crystal poles. They are also of three kinds: Front Polars (i.e. macro-polars or ortho-polars =macrodomes or orthodomes) ; Side Polars (1e. brachy-polars or clino-polars=brachydomes or clinodomes) ; and Pyramids or Polars proper. The symbols of these vertical and polar forms thus become: V, V or Ÿ, Vm; mP, mP or mb, and ml’: orally, Front V ; Side V ; V; Front P; Side P; P. A numerical value (m or 4) placed after a symbol refers to the frontal axis, the right-and-left axis being unity. À value of this kind placed before a symbol refers to the vertical axis. There is thus no necessity to place the sign of the axis, referred to, over the numeral ; although to avoid any risk of misconception this has been done with regard to the notation of the Topaz crystals given in the present article. In Clino-Rhombic and Anorthic or Triclinic crystals, in which the polar forms at the top and front differ from those at the bottom or back, the distinction is indicated by the use of brackets, or by some other simple sign. SECTION III., 1892. pare TRANS. Roy. Soc. CANADA. IV.— Observations of Sunspots at McGill College Observatory. By Prof. C. H. McLxop, Ma. E. (Communicated by Dr. A. Johnson ; read May, 1891.) The observations summarized in the accompanying table have been made in continua- tion of those on which a note was presented to the Royal Society at its last meeting. The methods of observation need not here be repeated, beyond a mere statement that the sun’s image is projected and enlarged to a diameter of 8 in., on a screen attached to an equatorially mounted telescope. The first column in the table gives the date of the commencement of the synodic rotation of the sun, £.e., the time of the coincidence of the assumed prime meridian with the central meridian, the period of the sun’s sidereal rotation being taken as 25°38 days. The dates are given in Greenwich civil time reckoning from midnight. The average number of spots per day have been obtained by dividing the total number of spots observed, in a rotation, by the number of days in which the observations were made during the rotation. The other columns of the table are self-explanatory. It will be observed from the table and diagram that the average positions of the spots have approached the equator, somewhat; more particularly to the north where there is a decided tendency towards a reduction of latitude. During 1889 and the first months of 1890, the zones of latitude between 10° and 20° were almost wholly free from spots. This cannot be said with regard to the present period as the spots have been fairly well distri- buted, in the north between the limits 8° and 24°, and in the south between 4 and 33°. In the southern hemisphere one important group and two isolated spots fell between 4° and 10°. In the north two groups appeared just within 10° of the equator, and one of these, seen from Feb. 10th to Feb. 13th, attained a total area of 120 millionths of the sun’s hemisphere, being amongst the most important groups of the year. Since the spots occurring towards the end of a period are found almost wholly within 10° of the equator, and those occurring at the beginning of a new period, or after the passage of the mini- mum, are almost wholly beyond 20° in latitude, the spots within the limits of 10° from the equator which appear after the passage of the minimum have usually been regarded as old cyclespots, giving an appearance of overlapping of the two periods. This was dis- tinctly marked towards the end of 1889, while for the first seven months of 1890, there were no old cyclespots. The minimum period would from these circumstances appear to have occurred about the middle of the year 1889, and it has been so placed by Mr. Maunder of the Royal Observatory, Greenwich. An inspection of the tables does not, however, seem to bear out this view and would go to show that in so far as spot fre- quency is concerned the minimuin period should be placed at the beginning of 1890. The spots which have recently reappeared within the 10° zone can scarcely be regarded as 30 C. H. McLEOD ON belonging to the old cycle, but would seem rather to be a part of the general tendency of the spotted areas to move towards the equator as the period increases towards a maxi- mum. The most interesting group of spots, both from its long life and its behaviour, which has appeared during the past year, was first observed as a single spot near the western limb on Aug. 7th, reappearing on the eastern limb very greatly developed (approximate area — 220 millionths of the sun’s hemisphere) on August 25th, and after crossing the sun’s disc was again observed near the eastern limb on September 24th, and was last seen on October 2nd. The behaviour of this group cannot be better described than in the words of Mr. Maunder, who referring to the group shortly after its second appearance, remarks that as it drew away from the limb, it showed itself greatly enlarged (area of whole group as observed here at the time, reached as high as 400 millionths). Two small spots led the group, then came a confused mass of very small spots, and a large spot with a dark nucleus followed. The small spots in the centre of the group, crystallized out on the succeeding days into a number of well-defined spots, the largest of which exceeded in size all the others put together. Three pairs of nuclei were now in existence, and these, which comprised the two leaders of August 27th, and the double nuclei of the two principal spots, each showed a remarkable instance of apparent partial rotation. The most distinct case of apparent rotation was furnished by the last spot of the group, in which the northern nucleus moved at a regular rate of about 10° or 11° a day in position- angle, with regard to the southern. The other two examples were not by any means so well marked or so regular, but still the rotation came out there. Perhaps, however, it is scarcely fair to call this movement rotation; it really seemed to be a well-marked case of the way in which sunspots on the outside of a group are dragged into axial line. Two of the spots turned in position-angle in one direction and one in the opposite direction. Many changes took place in the group, and the two main spots seemed to draw all the little spots into them, a proceeding that is frequently the case in a sunspot group. But, although they exhibited this attraction for all the little spots, the two great spots had a distinct repulsion for each other, and separated at the rate of 1} degree or 9,000 miles a day. Another instance of a long-lived group was one first observed here on November 22nd, near the eastern limb as a group of two spots with an area of approximately 75 millionths. The group developed rapidly until the 26th, when there were 18 spots extending over 13° of longitude, and the whole spotted area amounted to about 100 mil- lionths. Two days later the length of the group had increased to 15°, and the area reached 175 millionths, the number of spots decreased and the ‘central group increased in area, amounting at this time to more than half of the total area of the group. Although not again well observed during this rotation the group would appear to have gradually dimi- nished after this date, the 28th November, when it was nearly in the central meridian, in its first revolution. It reappeared as a very small spot (area 10 millionths or slightly larger than the earth’s disc), and experiencing a still further reduction in size was last seen on December 28th when its area was reduced to 5 millionths. The following are amongst the most important groups which have appeared during the year : OBSERVATIONS OF SUNSPOTS. 31 Maximum area of Date of observation. No. of pets mihtonths of sens = hemisphere. 1890. July Gth to 13th «+... 8 90 « July 27th to 28th ...... 14 150 “July 28th to Aug. 2nd.. 2 200 ‘Aug. 26th to Sept. 3rd.. 35 460 ROC 2USty Lol aZnGletelectee 15 480 “Nov. 22nd to Dee. 1st... 18 175 > Dee: 13th to l9 the. «eee 7 110 1891. Jan. 16th to 19th ...... 3 290 Feb: 10th to 14th ...... 15 150 « Feb. 13th to 14th...... 3 120 “Feb. 18th to 19th ...... 10 500 “Mar. 16th to 24th ...... 1 140 “Mar. 29th to April 9th.. 1 130 “April 21st to May 2nd.. 24 300 3 CE à : A alee td Date of 2 i es & =e 3 2 p 3 È of equator. of equator. of se Se Er 32 5 | ges| 8 | 8s Ses |esbe| see | 3 | 522 | gos ge gq | s25| à | 33 Pre sca ee OUT VERS Ae A |=23| À | £28 1890 | ‘ | a È May 17.2.... 16 10 18 5 24°6 1°7 | —28,—21,424,418 5 | 19°4| 13 | 26°5 June 13.4..... 18 13 21 2 23°6 3°3 | —18,—27 (0) Ml lSoubca 22. | 23°6 Feige Oho es LT 4 28 5 | 13:2 6-2 |—23,—5,415 2 |14-8| 96 | 13-6 Aug. 6.8.... 18 10 41 5 18°3 6°8 |+20,+16,—19 5 | 18:5} 36 | 18:2 Sept. 3.1....| 13 1 42 4 20°6 7-0 |+10,421,—19,—24) 21 18*5i 20 12227 Oct. 0.4.... 9 4 LG ES 23°1 -4°3° | +21,418,—30,—4 On |... 16 | 23-1 Oct.” 27.6)... 9 3 10 | 2 20°5 2-7 |+18,—23 5 | 18:0 5 | 23-0 Nov. 23.9.... 11 3 27 6 19°4 5°6 | +21,+15,—30,—23, 19 | 17-0 8 | 25-0 Dees 213.7: 10 3 8 4 22°0 1-1 |+24,416,—32,—24 5 | 18:0 3 | 28-6 1891 Jan. 17.6..-.| 8 1 42 9 15°4 8:2 |-+22,+8,—33,—19 | 26 | 11:3] 16 | 22-8 Feb. 13.9.... 10 0 | 24 7 14:0 4°6 |+19,49,—31,—24 | 23 | 14-0 1 | 24-2 Mar. 13.3....| 12 3 16 8 | 17:8 2-1 | +17,+12,—30,—21| 10 |14-1| 6 | 23-9 April 9.5...., 9 0 85 10 | 20°3 | 17-1 |+234+9—26—19| 34 |15-6 | 51 | 23-4 ral D, SS SLOSS #0 YIGWIN #84 FTVIDS H. McLEOD ON OBSERVATIONS OF SUNSPOT C. 32 78e ° 822427 Jo272La2 Aavsy 21/2 kg 2222u252.1c/0.1 —oporbe eyafo ygnos PUP 12101 — uogmponel Ve 792P Brriinp 22242890 57008 oran fe LE2YUNNT o bak Ê ii ar t 8 z - 922277’ gy P77 Ne : a ew iy SO ese ne Lg po2220L $29.19 2702S y papuosasc/2t Lon bh. 2 t 742 #0 270$ Pur Y7LON So fo PIUDYSI79 2fn10n4 # \ ee ae 9 © Q iy 21 : + 7 : 32/ fh AU \ { " 3 ' - 8 RE ES SRE AR GEE TE ee oy 8 5] + + 9 al) à Le | ae Nites TEE CR a ne eee PE BERS Sr EES Cine we ZE Ve 438/ YI X 888/ YYTFL 2 “NOILMTIONTY HILT INIEGIIG SLOSS 79 GIFPWAN Nb NOILISOS FIVYINY F744 INIMIHS WHYYOY/T SECTION III. 1892. | SS] TrANs. Roy. Soc. CANADA. V.— Memo. as to preparations for the proposed transatlantic longitude determinations : Greenwich— Waterville— Canso— Montreal, By Prof. CYH. McLeop, Ma. E., Superintendent McGill College Observatory, Montreal. (Read May, 1891.) The general outline of work has been settled upon as follows :—The cable terminii, Waterville, in Ireland, and Canso, in Nova Scotia, will be oceupied as Astronomical Stations, thus dividing the work into three sections. Greenwich-Waterville, through the land lines and Channel Cable ; Waterville-Canso through one of the Commercial Company’s Cables ; Canso-Montreal through the Canadian Pacific Railway Telegraph line. An independent series of signals between Greenwich and Montreal, by automatic repe- tition of the signals between the land lines and the cable is also contemplated. Mr. Turner, Chief Assistant to the Astronomer Royal, is now making a preliminary visit to Waterville for the purpose of selecting a site for the transit instrument and build- ing a pier, and will take advantage of his visit to make some trial signals through the cable. I shall visit Canso in a few days with the same object in view. These prelim- inaries being arranged, it is proposed to divide the work into three parts. The first part to be carried out during the month of August next without interchange of observers, and to be largely of the nature of an experimental programme. The primary object will be to gain experience in the management of the cable. It is desired to obtain three full nights of observations 19s « 4.30 “ | Injected. 4.30 “ | Injected. = | ES DIEU 99:82 F, _ s 5.380 “ | 100:2° F, -- Ÿ 6:00)“ 99°0° F. 72° F se 6.00 ‘ Cai 1, 72° FB. i teak) 97:8° F. — “ | Taso) 6 99:0° F. — fe 8.00 “ | 969%F. — se | 8.00 « 98:5° F. — | | fe 8.30 “ 96:5° BF. TSF st 8.30 “ 98:6° F. (iP. a S00) 871) AG: — Ge 900K 9980 — 16 9.30 “ 98:0° F. 70° F fe | 9.30 “ 99:8° F. 70° F. fe 10.00 “ JON — a 110.00 “ 100°2° F. — a 10.30 “ | 99:0° F. 67° F fe 10.30 “ 100°0° F. | 67°F. Feb. 19th.| 9.30 AM. 101:2° F. 65° F. || Feb. 19th.. 9.30 A.M. 100°8° F. | 65° F | | | | 39 Expprment III.—A healthy rabbit weigh- ing 1°7 kilo was given as above 0°25 grm. TagLe showing the effect on normal temperature of a dose of of the hydrochloride. Dose = 0:147 1 decigram per kilo of body-weight. grm. per kilo of body-weight. Temperature Temp. of Loss of body heat Date. Time. | Dose per Total | ofanimal. | room. in deg. for 1 deci- | No. kilo of lowering of | TT TE gram per kilo of Feb. 21st..| 4.00P.m.| 101‘6°F. | 58°F. body-weight. temperature. | | | body-weight. us 410 “ | Injected. PS = 5.00 “ OS OcaH aaa os cok Experiment I ..| 0°108 grm. | 55° F, 509° F. « 6.00 “ | 96:2° F. — Experiment II..| 0‘066 grm. SE. 560° F, M3 8.00 “ CHR 56°F Experiment III.| 0147 grm. | 7:89 F. 5‘31° F. us 8.30 ‘# 94:6° F, LR x D'OUME 96:0° F, 56° F i 10.00 “ | 97:8°F, = “ 10.30 “ | 99:22 F° | 56°F | | Feb.22nd.| 9.004A.M.| 100:2° F. | 54°F | The antiseptic properties of the base were roughly tested on beef-broth, etc. A few grains added to urine or to beef-broth prevented decomposition for several weeks, while 4O R. F. RUTTAN ON THE similar fluids without the alkaloid became foul within a few days. A fuller discussion of the antiseptic as well as the therapeutic action of the base must be reserved for a future paper. Although the experiments given above are quite insufficient to establish any thera- peutic value for the alkaloid, yet the absence of all toxic effects, its regular action in the three cases that were carefully observed, and its almost unique action on normal body temperatures are both suggestive and interesting, especially so in view of the close rela- tion that exists between its chemical constitution and that of some other alkaloids of known value as antipyritics. CHEMICAL CONSTITUTION. A molecular formula, or rather a systematic plan of the relative atomic groupings of this compound, may be deduced from its general relations, chemical reactions, and espe- cially from its mode of preparation. The question of the constitution of ortho-tolidin, from which this base is directly derived, cannot be fully treated here—the large number of necessary references to sepa- rate-compounds and reactions would take up too much space. The orientation of ortho- tolidin, so far as its formula could influence that of a quinolin derived from it, has been established by Gustav Schultz.’ In this formula C,, H,, N, he has shown the relative position of atomic groups to be (C; H,: C H,: N H,=1: 3:4). In the form of a diagram this relation can be represented as follows: 2 Sur NH:< C >NH, Se ee mae 0 CH, CH, In no case has it been established that in Skraup’s reaction there is any alteration in the relative position of the side chains in the benzol nucleus when the primary amine is converted into its corresponding quinolin. In all cases it has been found that a side chain in the benzol nucleus occupies a position towards the pyridin group formed by the reaction similar to that which it had toward the amidogen group in the original aromatic amine. The preparation of methyl quinolin from ortho-toluidin has been shown by Skraup’s reaction to be as follows :— CH, CH, CH, | | | C C C N DS se | /\o /\. H—C/ \C—NH, H—O C—N=CH—CH,-CH, H—C/ \/ \C—H || | el HO. 0H pea =e H- ae À 10H \/ C\7 C C Ÿ | | | H H H H Ortho-toluidin. Acrolein Ortho-toluidin. Methyl Quinolin. 1 Berichte,” xvii, 467. SYNTHESIS OF A NEW DIQUINOLIN. 41 Similarly, since ortho-tolidin is but two ortho-toluidin molecules connected by their benzol groups, the reaction by which it is converted into its corresponding diquinolin may be represented diagramatically as follows :— CH, CH, CH; | | | | C C Cet en / / À \ C / NS nef ae H—C/ JE H—C7 | \o-# H—C\ ,/C—H H—O\ ; ME H—C | C—H \ / \, NAN C C C C—H | | 6 ae veer C ef oun a eu TARN | | H—C /C—NH, H— Oy ADN CH CH CE H—C\ / / C—H C C C N CH, CH, CH, Ortho-tolidin. Ortho-tolidin di-acrolein. Di-methy1 (Bz.) diquinolin. Apart from its possible value as a therapeutic agent, this alkaloid has a peculiar interest from the similarity of its furmula to that of quinine. It may be regarded as the quinolin nucleus of the diacid alkaloids of cinchona bark. Dimethyl (Bz) Diquinolin C,, H,, N, Quinine C,, H,, N, 0, Cinchonin C,, H,, N Quinonine C,, H,, N, O, Chinen Cen NAO It is indeed theoretically possible, as the above formule show, to prepare an isomer of quinine from this base by processes of hydration and reduction well established among the simple quinolins. These reactions, however, do not seem to be easily applied to the diquinolins. Several derivatives have been obtained from dimethyl (Bz) diquinolin by processes of oxidation and reduction ; they have not, however, been sufficiently studied, and will be reserved for a future communication. Sec. IIL, 1892. 6. ROYAL SOCIERY-OF CANAD A TRANSACTIONS SECTION IV. GrbOst OC Gabe ab EAN Dy BoOMOG TCA SCIENCES J NISMS eis) Jel(@) Re TS 92 SECTION IV., 1892. EX 8G) Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. 1—On the Diffusion and Sequence of the Cambrian Faunas— Presidential Address for the Year. By G. F. MATTHEW, M.A. Introductory—1. Graptolites as deep-water organisms—2. Other deep-water organisms —8. Physical conditions affecting distribution—4. Opinions of Marcou and Walcott—5. Contrasted genera, Olenellus- Paradoxides — 6. Dicellocephalus-Dictyonema— 7. Maclurea-Tetragraptus —8. Orthoceras- Dicranograptus—9. Tabular view of migrations. It is with some hesitation that [ have chosen as the subject of this address a topic related to my studies of past years on the faunas of the St. John Group. My apology for doing this, and for not taking a subject of more general interest is, that I wish to give completeness to my work on these faunas by glancing further afield, and noting the light which it throws on certain phenomena of the life of the Cambrian age in North America generally, and in Europe. Since this Society was instituted and my first paper on these faunas was read, great additions have been made to our knowledge ofthe Cambrian system and its faunas. The wide areas of Cambrian rocks in Sweden and Norway have been assiduously examined by a talented band of naturalists including Brogger, Tullberg, Nathorst and Holm. Dr. Schmidt, in Russia, has worked up some important discoveries in that country, Menighini has studied the fossils found in Sardinia, and Messrs. Barrois and Bergeron by their ex- plorations in Spain and the south of France have added greatly to our knowledge of the Cambrian faunas of that region. Our kinsmen in Great Britain have not been idle, and notably Hicks, Lapworth and Peach have made important additions to the Cambrian faunas of the mother-land. Of late years on this side of the Atlantic the work begun by E. Emmons and James Hall has been carried on chiefly by Ford, Whitfield and Walcott, and especially of late by the latter, who owing to his position as a palæontologist of the United States Geological Survey has been able to devote much time to the exploration and study of the Cambrian rocks. Through the labours of these men our knowledge of Cambrian geology has been greatly extended, and we are now able to make comparisons between the Cambrian rocks and faunas of different countries with far greater exactness than was possible ten years ago. In opening this address I should preface it with the remark that the conclusions drawn are largely based on negative evidence. This is unavoidable since the geological record is imperfect, and in the future it may be necessary to modify these conclusions to some extent, if facts of an opposing nature are presented. The address is intended as an expression of our present knowledge. J.—THE GRAPTOLITES AS DEEP-WATER ORGANISMS. In speculating upon the influences which have caused changes in the population of the seas at a period so remote as the Cambrian age, we can only with much hesitation “4 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE compare that distant time with the present. In the many ages which have since elapsed there have been great changes in the physical constitution of the earth, and the beings of to-day bear but a remote resemblance to those which swarmed in the Cambrian seas. Nevertheless the differences are not so great, nor the earlier animals so diverse in structure, as entirely to preclude comparison with those now existing on the earth. Then as now there were species that clung to the shores and shallows of the ocean, and others adapted to life in the open sea distant from any shore. Then as now there were species that harboured in the mud which gathered at the bottom of sheltered bays, and others that delighted in the rolling surf of an exposed coast. On the one hand there were species that migrated rapidly from one part of the ocean to another; on the other there were forms which were retarded or wholly prevented from migrating to distant parts of the ocean, either by their dependence on the shores and shallows for sustenance and reproduction, or by their feeble locomotive powers. Among marine orgauisms of that early time, which from the rapidity with which they spread from one part of the ocean to another, and from their almost world-wide distribu- tion, are of value in determining exactly the sequence of the minor divisions of the geological scale in Paleozoic times, the first rank may be conceded to the graptolites. Like their congeners the Sertularian Zoophytes, these animals seem to have been capable of reproduction in the open sea, distant from any shore, and so fitted for rapid propagation to distant parts ofthe ocean. This group therefore has been selected as the standard to which others may be referred in determining their age and rate of dispersion.’ Within the Cambrian system and the lower part of the Ordovician, without consider- ing minor changes, there are four principal graptolitic faunas. The first of these is found in the Lower Cambrian division, but the structure of the species thus far known is quite obseure, and the hydrosomes fragmentary. In Sweden only “ spores ” (Siculæ ?) of grap- tolites are known in this part of the Cambrian system” In America beside a Dendro- graptus, some obscure alate forms are known, as Protograptus from the highest Para- doxides horizon of the St. John Group (Div. 14) and Phyllograptus ? ? and Climaco- graptus ? ? from the Olenellus horizon in Vermont. | At the second graptolitic horizon, which is in the upper part of the Cambrian system, the species are in a better state of preservation, and have been carefully studied. At this level occurs Dictyonema flabelliforme and a few introrse * Dichograptids. | The third graptolitic horizon, which is at the base of the Ordovician system, is chiefly remarkable for the great abundance of introrse Dichograptids, to which Phyllograptus was added. 1 At some future time the hexactinellid sponges may be found useful for this purpose, being like the graptolites more or less pelagic in their habits ; but up to the present time the Cambrian species are very imperfectly known, and we must be content to depend upon the graptolites for the exact definition of geological horizons in early Paleozoic time. The admirable work done by Sir J. Wm. Dawson and Mr. G. J. Hinde on the sponges found in the slate rocks at Metis on the Lower St. Lawrence, opens up a new world of forms in this group of animals. Mr. Walcott had already illustrated the genus Cyathospongia from material found in the Utica slate, but Sir William has described a variety of genera (of which some will no doubt be found to characterize special horizons) and thus given us new points of departure for Palæozoic investigation. * Die Silurischen Etagen 2 und 3. # Those in which the cells are turned inwards, towards each other, on the branches. DIFFUSION OF THE CAMBRIAN FAUNAS. 8 At the fourth horizon extrorse Dichograptids appear and become numerous. These are spread through a considerable thickness of rocks, and two principal groupings of species are distinguished by Prof. Lapworth ; of these the older is marked by the presence of the genus Cœnograptus, and the later by its absence. These four graptolitic zones may be used as chronological tests for determining the comparative age of the littoral faunas. II—OTHER DEEP-WATER ORGANISMS. With these graptolites occur species of deep-water sponges, of trilobites and of brachiopods that were able to maintain their existence without recourse to the shores of the ocean. These on account of their similar habits may be used in connection with the graptolites, in determining the sequence of fossiliferous horizons. Of the sponges, a Hexactinellid, Protospongia, is the genus best known. This both in Sweden and Eastern Canada was contemporary with the graptolitic fauna of the Para- doxides beds, and evidently flourished in a similar habitat. It may therefore be counted as a deep-water form ; but unfortunately, up to the present time, it is known only by frag- ments of its skeleton, and its general form is as yet unknown. Single cruciform spicules which have been found at higher horizons in the Cambrian system have been assigned to Protospongia, but such, in the light of our present knowledge, can only be regarded as indicating a Lyssakine sponge, and not necessarily the genus Protospongia. Associated with these graptolites and hexactinellid sponges there are certain trilobites, which seeing that they are found in company with deep-water forms may be included in the open-sea fauna. These, however, are in general not so characteristic, so far as the genera are concerned, as are the graptolites and sponges; for in some cases we find species of the same genus of trilobites in deposits which were made in shallow water or near shore lines, and others that belonged to deeper waters, but in these, though the genera are thus diffused, the species are often definite in their habitat. With the first graptolitic fauna certain species of Paradoxides, Microdiscus, Solenopleura, Agnostus, ete., thus occur. Associated with the second graptolitic fauna are the genera Peltura and Parabolina, and the family of the Leptoplastidæ, all of which appear to have favoured a habitat where soft mud accumulated in still and comparatively deep water. With the third graptolitic fauna were the trilobitic (sub-genera) Cyclognathus and Parabolinella, and with the fourth Triarthrus. Among the brachiopods also there were certain species of the genera Linnarssonia Obolus, Lingulella and Acrotreta which are found associated with the graptolites and therefore capable of living in deep water; while other species of these genera belonged to the shallows and sandy shores. Graptolites are organisms which are not very readily detected in the rocks; often they occur only in thin bands which are easily overlooked; but the remains of animals of the littoral faunas are often abundant and diffused through a considerable thickness of rock ; hence they are apt to be used first for determining the age of rocks. But as the necessity for a close comparison of faunas in different parts of the earth becomes more imperative the graptolites and their associated faunas will be more highly prized for the exact demarkation of geological horizons. 6 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE In the comparison of species it is found that the resemblance between the Cambrian faunas of the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean is very close. This resemblance is not con- fined to the Paradoxides fauna, but extends to the later faunas as well ; for in the Peltura fauna a number of trilobites occur m Eastern Canada which are either varieties of Euro- pean species, or are closely related representative species. And the same rule holds as regards the trilobites of the next fauna (Arenig horizon) in so far as the imperfect material known, admits of comparison. How widely contrasted in genera, as well as in species, were the faunas of the interior of America from those of the Atlantic coast throughout the Cambrian age. Even though we should eliminate the synonyms which at present make the differences seem greater than they actually are, sufficient divergence remains to show how widely contrasted were the conditions of life in these two regions. And further, we note that these diverse con- ditions not only affected wide areas of the earth’s surface, but were of long continuance, for they included a large part of early Paleozoic time. Il]. —PuysicaL CONDITIONS AFFECTING THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE FAUNAS. The peculiar regional diversity of the Cambrian faunas in these contiguous regions of America it seems to the author is most readily explicable in the view that areas of sea- water of different temperatures existed in these two regions during the whole of the Cambrian age, and that this served to establish and perpetuate the distinction of faunas. A polar current from the north of Europe to America, if once established, would tend to perpetuate itself. It would be confirmed in its course and its channel deepened owing to the sinking of the earth’s crust beneath it, due to the convection of heat from the earth’s interior by the cold waters of the current, condensing and hardening the solid matter beneath. The yielding and expanding of the crust would be in regions outside of the influence of the current, and might produce such mountain ranges as are now found bordering the Atlantic shore of America. Such in outline might have been the history of the physical features impressed upon the earth’s surface in this region in Cambrian times or earlier, as held by Dana and others who have given attention to the origin of the continents and oceans. A polar current such as we have described could not have existed without a corres- ponding flow of tepid waters from the equatorial regions to the poles. A passage for such waters to the Arctic regions across the central part of North America seems to be indicated by the occurrence of molluscan remains of Chazy types in the polar regions, and at intervals along the western border of the Laurentian area of Canada from the Ottawa River to Boothia. Such traces of the latest Cambrian fauna' do not end here, but continue onward to the north of Greenland, whence the passage is short to the north of Europe, where Chazy forms reappear. The sketch-map at page 13 of this paper will show the contrasted range of the Calciferous-Chazy and the Arenig faunas. Dana in his Manual of Geology develops at considerable length a theory of the antiquity of the continents and the permanency of the ocean basins, and he, as well as other observers, has attributed the ridging up of the continental borders to the lateral 1 The Calciferous faunas, many of whose forms continue on in the Chazy. DIFFUSION OF THE CAMBRIAN FAUNAS, Tl pressure arising from the continual subsidence of the crust of the earth under the great ocean troughs, which have formed along the borders of the continents. Dana teaches that these troughs or abysses in the Atlantic Ocean originated before the Cambrian age, but have continued to increase in depth as the ages rolled on. This view has been contested by other writers, but it certainly seems to accord with what we know of the distribution of the Cambrian faunas. It is in accordance with this supposed ridging up of the continental borders that we find the Upper Cambrian faunas everywhere poorly represented in eastern North America (except along the Atlantic coast); and that we find the deep-water phase of the Lower Cambrian faunas absent from this region, or nearly so. In the Upper St. Lawrence region (including L. Champlain) scarcely a vestige exists of the rich faunas which in Europe lie between the Olenellus horizon and the Ordovician. Only the meagre fauna of the typical Potsdam, and the shred of measures containing Dicellocephali which overlie them at one locality, are present, to suggest the riches of the organic world elsewhere. And in the same manner the blank between the Olenellus beds in the north of Scotland and the Durness Limestone, exactly reproduces the conditions prevalent in the north of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where Lingula acuminata is the only species linking the Lower Cam- brian Olenellus beds with those containing a fauna almost Ordovician in its facies.! In Russia this hiatus has been partly filled by the introduction of the Dictyonema beds; but it is only in Scandinavia, Wales and on the Atlantic coast in British America that the intermediate faunas are fully represented. The inference is natural that the uniformity in this respect was due to similar conditions of temperature and depth continued in these regions throughout Cambrian time. Reverting to the western side of the Laurentian nucleus, this on the contrary appears to have been laved by the waters of a shallow ocean. The off-shore deposits here are concealed by more recent formations, but those immediately bordering the metamorphic rocks of the nucleus are shallow water limestones, sandstones, and these by degrees give place to the widely diffused limestones of the Trenton period. Thus the known conditions point to shallow seas with warm water on the western side of the nucleus, and deep seas with cold water on the eastern side. There were, how- ever, on this side two submerged plateaux, covered by a shallow warm sea throughout the Cambrian age, viz., one at the base of the Adirondack Mountains, and the other far to the north-east, near the Strait of Belle Isle. IV.—OPINIONS OF PROFESSOR JULES Marcou AND C. D. WALCOTT. Several writers have attempted to explain the peculiar distribution of the Cambrian faunas on grounds more or less diverse from those above stated. One of them, Professor Jules Marcou in a series of papers published in the American Geologist, which have attracted much attention, explains the contrast of these faunas. He supposes that in Cambrian times there were two seas in the north temperate region of the western hemisphere, each inhabited by its own fauna. These seas he says were divided from each other by a narrow isthmus. One of the seas extended over the middle and southern ‘See Palæozoic Fossils, E. Billings, vol. L., p. 371. 8 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE part of the North Atlantic Ocean, and the Baltic and Mediterranean Seas ; the other covered the United States of America and the southern part of Canada exclusive of Acadia. To the north of these seas Prof. Marcou supposes there was a land barrier which extended from the great lakes of North America to Ireland and Scandinavia. Prof. Marcou has the merit of haying first formulated the regional distinctness of the Cambrian faunas in America, but it seems to me that so perfect a land barrier as he invokes was not necessary to divide them, in the view that differences of temperature in the sea may have been equally efficacious. Prof. Marcou’s papers do not fully discuss the whole Cambrian succession, but relate chiefly to the Lower and Middle Cambrian (called by him Lower and Middle Taconic). He considers that in the two marine regions above described which he calls the Acadio- Russian sea and the Nevado-Canadian sea, two diverse and independent faunas flourished simultaneously, and that these faunas were separated by a narrow land barrier along the Atlantic shore of the United States and Canada. Another writer, Mr. C. D. Walcott, who has given a great deal of attention to the Cambrian rocks, has lately written two works on this subject, published by the United States Geological Survey.' They relate chiefly to the Olenellus zone, but describe also the distribution of the whole Cambrian succession in North America. Mr. Walcott makes some important generalizations, one to the effect that the “ Lower and Middle Cambrian” rocks (Olenellus and Paradoxides beds) are absent from the central part of North America (the Mississippi Valley). Another is that the Olenellus fauna was a coast fauna and extended along the shores of a continental mass of land which included the region of the Mississippi Valley and the great lakes of the St. Lawrence Basin. He supposes that this coast fauna was shut in and protected by a land barrier extending all along the Atlantic shore, and another along the Pacific slope between the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada. Within these barriers existed sounds or inland seas in which the Olenellus fauna flourished. Mr. Walcott’s view of the relation of land and sea in the interior of North America, during the Cambrian age is thus quite at variance with that of Professor Marcou, who supposes it to have been covered with a wide sea, tenanted by the fauna with Olenellus. The bearing of these theories on the known facts relative to the diffusion and sequence of the Cambrian faunas will appear more clearly as we take up the faunas in greater detail and show their relation to the zones with graptolites. So large an area of the North American continent is covered with Post-Cambrian rocks, and in many areas where Cambrian strata actually appear, have metamorphism and dynamical movements in the rock masses to so great an extent obliterated or obscured the fossils, that data for determining the succession and distribution of the faunas is extreme- ly scanty, and too much localized. The views put forward in this paper, are therefore rather for the purpose of directing attention to this subject, and of suggesting lines of investigation, than with belief that they contain all the truth relative to this complex and difficult problem in biology. 1“he Fauna of the Lower Cambrian or Olenellus Zone,” 1890, and “ Bulletin 81—Correlation Papers, Cam- brian,” 1891. DIFFUSION OF THE CAMBRIAN FAUNAS. g V.—OLENELLUS—PARADOXIDES. OLBNELLUS—PARADOXIDES. REFERENCE. Canadian Laurentian continental Nucleus and the “Fundamental Gneiss” of the West of Europe ; Supposed to have been emerged land in Cambrian times. Walcott extends the continental area to the south-west (as represented here) ; but Marcou limits it by including the valley of the Mississippi in the Marine area. A narrow gneissic ridge running north-east in France and Germany and ridges on the Atlantic coast of America, both of importance in Cam- : brian times, are not represented here. | £ A fe Outcrops of the Olenellus fauna: three in the Rocky Mountain region and four in the Appalachian region in America represented ; outcrops also in Scotland, Norway, Sweden and Russia. | are Outcrops of the Paradoxides fauna, The numbers indicate the several sub-faunas of Paradoxides, their chronological sequence and their distribution, as far as known; 2, the Rugulosus sub- fauna; 3, the Tessini sub-fauna; 4, the Davidis sub-fauna; 5, the Fordhammeri (the latest) sub-fauna. The sub-faunas are regularly superimposed, the whole series being found in Sweden. 1, The lamellatus sub-fauna is found beneath the other sub-faunas in that part of Europe where five sub-faunas occur, and in America where three oceur. The colour bands represent only the general range of the faunas, but the arrows the district where outcrops are found. As we have remarked above, Mr. Walcott regards the fauna with Olenellus as a littoral fauna propagated along shallow shores in sheltered seas. From several of his sections it will be seen that the Olenelli were preserved in certain places where mud-beds were thrown down on the barren sands which formed the basement sediments to the Cambrian system; this is the case at many points on the eastern and western slopes of the continent. A similar habit with these trilobites is manifested by those found in the north of Scotland and in Sweden. In Russia the Olenelli appear in the sandstones at the summit of the Blue Clay ; but as these clays are supposed to have been deposited in rather deep water, the overlying sandstones show us that shallow-water conditions super- vened, and so the littoral habit of the fauna is preserved also in Russia. The fauna which accompanies Olenellus also is indicative of shallow water and shel- tered shores ; there is a preponderance of articulate over inarticulate brachiopods, and a prevalence of gasteropods ; the pteropods are thick-shelled and large, and there are num- bers of calcareous sponges and corals, the latter indicating warm as well as shallow water.' ! The species of Olenellus with these molluscs, etc, are those which have an ornamentation of reticulated raised lines, not those in which the raised lines are so heavy as to give the surface a pitted appearance. These latter were small species living on sandy shores. Sec. IV., 1892. 2, 10 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE Except the doubtful graptolites of Vermont' no fauna of the deeper and colder waters appears in association with Olenellus.* In most cases the Olenellus fauna followed on sandstones often of great thickness, and quite barren of fossils; the species are found in green and grey mud beds intercalated in the sandstones or in thin limestone layers, seldom or never in the black mud frequented by the later species of the genus Para- doxides. So many Cambrian sections in the interior of America are now known, from which Paradoxides is absent, that we may suppose it never invaded that region, and that it sup- planted Olenellus in Scandinavia and on the Atlantic coast of America owing to the sinking of the land in these parts, and the influx of sea-water of a different (colder 2) temperature. Ifsuch was the case we can easily understand that the genus Olenellus may have existed in the interior bays and sounds of America, long after it was driven from the Atlantic shore by the invading Paradoxides fauna. , Through the west and south of North America the Olenellus beds were succeeded by limestones, which probably indicates a continuance of warm seas in those regions, and there no Paradoxides have been found. These peculiarities of the deposits which contain respectively Olenellus and Para- doxides lead us to contemplate the probable co-existence of the two genera in different areas. But if we are right in attributing to Paradoxides a greater tendency to a pelagic habit than Olenellus, it is clear that the former will almost invariably be found to overlie the latter when they successively occupied the same area. VI.—DICELLOCEPHALUS—DICTYONEMA * The two parts of the Cambrian system which contain black slates are separated in Acadia as in Wales by flags and shallow-water beds. These beds by their fossils do not exhibit a return to the earlier faunas,, but the known trilobites (genus Olenus) are the natural predecessors of Parabolina, etc. of the upper black beds; this would seem to indicate the continuance of cold seas. In Sweden the member is not marked by shallow- water beds, but has a succession of Alum slates containing several species of Olenus; in that country there seems to have been no elevation of the sea-bottom when the Oleni flourished as there was in Wales and Eastern Canada. This stage of the Cambrian corres- ponds to the Sillery sandstone of the St. Lawrence valley, and also probably to the typical : Potsdam sandstone of the state of New York. One of the most characteristic genera of this period in America was Dicellocephalus. The genus appears to have had its centre of dispersion in the region of the Upper Missis- sippi, for there it exhibits the greatest variety of species, and the species become less numerous as we recede from this region, east and west.’ Eastward of the Wisconsin localities the Potsdam fauna with Dicellocephalus is met ! Doubtful as regards the genus. * It is in accordance with this that the Archæocyathids are plentiful in Sardinia, while they appear to be wanting in the Olenellus beds of Russia. * The Dictyonema referred to in this paper is D. flabelliforme. *The Wisconsin species are D. Minnesotensis and D. Pepinensis, Owen, and D. misa, D. spiniger and D. Osceola, Hall. DIFFUSION OF THE CAMBRIAN FAUNAS. 