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MÉMOIRES

COMPTES RENDUS
LA SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE

CANADA

TROISIÈME SÉRIE--TOME XV

SÉANCE DE MAI 191

EN VENTE CHEZ
J. HOPE ET FILS, OTTAWA; LA CO. COPP-CLARK (Limitée), TORONTO
BERNARD QUARITCH, LONDRES, ANGLETERRE
1921

PROCEEDINGS

TRANSACTIONS
Die eROY AL SOCIE EY

CANADA

THIRD SERIES—VOLUME XV

MEETING OF MAY, 1921

FOR SALE BY
JAS. HOPE & SON, OTTAWA; THE COPP-CLARK CO. (Limirep), TORONTO
BERNARD QUARITCH, LONDON, ENGLAND
1921

eo 1 b «#1
. 0 La ‘ t :
ees AU SR ae’ ce |

TADEE” OF CONTENTS

List of Officers of the Society for 1921-22......

List of Fellows and Corresponding and Retired reo
RSA Ica SGI, HST ACNE dk? ERR eae EP
MEGS AU SSOCLUICDs SOGUOLICS ceo) ope say in on À aa ws dou

PROCEEDINGS

ist oO picers and Fellows Present: 24 2. 1h 3.Lrues
TREE ELL Aa aE OS CR ate a
Minutes of Annual Meeting,
Report of Council
1. Proceedings and Transactions of the Society—Current
AIT SERIAL RR UC ARS PPT ST pe
suelechon, oy NeW: FeClHOwS . 6.65... eRe ee fe esate on The
DES Ed Pers... :. Na A eR RR MNS chai so 3
eVisit oy the Soctety.of Chemical Industry... .1. + «<%
. Nova Scotia Historical Celebration....... :
ET OL GMIGES: OF THENSOCICEY SOS. os gh ty Oo ET Ne cs
REDON tne tlonorary Librarian... 2... nie. a6 es -
wieporbop ing HonoraryiTreasurer "1...

~~ DAB CO À

(ee)

GENERAL BUSINESS

ee PORP OAC OUMCT) TERRIER Roa hice o's). LEE
Confirmation of Election of New Fellows..............
MEOd matory NCW MP ELOWS 0.0. 6... . RR
Proposed Amendments to the By-laws.
Report of Proceedings of Pan-Pacific isa tire Contes
Presidential Address. ......... Bees... NP
bar OiMCOUMED dope... 2... Meee NP
Reports of Associated Societies.
Report of Committee on Seientige € PR LS in , C a re)
Resolution to fill two vacancies in Section IV........
Report of Committee on Scientific Conditions in Canada
PÉTER LO URCSCOLLONS 5.4 ARR ete ds Oh ores

XI
XI-XII

XII and XV

XII
KIE=XITN
XIV
XIV

XIV
XIV

XV

XV

IT THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Hee Populaire e.LCL Persia XV
IRE POPE OF MO COMONSY VU ss, NE ERC XVI-XXXIV
Resolution appointing Fellows to represent the Society
at the celebrations in Annapolis Royal........ XXXIV
Resolution to suspend by-laws and permit Section V. to
elect six Fellows at next election...... eS di A de XXXIV
Resolution to refer Report of the Committee on Scientific
Conditions’in Canada to Council............. XXXIV
Report of Committee on Museum Accommodation....... XXXIV
Resolution to increase membership in Section II. from
OMOEA: ANSE EEE Peer bate MONIE MP XXXV
Resolution to increase membership in Section III. from
PA CLIN S| RE ARE RE MAN EE A AA RE aA ED XXXV
Resolution to increase membership in Section IV. from
LS LAC INSEE AUTO ER ETS D EE XXXV
Report of Nominating Committee received and adopted... XXXV
General Prantins COMMUNE ER od XXXV
AD POUAMENT Of UTILES Ae eae lak eat eee ARE Es XXXV
Vote of thanks to Deputy Minister of Mines and to
Direcior of Victoria Memorial Museum....... XXXV
ete 0 WOM MON CONS NE EST he RL PS XXXV
APPENDICES
A.—Presidential Address. By A. P. COLEMAN, M.A..,
PHD RES... FR SIC ener eee ee cee ES XXXVII
B.—Popular Lecture. By J. C. McLENNAN, Ph.D.,
PARES 5 IRSC EEE LN
C.—The Meteorological Service of Canada. By SIR
FREDERIC STUPAR Tie amin SC an LAS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SECTION:

Un recensement inédit de Montréal, en 1741. Par E.-Z. MassI-
GORE MESA. OS A ee, eR ee Sal as

Madeleine de Verchères, plaideuse. Par PIERRE-GEORGES Roy

Les Canadiens au lendemain de la capitulation de Montréal (8
septembre 1760). Par L’ABBE IVANHOE CARON......

Guerres des Iroquois, 1670-1673. Par BENJAMIN SULTE.......

SECTION Tt

Presidential Address. The Study of History and the Interpreta-
tion of Documents. By Bric.-GENERAL E. A.
RERUN NIG ert Set ee ase S11) A a ts LUN to ee

Governor Musgrave and Confederation. By His Honour
OCR VU ONVAN RE OR ue CL ee oe

Earliest Route of Travel between Canada and Acadia. Olden
time Celebrities Who Used it. By W. O. RAyMOND...

The Phylogeny of Man from a New Angle. By CHARLES HILL-

The Stone Medallion of Lake Utopia. By W. F. GANONG.....

The Ancestry of Archibald Lampman, Poet. By Rev. ERNEST
NOTONS PV Re Bie ett, oct Sia la Seine A.

Witinwnana wider. “By DR. H. ASHTON... 2.......7-.-0.

The Second President Lincoln. By RENDELL WILLIAMS.......

SECTION III

The Characteristic K—Radiation from Boron. By A. LL.
| ETIKGTEN SSS (ey Ne Et eee Ate ne ye Me eee

On the Absorption Spectrum of Liquid and Gaseous Oxygen.
DPN MA SEPA ER 995) alec, 4024 ecco ae neg On Lees

On the Spectra of Helium, Hydrogen and Carbon in the Extreme
Ultraviolet. By J. C. MCLENNAN and P. A. PETRIE..

On the Liquefaction of Hydrogen. By J. C. MCLENNAN.......

Ionization Potential and the Size of the Atom. By A. S. EVE :

III

I

IV THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

On the Reduction of the Circulants to Polynomial Form. By
ERE AGLASHAN: (0. ug. De ds ee eee

Nitrophthalic Anhydrides and Acetylamine-phthalic Anhydrides
with Toluene and Aluminium Chloride. By W. A.
TrA WRAINGE 24.2 6 OUAIS CEE CODE CE

Bromphthalic Anhydrides with Benzene and Aluminium Chloride.
yi, ISTEPHENS MAT "ER RP ER

The Effect of Certain Chemicais on the Rate of Reproduction of
Pense oy AN OA MO AR Ka 8 192 ae eee

The Behaviour of Yeast with Methyl-Green. By W. B. LEAr..

The Scattering of Light: Note on Wolski’s Paper on Optically
Empty liquids... By. 1B; KENRICK jars uae eee

The Pressure- Volume Relations of Superheated Liquids. By K.
Te NWESMIE RG. ER. oO Soe se MONS RENE

The Scattering of Light by Dust-free Liquids, II. By W. H.
INTIS EEE SU ee EN ME RE

Redetermination of the Melting-point of Sodium Chloride. By
Jet; FERGUSON... ok PE emis ae eee

The Passage of Hydrogen and Helium through Silica Tubes.
By JeB.. FERGUSON and CA WHEGIAMS ye o>. ce

The Intermediate Compounds in the Reaction between Phthalic
Anhydride, Benzene and Aluminium Chloride and their
Use in the Synthesis of Mixed Phthalides. By T. C.
IMECIMEUIILIEN' LL, ESR ee + EURO Pe te EE

The Reaction of Naphthalic Anhydride with Benzene and
Aluminium Chloride. By F. LORRIMAN............

Carbmethoxy-benzoyl Chlorides with Aluminium Chloride and
Various Aromatic Hydrocarbons. By M. E. SMITH...

The Action of Ammonium Fluoride on Yeast in Presence of
Agar-agar: | By Missive Roper its 04) sea

The Effect of Various Substances on the ‘“‘Bunching”’ of Yeast.
BY. CAL ÉLDON .. os occa Aen een ee RE

The Effect on the Growth of Yeast of an Unknown Constituent
oh Mal (ByeG. He W. ISU GhSae ee ARE ANNEE

41

47

TABLE OF CONTENTS

A Study of the Extent to which Liquids may be Superheated and
of the Conditions under which Superheating is Possible.
Paes heey aI RO) 0). RENE TRES (its

Solubility of Crystal Faces; an Investigation of the Equalibrium
Between Various Crystal Faces and Solution, with
Special Reference to Cubic and Octahedral Sodium
Ghignde: By E.G. Haas ‘and J> W. RUSSELL.

The Dehydration of Spencerite, a Basic Phosphate of Zinc.
LRU A ND RSS fc ys 4s 6 Re Geum ae ee

The Equilibrium between Hydrogen, Steam, and the Oxides of
Iron. By D. M. Finpiay, R. M. ROBERTSON and
Plat Crepe ORME Stites, LN à svn cen ARR ID ok am

Quantitative Study of the Electrolysis of Sodium Sulphide and
Sodium Hydrogen Sulphide solutions. By W. R.
POR ZERO UR Ae. SED RO. MOIS OMA. UE IT

Study of Automatic Current Regulation in Electric Furnaces.
By). ReEcvpbeER and! KE. RMWESEMAN: LUE MAR

Recovery of ‘Precious Metals from the Anode Slimes in Nickel
RnB hi WV) POWELL 2a 8 40547. We tna

The Alkali Treatment of Storage Battery Separators. By J. H.
RANCE IO] St Sen eR OS aE LE PA RS a ALE

The Use of Glycerine in Making up Battery Plates. By W. D.
SURREAL tie be à «x= OTR ae oie REAL be

The Preparation of Boron Carbide from Boric Acid and Carbon
in the Electric Furnace. By J. M. LOGAN.....-.°...

A Method for the Rapid and Accurate Estimation of Copper in
White Alloys and Babbit Metals. By E. W. MCHENRY

A Rapid Method for Determining Nitrate in Chili Nitre. By

The Vertical Movement of ‘ Alkali’’ under Irrigation in Heavy
Clay Soils. By FRANK T. Snutr and Miss ALICE
LSP RAS EL eos, 4 ee RE ARR ER es,

GI

VI THE ROYAL SOCIEDY (OR “CANADA

Totes on the Nature of Burn-outs. By FRANK T. SHUTT and
Mass: ALICE Hi BURWASHRE: (eR ee te SEL tee,

The Oiliness or Lubricating Properties of the Various Series of
Hydrocarbons. By Wish Su VeReie: oe see PURES

The Thermal Evolution of Gases Absorbed by Charcoals and
Carbonized Lignites. By STUART McLEAN.......:..

A New Vibration Experiment—Cylinders and Rods Balanced
on Cylinders, By JOHNSATTERLY. DAMES aa

Automatic Mercury Pump. By D. F.STEDMAN..............

The Effect of Thermo-luminescence on Electrical Conductivity.
By GAR NTA CISA Rea nes sw Go TE ee ee

On the Variation of the ‘‘Emanating Power” of Certain Uranium
Minerals with Temperature and a New Secondary
Radium Amanation Standard. By J. H. L. JOHN-

Destructive Distillation Yields from British Columbia Fir and
Alder Wood. By WILLIAM AGEE HARDY...........

The Coefficient of Viscosity of a Gas. An Elementary Laboratory

Experiment». By JOHN SAPDEREM 232 3660.2 1e le

A Reversible Pendulum. By H. F. DAWES.......:65..4225 3:

Selected Radiations Emitted by Specially Excited Mercury Atoms.
By dt CAR ETON ae tert lee rea EN ae

The Radial Velocities of 594 Stars. By J. S. PLASKETT, W. E
HARPER, R:.Ke Youncvand HA PLASRETT NPA

On Some New Formulae for the Direct Numerical Calculation
of the Coefficient of Mutual Induction of Coaxial
Circles... (By LOUIS NME G ONE

On a New High Frequency Vibration Galvanometer. By Louis
NV: KGINGS hos 2.5.0. RR eee Sars, OR ee eae

On the Photographic Recording and Measurement of Radio-
telegraph Signals: By Wouis Ve KING: PRE CETTE

On a New Lecture Room Illustration of Atomic Models. By
LOUIS VIKING. 2 ees eee ea

101

141

143

143

143

144

TABLE; OF» CONTENTS

The Transmission of Heat Through Thin Boundary Films
of Air or of Water at the Surface of Glass. By A.
NORMAN SHAW and L. A. SMITH

SE CO NM

Camsellite, a New Borate Mineral from British Columbia,
Canada. By H. V. ELLsworts and-E. POITEvIN .

Pleistocene Oscillations of Sea-level in the Vancouver Region,
British Columbia. By W. A. JOHNSTON,...:.......

The Distribution of Stringocephalus Burtont in Canada. By
Mesozoic Clays and Sands in Northern Ontario. By JosEen

On Triarthrus canadensis, Triarthrus glaber, and Triarthrus
CMOS ARENA: PA RIESE Ma Ss PPO eo a tea

The Head and Fore Limb of a Specimen of Centrosarus apertus.
ESMOND PP Ne NS os wu cya es rt. RCE

On Conularia rugosa from the Lockport Limestone at Hamilton,
CMOS. LINER ECM. LAN, LOL

The Annaheim Meteorite. By R. A. A. JOHNSTON and H. V.
foe EVI RUD EI Pe en. Le à 20008 DORA ahve ns

A Supplementary Study of Panoplosaurus Mirus. By CHARLES
ARR SE RU LL à ous eve ee eae ree

On the Mispec Group (Devonian). By G. F. MATTHEW.......