11 with again on the slopes of the Adirondack Mountains in Northern New York. Here Mr. Walcott recognized two species, one identical with a species in Wisconsin. The genus is found again at Pt. Levis opposite Quebec, whence and from neighbour- ing places Mr. Billings described fourteen species, of which, however, only three or four are properly referable to this genus.! Mr. Walcott described or quoted ten Cambrian species of Dicellocephalus from the country west of the Rocky Mountains, but of these only three or four are fairly within the genus or sufficiently perfect for purposes of comparison.” These species are no nearer the original types than those described by Billings from the limestone conglomerate of Pt. Levis. On the other side of the Atlantic the genus reappears in Wales where there were several species,’ only one of which (D. furca) is entitled to rank as an unquestionable Dicellocephalus. In Scandinavia two species have been recognized, one (D. dicreura) has a pygidium so like that of D. furca that it must be closely related ; the other (D. serrata) is referred to this genus on account of the fan-shaped, serrate pygidium, but as the head is not known the reference is open to question. We have thus traced the genus Dicellocephalus across the Atlantic from America to Europe, let us now note what companions it had on the two sides of this ocean. Prof. ' D, planifrons, D. Oweni, D. megalops, and (more doubtfally) D. Belli. The fossils of this genus occur in boulders in the limestone band No. 1 of the Levis shales opposite Quebec. Of the species occurring here it may be said that D. Devinei by the form of the glabella and the attitude of the glabellar furrows is a Conocephalites; the pygidium figured is only provisionally referred to this species. D. Hisingeri is also a Conocephalites. D. affinis compared to D. Oweni by some error is too obscure to be considered. D. Sesostris appears to be near Walcott’s genus Oryctocephalus, but is not a Dicellocephalus. D. selectus is said to resemble D. Sesostris. D. Missisquoi is founded on a pygidium like that of D. magnificus. D. magnificus has not the glabella and scarcely the pygidium of a Dicellocephalus. - D. pauper, said to resemble D. Sesostris, has not the form of glabella proper to a Dicellocephalus. D. planifrons and D. Oweni more nearly represent the typical forms of Wisconsin, and D. Belli may also be in- cluded, though the form of the glabella is not characteristic. D. megalops approaches the typical examples of the genus by its glabellar furrows and dorsal suture. D. cristatus has a smooth glabella and is not very closely related to the typical species. D. (?) corax shows some remarkable points of resemblance to Parabolina spinulosa. The pygidium has the same number of rings in the axis, and the lateral costa are similar in curve and furrows. Except that the glabella is more conical and is shortened it agrees with that of P. spinulosa. A wide margin in front of the glabella is represented in the cut but not described in the text. A mark at each side of the head represents in its position the eyelobe of Parabolina. * D. Richmondensis, D. Marica, D. Iole and D. (?) angustifrons. Of the western species described by Mr. Walcott (Palæontol. Eureka Distr. p. 42, ete.) D. Richmondensis is a fair representative ofthe genus. D. Marica also as re- gards the glabella, but not as regards the dorsal suture. D. Jole isa form resembling D. Belli of the Levis beds, which is scarcely typical. D. (?) angustifrons is imperfect but stands in about the same relation to the types as D. Belli. Compare it with Hall’s Conocephalites Eos. D. nasutus neither by its suture nor by its glabella, comes within Hall’s conception of the genus. D. bilobatus, H. & W., was founded on a pygidium. D. Osceola, Hall, already described from Wisconsin. D. (?) quadriceps, H. & W., this is more like a Barrandia than a Dicellocephalus. D. (?) expansus, this also can hardly be included in the genus. D. flagillifer, H. & W., not described in Mr. Walcott’s work. D. finalis, this Silurian species recalls the D. corax of Billings, but the deviation from Parabolina spinulosa is more pro- nounced. D. inexpectans, this species also Silurian, represents the features of the genus except that the glabellar furrows are not fully transverse and the first one does not go across. For so late a species it is remarkably near the type. * Memoirs Geol. Sury. G.B., vol. III., p. 497. D. furca, Salt., is a typical form allied to D. Minnesotensis and D. Pepinensis. D. Celticus is founded on a pygidium. D. discoidalis, Salt., has all the characters of the genus except the transverse furrows. Conocoryphe abdita has much the same form, 12 G, F. MATTHEW ON THE Jas. Hall divided the Potsdam sandstone ofthe Mississippi Valley into three parts, a lower which contained no Dicellocephali, a middle in which they most abounded, and an upper in which they are less common, but which contains the typical species discovered by Owen. The middle part of the terrane containing the smaller Dicellocephali has a strictly Cambrian fauna.' These either by genera or species indicate that part of the Cambrian system which includes (the Upper Paradoxides ? and) the Olenus beds, i.e., measures which lie below the Dictyonema beds. The Dicellocephali found at Quebec lend no aid in determining whether the genus was, in that part of America, existent in beds below those which carry Dictyonema, be- cause, as has been already remarked, the examples have been found only in boulders, and the parent bed remains unknown. But the Dicellocephali of the Eureka district in the Rocky Mountains are associated with a fauna which is strictly Cambrian, and its comparatively numerous species of Agnosti would in Europe be considered to indicate a rather low horizon in the Cambrian. Dicellocephalus was thus associated in America with strictly Cambrian genera. But in Europe it was otherwise. In Wales its remains are found in the Tremadoc group above the horizon of Dictyonema. In these slates occur the genera Asaphus (var.), Niobe, Cheirurus, and Cybele (which find their full development in the later Ordovician age) and these genera are mingled with genera of Cambrian type. The Ceratopyge limestone and slate which in Sweden represent the Tremadoc group and contain the Swedish Dicellocephali, have in addition to the genera named above, others of Ordovician type, as Megalaspis, Remopleurides, Nileus, Ampyx and Amphion, here also mingled with the fading representatives of the Cambrian fauna.” Dicello- cephalus, therefore, which appeared in America in a purely Cambrian fauna, reached Europe in association with trilobites which are familiar to us as leading genera of the Ordovician fauna. In Europe it certainly succeeded Dictyonema, in America it probably preceded it. In the interior of America no fauna similar to that of the Dictyonema beds of Europe and Eastern Canada has been found. The species and many of the genera of the beds which appear to be cotemporaneous, are such as do not accompany this graptolite where it is known to have existed. It penetrated the valley of the St. Lawrence from the east as far as Matane below Quebec, but though it thus nearly approaches the Canadian locality of Dicellocephalus, its relation stratigraphically to the parent bed of Dicellocephalus in Canada is unknown. It also has been found in the Island of Cape Breton and at St. John, N.B., and thus belongs to the Atlantic area. In Western Europe it had a wider distribu- tion, having been found in Belgium and the northern part of France, as well as in Wales and Scandinavia. When, as we shall see in the next section of this address, a graptolite fauna again invaded the Valley of the St. Lawrence it was accompanied by a Dictyonema, differing in type from the one above referred to. This modified form was D. delicatutum, Dawson. i Ptychoparia, Anomocare, Conocephalites, Ptychaspis, Crepicephalus, Cariocephalus, Enloma, Agnostus, Tileenurus. ? Such as Triarthrus, Ceratopyge, Euloma, Shumardia, Parabolinella, Cyclognathus, Agnostus, etc. DIFFUSION OF THE CAMBRIAN FAUNAS. 13 VIT. —MACLUREA—TETRAGRAPTUS. nf ee ae a VORTH ATLANTIC. OCEAN, et VA 4 CHAZzY—ARENIG FAUNA, REFERENCE, Areas of crystalline and metamorphic rocks, supposed to have been above the sea in Cambrian times. | 7 1 ? 7 Outerops of the Chazy fauna, and of the sandstones supposed to be of that age. The south-westward Men a extension of this fauna is not indicated. (ee 7 3 Outerops of the Arenig fauna. The south-western extension of this fauna is not shown. The fauna a. = a is said to have been recognized in East Tennessee by trilobites (but apparently not by grap- tolites). Outerops are reported from Idaho and from British Columbia, beyond the limit of the map. Compare the range of the two faunas represented on this sketch map with that of Olenellus and Paradoxides respectively on the other map at page 9. The Dicellocephalus- Dictyonema faunas, intermediate between the two sets of faunas represented on these maps, show a similar relative geovraphical range. The Gulf of St. Lawrence seems to have been at more than one period in the past as it is now, the resting place of faunas, which had been driven out of other regions. At the present time there exists there an isolated remnant of the Virginian fauna. This was made known many years ago by Sir Wm. Dawson, and more recently Prof. W. F. Ganong of Harvard, has found many southern forms not previously recorded from the Gulf. At an earlier date this Gulf afforded a refuge for the last remnants of the Ordovi- cian fauna, driven out of the region of New England and New York by the physical dis- turbances which occurred there at the close of the Ordovician age. At a still earlier time a great development of the closing phase of the Upper Cam- brian fauna took place in the northern part of this Gulf. The limestones which contain this fauna are found chiefly near the Strait of Belle Isle. These limestones and included shales show a regular passage from the Cambrian to the Ordovician fauna, which fauna is delimited by the appearance of Phyllograptus of the Quebec Group. We owe to Mr. Billings a description of the fauna which filled these Upper Cam- brian limestones, and he has also given his judgment on the equivalency of these beds with certain strata in the state of New York and in Europe. These limestones and the associated beds are about 8,600 feet thick, and have been divided into four principal sections, based on the contained faunas. The “ Lower Pots- 14 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE dam Group ” (Lower Cambrian) is about 2,000 feet thick. Another portion which he calls Potsdam and Calciferous (D-H) is about 1,800 feet thick ; as its lower member (D) contains Lingula acuminata the whole may be Upper Cambrian. Above this comes a remarkable group of beds (ZN), whose fauna Mr. Billings compared to that of the Chazy and Calciferous, but which Sir Wm. Logan called “ Upper Calciferous.” All these are below the shales which carry the Levis or Arenig graptolites, and so must. be regarded as a part of the Cambrian, by those who consider these graptolites as marking the base of the Ordovician system. A remarkable feature of the upper part of the Cambrian at the Strait of Belle Isle is, that many of the mollusca are similar to those of the Black River limestone.’ Mr. Billings found that the upper member (W) carried a fauna very like that of the Orthoceratite lime- stone of Sweden and the Pleta limestone of Russia, both of which are above the beds which in those countries hold the Arenig graptolites. If these graptolites be accepted as cotemporaneous on the two sides of the Atlantic the molluscan fauna, in the one case above them and in the other below, must be older in America than in Europe. The disturbed region occupied by the well-known Levis shale and other rocks of Sir Wim. Logan’s Quebec Group, divides this eastern outlier of the Calciferous-Chazy fauna from the typical region where this fauna was originally studied. In the latter region oceur several peculiar gasteropods, Ophileta compacta, Maclurea magna and M. Logani which are good examples of a variety of similar forms which swarmed in the seas of that period. _ The Chazy rocks which contain these fossils have been traced along the course of the great lakes, through Manitoba, by King William’s and Grinnell Land to the Arctic Sea. The same fauna is found in Scotland and Sweden ; here, however, it succeeded the Arenig fauna of graptolites. In the south of Scotland this shallow-water fauna was extinguished by the submergence which brought in the Llandeilo graptolites. Lituites of the Calcifer- ous terrane and a group of Cephalopods characteristic of the Chazy in America appears on the other side of the Atlantic in the Llandeilo beds of Great Britain and the Orthoceratite limestone of Sweden. Other genera might be cited to show the slow translation of the shallow-water species of this period from America to Eurspe. Among the brachiopods one may take the well-known Strophomena as an instance of a migrating genus. A small species of this genus occurs in Banda of Division 3 (Bretonian) of the St. John Group near the horizon of Parabolina spinulosa. This species was displaced in Acadia by the invading Dictyonema fauna and driven to some other part of the Cambrian Sea. Perhaps to the north, for at a somewhat later date there occurred there a species, S. Awrora, Billings, similar to the Acadian species; this species is spread through a considerable thickness of the “ Upper Calciferous ” beds near the Strait of Belle Isle, to which we have referred above. Of a still later date are the two species of this genus which Dr. Brogger found in the Orthoceratite limestone of Norway. One of these which he compares to S. imbrex, Pand., resembles Billings’s species cited above. Stropho- mena in its typical development, however, is an Ordovician genus, and even extends upward through the Silurian. ! A few species, according to Billings, are identical with species found in that limestone. DIFFUSION OF THE CAMBRIAN FAUNAS. 15 VIII.—ORTHOCERAS '—DICGRANOGRAPTUS. There remains still another graptolitic fauna among the older Pal:eozoic deposits in North America to which I would ask your attention. This is that of the Utica slate. After the irruption of the Arenig graptolites into the valley of the St. Lawrence, this depression, then a sound of the sea, was again elevated and the cold waters of the north excluded, so that the Trenton fauna was enabled to extend itself through the valley, at the same time that it occupied extensive tracts to the west and south-west. Subsequent to this we may suppose that a period of depression set in and the areas in the St. Lawrence Valley where the Trenton fauna had flourished was invaded by a new fauna, that of the Utica slate. This fauna succeeded in extending itself further west than its predecessors of the Atlantic coast containing graptolites. Beside occupying the St. Lawrence Valley it was spread westward across the provinces of Quebec and Ontario, and southward through New York and Pennsylvania. The greatest depression of this period, if the thickness of the measures be taken as a criterion, was probably in the latter state, where the deposit attains a thickness of 400 feet, though near Quebec it was 300 feet? This, however, does not give the measure of depth of the sea, which probably was much greater. At Cincinnati in Ohio, the Utica slate is wanting and also further west, where the Hudson River beds rest directly upon the Trenton. A part of the Hudson River Group thus corresponds in age to the Utica slate of eastern lovalities. In the Triarthri of the Utica slate, we have one of the last surviving genera of the Cambrian age. At the close of Cambrian time appeared in Europe Triarthrus Angelini; at the opening of Ordovician time 7. Fischeri lived in America in company with the graptolites of the Quebec Group : when again the valley of the St. Lawrence was invaded by a graptolitic fauna, the typical Triarthri appeared. This comparison of the genera on the two sides of the Atlantic at this epoch of geo- logical time might be carried further. Especially might we note the slow translation of the Orthocerata and of many gasteropods from America to Europe, but enough has been said to suggest the line of investigation which could be pursued. A feature which stands out most prominently is the slow migration of the shallow-water forms when compared with those which we regard as inhabitants of the deeper and colder seas. No sooner do the latter appear in Europe than almost simultaneously we find them (or species closely related to them) on the Atlantic coast of the New World. IX.—TABULAR VIEW OF MIGRATIONS OF GENERA. In order to present a synoptical view of the migrations of genera in early Palæozoic time the following table has been prepared. The genera named in it are chiefly those which have been referred to in the preceding paper. The central column shows the several graptolitic faunas indicated by one selected genus ; the other columns show the chronological relation of other Cambrian and Ordo- vician genera to the graptolites. A double horizontal line divides the Cambrian from the ! Orthoceras laqueatum. ? These thicknesses are excessive, 16 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE DIFFUSION, ETC. Ordovician, and a double vertical line marks off the purely American faunas. The presence of Triarthrus in the right-hand column is really dueto the American area having been invaded by an Atlantic or deep-water fauna (that of the Utica slate) carrying this genus. < TABLE TO SHOW THE MIGRATION OF GENERA FROM NORTH AMERICA TO EUROPE IN CAMBRIAN AND ORDOVICIAN TIMES. Eurore AND une NorRTH ATLANTIC GRAPTOLITIC Cat acne ae Ragen Asma. ASIN. | ZONES. — _ = = = = ——— = > Caradoe Strophomena. | Dicranograptus Strophomena. | Hudson | or | Orthoceras laqueatum. | & | & | | Bala. — bilineatum. | Dicellograptus. | Triarthrus (typical). Utica, | | | | | + i y Mi in | | | Triarthrus. | | | : bove genera | | Trenton | Llandeilo. | Maclurea (typical). | with Orthoceras laqueatum. | & | | Piloceras, Lituites. More | Black R | Strophomena. |, ene Ee Das: | ? | | | Orthoceras bilineatum. | Arenig- Tetragraptus. | Maclurea (typical). | Chazy. SET MES RE RME © EEE DRE 22 # Triarthrus. | Triarthrus. | | Tremadoc. | Dicellocephalus _ || Maclurea (small). | | (typical). | | Strophomena. Calciferous., | | Piloceras. Lituites. | | | | | Dictyonema, LES Ha) + Dolgelly. Peltura. | | Strophomena. Dicellocephalus Parabolina. (typical). |. | Potsdam. 7 ait i | Dicellocephalus | ingul: Wie small). Lingua | Olenus. ama pee | Menevian | Protograptus. | Redon | Paradoxides. Solva. IL | Lower | Olenellus. Cambrian. bab fo ms —___|_________ | Olenellus. | Caerfai. | SECTION IV., 1892. (esa a Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. Il The Artificial Propagation of Marine Food Fishes and Edible Crustaceans. By Rev. Moses Harvey, LL.D. (Read June 1st, 1892.) The art of pisciculture, in its modern restricted sense, commenced a century and a half ago with the discovery of an artificial method of fecundating and hatching the ova of fish. Fish culture of a simple elementary character, had been known and practised long before, indeed from a remote antiquity. This, however, does not appear to have gone further than the inclosing of fish in artificial aquariums, or in ponds where they were fed and tended till required for use. The art of acclimatization as regards fish, was understood to a limited extent. Favourite breeds of different kinds of fishes were fattened and flavoured in order to gratify the palates of epicures. The luxurious Romans spent enormous sums on their fish-ponds and oyster-beds. The ancient Egyptians are known to have reared fish in artificial inclosures on an extensive scale If we may believe what is told us of the Chinese, it would appear that for many centuries fish-culture of an ingenious kind has been carried on in China by collecting fructified fish eggs from lakes and rivers, carrying them to the interior, and selling them to proprietors of canals or ponds in which they are hatched and grow to maturity. The result is stated to be an abundant supply of fresh water food fishes in many portions of China. With the discovery of the process of artificial fecundation of fish ova, pisciculture took a new departure, and by slow and painful steps has reached its present stage, which renders it an art of high national importance and gives promise of its becoming a potent factor in the future for securing sustenance for the teeming populations of the world. As in the case of many other valuable discoveries, some doubt exists as to who is to be credited with the honour of this discovery. The French claim that Joseph Remy, a peasant of the Vosges, was the discoverer about the year 1842; and that with him originated that artificial system of fish-breeding which extended over their chief rivers, and at length culminated in the celebrated establishment of Huningue, near Bale, for the collection, hatching and distribution of fish ova. There can be little doubt that Remy’s was an independent rediscovery, and that he carried it into a practical application which proved fruitful in results. He had been anticipated, however, by almost a century, by Ludwig Jacobi of Westphalia, in Germany, who, about the year 1748, carried out successful experiments in breeding salmon and trout. For eighty years he and his sons carried on the enterprise, on his own estate, as a commercial speculation, with great success. He also wrote an elaborate essay on the art of fish-culture which attracted the attention of many scientific men. His discovery was the result of keen observation. He found that the fecundation of salmon ova was an external act that could be readily imitated by careful manipulation, and that by this Sec. IV., 1892... 18 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON method fish could be multiplied to an unlimited extent. To Jacobi then must be awarded the honour of first discovery. There is little doubt too, that in 1837, John Shaw, of Drumlanrig, Scotland, a forester of the Duke of Buccleuch, independently rediscovered the process. He had undertaken to prove that parrs were the young of salmon, and conducted a long series of experiments with this view, in the course of which he fecundated and hatched the eggs of salmon. He did not, however, go farther than to establish scientifically the principle involved, while Jacobi and Remy turned it to practical economic account. Shaw’s experiments, however, were completed and reported to the Royal Society of Scotland before Remy’s discovery. To France, however, must be accorded the honour of erecting at Huningue the first fish-breeding establishment in which the art was turned to practical economic account, and its usefulness to the general interests fully established. The advantages of the arti- ficial method, in the rapid multiplication of fish, and in the preservation of the ova and young fry from the destruction inevitable in the natural process, became speedily apparent. The Government of France speedily took the new discovery under its fostering care, and immediate and substantial success followed. The rivers and Jakes of France were soon extensively cultivated, and fish ponds of considerable extent were constructed. The system quickly spread over the whole continent of Europe, and every- where aqui-culture began to yield highly profitable returns. About 1850 the fine breeding establishment of Stormontfield, on the river Tay, near Perth, commenced operations and was conducted with admirable skill and marked success. In the same year Norway embarked in the enterprise under. government patronage. Three years later (1853) the United States entered on the work, and developed it with characteristic energy and on a scale previously unknown. In 1863, Canada com- menced public fish-culture, and can now boast of possessing a thoroughly organized system, skilfully conducted on scientific principles, fully abreast of the age and yielding most satisfactory results. The evolution of fish-culture has thus been a very slow process. Though almost co- eval with civilization in its inception, it made no marked progress till Jacobi’s discovery, in 1748; and afterwards it required a century before it attracted the attention of the world and received any general acceptance. Even now it encounters much opposition, and in many civilized countries is still regarded with such doubt and distrust that it makes little progress. This, however, is the fate of all new ideas which have to do battle with apathy, ignorance and self-interests, and the innate indisposition of men to leave the beaten paths. As a rule, mankind know not their benefactors, and regard all innovators as disguised enemies or open destructionists. At first fish-culture was generally carried on as a private enterprise for individual profit. Gradually, however, its importance was discerned, and its promotion and control were, in some countries, assumed by the State for the benefit of the whole community. If lakes and rivers which were open to the public, and in which no one could*claim the right of property, were to be stocked artificially, the work must be done, not by private enterprise which was inadequate, but by governments, out of the public funds to which all contribute. Thus fish-culture on an extensive scale, with costly apparatus and a staff of officials and empleyees, became, in time, to be regarded as a function of the State. MARINE FOOD FISHES. 19 Scientific men and skilled experts could alone conduct operations successfully ; and as these were performing a work which was designed for the benefit of the community at large, it was felt to be right that the cost should be met out of the public funds. National fish-culiure has thus obtained a recognized place, and is steadily advancing in most civilized countries. Water-farming may, in the near future, under the guidance of science, approach the dignity and importance which are now attached to the cultiva- tion of the soil. Food-factories will no longer be confined to the land, but, at the bidding of science, the waters will “bring forth abundantly the moving creature that hath life,” and with fresh emphasis the ancient precept will be repeated, “ cast thy bread ” (or seed) “upon the waters, thou shalt find it after many days.” The first efforts of fish-culturists were limited to fresh water food fishes, such as trout, or to the anadromous species such as the salmon. By far the most extensive operations were conducted in the artificial breeding of salmon as being a money-yielding fish of great commercial value. Strikingly successful results were reached, both in Europe and America, in restocking exhausted rivers with salmon, in keeping up the supply where heavy drafts threatened scarcity or depletion, and even in establishing fisheries in waters where salmon were previously unknown. Of course, due protection was combined with artificial breeding. Judicious legislative enactments were adopted to regulate the times and modes of fishing and to secure the removal of obstructions to the ascent of the fish to their spawning grounds. The salmon rivers of Scotland, such as the Tay, where salmon- culture has been carried on for many years, present the most striking instances of the value of artificial breeding ; while the Doohullah Lakes in Ireland furnish an example of the creation of a valuable fishery by placing artificially bred salmon fry in waters where no salmon had been previously seen. Similar successful results have been reached in many of the rivers of continental Europe. Still more remarkable have been the results of fish-culture on this side of the Atlantic. Every state in the Great Republic has now its Fishery Commission and numerous hatcheries with qualified experts in charge; while in connection with the United States Fishery Commission—a national institution—a band of scientific men devote their energies to the investigation of fish-life in all its varieties, and a study of the physics of the sea. The work accomplished by this commission has called forth the admiration of the civilized world. The founder—the late Professor Baird—a man of the highest attainments as a naturalist—has been succeeded by Colonel Marshall Macdonald, whose great ability and matchless zeal are admitted on all hands. The Canadian Depart- ment of Fisheries has accomplished a work only second to that of the United States Commission; and in the intelligent organization and guardianship of the fisheries, and the practical improvements it has introduced, it has shown what science and practical skill can do in the guidance of these great national industries. Under the veteran fish- culturist, Mr. 8. Wilmot—a man of European reputation—Canadian pisciculture now compares not unfavourably with that of any other country. In the United States fish-culture has been for years carried on in salmon, shad, alewives, whitefish and carp. In Canada the artificial propagation of salmon and of the valuable whitefish in the great lakes, has been conducted on a large scale and with successful results. Both the United States and Canada contribute to the maintenance of the highly valuable whitefish fishery of the great lakes by planting each year in their 20 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON waters many millions of young fry. But for this artificial supply, the enormous drafts on this fish, by the fishermen of both countries, would long since have caused a decline which must ultimately lead to the extinction of an industry now employing thousands. of men and a large fixed capital, and furnishing immense supplies of wholesome and agree- able food to an increasing population. While the culture of fresh water fishes has thus been increasing in importance, a very striking advance in the art has been made in recent years, by extending its operations so as to embrace marine food fishes. It is needless to say that this enormously widens its field of operations and increases its prospects of usefulness toan unlimited extent. Ifthe food fishes of the sea and edible crustaceans can be multiplied artificially, then we can imagine a time when the coastal waters will become great sea-farms, yielding enormous supplies of food for man, and even in the end approaching those of the land in value, and when salt and fresh waters everywhere will be cultivated with as much assiduity and skill as are now the continents and islands of the globe. This is no mere flight of fancy. Keen-eyed science has taken the matter in hand, and is subjecting to her scrutiny the entire life-history of those finny tribes which can be made subservient to human necessities. Nothing escapes her observation. The minute eggs, transparent as crystal, and hardly discernible by the naked eye, which are cast into the waters in countless myriads, are patiently studied from the moment when the first move- ments of the mysterious principle of life begin, on through their phases of development till they reach the stage when they are able to “ repeat the story of their birth.” Science will not rest satisfied till the full biography of these nurslings of the sea is completed. Her investigations include not only their embryology, but their whole surroundings—their food, habits, migrations, their rate of growth, their friends and enemies, their birth and death-rates, as well as the physical condition of the waters in which they have their being. All the knowledge thus acquired is then to be applied practically, so as to guard them from injurious influences and destructive modes of capture ; and above all, to the multiplication of their numbers and the restocking of exhausted waters, in cases where fisheries have ceased to be remunerative. Even the plantingof maiden waters with new life-germs, and the improvement of breeds by crossing are within the scope of this new art. Fish-culture has thus a wide range, and it is not unworthy the attention of the keenest scientific intellects. Its aim is noble—an extension of man’s dominion over nature with a view to the increase of human resources and the food supplies of nations. As yet it is but in its infancy ; but it gives promise of a vigorous growth. What it has achieved is a pledge of what it is destined to accomplish. Of course it has its limitations, just as farming and stock-raising; and there are many difficulties and obstacles yet to be overcome. Now, however, that it has given proof that it can deal successfully with the great sea fisheries—such as those of the cod, herring, mackerel, haddock, as well as with the anadromous fishes and the more valuable crustaceans, it is difficult to set bounds to its possible achievements. Certainly no other art gives promise of such beneficial results, of a practical character, as fish-culture. The honour of carrying fish-culture into this new domain must be awarded to the late Professor Baird, though experiments with the same object in view were com- menced about the same time at Flodevig, Norway, as in the United States. Professor MARINE FOOD FISHES, 21 Baird, however, led the way on this side the Atlantic; and he and his colleagues, after a long and patient struggle with obstacles and difficulties, won a brilliant victory, and demonstrated to the world that the food fishes of the sea were as amenable to control as the anadromous and fresh water fishes, and could be artificially multiplied to an indefinite extent. A vastly greater field of usefulness was thus thrown open to fish-culturists. Not only so, but Professor Baird was able to formulate the great law of fish-life on which the new departure rested, and thus to remove it from the region of empiricism, and give it a solid scientific foundation. This great law he stated in the following terms: “In regard to the sea fisheries, one important principle should be carefully borne in mind, and that is that every fish that spawns on or near the shores has a definite relationship to a particular area of sea-bottom; or in other words, that as far as we can judge from experiment and observation, every fish returns, as nearly as possible, to its own birth- place to exercise the function of reproduction, and continues to do so, year after year, during the whole period of its existence. A second law equally positive, with a great variety of fish, is, that they pass from their spawning grounds to the sea by the shortest route that will take them out into the deeper waters where they spend the winter, and that coming and going to and from a given locality, they follow a determinate and definite line of migration.” . : Having established this important law by a long series of careful observations, Professor Baird deducted from it the following corollary: ‘The supply of fish in a given bay, or along a certain stretch of the coast, may be reduced to a considerable degree, and although it may be perfectly true that the sea is practically inexhaustible of its fish, yet when the fish of a particular region are cleaned out, there is no hope that others will come in from the surrounding localities to their places, since those already related to a given undisturbed area continue in that relationship, and have no inducement to change their ground. It. should therefore be understood that the exhaustion of a local fishery is not like dipping water out of a bucket, where the vacancy is immediately filled from the surrounding body, but is more like taking lard out of a keg where there is space left that does not become occupied by anything else.” The latest and most advanced investigators of the biology of the sea strongly confirm Professor Baird’s views, and establish the law which he expressed in the foregoing terms. More and more it becomes evident that the migrations of fish which spawn near the shore are of a limited character, being mainly from deep to shallow water and vice versa; that they are local, in the sense of “having a definite relationship to a particular area of sea-bottom,” and that they return to the waters in which they had birth, and in which their early days were spent, to perform the most important function of their existence. The objection, therefore, so frequently raised, ihat it is useless to attempt stocking artificially an area of sea, whether in bays or coastal fishing-grounds, as the young fry will disappear in the wide ocean, falls to the ground. The notion that these fishes are wild ocean-rangers, constantly engaged in extensive migratory journeys, must be dis- carded. No doubt there are pelagic fish which spawn in the open sea, far from shore ; but all, or nearly all our valuable food fishes are local. Hence, by artificial means, we can multiply their numbers in any given locality suited to their existence. Another mistaken view must also be got rid of, namely, that exhausted fishing grounds have only to be allowed to remain unfished for a time and they will recuperate 22 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON without any aid from man, by fresh arrivals from other localities. Experience has shown that fish in surrounding localities will not change their ground to fill up vacancies ; but in obedience to the law of their existence, will continue in their own habitat. Without artificial propagation therefore, when exhaustion is extreme, restoration is impossible ; and even in cases where depletion is but partial, a long term of years is needed to secure improvement, which may be greatly shortened by artificial means. Besides, the question presents itself, what is to become of the fishermen while the fishing-grounds lie fallow ? Scientific fish-culture presents the remedy by planting millions of young fry in the depleted waters, which in a brief period, will restore the exhausted fisheries. This process can be continued, year after year; and even heavy drafts wiil fail to bring exhaustion, when the stock is in this way constantly replenished. These are not mere unsupported theories. They have been amply sustained by the results which have attended the artificial hatching of codfish in the United States and Norway. The cod is the grand staple of marine industries on this side of the Atlantic. Many thousands of men anda vast amount of capital are employed in the cod-fisheries of North America, the annual returns being not less than twenty or thirty millions of dollars. During many years past this industry has shown serious symptoms of decline, especially on the coasts of New England. In many localities where cod were once abundant, they are now Scarce or have altogether disappeared. Even the great cod-fisheries, such as those around the shores of Newfoundland, and at Lofoden in Norway, have, in recent years, presented signs of decline which must be regarded with feelings of apprehension in looking to the future. In view of these facts, the question, can science provide a remedy ? presents itself with fresh emphasis. In 1878, Professor Baird entered on a lengthened series of experiments designed to determine the practicability of the artificial propagation of cod on a large scale. In one of his earliest reports he remarked: ‘“ Whatever may be the importance of increasing the supply of salmon, it is trifling compared with the restoration of our exhausted cod fisheries; and should these be brought back to their original condition, we shall find within a short time an increase of wealth on our shores, the amount of which it would be difficult to calculate.” Great difficulties were encountered in hatching the cod ova, but they were overcome ; and after the experimental stage had been passed, Professor Baird was able to report that the feasibility of the artificial propagation of the cod family was fully established. “It is now” he said, ‘‘ believed to be possible, not only to greatly increase the supply of the cod where it is at present found, but by carrying the young to new localities, to establish cod-fisheries so far south as the coast of North Carolina, where the fishermen may find regular occupation during the winter, now their poorest season in capturing these fish in large quantities, and supplying the adjacent markets, and even exporting them.” Ata later date he said, in reference to the artificial breeding of marine food fishes: “ We have at our command the means of so improving and increasing the American fisheries as to obviate the necessity, in the future, of asking a participation in the inshore fisheries of the British provinces, and thus of enabling us to dispense with fishery treaties or fishery relations of any kind with the British or other governments.” The progress of the artificial breeding of marine food fishes since these words were written, proves that Professor Baird was not over-sanguine when thus prognosticating the MARINE FOOD FISHES. 23 future. The success of the Gloucester, Wood's Hall, and Ten Pound Island hatcheries, is now a matter of history. Many millions of codfish have been hatched and “ planted,” and the benefit is already felt in the fishing grounds off Cape Ann, and at Nantucket Shoals, where we are told, on the best authority, “ millions of these species, of one and two years’ growth, are reported as being on the fishing grounds near the coast, while young cod have been taken in traps and otherwise, where the oldest fishermen have no recol- lection of seeing them before. The restocking of the shore grounds is proving a bonanza to the local fishermen, their catches being greatly increased.” The shad fishery from Connecticut to North Carolina is reported to have increased twenty-five per cent in five years, In consequence of artificial propagation. Not less remarkable has been the success of cod-hatching in Norway, where it was carried on in the Flodevig hatchery simultaneously with the work in the United States, and with equal skill and perseverance. In the spring of 1891, 620 litres of cod-spawn were dealt with, representing 279,000,000 eggs. Ata part ofthe Norwegian coast between Sornskill and Hambo, 166,500,000 cod-fry were planted, in addition to 26,000,000 in other places. From 1884 till 1890, there were hatched in all 140,000,000 ova. Asa consequence of these satisfactory results, the hatchery at Flodevig has been doubled in size, and a large pond has been constructed in which the cod are placed and allowed to spawn in the natural way, instead of undergoing the “ stripping” process as formerly. The eggs when fertilized by contact with the milt in the pond, are skimmed off and placed in the hatching boxes. By this improved method, there is a gain of from twenty to forty per cent in the number of eggs hatched, the injury to the ova through handling the fish being avoided. The confidence of the Norwegians in this method of increasing their sea-fisheries may be judged from the fact that this year (1892) they are engaged in the erection of another cod-hatchery at Dobak, sixteen miles from Christiania, sufficiently large to turn out four hundred millions of cod-fry annually. This is done with the view of restocking the Christiania Fiord, where there has been a great falling offof late in their number; and the supply of fresh cod to the markets of the capital and other towns on the Fiord, has been getting shorter every year, and the prices for codfish exceedingly high. In connection with this hatchery there will be erected a Biological station, where students from the University of Christiania will have an opportunity ofstudying, and of obtaining a practical and scientific knowledge of Ichthyology and Marine Biology, in all their branches, and where fresh specimens of marine fauna will be constantly on hand. This is not all. Another hatchery, with a fishing school attached, is in course of erection at Bodo, and will be in full operation in 1893. As Bodo is only a short distance (ten miles) from the Lofoden Islands, where the greatest of the Norwegian cod-fisheries is carried on in winter and early spring, it will be an easy matter to furnish the hatchery at Bodo with spawn from Lofoden, as all the fish caught there are spawning fish. When we compare the work done in the United States, Canada and Norway, in connection with fish-culture and the improvement of the fisheries, with similar work in Great Britain, the contrast is surprising. In all matters relating to fish and fisheries, Britain is far behind the countries named. At one of the Fishery Conferences, during the London Exhibition of 1883, Professor Huxley remarked that ‘if they were going to deal seriously with the sea-fisheries ” (of England) ‘and not let them take care of themselves, as they had done for the last thousand years or so, they had a very considerable job before 24 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON them ; and unless they put into their organization of fisheries, the energy, the ingenuity, the scientific knowledge and the practical skill which characterized Professor Baird and his assistants, their efforts were not likely to come to very much good.” At the same conference, Mr. S. Wilmot, of the Canadian Department of Fisheries, expressed his surprise that “in a vast and intelligent country like Great Britain, the Government had not taken up this question of protecting, improving and advancing the interests of the fisheries.” He was of opinion that this was a work rather for the State than for private persons, and he was supported in this view by Professor Brown Goode, the Director of the United States Exhibit. It is no doubt true that in England, for years past, successive Fisheries Commissions have been appointed ; but these have devoted their energies to taking the evidence of fishermen and others engaged in the fisheries, and embodying it in voluminous reports, from which nothing of a practical nature came. Professor Huxley, who took part in this work, in his inaugural address at the London Exhibition of 1883, expressed the astonish- ment he felt on discovering that fishermen know nothing about fish except the way to catch them. “In answer to questions,” he remarked, “relating to the habits, the food and the propagation of fishes—points of fundamental importance in any attempt to regu- late fisheries rationaliy—I usually met with vague and often absurd guesses in the place of positive knowledge.” Very different has been the method adopted in Norway, the United States and Canada. In Norway, instead of appointing a commission to take the evidence of fisher- men, a body composed of four distinguished men of science was appointed to investigate the biology and physics of the sea; and on their reports was founded that organization of the fisheries which has led to such important results, and those experiments in the culture of marine food fishes which are yielding such abundant fruits. One brilliant outcome of this commission which has been carrying on its operations for more than twenty years, was Professor Sars’s great discovery that the eggs of the cod, the haddock, the gurnard, and most food fishes with the exception of the herring, instead of resting on the bottom, as had been previously universally believed, floated, in almost invisible globules, at or near the surface of the sea.. This discovery laid the foundation of the scientific culture of marine food fishes. 