SECTION CY,

Significant Alterations in the Positions of Certain Neuroblast-
Nuclet of the Embryonic Retina: a Study in Bio-
PNA py JOHN: CAMERON 2 PR oho yale LE

Coloured Thinking and Allied Conditions. By D. FRASER
IMAM EGON, ive ARR Re > end ae eA Were as td i,

Further Experiments on Conditions Influencing the Life Iistory
Oemeruvoc, By A. T, CAMERON sie. 0h) cay RER

VII

144

I

13

VIII THE ROY ALYSOCIERYORVGANADA

The Effect of Light on Growth in the Mussel. By A. G. Hunts-
MAIN he Ru Sea Net BOT A OM RSS RO rr
The Effect of Thyroid Feeding on Rats on a Vitamin-deficient
Diet. By A. T. CAMERON and ANDREW MOORE.....
Glycogen in the Heart and Skeletal Muscles in Starved and Well-
fed Animals. By J. J. R: MAcLEOoD and D. J. PREN-
DERGASTYG RU SANT NS MEE bee hae Bods nk a eae

On Pentose Compounds in the Tissues of Marine Animals. By
CY RUD (BERKEL Mrs EP eno ies 30. EE ay. Coa ee

Studies in Anoxaemia: Oxygen Unsaturation of the Arterial
Blood. By J. J"RMRCLEOD and’S. Uy PAGE Pr 0

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Founder:* UIS"GRACE THE DUKE OF ARGYLL, KT, Hic.

(WHEN GOVERNOR GENERAL OF CANADA IN 1882)

OFFICERS for 1921-1922

LUS EXCELEENCNM THE DUKE ‘OF DEVONSHIRE, KG:
&c., SC.
PRESIDENT: DUNCAN CAMPBELL Scott, Litt.D.
VICE-PRESIDENT: J. PLAYFAIR McMurricu, M.A., Ph.D.

" Honorary SECRETARY. ........ CHARLES CAMSELL, B.Sc.
HONORARY TREASURER..:...... C. M. BARBEAU
HONORARY LIBRARIAN.......... D. B. DOWLING, D.Sc.

OFFICERS OF SECTIONS:

SEC. I1—Littérature française, histoire, archéologie, sociologie, économie
politique et sujets connexes.

BRESTDE NT LT aia of cay ieee De aaa M. LE JUGE L.-A. PRUD’HOMME
NAGESÉRESIDENT A AN METRE, M. LE CHANOINE EMILE CHARTIER
SECRETAIRE. VE ne Me NME sche es M. MARIUS BARBEAU

SEC. Il.—English Literature, History, Archeology, Sociology,
Political Economy and Allied Subjects

}PPUBLSU TD LOUNTLNS, RENE ANR NT ae HON. WILLIAM R. RIDDELL, LL.D.
VICE PRESIDENT. Le inc RME CHARLES HILL-TOUT
SEGREDAIR Vato SR M Le nan à à LAABURPEENERCS:

SEC. I1].—Mathmatical, Physical and Chemical Sciences.
ÉRESTDE NE s/c: Aare ee Taken eet ae Ca ODTOKCORZ Sti:
WiGEICRESIDENDE Anos sant ask fee J. WATSON BAIN, B.A.Sc.
SEGRETAR Vien ES casas wise à JOHN PATTERSON, M.A.

SEC. IV.—Geological Sciences (including Mineralogy)
LP TRIS DVD INLD: Er ee ME ae ee W. A. PARKS, PH.D.
VICE- PRESIDENT, RER CE 6 eae E. R. FARIBAULT, B.A.Sc.
SEGREDARW 4 See mettre Len cev R. À. A. JOHNSTON
SEC. V.— Biological Sciences
RRESIDENTE San te Bh er. tle eas Maes ak RAENLLOMDANPAS
NICE PRESIDENT AE ie oth) 26 = ARTHUR WILLEY, D.Sc.
SEGRE TARY 14 coma ge LUE sa gin R. B. THOMSON, B.A.

ADDITIONAL MEMBERS OF COUNCIL:
Permanent Members
FRANK D. ADAMS, Pu.D., F.R.S., F.G.S.
Past Presidents

HON. R. LEMIEUX, LL.D. RF. RUTTAN, MD; CM, D.Sc:
A. P. COLEMAN, M.A., Pa.D., F.R.S.

BENJAMIN SULTE, LL.D.

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
LIST OF FELLOWS, 1921-1922

The date given is the date of election; c denotes a charter member.

SECTION I.—LITTÉRATURE FRANÇAISE, HISTOIRE, ARCHEOLOGIE,
SOCIOLOGIE, Etc.

1919—AucLaIR, L’ABBÉ ELIE-J., S.TH.D., J.C.D., Archevéché de Montréal,
Montréal.

1916—BARBEAU, C.-M., LL.L., B.Sc. et Dipl. Anth. (Oxon.), Victoria Museum,
Ottawa.

1921—Caron, L'ABBÉ IVANHOE, Th.D., Ph.D., Hôtel du Gouvernement, Québec.

1902—Cuapats, THomAs, Litt.D.; Ch. Légion d’honneur, sénateur, M. Conseil
législatif, Québec.

1916—CHARTIER, CHANOINE EMILE, Ph.D. (Romain), Litt.Lic. (Paris), M.A. (Laval),
Université de Montréal, Montréal.

1914—CHOQUETTE, ERNEST, M. Conseil législatif, Saint-Hilaire.

1917—CHouiINARD, H.-J.-J.-B., LL.B., L.H.D., C.M.G., Québec.

1890—Davip L.-O., Ch. Légion d'honneur, sénateur, Montréal.

1885—DECELLES, A.-D., C.M.G., LL.D., Litt.D., Ch. Légion ‘d’hon., Ottawa.

1919—DELÂGE, CyRILLE-F., Surintendant de l’Instruction publique, Québec.

1918—Després, L’ABBE AZARIE-COUILLARD, Frelighsburg, Québec.

1918—FAUTEUX, AEGIDIUS, B.Litt., Montréal.

1898—GÉRIN, LÉON, Coaticook.

1911—GossELIN, MONSIGNOR AMEDEE-E., M.A., Québec.

1920—GossELIN, Mer. D., Québec., Qué.

1918—GrouLx, L'ABBÉ LIONEL, M.A., Ph.D., Th.D., Montréal.

1908—LEMIEUX, RoDpOLPHE, LL.D., M. Conseil privé (Can.), off. Légion d’hon.,
ancien président, Ottawa.

1911—LOZEAU, ALBERT, off. d’Académie, Montréal.

1920—MassicorteE, E.-Z., LL.B., Montréal.

1908—MIGNAULT, PIERRE-BASILE, juge., LL.D., C.R., Ottawa.

1914—Monvretit, Epouarp, LL.D., Dipl. Ecole S. p. et Coll. S. Soc. (Paris), off.
Inst. publique, Montréal.

1916—Morin, Victor, B:A., LL.D., Montréal.

1909—MYRAND, ERNEST, Litt.D., Québec.

1903—PAQUET, Monsicnor Louts-Ap., Th.D., Québec.

1919—PELLETIER, GEORGES, Montréal.

1917—PERRAULT, ANTONIO, LL.D., C.R., Faculté de droit, Montréal.

1899—PorrteR, Pascat, Ch. Légion d’hon., sénateur, Shédiac.

1903—PRUD'HOMME, L.-A., juge., Saint-Boniface.

1920—RINFRET, FERNAND, M.P., Montréal.

1908—Rivarpb, ADJUTOR, juge., M.A., Litt.D., Québec.

1915—RovullLARD, EUGENE, Litt.D., off. d’Académie, Québec.

1904—Roy, L'ABBÉ CAMILLE, Litt.D., Litt.Lic. (Paris), Québec.

1911—Roy, PIERRE-GEORGES, Litt.D., off. d’Inst. publique, Lévis.

1917—Scort, L’ABBÉ, H.-A., Th.D., Litt.D., Sainte-Foy, Québec.

C—SULTE, BENJAMIN, LL.D., Litt.D., ancien président, Ottawa.
Membres en retraite
C—BÉGIx, S. E., LE CARDINAL L.-N., Th.D., Archevéque de Québec, Québec.
1905—BRUCHÉSI, S. G. Mer. PAUL, Th.D., Archevêque de Montréal, Montréal.
1899—CHARLAND, PÈRE PAUL-V., Litt.D., Québec.

LIST OF FELLOWS 3

SECTION II. —ENGLISH LITERATURE, HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY,
SOCIOLOGY, Ete.

1919—BRETT, GEORGE S., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1901—Bryce, REV. GEORGE, M.A., LL.D., Winnipeg (Ex-president).

1911—Burrrr, LAWRENCE J., F.R.G.S., Sec’y. International Joint Commission,
Ottawa.

1917—Cappon, JAMES, M.A., LL.D., Dean of the Faculty of Arts, Queen’s University,
Kingston.

1906—Coyneg, J. H., M.A., LL.D., St. Thomas.

1917—CurreELLy, CHARLES Trick, M.A., F.R.G.S., The Royal Museum of Arche-
ology, Toronto. |

1906—CRUIKSHANK, BRIGADIER-GENERAL E. A., LL.D., Offawa.

c—DeEnison, Cot. G. T., B.C.L., Toronto (Ex-president; life member).

1905—Doucary, ARTHUR G., C.M.G., Litt.D., Dominion Archivist, Ottawa.

1915—Epcar, PELHAM, Ph.D., Victoria College, Toronto.

1916—FALCONER, Str Ropert A., K.C.M.G., LL.D., Litt.D., President of the
University of Toronto, Toronto.

1911—Grant, W. Lawson, M.A. (Oxon.), Principal of Upper Canada College,
Toronto.

1919—HERRINGTON, WALTER C., K.C., Napanee, Ont.

1913—H1zL-TourT, CHARLES, Abbotsford, B.C.

1917—Howay, JUDGE FREDERICK WiLLiAM, LL.B., New Westminster, BiG:

1913—Hutron, MAURICE, M.A., LL.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1910—Kine, Hon. W. L. MACKENZIE, C.M.G., Ph.D., LL.D., Ottawa.

1919—Lxacock, STEPHEN, B.A., Ph.D., LL.D., McGill University, Montreal.

1902—LicHTHALL, Witt1am Douw, M.A., B.C.L., F.R.S.L., Montreal (Ex-
president).

1898—Lonctey, Hon. Mr. Justice, LL.D., Halifax.

1921—MaclIver, R. M. M.A., D.Phil., University of Toronto, Toronto, Ont.

1916—MacMecuan, ARCHIBALD, B.A., Ph.D., LL.D., Dalhousie University,
Halifax.

1917—Macnaucuton, Joun, M.A., LL.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1910—MacpPHaiL, Sir ANDREW, B.A., M.D., Montreal.

1920—Martin, CHESTER, M.A., B.Litt., University of Manitoba, Winnipeg.

1914—Mavor, JAMES, Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1911—McLACHLAN, R. WALLACE, F.R.N.S., Westmount.

1921—Morison, J. L., M.A., D.Litt., Queens University, Kingston, Ont.

1918—Murray, WALTER C., M.A., LL.D., President of University of Saskatchewan,
Saskatoon, Sask.

1921—Ottver, Rev. E. H., M.A., Ph.D., Presbyterian Theological College, Saska-
toon. Sask.

1906—Raymonp, VEN. ARCHDEACON W. O., LL.D., Toronto, Ont.

1917—RippELL, Hon. WizziaM Renwick, LL.D., Toronto, Ont.

1899—Scorr, D. CampBett, Litt.D., Deputy Superintendent General of Indian
Affairs, Ottawa.

1900—Scort, REV. FREDERICK GEORGE, C.M.G., Quebec.

1906—Suortt, ApAM, C.M.G., M.A., LL.D., Ottawa.

1916—SKELTON, Oscar D., M.A., Ph.D., Queen’s University, Kingston.

1920—Srewart, HERBERT LESLIE, M.A., Ph.D., Dalhousie University, Halifax.

4 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

1911—WALKER. Sir EpmMunpD, C.V.O., Toronto.
1905—Woop, Lr.-CoL. WILLIAM, Quebec.
1908—WRONG, GEORGE M., M.A., University of Toronto, Toronto.
Retired Members, Section II.

1909—Co.py, Cuas. W., M.A., McGill University, Montreal.
1904—GoRDON, REV. CHARLES W., LL.D., Winnipeg.
1889—Matr, CHARLES, Prince Albert, Sask.
1898—PARKIN, G. R., C.M.G., LL.D., London, England.
1890—ROBERTS, C. G. D., M.A., London, England.
1910—Tuomson, E. W., F.R.S.L., Ottawa.

c—WartTsoN, J., M.A., LL.D., Kingston, Ont.
1900—WILLISON, SIR JOHN S., LL.D., Toronto

SECTION III.—MATHEMATICAL, PHYSICAL AND CHEMICAL
SCIENCES

1914—ALLAN, FRANCIS BARCLAY, M.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto. !
(Life member).

1909—ALLEN, FRANK, M.A., University of Manitoba, Winnipeg.

1918—ARCHIBALD, E. H., M.A., Ph.D., F.R.S.E., University of British Columbia,

Vancouver, B.C.

1915—Bain, JAMES WatTsoN, B.A. Sc., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1899—BakeEr, ALFRED, M.A., LL.D., University of Toronto, Toronto, (Ex-president).

1921—BoswELL, M. C., B.A.Sc., M.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto, Ont.

1921—Bovyte, R. W., M.Sc., M.A., Ph.D., University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alta.

1916—Bronson, Howard L., B.A., Ph.D., Dalhousie University, Halifax.

1921—BucHANAN, D., B.A., M.A., Ph.D., University of British Columbia, Van-
couver, B.C.

1913—BURTON, E. FRANKLIN, B.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1915—CLARK, A. L., B.Sc., Ph.D., Queen’s University, Kingston.

1897—Dawson, W. BELL, M.A., Ma.E., D.Sc., M.Inst.C.E., Ottawa.

1918—DELURY, ALFRED T., M.A., University of Toronto, Toronto.

c— DEVILLE, E., LL.D., I.S.O., Surveyor-General, Ottawa.

1910—Eve, A. S., D.Sc., McGill University, Montreal.

1909—FIELps, JOHN CHARLES, Ph.D., F.R.S., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1902—GLAsHAN, J. C., LL.D., Ottawa.

1891—Goopwin, W. L., D.Sc., Kingston, Ont.

1908—HARKNESS, JAMES, M.A., (Cantab. & Lond.) McGill University, Montreal.

1911—HeEnrpt, Louis A., D.Sc., E.E., McGill University, Montreal.

1914—Jounson, F. M. G., M.Sc., Ph.D., F.I.C., McGill University, Montreal.

1911—KENRICK, FRANK B., M.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto. (Life
member).