5 In the United States, the same method was followed. A distinguished naturalist— Professor Baird— was, in 1871, placed at the head of a commission who wasted no time in taking the evidence of fishermen, but set to work on an investigation of the causes which had brought about a diminution of the commercial fishes and of the remedies adapted to remedy the evil. The result has.been a thoroughly equipped department, with a large staff of scientific and skilled men, having the means of carrying on hatching operations on a large scale, both in fresh and salt water fish, and for studying the whole natural history of the various fishes. The splendid reports of this commission, issued annually since its commencement, are of inestimable value. Up till 1883, Congress and the various State Governments had appropriated over two and a quarter millions of dollars for the work of the Fishery Commission. Since that date there has been no diminution in the liberality with which the work has been sustained. It would seem that at length Great Britain has been roused to the necessity of regu- lating and improving its fisheries on the same scientific lines as other countries. The MARINE FOOD FISHES. 25 inauguration of a Fishery Board for Scotland a few years ago, marked the commencement ofa new era. Under such eminent naturalists as Dr. Wemyss Fulton, Secretary for scientific investigations, Professor McIntosh, LL.D., Mr. J. H. Fullerton and D. J. Beard, excellent work is done in the investigations of the life-history of the various food fishes, from which important results will follow. The Annual Reports of the Scottish Fisheries Board contain matter of profound interest to the scientific fish-culturist. Last year, this Board decided on adopting the artificial breeding of valuable sea-fishes with a view to the improvement of the Scottish fisheries. They had been for some time closely observing the work carried on at Flodevig, Norway, in cod-hatching, and had received official reports from time to time. The issue was a resolution to take up the same enterprise. By an arrangement with Mr. Dannevig, manager of the Flodevig hatchery, a wooden building with a complete hatching apparatus, was constructed at Arendal, Norway, and has recently been shipped to Scotland, where it will be in operation before the end of the present year. The Governments of France, Russia, Italy and Belgium, have been in communication with Mr. Dannevig, with the view of procuring from him plans and directions for fitting up and working similar establishments ; and it is possible that these countries will shortly have marine hatcheries in active operation. England is at last moving in the same direction. Ata conference held in the Fish- mongers’ Hall, London, in March last, the following resolution was unanimously adopted : “ That this conference, in view of the diminution of food fishes, is of opinion that sea- fish hatcheries should be established, as in Norway, the United States, Canada and New- foundland, for the purpose of increasing the fish supply; and that it is of the greatest importance to the fishing industry that marine laboratories should be established at suitable points round the coast of the United Kingdom, with a view of affording infor- mation to practical fishermen and others, regarding the habits and life-history of food fishes.” At Liverpool a marine laboratory has been established, and another at Plymouth. Sir Edward Clarke, M.P., said, at this conference, that the Plymouth Institution had shown that fish could be hatched in large numbers ; and he thought that the Government would be doing a great public service if it assisted in establishing hatcheries, so as to produce results similar to those produced in America. In France, M. Gobin, Minister of Fisheries, has recently expressed strong opinions as to the diminution of fish around the shores, brought about chiefly by the increase of populations, the larger and better equipped boats and the application of steam and trawls. He looks upon the artificial hatching of sea-fish as the best remedy, combined with the protection of areas as nurseries. The State alone, he thinks, can undertake such work, and he urges the establishment of hatcheries in which the propagation of sea-fish can be systematically carried on upon an extensive scale. Physical research, respecting marine and inland waters, is now extensively carried out in France, with a view to its practical application in the increase of fish by culture. It is thus evident that the culture of sea-fish is established on a solid scientific foun- dation. The day is gone by for assailing it as insanity, and its advocates as wild, specu- lative enthusiasts. In all civilized countries having an interest in fisheries, scientific - investigations are in progress; and the improvement, regulation and extension of these great industries are becoming more and more objects of national importance. England’s colonies, one after another, are entering on the work. Sec. IV., 1892. 4. ~ 26 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON Newfoundland, Britain’s oldest colony, has been tardy in entering on the work of organizing and regulating its fisheries and employing artificial propagation for their improvement. This work, however, was at length commenced three years ago, by the appointment of a Fisheries Commission, who have already achieved a very gratifying measure of success, and are engaged in organizing a system which, in the future, cannot fail to secure beneficial results. Indeed, the work of the Newfoundland Fisheries Com- mission, as described in their annual reports, has already attracted attention on both sides of the Atlantic, and won the commendation of some of the foremost men who are engaged in similar work elsewhere. In one branch—the artificial propagation of lobsters—New- foundland is ahead of all other countries. The method introduced by Mr. Adolph Nielsen—the able Superintendent of Fisheries—is likely to be adopted generally wherever it is found practicable. Cod-hatching too, though only two seasons in active operation, has made good progress, and gives promise of valuable results in restocking the partially exhausted bays and fishing grounds around the coast. It may also be mentioned that a pamphlet on ‘“ The cure of codfish and herrings,” drawn up by Mr. Nielsen and published by the commission, has been reprinted by permission by the Fisheries Department of Ireland, and widely circulated among Irish fishermen. The same work has been trans- lated into French and circulated at St. Pierre and elsewhere. Previously to the organization of a Fisheries Commission in Newfoundland, the fisheries had been left to take care of themselves. Naturally, these fisheries rank among the finest in the world; but reckless and destructive modes of fishing pursued by succes- sive generations ; the want of intelligent guardianship and legal protection ; the absence of any definite knowledge of the fish and fisheries, based on scientific observations ; and the utter neglect of any means of organizing and directing these great industries, at length resulted in an alarming decline of the cod-fishery, especially in the great bays and inshore fishing grounds, and a marked deterioration of the herring, salmon and lobster fisheries. The present writer may mention, without egotism, that he took an active part, year after year, in pressing these matters on public attention, and urging the necessity of appointing a Fisheries Commission, under whose care the fisheries might be placed. The appointment took place in 1888, and he has acted as secretary up to the present time. Fortunately the services of an able Superintendent of Fisheries were secured in the person of Mr. Adolph Nielsen, formerly an inspector of Norwegian fisheries, a man of high character, and possessing a thorough scientific and practical acquaintance with all depart- ments of fisheries. A brief account of the work done by this commission in the artificial propagation of codfish and lobsters may prove interesting as a further illustration of the topic under consideration. As the outset, it may be well to notice an objection to the culture of sea-fishes which is often repeated. It is alleged that the most valuable of the sea-fish—such as the cod— are so prolific that even the most destructive operations of man can make little or no impression on their numbers. The female cod, for example, according to size, yields from two to nine millions of eggs each season. The salmon deposits a thousand eggs for every pound of its live weight. The sole gives a million of ovaannually ; the floundera million and a quarter; the mackerel half a million ; the herring thirty-five thousand ; the turbot fourteen millions, and a conger eel 28 lbs. in weight yields fifteen millions of eggs each season. The crustaceans are hardly less prolific than the finny tribes. An oyster gives MARINE FOOD FISHES. 27 birth annually to a number of eggs varying from half a million to a million. The female lobster yields from twelve thousand to twenty-five thousand ova each season. Crabs, periwinkles, mussels, have an amazing fecundity. Such being the case, it appears at first sight an absurdity to attempt to add, by artificial arrangements, to the population of the sea, when the natural rate of increase is so prodigious. There is, however, another side to be heard from. The more extended the studies of naturalists regarding fish-life, the more apparent does it become that the waste and destruction constantly going on in the sea, of life in all its stages, from the spawn to the full-grown fish, is enormous. If nature produces with reckless prodigality, her destruc- tive processes are on a corresponding scale. If there is no economy observed in the arrangements for the maintenance of life in the sea, neither are there bounds set to the destroying agencies. A silent war is ever raging in the ocean, and the slaughter is beyond all calculation. One race preys on another ; and life can only be sustained by the destruction of some other form of life. In the great world of waters, with its shallows and its depths, its vast plains, its hills and mountain ranges, how marvellous the diver- sities of life! But there death and terror are ever raging, under the most placid surface. The inhabitants live “A cold, sweet silver life, wrapped in round waves, Quickened with touches of transporting fear.” The work of destruction ever goes on, not only through animated forms, but by the physical forces of nature. Birth and death follow each other in mysterious rhythm, even in the profoundest ocean depths :— “ Creator and destroyer, mighty Sea ! That in thy still and solitary deep Dost at all being’s base thy vigil keep, And nurturest serene and potently The slumbering roots of vast Creation’s tree. The teeming swarms of life that swim and creep, But half aroused from the primordial sleep, All draw theirevanescent breath from thee. The rock thou buildest and tke fleeting cloud ; Thy billows in eternal circuit rise Through nature’s veins, with gentle might endowed, Throbbing in beast and flower in sweet disguise ; In sounding currents roaming o’er the earth, They speed the ultimate pulse of death and birth.” Let us take the eggs of the codfish as an illustration. These are thrown from the mother-fish into the sea by thousands of millions. They float on or near the surface in the form of minute transparent globes, exceedingly delicate and buoyant. They dance about in the upper waters, and are driven far and wide by winds and currents. Their tendency is ever towards the surface, so as to reach the vivifying influence of heat and light. What becomes of these enormous multitudes of delicate egg-globes, hardly perceptible to the naked eye ? Vast numbers of them fail to come into contact with the milt of the male which is also thrown into the same waters, the act of impregnation being external. The eggs quickly perish unless they are touched by the vivifying male element. They require from three to five weeks to hatch after being fecundated. All this time they are floating 28 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON near the surface, and countless myriads of them are thrown ashore by winds and currents, or carried out to sea where the conditions are far less favourable for either eggs or young fry, than in sheltered areas inshore. Meantime, fishes and sea-birds are devouring the eggs by millions, for to these enemies they are delicious morsels. When the young burst from the eggs, their movements are impeded for the first ten days by the yolk-sack which they carry ; so that they cannot escape from their enemies, and the mortality among these handicapped water-babies is inconceivable. Surrounded as they are by hungry foes, “ the slaughter of the innocents ” goes on incessantly. The consequence is that notwithstanding the fecundity of the cod, its actual yield of mature fish is small. Only a small number of all that are cast into the sea survive to become full-grown codfish. It has been estimated by competent judges, that out of a million eggs only one mature cod will be produced. It is not surprising then to find that when to this natural waste, man’s destructive enginery is added, and vast numbers of the young are captured before they have reached the period of reproduction, as well as of the parent fish, even an abundant cod-fishery may begin to decline, and finally be ruined. This has actually occurred on the coasts of New England, and in many other countries. Man’s destructive agencies turn nature’s delicate balance, and decline and extinction follow. Now here it is where the artificial process shows its value. Every sound egg taken from the fish in the hatcheries, is fertilized by bringing it into contact with the milt, and from fifty to eighty or ninety per cent of the ova are hatched. The young are cared for and protected in their early feeble stage, and placed in the waters when able to take care of themselves ; and thus their chances of survival areimmensly increased. Thecod being a local fish, the stock can thus be increased in any given area, and exhausted waters can be restored to former abundance. If we take the herring, the mackerel, or the various species of flat fishes, we find the destruction of life among these is not less than among thecod tribes. The survival of one life-germ, out of a quarter or half a million of those produced, so that it reaches the stage of maturity, is found to be the average in many species of the more prolific fish. If this were not the case, the waters of the ocean would have been long since over-populated, and life rendered impossible. Even in the case of the salmon, “ the monarch of the brook,” it has been computed by a high authority that the yearly yield of the largest salmon- producing river in the United Kingdom is about equal to the produce of one female fish, of from 15 lbs. to 20 lbs. in weight, the produce of all the rest being lost or wasted. Sometimes an ill-timed freshet will destroy many millions of eggs, by tearing them from the gravel and laying them bare to a whole host of enemies. It becomes apparent therefore that the argument against the artificial propagation of the valuable sea-fishes, on the ground of their superabundant fecundity, has no sub- stantial foundation. - The cod-fisheries of Newfoundland furnish a striking illustration of the foregoing views in regard to the possibility of exhausting waters in which the fish-life was once superabundant. For three centuries and a half, the famous banks and the waters around the shores of the Island have been fished, mainly, but by no means exclusively, for cod. In regard to the Great Banks, those best qualified to judge are of opinion that the supply of codfish there is far from being so abundant as formerly, and that the decline, though MARINE FOOD FISHES. 29 slow, is steadily going on, even in this wonderful “ Home of the codfish.” However this may be, there is no room for doubt as to the falling off of the cod-fishery around the shores of the Island. The most convincing proof is the fact that though the population has doubled within fifty years, and the number of persons engaged in fishing has greatly increased, while the various contrivances for taking fish have been multiplied and rendered far more efficient, yet the quantity of codfish taken annually at present does not exceed that of forty or fifty years ago, when the primitive hook-and-line was the chief instrument of the fisherman. This decline holds good, especially in regard to the great bays, around whose shores a large population has gathered. There was a time when a fisherman could fill his boat in a few hours with fine cod within sight of his own door. Now the fish are so scarce that large numbers of the fishermen are compelled to resort to Labrador and other distant fishing grounds, at a great increase of toil and expense, the waters of their own bays being largely depleted. Conception Bay was formerly one of the best fishing localities, and the population there became dense. Very little fish comparatively is now taken in its waters, and there are no signs, from year to year, of any recuperation. Placentia, Trinity, Bonavista, Notre Dame Bays, and other fishing centres have also suffered , more or less, in the same way. The size of the fish too has diminished,—a sure sign of a declining fishery. Reckless, destructive methods of fishing, as well as over-fishing and the extensive capture of immature fish, have combined in doing the mischief. No restraints were placed by law on the fishermen ; and cupidity did not stop to consider the conse- quences in the future. Advancing depletion now threatens the shore fishery. Such was the condition of affairs with which the Fisheries Commission, on their appointment, had to grapple. As a first step, they decided on the erection of a cod- hatchery, with the view of testing the practicability of restoring exhausted waters by artificial means. They considered that in those deep sheltered bays, with their arms running far inland, and the water possessing peculiar purity and salinity, they had very favourable conditions for hatching and rearing young cod. Dildo Island in Trinity Bay was selected as a site for the hatchery. The erection was on a large scale, and fitted up with all the recent improvements. It has capacity for hatching from two hundred and fifty to three hundred millions of cod-fry annually. If successful in Trinity Bay, cod- hatching could be gradually extended around the Island, and its bays and fiords, with the inshore fishing grounds converted into great codfish preserves. It was also decided that the artificial propagation of lobsters should be carried on simultaneously with that of cod- fish. In Newfoundland, as in every other country in which lobsters are taken, the fishery shows alarming symptoms of rapid decline which, if not arrested, must ere long end in the extermination of this valuable crustacean. Mr. Nielsen’s invaluable invention of floating incubators for hatching lobsters rendered it practicable to carry on this process on a very large scale, and at many different places around the Island. These hatching operations have been carried on during the summers of 1890 and 1891, One of the principal difficulties encountered has been the procuring of a sufficient number of ripe spawning fish to supply the hatchery with cod ova. The codfish around the eastern and northern shores of the Island spawn from the beginning of May till the end of July. The female codfish does not, like the salmon, accomplish the act of spawning at once. The eggs ripen gradually, and pass from the fish into the water as they mature, the period extending over six weeks. The spawners are kept in tanks in the hatchery, 30 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON and at intervals are taken out and “stripped”; then returned to the tank. The milt of the male is poured over the eggs which are placed in a proper receptacle with a small quantity of water, and the fecundated ova are then placed in the hatchery jars in which, by an ingenious contrivance, the water pumped into a cistern from a depth of thirty feet, is constantly kept in gentle motion, the eggs floating near the surface. In a temperature of 40° Fahr. the embryo cod hatches, or breaks through the egg, in twenty or twenty- one days. A lower temperature will prolong the period of development-and one which is higher will hasten it. When the young cod escapes from the enveloping membrane, the mouth, tongue and digestive organs are not fully developed ; but the young fish is provided with a yolk-sack containing nutriment on which it subsists for ten or twelve days. The mouth and digestive organs are now fully formed so that the young fry can seek food for themselves and are liberated in the sea. From fifty to sixty per cent of the eggs treated in the hatchery are hatched. By the construction of a pond in which the fish will be allowed to spawn in the natural way, Mr. Nielsen expects to hatch from seventy to ninety per cent of the ova, so that his output for the season will be greatly increased. The first season for hatching (1890) proved to be very unfavourable, owing to the presence of unusual quantities of ice around the coast, in consequence of which the cod were late in approaching the shores. Seventeen millions of cod were hatched and “ planted ” in the waters. During the second season forty millions were hatched successfully. A much larger output is anticipated in 1892. The fishermen reported in 1891 seeing immense numbers of young cod in the waters where formerly none were found. That these were the products of the hatchery can hardly be doubted. Two years more will be required to determine whether the grand object aimed at can be fully attained, as a codfish requires four years to reach maturity. Lobster hatching is a totally different process. The eggs of the lobster are fecundated within the body of the female, and when extruded are fastened to the fibrils under the tail by a glutinous substance. She carries them with her till they are hatched. At the lobster factories, arrangements are made for collecting these eggs from the captured lobsters, placing them in floating incubators in which they are hatched and afterwards set free in the sea. During 1890, the immense number of 406,005,300 young lobsters were hatched and planted in the waters. In 1891, the number hatched was 551,469,880. It should be noted that but for this artificial process all these life-germs would have perished, as the lobsters are boiled before being packed. The effect of preserving and bringing them to life cannot fail to have a most beneficial effect in sustaining the stock of lobsters and averting the deterioration or destruction of a valuable fishery. The commission are satisfied that by combining it with a close season and a proper regulation ofthe openings in the lobster traps, so as to permit immature lobsters to escape, the future of the lobster fishery is assured. Canada is likely to adopt Mr. Nielsen’s floating incubators, and in Scotland they are also introduced. Lieutenant Gordon, R.N., who is well acquainted with the lobster fishery, says in his report for 1890, in reference to the value of Mr. Nielsen’s floating incubators :— Suppose the case of a cannery putting up 2,000 cases of lobsters, or 96,000 Ibs., these require, say, a million lobsters to put up, and my inquiries show that probably one in five are ‘berried’ lobsters—say 100,000. Now take one-half of this and say that 50,000 ‘berried’ lobsters, each carrying about 20,000 exuded eggs were destroyed in putting up the 2,000 cases, we have no less than 1,000,000,000 ova MARINE FOOD FISHES. 31 destroyed, and if this rule be applied to the 220,000 cases which constituted the product of the fishery forthe year 1889, we have a number of 110,000,000,000 as the wanton destruction of ova which it is possible, by the use of this simple means (Mr. Nielsen’s incubators) to save, or at any rate, in some small measure; for even a saving of one per cent of such a total, represents a number the magnitude of which figures fail to bring home to the mind.” The propagation of codfish and lobsters is but a part of the work of the Fisheries Commission in Newfoundland. They diffuse information regarding the cure of codfish, the cure and packing of herrings ; and construct and enforce rules and regulations for all the fisheries designed to protect and improve them, while they aim at maintaining a careful guardianship over the salmon rivers. In the herring fishery they have already accomplished an improvement which will be of immense value to the colony. The remainder of this paper may be usefully occupied with some remarks on the development of the ova of the codfish and lobster, derived from observations at the Dildo hatchery. The great majority of our marine food fishes deposit their eggs near the surface of the sea. These eggs are extremely buoyant, transparent as crystal, and, while in a living and healthy condition, will not sink. On the loss of their vitality, however, they sink to the bottom. The specific gravity of the cod ova is delicately adjusted to the salinity of the water. Ifthe sea water on the surface becomes mixed with fresh water, as will occur after continuous heavy rains, the ova sink down until they meet water of a suitable salinity and density. When the fresh water has evaporated they will rise and float on the surface, their constant tendency being upwards, so as to come under the genial influence of the solar light and heat. These delicate little eggs have first to mature in the ovary of the mother-fish, and when ripened in this receptacle, the capsules which encom- pass them burst, and the ova are discharged into the water, looking like small transparent bubbles to the naked eye, and behaving in the sea just as soap-bubbles do in the air, dancing freely about when the water is agitated. The ripened milt of the male fish, containing the spermatozoa which are necessary to the impregnation of the egg, is discharged into the same waters and must come into contact with the ova before they can develop into fishes. It is marvellous to look upon one of these little transparent embryos of the cod as it bursts from the egg, barely visible to the naked eye, and weighing only the fraction of a grain, and to think that from it will be developed the lordly codfish, weighing forty, fifty or even sixty pounds. This growth takes place in three or four years, in which time it becomes perhaps half a million times weightier than at birth. It surpasses even the marvellous growth of the salmon which Frank Buckland considered to be the most rapidly increasing of all animals. He tells us that a salmon three days old is two grains in weight, and when it comes to maturity it may weigh thirty pounds and will then have increased 115,200 times the weight it had at first. But the cod surpasses this, starting from an embryo which is a mere fraction of the young salmon’s weight. The ovaries of the codfish are very largely developed, filling nearly the whole ofthe abdominal cavity. A very large cod has been known to contain nine millions of eggs. But it must be taken into account that these eges are small, exceedingly delicate, and exposed to greater dangers during the course of development than the ova of fish which carry a smaller number. The latter are larger—as in the salmon—hardier and better 32 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON protected. Hence it comes that, as a rule, the fish which carry a large number of ova are in reality less prolific than those which carry a much smaller number of eggs, as a much larger proportion of the latter survive to maturity. An enormous proportion of the cod ova perish from their extreme delicacy and minute size. For the same reason, the artificial hatching of cod ova is difficult, and requires very delicate manipulation. When in the hatchery, the cod ova are to be fertilized artificially, the female is taken from the tank in which they are kept till ripened, and held over a vessel partially filled with pure sea-water, in such a position that the weight of the ovaries presses upon the canal. The ova then run freely into the water in the vessel, without any pressure on the stomach of the fish. The male fish, having ripe milt, is then taken from the water and held over the vessel in a similar manner, till the required milt has mingled with the ova. The fish are put back into the well or tank as soon as “ stripped,” to await further ripening, the period over which the process goes on being five or six weeks. The water containing the ova and milt is then gently stirred and left standing until the spermatozoa have entered the microphyle, a minute opening in the membrane surrounding the eggs. Having entered the ova, the spermatozoa do not disappear into the yolk, but form from their head or nucleus, the male pronucleus which meets and fuses with the female pronucleus, as the germinal vesicle is termed. ‘‘ Fertilization depends upon the conjuga- tion of these two sexually differentiated nuclei.” From this conjugation-nucleus, formed by the fusion of the male and female nuclei, the new being takes its origin. A single spermatozoon is capable of fertilizing an ego. When thus fertilized the eggs are cleansed, measured, so as to ascertain their number, and placed in the hatching apparatus for further development. The quantity of water, ova and milt must be duly proportioned to each other, in order to secure the fecundation of the ego. After fertilization, the first real development of the embryo commences by the process of segmentation. In an unimpregnated egg, the germinal layer which covers the yolk appears like a transparent substance containing numerous minute vesicles. When the process of impregnation first takes place the egg turnsa dull colour, but speedily brightens again, and the numerous minute vesicles become larger but less numerous, because they become confluent and unite. One hour after impregnation the protoplasmic layer can be seen travelling in beaded streams towards the lower pole of the egg, where the germinal disk is forming. The first mysterious life-movements have begun. In water having a temperature of 40°, three hours are required before the germinal disk becomes defined, and the protoplast extending from it is seen to embrace the yolk. About six hours after impregnation, the segmentation of the germinal disk can be seen, by the aid of a microscope, to have commenced; and the egg, which originally consisted of one cell, is divided into two cells, through the shortest or equatorial diameter. Segmentation advances gradually by the two first cells dividing themselves and forming four new ones. Each of these again divides into two,and thus a multitude of small cells come into existence. Twenty-four hours after impregnation, segmentation has advanced so far that the germinal disk is divided into fifteen cells, and the nucleus can be seen through the celis. In two days the process in the cleavage of the disk is still further advanced and about sixty new cells can be counted, forming four layers, one over the other. As the segmentation goes on the cells become by the fourth day more and more MARINE FOOD FISHES. 33 numerous, and the disk rises and assumes a convex form on the side pointing towards the yolk. After segmentation is completed, the disk sinks down and assumes a concave form, and is then termed the segmentation cavity, or embryonic disk or sack. On the seventh day, the first indication of the embryo is defined in a thickened rim of the blastoderm, on the right-hand portion of the embryonic disk. On the eighth day the neural plate becomes visible, appearing like a cord lying across the egg, when viewed from below, and the embryonic sack has become more elongated. On the ninth day the head of the embryo is defined and appears like a thickening mass on the lower part of the ovum; and the cerebral, with indications of the optic vesicles, can also be seen forming at the sides of the head. On the eleventh day the first segment of the muscular system has appeared on each side of the neural canal, and the dorsal cord (notochord) can be seen below it. On the twelfth day the optic vesicles areseen more defined, while the muscular system and the notochord are more distinct, When the embryo is fourteen days old the rudiments of the heart, pectoral fold, auditory canal and intestines can be seen. The stellated pigment cells are now also making their appearance. On the fifteenth day the heart appears like a spherical cavity surrounded with a wall of connected cells; the fore-brain is further developed, and the optic system more advanced. The primitive lateral fin-folds can now be observed. The embryo has grown considerably and is lying near the membrane of the egg in the shape of a half moon. On the sixteenth day the tail of the embryo cod becomes free and is twisted over to one side ; the vent is also defined. On the eighteenth day the heart is so well developed that it is seen to pulsate regularly, and the eyes are beginning to receive their colour, The pigment cells are also increasing in number, and the tail is now so well developed that it begins to straighten and move. In water having a temperature of 40 degrees Fahr. the embryo cod will hatch, or break through the egg, in twenty or twenty-one days after impregnation. It escapes by bursting its enveloping membrane with vigorous strokes of the tail. For a day or two previous, the imprisoned embryo has been showing by its constant movements that it was eager to enter on its new and freer life in the great world of waters. The tail is the weapon by which it effects its freedom and is usually pushed out first through the gaping opening. The body, with a yolk-sack hanging to its under side follows. The mouth and digestive organs are not yet formed; but the yolk-sack, which has been formed from the egg, and is large in proportion to the fish, contains deutoplasm, an albuminous substance, which furnishes its nutriment for the first ten or twelve days, until the mouth and digestive organs are developed and the young fish can seek food for itself. The baby cod, thus liberated, at once makes attempts to swim ; but its tail, for the first day after birth, remains covered, and in consequence its movements are circular, and it spins round in spiral fashion. Soon, however, the tail straightens and it is able to swim right ahead, and is seen gamboling through the water, evidently in a state of enjoy- ment. Its sack of food, however, greatly interferes with its movements, and it is not till this is absorbed that it can swim swiftly. During this period the cod nurslings are kept Sec. IV., 1892. 5. 34 REV. MOSES HARVEY ON in the hatchery, and only when they are able to swim vigorously are they liberated in the outside waters to commence the battle of life. A high temperature of the water will hasten the development of the embryo, and a low temperature will retard it ; so that the process fromim pregnation to birth may vary from ten to forty days in duration, according to the condition of the water. There is no more amazing and interesting sight than the growth of the embryo, day after day, as viewed with the microscope through its crystalline envelope. Every organ is seen shaping itself, as if by some mystic rhythm, till the heart begins to pulsate and propel the blood to all parts of the body and build up the frame from the tiny speck of protoplasm to the bulky, voracious ranger of the sea. We can view itas “it is made in secret and curiously wrought in the lowest parts of the earth,” its “substance yet being imperfect.” What profound mysteries too lie behind all that the microscope can reveal and all that the eye of science can penetrate! The secret of life is as impenetrable as ever. The mysterious power that directs the movements of those molecules which shape the living creature and determine its destiny, who can pretend to define or fathom! “In Thy book were all my members written, which day by day were fashioned when as yet there was none of them.” “Fearfully and wonderfully made,” is true of every living creature. In many points the ova of the lobster presents a marked contrast to those of the cod- fish, and differ from them greatly in the mode of development. The cod ova, as we have seen, are impregnated in the water after they are extruded from the fish; the lobster ova are fecundated within the female before being extruded. The pairing of lobsters takes place after they have fully recovered from the process of shelling. During copulation the spermatozoa of the male are deposited, by its sexual organ, within the oviduct of the female, and there coming into contact with the ova fecundation is accomplished, and not till then are the eggs extruded. They are not, however, thrown into the water like the cod ova. They come from the oviduct covered with a glutinous substance which enables them to adhere to the swimmerets or fibrils underneath the tail. When in the act of spawning the lobster bends its tail forward, in order to catch the ova as they are extruded. The peculiar form of the tail, with its movable swimmerets, is admirably adapted to this purpose. This process of spawning is accomplished in the course of one day—furnishing another point of contrast to the codfish, which occupies several weeks in spawning. The newly-spawned ova are of a uniform dark green colour, but become more and more transparent as the period of hat:hing approaches. They are carried by the lobster, attached to the swimmerets until they hatch, the motion keeping them clean and promoting their development. The period that is occupied from the extrusion of the egg till the hatching takes place is nine months. During all this time the ova are carried under the tail, and protected from foes by the rapid motion of the mother ifattacked. The powerful tail of the lobster enables it to shoot backwards through the water with extraordinary rapidity. Mr. Nielsen, when investigating the habits of the lobster, was able, on one occasion, to measure the distance it could go by a single stroke of its tail, and found it to be 25 feet, in less than a second. The non-transparent character of the lobster ova, for several months after being extruded, renders it difficult or impossible to study the embryo in the living egg, during its first stages of development. When the larvæ break from the egg, all the organs are MARINE FOOD FISHES. 35 pretty well developed, with the exception of the claws, and can be distinguished through the transparent skin in which the body is enveloped. The young are not provided with any yolk-bag, but begin swimming about and feeding shortly after breaking from the egg. They are most voracious, and if kept in a confined place will devour each other, and fight till few remain alive. If, however, they are fed well, their cannibalistic, pugnacious tendencies are greatly lessened. In the hatchery they are fed on yolks of eggs, fresh fish liver, finely chopped meat of crabs and fish, and even flour. Their natural food, how- ever, in this larval stage, is vegetable matter and minute animals found in aquatic plants. When a week old, the young lobster has its first moult or casting of the skin, and a second when two weeks old.: After another week it moults again and then the larval state is at an end, From this time its habits resemble more the grown lobster, and the large claws begin to develop and the shell to harden. After another week the lobster is completely developed. Another shelling process takes place, and the new shell becomes more and more like the colour of the natural lobster and increases in firmness. How often they shell after this period, during the first year, is not ascertained ; neither is it known how often they shell during each year till they arrive at maturity; but as a 10 inch lobster is reckoned to be seven years old, they must in the first year shell more than once to reach that size. The following figures show the number of ova which Mr. Nielsen counted on “ berried ” lobsters :— Size. No. of Ova. Size. No. of Ova. 10) aOR Saaon Codes cbnproceodotioo eo 18,000 118} BAYA SEs sco-sodoor panoecpocodGO0 24,105 11 poly Sats (eyaicrstots) cPeisis stctereiele cteve aiateiela 22,154 IB} lake 00000000 novobuaeancede 24,606 EE cs seen bile iesicwiehains Ve 22,600 14 me eine ns ae ois va aes do oe do 25.000 12 SOR Os We ele as es a ei ats ete 23,080 EE CPU HUIT a de af ECS 25,260 Tie ey ES PRE SR RCE RER 23,264 TES PRP pene EUR à REPARER AT € 25,600 AN EE A UE RE 28,680 The eight inch lobsters are not “berried.” The European nine inch lobster carries about 12,000 eggs. Asa rule, in Newfoundland waters, lobsters are not mature under 10 inches. In closing this paper the writer wishes to point out the desirability of establishing a Biological Station for the study of Ichthyology and Marine Biology in all their branches. This is a work for the Dominion of Canada whose fishing interests are so extensive, but, if established at some eligible locality on the shores of the Lower Provinces, such an institution would equally benefit the great fisheries of Newfoundland, and that colony might be expected to share in the expenses of itserection and working. The undertaking, however, should be national, and must be sustained from the funds of the State, as the whole community, directly or indirectly, would share in its benefits, and private liber- ality in new countries could not be expected to maintain an institution of this kind. The scientific and practical should be so combined as to render it a Fishery School. It would include a laboratory in which the structure and habits of all kinds of marine life would be studied, especially the life, conditions, food, mode of propagation, movements, etc., of such fishes as possess an economic value. Observations would be conducted, not only on the fauna, but also on the flora of the sea, so as to improve and enlarge our Zoolo- ~ gical and Botanical sciences, and impart accurate information to the young who might desire to investigate such subjects. Embryology would form a prominent feature at such 36 : REV. MOSES HARVEY ON a station. Practical instruction in the best modes of conducting fish-culture in all its branches would be given, and thus in such a school would be trained numbers of young men who would be qualified to take charge of hatcheries for the artificial propagation of both fresh and salt water fishes. At present the number of those who possess such quali- fications is extremely limited, while the demand for their services is ever increasing. Classes of students from the Universities might profitably spend a few weeks each summer at such a Biological station, engaged in the study of marine life in particular, and in general, of the animal and vegetable resources of the sea. The national importance of such a training school will be evident at a glance. The interests of pure biology, as a science, would be served by such an institution. The secrets of organic life are to be sought out best in the world of waters ; and conflicting hypotheses regarding the origin and development of life are best proved or disproved by researches in sea areas. For modern investigations have shown that in variety of forms of life the sea is not less rich than the land. The fertility of the sea in fishes, crustacea, zoophytes, the lowest forms of sponge life, molluscs, etc., becomes more astonishing as researches are extended. In particular, the sea is the great magazine of invertebrate forms in which life is seen in its simplest shape, and here the student of invertebrate physio- logy must look for his materials. But all science, in the long run, will be found to have a practical bearing in some shape. And if we want to increase the quantities of our food fishes, our lobsters and oysters, all our operations must rest on a scientific foundation, and all our regulations of our fisheries must have their basis in a scientific study of fish-life. Failing such accurate knowledge, our legislation regarding the fisheries will be largely groping in the dark; and all efforts for their preservation and improvement will come short of the objects aimed at. A thorough knowledge of the mode of life, development, etc., of those fishes which constitute such a large portion of the national wealth of British North America, is essential to their preservation and the extension of these great industries. Such a Biological station as is referred to need notin the beginning be on an extensive seale or very costly. When once commenced on a solid foundation, it would be sure to expand. In most civilized countries, laboratories for the study of marine fauna and flora are now established, and to these naturalists are resorting more and more as they find there ample materials for their studies and the best appliances. The finest establishment of the kind is that founded at Naples, some fifteen years ago, by a German biologist, Dr. Anthon Dohrn, which may now be regarded as an international institution, since it derives its support from all parts of the world, and is resorted by students ofall nationalities. In the United States laboratories are established at Wood’s Hall, near Gloucester, at Beaufort by the Johns Hopkins University, and at Newport by Agassiz. France boasts of four, and Austria has one at Trieste. In 1884, the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom was formed, and the result has been the erection of a magnificent laboratory at Plymouth from which great results may be anticipated. Many of the leading scientific men of England are deeply interested in this institution and lend it their support. Scotland too, since the establishment of its Fishery Board, has been doing excellent work in the scientific investigation of sea fishes. Such men as Dr. Wemyss Fulton, Professors McIntosh and Ewart, Mr. W. Anderson Smith, men of high scientific attainments, are doing admirable work in connection with the Fishery Board of Scotland, in prosecuting original MARINE FOOD FISHES. 37 investigations among the sea fauna; while they bring their knowledge to bear practically on the great fishing industries of Scotland. One other feature of such a Biological station as has been referred to is the aid it would render in the collection of specimens whick could be distributed among the various museums of the Dominion, thus enriching their treasures and placing materials for the study of fish-life within the reach of all. At present the collection of such specimens, in the different museums, is reported to be very meagre and imperfect. APPENDIX. The season for hatching at Dildo Hatchery, in 1892, closed August Ist. The total number of young codfish “planted” during the season by Mr. Nielsen was one hundred and sixty-five millions, being four times as many as in 1891, and nine times the output of 1890. This marked success has been partly owing to the construction of a salt water pond—an improvement introduced this year—in which the cod were allowed to spawn in the natural way, and the fertilized eggs were then syphoned into a proper receptacle, cleansed, measured, and placed in the hatching jars. The gain by this new method is 20 to 25 per cent in the number of ova hatched and a considerable saving of labour. The pond is 60 feet in length with an average breadth of 24 feet and a depth of 12 feet. It is capable of containing from 1,000 to 1,500 spawning codfish which would give an average hatching of four hundred millions in the season. In this pond it was noticed that when in the act of spawning the cod come to the surface, and the male turns on its back, the two touching each other and their vents coming together. his is different from the view hitherto held by naturalists as to the mode of spawning. When the water was 42° or over the ova were hatched in 14 days. A week after hatching the young had absorbed their yolk-sack and were ready for planting. The pond is supplied with fresh sea-water pumped from a depth of 30 feet by a small “ Eclipse” windmill supplied by Fairbanks and Morse of Chicago. SECTION IV., 1892. [ 39 ] TRANS. Roy. Soc. CANADA. I11.—On the Corals und Coralliform Types of Palwozoic Strata. By E. J. Cuarpman, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of Mineralogy and Geology in the University of Toronto. (Read June Ist, 1592,) Among the fossil forms of post-palæozoic date referred to the Anthozoa or Corals proper, very few, if any, occupy a debatable position. Many of the commonly admitted palæozoic corals, on the other hand, are of more or less doubtful character, and have thus been placed by some authorities under other subdivisions. Whilst admitting their uncer- tain affinities, however, it seems impossible to separate these doubtful types on any really satisfactory grounds from the more distinctly coralloidal forms, into which, indeed, they appear to merge by almost insensible transitions. In this paper, therefore, the term “coral” will include all the generally recognized coralloidal types of palæozoic occurrence. The great division of the CasLENTERATA, to which the corals belong, is usually sub- divided into three leading classes :—Hydrozoa, Anthozoa, and Ctenophora. The latter class, represented by a small number of pelagic, ciliated types, is an entirely aberrant group, and is without any known fossil representatives. Living Hydrozoa are distin- guished from existing Anthozoa by no very certain characters—many of the supposed distinctions, at one time regarded as characteristic, having been shown of late years to be more or less indefinite ; and it is extremely probable, as suggested by the late Professor Agassiz, that the so-called “tabulated corals” should be referred, really, to this class— the Hydrozoic Millepores forming the connecting link. These tabulated corals, again, offer in many cases a complete transition into the tabulated Rugosa,' the assumed tetra- merous character of the latter being in many instances, as shown farther on, either with- out foundation or entirely unrecognizable. It would seem advisable, therefore, in place of three, to adopt five leading subdivisions in the classification of the Cælenterates gener- ally, as in the annexed tabular synopsis : A.—Without natatory cilia. A.'—Stomach cavity completely identical with body cavity : (i).— Without stony corallum : CLass I. Hydrozoa. (i) — With calcareous (typically tabulated) corallun : ‘As exemplified, for example, by the following series :—/avosites—Columnaria—Amplexus—Zaphrentis— Cyathophyllum. 40 EH, J. CHAPMAN ON THE CLASS II. Hydrocoralla. A.—Stomach partially separated from body-cavity. (¢)—Oro-anal orifice with eight fringed tentacles : Czass III. Aleyonaria or Crossocoralla. (i) —Oro-anal orifice with numerous simple tentacles. Coralluim essentially non-tabulated, but with distinct septa : CLass IV. Zoantharia or Anthocoralla. B.— With natatory cilia: Crass V. Ctenophora. The present communication refers essentially to the second of the above named classes—that of the HYDROCORALLA. This includes the Hydro-Coralline of Moseley, together with the so-called Tabulata and Rugosa of other classifications. In the present state of our knowledge it is necessarily to some extent a group of convenience, connecting the Hydrozoa with the typical corals. The Tabulata in many classifications are widely separated from the Rugosa, and placed with the ordinary “ Hexamerous Corals :” although, from the absence or rudimentary character of septa in many of these forms it is not pos- sible to tell whether the tentacles of the living animal were hexamerous or otherwise. The Rugosa are also for the greater part essentially tabulated forms ; and although, commonly separated from the Tabulata under the name of Tetracoralla, the actual number of septa in many cases is either indeterminable or exceedingly variable. As examples of variation in the number of septain both the Tabulata and Rugosa, the genera Stylina, Lamarck, Sty/ocenia, Edwards and Haime ; Heterophyllia, McCoy ; Duncanella, Nicholson, and many others, may be cited. The descriptions of many Canadian species by the late Mr. Billings, a most minute and trustworthy observer, also substantiate this point, and prove that, although very convenient on paper, the distinction (except in certain well marked cases) is virtually of impossible application. And again, we have no certainty that the number of septa or septal markings really indicate the number of the tentacles possessed by the living animal. In the living Mil/lepora, for example, the researches of Moseley have shown the presence of eight tentacles, as in the Alcyonarians. If therefore, as commonly assumed, the fossil Heliolites be regarded as a closely related type, its twelve septa or “ pseudo-septa” are entirely misleading. Many of the forms placed under this subdivision in the present synopsis—especially those of the three first sections given below—may very probably belong to the A/cyonaria or to the Bryozoa; but this view is entirely conjectural, and cannot at present be either proved or disproved On the other hand, the strikingly tabulated structure, so charac- teristic of the great majority of these forms, serves to unite them conveniently, and, in the absence of negative evidence, naturally also, into a common group. The class HYDROCORALLA, as here adopted, may therefore be defined as follows :— Hydrozou or closely allied types with calcareous corallum. The cells of the latter either CORALS AND CORALLIFORM TYPES. AA entirely destitute of internal structures, or containing in the great majority of cases: (1) well developed tabule, with or without radiating septa; or (2), vesicular tissue with or without tabulæ and septa; or (3) a distinctly hexamerous or tetramerous system of septa ; or (4) indications of bilateral symmetry. ; The class, as thus defined, may be subdivided provisionally, and especially for deter- minative purposes, into eight leading sections, as in the following scheme : Corallite cell entirely empty, #.e., without any internal structures : § 1. Vacuara (Type form, Awlopora.) Septa absent or quite rudimentary ; tabula well developed : § 2. TaBuraraA (Type form, Favosites.) Corallites united by a tubular or cellular cæœnenchyme. $ 3. CELLULATA (Type form, Fistulipora.) Tabulæ and septa both present. § 4. TABULO-STELLATA (Type forms, Amplexus, Zaphrentis.) Tabulæ central only, surrounded by area of vesicular tissue. Septa well developed : § 5. VESICULO-STELLATA (Type forms, Cyathophyllum, Lonsdalia.) Tabule entirely replaced by irregular vesicular tissue : $ 6. Vestcunosa (Type form, Cystiphyllum.) Cell provided with an operculum composed of a single valve or of several valves : § 7. OPERCULATA (Type form, Culceola.) Cup or cell containing septa only ; tabulæ absent : § 8. INTEGRI-STELLATA (Type form, Petraia.) § 1. VACUATA :—The representatives of this section, distinguished essentially by their tubular cells being entirely destitute of internal structures, are of very doubtful position. Very probably, they should be referred to the Aleyonaria or placed near the Sertularians under the Hydro-medusæ ; but nothing definite, it is obvious, can be determined on this point, and as the forms in question are of not uncommon occurrence in palzeozoic strata, it has been thought advisable to retain them here, at least provisionally. They form but one family, that of the Awloporide, containing the following genera : Fam. Auloporide :—Corallum composed of short, tubular or funnel-shaped empty cells, united in branching groups : Sec. IV., 1892. 6. = 42 E. J. CHAPMAN ON THE Aulopora, Goldf., Sil., Dev., Carb. Reptella, Rolle, Sil., Dey. Cladoconus, McCoy, Carb. § 2. TABULATA. The corals of this section are distinguished by the presence of numerous transverse tabulæ in their component cells, coupled with the absence of radiating septa, or the rudi- mentary, imperfect character of these when indistinctly present. They have been separated widely in many systems, and have been allotted partly to the Alcyonaria, partly to the Bryozoa, and in part also to the Rugosa generally. Whilst thus manifestly occupy- ing an uncertain position, the two fundamental characters given above—namely, the presence of tabulze, with absence or merely indications of septa—are sufficiently definite to warrant their retention in a common group, and to show at the same time their relations to the coral forms of section 3, in which both tabulæ and well developed septa are present. The more typical representatives, including all the better known genera, may be arranged under six families, as in the following synopsis: Fam. 1. Chetetide :—No cœnenchyme. Corallites, capilliform, or of small diameter. Cheteles, Fisch. (including Monticulipora and Stenopora), Lr. Sil. to Trias. Telradium, Safford, Lr. Sil. Fam. 2. Beaumontidæ :—No ceenenchyme. Corallites comparatively large, polygonal, with imperforate walls. Beaumontia, E. & H., Carb. Fam. 3. Favositide:—No ceenenchyme. Corallites, polygonal, round or crescented at surface, with perforated walls. Group A. Plani.—Tabulæ horizontal or inclined: Favosites, Lmk., Sil., Dev., Carb. Columnipora, Nich., Lr., Sil. Alveolites, Limk., Sil., Dev. Pachypora, Linds., Sil. Nodulipora, Linds., Sil. Group B. Tumidi.—Tabulæ convex or more or less vesicular : Emmonsia, E. & H., Sil., Dev., Carb. Michelinia, de Kon., Dev., Carb. Fam. 4. Halysitide :—Coyrallites tubular, imperforate, connected only at opposite sides, typically in chain-like aggregations. Tabulæ, horizontal : Halysites, Fisch., Sil. Thecostegites, H. & H., Dev. CORALS AND CORALLIFORM TYPES. 43 Fam. 5. Syringoporide :—Corallites tubular, imperforate, connected by short trans- verse processes or by lateral expansions. Tabulæ, funnel-shaped : Syringopora, Gold., Dev., Carb. Haimeophyllum, Bill., Dev. § 3. CELLULATA. This section, like the last, comprises a series of coralloidal forms of very doubtful position, but connected with the Hydro-Coralia generally by the presence of numerous tabulæ ; and in one of the two families, into which they are subdivided, by distinct septa, or “ pseudo-septa.” They are made up of capilliform or narrow tubular coralli- tes, traversed by septa, and connected by ccenenchyme, in itself composed of minute, tabulated tubes, the whole somewhat resembling the surface of a sponge in which the corallites represent the oscula. Some have been given tothe Bryozoa. Others, from their supposed relations to the modern Heliopora, have been referred to the Alcyonaria ; but it seems better to leave them among the Hypro-CoRALLA until more certain evidence is obtained of their true affinities. They may be subdivided into two families, with genera as follows : Fam. 1. Fistuliporide :—Corallum compound, composed of minute corallites with surrounding capilliform ccenenchyme; both tabulated, but without septa. Fistulipora, McCoy, Sil., Dev. Callopora, Hall (scarcely differing from Fistulipora), Sil., Dev. Fam. 2. Heliolitide :—Corallum compound, composed of small corallites separated by a cellular or finely tubular cenenchyme; both tabulated; the corallites showing twelve short septa or pseudo-septa around their inner margin. Heliolites, Dana, Sil., Dev. Lyellia, E. & H., Sil. Plasmopora, E. & H., Sil. Thecia, K. & H., Sil. § 4. TABULO-STELLATA. The corals of this section are characterized by the presence of both tabulæ and septa. The tabulæ extend in typical examples entirely across the corallite-cell, but indications of an outer area of vesicular tissue are occasionally observable. The septa are marginal or short in some cases, although always distinctly developed. In other cases they extend into the centre of the cell, and form by their union a twisted pseudo-columella. The typical representatives form three families, as in the annexed tabular distribution : Fam. 1. Favistellide :—Corallum compound, with hexagonal or polygonal corallites in close juxtaposition, much resembling Favosites ; but walls imperforate, and distinct septa (short or long) always present. Columnaria, Goldf., Lr. Sil. Favistella, Dana, Sil. 44. E. J. CHAPMAN ON THE Fam. 2. Amplexide :—Corallites tubular or reed-like, typically with short or marginal septa and extended tabule. Amplexus, Sowerby, Sil., Dev., Carb. Calophyllum, Dana (including Cyathophylloides), Sil. Chonophyllum, E. & H., Sil., Dev. Fam. 3. Zaphrentide :—Corallum simple, turbinate or horn-like, with well developed tabulæ and septa. Group A.—Corniculati (simple, horn-like forms) : Zaphrentis, Raf. (including Anisophyllum and Pentaphyllum), Up. Sil., Dev., Carb. Ptycophyllum, E. & H., Sil., Dev. Streptelasma, Hall. Under this genus, the forms of Zaphrentis with marked pseudo-columella may be appropriately placed. Sil. Group B.—Columniferi (with distinct columella) : Lophophyllum, E. & H., Dev., Carb. Group C.—Cruciferi (primary septa forming a distinct rectangular cross) ; Phryganophyllum, de Kon., Carb. Group D.—Bi-formes (septa showing a twofold mode of arrangement) : Menophyllum E. & H., Carb. $ 5. VESICULO-STELLATA. This section is more or less closely connected with section 4, but is distinguished especially by the contracted dimensions of the tabulæ, and the replacement of the outer portion of these by an area of vesicular tissue. Hitherto, many genera of these corals have been made to include both simple and compound forms, as well as types of very dissimilar configuration ; but in the present distribution I have ventured upon an inno- vation in this respect—believing, from the examination of numerous examples, that a generic separation of the compound tesselated forms on the one hand, and the sub- aggregated, reed-like and cylindrical types on the other, from the essentially simple forms, is warranted on natural grounds, and is conducive to a more ready determination of genera, as well as to clearer and sharper definitions. In the present distribution these vesiculo-stellate corals are arranged under four families, comprising : (1.) Cyathophyllide, distinguished by the absence of a columella and by the absence of a distinctly cruciform arrangement of septa; (2.) Lonsdalide, in which a distinct columella is present; (3.) Stawride, characterized by the primary septa forming a distinct rectangular cross; and (4.) Halliade, with distinctly twofold arran- gement of septa. CORALS AND CORALLIFORM TYPES. 45 Fam. 1. Cyathophyllide. Group A.—Tesselati: Compound vesiculo-stellate Cyathophyllide composed of closely united corallites, forming mosaic-like, tesselated or asteroidal groups. Cyathogonium, E. J. C. ( = tesselated forms of Cyuthophyllum; also Strombodes and Acervularia), Sil., Dev., Carb. Heliogonium, E. J.C. ( = tesselated forms of Heliophyllum), Sil., Dev. Phillipsastrea, E. & H. (including Pachyphyllum), Dev., Carb. Group B.—Arundinacei: Vesiculo-stellate Cyathophyllide, composed of reed-like or tubular corallites, either simple or in partially connected groups. Cannophyllum, E. J. C. ( = reed-like forms of Cyathophyllum), Dey., Carb. Diphyphyllum, Lonsd. (including S/ylastrea), Sil., Carb. Eridophyllum, E. & H., Sil., Dev: Group C.—Corniculati: Simple vesiculo-stellate Cyuthophyllide of more or less conical or horn-like form. Cyathophyllum, Goldf. (including Dicophyllum and Campophyllum), Nil. Dev., Carb. Heliophyllum (including Acanthophyllum), Sil., Dev. Blothrophyllum, Bill., Dev. Clisiophyllum, Dana, Sil., Dev., Carb. (Pycnophyllum. Linds., Sil. 2) Strephodes, McCoy, Sil., Dev., Carb. Fam. 2. Lonsdalide. Group A.—Aggregati: Compound forms of Lonsdalide. Lonsdalia, McCoy (including Stylidophyllum), Carb. Lithostrotion (including Koninckophyllum in part, Pelalaxis, Stylaxis, etc.), Carb. Group B.—Turbinati: Simple, more or less turbinated or horn-like forms of Lons- dalide : Axophyllum, E. & H., Carb. Koninckophyllum (2) Nich. ( = simple forms of Lithostrotion), Carb. Fam. 3. Slauride :—Primary septa forming a rectangular cross : Group A.—Tesseluti: Compound tesselated forms of Stauride : Stauria, E. & H., Sil. Group B.—Turbinati: Simple forms of Stauride : Omphyma, Raf., Sil. 46 E. J. CHAPMAN ON THE Fam. 4. Halliide:—Septa distinctly twofold in their arrangement : Hallia, E. & H. (including Awlacophyllum), Sil., Dev. $ 6. VESICULOSA. This section includes but one family, that of the Cystiphyllide, distinguished by the corallite cell being entirely filled with vesicular tissue. Radiating septa absent or quite rudimentary : Group A.—Aggregati : Septa absent or quite rudimentary. Cystiphylloides (=aggregated forms of Cystiphyllum, typified by C. aggre- gatum, Billings), Dev. Group B.—Corniculati : Septa absent or rudimentary. Cystiphyllum, Lons., Sil., Dev. § 7. OPERCULATA. The forms of this section comprise a small number of peculiar types in which the corallite cell is furnished with a cover or operculum composed either of a single valve or of several valves. Radiating septa are mostly rudimentary, but are well developed in one genus. Provisionally, the representatives of the section may be classed in a single family, with subdivisions as shown below : Fam. Calceolide. Group A.—Arundinacei : Corallum made up of cylindrical or reed-like corallites. Septa rudimentary. Fletcheria, E. & H., Sil. Rhizopora, de Kon., Carb. Group B.—Univalvati: Operculum composed of a single valve. Septa rudimentary. Calceola, Lam., Dev Rhizophyllum, Linds., Sil. Group C.—Tetravalvati : Operculum composed of four valves. Septa well developed. Goniophyllum, E. & H., Sil. § 8. INTEGRI-STELLATA. In the representatives of this section, the internal tabulæ, so characteristic of palæ- ozoic corals generally, and the vesicular tissues which frequently accompany or replace the tabulæ, are practically unknown. Radiated septa, on the other hand, are well deve- loped. The known genera present collectively, two distinct types of configuration—a disciform, and a coniform type, respectively. A central columella is present in some representatives of the coniform type, and is absent in others. Hence the Integri-Stellata admit of a separation into three well characterized families, as in the following dis- tribution : CORALS AND CORALLIFORM TYPES, AT Fam. 1. Cyclinide :—Corallum simple, disciform. Group A.—Spiniferi: Septa represented by longitudinal rows of short spines. Acanthocyclus, Dyb., Sil. Group B.—Alternati: Septa, alternating in length, regularly arranged. Palæocyclus, K. & H., Sil. Group C.—Sulcati : Cup with one or more septal furrows, towards which some of the septa commonly incline. Microcyclus, Meek, Dev. Campophyllum, E. & H., Dev. Baryphyllum, i. & H., Dev. Hadrophyllum, E. & H., Dev. Fam. 2. Petraide :——Corallum simple, conical, straight or curved, without columella. Petraia, Munst., Sil., Dev., Carb. Polycelia, King., Paleeozoic. Kenophyllum, Dyb., Sil. Fam. 3. Cyathaxonide :—Corallum coniform, simple, a central columella present. Cyathaxonia, Mich., Sil., Dev., Carb. Duncanella, Nichol., Sii. Duncania, de Kon., Carb. 48 E. J. CHAPMAN, ON THE CORALS, &c. RETROSPECT. A. Subdivisions of the CŒLENTERATA : I. Hydrozoa. II. Hydrocoralla. ILI. Crossocoralla. 1V. Anthocoralla. Y. Ctenophora. B. Subdivisions of the HYDROCORALLA : @ 1. VACUATA : Fam. Auloporidæ (e. g. Aulopora, Reptella, etc.) @ 2. TABULATA : Fam. Chætetidæ (e. g. Chætetes, Tetradium. Fam. Beaumontide (e. g. Beaumontia). Fam. Favositide : Group |. Plani (e. g. Favosites, Alveolites, etc ) Group 2. Tumidi (e. g. Michelinia, Emmonsia). Fam. Halysitidæ (e. g. Halysites, etc.) Fam. Syringoporidæ (e. g. Syringopora, Haimeo- phyllum). 4 3. CELLULATA : Fam. Fistuliporide (e. g. Fistulipora, Callopora). Fam. Heliolitidæ (e. g. Heliolites, Thecia, etc.) 4 4. TABULO-STELLATA : Fam. Favistellidæ (e. g. Columnaria, Favistella). Fam. Amplexidæ (e.g. Amplexus, Calophyllum, ete.) Fam. Zaphrentidæ : Group 1. Corniculati (e. g. Zaphrentis, Streptelas- ma). Group 2. Columniferi (e. g. Lophophyllum). Group 3. Cruciferi (e. g. Phryganophyllum). Group 4. Biformes (e. g. Menophyllum). 4 5. VesICULO-STELLATA : Fam. Cyathophyllide : Group 1. Tesselati (e. g. Cyathogonium, Phillips- astræa, Heliogonium). Group 2. Arundinacei \e. g. Cannophyllum, Di- phyphyllum, Eridophyllum). Group 3. Corniculati (e. g. Cyathophyllum, He- liophyllum, Clisiophyllum, etc.). Fam. Lonsdalidæ : Group 1. Aggregati (e.g. Lonsdalia, Lithostro- tion). Group 2. Turbinati (e. g. Axophyllum, ete.) Fam. Siauridæ : Group 1. Tesselati (e. g. Stauria). Group 2. Turbinati (e.g. Omphyma). Fam. Halliidw (e. g. Hallia). 4 6. VESICULOSA : Fam. Cystiphyllidæ : Group 1. Aggregati (e. g. Cystiphylloides, etc.) Group 2. Corniculati (e. g. Cystiphyllum). % 7. OPERCULATA : Fam. Calceolidx : Group 1. Arundinacei (e. g. Fletcheria, Rhizo- pora). Group 2. Univalvati (e. g. Calceola, Rhizophyl- lum). Group 3. Tetravalvati (e. g. Goniophyllum). 4 8. INTEGRI-STELLATA : Fam. Cyclinide : Group 1. Spiniferi (e. g. Acanthocyclus). Group 2. Alternati (e. g. Palæocyclus). Group 3. Sulcati (e. g. Microcyclus, Campophyl- lum, etc.) Fam. Petraidæ (e. g. Petraia, Polycælia, ete.) Fam. Cyathaxonidæ (e.g. Cyathaxonia, Duncan- ella, Duncania.) SECTION IV., 1892. [ 49 | Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. IV.— Hibernation and Allied States in Animals. By WEsLEY Mittrs, M.A., MD, F.RS.C., Professor of Physiology in McGill University, cs Montreal. (Read June Ist, 1592.) IIe For a long time it has been known that many insects pass into a state of profound torpor during the winter season from which they are apt to emerge, as seen in our house flies, when the temperature rises sufficiently high. Snails are well known to provide against the approach of winter by closing up their shells within which they sink into a protective sleep, and doubtless hibernation is a very widespread phenomenon among invertebrates. There seems to be little doubt that in cold latitudes all reptilia and amphibia hiber- nate, and in warm countries æstivate. Nevertheless, definite investigations have been few. At the Philadelphia meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science of 1884, A. W. Butler made an interesting communication on this subject, giving some definite data, more especially in regard to the hibernation of the “box tortoise,” ‘ soft-shelled ” and ‘“ hard-shelled” turtles, frogs, toads, newts, salamanders and certain fishes, which may be found stated succinctly in the proceedings of the Association for that year. His observations apply to Brookville, Ind., U.S. A. He concludes that “in this part of the Ohio Valley, tortoises, turtles, toads and frogs are regularly found hibernating ; while on the other hand newts, salamanders and many species of fish do not as a rule enter a torpid state.” There seems to be no doubt, however, that many species of fish do hibernate. Turn- ing to warm blooded animals (homoiothermers) it is thought that while the brown bear of Europe and the badger sleep most of the time in winter, they do not hibernate in the same sense as, ¢.g., the dormouse. The black bear is believed to hibernate, though definite information about the winter life of this creature and other American bears generally would be very welcome. The hedgehog is regarded as a true hibernater the winter long. It is known that the tenrec of Madagascar sleeps for three months in his burrow during the hottest part of the year. It is, however, among the rodents that we must look for the most perfect hibernation ; and the porcupine, the hamster, the dormouse, the marmot— and as some think the squirrels are the best known examples. But if the hibernation of the bat is not the most perfect, it seems to have been about the best studied, for Marshall Hall’s investigations of sixty years ago are still to be regarded as classic. In consequence of reference to this subject in a paper on squirrels read before the Society in 1887, and my appeals for assistance in the study of this wide subject (in which one person can do comparatively little of himself, at least in ascertaining those modifica- Sec. LV., 1892. 7. 50 WESLEY MILLS ON tions which apply for different latitudes and conditions), I have been able to obtain some definite information as regards the winter sleep of squirrels especially. J. P. Bishop, Professor of Science in the State Normal School of Buffalo, N.Y., writes me: “ Regarding hibernation, I seriously doubt whether the red squirrel, in the latitude of Central N. Y., ever really hibernates. I have seen him out at all times of the winter and in all kinds of weather, even when the thermometer recorded temperatures below zero and the air was full of snow. But he is much more lively in warm days which he prefers for feeding. The gray squirrel is more sensitive to cold, but will come out upon almost any warm day in the winter.” I am also indebted to Mr. W. Yates of Hatchly, Ontario, a capable and loving observer of nature, for several notes. He says: ‘Trappers are opposed to the belief that red squirrels hibernate for they may be seen in the woods in the most inclement weather. They do not store up food in nests for themselves, but rob the dormouse or woodmouse and kill him when they can.” This seems also to be Mr. Yates’s own view. He says that flying squirrels, when the hollow trees on which they take shelter are cut, at once betake themselves in the most lively manner to some other hollow tree in the neighbourhood, the location of all of which they seem to know beforehand. This scarcely argues a very deep sleep—if sleep at all. As to the chipmunk (Tamias Lysteri), which certainly stores up food in a burrow, he seems more in doubt, but is not inclined to believe that he hibernates for very long periods at all events. He has seen them out as late as December 21st. This observer has made some very interesting observations on a tame raccoon (Procyon lotor). This creature lived in a hollow log lined with straw and “ drowsed away the greater part of December and January, leaving any food placed before him unnoticed.” The raccoon is known to spend the greater part of the winter in hollow elm trees in this part of the country, and Mr. Yates points out that the cutting down of most of these trees resulted in the raccoons betaking themselves to underground burrows including those once occupied by foxes. He says of the woodchuck (Arclomys monax): ‘ Our marmot hibernates sooner than the bear, raccoon or chipmunk. Towards the last of October he deserts his burrow in the fields for one in the woods, choosing a dry sheltered ridge and is never seen out till mild weather returns.” On this point Prof. Bishop writes me: ‘“ Popular belief puts the time of hibernation of the woodchuck from October Ist to May. I have seen them out well into November, and have known of their being caught in traps on January Ist. I also saw the tracks of one myself on January 2nd. From that time until May I have run across them or their tracks after a warm day.” Mr. Yates expresses a positive opinion. He considers that their winter sleep is of the most profound character, for he says: “Their state of uncon- sciousness is death-like.”’ As to bears he simply reiterates the belief that they hibernate only when food is net obtainable, in which view in the light of my own investigations I see nothing impossible. My studies on the torpor of cold-blooded animals (porkilothermers) have been little more than casual observations; on the bat they have been more extensive, still incom- plete; but the condition of the woodchuck, our American marmot, during winter and summer in confinement, has had my close attention for over five years, almost continu- ously by the help of other members of my family, especially of my wife, the time HIBERNATION, ETC., IN ANIMALS. 51 including the early morning and evening as well as the hours of the working day. Of the habits of this creature when in its natural surroundings I knew but little from per- sonal observations. The specimen on which my observations and experiments were made during four successive years was kept in confinement for some time prior to its coming into my pos- session—how long I do not know. It was of medium size and seemed to get more tame as time went on ; but when frightened or angry it acted always very much as a perfectly wild specimen. The marmot is a creature of low intelligence, a natural result, perhaps, of so much of its life being spent in a burrow and so much of its time being drowsed away, free from that struggle for existence which has apparently been so great a factor in all kinds of development. On account of the destructive power of its teeth it became necessary to have a cage constructed of strong wire with a suitable movable bottom, essential for cleanliness. My specimen would eat fruits, such roots as turnips and carrots, bread, biscuits, etc. But he became very fond of porridge with a little milk, and when he was disposing of this, his smacking could be heard all over the house. It seemed to agree with him perfectly. The object of my investigations being to ascertain not only the nature of the winter sleep, but the character of its variations under a changing environment especially as regards temperature and meteorological conditions generally, I kept the animal in different rooms of the houses in which I lived successively during the creature’s lifetime, and also in different parts of an out-house in which my dogs, fowls, etc., lived. It would take up too much space and prove rather wearisome to attempt to reproduce here the records which I have kept in detail. It will be both more practicable and more profitable to give the general results of studies on this one specimen for the four years during which he lived, and then refer to the unexpected result of the study of another specimen during the past winter. I think the following life-periods were recognizable in the specimen I had under observation :— 1. A period characterized by either drowsiness or sleep or profound torpor, lasting from about November to April. 2. A period of perfect wakefulness immediately following, during which the animal was emaciated, in poor coat and with a general low vital capital, lasting for some weeks. 3. A period of improving condition, with good health and a desire to get free, which latter was also noticeable in the preceding period. 4. A period of maximum weight and vigour with perfect coat and an abundance of fatty tissue. But little need be said about any of these life-periods except the first. During the second the emaciation increased rapidly at first on waking, and was equally marked by voracious feeding. The meaning of this will be referred to later. It is plain that the organism entered on its long period of diminished vitality with a large stock of reserve material, and it is equally clear that this was drawn upon to the full. I now turn to the peculiarities of the sleeping or torpid condition. I have character- ized the first period as one of drowsiness or sleep or torpor, because there are subdivisions of the first period during which the animal was found in a condition that was charac- 52 WESLEY MILLS ON terized by drowsiness and no more; again it was plainly only sleeping, while again it was as profoundly torpid as it ever became. The period of most profound sleep was never reached all of a sudden, but was preceded by the two states referred to above. Moreover, as the depth of winter approached the sleep became more profound, and the reverse with the approach of spring, so that we might represent the depth of the sleep by a rising followed by a falling curve with a rather long flattened top. During the whole of the first period the animal nestled in the straw with which he was always provided and when he was most profoundly unconscious but little of him could be seen often, so completely was he covered. Another important matter : The amount of food consumed was directly proportional to the depth of his sleep. Not only did he eat less frequently as a matter of course, but the quantity taken at one time was less. Occasionally when fully hibernating he would awake to fall asleep again, merely after gathering the straw about him a little closer, and not eat at all. His cage always being supplied with food, there was no doubt about his ability to provide himself when so inclined. His excretions were also in proportion to the amount of food consumed and especially to the depth of the sleep. The less he ate and particularly the more profoundly he slept the less were his evacuations when he awoke. He never befouled his bed but always left it to void urine and fæces. During the period of mere drowsiness the animal would be awakened by a gentle rustling against its cage, and even when asleep a noise, etc., would always arouse it ; but when in a torpid condition it could not be thus aroused, but might be handled without being brought to the natural condition, though handling and much less disturbance al- Ways caused movement, a phenomenon to be discussed later. In the spring of 1891 my woodchuck came out of his winter sleep in a very emaciated condition, and this as usual increasing after his awakening, he was in a doubtful state ; but the case was soon decided against the animal in consequence of my servant having left him for some time fully exposed to the sun’s rays. An autopsy revealed the fact that the animal (a male) was the subject of tuberculosis of the lungs, though possibly but for this exposure he might have lasted another year. Through the kindness of Mr. R. F. Rorke, an undergraduate in Medicine of McGill University, I became possessed of two specimens of the marmot in the latter part of the summer of 1891. One of these was very large and in fine condition, and his escape soon after arrival has been a frequent subject of regret by me as I hoped to be able, not only to continue the observations, but to make them comparative, as it was my intention to keep both under the same conditions, in fact, in the same cage. But the curious part re- mains to be told. ‘hough I kept the remaining woodchuck under exactly the same con- ditions as the animal I had so long had, he did not hibernate for an hour the whole win- ter, though he drowsed and slept enough. It has been generally considered that the hibernating condition of animals was de- pendent above all else on the temperature of the surrounding atmosphere. My experi- ments in bats seemed to warrant this conclusion, for whenever the temperature reached the neighbourhood of 45° F. to 40° F., the other conditions being favourable, my specimens began to hibernate. It was also true that my woodchuck was in the deepest sleep during midwinter when the cold is greatest. Whether a bat could be put into a state HIBERNATION, ETC., IN ANIMALS. 58 of torpor during summer by exposing it to a lowered temperature I do not know. However, Marshall Hall maintained that the diurnal sleep of the bat (‘ diurnation ”’) was exactly the same phenomenon as the winter sleep. The same writer maintained that hibernating bats always awoke when the temperature fell below freezing point, and his observations showed that the temperature of the animals was always a few degrees above that of the surrounding atmosphere. Probably Hall is correct in the main, for my bats when the temperature sank during the night much below freezing were always found dead in the morning. Whether they awoke first or simply passed from torpor to death I do not know. However, for the marmot I can assert positively that this rule does not hold, for fre- quently the water was found frozen in the apartment in which the animal was kept, yet he was undisturbed. Nevertheless, I came to the conclusion that this exposure is injuri- ous to a hibernating animal and that it had something to do with the poor condition in which my specimen was found in the spring of the year in which he died. Before discussing the true nature of the phenomena of the winter sleep, I call atten- tion to certain cases of allied nature. Such frequent references as we find to the hibernation of swallows deserve some consideration. It is also stated that in Scotland sheep have been found alive after being buried for weeks beneath the snow; and Dr. Frank Miller of Burlington, Vt., reported when a student to the Society for the Study of Comparative Psychology at Montreal, that hogs had been found alive after being accidentally imprisoned below the surface for several weeks; longer than it seemed possible for them to survive under ordinary circumstances, so that it would appear they had been in a condition of hibernation or some such state. Turning to the human subject: We have all read of instances in man of ‘“ sus- pended animation ” or “trance.” The case of Fakirs in India having been buried alive, exhumed and resuscitated after months is attested by such evidenceas it is difficult to set aside, however hard to credit. Mr. D. W. Ross, a student in Medicine of McGill University, has gathered the facts of a peculiar case in so far as they are now obtainable. The individual in question was known as “Sleepy Joe,” a farmer by occupation. He was married and had several children, one of whom, a girl, had the same drowsy appearance as her father. This man would sleep almost constantly for several weeks, awakening, however, to attend to nature’s calls and to take food. He would at times awake more fully and then set to work whether it was day or night and almost incessantly labour as if to make up for lost time. He was rather weak mentally, but appeared ashamed of his sleepy tendencies which seemed to get worse as he grew older. He lived to be about 60 years of age. Dr. Aug. Robinson of Annapolis, has kindly given the following notes of a unique case. John T., son of a pensioner, is now about sixty-two years old. When he was twenty- eight years of age his father committed suicide by cutting his throat in a fit of insanity. Before his father’s death, John had shown symptoms of melancholia. He would sit by the hour over his father’s bench (cobbler’s), laughing and talking to himself, and work- ing himself into a frenzy, fighting imaginary foes, and going into immoderate fits of laughter. I cannot ascertain, after much inquiry, how long this condition of things lasted be- 54 WESLEY MILLS ON fore he lapsed into his present state; but this much is certain, for the last thirty years or more, about the end of September every year he falls into a deep sleep or stupor, and, as his present condition is a fair sample of the manner in which his winters have been ~ passed since he was first attacked, I will describe him as I found him on Monday, Decem- ber 10th, 1888, and repeat what I was told by his friends regarding his attack this autumn : About August 31st, Jack went to bed after eating his evening meal as usual, without exhibiting anything out of the common in his manner or otherwise, or giving any reason for the supposition that he was out of sorts in any way. On the following morning he did not get up, nor has he shown any more vitality than any sleeping man up to this time. His sleep is very quiet without any stertor, indeed it is as calm as that of a child. Twice in every twenty-four hours he is taken up, a person supporting him on each side, holding a vessel for his convenience. He knows enough to voluntarily empty his blad- der. The urine is high in colour and scant in quantity. About eleven o’clock every night he seems to show rather more life than at any other time, and advantage is taken of this to pour a little thin oatmeal gruel, beef-tea or soup down his throat, he opening his lips to allow them to do so, and slowly swallowing it. He only takes a very little each time, and, if urged to take more, simply keeps his mouth shut. About once in every thirty days, not exactly at regular intervals, during the evening generally, the family will hear a peculiar chattering noise. They never take any notice of it, for they know it is Jack going down to the out-house to empty his bowels. He then returns to his bed and sleeps. He knows enough to throw a quilt over his shoulders at such times. At the time of my visit I found his temperature 96° F., pulse 60, regular, though not strong; respirations 14, easy and quiet, skin cool. A pin stuck into his arm caused no apparent change, and he might be pinched until black and blue without its causing him the slightest uneasiness. My first visit io Jack was about twenty years ago, when I first came to live and practice in this vicinity, and it came about in this way. Of course there was a talk about the new doctor and what he could do, so I was called to see this queer case. I got all the particulars from the friends and neighbours, and what means had been tried by other doctors, and then I promised to try what I could do. On the following day I went again, accompanied by my brother, also a physician. We took with us a good galvanic battery. One of the handles was placed in each hand and bound closely to the fingers with wet bandages. We then put on the full power of the instrument. Poor old Jack was out of bed in an instant, and I shall never forget his look of astonishment and horror as he yelled out “ Damnation, what’s that ?” I can also well remember my own feelings of sat- isfaction and complacency when the natives congratulated me on my success in this, my first case. I walked off as if saying to myself, “I knew I could do it.” . Well, Jack re- mained awake about three days and then I got a message that my patient was off again. I went up and tried the battery a second time, with only the effect, however, of making him open his eyes and grunt out “ Eh,” in a querulous manner, and after looking about him for a half-hour or so, he lapsed into his former condition. Next day I again tried the battery, but without the slightest effect, so I gave it up as a hard case. This is all I have to say about this singular object, except that, of course, he becomes very thin and haggard before he rouses finally in the spring and he does not fairly waken until the end of May or first of June. During the summer months Jack does exactly the HIBERNATION, ETC. IN ANIMALS. 