1915—K1NG, Louis Vessot, M.A. (Cantab.), D.Sc., McGill University, Montreal.

1910—KLorz, Orro, LL.D., F.R.A.S., Director Dominion Observatory, Ottawa.

1913—MACKENZIE, A. STANLEY, B.A., Ph.D., D.C.L., LL.D., President of Dal-
housie University, Halifax.

1900—McGiLL, ANTHONY, B.Sc., LL.D., Chief Analyst, Ottawa.

1903—MCLENKAN, J. C., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1911—McCLUNG, ROBERT K., M.A., D.Sc., B.A. (Cantab.), University of Manitoba,
Winnipeg.

or

LIST OF FELLOWS

1899—Miter, W. Lasu, Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto. (Life member).

1919—Parker, Mattuew A., B.Sc., F.I.C., University of Manitoba, Winnipeg.

1918—PATTERSON, JOHN, M.A., Physicist with Meteorological Service of Canada,
Toronto.

1910—PLASKETT, J. S., B.A., D.Sc., Astrophysical Observatory, Victoria, B.C.

1896—RuTTAN, R. F., M.D., C.M., D.Sc., McGill University, Montreal.

1917—SATTERLY, JoHN, A.R.C.Sc., D.Sc., M.A., Physics Building, University of
Toronto, Toronto.

1809 SauTrr, F. T., M.A., D.Sc., F.1.C., F.CS,, Chemist, Central Experimental
Farm, Ottawa. (Life member).

1913—STANSFIELD, ALFRED, D.Sc., A.R.S.M., McGill University, Montreal.

1901—SruPART, SIR FREDERIC, Kt., Director of the Meteorological Service, Toronto.

1917—SuLLIVAN, CHARLES THompson, B.A., M.Sc., Ph.D. McGill University,
Montreal.

1909—Tory, H. M., M.A., D.Sc., LL.D., President of the University of Alberta,
Edmonton, Alta.

Retired Members, Section III.

1902—Barnes, H. T., D.Sc., F.R.S., McGill University, Montreal. (Life member).
1895—CALLENDAR, Hucu L., M.A. (Cantab.), F.R.S., London, England.
1897—Cox, Joun, M.A. (Cantab.), London, England.

c—HaaxEL E., Ph.D., Ottawa.
1911—Lane, Cot. W. R., D.Sc., F.I.C., Dept. of Military Studies, Univ. of Toronto.
1909—MclInrosu, Douctas, Ph.D., Cranston, R.I., U.S.A.
1902—OweEns, R. B., D.S.O., D.Sc., The Franklin Institute, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
1900—RuTHERFORD, E., B.A. (Cantab.), M.A., F.R.S., Manchester, England.
1910—Wrson, HAROLD A., F.R.S., Houston, Texas.

Section IV—GEOLOGICAL SCIENCES (INCLUDING MINERALOGY)

1896—Apams, FRANK D., Ph.D., D.Sc., FRISS F.G.S., McGill University, Montreal.
(Ex-president).
1900—Ami, HENRY M., M.A., D.Sc., F.G.S., Ottawa. (Life member).
c—BaILey, L. W., M.A., LL.D., University of New Brunswick, Fredericton.
1920—BANCROFT, J. Austen, M.A., Ph.D., McGill University, Montreal.
‘ 1911—Brock, REGINALD W., M.A., F.G.S., F.G.S.A., University of British Col-
umbia, Vancouver, B.C.
1918—CamsELL, CHARLES, B.Sc., Deputy Minister of Mines, Ottawa.
1900—CoLEMAN, A. P., M.A., Ph.D., F.R.S., University of Toronto, Toronto.
1919—Co.tins, WizziAM H., B.A., Ph.D., Ottawa.
1912—Dowtine, D. B., D.Sc., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
1915—DRESSER, JOHN A., M.A., Montreal.
1913—FaARIBAULT, E.-RopoLrxE, B.A.Sc., D.Sc., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
1920—Grauam, RicHARD, P.D., B.A., M.Sc., McGill University, Montreal.
1919—Jounston, R. A. A., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
1920—KinbLE, Epwarp M. A.B., M.S., Ph.D., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
1920—Knicut, C. W., B.Sc., Asst. Provincial Geologist, Toronto.
19183—McConnELL, RICHARD G., B.A., Ottawa.
1912—MclInnes, WiLL1AM, B.A., LL.D., Victoria Museum, Offawa. (Life member).
c—Marruew, G. F., M.A., D.Sc., St. John, N.B. (Life member).
1911—Miter, Wutet G., B.A., LL.D., F.G.S.A., Toronto. (Life member).

6 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

1915—Parks, WILLIAM ARTHUR, B.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.
1910—TyrrELL, JosErH B., M.A., B.Sc., F.G.S., Toronto. (Life member).
1919—WaALkeER, THoMaAs L., M.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.
1921—Wattace, -R. C., M.A., Ph.D., D.Sc., F.G.S., University of Manitoba,
Winnipeg, Man.
1910—WhuiTtTE, JAMES, F.R.G.S., Assistant to Chairman and Secretary, Commission
of Conservation, Ottawa.
1921—Youn«, G. A., B.A., Ph.D., Geological Survey, Ottawa.
Retired Member, Section IV
1900—Poo te, H.S., M.A., F.G.S., Spreyton, Stoke, Guildford, England.

SEcTION V—BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES

1910—BENSLEY, Benj. A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1909—BuLLER, A. H. REGINALD, D.Sc., Ph.D., University of Manitoba, Winnipeg.

1885—Burcess, T. J. W., M.D., Montreal. (Life member).

1919—CAMERON, JOHN, M.D., D.Sc., F.R.S.E., Dalhousie University, Halifax.

1920—CAMERON, A. T., M.A., B.Sc., F.I.C., University of Manitoba, Winnipeg.

1912—FAULL, J. H., B.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1920—F1TZGERALD, J. G., M.B., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1916—FRASER, C. MCLEAN, M.A., Ph.D., Biological Station, Nanaimo, B.C.

1916—Harris, D. FRASER, M.D., D.Sc., F.R.S.E., Dalhousie University, Halifax.

1910—Harrison, FRANCIS C., B.S.A., D.Sc., Macdonald College, Quebec.

1913—Hvarp, CHANOINE Vicror-A., D.Sc., Conservateur du Musée de l’Instruc-
tion publique, Québec.

1916—HUNTER, ANDREW, M.A., B.Sc., M.B., Ch.B., Edin., University of Toronto,
Toronto.

1917—HUNTSMAN, ARCHIBALD GOWANLOCK, B.A., M.B., Biological Department,
University of Toronto, Toronto.

1912—Knicut, A. P., M.A., M.D., Queen's University, Kingston.

1918—Lewis, FRANCIS J., D.Sc., F.R.S.E., F.L.S., University of Alberta, Edmonton.

Alta.

1916—Ltoyp, Francis E., M.A., McGill University, Montreal.

1900—MacALLUM, A. B., Ph.D., D.Sc., LL.D., F.R.S., McGill University, Montreal.
(Ex-president).

1888—Mackay, A. H., LL.D., B.Sc., Superintendent of Education, Halifax. (Life

member).

1919—Macteop, J. J. R., M.B., Ch.B., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1909—MAcKENZIE, J. J., B.A., M.B., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1921—MCK1BBEN, P. S., B.S., Ph.D., Western University, London, Ont.

1909—McMovraricu, J. P., M.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1915—McPHEDRAN, ALEXANDER, M.B., University of Toronto, Toronto.

1913—MooRE, CLARENCE L., M.A., Dalhousie University, Halifax.

1908—N1cHoLzs, A. G., M.A., M.D., D.Sc., 6 Studley St., Halifax.

1902—Prince, E. E., B.A., LL.D., F.L.S., Dominion Commissioner of Fisheries,
Ottawa. (Life member).

1921—Saunp_Ers, C. E., B.A., Ph.D., Dominion Cerealist, Experimental Farm,
Ottawa.

1921—Tuomeson, W. P., M.A., Ph.D., University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Sask.

1917—Tuomson, ROBERT Bovp, B.A., Professor of Botany, University of Toronto,
Toronto.

“I

LIST OF FELLOWS

1915—Wa ker, EpMunp Murton, B.A., M.B., University of Toronto, Toronto.
1912—Witey, Artuur, D.Sc., F.R.S., McGill University, Montreal.

Retired Members, Section V.
1902—Apamt, J. G., F.R.S., M.A., M.D., University of Liverpool, Liverpool, England.
1892—Betuune, REV. C. J. S., M.A., D.C.L., Guelph, Ont.
1891—FOwLER, JAMES, M.A., Queen's University, Kingston.
1919—GEDDES, SIR AUCKLAND, Washington, D.C.
1911—LEATHES, JOHN B., F.R.C.S., B.Ch. (Oxon), Sheffield, England.
1909—MacBripg, Ernest W., M.A., F.R.S., London, England.
1909—VINCcENT, SWALE, M.D., D.Sc., University of London, London, etna:
c—Wricst, R. Ramsay, M.A., B.Sc., Bournemouth, England. (Ex- president).

CORRESPONDING MEMBERS

SECTION I

SALONE, ÉMILE, professeur d’histoire au Lycée Condorcet, 68 rue Jouffray, Parts.

Hanotaux, GABRIEL, de l'Académie française, 21 rue Cassette, Paris.

Lamy, ÉTIENNE, sécrétaire perpétuel de l’Académie française, 3 place d’Iéna, Parts,

Lorin, HENRI, professeur d'histoire coloniale à l'Université de Bordeaux, 23 quai des
Chartons, Bordeaux.

SECTION II

Bryce, Rr. Hon. Viscount, D.C.L., London, England.

Ganon, Dr. W. F., Northampton, Mass.

PARKER, SIR GILBERT, Bart., D.C.L., M.P., P.C., London, England.

SIEBERT, WILBUR H., B.A., M.A., Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.
Section III

Bonney, REv. T. G., D.Sc., LL.D., F.R.S., Cambridge, England.
MEtzLER, W. H., Ph.D., F.R.S., Edin., Syracuse University, Syracuse, IN
THomMsON, SIR JosEPH J., O.M., F.R.S., Cambridge, England.

SECTION IV

Ware, CHarLes Davin, B.Sc., United States Geological Survey, Washington, D.C.

SECTION V

Osporn, Dr. HENRY FAIRFIELD, Columbia University, New York, N.Y.

8 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

LIST OF PRESIDENTS

PBS ZO OSI i hot LI he ces. eee Sir J. W. Dawson

OSSI SSL Wy CSS AES Ld ee eee Oe L’HONORABLE P.-J.-O. CHAUVEAU
POAC ESO, RU cee og el ey A RER Dr. T. STERRY HUNT

ASS ISS or NT eer: EE Sir DANIEL WILSON

ARSG ASST ALERTE PARUS APRES MonsiGNor HAMEL

TSS (21888..7..- cso wee are ca tee anak Dr. G. Lawson

PSSS- 188927 ( A Rene Ree a SIR SANDFORD FLEMING, K.C.M.G.
LES SAS DE EE Lee hae Aen A FEES L’ABBE CASGRAIN

LSQO=TS Olle ee ei! RE AE ery oe ta VERY REV. PRINCIPAL GRANT »%
LS OW =TSO DE PE RAT ee Skah os ee L’ABBE LAFLAMME

WSO DATS OB By te Ae roca: A RE TRE RES Sir J. C. Bourtnot, K.C.M.G.

1S 9BE1 SOA EN A RE LR eee Dr. G. M. Dawson, C.M.G.

TOGA ISO: Got sae Oe ey ER MEL RE Sir J. MACPHERSON LEMOINE
SOLS ea. D APN D nas ane ER Dr. A. R. C. SELwyn, C.M.G.

TS OG BO ao Ga Rae ARR | ee ee Most REV. ARCHBISHOP O’BBIEN
SO Fal SOS a as iss circa OURS ee LR L’HONORABLE F.-G. MARCHAND
TOS USO OS mat op iepar ye Sock d nee kate T. C. KEEFER, C.M.G.

EURE IUT oi. we Berner crea ASS REv. WILLIAM CLARK, D.C.L.

LODO OO oe MR eee Are L. FRECHETTE, C.M.G., LL.D.
LOOT DOOD vec copter une RE ley Ne oie JAMES Loupon, LL.D.

HIOZ MOOSE. Cea a Pa gh ae gas: are Sir J. A. Grant, M.D., K.C.M.G.
MOOS TOO ee eters yee: hale Mere cule te Cot. G. T. DENISON, B.C.L.

EQ OFT SO ANS ANR BENJAMIN SULTE, LL.D.

POO SO OG. cae tena peters il he Mes Dr. ALEX. JOHNSON,

190621907) Re ods thers on Dr. WILLIAM SAUNDERS C.M.G.
BOOT IOUS Mone ele es LE AE eae Dr. S. E. Dawson, C.M.G.

OO REO Oe rea A A Le. ah PA Dr. J.-EpMonp Roy

GOST OMO Meee arie eco e cys ee ae oee Rev. Geo. Bryce, LL.D.

LQ TOOT Se ARE tS oe ne R. Ramsay WRIGHT, M.A., B.Sc.
19) Ly Et 8 AR Se hl ce TER RIT ns W. F. Kine, LL.D., C.M.G.

LOT TO ee crate Lt A ee W. Dawson LESUEUR, B.A., LL.D.
COT SOMA DS STN teen ee rel cath AIAN AU FRANK D. Apams, Ph.D., F.R.S., F.G.S.
OW ARO M DE er LEE AE TE VAR SIR ADOLPHE-B. ROUTHIER
DONS EO UG EE meebo. vic AE eae ER ALFRED BAKER, M.A., LL.D.
MOLGELON fan che tn Wey ere et ee A. B. MacaLLuM, Ph.D., F.R.S.
LO ei OILS Fe Beni ek 3, cen taker Wi D” LIGHTHALL, M.A) B-G.1c.. HoReSue.
OT ONO. cis us ektaicetoe Rieti eee Hon. RODOLPHE Lemieux, LL.D.
MONG EEO 2 OF vase arene td ce ola ae R. F. RUTTAN, M.D., C.M., D.Sc.
LOL OO D [rage ta eR NE A. P. CoLEMAN, M.A., Ph.D., F.R.S.

BO ODD. sac eas ce ic cc LER DuNCAN CAMPBELL Scott, Litt.D.

LIST OF ASSOCIATED SOCIETIES 9

LIST OF ASSOCIATED SOCIETIES

ONTARIO

Hamilton Association for the Promotion of Science, Literature and Art.
The Hamilton Scientific Society.

L'Institut canadien-français d'Ottawa.

The Women’s Wentworth Historical Society.

The Entomological Society of Ontario.

Women’s Canadian Historical Society of Ottawa.
Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute.
Women’s Auxiliary of the Elgin Historical and Scientific Institute.
Ontario Historical Society.

The Huron Institute.

Niagara Historical Society.

The Ottawa Field Naturalists’ Club.

Royal Astronomical Society of Canada.

Canadian Institute, Toronto.

Historical Society, Kingston.

Toronto Astronomical Society.

Lundy’s Lane Historical Society.

Women’s Canadian Historical Society of Toronto.
United Empire Loyalists’ Association of Canada.
Peterborough Historical Society.

Canadian Forestry Association.

Hamilton Ladies’ College Alumnz.

Club littéraire canadien-français d'Ottawa.

The Historic Landmarks Association of Canada.
Waterloo Historical Society.

QUEBEC

Société du Parler français au Canada, Québec.

Société de Géographie de Québec.

Société d'Economie sociale et politique de Québec.

The Quebec Society for the Protection of Plants from Insects and
Fungus Diseases.

The Antiquarian and Numismatic Society of Montreal.

L'Institut canadien de Québec.

Natural History Society of Montreal.

Microscopical Society, Montreal.

Société historique de Montréal.

Cercle littéraire et musical de Montréal.

Literary and Historical Society, Quebec.

10 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

BRITISH COLUMBIA

The Natural History Society of British Columbia.

Nova SCOTIA
The Nova Scotia Historical Society.
The Nova Scotian Institute of Science.
MANITOBA

Manitoba Historical and Scientific Society.

NEW BRUNSWICK

New Brunswick Historical Society.

New Brunswick Loyalists’ Society.
Miramichi Natural History Association.
Natural History Society of New Brunswick.

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921
FORTIETH GENERAL MEETING

SESSION I.--(Wednesday, May 18.)

The Royal Society of Canada held its fortieth annual meeting
in the Victoria Memorial Museum, Ottawa, on May 18, 19 and 20.

The President, Dr. A. P. Coleman, took the chair at 10 a.m. and,
having called the meeting to order, requested the Honorary Secretary
to call the roll.

The following Fellows answered to their names or arrived later
during the session.

OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY

RreSUMCMb A eal kis!, are te Oe Dr. A. P. Coleman.
Vice-President and Hon. Sec...Dr. Duncan C. Scott
Honorary Treasurer |... 55.3% Mr. C. M. Barbeau.
Honorary Librarian.......... Dr. D. B. Dowling.

SECTION I.—Auclair, E. J.; Barbeau, C. M.; Caron, I.; Chapais,
Thos.:; Chartier, Emile; Chouinard, H. J. J. B.; David, L. O.; DeCelles,
A. D.; Delage, C. F.; Gérin, L.; Lemieux, Rodolphe; Mignault, P.B.;
Morin, Victor; Myrand, Ernest; Rinfret, Fernand; Roy, Pierre-
Georges; Roy, Camille; Rivard, A.; Sulte, Benjamin.

SECTION II.—Brett, G. S.; Bryce, George; Burpee, L. J.; Cappon,
James; Coyne, J. H.; Cruikshank, E. A.; Doughty, A. G.; Herrington,
W. S.; Hill-Tout, Chas.; Howay, F. W.; Lighthall, W. D.; Longley,
J. W.; Martin, Chester; Macphail, Sir Andrew; McLachlan, R. M.;
Oliver, E. H.; Riddell, W. R.; Scott, D. C.; Shortt, Adam; Skelton,
O. D.; Stewart, H. L.; Wood, W.

SECTION III.—Allen, Frank; Archibald, E. H.; Baker, Alfred;
Bain, J. W.; Boyle, R. W.; Burton, E. F.; Clark, A. L.; Dawson,
W. B.: Deville, E.: Eve, A. S.; Fields, J. C.; Glashan, J. C.; Huard,
Ne Arploinsot Hen. G.; King, Li Vo; iKlotz Otto: MeGill, A:;
McLennan, J. C.; Patterson, J.; Plasket, J. H.; Ruttan, R. F.; Shutt,
FT; Stupart, Sir Frederic; Sullivan, C. T.

IT THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

SECTION IV.—Adams, F. D.; Brock, R. W.; Camsell, Charles;
Coleman, A. P.; Collins, W. H.; Dowling, D. B.; Dresser, J. A.;
Faribault, ER; Graham, Rs P. D? Johuston, “Reva Ae kindle;
E. M.; Knight, C. W.; Miller, W. G.; McConnell, R. G.; McInnes,
William; Parks, W. A.; Walker, T. L.

SECTION V.—Bensley, B. A.; Buller, A. H. R.; Cameron, John;
Fraser, C. McLean; Harrison, F. C.; Huntsman, A. G.; Knight, A. P.;
Lewis: Fo Je; Eloyd EVE: vietanbent! PSs Der A. H.; McMur-
rich, J. P.; Nicholls, A. G.; Prince, E. E.; Roue KR Bb: Thence
W: P: CAE (OR: De Willey, Arthur.

Letters of regret for absence were received from the following: '
Bailey, L: W.; Burgess, T. J. W.; Harris, D. Fraser; Tyrrell,=].-D;;
Ami, H. M.; Grant, W. L.; Wrong, Geo. M.; Murray, Walter; Paquet,
Mer. L. A.; Gosselin, Mgr. Amédée: Seni H. A.; and Després,
je Na

It was moved by Dr. Brock, seconded by Dr. Adams, that the
minutes of the annual meeting of last year as contained in the printed
proceedings of last year in the hands of the Fellows be confirmed.—
Carried.

The Annual Report of Council, printed copies of which had been
delivered to the Fellows, was then presented by the Honorary Secre-
tary. The Report was as follows:

REP ORG WOE COmwWN CEE

FOR THE YEAR 1920-1921.

To the Fellows of The Royal Society of Canada,

The Council have the honour to present the following report on
the work of the Society during the past year:—

The last Annual Meeting was held in Ottawa on May 19, 20
and 21. The meeting was a very successful one, the registered at-
tendance of Fellows being the largest in the history of the Society.
The accommodation for the general and sectional meetings in the
Victoria Memorial Museum proved very satisfactory and it has been
decided to utilize space in the Museum again this year, not only for
the general meetings, but also for the Presidential Address and
Popular Lecture.

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 III

I.—PROCEEDINGS AND TRANSACTIONS OF THE SOCIETY.

Volume XIV, Third Series of the Transactions, consists of 577
pages, with illustrations, and a bound copy will be laid upon the
table for inspection. Distribution will take place immediately after
the meeting.

The agenda this year shows a large increase in the number of
papers to be presented, indicating a continued interest by the Fellows
in the work of the Society.

II.—ELECTION OF NEW FELLOWS.

This year there were vacancies in all the Sections. The Council
have much pleasure in reporting that the following candidates received
a majority of the votes cast, and their election is submitted for con-
firmation.

SECTION I.
M. L’abbé Ivanhoe Caron.

SECTION II.
M. Maclver, M.A., D.Phil.

Re

je. Morison, MIA. D.Litt. |

E. H. Oliver, M.A., Ph.D. | <HEICAT
S ors HOD Cy

SECTION III.
Maitland C. Boswell, M.A., Ph.D.

iq A R°
R. W. Boyle, M.A., Ph.D. iz LI ee
Daniel Buchanan, MA. PhD;
5 Ye: *,

SECTION V.

“Paul S.Mckibben, B:S., Ph.D:
Ghasi-E. Saunders; BA, Ph.D.
W. P. Thompson, M.A., Ph.D.

In Section IV none of the candidates received a majority vote.

III.—DeEcEASED MEMBERS.

Again this year we have to record two vacancies caused by death
in the ranks of the Fellows: Sir Adolphe B. Routhier and Dr. W. H.
Ellis. Sir Adolphe Routhier was a Charter Member and Dr. Ellis
was elected in 1891. The biographical sketch of Sir Adolphe Routhier
has been prepared by Hon. Thomas Chapais, and that of Dr. Ellis
by Dr. Maurice Hutton.

7)

IV THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

STIR ADOLPHE ROUTHIER.

Sir Adolphe Routhier, ancien président de la Société royale, est
mort le 27 juin 1920, à l’âge de 81 ans. Il était un des citoyens émi-
nents de notre pays.

Né à Saint-Placide, dans le comté des Deux-Montagnes, il avait
fait des études classiques très brillantes au séminaire de Sainte-
Thérèse. Ayant décidé d’embrasser la profession légale, il fit son
cours de droit à l'Université Laval, à Québec, où il reçut le degré de
bachelier en droit. Il fut ad mis au barreau de la province de Québec
en 1861, et pratiqua comme avocat pendant douze ans dans le district
de Kamouraska. En 1868 et 1872, il brigua sans succès le mandat de
député à la Chambre des Communes. En 1873, le gouvernement de
Sir John MacDonald le nomma juge de la Cour supérieure pour le
district de Charlevoix. Subséquemment il fut transféré à Québec.
Il devint juge en chef en 1904. Auparavant, il avait été appelé à
présider la Cour de vice-amirauté. Sur le banc, il se fit toujours re-
marquer par la clarté et la précision de ses jugements.

Sir Adolphe Routhier était doué d'un beau talent littéraire. On
lui doit un grand nombre d'ouvrages, Causeries du dimanche, À travers
l'Europe, En canot, les Echos (poésies), A travers l'Espagne, Les
grands drames, Conférences et discours (2 volumes), De Québec à Victoria,
La reine Victoria et son jubilé, Le Centurion, De l'homme à Dieu,
Paulina, Montcalm et Lévis, etc. Il avait cultivé les genres les plus
variés, poésie, roman, impressions de voyage, apologétique, études
sociales, critique littéraire. (Comme orateur sa réputation était
grande et méritée. Il avait un timbre sympathique, une diction nette,
un geste aisé. Sa belle imagination donnait à sa parole la couleur et
l'éclat. Ses discours se faisaient remarquer par le mouvement, la
chaleur et l'élévation. Le juge Routhier fut incontestablement l’un
des maîtres de l’éloquence française au Canada; et si, parmi ses com-
patriotes, il eut des émules, il rencontra peu d'égaux. Pendant plus
de trente ans il fut l’orateur obligé de toutes nos grandes manifesta-
tions, de nos inaugurations, de nos conventions, de nos congrès reli-
gieux et nationaux. Sa parole entraînante captivait les auditoires les
plus choisis. Il possédait vraiment le magnétisme oratoire. Et ceux
qui l’ont entendu dans ses grands jours d’éloquence en conservent
un vivant et persistant souvenir.

Resté maître de ses facultés intellectuelles en dépit des années,

Sir Adolphe Routhier donna l'exemple du labeur, jusqu'aux extrèmes
limites de l’âge. Octogénaire, il travaillait encore; et la mort seule

SIR ADOLPH ROUTHIER

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 V

put interrompre sa merveilleuse activité d'esprit. A la première page
d'un de ses derniers ouvrages on pouvait lire ces mots: ‘‘En prépara-
tion, Blanche des Aulnes, roman canadien; Conférences et Discours,
3e série.” L'écrivain qui traçait ce programme de production future
avait plus de quatre-vingts ans!

Sir Adolphe Routhier était l’un des membres fondateurs de la
Societé royale, créée par le Marquis de Lorne en 1882. Il avait été
président de notre académie canadienne de 1914 à 1915. Par son
décès celle-ci perd l’un de ses membres les plus illustres.

WILLIAM HODGSON ELLIS.

William Hodgson Ellis was borne in Holme Hall, Bakewell,
Derbyshire, near Chatsworth and Haddon Hall, on November 23rd,
1845. He was the son of the resident physician, John Eimeo Ellis,
and his wife, who was the only daughter of Mr. Joseph Hodgson of
Holme Hall. John Eimeo Ellis graduated from the University of
London in 1839 with gold medal in Anatomy and Physiology. He
became a member of the Royal College of Surgeons in 1840. He
emigrated with his family to the State of Illinois in 1857 and removed
to Toronto two years later.

The subject of this sketch entered the University of Toronto in
1863, received his B.A. in 1867 with Gold Medal in Natural Science;
his M.A. in 1868, and his M.B. in 1870. He immediately went to
London, England, and obtained a position on the house staff of St.
Thomas’ Hospital, securing his L.R.C.P. in the autumn of 1871,
when he returned to Canada.

He settled down to practice his profession, but was immediately
offered the position of lecturer in chemistry in Trinity College, and
shortly afterwards he undertook similar duties in the newly-founded
School of Technology. This latter institution became in 1877 The
Ontario School of Practical Science in which he was Assistant Pro-
fessor of Chemistry. In 1887 he became Professor of Applied Chem-
istry, a position which he held till his retirement.

In 1907, when the School of Practical Science became the Faculty
of Applied Science and Engineering of the University of Toronto, he
was made head of instruction in chemistry for the whole University.
After the death of Dean Galbraith in 1914, he was made Dean of the
Faculty of Applied Science, from which position he retired in 1919.

In the Medical Faculty, he held the position of Professor of
Toxicology and Medical Jurisprudence from 1897 to 1913, when he

VI THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

was obliged to resign owing to the pressure of other work. For more
than 30 years he was retained by the Attorney-General of Ontario as
analyst and expert toxicologist in connection with criminal cases.
During the same period he was Public Analyst for the Inland Revenue
Department.

The variety and pressing nature of his daily work prevented him
from writing any extensive scientific treatises; but numerous papers
from his pen are to be found in the Transactions of the Canadian
Institute, the Report of the Bureau of Mines and in the Transactions
of the Royal Society.

In 1915 he was honoured by the University of Toronto with the
degree LL.D., and in 1917 a similar honour was conferred upon him
by McGill University.

In 1917 he was made Honorary Member of the Engineering
Institute of Canada. He was a fellow of the Institute of Chemistry,
and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada.

He was an ex-president of the Royal Canadian Institute, and
ex-chairman of the Canadian Section of the Society of Chemical
Industry.