59 work he is told to do, but he must be told over again every day ; for example, if desired to bring the cows from pasture, he will do so, but will not milk them until told to, nor will he turn then afield again without being desired. He does not seem to know what to do next, even though the same routine is carried out every day. An exception, how- ever, must be made in one respect. He does not require to be told when dinner or tea time arrives, and is blessed with an excellent appetite. Jack is always ready for his food, and is not particular about quality, so that quantity is there. He will talk quite ration- cally on any subject when spoken to, and recollects distinctly most of the incidents of his childhood. He will hold animated confab with the cows, dogs, trees, wheelbarrow, or any other object which happens to be in his way, and may be noticed sometimes lectur- ing a tree for some time, breaking out occasionally into uproarious fits of laughter. When visiting in 1890, Dr. C. K. Clarke, Superintendent of the Asylum for Insane in Kingston, he happened to make reference to a peculiar individual known to a few as “the sleeping woman.” It at once occurred to me that her case would prove a study of great value if it could be carried out, and I suggested to Dr. Clarke that he endeavour to supplement such facts as we could learn and such observations as we were able to make by a joint visit to the subject of this peculiar condition by a careful study of the case. He succeeded much beyond my expectations in doing this, and has published the results of his investigations in the American Journal of Insanity for October, 1891, under the title, “ A Case of Le- thargy,” and from that paper I extract the principal facts in regard to this case which is so remarkable that it may be well to state them somewhat fully. Several seasons ago I heard that there was a patient who had been in a trance for years, and from time to time word was brought to the effect that the condition still per- sisted, and that all efforts to rouse the woman were without result. A little more than a year ago I obtained permission to visit the patient, but was not allowed to make any extended examination. On entering the room I found a thin, old woman in bed, apparently fast asleep. Her respirations were irregular and varied much during the visit (lasting almost half an hour), running all the way from 24 to 44 per minute. The pulse quickened in a marked way during my stay, and ran up from about 80 to 120. The woman had her eyes half closed, and to all appearances was oblivious to everything that was going on. The nurse gave many details regarding the patient and made a number of statements, some of which I shall repeat in a few minutes. Many of these statements we were able to verify at a subsequent period ; others were undoubtedly inaccurate. Before going into details regarding the every-day life of this case of lethargy, as we saw it, perhaps it would be well to give a brief outline of the history of the patient. Unfortunately it has not been found possible to get as many important facts as could be desired in connection with this history, but great care has been taken to eliminate all doubtful points. The patient was born in [820 or 1821, and when she came under observation was almost sixty-nine years of age. The neurotic history was pronounced on “ both sides of the house” ; evidence going to show that her father had suffered from melancholia. A relia- ble person states that the father died from “softening of the brain’’—possibly general paresis. The patient’s mother was subject (a member of the family states) to attacks of partial loss of reason, which could only be cured by change of air and surroundings. It 56 WESLEY MILLS ON has not been possible to get an accurate account of these attacks of “ partial loss of reason.” The patient’s early history is not well known, but it has been stated on good authority that she was “ peculiar,” and in childhood complained of some head trouble that caused her to keep her hair cropped short. She was married when very young, probably when seventeen or eighteen years of age, as she was but twenty-one when her third child was born. Three years after the birth of her last child she was noticed to undergo a change in disposition and acted “strangely.” She could not be depended on, was untruthful and whimsical, and worried a great deal about trifles. It is from a subsequent period (three years later) that the history of this case must be dated. The son, the youngest child, says: “The first recollection that I have of mother’s sickness was when I was six years old. My little sister had died and I was just recover- ing from an attack of scarlet fever when she was taken down. I think the attack was caused by grief over sister’s death, and over-exertion and want of rest. 1 do not remember how long she was sick at that time, but I recollect that her left side was completely paralyzed and that after a time a strong liniment was used, which partially removed the paralysis, and when she went to the country for several weeks she came back well. The second time that she was taken sick was when I was twelve years old. She felt poorly for some time and was then taken with fits, or convulsions, which lasted for I think three days, having sometimes four or five in an hour. She was confined to her bed for I think about two vears, in very much the same condition as at present. I do not know what curative means were employed, but she gradually improved a little, and was again sent out into the country, where she seemed to recover. She enjoyed pretty good health for about six years, but had to be very careful ; she never drank tea or coffee and always had to have the hair on the back of her head cut short. About this time her father was taken sick and we moved into his house to take care of him. This seemed to affect mother, and after a short time she was again taken with fits and soon went into her former condition. During this sickness, which lasted about two years, she used to sit up a great part of the time and appeared to be perfectly conscious. She knew father and those who waited on her, used to call me her boy, but appeared to be in a sort of a stupor most of the time. She was again sent into the country and came back well. Then ensued a brief interval of about two years, during which time she was in fair health, but was again taken down as before and was sick for nearly seven years. During part of this time she was very low, and we watched day after day at her bedside expect- ing each day would be the last; but she again rallied and gradually her bodily strength and reason returned to her. She was well for about five years, when she seemed to be taken with a low fever and gradually went down to her present condition.” Such is the son’s account of the case, and from it we learn that the history of nervous trouble dates back at least forty years, and the inference is that the first indications of lethargy then made their appearance. The details of the conditions that existed during the different attacks are almost HIBERNATION, ETC., IN ANIMALS. 57 entirely wanting, and it is unfortunate that we are left almost completely in the dark regarding the nature of the convulsive seizures that occurred. Subsequent history would lead us to believe that these were in all probability hystero-epileptic in origin. About the year 1862 the patient fell into a state of lethargy that lasted for seven years or more. The condition was not one of complete unconsciousness, and although the woman appeared to sleep almost continually, occasionally she would wake up for a minute or so at a time and converse in a rational manner. It is not possible to make more than general statements in regard to these attacks, but it is beyond doubt that the conditions were not identical with those that characterized the last attack. Evidently the condition of lethargy was not so profound. The announcement of the death of a warm friend was the immediate cause of her awakening. The return to even an approach to a normal condition of health was a very gradual process. She was lachrymose and childish for some time, and could not use her limbs properly for months; in fact, had to learn to walk again. During the period of wakefulness that now ensued—seven years or more—the patient, to a certain extent, interested herself in the affairs of every-day life. She went about the house, ete., but was very quiet and did not seem able to concentrate her mind on anything. Her memory was markedly deficient, and she seemed astonished to find people and places changed, and could not realize the fact that she had been asleep for such a long time. When waking up from her long sleep one of the first requests made was for beer, and strange to say the same want was expressed many years after when arousing from a subsequent attack. About thirteen years ago the patient gradually passed into the condition in which we saw her. At first she spoke occasionally but in a childish manner, and often made a request for meat and potatoes, invariably using the following words: ‘‘ Meat and pota- toes, a plate all full up to the top.” Before giving the details of the case as we saw it, it will be well to repeat in a gen- eral way the statements made by the nurses who had the care of the patient before she came to the Asylum : She seems to exercise a certain amount of discrimination regarding her food, and will eat enormously or not at all, and when her appetite is not lost does not seem to know when she had had enough. Her diet is made up of minced meat, potatoes, soft toast, milk, ete., and she is particularly fond of meat and potatoes, in fact will not touch anything until meat and potatoes are provided. She does not like sweet things. When not suffering from diarrhcea eats three times a day. Eats as much as any healthy, active woman of her age. Objects to nauseous drugs, and endeavours to push the spoon away with her left hand. The attitude during the day is quite different from that assumed at night, and the patient undoubtedly sleeps more soundly at night than during the day. -In the daytime her legs are extended ; at night drawn up. In the daytime she is put either on her back or right side, at night on her left side, and remains in this position until morning without moving—in fact, cannot roll over. She will not settle down for the night until a drink of cold water is given. In the day time, sometimes foran hour or so at a time, appears to be nearer a condition of consciousness than at any other time. This occurs generally after breakfast, but she has to be roused for her meals. When heavy coverlets are put on the bed she attempts to shove the blankets off Sec. IV., 1892. 8. 58 WESLEY MILLS ON with her left hand, and likes to be very lightly covered. . The eyes are three parts closed during the day and completely closed at night. The face sometimes becomes flushed. She never speaks, and in fact has spoken but once in eleven years or more, and that was quite recently (1890), when she said “I am not asleep.” Her appetite has been better since she has been in the long sleep than it was before, and she eats things she would not touch when awake. At least once during the present attack she has, unassisted, got out of bed, and there is reason to believe she has done the same thing several times, but not within three years, as her physical condition renders it impossible. Several times the nurse fancied the patient was moving about the room at night, but for some time could not actually prove that such was the case. At last, however, a fall was heard in the middle of the night, and the patient was found lying fast asleep at the bottom of the stairs, down which she had fallen. During the present attack she has fasted on several occasions, and once went fifteen days without food. It must be remembered that the nurses were speaking of the last attack and at a time when the patient had been in a state of lethargy for more than eleven years. In September, 1890, I saw the patient with Dr. Clarke. This was my first, but Dr. Clarke’s second visit. We found the patient, an old woman, in bed. She was lying on her back with her eyes half closed. Her face when we first entered was somewhat flushed and respiration rapid. When respirations were closely observed it was noticed that they were most irregular, and at times ceased for several moments. Thev averaged 22 per minute. Pulse was 104, fairly strong and regular, arteries almost free from rigidity. Axillary temperature, 982°. The nurse stated that ordinarily the patient’s bowels moved but once in three days, but latterly she had developed a tendency to diarrhea, and since that had evinced a sense of discomfort until the bowels were relieved. This sense of dis- comfort was evinced by whining like a dog. Ordinarily she would not give any indica- tion that she wished to relieve herself, but the presence of the bed pan would excite the reflexes. She does not soil the bed. The statement of the nurse in regard to the amount of urine passed every day was, that a little more than half a pint would be a fair average. A physical examination of the patient was made. The left foot was drawn as if there were a contracted Tendo-Achillis ; right foot drawn down but uot in such a marked man- ner as the left. Marked rigidity of the right knee and leg; left leg and knee not rigid. Right ankle easily moved ; left rigid. Patellar reflexes absent. Tickling the soles of the feet did not cause any evidence of sensibility. Hach great toe was drawn under the second toe, this condition being especially marked in the left foot. When the soles of the feet were tickled it was thought that the respirations were slightly deepened, but on account of the irregularity of the breathing it was difficult to determine this point, and it was considered undecided. Patient’s hair gray; nails healthy and not abnormally brittle. Facial reflexes better than reflexes in any other part of the body. Orbicular re- flexes good even with air; at the same time it was noticed that flies crawling over the face did not excite the reflexes. Pupils responsive to light. Small bed sores found on hips and evidence of former deep-seated bed sores plainly visible. While we were present the nurse endeavoured to arouse the patient and tried to get her to take some food. A feeble protest was made (whining), the patient winked for a few moments, and then went off to sleep again. Bread was put in her mouth, but re- mained there without any effort being made to swallow. HIBERNATION, ETC. IN ANIMALS. 89 On October 9th, 1890, the patient came under Dr. Clarke's care, and a series of obser- vations of the most complete character was made. The patient, a thin old woman, apparently not weighing more than sixty pounds, was carried into the infirmary from the ambulance, and placed in bed. She was asleep and did not seem disturbed by the jolting to which she had been subjected. Her tempera- ture was 974°, pulse 107, and respirations 20. Efforts were made to arouse her, but with- out avail. Friends stated that she had been in her present state of lethargy for more than eleven years. Her eyes were half closed, and it was found almost impossible to get her to swallow anything. Next morning her temperature was about normal ; pulse 117, respiration 18 ; still asleep with the eyes half closed, as she remained nearly the whole time she lived. She was under observation from October, 1890, until February, 1891, when she died. In these four months she was closely watched, and until the last week of her life gave little indication that she had the slightest knowledge of the fact that she lived. She would remain in any position in which she was placed in bed, and if not fed, would undoubtedly have died without making any sign that she required or desired food. Her temperature was almost invariably subnormal, sometimes falling to 95°, although occasionally it would rise to nearly 102°, without any cause that could be determined. Her appetite was capricious, although she undoubtedly had decided likes and dislikes in regard to food. She preferred beef and potatoes to anything else. The process of eating was very slow, and sometimes it would be more than an hour betore she could finish a meal, When she drank anything, milk was evidently preferred. She was very clean in her personal habits, and never soiled the bed. The quantity of urime passed was very small, not averaging more than one-seventh of normal. The bowels moved but seldom, sometimes only once in six or seven days. It was possible to rouse her for a moment or so, to the extent of making her open her eyes, but beyond this she would give no indication of consciousness, and went to sleep again immediately. Her legs were nearly always drawn up, although when the patient was admitted it was stated that she always straightened her legs at night. Her feet were almost invariably very cold, and the hands sometimes so. Occasionally her eye- lids would tremble and quiver, just as they will in a patient suffering from hysteria. Generally when much bothered, she would for a few moments make a sort of whining protest. The facial expression was quiet, almost deathlike, under ordinary circumstances, but sometimes when undergoing examination, an expression suggestive of pain would appear ; at thésame time it is questionable if pain was really experienced, as the heart and respir- ations did not show the least disturbance. A large amount of food for one so frail was consumed in a day, although on some occasions the appetite was completely lost. Sometimes when suddenly disturbed she would start nervously, and her hands would tremble. Trained nurse Osborne, who was with her very constantly, seemed to think that there were times when she was nearer a condition of consciousness than at others, and as this statement was also made by the former nurses, possibly it is correct. Occasionally she would push down the bed clothes with her hands, and the history of the case would go to show that heavy coverings were always objectionable. 60 WESLEY MILLS ON Nearly every day she was propped up in a chair for half an hour. This did not seem to have any effect on her general condition. The account of her last days are interesting: Early in Fedruary, 1891, a marked change took place in the patient’s condition. Diarrhcea developed, and the woman was evidently suffering pain. On the 4th of February she was undoubtedly awake and in the evening spoke in a hoarse whisper asking for a sour drink. This was the second time she had spoken in thirteen years. On the morning of the 5th of February again asked for a drink, yawned twice and fell asleep again. In the afternoon was again awake, fed herself in an awkward way and in the evening spoke again in a natural manner. I sent ~ for her friends and they endeavoured to get her to take notice of them, but she did not ap- pear to know them and went to sleep as usual. The trained nurse’s notes for the next few days are as follows :— ‘February 6th.—Will feed herself with bread or anything dry. Hand shakes too much to use acup or spoon. Will ask for anything she wants, but will not speak at any other time. Always uses her left hand. February 7th —I was called in about 4 a.m., and found her lying on the floor; she would not speak, but from all appearance no one had touched her; she had evidently gotten out of bed herself. At 9.30 a.m., she was cold and very white looking; about fifteen minutes later after her face was flushed and moist, body warm, hands, knees and feet cold. This soon passed off, leaving her in her former condition. Temperature was 952, lower than at 8 o’clock. This afternoon asked for a sour drink, and a big cake. Spoke hurriedly, but quite loudly and distinctly. Kissed the nurse twice when asked to do so. February 9th.—Has not been well at all to-day. Moaned when disturbed. Has eaten scarcely anything, but has taken more milk than usual. Has had slight diarrhea since last Tuesday; worse to-day. February 11th.—Asked frequently for drinks to-day, ead last night said her throat was burning. Does not appear to recognize any of her friends nor to realize that she is among strangers. So long as her wants are attended to she seems quite unconscious of anything else —not exactly unconscious either, but as though she took no interest in what went on around her. February 12th.—Is better this morning, had no diarrhcea during the night. Has asked three times for something to eat, which sounds like meat, but when I get it for her she won't eat it. February 13th.—Diarrhcea much worse to-day. February 15th. —Diarrhcea somewhat better. On the 16th, she was slightly better and asked for beer and cocoa and said she felt as if she were burning up. From this time she steadily grew worse and died on the 26th. Dr. Ruttan, Prof. of Chemistry, McGill University, made elaborate analyses of urine sent to Montreal from time to time, and without offering any detailed statement here, I may say that the general conclusions arrived at were as follows: The whole of the urine passed in six days was sent and he says the total amount if representing six days’ urine is about one-seventh the normal. This contains all constituents in about nor- mal quantities in relation to the volume of the urine, except the phosphoric acid, which is about one-third what it should be. HIBERNATION, ETC., IN ANIMALS. 61 AUTOPSY. INSPECTIO CADAVERI. Nutrition poor; body much emaciated; apparent age 65 to 70; weight about 50; rigor mortis complete. A. M. staining on hands and feet; P. M. staining on back of trunk; bedsores on sacrum, tip and ball of great toe; feet and ankles edematous; legs flexed on thighs by contracted tendons ; no teeth, and jaws much absorbed. SECTIO CADAVERI. HEAD.—Scalp thin and easily dissected ; calvarium of average thickness; tables thin however, diploe being in excess; Dura Mater not adherent to the skull, slightly opaque at vertex; one slight adhesion to brain at margin of longitudinal fissure; ante-mortem clots in longitudinal and lateral sinuses, the clots in the lateral sinuses being particularly well organized. BRAIN.—The brain weighed about 35 oz.; macroscopically, it was healthy in appear- ance; in fact in Asylum experience I have never seen as healthy a brain in the post- mortem room. Convolutions well marked and sulci deep; gray matter abundant ; brain substance firm ; ventricles free from evidence of disease ; brain not examined microscopically. THORAX.—Sub-sternal adhesions. Emphysema of cellular tissue beneath sternum ; cartilages not ossified. HEART.—Small ; weight 3? oz. Pericardial fluid in average quantity; blood in great veins, and right auricle fluid ; walls of right auricle and ventricle unusually thin ; valves normal ; small post-mortem clot in left ventricle ; walls of left ventricle hypertrophied ; left auricle normal; valves of left side normal. Aorra.—Ascending aorta dilated into a fusiform aneurism; capacity about twice that of normal; arterial coats not thinner than normal; no evidence of atheroma; no pressure effects noticed ; varicose veins on posterior walls of the heart ; abdominal aorta atheromatous ; ante-mortem clots in abundance. LunGs.—Right : Very adherent at apex; small adhesions all over surface of lung ; apex, a mass of tubercle ; in fact, tubercles were found scattered throughout the whole lungs, and in the apex a small cavity existed; hypostatic congestion marked. Left: In this lung a certain amount of hypostatic congestion was apparent, and an occasional tubercle was found ; otherwise the lung was normal; cord-like adhesions of pleura on surface. ABDOMEN.—Liver adherent to chest walls and diaphragm ; whole capsule tore off in taking out and remained attached to diaphragm, and abdominal wall; weight, 20 oz.; three vertical furrows present on anterior surface of right lobe ; these furrows were about two inches in length ; centre one distinctly marked; nutmeg condition present. STOMACH.— Large ; about two inches from pyloric orifice was a constricted portion. This condition was undoubtedly not the result of any inflammatory action, but the 62 WESLEY MILLS ON natural shape of the stomach, giving rise to an appearance suggestive of a rudimentary second stomach. INTESTINES.—Small ; evidences of an old peritonitis ; adhesions everywhere ; there were several constricted portions from three to six inches long; inno place was there complete stricture, and no scars were present ; above the constricted portions the intes- tine was much distended. CacumM.—Walls much thickened and much venous congestion; inner surface dark red, and roughened ; had appearance of numerous varicose veins in wall. | ASCENDING COLON.—One portion constricted, and part preceding dilated ; transverse colon, normal; descending, slightly dilated. Kipneys.—Right; very small, about 2} inches long; apparently normal. Left: about an inch longer than right; apparently normal; capsules non-adherent. We may sum up the case by saying that in the subject under consideration, we have a woman inheriting from parents an intensely neurotic organization in consequence of which she showed many indications of an ill-balanced and unstable nature culminating in various vital crises including periods of stupor. In fact, this woman seems to have spent nearly one-third of her whole existence in an unconscious condition, being then a purely vegetative organism. At one period of her life she was a veritable Rip Van Winkle, finally sinking into a long lethargy from which there was only a brief consciousness prior to the final stop- page of the vital mechanism. But it is to be noted this curious condition was not the result of any gross lesion of the brain, but of hidden molecular peculiarities, which renders the case to my mind all the more instructive when considered in connection with all those states I am now considering. TL I propose now to discuss the real nature of hibernation and kindred states. In the paper on squirrels read before the Society in 1887, I said, speaking of hiberna- tion: “I think it is very probable that, when the matter has been fully investigated, all degrees of cessation of functional activity will be found represented, from the daily nor- mal sleep of man and other animals, to the lowest degree of activity consistent with the actual maintenance of life.” As a matter of fact this is the conclusion toward which all my investigations since that time have tended. Though some maintain that in true hibernation there is cessa- tion of respiration—it would be hard to prove this; for, as Hall showed, the circulation continues and the very beating of the heart against the lungs displaces a certain amount of air, and in any event we cannot leave out of account diffusion of gases which in all cases of animals with lungs plays an essential part in the process of respiration. It would be interesting to know the condition of the heart in a hibernating frog or turtle ; but in such creatures the skin, as also probably in snakes, has a respirating func- tion. Live frogs will stay for hours at the bottom of a tank in winter provided fresh water is flowing over them constantly. In fact, winter frogs kept under these conditions respire largely by the skin. So far as the bat is concerned it is difficult to observe any HIBERNATION, ETC. IN ANIMALS. 63 respiratory movements; but in the woodchuck I never fail to notice them at considerable intervals, say once in five to nine minutes, even when hibernating most profoundly. The respirations were peculiar. Sometimes one deep inspiration preceded by a sudden relaxation of the enlarged chest wotld be succeeded by a long pause ; again there would be a series of very slight respiratory movements. It was always possible by the respira- tions alone to predict when the animal was approaching the waking state. The awakening was never sudden but gradual, often extending over hours. I have seen something like this though less remarkable in the bat. This is no doubt protective to the vital machinery, for when Hall maintained that bats suddenly awaked from the hibernating condition died speedily, he was in the main, if not entirely correct. A brief consideration of natural daily sleep will throw light on winter sleep, etc. Sleep is favoured by moderate exhaustion, a good condition of nutrition and the ab- sence of all sorts of peripheral stimuli. The case of the youth having but one good eye and one hearing ear who could be put to sleep by closing these up is very instructive. This lad did not however continue to sleep indefinitely, but awoke after a number of hours, showing that though there are certain conditions in the environment that favour sleep, the latter is essentially a condi- tion of the central nervous system and dependent on laws governing the latter. This view makes its clear that sleep is naturally a nocturnal condition for most animals, owing, no doubt, to the evolution of life in relation always to the environment. The fact is we cannot conceive of life except in and by reason of, in a sense, some environ- ment. -The change of the seasons, day and night, and all the periodicities of the inor- ganic world have as a natural consequence stamped themselves on living things, plants as well as animals. Sleep then is essentially a rhythmic diminution of the activities of all the tissues, but especially of that one, which controls all others, the nervous. Rhythm seems to be at the basis of all things organic and inorganic, but has not been enough considered in our explanation of living cells. It was long the custom to explain sleep by anæmia of the brain, whereas the very anæmia was due to a contraction of the blood vessels of the part accompanied by the diminution of the heart-beat, both of which are periodical and dependent on the rhythm of the nervous system itself. Of course, tempo- rary anemia of the brain fayours sleep, though it is not the essential cause. As a natural consequence of the decline in the activity of the great controller of the cell activities (me- tabolism) 7. e., the nervous centres, it is found that all the functions of the body without exception perhaps are diminished during sleep. Marshall Hall and others since his time have shown that the gaseous interchange in a hibernating animal is greatly lessened. This diminished metabolism explains why the animal does not require to eat, or but little. It explains the diminished excretions, etc., ete. This being understood it is not surprising that hibernating animals may be kept under water for long periods as is the case with newly-born inammals as kittens and puppies, whose vital machinery as yet works very slowly, which are in fact in a condition but slightly more advanced physiologically than the uterine which is a sort of reptilian pre-natal state—as regards the cireulation, respiration, ete. As the metabolism of reptiles and amphibians is of a much slower kind than that of mammals it is not surprising that their winter sleep is more profound. But it is to be observed that the change from their most active to their most sluggish condition is not probably relatively greater than in the case of mammals. 64 WESLEY MILLS ON All forms of profound winter (or summer) sleep are protective, both of the individual and the species. Manifestly amphibia, reptilia and other groups of the animal kingdom must have utterly vanished from the face of the earth but for such a power to adapt to conditions. Probably many individuals, if not some entire groups have through more or less complete failure to adapt disappeared before this habit of the nervous system and of the whole organism became perfect enough. It is equally clear from the investigation given to the subject that hibernation, like daily sleep, is not a fixed and rigid thing, but just as it has been the result of adaptation to the environment by virtue of the plasticity of function of all living cells, so the power to modify, still remains. It is possible to conceive of its being lost in certain groups of animals; indeed this phase of the subject has been as much impressed on me as the other. Sleep, hibernation and all such states are not invariable but to a certain extent so dependent on the sur- roundings that, as in the case of my last marmot, also of turtles and frogs kept within doors, there may be an omission of that condition which is habitual under the normal environment of the animal. I would like to emphasize these facts, for they seem to me to throw great light on the evolution of function at all events, and on those changes which may become so great as to lead, we can hardly say, to what, in the lapse of time. For years I have had turtles and especially frogs under observation during the win- ter months. Our frogs for laboratory use at McGill University are kept in a tank in which the water is being continually renewed by a slow stream. They are not fed. None of the frogs seem to pass into a condition of true hibernation, but they descend to the bottom of the tank and remain quiet as if asleep or partially torpid, as indeed I know they often are for hours. In this is an interesting modification of that most profound torpor which they experience when buried in the mud of ponds. Even in the winter life of a creature like the marmot we may have all degrees of drowsiness or torpor as I have shown; and it is not to be forgotten that our own daily sleep has its degrees, so that the night’s sleep may be represented by a curve with a sharp rise and_yery gradual fall; which may, as we all know, be greatly modified by circum- stances. The same laws seem to apply to all the known cases of human lethargy, hibernation, sleep or whatever the state may be called. In the case of the buried sheep and hogs the protective value of the condition is evident, as also in the case of the lethargic woman. This individual with so ill-balanced and unstable a constitution would probably have been carried off by some form of actual disease long before, had she remained awake. She could exist as a mere vegetative organism, but not as a normal human being in the ordinary struggle for existence. One thing which has been much impressed upon me by my studies of this whole subject is the varying degrees of sensitiveness to temperature and meteorological conditions in different groups of animals and different individuals of the same group. The bat as compared with the marmot, for example, may be worked like a machine by varying the temperature. On the contrary the degree to which the wood- chuck is independent of temperature was a surprise to me after my experience with the bat. But the woodchuck answered like a barometer to predict storms; in fact I am satis- fied that many wild animals have a delicate perception of meteorological conditions which HIBERNATION, ETC. IN ANIMALS. 65 man has not and which in a sense makes them wiser than our science and wiser than they know, for they act reflexly as it were. Often my marmot would be heard in the night scraping the straw about him prior to a storm that did not reach us for many hours after. Marshall Hall laid it down as one of his principal conclusions that in hibernating animals “muscular irritability” is increased. If the term reflex be substituted for muscular I believe the conclusion is correct. I found as a result of scores of trials that when the marmot was hibernating he was more sensitive to slight stimuli such as blowing on the hairs of the skin than when merely sleeping. Plainly this was not a case of muscular irritability at all but it does indicate that the reflex mechanism is more excitable as it is for example in an animal under the influence of strychnine, and as it is in animals from which a portion of the cerebrum has been removed. It may be because the unconsciousness is so profound, @. e., the brain so far from its ordinary functional activity, for it is well established that the brain inhabits the spinal cord normally to a certain extent. Apparently this increased reflex excitability must be to the advantage of a hibernat- ing animal, for the cord and medulla oblongata are the parts of the nervous centres that especially preside over the functions of organic life which are necessary to maintain a mere animal existence. All problems of a biological kind must ultimately be referred to cells and so with this of hibernation. Indeed it would seem that unicellular animals pass into a condition which is related to that of hibernation. The so-called encysted stage of protozoa is perhaps analogous and similarly preservative of the individual and the species. The study of a subject like the present one gives rise to many questions. Can the molecular machinery of life entirely stop and yet be set in motion again ? We know that cold-blooded animals may be frozen and completely restored to a natural condition. This and the encysted condition of protozoa are suggestive of such a possibility. Yet in insects a condition of perfect quiescence is accompanied by the most wonder- ful changes. The worm-like caterpillar becomes within its cocoon the butterfly with locomotive powers immeasurably greater. For myself the more I study biological problems the less am I inclined to subscribe to rigid formule of being. The study of a single group of animals from a physiological point of view, much less that of a single individual, does not suffice to enable one to lay down laws that will apply to similar processes in other groups of animals except in the most cautious way. I can never forget the lesson of my marmot that did not hibernate at all, and what modification of present views more extended study of this subject of sleep in all its phases will produce, it is impossible to say. All my own studies have greatly impressed me with the plasticity of living things, their power to adapt to altered environments ; and if I might suggest one of the great changes that is likely to come over the biology of the future—it is a recognition of the above fact; so that we will cease to generalize so widely from such narrow data; or rather perhaps we will be ready to believe that phenomena very different from those we know may be possible in the realm of living things. Sec. IV., 1892. 9. 66 WESLEY MILLS ON HIBERNATION, ETC. It has often occurred to me that possibly if such consideration were kept in mind we should not be so disposed to assume that the conditions under which life now exists are precisely those under which it always did exist. Would not a little more biological agnosticism help such sciences as geology and paleontology ? SECTION IV, 1892. 67101] Trans. Roy. Soc. CANADA. V.— On some Sponges from the Pacific Coast of Canada and Behring Sea. By LAWRENCE M. LAMBE, F.G.S., F.G.8.A., of the Geological Survey. — (Presented by J. F. Whiteaves, and read June 1, 1892.) The sponges referred to in the present paper were collected by Dr. George M. Dawson in 1885, at several localities on the coast of British Columbia, and in 1891 in Behring Sea. It will be convenient to consider the collections made in each of these years, separately, as they appear to belong to two distinct faunæ. The writer is under great obligations to Mr. Whiteaves for much kindly assistance in the preparation of this paper, and to Mr. Martin J. Griffin, Parliamentary Librarian, for the loan of books that are not in the library of the Geological Survey. A.—SPECIES COLLECTED IN 1885 FROM THE PACIFIC COAST OF CANADA. Before describing these it will be as well to note that the other invertebrata collected by Dr. Dawson in 1885 have already been reported upon by Mr. Whiteaves in a paper, entitled “On some Marine Invertebrata dredged or otherwise collected by Dr. G. M. Dawson in 1885, on the coast of British Columbia, with a supplementary list of a few land and fresh water shells, fishes, birds, etc., from the same region,” which was read be- fore Section IV. of this Society in 1886, and published in its ‘ Transactions.’ All the sponges referred to under this heading were obtained by dredging. MONAXGNIDA. HALICHONDRIA PANICEA, Johnston. (Plate III, figs. 1 and 2, and Plate V, figs. 1, la, and 2, 2a, 2b.) | _ Go Halichondria panicea, Johnston. 1842. British Sponges, p. 114, pl. x. and pl. xi., fig. 5. Amorphina panicea, Schmidt. 1870. Spong. Atlant. Gebiet., p. 77. Amorphina megalorhaphis, Carter. 1881. Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 5, vol. vii. p. 368. Amorphina megalorrhaphis, Ridley. 1884. Zool. Coll. H.MLS. “ Alert,” Brit. Mus., p. 416. Amorphina megalirrhaphis, Ridley. 1885. Narr. Chall. Exp., vol. i. pt. ii. p. 571. 1.—An encrusting form (Plate IIT, fig. 2) with an average thickness of 5 mm., found growing on rocks. The oscula are raised above the general level and occupy the summits of conical projections. The size of the spicules varies from 0°403 by 0:013 mm. to 0°176 by 0006 mm. (Plate V, figs. 2, 2a, 2b). One specimen. Locality.—Seymour Narrows, Discovery Passage, Vancouver Island, in shallow water. 2.—A massive variety sometimes growing round portions of the fronds of fucoids, represented in the collection by two specimens, the larger of which (Plate III, fig. 1) is 68 LAWRENCE M. LAMBE ON SOME 65 mm. long, 60 mm. broad and 35 mm. thick. The spicules of this variety are somewhat more curved than those of the form from Seymour Narrows and vary in size from 0°353 by 0‘013 mm. to 0°150 by 0°006 mm. (Plate V, figs. 1, 1a). Locality— West coast of Vancouver Island, north of Quatsino Sound, in thirty to fifty fathoms. This sponge has a considerable variation in general shape, and on that account it is thought desirable to give figures of the specimens in this collection. ESPERIOPSIS RIGIDA. (Sp. nov.) (Plate III, fig. 4 and Plate V, figs. 3, 3a—g.) Sponge erect, stipitate, compressed, palmate, branching dichotomously, with a height of about 155 mm. In the specimen figured the stem attains a height of about 50 mm. be- fore it branches, it then broadens gradually into a palmate expansion with erect, short, stout branches near the summit. Diameter of the stem near the base 8 mm., greatest breadth of palmate part just before dividing 32 mm., witha maximum thickness of 12mm. Colour when alive, bright orange. Texlure moderately firm, brittle. Swrface very rough, especially near the extremities of the branches. Oscula large circular openings, with an average width of 6 mm., one at the summit of each branch. Examined in the dried state. Skeleton.—Composed of spiculo-fibre, having a large proportion of spongin, and anas- tomosing very irregularly (Plate V, fig. 3). There is no special dermal skeleton. Spicules.—(a) Megasclera ;' of two kinds. (1) Smooth styli, sharply pointed, of varying curvature, developing bulbous inflations along the shaft (Plate V, figs. 3a, 3b, 3c); size varying from 0242 to 0°170 mm. in length by from 0 019 to 0:006 mm. in thickness. (2) Very slender, slightly curved, smooth styli (Plate V, fig. 3d) which occur in small numbers throughout the skeleton ; average size 0-170 by 0:002 mm. (b) Microsclera ; small isochelæ (Plate V, figs. 3e—g) of varying size and curvature, abundant ; length from 0°026 to 0°01 mm. The styli develop inflations along the shaft which are variable in number and size. Sometimes the spicules have a distinct tylostylote form but frequently the inflations are scarcely perceptible. One of the two specimens in the collection has the form of an erect tube witha diameter of 9 mm., a height of 80 mm., and is probably a young sponge. The other specimen is figured on Plate III, fig. 4. Locality.—Entrance to Malaspina Inlet, mainland of British Columbia, in sixty to seventy fathoms. ESPERIOPSIS VANCOUVERENSIS. (Sp. nov.) (Plate III, fig, 5 and Plate V, figs. 4, 4a, 4b, 4c, 4d.) Sponge compressed laterally, growing in subflabellate, somewhat lobate expansions, the lobes being irregular in their shape and disposition and frequently coalescing. Sur- ! The terminology used in this paper is essentially the same as that adopted in the “ Challenger Reports.” MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC. 69 rounding a fragment of Corallina officinalis, L. (Plate II, fig. 5). Height 72 mm., maxi- mum breadth 45 mm., with an average thickness of 17 mm. One large specimen and five fragments. Colour when dry, light yellowish brown. Texture firm, slightly brittle. Surface moderately rough Oscula circular openings flush with the surface with an average width of nearly 2 mm., irregularly disposed on both side of the sponge. Examined in the dried state. Skeleton —Composed of a rather irregular reticulation of spiculo-fibre, with no special dermal arrangement. The fibres at right angles to the surface end abruptly without the formation of brushes. (Plate V, fig. 4.) Spicules.