This is the merest outline of an academical and professional life
crowded with interesting detail. While his activities and his value
to the University were acknowledged by his colleagues, he had en-
deared himself to them through his character. He was appreciated
as the wit, the humourist, the poet and the artist, who redeemed the _
academical life from the reproach of being dull and pedantic. His
wit and humour, his poetry and his pictures cannot be treated
separately; they were blended by chemical fusion in one product.
They live for his colleagues in many and consoling memories, and
especially in the little volume called “ Way-side Weeds’’; a humble
title testifying alike to the author’s modesty and to his love of flowers.

It is difficult to find happier versions of academic humour and
vivacious persiflage than for example the verses called the Duffer’s
Elegy, celebrating the game of golf as played in Hades, especially
the stanzas :—

““Cocytus Styx and Phlegethon
As hazards serve extremely well
In this particular alone
The Lambton links are just like Hell.

WILLIAM Hopcson ELLIS

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 VII

“The asphodel wants cutting sadly,

The lies are wretched, more’s the pity,
But everything is managed badly

By that Infernal Green Committee.

‘ Come, lay aside your shroud and pall.
And play a friendly round with me,
A Dead Sea apple was the ball,
A pinch of churchyard dust the tee.”

Almost equally delightful is the ode to the unnameable river of New
Brunswick and to Jaeger’s flannel; the epigram on the Bal Poudré;
the more serious philosophy of The Iceberg; and the very Horatian
parody of the First Ode of Horace. But many of his humorous sallies
and much of his appreciation of humour never reached print in prose
or poetry and yet recur when his name is heard.

The artist also underlay the poet. When the writer wanted once
upon a time to relieve the tedium of the Archeological Institute of
America by reminiscences of Socrates in his self-chosen roles of a
spiritual mid-wife, of a cross-questioning mosquito, of an intellectual
torpedo-fish, it was Dr. Ellis’s humorous and artistic hand which drew
for me the philosopher in these fancy-dresses; as the Attic Sairey
Gamp, as the Marathonian Mosquito, as the Salaminian torpedo-fish.
Without the lifelike caricatures of the deft draughtsman, the Socratic
humour would have stung too deeply, would have shocked too severely
the learned audience, would have paralyzed them even as the fish its
victims; or, worse still, might just have left them cold.

He belonged, I suppose, spiritually as well as literally, to the
older generation of men of science; even science and art together,
even wit, humour and poesy did not begin to exhaust his interests.

When he reached the span of life he became, owing to the Great
War, Dean of the Faculty of Applied Science when he would have
preferred to retire into private life. He saw the war through to a
successful close; he sent both his sons to the front, one as a brilliant
medical investigator, the other as a lieutenant of infantry ; he received
both back alive, though not unwounded, and gladly retired from
work and enjoyed a short year’s rest.

While enjoying a holiday with his friend Dr. Rudolf on Lake
Joseph, Muskoka district, he was fatally stricken and passed away

after a few hours on the 23rd of August, 1920.
2

LA

VIII THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

IV.—VISIT OF THE SOCIETY OF CHEMICAL INDUSTRY.

Council would direct attention to the Annual Meeting of the
Society of Chemical Industry, which is to be held during the last
week in August, 1921. The principal meeting of the Society will be
held in Montreal. A visit will be paid to Grand’ Mere and Shawinigan
Falls, and the Society will spend a day in Ottawa; afterwards Toronto
and Niagara Falls will be visited.

It may be remarked that five of the eighteen sections of the
Society are in Canada and that a number of its members are also
Fellows of The Royal Society. Under these circumstances it behooves
the Society to welcome to Canada such a distinguished body of
scientists and business men.

While the itinerary will not make it possible for The Royal
Society to entertain the visitors, it is suggested that the Honorary
Secretary be directed to extend a welcome and to offer co-operation
so far as it is possible to do so.

V.—Nova SCOTIA HISTORICAL CELEBRATION.

Mr. L. M. Fortier, President of the Historical Society of Anna-
polis Royal, has advised the Society that a triple celebration of historic
events of interest and importance will take place in Annapolis Royal
on Wednesday, August 31st next. On that day tablets will be un-
veiled commemorating (1) the tercentenary of the charter of New
Scotland, 1621; (2) the bicentenary of the establishment of British
Civil Courts in Canada, 1721, and (8) Judge Haliburton’s arrival in
Annapolis Royal in 1821. The tablets are to be presented to the
Nation and erected in Fort Anne, now a Canadian National Park,
for safekeeping. The presentations will be made by representative
speakers of the Government of Nova Scotia, prominent members of
the Bench and Bar of Canada, and of the Historical Association of
Annapolis Royal. The tablets will be formally received for the
Nation by the Minister of the Interior and placed in the custody of
the Superintendent of Fort Anne.

Mr. Fortier expresses the hope that The Royal Society of Canada
will appoint a delegate to be present on this occasion.

VI.—FINANCES OF THE SOCIETY.

It seems to the Council advisable to make some special comment
on the financial statement of the Honorary Treasurer. It was neces-

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 IX

sary this year to be restrictive in the expenditure for printing and the
Sections loyally supported this policy by reducing their demands for
space to the minimum.

We began the year with a credit balance of $1,094.00, to which
was added the Parliamentary appropriation of $8,000.00 and the
grant from the Advisory Council for Scientific and Industrial Research
of $3,000.00, for the purpose of assisting the publication of scientific
papers. Payment in full for the cost of printing the Transactions
for 1919-20 had not been made at the close of that year; $3,844.83
being the balance in full of the cost of the volume for 1919-20, was
paid from this year’s funds.

The total cost of the volume for 1920-21 and the miscellaneous
printing to date has been $6,627.37, to which should be added the
printing and contingencies expended for this Annual Meeting, estim-
ated at $400.00. Payments aggregating $5,500.00 have already been
made and the unexpended balance of the funds for the year just
closed will be approximately $250.00.

It will be apparent from this statement that we enter the year
with our grant of $8,000.00 unimpaired, plus an available balance of
$250.00—$8,250.00 in all.

VII.—REPORT OF THE HONORARY LIBRARIAN.

For the current year there has been an increase in the receipts
of exchange publications, other than evident accumulations during
the War period. This is noticeable in the case of exchanges from
Finland. This increase is an evidence of the general resumption of
former peaceful pursuits and studies. As a measure of economy the
Society have been without the services of a librarian, and as a conse-
quence, there is an accumulation of uncatalogued material to be dealt
with, but an examination of the shelving accommodation reveals the
fact that the room provided has been fully occupied by the volumes
already received. More space is required, and as the yearly receipts
are large this may necessitate a further appeal for separate quarters
for the Society.

In order to estimate the growth of the library the receipts of
separate publications for the year is appended. These are arranged
in order of numbers, and also of volume.

X THE ROYAL SOCIETY OM CANADA

Wii ted States eee Oe RES a a RA 485
Britishtkimpires ry iis Wk ee aye aaele Tenaga RES 243
Great tar repre ee ee 100
CANAL MEME | Peep pene Nis ART ge 100
INGSERANION. ce Mere ete) eran eee 20
New Zealand RER oy eee 5
Malay States EP tecture il
SOUL ATARI. Ne 5
ACTA rere. NES CPR EME QUES ANS it
CEVTOREA MN ee eee Er 1
Panlane se: see) TOR PORT ett I D se 72
I PAM@C eee Oe ee TA Le REC OR oe ee ae eee 53
Peer utara ME Lee, el ea Tate oc ts at an ea ca 43
Sorat ZED aT ss he ties LE UPPER RU er Glare eas RE 35
Netherlands sc 448 sul eee Oe EE A oe
Sweden sc: carr Hae Ree cl ue peers ee oh ahd errr yas 30
Japan Rae aA hs. LE Meee ate cual he 20
DEAN ER Sager taken ol SNe yey. EE RER i ai oO Lette 22
Porticaltse setae cen eis, CNE ON ent een ae 18
Geman epics ollie ceca ne RTE NOEL nate 14
DURANT AE er LA eit Plea ee AUTRES RER Rens 8
PEL EUR as A ee Re A eM RON AMEN ol oi! 7
SD Sete ee TE ATEN APCE SNR 0 Oe. LP AN Er SES 6
Brazil eta de AU MARS SRE NP SSI MERE a eee OC EE 4
PATTES à le le RE NE SRE PRA EUR eu Ce LRU A AL 4
NON AVR UE caren PLU aie UE RER ARR 3
VEN GOA MORE He RRR RPE A EME ai 2 CAE ONE EEE MN 3
CITA Geeta PL RAS PR cue TS is PR PATES 2
Den MARS MEN MEME RSR ARTS RATES ee TEE 2

Total receipts... .- by chia eae a hea at det Ah 1,106

Bound volumes received estimated at less than twenty.

D. B. DOWLING,
Hon. Librarian.

VIII.—REPORT OF THE HONORARY TREASURER.

The following statement, coveiing the financial year ending on
April 30th, 1921, includes the Government Grant Account and the
General Account. It has been audited by Dr. J. C. Glashan and Dr.
Adam Shortt, who were appointed for the purpose.

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XI

FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA FOR
THE YEAR ENDING APRIL 30, 1921.

GOVERNMENT GRANT ACCOUNT.

RECEIPTS.

By Balance in The Bank of Montreal, April 30, 1920................. $1,094.41
“ Grant from The Dominion Government ................:....... 8,000. 00
‘© Grant from The Hon. Advisory Council for Scientific and Industrial

POST Rn EU ok ace si A SR NRA rest ira 3,000. 00
Nan imiterest ON ACCOUNE. eu...) : LUN ARE RON ae ese 101.84
$12,196.25

EXPENDITURE.

To Printing and publication of TFANSACONSS CT CEE $9,432.58
MOIS tance, had: un. MER reaped eons sees 770.00
Le Te NE NOR PRE ET EE SR RDC ASI 43.80
Miscellaneous expenditure. : .....::.......:.:+..sesseserereetre 153.39
«Balance in The Bank of Montreal, May 4, 1921.............--..: 1,796.48

$12,196.25
GENERAL ACCOUNT.
RECEIPTS.

By Balance in the Merchants’ Bank of Canada, April 30, 1920......... $4,060.82
‘ Annual subscription and initiation fees.....................---:: 1,571.95
TOR TPCLPISELGLEOT Sess. ticle eme are ¥vislnsclcrete ma eteania eine else tee 38.25
HÉRE mburSenient OLIOAN.. : 4 4e. + + mac © 2e ees te as rue eg 2,300. 00
Ter es OM AN VESEMENES: 2425 os oes ee moe eee M LC 420.30
ae Dale Interest ON ACCOUME 4 20e ou 12e eee loc) tis mts 142.34

$8,533.66
EXPENDITURE.

To Railway fares of Fellows......................:..+-.::: PRIE $ 875.25
Expenses of Annual Meeting :.......--.-.--.--::----::-."; 205.60
‘““ Investment in Ontario Government bonds (inclus. of interest and cost) 5,122.96
“ Whiscellaneous expenditure .... sut. 21.04
‘© Balance in The Merchants’ Bank of Canada, April 30, IT cede Gea oi 2,308.81

Audited and found correct: $8,533.66

J. C. GLASHAN :
ADAM SHORT Auditors.
C. MARIUS BARBEAU,

Ottawa, May 11, 1920. Honorary Treasurer.

When the Honorary Secretary had finished reading the Report
it was moved by Dr. McInnes, seconded by Dr. Fields that the
Report of Council be received and that the question of adoption be
voted on to-morrow.—Carried.

It was moved by Hon. Thos. Chapais, seconded by Dr. Roy
that the election of M. L’Abbe Ivanhoe Caron as a Fellow of Section
I. be confirmed.—Carried.

XII THE ROYAL SOCIETY, OF (CANADA

It was moved by Mr. Burpee, seconded by Dr. Coyne that the
election of Dr. John Lyle Morison, Dr. R. Morison Maclver, and
Dr. Edmund H. Oliver as Fellows of Section II be confirmed.—
Carried.

It was moved by Dr. Shutt, seconded by Dr. Fields that the
election of Dr. Maitland C. Boswell, Dr. Daniel Buchanan, and Dr.
Robert William Boyle as Fellows of Section III be confirmed.—
Carried.

It was moved by Prof. Thomson, seconded by Prof. Lloyd, that
the election of Dr. Paul Stilwell McKibben, Dr. Charles E. Saunders,
and Dr. Walter P. Thompson as Fellows of Section V. be confirmed.
—Carried.

The following new Fellows were introduced:—Dr. Maclver, Dr.
Morison, Dr. Oliver, Dr. Saunders, Dr. Thompson and Dr. McKibben,
as well as Professor Knight and Professor Martin elected in 1920.

The Honorary Secretary announced the following proposed
amendments to the by-laws:—

(1) By Dr. Duncan C. Scott: That paragraph 2 of Section 6 of
the By-laws be amended to read:—‘‘The number of Fellows in each
Section shall be limited as follows:—Section I, 40; Section II, 50;
Section III, 40; Section IV, 25; Section V, 40.

(2) By Dr. R. F. Ruttan: That paragraph 2 of Section 6 of the
By-laws be amended to read:—‘‘The number of Fellows in each
Section shall be limited as follows:—Section I, 40; Section II, 40;
Section III, 50; Section IV, 25; Section V, 40.

(3) By Dr. D. B. Dowling: That paragraph 2 of Section 6 of
the By-laws be amended to read:—‘‘The number of Fellows in each
Section shall be limited as follows:—Section I, 40; Section II, 40;
Section III, 40; Section IV, 30; Section V, 40.

The effect of these amendments would be to increase the mem-
bership in Section II from 40 to 50, in Section III from 40 to 50 and
in Section IV from 25 to 30.

It was moved by Dr. Brett, seconded by Mr. Burpee, that these
proposed amendments be referred to the Sections to report to the
general meeting.—Carried.

Professor C. McLean Fraser, who represented Canada at the
Pan-Pacific Scientific Congress held at Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands,
1920, presented a report of the proceedings of that body, of which the
following is an abstract :—

“Over one hundred scientists from Japan, China, Phillipines,
Australia, New Zealand, Hawaii, United States, Great Britain and

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XIII

Canada, attended the Pan-Pacific Scientific Congress held in Hono-
lulu, August 2-20, 1920, with H. E. Gregory, Honolulu, as Chairman.
The Canadian Fisheries Association sent the only delegate from
Canada.

“In the general meetings the following subjects were discussed :—
Ocean currents and their significance; The origin of the Hawaiian
Fauna and Flora; Race relations in the Pacific; Relation of ocean
currents to marine organisms; Seismology of the Pacific; Volcanology
of the Pacific; The framework of the Pacific; Mapping of the Pacific;
Presentation by sections of programmes of research; Training of
scientists for Pacific work; Means and methods of co-operation.

“For discussion of subjects more particularly affecting single
branches of science the Congress divided into the following sections :—
Anthropology; Botany; Entomology ; Geography, with sub-sections
Geodesy and Topography, Terrestrial Magnetism, Meteorology and
Physical Oceanography; Geology and Seismology; Volcanology;
Zoology.

“The general resolutions dealt with the desirability of organizing
an International Research Council to direct co-operation in Pacific
research work, the necessity of sufficient financial returns for scientific
work to permit of young men entering upon such work with an assur-
ance of a comfortable living and the benefit to be obtained by a more
extensive interchange of men, either men experienced in research or
graduate ‘students beginning such work, among Universities and
Research Institutions in the various Pacific countries.

“The resolutions from each of the sections were numerous but
of course more specific.

“A Holdover Committee was selected to carry on until an Inter-
national organization can be formed or until the next Congress. The
Committee consists of H. E. Gregory, Hawaii, Chairman; E. C.
Andrews, Australia; C. M. Fraser, Canada; F. Omori, Japan; C.
Chilton, New Zealand; T. W. Vaughan, United States.

“The Bishop Museum, Honolulu, has consented to preserve the
records of the Congress, to publish and distribute the reports, papers
and proceedings, and to act as representative of the members of the
Congress after its adjournment.

“Part I of the transactions, containing a short account of the
organization, proceedings and resolutions, has been published. Part
II, not yet published, will give papers, reports, etc., in full.”

XIV THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

THE PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS—(Wednesday Evening, May 18)

The Presidential Address was delivered on Wednesday evening
in the Victoria Memorial Museum. The chair was occupied by the
Vice-President, Dr. Duncan C. Scott., The President’s subject was
“The Gaspé Peninsula; A Study of the Geology of the Region and its
Influence on the Inhabitants’’ (Illustrated). The Address will be
found printed in full as Appendix “A.”

SESSION II.—(Thursday Afternoon, May 19)

The President took the chair.

It was moved by Dr. Fields, seconded by Prof. Lloyd, that the
Report of Council be adopted.—Carried.

The reports of the following associated societies were then pre-
sented :—

The Historical Landmarks Association of Canada, Lundy’s Lane
Historical Society, Ontario Historical Society, Huron Institute,
Niagara Historical Society, Women’s Canadian Historical Society of
Toronto, Ottawa Women’s Canadian Historical Society, Hamilton
Scientific Association, L'Institut canadien-francais de la cité
d'Ottawa, Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, La Société
historique de Montreal, The Natural History Society of Montreal,
Nova Scotia Historical Society and Nova Scotian Institute of Science.

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON SCIENTIFIC CONDITIONS IN CANADA

A fundamental purpose of the Royal Society of Canada is to
foster research; and in particular the main purpose of Sections ITI,
IV and V is to encourage scientific research, to recognize scientific
ability, and to encourage those who possess it.

Your Committee therefore recommends that the following sug-
gestions be adopted by the Royal Society of Canada:—

1. That a Fellow elected to one of the three sections more par-
ticularly referred to above required to qualify within three years by
the presentation to his Section of an original paper embodying the
results of research carried out by himself.

2. That the Fellowship of the Sections be enlarged sufficiently to
permit increase in the number of active research workers of recognized
ability.

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XV

3. That the suggestion be brought to the attention of the older
members of the Section in question, whose condition or responsibilities
prevent active participation in the work of the Section, that it is
possible for such to retire from active Fellowship full of honour, their
services to Science and to the Royal Society of Canada being recog-
nized in placing them on the retired list of Fellows with retention of
Title. Their counsel and influence may thus be retained, and at the
same time room afforded for the reception of desirable new Fellows.

The following resolution from Section IV, was then brought before
the meeting :—

‘Whereas none of the candidates presented for election to Section
IV this year received the requisite proportion of votes cast and
Whereas it is expedient that the two vacancies now existing in Section
IV be filled without further delay, be it

“Resolved that the By-laws of the Society be suspended and that
Robert C. Wallace and George Albert Young be admitted to full
membership in the Society.”’

It was moved by Dr. McInnes, seconded by Mr. Johnston that
this resolution be approved.—Carried.

Mr. R. P. D. Graham, of Section IV, who was elected in 1920,
and Dr. Young, the newly elected member, were then introduced.

It was moved by Mr. Justice Riddell, seconded by Dr. Coyne,
that this report be referred to all the Sections for consideration.—
Carried.

THE PopuLaR LECTURE—(Thursday, Evening May 19)

The annual Popular Lecture was given in the Victoria Memorial
Museum before the Fellows and guests of the Society by Dr. J. C.
McLennan. The subject of Dr. McLennan’s address was “Recent
Advances in Physics”. This address is published in full as appen-
dix B.

SESSION III.—(Friday Afternoon, May 20)

The President took the chair at 3 p.m. and called for the Reports
of the Sections.

XVI THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

REPORT OF THE SECTIONS
SECTION I

PROCES-VERBAL DE LA SECTION I

Membres présents ou inscrits: MM. Thomas Chapais, Cyrille
Delage, L.-O. David, Ernest Myrand, Pierre-Georges Roy, Adjutor
Rivard, A.-D. DeCelles, Rodolphe Lemieux, P.-B. Mignault, Léon
Gérin, MM. les abbés Elie-J. Auclair, Ivanhoé Caron, Camille Roy,
Emile Chartier, MM. H.-J.-J.-B. Chouinard, Victor Morin, Benjamin
Sulte et Marius Barbeau.

Se sont excusés de leur absence: Mers. L.-A. Paquet et Amédée
Gosselin, MM. les abbés H.-A. Scott et A. Couillard-Després.

Travaux lus ou présentés:

1. Un récensement inédit de Montréal, en 1741, par M. E.-Z.
Massicotte, M.S.R.C.

2. Les Canadiens au lendemain de la capitulation de Montréal
(8 sept. 1760), par M. l’abbé Ivanhoé Caron, M.S.R.C.

3. Madeleine de Verchéres, plaideuse, par M. Pierre-Georges
Roy, M.S.R.C.

4. Guerres des Iroquois, 1670-1673, par M. Benjamin Sulte,
MS SREG@:

5. Sir Adolphe Routhier; son ceuvre d’homme de lettres, par
M. l’abbé Elie-J. Auclair, M.S.R.C.

6. La race canadienne-française, par M. le chanoine Emile
Chartier, M.S.R.C.

7. Le Régiment de Carignan, par M. l'abbé A. Couillard-
Després, M.S.R.C.

8. L’abbé Joseph-Sévére Nicolas Dumoulin, missionnaire a la
Riviére-Rouge, 1818-1823, par M. le juge L.-A. Prud’homme,
MES REC!

9. Un homme d’état canadien; regards vers le passé, par l’Hon.
Rodolphe Lemieux, M.S.R.C.

10. Les Acadiens du diocèse d’Antigonish, par M. l’abbé Joseph
Raiche.

11. L’enseignement social et économique de saint Thomas
d’Aquin, par Mer. L.-A. Paquet, M.S.R.C.

12. A propos d’annexion, par M. Fernand Rinfret, M.S.R.C.

13. Les contes de fées au Canada, par M. Régis Roy.

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XVII

Le 20 mai au matin, la Section I et la Section II de la Société
royale et la Section d’Ontario de la Société de folklore d’Amérique
tinrent leur derniére séance conjointement.

Il fut résolu d’un commun accord:—De ne pas accepter le projet
soumis aux Sections de rendre obligatoire à leurs membres la pré-
sentation d’un travail, une fois dans trois années, aux séances de la
société;

—D'abolir les procédures spéciales établies il y a deux ans pour
l'élection des nouveaux membres, dans la Section I;

—De tenter l’organization d'une séance annuelle sous les auspices
de la Section I, à Québec, à Montréal ou à Ottawa, dont le but serait
de présenter et de faire connaître au public certains travaux des
membres de la Société royale—la première séance devant avoir lieu
à Montréal, sous la direction du Vice-président, M. le chanoine Emile
Chartier;

—D’exprimer les regrets de la Section à l’occasion de la démission
d'un de ses membres les plus distingués, S. G. Mgr. Paul Bruchési;

—De proposer que deux vacances en tout soient établies pour
l'élection de nouveaux candidats au cours du prochain exercice.

Election des dignitaires pour l’année qui commence :

Président, M. le juge L.-A. Prud’homme;

Vice-président, M. le chanoine Emile Chartier.

Sécrétaire, M. Marius Barbeau.

Comité de lecture et de publication: Hon. juge Adjutor Rivard,
MM. Ægidius Fauteux et A.-D. DeCelles.

Marius BARBEAU,
Sécrétaire de la Section I.

On the motion of Mr. C. M. Barbeau, seconded by Mr. Benjamin
Sulte, the report of Section I was adopted.

REPORT, OF SECTIONS

The Section held four sessions, on the 18th, 19th and 20th May,
in the Library of the Victoria Museum, the last meeting on the
morning of the 20th being in conjunction with Section I and the
Ontario Branch of the Folk-Lore Society. The following Fellows were
in attendance: Messrs. Brett, Bryce, Burpee, Coyne, Cruikshank,
Doughty, Herrington, Hill-Tout, Howay, Lighthall, Longley, Mac-
Iver, Macphail, Martin, McLachlan, Morrison, Oliver, Riddell, D. CE:
Scott, Shortt, Skelton, Stewart and Wood, as well as a number of
visitors.

XVIII THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The Secretary read a statement showing that during the last
ten years 30 of the existing Fellows of Section II had contributed one
or more papers and 7 had contributed none; and that during the last
three years 21 Fellows had contributed papers, and 16 had failed to
do so. Hé submitted that the preparation of papers for the Society
should be regarded as one of the definite obligations of membership.

The Section discussed the Notice of Motion to amend paragraph
2 of Section 6 of the By-laws, and decided to recommend to the
Society that the number of Fellows in Section II be limited to 50, or,
in other words, increased from 40 to 50, but that not more than 3 new
members be elected in the event of the amendment being adopted.

Lt.-Col. Denison and Sir Edmund Walker not having attended a
meeting or presented a paper since 1917, the operation of By-law 8
was suspended in order to retain their names on the list of Active
Members.

Dr. Coyne was appointed as the representative of the Section on
the nominating committee of the Society.

Mr. Justice Riddell read a communication from Prof. Currelly in
regard to the possibility of restoring some of the great homes of

England as national monuments. The communication was ordered
to be filed.

A communication was read from Mr. Moses B. Cotsworth of
New Westminster, in regard to a proposed international Fixed
Calendar. Ordered to be filed.

In regard to the triple celebration at Annapolis Royal in August,
the Section recommends that General Cruikshank, Mr. Justice Long-
ley, Prof. MacMechan and Prof. Stewart be appointed delegates to
represent the Society, together with such other Fellows as may find
it possible to attend the celebration.

The advisory committee on nominations for the section was
elected as follows:—Dr. Short, Prof. Edgar, Dr. Coyne, Mr. Lighthall,
Dr. MacMechan, Prof. Martin and Judge Howay.

In regard to the Report of the Committee on Scientific Conditions
in Canada, the Section is substantially in agreement with the Com-
mittee’s recommendations designed to strengthen the membership of
the Society and stimulate a more active interest in its activities by
the Fellows; and recommends that the Council be requested to so
amend Section 6 of the By-laws as to insure that in future no Fellow
shall be permitted to remain on the active list who is unable or un-
willing to fulfil the obligations of membership as to attendance and
the presentation of original papers.

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XIX

The printing committee of the Section consists of the following
members: Mr. Burpee, Dr. Morrison and General Cruikshank.

The following officers were elected: President, Mr. Justice
Riddell; Vice-President, Prof. Hill-Tout; Secretary, Mr. Burpee.

The following papers were read, in extenso, in the form of a
summary, or by title:

1.—Presidential Address. On the Study of History and the
Interpretation of Documents. By Brig.-Gen. E. A. Cruikshank,
ED) eR S.C

2.—Governor Musgrave’s work in British Columbia. By Judge
Frederick William Howay, LL.B., F.R.S.C.

3.—The ‘transfer’? of Rupert’s Land and the ‘‘ North-Western
Territory ‘in 1870. By Chester Martin, M.A;, B.Litt., F.R.S.C.

4.—Sault Ste. Marie (June 14, 1671). By James H. Coyne,
LDF RSC:

5.—John White: first attorney general of Upper Canada (1792-
1800). By Hon. William Renwick Riddell, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

6.—William Firth: third attorney general of Upper Canada (1807-
1811). By Hon. William Renwick Riddell, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

7.—The Archives of Quebec. By Lieut.-Col. William Wood,
Ox... ROSE,

8.—William Osgoode: first chief justice of Upper Canada (17 92-
1794). By Hon. William Renwick Riddell, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

9.—Robert Isaac Day Grey: first solicitor general of Upper
Canada (1797-1804). By Hon. William Renwick Riddell, LL.D.,
RSC.

10.—Earliest route of travel between Canada and Acadia. Old-
time celebrities who used it. By Ven. Archdeacon W. O. Raymond,
PED BERS:

11.—An African captive: a Canadian soldier. By Hon. William
Renwick Riddell, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

12.—When human beings were real estate. By Hon. William
Renwick Riddell, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

13.—Was Molly Brant married? By Hon. William Renwick
Riddell, LL:D., F.R.S.C.

14.—An old provincial newspaper. .By Hon. William Renwick
Riddel BD; BRAS: C.

15.—The loss of the Atalante. By Archibald MacMechan, B.A.,
Phe) IDS FRSC,

16.—A second President Lincoln. By Rendell Williams, Pre-
sented by Hon. William Renwick Riddell, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

XX THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

17.—The St. Lawrence Waterway: A Problem in Economics.
By Lawrence J. Burpee, F.R.G.S., FRS.C.

18.—The political philosophy of John Stuart Mill. By George
S: Brett, BA oR RSC:

19.—America’s Export Wheat problem. By Lawrence J. Burpee.
FRS: E.R:

20.—The literary use of astronomical schemes. By George S.
Brett.-B.A., E.R,

21.—The Nature of Chinese Verse. By Edward Sapir, Ph.D.
Presented by Duncan Campbell Scott, Litt.D., F.R.S.C.