—(a) Megasclera ; of one kind only, viz : slightly curved, sharply pointed, smooth styli, varying in length from 0:109 to 0°163 mm. and in thickness from 0°013 to 0006 mm. (Plate V, figs. 4a, 4b). (b) Microsclera ; of one kind only, viz: Small palmate isochelæ, abundant. Average length 0°019 mm. (Plate V, figs. 4c., 4d). Locality. —West coast of Vancouver Island, north of Quatsino Sound, in thirty to fifty fathoms. ESPERIOPSIS QUATSINOENSIS. (Sp. nov.) (Plate III, figs. 8, 9 and Plate V, figs. 8, 8a, 8b, 8c). Sponge with a short stem, varying from irregularly subflabellate to subramose (Plate III, figs. 8, 9). The six specimens representing this species in the collection show variations in shape between these extreme forms. The height of the largest specimen including the stem is 200 mm. and the length of the stem itself is about 25 mm. Colour when dry varying from creamy or yellowish-white to light brownish-grey. Texture firm, tough. Surface slightly rough to the touch. Oscula ranging in size from 7 mm. to 1 mm. in diameter, arranged in a uniserial row. In the flabellate forms the oscula occupy the upper portion of the sponge and in the ramose forms they are frequently arranged along one side of the subcylindrical branchlets, each of which terminates in a large osculum. Examined in the dried state. Skeleton —Consisting of bands of stout, distinct spiculo-fibre radiating outwards to the surface, joined together by less regularly disposed and less robust fibres ; the whole forming an irregular reticulation. The outwardly radiating fibres terminate in distinct brushes composed of stylote spicules of the same size as those of the main skeleton (Plate V, fig. 8). Spicules—(a) Megasclera ; one kind. Stout, moderately curved smooth styli, rather sharply pointed (Plate V, figs. 8a, 8b), varying in length from 0216 to 0°144 mm. in different specimens, with an average breadth of 0°013 mm. (b) Microselera ; small palmate isochelæ about 0°026 mm. in length. These latter are scarce and have only been seen by the writer in side view (Plate V, fig. 8c). Locality.—West coast of Vancouver Island, north of Quatsino Sound, in thirty to fifty fathoms, five specimens. Near Lasqueti Island, Strait of Georgia, one specimen. 70 LAWRENCE M. LAMBE ON SOME ESPERIOPSIS LAXA. (Sp. nov.) (Plate III, fig. 10 and Plate V, figs. 13, 13a, 13b, 13c). Sponge (Plate III, fig. 10) ramose, branching and anastomosing in an irregular manner. The branches subcyliudrical, tubular, spreading and often becoming palmate, digitate or obscurely lobate at their outer extremities. Represented in the collection by three specimens and a few fragments. Height of the specimen figured about 120 mm., average diameter of the branches 10 mm. Colour when dry, light brownish-yellow. Texture firm, unyielding. Surface rough to the touch. Oscula in the form of a circular opening occupying the extremity of each branch or of each lobe when the branch be- comes lobate, palmate or digitate. Average diameter 3 mm. Examined when in the dry state. Skeleton —Composed of bands of outwardly ascending spiculo-fibre crossed at right angles and in an irregular manner by secondary fibres, forming an irregular reticulation (Plate V, fig. 13.) There is no special dermal skeleton. Each osculum is the outer termination of a canal, with an average diameter of 3 mm., which occupies the centre of each branch. Spicules.—(a) Megasclera; of one kind only. Short, stout, slightly curved, smooth styli with moderately sharp points (Plate V, fig. 13a). Average size 0°222 by 0:013 mm. (b) Microsclera. Palmate isochelæ with an average length of 0:026 mm. (Plate V, figs. 13b, 13c). Locality—Oyster Bay, Vancouver Island, in twenty fathoms. MYXILLA LACUNOSA. (Sp. nov.) (Plate III, fig. 3 and Plate V, figs. 5, 5a—g.) Sponge massive, sessile, subglobular. The only specimen representing this species has a length of 33 mm., a breadth of 29 mm., and an average thickness of 17 mm. Colour when dry, light yellow. Texture hard, firm, rather brittle. Surface rough, uneven. Oscula numerous, confined to the upper and lateral portions of the sponge, irregular in shape and with their inner surfaces hispid. (Plate III, fig. 3). Skeleton.—An irregular reticulation of loose spiculo-fibre with no special dermal arrangement of the spicules (Plate V, fig. 5). There are tornote spicules scattered throughout which are most abundant in the dermal part of the skeleton. Spicules—(a) Megasclera ; of two kinds. (1) Stout, smooth styli with moderately sharp points which are slightly but rather abruptly bent near the rounded end ; length varying from 0°229 to 0°170 mm. with a thickness of 0‘013 to 0°006 mm. (Plate V, fig. 5a) ; (2) tornote spicules, hastately pointed, of the same thickness throughout their length ; average size 0°170 by 0°008 mm. (Plate V, fig. 5b). (b) Microsclera ; (1) Small, triden- tate isochelæ, with slightly curved shaft; length averaging 0°039 mm. (Plate V, figs. 5e, 5d). (2) Sigmata, simple and contort, very abundant; length about 0:019 (Plate V, figs. 5e, 5f, 5g). Locality —West coast of Vancouver Island, north of Quatsino Sound, in thirty to fifty fathoms. MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC, wii MYxILIA ROSACEA, Lieberkiihn, var. Plate ILI, fig. 6 and Plate V, figs. 6, 6a, 6b—f.) Halichondria rosacea, Lieberkühn. 1859. Archiy. f. Anat. u. Physiol., vol. ix. p. 520, pl. xi. fig. 2. Myxilla rosacea, Schmidt. 1862. Spong. Adriat. Meer., p. 71. Myxilla fasciculata, Schmidt. 1862. Spong. Adriat. Meer., p. 71. Myxilla tridens, Schmidt. 1864. Spong. Adriat. Meer., Suppl. i, p. 36. Myxilla Esperii, Schmidt. 1864. Spong. Adriat. Meer., Suppl. i, p. 36. Myxilla rosacea, var. japonica, Ridley and Dendy. 1887. Rep. Monaxonida, Zool. Chall. Exp., vol. xx., p. 150; pl. xxvi., fig. 3; pl. xxvii., figs. 8, 8a. 8b, 8c; pl. xlvii., fig. 3. Sponge massive, amorphous, represented in the collection by a single specimen about 60 mm. long, 38 mm. high, and with a breadth of about 50 mm. Colour when dry, light yellowish-grey. Texture firm. Surface uneven. Oscula few, small, scattered. Examined in the dried state. (Plate III, fig. 6). Skeleton.—Similar to that of Myzilla rosacea, var. japonica, Ridley and Dendy (op. cit.) (Plate V, fig. 6). Spicules.—(a) Megasclera; of two kinds—(1) entirely and strongly spined, stout, slightly curved styli, terminating abruptly in a sharp point and varying in length from 0:281 to 0°242 mm., with an average breadth of 0°019 mm. (Plate V, fig. 6a). (2) Smooth, hastately pointed tornota with the same thickness throughout, average size 0‘222 mm by 0°008 mm. (Plate V, fig. 6b). (b) Microsclera; of two kinds. (1) Tridentate isochelæ, with very slightly curved shaft ; length 0.085 mm. (Plate V, figs. 6c, 6d). (2) Sigmata; length about 0:065 mm. (Plate V, figs. 6e, 6f). This sponge differs from Myitla rosacea var. japonica, chiefly in the size of its spicules which are nearly twice as large as those of the latter. The spines on the styli are more numerous and of greater size and the shafts of the tridentate isochelæ are straighter. SUBERITES LATUS. (Sp. nov.) (Plate III, fig. 7 and Plate V, figs. 7, 7a, 7b, 7c.) Sponge subhemispherical, broadly lobate or subbotryoidal, varying in length from 80 mm. with a breadth of 60 mm. and a height of 40 mm. to a length of 50 mm. with a breadth of 40 mm. and height of 30 mm. Colour in spirit yellowish-brown. Texture spongy but moderately firm. Swrface hispid, uneven except on the base where it becomes flat. Dermal membrane adhering firmly to the underlying tissues and when viewed under the microscope the sharp pointed ends of the tylostylote spicules are seen piercing it and projecting a short distance beyond. Pores circular, scattered, very numerous with an average width of 0:06 mm. Oscula few, having an average diameter of 01mm. Inthe specimen figured there are three oscula. (Plate III, fig. 7.) Skeleton.—Confused, with scarcely any development of spiculo-fibre. There is a dermal layer of radiately disposed spicules, which are smaller than those of the main skeleton. Spicules.—AIl tylostylote. Of two sizes. (1) Long, straight, but sometimes very slightly bent, sharply pointed, smooth tylostyli with well developed heads; (Plate V ? 12 LAWRENCE M. LAMBE ON SOME fies. 7, 7a, 7b.) varying in length from 0:294 to 0524 mm. with a thickness of about 0013 mm. (2) Much smaller, rather curved, smooth styli with well developed heads with an average size of 0°170 by 0°009 (Plate V, fig. 7c). Four out of the five specimens collected have the base pierced by a hole, having an average diameter of 15 mm. at the surface, which proceeds spirally into the centre of the sponge and is almost invariably occupied by a small hermit crab,' Eupagurus Brandti, Benedict, a species closely allied to Eupagurus Kroyeri, Stimpson. Locality —North coast of Vancouver Island from Nahwitti Barto Quatsino Sound, one worn specimen, beach. Near Suquash, off Pulteney Point, Malcolm Island, Broughton Harbour, in twenty-five fathoms, sand, gravel and dead shells, three specimens, one of which is figured on Plate III. Off Blunden Harbour, mainland of British Columbia, in six to ten fathoms, sand, one specimen. TETRACTINELLIDA. *YYDONIUM MULLERI, Fleming. (Plate IV, fig. 1 and plate VI, figs. 1, la—i.) Aleyonium cydonium, Müller. Zool. Dan., vol. iii. pl. Ixxxxi. figs. 3, 4, 5a. Aleyonium cydonium, Jameson. Mem. Wern. Soc. Edin., vol. i. p. 563. Cydonium mülleri, Fleming. 1828. British Animals, 5. 516. Geodia zetlandica, Johnston. 1842. Hist. Brit. Sponges, p. 195, pl. ili. figs. 3, 4. Geodia zetlandica, Bowerbank. 1866. Mon. Brit. Spong., vol. ii. p. 45. Cydonium mülleri, Gray. 1867. Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond., pp. 127, 492. Geodia zetlandica, Bowerbank. 1874. Mon. Brit. Spong., vol. iii. p. 15, pl. vii, Cydonium zetlandicum, Sollas. 1880. Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 5, vol. v., p. 241. Geodia zetlandica, Norman. 1882. Bowerbank, Mon. Brit. Spong., vol. iv. p. 27. Cydonium mülleri, Vosmaer. 1887. Bronn’s Thierreich, Porifera, p. 317. Cydonium mülleri, Sollas. 1888. Rep. Tetractinellida, Zool. Chall. Exp., vol. xxy. p. 254. This species is represented in the collection by a single specimen which is un- doubtedly identical with the sponge described by Bowerbank in his “ Monograph of the British Spongiade ” as cited above. As, however, there are some differences between the spicules of the specimen from Vancouver Island and those of Johnston’s types as figured by Bowerbank (op. cit.) it is thought desirable to give figures of the former. The sponge (Plate IV, fig. 1) is subspherical in shape with an average diameter of 65mm. Cortex 07 mm. in thickness (Plate VI, fig. 1). Spicules.—(a) Megasclera ; (1) somal oxea (Plate VL, fig. 1a), varying in length from 3°81 to 2°77 mm. with a thickness of 0°08 mm. ; (2) minute oxea (Plate VI, fig. 1b), length 0-288 mm., breadth 0:013 mm. ; (3) orthotriæne (Plate VI, figs. 1c, 1c'), rhabdome 2°4 mm. in length, cladi 0°7 mm. in length, chord 0°89 nm. ; (4) protriæne (Plate VI, figs. 1d, 1e), rhabdome 7:84 mm. in length, cladi 0:095 mm. in length, chord 0°10. ; (5) anatriæne (Plate VI, figs. 1f, lg), rhabdome 75 mm. in length, cladi 0:06 mm. in length, chord 0150 mm. (b) Microsclera; (1) sterrasters (Plate VI, fig. 1h), 0°091 mm. in diameter; | Kindly determined by James E. Benedict, U. 8. National Museum, Washington, to whom it was sent through the courtesy of Prof. Sidney J. Smith, Yale College, New Haven, Conn. MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC, 73 (2) oxyasters (Plate VI, fig. 1i), diameter varying from 0:013 to 0°003 mm. Examined when dry. Locality—Strait of Georgia near Comox, Vancouver Island, in four fathoms. ' HEXACTINELLIDA. BATHYDORUS DAWSONI. (Sp. nov.) (Plate IV, fig. 2 and Plate VI, figs. 2, 2’, 2a, 2a”, 2b, 2b’, 2c, 2d-i, 2k.) Sponge (Plate IV, fig. 2) nearly or quite erect, straight or slightly curved, sub- cylindrical, about 275 mm. in height, with a small base where it has a diameter of 20mm. At midheight the maximum diameter is 50 mm. whence it gradually decreases in breadth until it has a diameter of 35 mm. at its upper extremity. The wall has an average thick- ness of 7 mm. becoming thinner near the oscular margin which is provided with a fringe of long, smooth, diact marginalia with pointed ends and having an average length of 50 mm. The surface exhibits regularly distributed openings with an average diameter of 05 mm. and is rendered villose by the presence of long, sharp pointed, smooth pleuralia which have a maximum length of about 60 mm. The gastral surface is smooth and has openings similar to those seenin the dorsal. Texture soft. Colour in spirit light yellowish- grey. Skeleton.—(Plate VI, fig. 2.) Composed of a loose lattice-like reticulation of long, smooth diacts which lie subparallel to the surface. Spicules.—The parenchymalia consist of: (a) principalia, long, slender, smooth, sharp pointed diacts (oxea) with a maximum size of 11:06 mm. by 0°1 mm. (Plate VI, fig. 2’) ; (b) comitalia, long, slender, smooth diacts which have rough inflated and generally bluntly pointed but sometimes round, club-shaped ends (Plate VI, figs. 2a, 2a’, 2b, 2b’); maximum size 88 by 0°01 mm. These comitalia frequently develop two or four rounded tubercles or elevations at the centre. Besides these there are the following : (c) intermedia, (1) nu- merous oxyhexasters (Plate VI, fig. 2c), having an average diameter of 0°06 mm., with long, bent, smooth terminal rays, (2) numerous oxyhexacts, with straight, smooth, pointed rays (Plate VI, fig. 2d); average diameter 0'085 mm. By the subdivision of one or more rays of the oxyhexacts, forms like the oxyhexasters are evidently developed, as modifications between these extreme forms are numerous. (3) Small discohexasters (Plate VI, fig. 2e) with strong principal rays bearing about six short, slightly diver- gent, straight terminals. Hypodermal pentacts (Plate VI, figs. 2f, 2g) with a smooth proximal ray about 8 mm. in length, occur in the dermal skeleton. The four tangential rays are spined, generally curved slightly inward and are about one-third the length of the proximal ray. The dermal membrane includes a large number of small rough pentacts and tetracts (Plate VI, figs. 2h, 2i) whose rays are about 0:06 mm. in length. The gastral skeleton is devoid of hypogastralia and consists of numerous rough oxyhexacts (Plate VI, fig. 2k) with rays averaging 0°06 mm. in length. | A single specimen of this species, which is in the Museum of the Geological Survey, had previously been collected by Dr. G. M. Dawson, in 1878, off Cumshewa Harbour, Queen Charlotte Island, in twenty fathoms. Sec. IV., 1892. 10, 74 LAWRENCE M. LAMBE ON SOME The writer has much pleasure in associating with this sponge the name of Dr. George M. Dawson, to whom science is indebted for so much new information relative to the marine invertebrate fauna of the Pacific coast of the Dominion. Locality — Off the mouth of Qualicum River, Vancouver Isiand, in forty fathoms,sand and gravel, ones pecimen (figured). Strait of Georgia near Comox, Vancouver Island, in forty fathoms, two specimens, about 90 mm. in length, with some fragments, APHROCALLISTES WHITEAVESIANUS. (Sp. nov.) (Plate ILI, fig. 11 and Plate VI, figs. 3, 3a—n, 5p.) Sponge funnel-shaped or forming subcylindrical ramifications (Plate III, fig. 11). In the specimen figured, which is unfortunately damaged above, the breadth increases gradually from a narrow base which has a diameter of 9 mm. and a very small surface of attachment, to the upper extremity, the maximum diameter of which is 45 mm. Skeleton.—(Plate VI, fig. 3.) Composed of a regular, honeycomb like, dictyonal framework with rough beams which are connected together without much thickening at their intersections. The meshes are for the most part quadrangular but sometimes triangular or irregular in shape. The reticulation is much more regular in the dermal part of the skeleton than in the gastral. From the intersections of the framework, stout, sharp pointed continuations of the beams frequently project. These are longest near the gastral surface and curve inward toward the interior of the skeleton. The wall of the cup is about 5 mm. thick and the radial six-sided canals which traverse it have an average diameter of ‘75 mm. Spicules—Rough hexacts with strongly spined distal rays (pinuli) in the dermal skeleton (Plate VI, fig. 3a.) The distal ray varies considerably in size and shape. It may be long and thick, set with large spines: short, stout with few spines: or almost devoid of spines and similar to the four tangential rays. In some cases the proximal ray is very much developed (Plate VI, fig. 3b.) The average length of the pinuli, measuring from the upper end of the spined distal ray to the lower end of the proximal ray is 0°347 mm. Besides the pinuli there are numerous scopulæ which seem to assume two distinct shapes; (a) a stout, rough form (Plate VI, fig. 3c), averaging 0°366 mm. in length, with seldom more than four knobbed prongs and (b) a smaller, almost smooth form with an average length of 0°307 mm. (Plate VI, fig. 3d), with about six rather slender, slightly divergent, knobbed prongs. Both these forms have sharp pointed shafts. The unciates are long, slender and regularly spined (Plate VI, figs. 3e, 3e’, 3f), their maximum length being 2:03 mm. The other parenchymalia are: (a) rough hexacts having an average dia- meter of 0.157 mm., with robust rather sharp pointed rays (Plate VI, fig. 3g). A few rough tetracts with straight rays and rough hexacts with slender, slightly curved rays are present (Plate VI, figs. 3i, 3h) and are possibly modifications of the hexacts; (6) smooth hexacts having an average diameter of 0°06 mm. with stout, sharp pointed rays (Plate VI, fig. 3j). These frequently develop a variable number of rays, sometimes as many as sixteen or eighteen and are often of large size. The one represented on (Plate VI, fig. 3k), has a diameter of 0°091 mm. and the largest one seen, which has a diameter MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC. 75 of 0°163 mm., has eight rays ; (c) small, rough discohexacts (Plate VI, fig. 3l), with an average diameter of 0:052 mm., whose principal rays sometimes bear long, straight ter- minals; (dj) slender, rough discohexasters (Plate VI, figs. 3m, 8n), varying in diameter from 0:052 to 0°045 mm. with two orthree slightly bent terminals. Simple, rather bluntly pointed diacts occur. These are rough, becoming almost spinose at each end and bear four central tubercles or inflations (Plate VI, fig, 3p). I have named this interesting species after Mr. J. F. Whiteaves, at whose suggestion the critical examination of these sponges was undertaken. Locality.—Strait of Georgia near Comox, Vancouver Island, ten miles south-east of Hornby Island, in forty fathoms, one specimen (figured) and a few fragments. B.—SPECIES COLLECTED IN 1891 IN BEHRING NEA. ! MONAXONIDA. HALICHONDRIA PANICEA, Johnston. (Plate IV, figs. 3, 4, 5 and Plate V, figs. 9, 9a, 10, 10a, 11, 11a). 1—A large, massive, rugose form (Plate IV, fig. 3) with a rather cavernous structure ; size of spicules (Plate V, figs. 9, 9a) varying from 0°657 by 0:02 mm. to 0°209 by 0°013 mm. Length of the only specimen collected 102 mm., breadth 92 mm., height 80 mm. Locality —Atka Island, Aleutian Islands, lat. 52° 20’ N., long. 174°, 30’ W. 2.—A compact form with an even surface and rather dense skeletal structure (Plate IV, fig. 4); spicules ranging in size from 0°412 by 0°013 mm. to 0‘176 by 0:009 mm. (Plate V, figs. 10, 10a.) The sponge has a length of 65 mm., a breadth of 55 mm. and a height of 40 mm. One specimen. Locality. — Atka Island, Aleutian Islands, lat. 52° 20’ N., long. 174 30’ W. 3.—A variety represented by a large specimen (Plate IV, fig. 5), very dense in structure with spicules varying in size from 0°726 by 0°02 mm. to 0‘117 by 0°004 mm. (Plate V, figs. 11, 11a). One specimen, very much worn; length 125 mm., breadth 70 mm., thickness 35 mm. Locality—St. Matthew Island, Behring Sea, lat. 60° 30’ N., long. 172° 30’ W. RENIERA RUFESCENS. (Sp. nov.) (Plate IV, fig. 6 and Plate V, figs. 12, 12a.) Sponge (Plate IV, fig. 6) very irregular in form, consisting of variously lobate or short, stout, subramose expansions which frequently coalesce, in some specimens so much so as to become almost massive. Represented in the collection by five specimens and a number of fragments. One of the specimens is encrusting a valve of Tapes stamineu, Conrad, and two others have grown round fragments of Corallina officinalis, L. The sub- 1 All the specimens referred to under this heading were collected on the beach. 76 LAWRENCE M. LAMBE ON SOME ramose branchlets or expansions vary in diameter from 5 mm. to 14 mm. Colour when dry, light yellowish-brown verging into a dull crimson lake. Texture fragile, brittle. Surface slightly rough to the touch. Oscula circular, each at the summit of a branchlet and with an average diameter of 2mm. Examined when dry. Skeleton.—(Plate V, fig. 12.) Renierid in arrangement, viz.: a uniserial, moderately regular reticulation. Spicules.—(Plate V, fig. 12a) small, stout, rather sharply pointed, slightly curved, smooth oxea; average size 0'144 by 0:013 mm. Locality.—Petropaulowski, Kamtschatka, lat. 60° 30’ N., long. 172° 30’ W. ESPERIOPSIS QUATSINOENSIS. (Plate IV, fig. 7 and Plate VI, fig. 4). Locality.—Checkagoff Harbour, Atka Island, Aleutian Islands, lat. 52° 20’ N., long. 174° 30’ W: one very symmetrical specimen of this sponge which has already been des- cribed on p. 75. PHAKELLIA PAPYRACEA, Ridley and Dendy, var. (Plate IV, fig. 8 and Plate VI, figs. 5, 5a). Phakellia papyracea, Ridley and Dendy. 1886. Ann. and Mag, Nat. Hist., ser. 5, vol. xviii., p. 478. Phakelliapapyracea, Ridley and Dendy. 1887. Rep. Monaxonida, Zool. Chall. Exp., vol. xx., p. 172, pl. xxxvi, fig. 4. ; Sponge (Plate IV, fig. 8) cup-shaped, stipitate with a well developed stalk, the specimen figured having a height of 105 mm., the cup itself being 55 mm. high with a diameter of 60 mm. The thickness of the wall of the cup varies from about 8 mm. near the base to 4 mm. near the thin upper margin. Colour when dry, yellowish or brownish- white. Texture firm. Surface slightly rough to the touch, alike on the outside and inside of thecup. Oscula distinct, numerous, on both surfaces. Examined when dry. Skeleton.—(a) Main ; irregularly reticulate, open. The primary fibres, strong, distinct with secondary fibres crossing them in a loose and irregular manner. (b) Dermal ; dense, composed of indistinct brushes of small stylote spicules. Spicules —Megasclera ; of two kinds. (1) Large, stout, slightly curved, smooth styli, rather sharply pointed (Plate VI, fig. 5); size about 0°412 by 0‘013 mm. (2) Small, moderately curved, sharp pointed, smooth styli (Plate VI, fig. 5a); size 0°176 by 0:009 mm. This sponge is represented in the collection by three well preserved specimens which agree fairly well with the description of Phakellia papyracea, Ridley and Dendy, and may be considered as a variety of that species, especially if that sponge should eventually prove to be cup-shaped. The wall of the cup, however, is much thicker than in Phakellia papyracea, Ridley and Dendy, and the spicuies are much smaller. Locality. —St. Matthew Island, lat. 60° 30’ N., long. 172° 30’ W. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Figs. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Eig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fi 0G 2 a g- Fig. MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC. dol EXPLANATION OF PLATES. PLATE III. All the figures in this plate are of natural size. 1.—Halichondria panicea (page 73). Massive variety. 2.— Halichondria panicea (page 73). Encrusting form. 3.—Myxilla lacunosa (page 76). 4.—Esperiopsis rigida (page 74). 5.—Esperiopsis Vancouverensis (page 74). 6.—Myxilla rosacea, var. (page 77). 7.—Suberites latus, side view (page 77). 8, 9.—Esperiopsis Quatsinoensis, side views of two specimens showing variations in form (page 75). 10.—Esperiopsis laxa (page 76). PLATE IV. The figures in this plate are of natural size, unless otherwise stated. 1.—Cydonium Mülleri (page 78). 2.— Bathydorus Dawsoni (page 79). One-half natural size. 3.—Halichondria panicea (page 81). Rugose form, one-half natural size. 4.— Halichondria panicea (page §1). 5.—Halichondria panicea (page 81). One-half natural size. 6.-—Reniera rufescens (page 81). 7.—Esperiopsis Quatsinoensis (page 82). 8.—Phakellia papyracea, var. (page 82). PLATE V. . 1.—Halichondria panicea (page 73). Smalloxeote spicule; x 272. Fig. la. Large oxeote spicule; x 272. ig. 2.—Halichondria panicea (page 73). Skeleton arrangement, as seen in section at right angles to the surface; x 60. : Fig, 2a. Small oxeote spicule; x 2 Fig. 2b. Large oxeote spicule; x 27 3.—Experiopsis rigida (page 74). Skeleton arrangement, as seen in vertical section; x 60. Figs. 3a, 3b, 3c. Stout styli; x 272. Fig. 3d. Slender stylus; x 272. Figs. 3e, 3f. Isochelæ, side view; x 272. Fig. 3g. Isochela (undeveloped), side view; x 272. 4.—Esperiopsis Vancouverensis (page 74). Skeleton arrangement, as seen in vertical section at the surface; x 60. Figs. 4a, 4b. Styli; x 272. Fig. 4c. Isochela, side view; x 272. Fig. 4d. Isochela front view; x 272. . 5.—Myrilla lacunosa (page 76). Vertical section showing the arrangement of the skeleton; x 60. Fig. 5a. Stylus; x 272. Fig. 5b. Tornote spicule; x 272. Fig. 5c. Isochela, front view ; x 272. Fig. 5d. Isochela, side view; x 272. Figs. 5e, 5f, 5g. Sigmata; 6.—Myxilla rosacea, var. (page 7 Fig. 6a. Spined stylus; x 272. Fig. 6b. Tornote spicule; x 272, Fig. 6c. Isochela, front view; x 272. Fig. 6d. Isochela, side view; x 27: Figs. 6e, 6f. Sigmata; x 272. 7.—Suberites latus (page 77). Large tylostylus from the body of the sponge; x 136. Figs. 7a, 7b. Large tylostyli, showing portions of the spicules more highly magnified; x 272. Fig. 7c. Small tylostylus from the cortex; x 272. 78 LAWRENCE M. LAMBE ON SOME MARINE SPONGES, ETC. Fig. 8.—Esperiopsis Quatsinoensis (page 75). Vertical section at the surface; x 60. Figs. 8a, 8b. Styli; x 272. Fig. 8c. Isochela, side view; x 272. Fig. 9.—Halichondria panicea (page 81). Oxeote spicule; x 136. Fig. 9a. Small oxeote spicule; x 272. Fig. 10.—Halichondria panicea (page 81). Oxeote spicule ; x 272. Fig. 10a. Small oxeote spicule; x 272. Fig. 11.—Halichondria panicea (page 81). Large oxeote spicule; x 136. Fig. lla. Small oxeote spicule; x 272. Fig. 12.— Reniera rufescens (page 81). Section showing the arrangement of the skeleton ; x 60. Fig. 12a. Oxeote spicule; x 272. Fig. 13.—Esperiopsis laxa (page 76). Skeleton arrangement, as seen in vertical section at the surface; x 60. Fig. 13a. Stylus; x 272. Fig. 13b. Isochela, side view; x 272. Fig. 13c. Isochela, front view; x PLATE VI. Fig. 1.—Cydonium Mülleri (page 78). Section at right angles to the surface, through the cortex; x 8. Fig. la. Somal oxeote spicule; x 42. Fig. 1b. Minute oxeote spicule ; x 272. Fig. le. Orthotriæne ; x 42. Fig. 1c’. Cladi of orthotriæne; x 60. Fig. 1d. Cladal end of protriæne; x 136. Fig. le. Protriæne; x 5. Fig. 1f. Cladal end of anatriæne ; x 136. Fig. 1g. Anatriæne; x 5. Fig.1b. Sterraster; x Fig. li. Oxyasters; x 2 Fig. 2.—Bathydorus Dawsoni (page 79). General arrangement of the parenchymal skeleton as seen in section parallel to the dermal surface; x 7. Fig. 2’. Large oxydiact; x 10. Fig. 2a/. Large diact; x 10. Fig. 2a. Small diact; x 60. Fig. 2b. Rough ends of the same; x 272. Fig. 2b’. Club-shaped end of diact; x 136. Fig. 2c. Oxyhexaster; x 272. Fig. 2d. Oxyhexact; x 272. Fig. 2e. Discohexaster; x 272. Fig. 2f. Portion of hypodermal pentact; x 30. Fig. 2g. Hypodermal pentact; x 4. Fig. 2h. Autodermal pentact; x 272. Fig. 2i. Autodermal tetract; x 272. Fig. 2k. Autogastral hexact; x 272. Fig. 3.—Aphrocallistes Whiteavesianus (page 80). Part of the dictyonal skeleton near the dermal surface ; x 60. Fig. 3a. Dermal hexact pinulus; x 136. Fig. 3b. Dermal hexact pinulus, with an unusually long proximal ray; x 136. Fig. 3c. Stout, rough scopula; x 272. Fig. 8d. Slender, smooth scopula; x 272. Figs. 3e, 3e’. Uncinatum; x 272. Fig. 3f. The same; x 60. Fig. 3g. Rough hexact; x 272. Fig. 3h. Rough hexact, with bent rays; x 272. Fig. 3 Rough tetract; x 272. Fig. 3j. Smooth hexact; x 272. D] 272. 272. Fig. 31. 2 Figs. 3m, 3n. Discohexasters; x 272. Fig. 3p. Rough diact with central inflations; x 272. Fig. 4.—Esperiopsis Quatsinoensis (page 82). Stylus; x 272. Fig. 5.—Phakellia papyracea, var. (page 82). Large stylus from the main skeleton; x 272. Fig. 5a. Small stylus from surface brush; x 272. SECTION IV., 1892. RAS TRANS. Roy. Soc. CANADA. VI.—On the Correlation of early Cretaceous Floras in Canada and the United States, and on some new plants of this period. Aor By Sir J* Wizzram Dawson, LL.D., F.RS., etc. (Read June 2, 1892.) The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the present state of our knowledge respect- ing the flora of Canada in the early Cretaceous, and to notice some new plants from An- thracite, collected by Mr. H. M. Ami, F.G.S., and from Canmore, collected by Dr. Hayden. It is in continuation of my paper on the Mesozoic Floras of the Rocky Mountain Region of Canada in the Transactions of this Society for 1885; but is still to be regarded as merely introductory to the study of an interesting stage of the Cretaceous Flora, first recognized in North America in the Rocky Mountain Region of Canada, and which it is certain will yield many additional treasures in the progress of exploration and mining in the district in question. I—SUMMARY OF GEOLOGICAL FACTS. Rocks of Lower Cretaceous age were first described in Canada by the late Mr. James Richardson in the Report of the Geological Survey for 1872-73. In appendices to that report, notes on the plants are given by the author, and on the marine animal remains by the late Mr. Billings. With respect to the former the most remarkable specimens were fruits and fragments of leaves of a fine species of Dioonites, which I described and figured as Cycadeocarpus (Dioonites) Columbianus.' and coniferous woods referred to the genera Cupressoxylon and Taxoxylon. These fossils, though few, indicated in my judgment an age somewhat greater than that of the Nanaimo coal formation of Vancouver Island and probably Lower Cretaceous or even Jurassic. A similar conclusion was arrived at by Mr. Billings from the associated animal fossils, on some of which he had also the opinion of the late Mr. Meek. Both these paleontologists compared them with the Shasta group of the California geologists. The animal fossils collected by Richardson were subsequently more fully described and figured by Mr. Whiteaves. * In 1878, Dr. G. M. Dawson made a more thorough exploration of the Queen Charlotte Islands.” In this he divided the Cretaceous rocks into groups, and ascertained that the lowest rest unconformably on the Triassic. He also collected many additional fossils, which were described and figured by Mr. Whiteayes.' In this paper Mr. Whiteaves 1 Report cited, Page 69 and Plate. * Mesozoic Fossils of Canada, Vol. I., Part I. 5 Rept. Geol. Survey of Canada, 1878-79. * Mesozoic Fossils, Vol, I., Part IIT. 80 SIR J. WILLIAM DAWSON ON THE states his belief that, while related to the Shasta fossils, those of the Queen Charlotte Islands may be as high in the series as the Gault of Europe. At a little later date, rocks approximately of this age were found by Dr. G. M. Daw- son in the inland part of British Columbia at Tatlayoco Lake and elsewhere. The fossils obtained from these rocks were noticed by Mr. Whiteaves in 1882 in the Transac- tions of this Society. ' By these researches, extending from 1872 to 1884, the existence both in the Queen Char- lotte Islands and in the interior of British Columbia of beds of Lower Cretaceous age was established, and their correlation with the Shasta beds of California and the Lower Cretaceous of Europe defined ; but their flora had as yet appeared only in connection with the coal-bearing rocks of the Queen Charlotte Islands. A new and unexpected light, and one pregnant as we shall see with important geological results, was thrown on this sub- ject by the discovery of plant-bearing beds in the Cretaceous rocks folded into the plica- tions of that part of the Rocky Mountains included between the 49th parallel and the Bow River. In the summer of 1884 collections of fossil plants were placed in my hands by Dr. G. M. Dawson, from beds which he believed to be stratigraphically in the lower part of the Cretaceous of the Rocky Mountains, as exposed in the Crow’s Nest and Kootanie Passes, and which I at once recognized as indicating a subdivision of the Cretaceous lower than any which in that region had afforded fossil plants, and approaching in the character of its flora to the Wealden of Europe. This he had provisionally named the Kootanie series, and over it was another group, the Mill Creek series, with fossil plants a little more modern in aspect, but still apparently older than the beds from Peace and Pine Rivers, described in a paper in these Transactions in 1883 and referred to the Niobrara and Benton, and possibly in part Dakota, groups of the United States geologists. They connected themselves in my mind with the Lower Cretaceous of the Queen Charlotte Islands and with the beds which Tyson had called Wealden in Maryland, and which. I had seen in his company many years before. These plants were of so great interest that it was thought best to describe them at once, though occurring in a formation evidently richly stored with vegetable fossils and which contained beds of coal likely to be worked, and it was evident that the collections which had been made in a rapid reconnaissance of the region were only a first instalment of what might be expected. They were accordingly described and the more important species figured in a paper published in these Transactions in 1885.’ | In this paper I referred these plants to the Lower Cretaceous, placing them as equiva- lents of the plant-bearing beds of the Queen Charlotte Islands, of the so-called Wealden of Maryland,’ of the Komé group of Heer in Greenland, and of the Neocomian of Europe. I also indicated the close relationship of some of the species with those described by Heer from beds in Siberia referred to the Jurassic. I remarked on the importance of the dis- covery, and stated that the knowledge of this flora “ will form a sure basis from which ! Report Geol. Survey, 1875-76, p. 253. Whiteaves, Trans. R. $., Vol. L, Sec. 1V., p. 81. Contributions to Cana- dian Paleontology, Vol. I., Part IJ., p. 151. See also Dr. G. M. Dawson in Am. Journal of Science, Vol. XXX VIII. p. 120. 2 Vol, TI SEC INA 5 Now known as the Potomac Group, whose plants have been fully described by Fontaine. CORRELATION OF EARLY CRETACEOUS FLORAS. 81 to trace the development of the vegetable kingdom upward to the more modern forms,” as represented in Western America, and will complete the series of Cretaceous floras extending from the Queen Charlotte Islands beds through the Dakota, Peace River, Nanaimo and Laramie series up to the Eocene period, which has been discovered through the labours of the Geological Survey in Western Canada. I anticipated that we should thus have a good scale for comparison with the Cretaceous floras farther south, already * known to a considerable extent through the labours of Newberry, Lesquereux and others. These anticipations have been more than realized by the magnificent volumes of Fontaine on the Potomac formation of the Eastern United States," by the discovery by Newberry in 1887 of the Kootanie Flora in the Great Falls coal-field of Montana, and by farther discoveries in the Kootanie district itself, to which I propose to direct attention in the present paper. Prof. Fontaine’s Report now affords excellent terms of comparison for our Kootanie flora; but Dr. Newberry’s paper is in some respects of greater interest, as referring to a region geographically nearer, and in which he has recognized several of the species that had been previously described in Canada, along with others which occur in our more recent collections not yet published. We thus have now before us a very widely distri- buted flora characteristic of the transition from the meagre and peculiar types of the Jurassic to the richer vegetation of the Cretaceous, in which already some species of exo- genous plants appear. It is to be remarked, however, in this connection, that while the Potomac flora of the south-east, like the Mill Creek flora of the Rocky Mountains, includes exogenous plants of primitive types, only gymnosperms and ferns have as yet been found in the Kootanie and Great Falls collections. Such a negative fact cannot be certainly relied on, especially since the collections from these localities, though abundant in individuals are not as yet rich in species. Still so far as this fact goes it would give the impression that the western floras of the Queen Charlotte Islands, Kootanie region and Great Falls coal-field may be somewhat older than that of the Potomac formation. I have remarked incidentally in the previous papers on the Cretaceous floras already referred to, on the probable geographical arrangements which accompanied and con- tributed to the distribution at this time of a rich temperate flora from Greenland to the Southern States, and Dr. G. M. Dawson has discussed this subject more fully in his paper on the “Later Physiographical Geology of the Rocky Mountain Region of Canada.” It would appear from the stratigraphical and paleontological facts summed up in that paper, that in the early Cretaceous a great shallow-water Mediterranean existed in the interior of the American continent, bordered by low and fertile shores, and prob- ably barred across at its northern extremity by low lands extending from Greenland to the nascent ridges of British Columbia, while the Appalachian district formed a land ridge on the east. Around this vast interior basin of warm water, and possibly on islands scattered over it, flourished that vegetation which closed the Jurassicage and inaugurated the reign of Angiospermous plants extending from the middle Cretaceous into the modern. If, as seems in every way probable, the Jurassic age was in America a period of 1 Later Mesozoic Floras, U.S. Geol. Survey, 1889. ? Am. Journal of Science, March, 1891. Sec. IV., 1892. 11, 82 SIR J. WILLIAM DAWSON ON THE continental elevation with climate somewhat extreme, then the subsidence which allowed the warm waters of the equatorial current to circulate through the interior basin of the continent would restore warmth and humidity, and would afford the climatal conditions favourable to the introduction of a new and more varied flora and allow this to extend far to the north. Such a state of affairs would also afford the local causes neces- sary to the formation of the coals which characterize the Lower Cretaceous, and which, folded up and altered in the great earth-movements of the Tertiary period, constitute beds of true anthracite in the Queen Charlotte Islands and in the Rocky Mountains. Il. —ReEcENT COLLECTIONS OF PLANTS FROM THE KOOTANIE FORMATION. The collections now under consideration were made in 1891 by Mr. H. M. Ami, F GS. at Anthracite, and by Dr. Hayden at Canmore, both places being situated in the Cascade Coal Basin of the Rocky Mountains.! Those from the latter place are limited to a few specimens in a dark gray shale. The Anthracite specimens are in a black shaly rock much jointed, with frequent slickensided surfaces and liable to break across the bed- ding. The fossils are represented by shining anthracitic films on the black matrix, and the more delicate leaves can be distinctly made out only in a favourable light. These peculiarities of preservation oppose considerable difficulties to their comparison with the fossil plants from other and less disturbed districts, and in the following descriptive list some allowance has been made for them in the identifications proposed with species from the Potomac and other formations. It is also to be remarked that though from the same formation which afforded the plants described in 1885, few of the species are identical. This may indicate some difference of horizon within the formation, or may depend on local differences, or on the fragmentary and imperfect nature of the collec- tions. In any case it is plain that the collections hitherto made must very imperfectly represent the flora as a whole, either in number of species or in the completeness of the specimens. Hence the present notes must be looked upon as merely provisional and introductory, and their presentation to the Society is justified only by the great geo- logical importance of the facts which, however imperfect from a palæobotanical point of view, they serve to indicate. I may be permitted to add that the history of geological discovery in the Canadian North-west affords a convincing proof of the value of fossil plants when carefully collected with reference to the containing beds, in determining the geological ages of the formations in which they occur, while there can be no question of their paramount value in indicating geographical and climatal conditions. ! Annual Rept. Geol. Sury. Can., 1885, p. 126 B. CORRELATION OF EARLY CRETACEOUS FLORAS. 83 Il.—DrscriptivE List OF SPECIES. Equisetum Lyelli (Mantell.) (Fig. 1.) Fig. 1.—Equisetum Lyelli. This is a widely distributed species, common in the English Wealden, found in the Potomac formation of Virginia, and one of the forms recognized at Grand Falls by New- berry. It is not uncommon in the shales from Anthracite, though the specimens are much flattened and crushed, and seem to represent branches rather than main stems. It is distinguished by the long linear spine-like teeth of the sheaths. The sheaths are 1 cm. long, and their teeth very long, narrow and pointed. The figure does not show the sheaths which are very indistinct. Angiopleridium Canmorense (s. n.) (Fig. 2.) Fia. 2.—Angiopteridium Canmorense. Frond pinnate, leaves 5 cm. or more long, 6 mm. broad. Points not seen. One specimen has four leaves somewhat widely separated. Another appears to be the apex of a frond with parts of six leaves somewhat close together. The texture seems to have been coriaceous and the veinlets are very fine and close, and at right angles to the midrib. It resembles A. strictinerve of Fontaine, but the materials are not sufliciently perfect for satisfactory comparison. The genus was established by Schimper for a group of ferns resembling l'æniopteris in venation, but differing in forin and arrangement. They are widely distributed in the Jurassic and Lower Cretaceous. The specimens are in Dr. Hayden’s collections from Canmore, where no doubt more perfect fronds may be found. In the meantime it may provisionally named A. Canmorense. 84 SIR J. WILLIAM DAWSON ON THE Pecopteris Browniana (Dunker.) (Fig. 3.) WF 4 x2 Fic. 3.—Pecopteris Browniana. Single pinnæ occur in the Anthracite collections which are not distinguishable from this species, which is found both in the European Wealden and the American Potomac, and is nearly allied to P. borealis, Heer, from the Lower Cretaceous of Greenland. The name Pecopteris is of course provisional, and if the fructification were known it would, no doubt, be referred to some more modern genus. ' Cladophlebis falcata, (Fontaine.) (Fig. 4.) Fia. 4.—Oladophlebis falcata. This provisional genus was established by Saporta and Schimper to include a number of ferns mostly Jurassic, and characterized by being pinnate with spreading pinne, the pinnules attached by the whole base, the apex pointed or obtuse, sometimes dentate, especially toward the apex, which is often turned upward, giving a falcate form. The midrib is strong but fading away into nerves toward the apex. Nerves at acute angles with the midrib, usually forking once or twice. The well known Pecopteris Whit- 1 Trans. Royal Society of Canada, Vol. IV., Sec. IV., 1890. CORRELATION OF EARLY CRETACEOUS FLORAS. 85 byensis of the English Oolite may be considered as the typical form, which is represented by different species, sub-species and varieties in the Jurassic and Lower Cretaceous of nearly every part of the world. This beautiful species, so common in the Anthracite shale, and which is better preserved than any other fern in the coliection, is without doubt that named by Fontaine C. falcata, though I am by no means certain that this is distinct more than varietally from some of his other species and some of those figured by Heer. It is certainly distinct in venation from C. Whitbyensis, though closely resembling some varieties of that species in form. It is near to Pecopteris recentior and P. ligata of Phillips, and also to Asplenium Albertum from Mill Creek and A. distans from Canmore, described in my former paper. Cladophlebis (Sp.) This is a small fragment with delicate pinnules, somewhat resembling those of Fon- taine’s C. inclinata, but probably distinct. It is from Anthracite. Aspidium Fredericksburgense (Fontaine.) (Fig. 5.) Fie. 5.—Aspidium Fredericksburgense. In referring certain specimens from Anthracite to this species, I do so with the reser- vations stated below. My specimens, in so far as the fronds are concerned (and they do not show fructification) might be referred equally to Fontaine’s species or to the Pecopteris Whilbyensis mentioned under the last head. In texture and venation however, they differ from Cladophlebis falcata and are probably generically distinct. The only difference observable as compared with Pecopteris Whitbyensis is that the nerves fork a little farther from the midrib. From Foutaine’s figures our specimens differ in the nerves forking only 86 SIR J. WILLIAM DAWSON ON THE once, but this does not seem to be unusual in the Potomac specimens, though in many of these the veinlets divide into three. Fontaine’s species has the fruit of Aspidium and may be compared to Heer’s A. Oerstedi from Greenland, but the latter has simple veins. As already stated the old Pecopteris Whitbyensis has been placed in the genus Clado- phlebis; but specimens from Greenland referred by Heer to this species have the fruit of Asplenium, whence he has named the species A. Whitbyense. Thus we have fronds which when destitute of fruit would be referred to Pecopteris (Cladophlebis) Whitbyensis, but which may have belonged to Aspidium Fredericksburgense or to Asplenium Whitbyense. Our present specimens would be liable to either of these references. They seem to have pre- sented broad pinnate fronds of the habit of Aspidium or Asplenium and for the present must remain generically doubtful. The figure will enable them to be recognized by subsequent collectors. It is closely allied to Aspleniwm distans of Heer, which I recognized in my former paper as a Kootanie species, and which Heer identified with Pecopteris recentior of Phillips ; but the pinnules are closer and shorter and the texture of the frond different. Asplenium Martinianum (Dawson.) Fossil Plants of the Rocky Mountains of Canada. Trans. R. S. C., 1885. This species, recognized in the former collections from Martin Creek and Old Man River, reappears, though rarely, in the collections from Anthracite. It belongs to the same general type with A. Whitbyense of Heer, already referred to, and especially resembles a variety from the Jurassic of Siberia referred by Heer to his species. Sphenoptervs laliloba ? (Fontaine.) (Fig. 6.) " Fie. 6, aes laliloba 2 Fragments of a fern not distinguishable from Fontaine’s figures are found at Anthra- cite, and would seem to represent that form. An allied Dr more delicate species, S. Mantelli, is characteristic of the English Wealden. Other fragments from Anthracite may indicate another species of Sphenopteris, but none of them show the ends of the pinnules, which are narrow at base, spreading rapidly CORRELATION OF EARLY CRETACEOUS FLORAS. 87 and with branching veins. Whether entire or toothed at the extremity the specimens do not always show, but some seem to be entire and others toothed or divided. Still all may have belonged to one frond. Zamites Montana (Dn.) (Fig. 7.) Fic. 7.—Zamites Montana. Trans. Royal Society of Canada, 1885. Leaves of this species, described by me from the Kootanie region in the paper above cited, are not infrequent in the collections from Anthracite. Some of the leaves are of larger dimensions than those from the Kootanie. One of these is figured. Notes as to the affinities of the species will be found in the paper of 1885. Dioonites. borealis (Dn.) Trans. Royal Society of Canada, 1885. Mr. Whiteaves has shown me, in the collection of the Geological Survey, a fine leaf of this species from Canmore. Williamsonia ? A group of curved and pointed bracts resembling those of this genus appears in the collection from Anthracite; but it is too imperfect to make the reference certain. Baieropsis (Sp.) Fragments of long forking leayes referable to this genus appear in the collections. They resemble B. Cyekanouskiana, Heer, but are too imperfect for determination. 88 SIR J. WILLIAM DAWSON ON THE Leplostrobus longifolius (Fontaine.) (Fig. 8.) Fic. 8.—Leptostrobus longifolius. Many long narrow linear leaves, solitary or in clusters, with appearance of having two nerves. Along with these are fragments of long lax cones with flabellate scales, furrowed obscurely in a radiating manner. Heer established this genus for certain pine- like plants with long two-nerved leaves and very elongated lax cones, from the so-called Jurassic of Siberia. There seems to be no certain means of distinguishing the present species from those described by Heer or from that named as above by Fontaine. As Fontaine’s specimens on the whole seem more to resemble ours, I have adopted his name. The species is so plentiful that I anticipate before long the discovery of more perfect specimens which may serve more fully to establish its specific relations. Pinus (Cyclopitus) Nordenskioldii (Heer.) (Fig. 9.) Fic. 9.— Pinus (Cyctopitus) Nordenskioldii. Long narrow one-nerved leaves, much broader, however, than those of the last species, are scattered very plentifully on the surfaces of shale from Anthracite. They are mostly detached, having evidently been deciduous, but in some cases appear to be in tufts, though this may be accidental. They are smooth and shining, and often more than CORRELATION OF EARLY CRETACEOUS FLORAS. 89 four centimetres in length. They are quite similar to those figured by Heer in the fossil flora of Siberia. _Heer refers them in the text to Pinus, aud in the legend of one of his plates to Cyclopitus, while he seems to believe that certain taxus-like fruits may be refer- able to this plant. Schenck (Fossil Botany) refers them to Cyclopitus and seems to believe that this genus is intermediate between Abietineæ and Taxineæ. Fontaine refers very similar leaves to the genus Cephalotaxopsis. Cyclopitus is described as having verticel- late leaves, but there is no evidence of our species having had its leaves arranged in that way. Schenck refers to the modern Scyadopitys as possibly allied. The leaves of this species have evidently been deciduous and drifted over the muddy bottom in immense quantities. With them are sometimes found small ovate flattened nutlets; but whether connected with the leaves is uncertain. It is to be hoped that the excavations for coal will disclose more perfect specimens. Pinus anthraciticus (s. n.) (Fig. 10.) Fie. 10.—Pinus anthraciticus. A single winged seed referable to Pinus was found in the beds holding the above species and raises the question of its possible alliance to that genus. The seed is rounded, about 2 mm. in diameter. The wing expands slightly toward the distal end, and with the seed is about 1 cm. long, but its extremity is slightly broken, though it seems to be obliquely truncate. The wing is smooth with a few obscure veins. Cephalotaxopsis (Sp.) Very imperfect fragments are found at Anthracite, possibly referable to this genus, which belongs to the Lower Cretaceous. Sphenolepidium pachyphyllum? (Fontaine.) (Fig. 12.) ‘ wo | | | fu wwe La See ie I~ ee À | RS 45 ) Fic. 12.—Sphenolepidium pachyphyllum ? Slender branches giving off small branchlets nearly at right angles, each having two Sec, IV., 1892. 12. 90 SIR J. WILLIAM DAWSON ON THE rows of short triangular scale-like leaves, becoming a little larger on the upper parts of the branchlets. It is very near to the species above named. Sphenolepidium (Sp.) (Fig. 13.) Fic. 13.—Sphenolepidium. ‘ Differs from the above in having the leaves somewhat larger and more slender. These branchlets may, however, belong to some species of Sequoia. Pagophyllum (Sp.) (Fig. 14.) Fic. 14.—Pagophyllum. Thick pointed leaves, length 3 cm. breadth at base 6 mm. Rounded at base and quickly widening to full breadth and then gradually narrowing to the point, and show- ing traces of longitudinal striæ. These seem to have been thick and fleshy leaves allied to P. peregrina, Heer (see Schenck, p. 26). They also resemble leaves referred by Fontaine to the genus Nageopsis, resembling his N. ovata from the Potomac formation. Carpolites. (Figs. 15.) Fic. 15.—Carpolites. There are in the collections many flattened oval or ovate nutlets of different size, CORRELATION OF EARLY CRETACEOUS FLORAS, 91 with smooth surfaces. They are not unlikely of different species. They are probably gymnospermous and may belong to Cycads or Taxineæ. Cyperites (Sp.) (Fig. 16.) See NE ee —— Se ee OS CS - cae SS SS Pa ee Fie. 16.—Cyperites. A slender grass-like stem with linear finely striate leaves, alternately disposed, and not proceeding from enlarged joints. Apparently an herbaceous monocotyledonous plant. II].—Lists or PLANTS OF THE KOOTANIE GROUP. I give below a summary of the plants hitherto described from the Kootanie Group, including those in the previous papers referred to above. I.—From the Queen Charlotte Islands.—Dawson in appendix to Richardson’s Report of 1873. Report Geol. Survey of Canada for 1872-73, p. 66. Dioonites Columbianus, Dawson.—Large fruits of the size of a hen’s egg, petioles show- ing structure and fragments of leaves. For figure and description see Report cited. Taxoxylon.—W ood showing structure and resembling that of modern Taxine trees. Cupressoxylon—W ood having structure not very dissimilar to that of the modern Sequoia gigantea. Il.—From the Kootanie District and the region of the Suskwa River, the vicinity of Canmore and other places in the Rocky Mountains, north of the 49th parallel—Paper by J. W. Dawson on the Mesozoic Floras of the Rocky Mountain region of Canada, Trans. Geol. Society of Canada, 1885. Dicksonia, Sp.—Martin Creek. Asplenium Martinianum, Dawson, allied to A. Whitbyense, Heer, Martin Creek, ete. Asplenium Dicksonianum, Heer, Crow’s Nest Pass, Canmore, etc. This species is found in the Lower Cretaceous of Greenland. A. distans, Heer, (Pecopteris recentior, L. and H.) Jurassic of Siberia and of England. Dioonites borealis, Dawson, Martin Creek, Canmore, Willow Creek. Podozamites lanceolatus, Lindley, Martin Brook, N. Kootanie Pass. Extensively distributed in the Upper Jurassic and Lower Cretaceous. Zamites Montana, Dawson, Martin Brook, Kootanie Pass. Z. acutipennis, Heer, Martin Creek ; Heer’s specimens were from the Lower Cretaceous of Greenland. Z. (species) —Near Canmore. Anomozamiles, Sp.—Martin Brook. Sphenozamites, Sp.—Martin Brook. 92 SIR J. WILLIAM DAWSON ON THE Antholithes horridus, Dawson, Peace River, Old Man River. Salisburia (Gingko) Sibirica, Heer, Martin Brook. A species found in the so-called Jurassic of Siberia. S. (Gingko) nana, Dawson, Coal Brook. Salisburia, Nuts of, various places. Baiera longifolia, Heer, Martin Creek ; also in Jurassic of Siberia. Pinus Suskwaensis, Dawson, Suskwa Martin Creek and Coal Brook. P. Nordenskioldii ? Heer. Broader linear leaves possibly of this species, Martin Creek. Sequoia Smithiana, Heer, Coal Creek, Crow’s Nest Pass. This is found in the Lower Cretaceous of Greenland. Glyptostrobus Grenlandicus, Heer, Old Man River, Lower Cretaceous, Greenland. Taxodium cuneatum, Newberry. Found by Newberry in the Cretaceous of the West Coast. Above the beds holding these fossils are layers (the Intermediate Series)" containing two angiospermous leaves, named respectively : Sterculia vetustata, Dawson, Old Man River. Laurus crassinervis, Dawson, Old Man River, Suskwa. The next beds in ascending order, the Mill Creek series, contain several distinct species of angiospermous leaves. III.—Plants collected by Dr. Newberry at Great Falls, IV.—Plants from Anthracite and Canmore, noticed in Montana. American Journal of Science, March, the present paper, May, 1892. ÿ 1891, Page 191. Thyrsopteris rarinervis, Fontaine.* Equisetum Lyelli, Mantell, P.W.G. G insignis, F.* Angiopteridium Canmorense, s.n. À. ae brevipennis, F.* Pecopteris Browniana, Dunker,f P. “ * brevifolia, F.* Cladophlebis falcata, Fontaine, P. Aspidium Fredericksburgense, F.*+ ? i" sp. Pecopteris Browniana, Dunker.*+ Aspidium Fredericksburgense, P. W.? Cladophlebis distans, F.* Asplenium Martinianum, Dawson. ‘ parva, F.* Sphenopteris laliloba, P. fe constricta, F.* Zamites Montana, Dawson. Oleandra arctica, Heer. Dioonites borealis, Dn. Cheiropteris Williamsii, Newberry. Williamsonia, sp. S. spatulata, N. Baieropsis, sp. Cladophlebis angustifolia, N. Leptostrobus longifolius, P. Zamites Montana, Dawson.+ Pinus (cyclopitus) Nordenskioldii, Heer, 8. “ acutipennis, Heer.t Pinus anthraciticus, Dn. “borealis, Heer. Cephalotaxopsis, sp. “ apertus, Newberry. Carpolithes, sp. Podozamites nervosa, N, Pagophyllum, sp. Baiera. Sphenolepidium pachyphyllum ? P. Sequoia Reichenbachii, Heer.* Cyperites, sp. %° Smithiana, H.f « -Gracilis, H. “ acutifolia, Newberry. Sphenolepidium Virginicum, F.* Carpolithes Virginiensis, F.* * Found in the Potomac Group. + Found in Canadian Kootanie. T(P.) Potomac, (W.) Wealden, (G.) Greenland,.(S.) Siberia. es ? This is not yet defined stratigraphically, but is supposed to indicate a transition from the Kootanie to newer eds, CORRELATION OF EARLY CRETACEOUS FLORAS. 98 With reference to the age of the above flora, it is to be observed that the species are almost entirely different from those of the middle and upper Cretaceous, that they include some forms usually regarded as Jurassic, but that the greater number have the facies of the Lower Cretaceous. It is also observable that no angiospermous exogens are included, though had these been present at least in any considerable numbers they could scarcely have escaped detection. In the next succeeding or Mill Creek Group plants of this type occur, though not in large numbers. In the Potomac Formation of Fontaine there are, however, considerable numbers of true exogens. These facts seem to indicate that the Kootanie flora belongs to the lowest portion of the Cretaceous, and may be a little older than that of the main pait of the Potomac Formation. It will be observed that while individuals of some species are abundant in the collection, they are in a condition so imperfect that some doubts must rest on their identification, and farther investigation may throw much light on their age and affin- ities. There can, however, be scarcely any doubt as to their general reference to the Neocomian Group of the Lower Cretaceous, and to the lower part of the earlier or Lower Cretaceous as held by the Canadian Geological Survey, and as recently fully illustrated for the United States in the Bulletin of the U. 8. Geological Survey. ' 1 White, No. 82, Correlation Papers, 1891. SECTION IV., 1892. i295; .] Trans, Roy. Soc. CANADA. VII.—Illustrations of the Fauna of the St. John Group, No. VIL." By G. F. Marruew, M.A. — (Read 31st May, 1892.) This paper contains descriptions of the fauna of the Arenig horizon (Div. 3d) in the Bretonian Division and also of certain graptolites and brachiopods of Bands a and 6 of the same Division. The species are arranged according to their zoological standing, and not their stratigraphical position, though the great majority are from Band d (Arenig horizon) of the Bretonian. PROTOSPONGIA (?) Salter. Calcareous nodules from the Arenig horizon not infrequently show fragments of the net of a Lyssakine sponge. These consist of cruciform spicules of two orders of size but as the network is more or less broken and does not show the outline of the sponge the material is not sufficient for specific or even generic determination. Horizon and Locality. Black carbonaceous shales of Diy. 3d at the Suspension Bridge, St. John. HYDROZOA. The graptolites first collected from the shales of the Bretonian Division were, with the concurrence of the Director of the Canadian Geological Survey, Dr. A. R. C. Selwyn, submitted to Dr. H. M. Ami, the assistant paleeontologist, who kindly examined them and reported the result to me. Under the several species I have inserted his comments on the specimens sent to him. It may be well to premise that the material on which these determinations have been made is very fragmentary and the hydrothecæ have been pressed very flat in the shale, and often are somewhat distorted ; hence there is in some instances, considerable difficulty in recognizing specific characters. BRYOGRAPTUS, Lapworth. BRYOGRAPTUS PATENS, n. sp. (Pl. VIT, fig. 1 a—d.) Nat. Hist. Soc, of N. B., Bulletin x., p. vi. Primary branches of the hydrosoma spreading, at first dichotomous, then more irregu- larly branching. There are about 10 hydrothecæ in the space of a centimetre, and the 1 Tt had been the intention of the writer to close this series of papers with the present article, but discoveries of additional species in the St. John Group during the past year has made it desirable to add another article to the series to contain the descriptions of these new forms and the index tothe whole series, as well as a table of species showing the horizons at which they are found. 96 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE branches are about one-half of a millimetre wide. The cells of the hydrosoma are directed forward and each terminates ina mucronate point. The branches are a little more than half a millimetre wide. The primary branches do not appear to be celluliferous, but cell- bearing branches shoot out from the primary. Horizon and Locality. In the black carbonaceous slates of Division 36 at Navy Island in St. John harbour, in company with Dictyonema flabelliforme, Eich. This species exhibits a tendency to develop cross-bars on some of the branches. They are not incipient ascending branches, but short processes, directly transverse to the branch ; they do not appear to be of the nature of the transverse connecting threads which one sees in a Dictyonema, but are short stout outgrowths of the branch, and are usually directly opposite each other. This species is distinguished from Dictyonema flabelliforme, whose fragments occur with it, by the thinness of the substance of the hydrosoma which thence shows a less brilliant reflection from the surface of the shale than the above named species. I at first thought this species might be B. Kjerulfi, Lap., figured by Dr. Brôgger, ! but that species has a less spreading habit of growth, and the mouths of the cells are different in form. B. Kjerulfi occurs in the Norwegian Cambrian layers 2e, our species is found with a trilobite fauna similar to that which occurs in their layers 2c, consequently it is homotaxically older. DICTYONEMA, Hall. DICTYONEMA DELICATULUM, Dawson, var. Rep. Peter Redpath Museum of McGill University, 1883, p. 16. Examples of a Dictyonema allied to this species are found in the graptolite beds at the Suspension Bridge. The mesh is not quite so fine as that reported for the above species: that has 18 branches in the space of a centimetre, this has 14 or 15; in that the transverse bars are said to be more distant than the vertical stems, in this they are less so, there being about 13 bars in the space of a centimetre. The cells are poorly preserved, but appear to be alternate, and distant, giving to the branch a flexuous appearance ; in D. delicatulum they are said to be in one series, round in cross section, and have a pointed aperture. Asin the species named our form is elongate funnel-shaped Examples 6 cm. long and 14 cm. wide of D. delicatulum from Quebec, correspond in form:to the species above mentioned, from the St. John group. Horizon and Locality. From black slates of Div. 8d at the Suspension Bridge. DICTYONEMA QUADRANGULARE, Hall. Can. Org. Rem. Dec. ii., p. 138, Pl. xx., fig. 5. This species is represented by a few examples. Horizon and Locality. Same as the preceding. 1 Die Silurischen Etagen 2 und 3. PI. 12, figs. 20 and 20a. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FAUNA OF THE ST. JOHN GROUP. 97 CLONOGRAPTUS, Hall. CLONOGRAPTUS (?) SPINOSUS, n. sp. (Pl. VIL, figs. 2 a and b) Nat. Hist. Soc. of N.B., Bulletin x., p. vi. À slender species with distant hydrothecæ, set very obliquely to the axis, and having a spine at the outer end of each hydrotheca. The branches of the hydrosoma are about three-quarters of a millimetre wide, and there are about eight hydrothecæ in the space of ten millimetres. Horizon and Locality. In the soft black shales of Div. 3b at Navy Island. This species is easily distinguished from Diclyonema flabelliforme with which it is found by its larger and more distant hydrothecæ. The species resembles Dichograptus (?) tenellus, Linrs. and is from the same horizon; it also has the same number of hydrotheca in a corresponding space on the branch of the hydrosoma. Linnarsson does not show any axis or vergula in the branch he figures, but this is distinctly present in the St. John species ; his species also has narrower branches. Our examples of the new species are quite too fragmentary to make the reference to Clono- graptus certain, but D. tenellus is referred to Clonograptus by O. Hermann,' and Linnarsson appears to have been doubtful of its generic position. * CLONOGRAPTUS FLEXILIS, Hall, var. Graptolithus flexilis, Hall, Can. Org. Rem. Dec. ii., p. 103, Pl. x. = This species is well indicated by the proximal and distal parts of the hydrosoma. The former are more slender than in the type and the distal parts also are narrower. Horizon and Locality. In the black shales of Div. 3d at the Suspension Bridge. Dr. Ami’s note on this species is as follows: “The four specimens referred to this species are undoubted examples of the genus Clonograptus, and when compared with the types and representatives of the above species from Point Levis the specimens from the exposures at the Suspension Bridge, St. John, are more slender and delicate. Three of the latter show indications of the original sicula to be present, partially or nearly entirely ab- sorbed in the funicle. This form may possibly be a variety of Clonograptus flexilis, Hall.” DICHOGRAPTUS, Salier. DicHoGrAPTUS Loaant, Hall. Graptolithus Logani, Hall, Can. Org. Rem. Dec. ii., p. 100, Pl. ix. & xi. The remains of this species are quite abundant in some layers of the graptolite shales. The proximate branches are very slender and wiry, and the branches more delicate than in examples from Quebec. Horizon and Locality. Same as the preceding. The following is Dr. Ami’s note on this species; ‘‘ The four specimens referred to the above species are very much broken up, and the stipes occur in a tangled condition, whilst two specimens appear to show indications of the presence of the central dise from which the stipes radiated. It would thus appear that Loganograptus Logani, Hall, does 1 Geological Magazine, New Series, Dec. iii., vol. iii., p. 25. Sec. IV., 1892. 13. 98 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE occur in the collection from St. John; the size, relative position and inclination of the hydrothecæ, together with the general characters of the species, pointing all in that direc- tion. One of the Levis, Que., specimens of Z. Logani now on exhibition in the cases of the museum at Ottawa exhibits twenty-two hydrothecie in a space of twenty-one millimetres, whilst one of the St. John specimens shows twenty hydrothece in the same space. Some of the leading characters and features of the genus and species, as seen in well preserved specimens however, are absent in the specimens examined from St. John. Some of the stipes are exceedingly like those of Clonograp‘us.” TETRAGRAPTUS, Salter. TETRAGRAPTUS QUADRIBRACHIATUS, Hall. Graptolithus quadribrachiatus, Hall, Can. Org. Rem. Dee. ii., p. 91. Pl. v. & vi. This species occurs in the graptolite shales at the Suspension Bridge (Div. 3d), but is not plentiful. Dr. Ami’s note is as follows: ‘The single representative of this species in the col- lection from St. John is very fairly preserved and has ten hydrothecæ in the space of ten millimetres, whilst one of the type specimens from Point Levis (vide “ Graptolites of the Quebec group, Dec. ii., Pl. 5, fig. 2, by Hall) shows eleven hydrothecæ in the space of ten millimetres. This species is characteristic of a low zone of graptolites at Point Levis, Que.” DIDYMOGRAPTUS, McCoy. DIDYMOGRAPTUS PATULUS, Hall. Graptolithus patulus, Hall, Can. Org. Rem. Dec. ii., p. 71, Pl. i. This species occurs with the succeeding and is nearly as common. A variety occurs, or a different species, in which the branches are ascending, as represented for D. hirundo, Salt., in Memoirs Geol. Surv. Gt. Britain, vol. III., but they ascend at an acuter angle. Dr. Ami’s note on the specimens sent to him is as follows: ‘There are six speci- mens bearing this designation, marked by me as follows a, /, y, 5, 6, ©. “a. This form is the same as ‘A’ of No. 6 under D. nitidus, Hall, [see further on, G. F. M.] and along with f, 6, € and £ may be D. patulus, Hall, whilst 6 and € are evidently co-specific with the form No. 8 called D. hisundo ?, Salt., which may also be D. patulus, Hall. In fact I should feel inclined to refer these to this species of Hall rather than to the other. y isthe same as a, whilst / is like a crushed form of a Tetragraptus like T. serra = T. bryonoides, Hall, ( = T. caduceus, Salt.), Tetragraptus serra is Brongniart’s species, and from Prof. Chas. Lapworth’s writings the two names T. serra and T. bryonoides are synony- mous, whilst the former has the priority, yet Prof. Lapworth always seems inclined to keep up Hall’s very appropriate term and designation T. bryonoïdes. “y is probably a Didymograptus cf. D. patulus, Hall.” DIDYMOGRAPTUS NITIDUS, Hall, var. Graptolithus nitidus, Hall, Can. Org. Rem. Dee. ii., p. 69, Pl. i. A species with rather narrow stipes, which appears to agree with this is somewhat ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FAUNA OF THE ST. JOHN GROUP. 99 common in some layers of the Div. 34 shale. It differs from the type in having more as- cending branches to the hydrosoma. Dr. Ami has the following annotations on the specimens sent to him: “The five specimens referred to this species, with or without doubt, and marked by me in red A, B, C, D, E, respectively, appear to me to belong to two distinct forms. A, D and E repre- sent one form or species, and B and C the other. The former a stouter and larger one, the latter a rather more slender one, and more akin to the type of Hall’s species. “The type of Diplograptus nitidus (Geol. Surv. Can. Dec. IT, Pl. I, fig. 7) measures twelve hydrothecæ in the space of fen millimetres, and the height or breadth of the poly- pary at the tenth hydrotheca from the sicula or initial point is 1°25 mm. “The measurements of the different forms are as follows :— Height of hydrothecæ, or dia- ___|No. of hydrothec in the space meter of stipe at the 10th of 10 mm. hydrotheca from the sic- ula.! A 11 1 to 2 mm. D 93 icra, UE E ; 114 1 -50 “ B 11 ‘75 mm 103 122500 Type. 12 Mi Die meas “A, There is no sicula or initial point in the 18 or 20 stipes preserved on this slab of shale. The hydrothece are set very obliquely, and their position must evidently be due to distortion by pressure, and differs [?] essentially from the type in this particular. D and E may possibly be fragments of Didymograptus, but resemble also possibly stipes of Tetra- graptus in a broken condition. “BandC. These two forms are more akin and closely related to the type specimens as described by Hall, from the Point Levis beds. They are much more slender than either A, D or E, and in dimensions as well as in leading characters shown, they agree very fairly well with D. nitidus, Hall. The divergence of the stipes, or ‘angle of divergence’ proper as shown in B and C may probably also be due to pressure. There are not seen any of the apertural spines seen in the type specimens of D. nitidus, Hall.” DIDYMOGRAPTUS INDENTUS, Hall. Graptolithus indentus, Hall, Can. Org. Rem. Dee. ii., p. 74, Pl. i., fig. 20. Only one example of this species has been found, of which Dr. Ami says: “This may probably be D. indentus, Hall. Very closely allied to the type specimen.” Horizon and Locality. Same as the three preceding. 1 In cases where the sicula is present; in broken stipes, the average dimension is taken in the stipe named, 100 G. F, MATTHEW ON THE RETIOGRAPTUS, Hail. RETIOGRAPTUS TENTACULATUS, Hall ? Retiograptus tentaculatus, Hall, Can. Org. Rem. Dec. ii., p. 116, Pl. xiv., figs. 6—8. Some few specimens, not sufficiently well preserved to make the identification sure, are found in the layers of slate (8d) with the other graptolites. They show two rows of cross-lines, apparently representing the cell partitions. BRACHIOPODA. In this division of the St. John Group the articulate brachiopods are present in much greater numbers and variety of species than in the older part of the formation ; especially we notice the presence of species of Orthis wherever the conditions were favourable to their preservation ; sometimes in immense numbers, but the leaching action which these sediments have undergone, leaves often but a thin film of calcite (and that frequently distorted by dynamical moyement in the shale), flattened and featureless, to represent a once distinct brachiopod. The genera Camerella and Strophomena now show themselves in the Cambrian faunas of the Atlantic coast. ORTHIS, Dalman. OrTHIS ELECTRA, Bill., var. MAJOR, n. var. (Pl. VII, figs. 3a—c.) Nat. Hist. Soc. of N.B., Bulletin x., p. vii. This variety is nearly one-half longer than the type, and proportionately wider. It has from 50 to 70 fine radiating ribs, which sometimes are sharp and sometimes rounded on the summit; when sharp the furrows between are rounded and show numerous faint transverse striulæ. The umbo of the ventral valve is quite low, and that of the dorsal appressed to the hinge line. A mould of the beak of the ventral valve, shows that the umbonal depression in the interior is small, being only about two-sevenths of the length of the shell; the depression is of an oval form, slightly trilobed in front, and bounded by a distinct ridge. A mould of the interior of the dorsal valve shows it to have a low ob- tuse ridge along the median line, from the deltidium for half of the shell forward, where it becomes obsolete; this ridge has near the front on each side, a pair of faint diverging furrows ; and on each side near the hinge, a higher and sharper curving ridge, outlining a depression in this valve similar to, but smaller than that of the ventral valve. Size. Length 9} mm., width 13 mm., length of hinge 8 mm., height of area of ventral valve 1 mm. Horizon and Locality. Found in calciferous sandy (or siliceous) nodules in the black slates of Div. 3d at the Suspension Bridge. var. LÆVIS, n. var. This variety is comparatively smooth, having more distant, low, thread-like ribs about 30 in number. The cardinal angles are depressed. Size, Horizon and Locality as the preceding. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FAUNA OF THE ST. JOHN GROUP. 101 Mr. Billings has remarked upon the close resemblance of his species to O. perveta, Conrad, of the Chazy and Black R. limestone ;' it however is more tumid and has higher umbos. Billings would incline to unite the two if the interior markings should be found to agree. Billings also compares O. Elec/ra to the European species O. parva, Pander, and considers them closely allied ; but from the type of that species as given by de Verneuil * it differs considerably, and the internal markings of the dorsal valve do not agree with our variety. M. de Verneuil figures a variety, avellana, Vern., of O. parva, which is larger and has more numerous ribs than the type, but it also is a more tumid shell, especially in the dorsal valve. ORTHIS ORTHAMBONITES, Pander, (Pl. VII, fig. 4.) Orthis calligramma, Dalm., var. orthambonites, (O. orthambonites, von Buch), de Verneuil. Russia and the Ural Mts., vol. ii., p. 207. Pl. xiii., figs. 8 a to g. Orthis orthambonites, Pander, Palæoz. Fossils, Billings, p. 77, figs. 70 a. b. c. This species: was found by Billings in the Levis limestones at Quebec. Our examples agree with his in size, and are smaller than those figured by de Verneuil. The ribs are sharply raised, and in sets, every second or third one being more prominent than the others. Size. Length 6 mm., width 8 mm. Horizon and Locality, Same as the preceding. ORTHIS EURYONE, Bill. ? var. (Pl. VII, fig. 5.) Palæozoic Fossils, p. 78, figs. 71 a. b.—Var. Nat. Hist. Soc. of N.B., Bull. x., p. vii. I refer to this species with some hesitation, a little shell which differs from those pre- viously described. It is of the size and shape of Billings’s species, and has about the same number of ribs, but the following differences are noticeable: the ventral valve is some- what carinated, the umbo is not remarkably large, and the beak projects decidedly beyond the hinge line. Size. Length of the ventral valve 6 mm., width 6°5 mm. Horizon and Locality. Occurs with the preceding. ORTHIS MrENAPLe, Hicks ? var. (Pl. VIL, figs. 6 a and 6). Geol. Mag. London, vol. v., p. 314, PI. xvi., figs. 24-28—Var. Nat. Hist. Soc. of N.B., Bulletin x., p. vii. A large Orthis, with the form of this species, but of larger size, occurs in the grapto- lite beds. Being in slaty layers the valves are flattened and the form is therefore not well preserved. The cardinal angles are rounded, and the hinge-line about three-fourths of the greatest width of the shell. Form of the ventral valve oblately orbicular, of the dor- sal valve similar but angulated at the cardinal angles. Ribs very numerous and fine, arched on the sides of the valve; there are occasional larger ribs, separated by several smaller ones. Sculpture. This consists of fine radiating striæ (about 100 in number) of which a few are more prominent than the others. ! Palæozoic Fossils, vol. i., p. 80. * Russia and the Ural Mts., vol. ii., p. 188, pl. 13, figs. 4a and b. 102 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE Size. Length 22 mm., width 27 mm. Horizon and Locality.—Same as the preceding. This species is the largest Orthis known from the St. John Group. It is from the same horizon as the English species cited above, and resembles it in form, but the ribs are twice as numerousand the shell much larger. Until better known it may be placed here. There are several American species which approach it in size. Orthis Clytie, Hall, of the Trenton has similarly numerous ribs and an oblately rounded form, but there appears to be no Chazy or Calciferous species like it; it has a more rounded form than either O. imperator or O. platys, Bill., of the Chazy ; it agrees in form with O. porcata, McCoy, (Tren- ton to Clinton) but has twice as many ribs; it has about the same number of striæ as O. sinuata, Hall, of the Hudson R. shales, but the hinge-line is shorter, and from ©. occidentalis, Hall, of the same terrane it differs by its more numerous ribs and rounder form. ORTHIS Carausil, Salt.? (Pl VII, figs. 7 a and b.) Geol. Mag. vol. v., p. 315. Pl. xvi., figs. 23 a and c. A small species from the lower part of the Bretonian Division (Div. 3) appears to agree with the above species, which Davidson has figured and described. It has about a dozen low, rounded ribs, a broad umbo and a low hinge area. Size. Length 7 mm., width 10 mm. Horizon and Locality. In fine dark shales of Div. 3a at Navy Island, scarce. A variety (perhaps of this species) with more numerous ribs (about 20) but of about the same size is found higher up, in the lower Dictyonema slates (Div. 3b), at the same locality. STROPHOMENA, Blainv. STROPHOMENA ATAVA n.sp. (PI. VII, figs. 8 a—f.) Nat. Hist. Soc. of N.B., Bulletin x., p. vii. Narrowly semicircular. Valves slightly arched, rather wider than the hinge-line, compressed at the cardinal angles ; sides of the valves nearly straight behind, regularly rounded in front. Ventral valve moderately convex, highest and somewhat angulated at the middle of its length : umbo inconspicuous and appressed to the very narrow area. Dorsal valve somewhat concave especially toward the umbo, which is depressed to the general level of the valve. The interior of the ventral valve has characters intermediate between those of Orthis and Strophomena. The ridge inclosing the cardinal muscles are shorter and closer at their extremities than in Strophomena, and the scar of the adductor muscle is broader and shorter, but extends half way to the front of the valve. There is a low sharp ridge at the umbo between the branches of the posterior cardinal muscle, and the ventral cavity is faintly outlined in front. Another cast of the ventral valve of a larger individual, per- haps of this species, shows the impressions of the muscles more distinctly; in this the impression of the adductor muscle is much nearer to the hinge, being about two-thirds from the front of the valve: there is a low callus in front of the imprint of the adductor muscle. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FAUNA OF THE ST. JOHN GROUP. 103 A partly decorticated example of the dorsal valve, exhibits a small bifid scar at the hinge-line, due to the adductor muscle. There is no median ridge, such as is found in Orthis, the median sinus being almost obsolete. In front of the impression of the ad- ductor muscleis a small, low callus. Sculpture. This consists of sharply raised, rounded, radiating ridges, slightly crenu- lated by obscure, transverse lines. These ribs are of varying size, every third or fifth rib being larger than the others; these large ribs extend outward from the umbo, and the smaller ones are intercalated between them, or spring from them. On the dorsal valve there are two main ribs in the sinus of the valve and three others extending to the lateral margins ; smaller ribs are intercalated between these. On each side of the group of ribs on the middle third of the shell are four fainter, but more strongly arched groups of ridges which throw off minor ridges at the back, directed toward the lateral margins. On the ventral valve the small ribs are almost all intercalated and do not spring from the back of the primary ribs, as in those of the dorsal valve. Size, Length,12mm. Width 14 mm. Height of area of dorsal valve } mm, of vent- ral valve 1 mm. A valve supposed to be of this species is 15 mm. long and 19 mm. wide. Horizon and Locality. In dark shales of division 3a at Navy Island. One of the oldest species of Strophomena hitherto known is S. aurora, Billings, from the Quebec Group on the west coast of Newfoundland." This is said to range from strata equivalent to those of the Chazy group into those of the Levis slate. It is, therefore, nearly, but not quiteas old as our species. The form (outline) as figured by Billings, is that ofa much wider shell, but as he gives a wide range of variation in the width it is evident that some approach very closely to the St. John species. In both species the striæ are two ranked, te., some much larger than the others, but in Billings’s species the striæ are said to be angular, while in the St. John species they are rounded. Another point of dif- ference between the two is in the umbo of the ventral valve, which in S. awrora is said to be often acutely carinated, but in S. atava is flat and inconspicuous. The hinge area also, in both valves of the latter species, is lower than in the former. In the markings of the interior of the ventral valve and in the form of the ribs on the surface of the shell this species resembles S. alternata, Emmons,’ of the Trenton and Hudson River groups. In these three species we seem to have a genetic series, with progressively larger size and higher hinge area. CAMERELLA, Billings. CAMERELLA PARVA, Bill. ? (Pl. VII, figs. 9 a and 5.) Palæozoic Fossils, vol. i., p. 219. A small species of Camerella occurs in Division 3, which, so far as the incomplete valves show, appears to agree with Billings’s species above named. It is sub-triangular in form with a shallow triangular sinus. The decorticated beak exposes some of the internal inequalities of the surface of the shell. It has a narrow, lanceolate, bifid muscular im- pression due to the adductor muscle, and on each side of it a club-shaped impression, pro- 1 Paleozoic Fossils, vol. i., p. 218. * Report State Geol. New York, 1882. PI. (viii.) 38—also Geol. Surv. Ohio, Paleontology, vol. i., Pl. 7. 104 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE jecting further into the cavity of the valve, due to the cardinal muscle. Several vascular lines extend forward nearly to the front of the valve. Size. Length of the ventral valve 5 mm., width 54 mm. (The shell is probably somewhat shortened by pressure in the slates.) Horizon and Locality. In the dark shales of Division 8a at Navy Island. Billings’s species was found in the black bituminous limestone, “ N,” of Table Head (equivalent to the Chazy) Newfoundland ; also in the limestone “ P” (equivalent to the Levis) at Portland Creek, Newfoundland. PTEROPODA. In a previous communication to the Royal Society, the writer remarked upon the peculiar habits of certain shells such as Hyolithes, Cyrtotheca, Diplotheca, and which, though classed as pteropods, had habits differing from the modern pteropods, in that many of them possessed thick shells and dwelt along the shores of the sea. The minute shells described in the following page, however, were of a different kind, and both in size and aspect, as well as association, appear to fall within the Pteropoda. STYLIOLA, Lesueur. This name given by Lesueur, has been applied by Barrande and others to a group of minute pteropods found in the Upper Silurian and the Devonian rocks. So far as I am aware, they have not been reported from earliar paleeozoic strata or from the mesozoic rocks, and the modern forms referred to the genus are said by Zittel to be distinguished by their larger size and by other features. The fauna associated with the three following species, as well as the attitudes in which they occur in the shales, seems to indicate somewhat clearly that they are veritable oceanic forms. STYLIOLA PRIMÆVA, n. sp. (PI. VIL, figs. 10a and 6.) Nat. Hist. Soc. of N.B., Bulletin x., p. viii. A minute slender cone, apparently smooth, eight times as long as wide. Size. Length about 3 mm. Horizon and Locality. In black graphitic shales of Division 8d at the Suspension Bridge. Abundant on certain layers with Didymograptus nitidus and D. patulus. This species is referred to Styliola rather than Tentaculites because no annulations could be detected. The shell is squeezed flat between the layers, but if annulations had existed, some traces of them should still be visible, as the corrugations on the surface of the associated species are sufficiently distinct. CRESEIS, Rank. Associated with the preceding are some larger pteropods which it at first appeared might be included in Salter’s genus Cyrtotheca, but an examination of the species included under that genus shows that they belong to the larger type of pteropods of the palæozoïic rocks (Hyolithes, etc.) The St John species described below, however, are so clearly of type of the small pelagic pteropods that it seems proper to place them under the above designa- tion. Itis acknowledged that the above genus is a synonym for Styliola but some writers ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FAUNA OF THE ST. JOHN GROUP. 105 use it in preference, though Styliola has precedence by three years, having been given in 1825. So faras the writer knows Styliola has been applied only to the straight shells, while Creseis has been given to both straight and curved shells. Between these curved shells of the St. John Group and the straight ones, there seems sufficient difference to found at least a sub-generic distinction, and for the curved shells Rank’s name may be retained. CRESEIS MINUTA un. sp. (PI. VIL, figs. 11 a—c.) Cyrtotheca minuta. Nat. Hist. Soc. N.B., Bulletin x., p. viii. A minute, elongated, arched cone or sheath, acutely pointed at the apex, near which the shell is more rigid than at the larger end. Sculpture. The outer surface is smooth, except toward the apex where some examples show longitudinal ridges. Under the microscope the surface is seen to be minutely striulate transversely. Size. Length 4 mm. Width about one-fifth of the length. Horizon and Locality. Same as the preceding. The shell substance of this fossil appears to have been of a horny consistency, or of thick chitenous substance. Many of the sheaths are marked by transverse ridges, which under the microscope appear to be due to cracks in which carbonaceous matter has become segregated. These ridges are often very regularly spaced and may possibly mark the position of diaphragms within the shell, but the spaces are not so regular as they are in nautiloid shells. CRESEIS CORRUGATA n. sp. (PI. VII. figs. 12 a and 6.) Cyrtotheca corrugata. Nat. Hist. Soc. Bulletin x., p. viii. A sheath more elongated than the preceding ; it is also larger, straighter, and is tra- versed by numerous, closely set undulations of the surface, forming rings that fade out toward the larger end of the shell. Size. Length 10 mm., width about one-tenth of the length. Horizon and Locality. Same as the preceding, but this species is not so abundant. Among the Pteropods of the Miocene formation of Western Hungary, Ernst Kyttl figures a Creseis (C. Fuchsi) of about the size and form of this.’ The Hungarian species is straighter in the body of the shell and more abruptly curved toward the apex. The annulations (or striations) are also finer, closer, and more regular. CEPHALOPODA. ORTHOCERAS, Breyn. Imperfectly preserved examples of the shells of this genus have been found in calcareous nodules at the Suspension Bridge. 1 Annalen des K.K. Naturhistorischen Hofmuseum. Band. i., No. 2., p. 5, Taf. ii., figs, 1—3, Wien., 1886. Sec. IV., 1892. 14. 106 G. F, MATTHEW ON THE OrTHocERAs cf. PRIAMUS, Bill. (Pl. VII, figs. 13 a and b.) Paleeozoic Fossils, vol. i., p. 253, fig. 239. The form which may be provisionally referred to Billings’s species is a straight shell, expanding rapidly toward the large end, and ornamented with distinct, rounded annula- tions about 24 in the space of a centimetre ; these become irregular in width, and not so distinctly raised at the large end of the shell as they are in its central part. The annula- tions are themselves covered with lines or striæ, of which about six are found on each annulation. The striæ are thus not so fine as those of O. Priamus, and the annula- tions are also wider apart ; furthermore Billings described the annulations in O. Priamus as narrowly rounded, whereas in the form from the Suspension Bridge they are broadly rounded. O. Lamarcki, Bill., is also near this species, but is represented as having closer annula- tions, and as tapering more gradually. Size. Only a part of the shell is known: this tapers from a width of two (2) centimetres at the orifice to one (1) centimetre in a distance of 34 centimetres. Horizon and Locality. In the black shales of Div 3d at the Suspension Bridge, St. John. Possibly this shell is O. cornu-oryx, Whtfd., of the Chazy beds of Fort Cassin. O. attavus, Brog., of the Swedish Ceratopyge Limestone’ is a more gradually tapering shell, and the annulations are wider and not so directly transverse. OrTHOCERAS cf. CaTuzus, Bill. (Pl. VIL, fig. 14 a—d ) Paleozoic Fossils, vol. i., p. 315. This species is a more gradually tapering shell than the last and the annulations are further apart, they are irregular in their occurrence and inconspicuous in their relief, some parts of the shell being smooth or nearly so. The siphunele is cylindrical and is in contact with the side of the shell and is about one-third of its diameter. The septa are strongly arched and there are two for each annu- lation. There are about three or four septa in the space of the shell’s diameter, and (on the supposition that the specimens figured belong to one species) the septæ are closer in the larger end of the shell than the smaller. Sculpture. The surface is ornamented with numerous closely set engirdling striæ, somewhat irregularly spaced. Size. Only fragments of this species are known; the largest is one centimetre across and the smallest about half of that diameter. Horizon and Locality. Same as the preceding. This shell is allied to O. Catulus, O. Perseus and others from the Quebec group described by Billings, which have the siphuncle in contact with the side of the shell. It does not appear to agree exactly with any of them in the width ofthe annulations, or distance and curve of the septa. ! Bulletin Am. Mus. Nat. Hist. vol. i., No. 8, p. 320, Pl. xxvii., figs. 1, 2. ? Die Silurischen Etagen 2 und 3, p. 53, Tab. x., fig. 16. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FAUNA OF THE ST. JOHN GROUP. 107 TRILOBITA. PARABOLINELLA, s. gen., Brügger. PARABOLINELLA POSTHUMA, n. sp. (PI. VII, fig. 15a and 6.) Nat. Hist, Soc. N.B., Bulletin No. x., p. viii. Head shield broadly semicircular. Middle piece of the head sub-trapezoidal. Front margin with a sharp narrow furrow, separated from the glabella and ocular fillet by a narrow area. Glabella about as long as wide, cylindrical, rounded and somewhat truncate in front ; crossed by three pairs of fur- tows, faint in the middle. Occipital ring divided from the glabella, by a distinct furrow. Fixed cheeks broadly sub-triangular ; ocular fillet short, eyelobe opposite the anterior cor- ner of the glabella. Dorsal suture diverging to the anterior margin, and extending out- ward to the posterior margin with a convex curve. Posterior furrow and fold narrow but distinct. Movable cheek (including the spine) about three times as long as wide, rather wide in the anterior half, and having a narrow,sharply elevated marginal fold; produced backward into a short spine. Sculpture. The surface of the crust is smooth. Size. Middle piece of the head. Length 4 mm., width 7mm. Movable cheek. Length 6 mm., width 2 mm. Horizon and Locality. In calcareous nodules inclosed in the black slates of Div. 3d at the Suspension Bridge. Scarce. This little species is somewhat like P. limitis, Brog., of the Ceratopyge limestone,’ but is wider in the head shield and has a broader fixed cheek. The movable cheek is some- what like that of Protopeltura acanthura, Ang., but the head shield is quite different from the corresponding part of that species. PARABOLINELLA ? sp. Another trilobite occurs with the foregoing having a similar glabella and foremargin, but distinguished from it by a series of crowded, forking and anastomosing raised lines on the area within the anterior marginal fold. CYCLOGNATHUS, s. gen., Linrs. CYCLOGNATHUS ROTUNDIFRONS, Matt. (PI. VII, figs. 16 a and b.) Nat. Hist. Soc. of N.B., Bulletin x., p. viii. Head transversely elliptical, strongly vaulted, especially behind. Middle piece of the head sub-triangular with rounded angles. Anterior margin arched around the glabella, depressed, deflected in front. Glabella prominent cylindrical rounded in front. Smooth. Occipital ring, wide, flat, somewhat rounded behind. Occipital fur- row narrow, distinct, shallow. Fixed cheek wide, sub-triangular, tumid, depressed at 1 Die Silurischen Etagen, 2 und 3, p, 102, Tab. iii., figs. 2 a b, 4a. 108 G. F. MATTHEW ON THE the sides terminating in front in two small prominent eyelobes, close to the rounded anterior corners of the glabella. Posterior marginal fold narrow. Dorsal suture in front the eyes short, arched forward around the head ; behind the eyes long, arched outward and then backward to the posterior margin. Movable cheek lunate, about one-half times longer than wide; acuminate in front, rounded behind; bordered by a wide marginal fold, increasing in width behind. Thorax. Only six joints of the rachis are known. The rachis is elevated, rings narrow. One pleura preserved is short, broad, and has a diagonal furrow. Sculpture. The surface of the crust is smooth. Size. Middle piece of the head shield. Length 51 mm., width 8 mm. Movable cheek. Length 6 mm., width 2 mm. ? Horizon and Locality. Same as the preceding species. This species is near C. micropygus, Lurs., of the Megalaspis Limestone of Sweden,’ but differs in its smaller size and rounded front of the middle piece of the head-shield ; the glabella also is rounded in front, the fixed cheek wider and the movable cheek narrower. C. micropygus has 12-joints in the thorax. The figure of Bathyurus parvulus, Bill., of tne ‘ Potsdam ” limestone of l’Anse au Loup * resembles that of the young of this species, but the position of the eyelobe as described in the text prevent us from regarding it as a Cyclognathus. EULOMA sp. ? A species of this genus seems indicated by several small, movable cheeks. The head occurring with them is not sufficiently well preserved todetermine whether the species belongs to Euloma or Conocephalites. EXPLANATION OF PLATE. Fig. 1—Bryograptus patens, n. sp.—a. Base of a hydro showing crossbars on some branches and hydro- thecæ on others—b. Two young individuals showir. ,;the habit of growth—c. Branch showing cells. All natural size—d. The same mag. ? to show the cells. From Div 3b, Navy Island, St. John Harbour. See p. 95. Fig. 2.—Clonograptus (?) spinosus n. sp.—a. Branch of natural size—b. Same enlarged ? to show the cells—From Diy. 3b, Navy Island. See p. 97. Fig. 3.—Orthis Electra, Bill, var. major n. var.—a. Ventral valve, decorticated at the umbo—b. Dorsal valve similarly decorticated—c. Cross section of the two valves. All natural size—From Div. 3d at Suspension Bridge. See p. 100. Fig. 4.—Orthis orthambonites, Pander.—Ventral valve, mag. 1}—From Div. 3d, Suspension Bridge. See p. 101, Fig. 5.—Orthis Euryone, Bill. @ var.—Ventral valve decorticated at the umbo, mag. j—From Div. 3d, Suspension Bridge. See p. 101. Fig. 6.—Orthis Menapie, Hicks. ? var.—a. Ventral valve—b. Dorsal valve. Both of the natural size—From Div. 3d Suspension Bridge. See p. 101. Fig. 7.—Orthis Carausii, Salt. ? —a. Ventral valve—b. Dorsal valve, decorticated at the umbo. Both magnified i From Div. 3a at Navy Island. See p. 102. Fig. 8.—Strophomena atava n. sp.—a. Ventral valve—b. Dorsal valve, decorticated at the umbo—c. A large ventral valve, decorticated at the umbo—d. Interior of the ventral valve—e. Section of the two valves. All natural size—f. Enlargement of the surface to show the ribs. Mag. ?—From Div. 3a at Navy Island. See p. 102, 1 Die Silurischen Etagen 2 und 8, p. iii. Pl. i., fig. 3 a—c and 4. * Palæozoic Fossils, vol. I., p. 16, fig. 21, p. 15. Fig. Fig. ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE FAUNA OF THE ST. JOHN GROUP. 109 9.—Camerella parva, Bill. ?—a. Dorsal valye—b. Mould of (dorsal ?) showing scars of muscles, and yascular lines. Both figures magnified ?—From Div. 3a at Navy Island. Seep. 103. 10.—Styliola primæva n. sp.—a, Piece of shale with a group of shells. Natural size—b, A single shell enlarged +—From Div. 4d at the Suspension Bridge. See p. 104. . 11.—Creseis minuta n.sp. a. A shell magnified ;—b. A flattened shell, showing internal diaphragms (?) Mag. ?—c. A portion of a shell enlarged to show one of the divisions and the minute engirdling striæ of growth. Mag. *,"—From Div. 3d Suspension Bridge. See p. 105. . 12.—Creseis corrugata n. sp.—a. A shell enlarged. Mag. ?—b. Portion of the same further magnified (1?)— From Diy. 3d at Suspension Bridge. See p. 105. . 13.—Orthoceras cf. Priamus, Bill.—a. Dis‘al part of the shell—b. Part of another shell. Both natural size— From Diy. 3d at Suspension Bridge. See p. 106. . 14.—Orthoceras cf. Catulus, Bill_—a. Part of a shell showing the surface—b. Longitudinal section of another shell, showing the chambers and siphuncle—c. Transverse section showing the siphuncle—d. Flattened example of a small shell. All natural size—From Div. 3d at the Suspension Bridge. See p. 106. . 15.—Parabolinella posthuma n. sp.—a. Middle piece of the head shield of a young individual. Mag. —b. Movable cheek. Mag. 7—From Div. 3d Suspension Bridge. See p. 107. . 16.—Cyclognathus rotundifrons n. sp.—a. Middle piece of the head shield and a part of the thorax. Mag. 7— b. Movable cheek. Mag. {—From Div. 3d at the Suspension Bridge. See p. 107. SECTION IV., 1892. Ina à LE TRANS. Roy. Soc. CANADA. VIIL— Notes on the Ammonites of the Cretaceous rocks of the District of Athabasca, with descriptions of four new species. By J. F. WHITEAVEs. (Read June 1st, 1892.) The Cretaceous rocks of part of the District of Athabasca were carefully examined by Dr. R. Bell in 1882, and described by him in the Report of Progress of the Geological Survey of Canada for 1882-3-4, published in 1885. A few well preserved but for the most part very imperfect fossils were collected by Dr. Bell on this occasion at the Drowned (or Boiler) and Burnt Rapids of the Athabasca, and a provisional list of these fossils is given on page 14 C. C. of his Report. In continuance of these investigations, Mr. R. G. McConnell devoted the whole of the summer seasons of 1889 and 1890 to making as complete an examination as practicable of the Cretaceous rocks of the district in question, and contributed descriptions of the general results of his observations to the “Summary Reports” of the Survey for those years. He succeeded in making large and important collections of the fossils of these rocks at Lesser Slave Lake and on the Peace River and its tributaries in 1889, and on the Athabasca River and its tributaries in 1890, but these fossils have not yet been reported upon. It has long been known that the Cretaceous rocks of the Athabasca District rest unconformably on limestones of Devonian age, and the following sections of the beds exposed on the Peace and Smoky Rivers and onthe Athabasca River and Lesser Slave Lake, have been kindly furnished by Mr. McConnell and are here printed by permission of the Director of the Survey. PEACE RIVER AND De RIVER SECTION. Wapiti River : Sandstones. Joe 200 feet.+ Laramie. Foxhill Sandstone............. 4 Smoky River Shales............. 00 feet. Montana. Dunvegan Sandstones........... 100} feet. i Dunvegan. } CRETACEOUS. Fort St. John Shales............. 700 feet. ie : Colorado. Peace River Sandstones.......... 400 feet. Loon River Shales.......,.,..,., 400 feet. ‘ Deyonian Limestone.,...,.,..., 400 feet.+ ys pte Ne DEVONIAN. 112 WHITEAVES ON CRETACEOUS AMMONITES Part of the Dunvegan Sandstones of the Peace and Smoky River Section consists of a fresh-water or brackish water deposit, corresponding to the Belly River Series of other parts of the North-west Territories of Canada and perhaps to the Bear River “ Laramie” of Wyoming. It contains a Corbula, which the writer is unable to distinguish from C. pyriformis, Meek, Corbicula Durkeii, Meck, a species of Goniobasis, etc. ATHABASCA RIVER AND LESSER SLAVE RIVER AND LAKE SECTION. i Laramie Sandstones and Shales. 1,200 feet.+ — Laramie. SS — FES —_ as Foxhill Sandstone............. 50 feet. À: MES } CRETACEOUS. (Pierre and Foxhill.) Tawbieche: SHAleS- eee -ccecreecs 900 feet. Pelican Sandstone............. 40 feet. LEE Pelicami Shales ces... 90 feet. Colorado. Grand Rapids Sandstone. ...... 300 feet. Niobrara and Benton. Clearwater Shale ....,......... 275 feet. Mark RER eme ter orondonos 200 feet. ge Dakota. Devonian Limestone........... 100 feet.+ | RE Or lo DEVONIAN. In this section, the ‘“ Foxhill Sandstone” and the upper 700 feet (or thereabout) of the ‘ La Biche Shales” are the representative of the Pierre-Foxhill or Montana Formation, and the lower 200 feet of the ‘ La Biche” Shales of the upper part of the Niobrara-Benton or Colorado Formation. The fossils obtained by Mr, McConnell from the Foxhill Sandstone and upper portion of the La Biche Shales at two of the exposures on Lesser Slave Lake and at three on the Athabasca River are all well known and characteristic species of the Pierre-Foxhill or Montana Formation. Those which are recognizable are Pléria Nebrascana, Evans and Shu- mard, Protocurdia borealis, nobis, Tancredia Americana, Meek and Hayden, Cinulia concinna and Lunalia concinna of Hall and Meek, Baculites compressus, Say, and B. ovatus, Say, but there are no Ammonites among them. At all the other localities in the valleys of the Peace and Athabasca Rivers, the fossils collected by Mr. McConnell are from lower horizons in the Cretaceous than the “ Pierre- Foxhills” or Montana Formation, and the greater part, if not the whole of them, are from the Niobrara-Benton or Colorado Formation. Most of the species from these lower beds are new to science, and among them is a fine series of Ammonites, which will form the subject of the present paper. These will be here considered in zoological order, in accord- FROM THE DISTRICT OF ATHABASCA. 113 ance with the classification of the Ammonoidea in the second volume of Zittel’s ‘“ Hand- buch der Palzeontologie.” Family HAPLOCERATID &, Zittel. DESMOCERAS AFFINE. (Sp. nov.) Plate VIII, and PI. XI, figs. 1 and 1 a. Shell discoidal, sides strongly compressed, periphery very narrowly rounded, umbi- licus so narrow that little more than the inner faces of the inner volutions are exposed, its margin rounded and consequently ill-defined: aperture elongated in the dorso-ventral direction, narrowly subelliptical in outline, but deeply emarginate posteriorly by the encroachment of the preceding volution. Surface, of septate specimens from two or two and a half to a little over four inches in their maximum diameter, marked by very numerous and closely disposed, fine and flexuous raised lines, which radiate obliquely outward and forward from the umbilical margin to and across the periphery, also with distant periodic arrests of growth, each of which consists of a narrow groove bounded anteriorly by a swelling rim. Upon the chamber of habitation of adult or nearly adult specimens the surface markings consist of distant, narrow and not very prominent or feebly developed, simple radiating ribs, with broad but shallowly concave intervals between them. Sutures of the septa essentially similar to those of Desmoceras Beudanti, the Ammonites Beudanti of Brongniart, as described and figured by d’Orbigny, Pictet and Campiche, Stoliczka, and other paleontologists. Peace River Sandstones on the Peace River,—twenty-two and five miles below the Battle River, also twenty-five miles above that river,—and twenty-five miles below Cadotte’s River, R. G. McConnell, 1889: one or two good specimens from each of these localities. Loon River Shales on the Loon River (a tributary of the Peace), opposite Buffalo Head Hills (four specimens), at the lower end of these hills (three specimens), and thirty miles above its mouth (two specimens); R.G. McConnell, 1889. Loon River Shales on the Red River! (another tributary of the Peace), at the Second Rapids, R. G. McConnell : six specimens. Clearwater Shale of the Athabasca River, at the Boiler Rapids, R. G. McConnell, 1890 : a badly preserved portion of the outer volution of a rather large specimen. Altogether, twenty-four specimens were collected, the largest of which is about ten inches in its maximum diameter. These are remarkably similar to Desmoceras Beudanti, in their sutural lines, sculpture and general shape, but they are invariably more closely coiled and consequently more narrowly umbilicated. According to Stoliczka, scarcely one-third of the inner whorls are exposed in the umbilicus of D. Beudanti, but in that of the present species little more than their inner faces are exposed. Pictet and Stoliczka represent the umbilicus of D. Beudanti as truncated on its inner face, with a rectangular 1 As there are two Red Rivers in the District of Athabasca it may be well to state that the one here referred to takes its rise in the Birch Mountains, and flowing westward, empties into the Peace, about five miles below Vermilion Falls. Sec. LV, 1892, 15: 114 WHITEAVES ON CRETACEOUS AMMONITES margin, and in this respect D. affine more closely resembles the very closely allied D. Parandieri, d'Orbigny, as described and figured by Pictet. This angularity of the umbi- lical margin, however, does not seem to be a constant character, as in some specimens of D. Beudanti from the Earlier Cretaceous of the Queen Charlotte Islands the umbilical margin is angular and in others rounded. In Europe D. Beudanti is characteristic of the Gault Formation, and in the Queen Charlotte Islands of deposits apparently older than the Dakota Sandstone, whereas, in the valleys of the Peace and Athabasca D. affine occurs in beds that are probably the equivalents of the Niobrara-Benton of the Upper Missouri Section, and of the Lower or Grey Chalk of the English geologists, the Turonien of d’Orbigny, and therefore a little newer than the Dakota. The genus Desmoceras was constituted by Zittel in 1884 for the reception of a large group of Cretaceous Ammonites which Neumayr had previously referred to Haploceras. Besides the two which are described and illustrated in the present paper, six species of Desmoceras from the Cretaceous rocks of Canada have been previously enumerated or described by the writer, under the generic name Ammonites, Haploceras, or Placenticeras, in the three parts of the first volume of “ Mesozoic Fossils” or in the second part of the first volume of “Contributions to Canadian Paleontology,’ published by the Geological Survey of Canada. The following is a synopsis of the amended nomenclature of these species :— A. From the Earlier Cretaceous of the Queen Charlotte Islands. Desmoceras Perezianum. (—Ammonites Perezianus, nobis, non d’Orbigny). ie Brewerl. (Ammonites Breweri, Gabb). Beudanti. (—Ammonites Beudanti, Brongniart). F planulatum. (—Ammonites planulatus, Sowerby). B. From the Later Cretaceous of Vancouver and adjacent islands. Desmoceras Gardeni. (—Ammonites Gardeni, Bailey). ae Newberryanum. (~Ammonites Newberryanus, Meek), Ammonites Billingsii of Meek,' from the Cretaceous rocks of the neighbourhood of Bear River in the Mackenzie River district, is probably also a Desmoceras, but, as the largest known specimen is only five-eighths of an inch in its maximum diameter, its generic and specific affinities are uncertain. Ammonites Laperousianus, nobis,” from the Earlier Cretaceous of the Queen Charlotte Islands, which has the distant periodic arrests of growth usually characteristic of Desmo- ceras, seems nevertheless to belong to the genus Silesites of Uhlig. Haploceras Cumshewaense, nobis,* from the same formation and locality as A. Laperou- sianus, has also periodic arrests of growth like those of Desmoceras, but it most probably belongs to that section of the genus Olcostephanus of which the Ammonites virgalus of von Buch is the type, and for which Pavlow has recently proposed the subgeneric name Virgatites. * 1 In Hind’s Rep. Assinib. and Saskatch. Expl. Exped., p. 184, pl. ii., figs. 4, 5 and 6. ? Geol. Surv. Canada, Mesoz. Fossils, vol. E., p. 39, pl. iii., fig. 3. 5 Tbid., p. 208, pl. xxiv, fig. 1. * Bull. Soc. Imp. Nat. Moscou, Année 1891 (1892), p. 471. FROM THE DISTRICT OF ATHABASCA. 115 DESMOCERAS AFFINE, var. GLABRUM. Plate IX. Placenticeras glabrum, Whiteaves. 1889. Contr. to Canad. Palzeont., vol. I., p. 172, pl. xxiv., figs. 1, la and 1b. Shell essentially similar to the typical form of the species in general shape and in the ramifications of its sutural lines, but differing therefrom in the total absence of distant arrests of growth in the septate portion. It is only proper to add that most of the specimens of this variety are abnormally com- pressed, and it is perhaps to this circumstance alone that the absence of the usual distant periodic constrictions or arrests of growth is due. Pictet, in his description of the very closely related Ammonites Beudanti,' says, in effect, in a passage formerly overlooked by the writer, that the most compressed specimens do not show any of these arrests of growth, and that they are always most marked in the most inflated individuals. He has, he says, numerous examples of A. Beudanti with these growth arrests (sillons), which show that this character has no specific value. Some have only one constriction, some two or three, and others more. They never have any when very young, and their earlier volutions are perfectly smooth. All have perfectly similar sutural lines. The specimen upon which the description and figures of Placenticeras glabrum were based is a small but unusually perfect and well preserved cast of the interior of the shell, collected by Mr. W. Ogilvie in 1885 from the Loon River Shales on the Peace River a few miles below Fort Vermilion. It is ninety-six millimetres, or about three inches and three- quarters, in its maximum diameter, smooth and the whole of the ramifications of the lobes and saddles of its crowded sutural lines are exquisitely shown. The sutural lines are so complicated that it was not thought necessary to draw the whole of them, so that in this respect the original figure is not an exact representation of the specimen, which was referred to the genus Placenticeras on account of its supposed resemblance to the Ammo- nites Cleon and A. nisus of d'Orbigny, which Zittel places in that genus. Three larger but in every other respect precisely similar casts, the largest of which is seven inches and three-quarters in its maximum diameter, were collected by Mr. McConnell in 1889, from the Loon River Shales on the Loon River, opposite the Buffalo Head Hills, a locality about forty miles to the southward of that at which the type of the species was obtained by Mr. Ogilvie. A few specimens with most of the test preserved were collected by Mr. McConnell in 1889, from the Peace River Sandstones on the Peace River at exposures twenty and twenty-five miles below Cadotte’s River, also, from the Loon River Shales on the Loon River thirty miles above its mouth. The largest of these specimens, which is represented, three-fourths of the natural size, on Plate IX, is a little over nine inches in its maximum diameter. The surface markings, as shown in this specimen, consist of numerous and flexuous radiating strive, and of several short and very irregular faint spiral grooves or strigations, but there is no evidence of any distant periodic arrests of growth. The outer lip seems to have been considerably produced on the peripheral or ventral region. 1 Paléont. Suisse, Foss. Terr. Crét. env. Sainte-Croix, pp. 278-79. 116 WHITEAVES ON CRETACEOUS AMMONITES A study of the whole of these specimens has convinced the writer that they should be referred to the genus Desmoceras rather than to Placenticeras, and that they represent a variety of D. affine in which the periodic arrests of growth in the septate portion of the shell are either obliterated by lateral pressure or not developed. As the specific name glabrum can scarcely be retained for the type of the species, whose surface is by no means smooth, it may perhaps be used without impropriety for the less strongly ornamented variety now under consideration. At first sight, the comparatively smooth specimens of this variety, such as that repre- sented on Plate IX., are so dissimilar in aspect to the typical form of the species, as illustrated on Plate VIII., that they might well be regarded as specifically distinct from it. Some specimens, however, are intermediate in their characters. Thus, in an imperfect . shell of this species, from the Loon River Shales of the Loon River, part of the outer volution of which has been broken off in such a way as to expose a large portion of the last volution but one, the inner of the two volutions has the character of the var. glabrum, i. e., the absence of periodic growth arrests, while upon the outer one very distinct traces of the distant and feebly developed transverse ribs characteristic of the typical form of the species are preserved. DESMOCERAS ATHABASCENSE. (Sp. nov.) Plate X. Shell very large, discoidal, compressed at the sides and narrowly rounded at the periphery : volutions so closely coiled and so strongly embracing that the whole of the inner ones are covered by the outer one, the umbilicus consisting of a very narrow central depression or pit, on each side: chamber of habitation occupying between two- thirds and three-fourths of the outer volution: aperture much higher than broad, almost elliptical in outline but deeply emarginate by the encroachment of the preceding volution. Surface of the only specimen collected, which is not very well preserved, nearly smooth and marked only with two or three distinct, broad but shallow and extremely obscure radiating grooves or faint constrictions, on the outer portion of the chamber of habitation. Sutures of the septa too imperfectly -preserved to be described with any precision. Maximum diameter of the specimen, fifteen inches and a half: greatest breadth of the same (at the aperture) five inches. Athabasca River, four miles below the mouth of the Pelican, in the lower 200 feet of the La Biche Shales, associated with Acanthoceras Woolgari,—R. G. McConnell, 1890: a nearly perfect cast of the interior of the adult shell, with most of the nacreous or inner layer of the test preserved upon the chamber of habitation. This fine species, which, so far as known, occurs at a horizon at least 500 feet higher up in the Cretaceous than D. affine, appears to differ from that shell in its much larger size, narrower umbilicus and somewhat different sculpture. Thus, the largest known specimen of D. affine, in which nearly the whole of the chamber of habitation is preserved, is about ten inches in its greatest diameter, whereas the maximum diameter of the type and only known specimen of D. Athabascense is fifteen inches and a half. In D. affine a FROM THE DISTRICT OF ATHABASCA. 1167 small portion of each of the inner whorls is exposed in the umbilicus, but in D. Afha- bascense the inner whorls are completely covered by the overlapping of the outer volution. The exterior of the septate portion of the shell of the typical form of D. affine, also, is marked with varix-like periodic arrests of growth, and the outer surface of the body chamber of both it and its var. glabrum by low, distant and feebly developed ribs, whereas the outer volution of D. Athabascense is apparently smooth posteriorly, and marked only with from two to three broad, faint and almost obsolete transverse constrictions on the outer portion of the body chamber. Family STEPHANOCERATID A (Neumayr) Zittel. Hopiites McConne tii. (Sp. nov.) Plate XI., figs. 2, 2 a-b. Shell small, discoidal, sides compressed, periphery narrowly rounded: umbilicus occupying more than one-fourth and less than one-third of the total diameter, and expos- ing about one-third of each of the inner volutions, but with its margin rounded and ill- defined : aperture elongated, higher than broad, subelliptical in outline, but shallowly emarginated posteriorly by the encroachment of the preceding volution. Surface marked by feebly developed, simple and flexuous radiating ribs, which become almost obsolete on the periphery, with finer striæ between them. By the use of a lens, also, several minute spiral striæ can be detected on the sides of the outer volution. Sutural line consisting of three lateral saddles and two lateral lobes on each side of the siphonal saddle and lobe, besides two or three minute saddles and lobes on the inner face of the umbilicus. Siphonal saddle very short and incised only at the summit: first lateral saddle much larger than the second, its summit divided very unequally into two short primary branches, which are subdivided, the outer and larger one into three still shorter and incised secondary branchlets, and the inner and smaller one into two: second lateral saddle larger than the third, its summit also divided unequally and somewhat similarly, but with the larger of its primary branches on the inner side: third lateral saddle divided unequally at the summit, with the larger of its two lobate branches on the outer side. Siphonal lobe a little shorter than the first lateral lobe, symmetrical and bearing three incised and spur-like processes on each side: first lateral lobe trifurcate above and divided into three branchlets, which are slightly expanded and deeply incised at their summits : second lateral saddle small, its summit expanded and perhaps better described as unequally bifurcate than as trifurcate. Maximum diameter of the largest specimen collected, the one figured, nearly forty millimetres, or a little over an inch and a half. Clearwater Shales of the Athabasca River, at the Burnt Rapids, R. G. McConnell, 1890 : two small septate specimens, with most of the test well preserved. This small Ammonite appears to belong tothe group Flexuosi of von Buch, as limited by Pictet in the first volume of the Paléontologie Suisse, and to be most closely related to the Ammonites Caslellanensis of d'Orbigny. It is probably a rather aberrant member of that section of the genus Hoplites which Zittel designates as the group of Ammonites cryptoceras, V@Orbigny. 118 WHITEAVES ON CRETACEOUS AMMONITES Three species of Hoplites are now known to occur in the Cretaceous rocks of Canada, and each of these belongs to a different section of the genus. Two of them are described for the first time in the present paper, and the third is Hoplites Vancouverensis, the Ammo- nites Vancouverensis of Meek, from the Later Cretaceous of Vancouver Island, which was at one time (1876) doubtfully referred by Meek to his own genus Placenticeras. HOPLITES CANADENSIS. (Sp. nov.) Plate XI, figs. 3, 3 a, 4 and 5. Shell discoidal, compressed at the sides and flattened on the periphery, the outer volution being almost rectangular in transverse section : umbilicus occupying not much more than one-fourth of the total diameter and exposing only a small portion of each of the inner volutions, but with a rounded and very indefinite margin: aperture subquad- rangular, with the dorso-ventral diameter a little greater than the lateral, and dis- tinctly but rather shallowly emarginate posteriorly by the encroachment of the preceding volution. Surface marked with prominent, narrow and rather distant, radiating ribs, which bifurcate at the umbilical margin, with a shorter and simple rib occasionally intercalated between two of the larger ones. All the ribs pass continuously over the periphery, and the intervals between them are rather broad and slightly concave. Sutural line consisting of three principal lateral saddles and two lateral lobes on each side of the siphonal saddle and lobe, besides a few small accessory lobes and saddles in the umbilical cavity. Siphonal saddle very short, its summit minutely trilobed, with the central lobule the shortest: first, second and third lateral saddles nearly equal in height, but dissimilar and unequal in breadth, the first and third being broader than the second, and all three narrowly and deeply lobed and incised rather than branched. Siphonal lobe not much shorter than the first lateral lobe, the former symmetrical and bearing four nearly simple divergent spurs or offsets on each side, though the margins of the two upper and longer pairs of spurs are distinctly incised : first lateral lobe not much higher than the siphonal lobe, but unsymmetrical, its summit being unequally but not very deeply bipartite: second lateral lobe much narrower and shorter than the first, with its margin simply incised, but neither lobed nor branched. Clearwater Shales of the Athabasca River, at the Burnt Rapids, Dr. R. Bell, 1882, and Mr. R. G. McConnell, 1890, where one imperfect and not very well preserved spe- cimen was obtained by each of these geologists. Peace River Sandstones on the Peace River, at exposures five, six, ten and twenty miles below Cadotte’s River, R. G. McConnell, 1889 : a few well preserved and nearly perfect specimens from each of these localities. Loon River Shales on the Loon River, opposite Buffalo Head Hills, also ten and thirty miles above its mouth, where a few rather badly preserved specimens were collected by Mr. McConnell in 1889. All the specimens are little more than casts of the interior of the shell, but many of. these are almost or quite covered with the more or less exfoliated inner or nacreous layer of the test. The largest specimen (figs. 3 and 3 a), from the Peace River ten miles below Cadotte’s River, in which most of the sutures are thus covered, is about two inches and FROM THE DISTRICT OF ATHABASCA, 119 three-quarters in its maximum diameter. À piece of argillaceous limestone collected by Mr. McConnell on the Loon River is an aggregation of numerous small septate individuals of this species, which average from about an inch to an inch and a quarter in their greatest diameter. À single valve of a bivalved Aplychus, which may have belonged to this species, lies closely appressed to one side of the outer volution and close to the aperture of the large specimen from the Peace River, represented by figs. 3 and 3 a. This valve, which is thirty-one millimetres in its maximum dorso-ventral diameter and twenty-nine in its greatest breadth, is broadly subovate in outline, but subtruncate posteriorly. The median fold is narrow but well defined and separated from the rest of the valve by a linear groove which diverges slightly from the suture. The sculpture appears to consist of faint and almost obsolete distant concentric plications, with a few obscure radiating striæ, nearly parallel with and close to the furrow which bounds the median fold. This strongly ribbed Ammonite belongs to the group Angulali of d'Orbigny, and to that section of the genus Hoplites which Zittel calls the group of Ammonites Deshayesit. Its closest affinities appear to be with that species, especially in the sutural line, and to the A. Feraudianus of @Orbigny,' but it differs from the former in its much squarer outer volution and straighter and bifurcating cost, and from the latter in its much narrower umbilicus. ACANTHOCERAS WOOLGARI, Mantell. (Sp.) Ammonites Woolgari, Mantell. 1822. Geol. Sussex, p. 197, pl. xxi., figs. 16-22, and pl. xxii, Hot = Sowerby. 1828. Min. Conch., pl. 587, fig. 1. te 3 Sharpe. 1853. Foss. Moll. Chalk, p. 27, pl. xi., figs. 1 and 2. Ammoniles percarinatus, Hall & Meek. 1854. Mem. Am. Ac. Arts & Sci., Boston, vol. V., (n. s.), p. 396, pl. iv., fig. 2 (young). Ammonites Woolgari, Meek & Hayden. 1861. Proc. Ac. Nat. Sc. Philad., p. 421. Prionocyclus (Prionotropis) Woolgari, Meek. 1876. Rep. U.S. Geol. Surv. Terr., vol. IX, p. 455, pl. vi., fig. 2, and pl. vi. figs. 1, a-h. Acanthoceras Woolgari, Zittel. 1882-85. Handbuch der Palzeontologie, vol. II, p. 477. A few characteristic specimens of this well known English species were collected by Mr. McConnell, in 1880, on the Athabasca River, at exposures ten miles above and three and four miles below the mouth of the Pelican River, in the lower 200 feet of the La Biche Shales, associated with Desmoceras Athabascense. The largest of these specimens is a nearly perfect cast of the interior of the shell, about fifteen inches and a half in its greatest diameter, in which nearly the whole of the chamber of habitation is preserved, as well as the septate portion. This specimen represents the adult state of the species as described by Sharpe (op. cit., p. 27), in which the periphery is totally devoid of any keel or keels, and the transverse ribs also are absent, the ornamentation consisting of two rows of very prominent, large, conical and pointed tubercles, on each side of the outer volution, one around the umbilical margin, and the other on the outer margin of the broadly flattened ! “ Paléont, Franc., Terr. Cret.,” vol. I., p. 324, pl. Ixxvi., figs. 4 and 5. 120 WHITEAVES ON CRETACEOUS AMMONITES periphery. The sutural lines, which are well preserved in two of the specimens collected by Mr. McConnell, are essentially similar to those of the Dakota specimens figured by Meek. Mantell and Sowerby, who both figure the same specimen of Ammonites Woolgari, say that it is peculiar to the Lower Chalk near Lewes, Sussex, but Sharpe states that it occurs also in the Middle Chalk of that county. In his “ Report on the Invertebrate Cretaceous and Tertiary Fossils of the Upper Missouri Country ” (page 457) Mr. Meek makes the fol- lowing remarks as to the localities and geological horizon at which A. Woolgari (which he regards as the type of the subgenus Prionotropis of his genus Prionoryclus) had then been found in North America. ‘Our figured specimens are from the south-east base of the Black Hills, Dakota, where it occurs in the Fort Benton group of the Upper Missouri Cretaceous series. The specimens described by Prof. Hall and the writer under the name Ammonites percarinatus came from the same horizon on the Missouri, five miles below the mouth of Vermilion River. It also occurs at this horizon in north-eastern Nebraska; and I am informed by Dr. White that he has found loose specimens of it in the Drift of north- western Iowa. Dr. Newberry likewise brought specimens of it from New Mexico, and Dr. Palmer found it eight miles north of Fort Lyon, Colorado. JI am not aware that it has been found in silu at any other horizon than that above stated, in this country.” Mr. Meek also states that North American examples of A. Woolgari attain to “a medium size,” the largest specimen seen by him, “with part of the non-septate portion wanting” is seven inches in its greatest diameter. Specimens from the Athabasca district vary very considerably in their dimensions, for in two of the most perfect specimens collected by Mr. McConnell, both of which have most of the body chamber preserved, the larger, as already stated, is fifteen inches aid a half in its maximum diameter, and the smaller only seven. The only other Ammonite from the Cretaceous rocks of Canada that can be referred to the genus Acanthoceras with a reasonable degree of certainty, is the Ammonites Stolicz- kanus of Gabb, a spinose variety of which was collected by Mr. James Richardson in 1872, from the Earlier Cretaceous of Skidegate Inlet, in the Queen Charlotte Islands." It is most probable, however, that the fossil from the Cretaceous rocks of Fort St. John, on the Peace River, which was described on page 239, Section IV., of the second volume of the Transactions of this Society, as Buchiceras cornutum, but whose sutural line is unknewn, is also an Acanthoceras not very distantly allied to A. Woolgari. Orrawa, October 10, 1892. 1 See Geol. Surv. Canada, Mesoz. Foss., vol. I., p. 24, pl. iii., fig. 3, and pl. iv., fig. 1, also woodcut, fig. 2, on p. 24, Fig. “ Fig. Fig. “ Fig. se FROM THE DISTRICT OF ATHABASCA. 121 EXPLANATION OF PLATES. PLATE VIII. DesMocRRAS AFFINE. (Page 113.) Side view of one of the most perfect specimens of the typical form of this species, three-fourths the natural size. PLATE IX. DESMOCERAS AFFINE, Var. GLABRUM. (Page 115.) Side view of the largest known specimen of this variety, also three-fourths the uatural size. In this drawing the fine radiating striæ are represented somewhat diagrammatically. PLATE X. DESMOCERAS ATHABASCENSE. (Page 116.) 1.—Side view of the type and only known specimen of this species, one-half the natural size. 1a.—Front view of the same, to show the characters of the periphery and aperture, in outline only and reduced to one-tenth the natural size PLATE XI. DESMOCERAS AFFINE. (Page 113.) 1.—Side view of a half grown specimen of this species, to show the periodic arrests of growth. Natural size. la.—Front view of the same, in outline only, also of the natural size. Hopiites McConnuiur. (Page 117.) 2.—Side view of the largest known specimen, of the natural size. 2a.—Front view of the same, in outline only, also natural size. 2b.—Sutural line of one side of the same, of the natural size. Hoprires CANADENSIS. (Page 118.) 3.—Side view of the largest specimen collected, of the natural size. 3a.—Front view of the same, in outline only and of the natural size. 4.—Sutural line of one side of a smaller specimen of this species, of the natural size. 5.—Single valve of an Aptychis found in the same piece of stone as the original of figs. 3 and 3a, and probably referable to the same species. Natural size. Sec. IV., 1892. 16. Trans. R. S. C. 1892. Sec. IV. Plate I. SUBJECT IN HEALTH. To illustrate Dr. Wesley Mills’s Paper. Trans. R. S. C. 1892. Sec. IV. Plate II, SUBJECT IN A STATE OF LETHARGY. To illustrate Dr. Wesley Mills’s Paper. MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC. AMEN, IRs Sip (C55 02E sec. DV) Plate LU: L. M. Lampe, F. G. S., Dev, D. A. McLAuGHLiN, ENG~ To Illustrate Mr. L. M. Lambe’s Paper. MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC. Abe hale RS AC 7802: Sec. IV. Plate IV. L. M. Lampe, FE. G. S., DEL D. A. McLavuGuutin, Enc. To Illustrate Mr. L. M. Lambe’s Paper. ita cee Le > 10 «A VIT MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC. Sec. IVe Plate Vi Hrans. IRE Go Can ubloye GHLIN, ENG. D. A. McLat L M. Lampe, F. G.S, Der M. Lambe’s Paper. To Illustrate Mr. L. Yq re ot SS ee .., Ne Paes | LL | e 5 7 “ct ah Ha tre + hé ue + we D yp é 1 ‘ Î L . h t | i ] 1 _ à Î & À DE 3 t ï ‘ a. ‘ Pas r ¢ - , LE - di D > 4@ > V 4 — LE “à Cu sy he bd À 4 _ . = % 7 . MARINE SPONGES OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, ETC. ARNO, IR Se (Con 1H) Sec. IVeelate Vale || | || H sa. ll.) | À Ze. lf 3f. 3c. 3b. 50. — un a D. A. MCLAUGHLIN, ENG. L. M. LAMBE, F. G. S:, DEL. To Illustrate Mr. L. M. Lambe’s Paper. LL à wis Toe I ey, ee tee Woe oe Ow ee Os, NES ui ea eas i eal PS ee aa Se PET ae eee rs Pp 9 KO pee hee BARES ae SNS CES 75 J 7 wee. A Mrans MR ASAC MIS92 Sec. IV. Plate VII. ORGANIC REMAINS or DIVISION 3. To illustrate Mr. Matthews Paper onthe Fauna of the St. John Group. \ { = | . OS eae a à Nr. = = CRETACEOUS AMMONITES. Hrans RSS AC 1802: Sec. IN Plate Valle L. M. Lamps, F. G.S., Det. D. A. McLauGutitn, Ene. To Illustrate Mr. J. F. Whiteaves’ Paper. a LANCE | bis aa x. as a C p " A y = e. fl , Ul = +, 4 L * ' ‘ * * av ear à = : . ns Hi ‘ : 7 7 M + ' i nd « Û ® * » ls 7 = Le 4 7 k i C : i DL = a | L Hrans Repos.) 1807: sa nn pe L. M. Lamps, F. G.S., De. 5 RS CRETACEOUS AMMONITES. ET din To Illustrate Mr. J. F. Whiteaves’ Paper. Sec. IV Plates D. A. McLauGuLix, ENG CRETACEOUS AMMONITES. IREM RES AC M8 02 Sec. LV: Plate X: L. M. Lamse, F. G.S., Dev. D. A. McLauGuutn, Enc. To Illustrate Mr. J. F. Whiteaves’ Paper. Hans, RAS: Copy TIO) . CRETACEOUS AMMONITES. Sec. IV. Plate XI L. M. Lamps, F. G. S., DEL. To Illustrate Mr. J. F. Whiteaves’ Paper. D. A. 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