22.—The Ancestry of Archibald Lampman. By Rev. Ernest
Voorhis, Ph.D. Presented by Duncan Campbell Scott, Litt.D.,
ER eSs€.

23.—Maturin and Diderot. By Dr. H. Ashton. Presented by
Judge Frederick William Howay, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

24.—The Stone Medallion of Lake Utopia. By W. F. Ganong,
Ph-D;, Corr. Member, R.S.C:

25.—The phylogeny of man from a new angle. By Charles
EH Pout EAR Act RP RSC:

26.—A Bird’s-eye view of Indian Languages North of Mexico,
with map. By Edward Sapir, Ph.D. Presented by J. H. Coyne,
MAL LE Deeb: S.C.

27.—The Clash of Civilization. By Diamond Jenness, M.A.
(Oxon.), F.R.A.I. Presented by Adam Shortt, C.M.G., M.A., LL.D.,
ERS |

28.—Some Political Ballads of Old France in Canada. By C. M.
Barbeau, F.R.S.C., and Edward Sapir, Ph.D.

29.—Captain John Deserontyou. By Miss M. Eleanor Herring-
ton, M.A. Presented by W. S. Herrington, K.C., F.R.S.C.

LAWRENCE J. BURPEE,
Secretary.

On motion of Mr. Burpee, seconded by Gen. Cruikshank, the
report of Section II was adopted.

REPORTSOR SECTION All

The meeting of 1921 was one of unusual interest and success by
reason of the large and varied programme, which contained papers
recording important progress in practically every field of the Section’s
activities. Probably at no previous meeting has there been presented
so much advanced scientific and research work—a gratifying feature

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XXI

and indicative of the many achievements by Canadian men of science
during the past year in physics, mathematics and chemistry.

Five sessions were held and all were wellattended. As for several
years past the greater number of the papers were given in abstract,
allowing time for discussion of the subjects by the Fellows present.
Experience has shown that these discussions add greatly to the interest
and value of the programme.

The attendance of the Fellows was somewhat below the average,
but was considerably augmented by the presence of a number of
interested visitors, chiefly from Montreal and Ottawa. The list of
Fellows in attendance at the several Sessions of the Section is as:
follows: Professor J. C. Fields, President; Sir Frederic Stupart,
Dr. W. Bell Dawson, Professor J. Watson Bain, Dr. J. S. Plaskett,
Dr. E. Deville, Dr. Frank T. Shutt, Professor E. H. Archibald, Pro-
fessor E. H. Burton, Dr. J. C. Glashan, Professor Louis V. King,
Professor A. S. Eve, Mr. John Patterson, Professor A. LU. Clark Dr:
Frank Allen, Dr. F. M. G. Johnson, Professor J. C. McLennan,
Professor Alfred Baker, Dr. C. T. Sullivan, Professor R. F. Ruttan,
Dr. Boyle.

Three new Fellows were elected during the past year: Professor
M. C. Boswell, Professor D. Buchanan and Dr. R. W. Boyle.

The Secretary reported the loss through death of Professor W.
Hodgson Ellis, the retirement of Professor W. R. Lang and the
resignation of Dr. D. McIntosh who was now a resident of the United
States.

The more important resolutions carried by the Section are as
follows:

That this Section recommends that the term ‘‘attendance,”’ as
officially used in connection with the requirements of continued
membership, be interpreted to mean attendance at the meetings of
the Section to which the member belongs.

That this Section urges, funds permitting, the publication of
papers presented before Section III and IV immediately after the
Annual Meeting.

That the Section recommends that authors be furnished 100
copies or reprints of their papers, with covers.

That a committee consisting of Messrs. Klotz, Plaskett and King
be appointed to consider and report on the communication of Mr.
B. Cotsworth with respect to the Fixed Calendar League.

That the following members comprise the Editorial Committee
for the ensuing year: Professor A. S. Eve, Professor Louis V. King,

XXII THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Dr. Otto J. Klotz, Professor J. C. McLennan and Dr. F. B. Allen.

That the representatives of the Section on the General Printing
Committee for the ensuing year be Dr. Otto J. Klotz and Mr. John
Patterson.

That Professors J. C. Fields and J. C. McLennan be appointed a
committee to confer with a joint committee from the other Sections
of the Society to consider and recommend conditions of ‘‘continued
membership”” and retirement.

That the following Fellows be appointed the Membership Com-
mittee of the Section for the ensuing year: Professor Fields, Pro-
fessor McLennan, Professor Ruttan, Dr. Klotz and Mr. John Patter-
son.

That all vacancies in the Section occurring throughout the year
be filled in the usual manner at the Annual Elections.

That, provided the General Society confirms the recommendation
to increase the membership of the Section to 50, not more than three
of the vacancies be filled at the next annual election.

That Professor Eve and Dr. Deville be representatives of the
Section on the General Nominating Committee of the Society.

That the membership of this Section be increased to 50 and that
the General Society be requested to confirm this recommendation.

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON SCIENTIFIC CONDITIONS IN CANADA

A fundamental purpose of the Royal Society is to foster research;
and in particular the main purpose of Sections III, IV and V is to
encourage scientific research, to recognize scientific ability, and to
encourage those who possess it.

Your Committee therefore recommends that the following sug-
gestions be adopted by the Royal Society of Canada:

1. That a Fellow elected to one of the three sections more par-
ticularly referred to above be required to submit, within three years,
to his Section an original paper embodying the results of research
carried out by himself.

2. That the Fellowship of the sections be enlarged sufficiently
to permit increase in the number of active research workers of recog-
nized ability.

3. That the suggestion be brought to the attention of the older
members of the Sections in question, whose condition or responsi-
bilities prevent active participation in the'work of the Section, that
it is possible for such to retire from active Fellowship full of honour,
their services to Science and to the Royal Society of Canada being

PROCEEDINGS FOR. 1921 XXIII

recognized in placing them on the retired list of Fellows with retention
of title. Their counsel and influence may thus be retained, and at
the same time room afforded for the reception of desirable new Fellows.

The election of officers for the ensuing year resulted as follows:
President, Dr. Otto J. Klotz; Vice-President, Professor J. Watson
Bain; Secretary, Mr. John Patterson, M.A.

The following papers were read in full or by abstract at the
Sessions of the Section:

1.—Presidential Address. Professor J. C. Fields, F.R.S.C.
Division in Relation to the Algebraic Numbers.

2.— Ionization Potential and the Size of the Atom. By A. S.
Eve, F:R.S.C. |

3.—Detection of Variation in Electric Earth Currents by Coil
and Galvanometer. By A. S. Eve, F.R.S.C., and E. S. Bieler.

4.—The Effective Range of Beta-rays. By Miss V. Douglas,
bea and |. A. Gray, D'Sc, Presented by AS. Eve, FRSC

5.—The velocity of Sound in Air and Soil. By J. A. Gray, D.Sc.
Presented by A. S. Eve, F.R.S.C.

6.—Properties of X-rays Excited by Beta-rays. By J. A. Gray,
Sc) bresented by AS: Eve, F.RS.C:

7.—The Absorption of Gamma-rays. By J. A. Gray, D.Sc.
Presented by A. S. Eve, F.R.S.C.

8.—A Note on the Examination of Materials by X-rays. By
J. A. Gray, D.Sc. Presented by A. S. Eve, F.R.S.C.

9.—The Transmission of Heat through the Thin Boundary Films
of Air or of Water at the Surface of Glass. By A. Norman Shaw,
D.Sc., and L. A. Smith, B.A. Presented by A. S. Eve, F.R.S.C.

10.—The Viscosity of Ether at Low Temperatures and of Solu-
tions of Acetic Acid in Liquid Hydrogen Bromide. By E. H. Archi-
bald ener hes Cc. CE. Stone and: E. Mi. White.

11.—Preliminary Report on the Lubricating Properties of the
Different Series of Hydrocarbons. By W. F.Seyer, Ph.D. Presented
bye Archibald, F'R.S-C:

12.—An Automatic Mercury Pump. By D. F. Steadman. Pre-
sented by E. H. Archibald, F.R.S.C.

13.—Some Results of the Destructive Distillation of British
Columbia Alderand Douglas Fir. By W. A. Hardy, B.Sc. Presented
by E. H. Archibald, F.R.S.C.

14.—On the Variation of the ‘‘emanating power’’ of Certain

Uranium Minerals with Temperature and a New Secondary Radium
as

XXIV THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Emanation) Standard. By, HL. Johnstone MiLB. Es iPheD: Pre-
sented by H. L. Bronson, Ph.D., F.R.S.C.

15.—The Effect of Thermo-Luminescence on Electrical Con-
ductivity. By C. A. Mackay, B.A. Presented by H. L. Bronson,
Phe Dy Pe Rss. C:

16.—The Anemometer Factor. By J. Patterson, M.A., F.R.S.C.

17.—Pilot Balloon Methods in Canada. By J. Patterson, M.A.,
BR SIC,

18.—On Some New Formule for the Direct Numerical Calcula-
tion of the Coefficient of Mutual Induction of Coaxial Circles. By
Lows V King, DSc, FUR:S:C.

19.—On a New High Frequency Vibration Galvanometer. By
Louis V. King, )\Sc., F.R.S.C. |

20.—On the Photographic Recording and Measurement of
Radio-telegraph Signals. By Louis V. King, D.Sc., F.R.S.C.

21.—On a New Lecture Room Illustration of Atomic Models.
By Louis. Vue 1D'Sc, F Rese

22.—On the Refractive Indices of Metallic Vapours. By Pro-
fessor |; Ce Mclennan, F-R.S/C:

23.— On the Absorption Spectrum of Liquid and Gaseous Oxygen.
By W. W. Shaver, M.A. Presented by Professor J. C. McLennan,
FR SAC

24.—On the Structure of the Balmer Series Lines of Hydrogen.
By Professor J. C. McLennan and Mr. P. Lowe.

25.—On the Spectrum of Helium, Hydrogen and Carbon in the
Extreme Ultraviolet. By Professor J. C. McLennan and Mr. P. A.
Petrie.

26.—On the Liquefaction of Hydrogen. By Professor J. C.
McLennan, F.R.S.C.

27.—Nitrophthalic anhydrides and acetylamino-phthalic an-
hydrides with toluene and aluminium chlorides. By W. A. Lawrence,
M.A. Presented by Professor F. B. Allan, F.R.S.C.

28.—Bromphthalic anhydrides with benzene and aluminium
chloride. By H. N. Stephens, B.A. Presented by Professor F. B.
Alan TE RSC:

29.—The Effect of Certain Chemicals on the rate of Reproduction
of Yeast. By N. A. Clark, B.S.A., M.A. Presented by Prof. W. Lash
Miller, F.R.S.C. .

30.—The passage of Hydrogen and of Helium through Silica
Tubes. By Prof. J. B. Ferguson and G. A. Williams, B.Sc. Pre-
sented by W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XXV

31.—The Action of Methyl-green on Yeast. By W. B. Leaf,
B.Sc. Presented by W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

32.—Pressure-volume relations of superheated liquids. By K. L.
Wismer. Presented by Professor F. B. Kenrick, F.R.S.C.

33.—Scattering of light by dust-free Liquids. By W. H. Martin,
M.A. Presented by Prof. F. B. Kenrick, F.R.S.C.

34.—Note of Wolski’s paper on optically empty liquids. By
Professor F. B. Kenrick, F.R.S.C.

35.—Re-determination of the Melting Point of Sodium Chloride.
By Professor J. B. Ferguson. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller,
BIRS.C.

36.—Researches in physical and Organic Chemistry carried out
in the chemical laboratory of the University of Toronto during the
past year:—

(a) The intermediate compounds in the reaction between phthalic
anhydride, benzene and aluminium chloride, and their use in the
sylthesis of mixed phthalides. By T. C. McMullen, B.A. Presented
byseret, W: Bash Miller; F.R.S:C.

(b) The reaction of Naphthalic anhydride with benzine and
aluminium chloride. By F. Lorrimans. Presented by Prof. W. Lash
Miller, F.R.S.C.

(c) Carbothoxy-benzoyl chlorides with aluminium chloride and
various aromatic hydrocarbons. -A number of new compounds have
been prepared. By M. E. Smith, B.A. Presented by Prof. W. Lash
Miller.

(d) The action of ammonium fluoride on yeast in the presence
of agar. By Miss I. L. Roberts, B.A. Presented by Prof. W. Lash
Miller, F.R.S.C.

(e) The effect of various chemicals on the bunching of yeast.
By F. I. Eldon. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

Groups of as many as one hundred cells have been grown.

(f) The effect on the growth of yeast of an unknown constituent
of malt, and the isolation of the same. By G. H. W. Lucas. Pre-
sented by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

(g) A study of the extent to which various liquids can be super-
heated and of the conditions under which superheating is possible.
By C. S. Gilbert. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

(h) Solubility of crystal faces; an investigation of the equilibrium
between various crystal faces and solutions, with special reference
to cubic and octahedral sodium chloride. By G. Hasa, B.S., and
J. W. Russell. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

XXVI THE ROYAL’ SOCIETY OF: CANADA

(z) The dissociation pressures of Spencerits, a basic phosphate of
zinc. By J. W. Rebbeck, B.A.Sc. Presented by Prof. W. Lash
Miller, F.R.S.C.

(j) The equilibrium between hydrogen, steam, and the oxides of
iron. Chandron’s value of the equilibrium constant for ferrous oxide
has been confirmed, and the existence of solid solutions between
ferrous oxide and the magnetic oxide has been established. By D. M.
Findlay, R. M. Robertson and H. G. Noble. Presented by Prof.
W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

(k) Quantitative study of the electrolysis of neutral sodium
sulphide and of sodium hydrogen sulphide. By W. R. Fetzer, M.A.
Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

(1) Study of automatic current regulation in electric furnaces.
By J. Kelleher, B.A.Sc., and A. E. R. Westman. Presented by Prof.
W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

(m) The recovery of precious metals from the anode slimes in
nickel refining. By H. W. Powell. Presented by Prof. W. Lash
Miller, F.R.S.C.

(n) The effect of the chemical treatment of storage battery
separators on their mechanical strength, porosity and electrical con-
ductivity. By J. H. Ratcliff. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller,
HARISIC:

(0) The performance of laboratory electrical furnaces. By T. M.
Barry. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C. :

(p) The effect of the composition of battery paste on the time
required to form the paste and on its mechanical strength. By W. D.
Stalker. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

(g) The preparation of boron carbide from boric acid and carbon
in the electric furnace. By J. M. Logan. Presented by Prof. W.
Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

(r) A method for the rapid and accurate estimation of copper in
alloys. By E. W. McHenry. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller,
ERE SiG: |

(s) The rapid determination of nitrate in Chili saltpetre. By
Miss J. I. Lane. Presented by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

(t) Methods for the rapid determination of arsenic and of zinc
in ores. By Prof. L. J. Rogers and J. E. Clarke, B.A.Sc. Presented
by Prof. W. Lash Miller, F.R.S.C.

37.—On the Reduction of the Circulants to Polynomial Form with

Applications to the Circulants of the 7th and 11th Degrees. By Dr.
JeG>Glashan RS CE:

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XXVII

*

38.—The Gravitation Potential of an Anchor Ring. By Prof.
A. H.S. Gillson. Presented by Prof. James Harkness, F.R.S.C.

39.—Some Tidal Problems. By Prof. A. H. S. Gillson. Pre-
sented by Prof. James Harkness, F.R.S.C.

40.—Law of Distribution of Particles in Colloidal Solutions. By
Prof. E. F. Burton, F.R.S.C., and Miss E. L. Bishop:

41.—Production of Heat during Charcoal Absorption. By
Stuart McLean, M.A. Presented by Prof. E. F. Burton, F.R.S.C.

42.—The Relation between Coagulative Power of Electrolytes
and Concentration of Colloidal Solutions. By Prof. E. F. Burton,
F.R.S.C., and Mr. E. D. MacInnes.

43——The Radial: Velocities of 570 Stars. By J. S. Plaskett,
BRS: C:

44.—The Orbit and Dimensions of TV Cassiopeia. By J. S.
Plaskett, F.R.S.C.

45.—The Temperature Control of the Stellar Spectrograph. By
Je2S! Plaskett?F:R-S-€.

46.—The Orbital Elements of the Brighter Components of Boss
497. By W.E. Harper, M.A. Presented by J. S. Plaskett, F.R.S.C.

47.—The Orbits of Spectroscopic Components of Boss 4622. By
W. E. Harper, M.A. Presented by J. S. Plaskett, F.R.S.C.

48.—The Intensity Distribution in Tupical Stellar Spectra. By
H. H. Plaskett, B.-A. Presented by J. S. Plaskett, F.R.S.C.

49.—The solution of Plane Triangles by Nomographic Charts.
By S. D. Killam, Ph.D. Presented by Dr. Tory, F.R.S.C.

50.—Note on the Geometrical Equivalence of certain Invariants.
By Charles’ Sullivan, Ph.D. F-R:S.C.

51.—The Interpolation of breaks in Tide Curves for recording
- Gauges. By W. Bell Dawson, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S.C. (M.Inst.C.E.).

52.—The Vertical Movement of Alkali under Irrigation in heavy
clay-soils) “By Prank IT. Shutt, D:Sc., F'R'S'C and” Alice Ef. ‘Bur-
wash, B.A.

53.—Notes on the Nature of Burn-outs. By Frank T. Shutt,
D.Sc., and Alice H. Burwash, B.A.

54.—Reversible Pendulum. By H. F. Dawes. Presented by
J. Patterson, M.A., F.R.S.C.

55.—Characteristic X Rays from Boron. By Professor A. L.
Hughes, B.A., D.Sc. Presented by Professor A. L. Clark, B.Sc.,
PhDs IERESC.

56.—A New Experiment in Vibration. By Professor John
Satterly, F.R.S.C.

XXVIII THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

LL

57.—Note on the Spectra of Potassium. By Professor J. C.
McLennan, F.R.S.C.

58.—Note on Infrared Spectroscopy. By Professor J. C.
McLennan, F.R.S:C.

59.—Selected Radiations emitted by Specially Excited Mercury
Atoms. By Mr. H. J. €: Ireton, M.A. Presented by Prot.> J.) €.
McLennan, F.R.S.C.

FRANK T. SHUTT,
Secretary.

On motion of Dr. Shutt, seconded by Dr. Deville, the report of
Session III was adopted.

REPORISOMSECTRIONMM

During the three days of the Annual Meeting, May 18, 19 and
20, five sessions of Section IV were held, which were attended by the
following Fellows, 18 in number:—

Dr. W. McInnes, President; Dr. F. D. Adams, Mr. R. W. Brock,
Mr. Charles Camsell, Dr. A. P. Coleman, Dr: W. H. Collins, Mr.
D. B. Dowling, Mr. J. A: Dresser, Mr. E. R. Faribault, Mr. R. P. D.
Graham, Mr. R. A. A. Johnston, Secretary; Dr. E. M. Kindle, Mr.
CM Kaight, MriR. G. McConnell, Dr .W.cG. Miller tDr ME)
Walker, Dr. G. A. Young, Dr. W. A. Parks.

On the unanimous recommendation of the Section, Dr. Robert
C. Wallace and Dr. George Albert Young were elected members by
resolution of the General Meeting to fill vacancies in the Section.

A resolution was passed endorsing the motion to increase the
membership of the Section from 25 to 30 and it was further agreed
that should this motion carry at the General Meeting three new
members be elected in 1922.

The Report of the Committee on Scientific Conditions in Canada
was very thoroughly discussed and with regard to the suggestions set
forth it was agreed: (1) that the provisions of Clause 1 are unnecessary
inasmuch as the scientific attainments of candidates for Fellowship
in the Royal Society of Canada are thoroughly scrutinized under the
present method of procedure; (2) that the adoption of the provisions
of Clause 2 would tend to encourage research and would be in the
interests of the Society; (3) that the provisions of Clause 3 touch upon
a matter which would be better left entirely to the discretion of in-
dividual members concerned.

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XXIX

A proposal emanating from the Geological Society of London and
suggesting the formation of an International Union of Geologists was
discussed at some length and it was agreed that this was a matter
which might well be left in abeyance until such time as the question
of the future of international gatherings shall have been discussed
and determined at the International Geological Congress, which it is
proposed shall be held in Brussels, Belgium, in 1922.

The following were elected officers of the Section for 1921-22:
President, Dr. W. A. Parks; Vice-President, Mr. E. R. Faribault;
Secretary, Mr. R. A. A. Johnston.

The following are Committees appointed by the Section:

Committee on Nominations: Dr. William McInnes (1 year);
Mr. R. A. A. Johnston (2 years).

Committee on Printing: Mr. E. R. Faribault; Mr. James White;
Dr. Wm. McInnes.

. Mr. James White and Dr. William McInnes were appointed to
act with the General Printing Committee.

The following sixteen papers were read either in full, by summary,
or by title:

PROGRAMME

1.—Presidential Address. William McInnes, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

2.—Political Geology. By Willet G. Miller, B.A., LL.D.,
BARES Ce)

3.—Cobalt: Its Underground Geology. By Cyril W. Knight,
Bese. ER.SIC:

4.—Pleistocene Oscillations of Sea-Level in the Vancouver
Region, British Columbia. By W. A. Johnston, M.A., B.Sc., F.G.S.A.
Presented by R. A..A. Johnston, F.R.S.C.

5.—The Distribution of the Stringocephalus burtoni Fauna in
Canada. By Edward M. Kindle, A.B.M.Sc., Ph.D., F.R.S.C.

6.—Notes on the Lithification of Recent Limestones in the
Florida-Bahama region. By Edward M. Kindle, A.B., M.Sc., Ph.D.,
FRR. ote;

7.—Meozoic Sands and Clays in Northern Ontario. By Joseph
Keele, B.Sc. Presented by R. A. A. Johnston, F.R.S.C.

8.—On Triarthrus glaber, Triarthrus canadensis, and Triarthrus
sainosus. by WaAv Parks, B:A.,/Ph.Dy FRSC.

9.—The Head and Fore Limb of a Species of Monoclonius from
the Belly River Formation of Alberta. By W. A. Parks, B.A., Ph.D.,
BaRS.C.

XXX THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ‘CANADA

10.—A Species of Conularia from the Lockport Limestone at
Hamilton, Ont. By W.S. Dyer, B.A. Presented by W. A. Parks,
Bale Pb: DF RSC:

11.—The Annaheim Meteorite. By R. A. A. Johnston, F.R.S.C.,
and H. V. Ellsworth, M.A., Ph.D.

12.—A Supplementary Study of Panoplosaurus Mirus. By
Charles M. Sternberg. Presented by William McInnes, B.A., LL.D.,
lel ES Op

13.—Camsellite—A New Mineral Species. By H. V. Ellsworth,
M.A., Ph.D., and Eugene Poitevin, B.A.Sc. Presented by R. A. A.
Johnston, F.R.S.C.

14.—The Blithfield Meteorite. By R. A. A. Johnston, F.R.S.C.,
and M. F. Connor, B.A.Sc.

15.—Some Chemical Studies of Conglomerates. By T. L.
Walker MA rh Dy FIRES: ©)

16.—On the Mispec Group (Devonian). By G. F. Matthew,
BED Skee:

R. A. A. JOHNSTON,
Secretary, Section IV.

On motion of Mr. Johnston, seconded by Dr. Dowling, the
report of Section IV was adopted.

REPORT OF SECTION WV:

The Section held four regular sessions, with the Chairman, Pro-
fessor A. P. Knight, present on each occasion. ;

There was a good attendance of Fellows and visitors and much
interest was taken in the papers presented and their. discussion.

The following Fellows were present: Bensley, Buller, Cameron
(John), Fraser, Harrison, Huard, Huntsman, Knight, Lewis, Lloyd,
McKay, McKibben, McMurrich, Nicholls, Prince, Saunders, Thomp-
son, Thomson, Willey—nineteen in all.

The Secretary was added to the Nominating Committee of the
Society, to act with Professor Knight as representatives of Section V.

The members of the Printing Committee of last year were re-
quested to remain in office for another year, those of the Sectional
Printing Committee being Professor Macallum and Doctors Prince
and Huntsman, with the two latter on the General Printing Com-
mittee.

Professor A. B. Macallum and the Secretary were nominated to
act with the Council in the selection of new members. The new

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XXXI

members elected to the Section this year are: Dr. McKibben (Lon-
don), Dr. Saunders (Ottawa), Dr. Thompson (Winnipeg).

The Officers for next year, 1921-22, are: President, Professor
Lloyd; Vice-President, Professor Willey; Secretary, Professor Thom-
son.

The following resolutions were passed on to the General meeting:

(1) That the Honorary Secretary be asked to transmit for pub-
lication in Nature and Science an account of the proceedings of Section
V, to be prepared by the Secretary.

(2) In regard to the appointment of a Committee to prepare a
list of Canadian Scientists in Biology; such list to be a guide in the
nomination of new Fellows, at the suggestion of Doctor Field that
Sections III and IV were preparing similar lists.

(3) Approval of the Committee on Scientific conditions in
Canada.

(4) That whereas the membership of Section V is so much below
its quota that the by-law in Section 6, p. 5, restricting the number of
members elected in any one year to 4, be suspended for 1921-22 to
allow the Section to elect 6 new Fellows.

(5) In regard to participation in the management of Botanical
Abstracts, suggesting the names of Professors Faull and Lloyd as
Royal Society representatives.

The Section recorded its regret at the loss of one of the Charter
Members of the Royal Society, the distinguished botanist, Professor
John Macoun, and instructed the Secretary to request one of the
older members to prepare an account of his life and work, to be pre-
sented to the Section at the next annual meeting. It was also thought
desirable to draw the attention of the General Meeting to the fact
that there is a liability to overlook the death of Fellows of the Royal
Society, whose names appear on the retired list as at present arranged
and placed, and to suggest that these names be printed at the be-
ginning of the list of Fellows of the various Sections.

Approval was also expressed of the steps that the Field Natura-
lists’ Club are taking to secure a suitable memorial of Professor
Macoun.

After considerable discussion of the importance of the work of
Professor Macoun and of the lack of availability of his publications on
both plants and animals, it was moved by Professor Willey and
seconded by Professor Lloyd, that the Government be urged to
employ a competent person or persons to have Professor Macoun’s

On
/e VV :
/ D LL
dd
pr Le |

XXXII THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

work revised, brought up to date and republished. The motion was
carried unanimously.

The list of papers presented was as follows:
1.—Presidential Address. The Lobster Problem. By A. P.
Kmieht, MAN D er RSC?
| 2.—The cell wall of the Mucilage Cells in the Cacti. By Francis
Ex. Bloyd) M.A; FR SIC

3.—The Application of Dakin’s Method of Extraction by Butyl
Alcohol to the study of Trypti, Digestion of Protein. By Andrew
Hunter A BiSe. MB... Ch:B#(Edin9; FAIR S.C.

4.—Significant alterations in the Neuroblast-nuclei of the Em-
bryonic Retina: A Study in Bio-Dynamics. By John Cameron,
M.D. D:Se. RS EME RS! @ (lantern):

5.—(i) Further Experiments on Conditions influencing the Life
History of the Frog. By A. T. Gameron, M-A., B.Sc., F.1.C., RSC

6.—(ii) Notes on Thyroid Problems:

(a) The effect of thyroid feeding on the hypertrophy of body-
organs in the white rat. By F. A. Sedziak. Presented by A. T.
Cameron, MeAW B.Sc:, FIC) Paks. €:

(b) The Comparative effects of thyroid and parathyroid feeding
on growth and organ hypertrophy in the white rat. By J. Carmichael.
Presented by A. T. Cameron, M.A., B.Sc., F.I.C., F.R.S.C.

(c) The experimental production of tetany in the white rat by
thyroid feeding. By J. Carmichael. Presented by A. T. Cameron,
MA, Bise eC FRSC:

7.—(ili) The effect of Thyroid Feeding on Rats and Pigeons on
Vitamine Deficient Diets. By A. T. Cameron, M.A., B.Sc., F.I.C.,
and A. Moore.

8.—(iv) The Relative Toxicity of Certain Anions. By A. T.
Cameron, M-A.;.B.Sc., B1.C. EF Rs,.G., and M. E, Hollenbere

9.—A Study of the Abdominal Musculature of Orthopteroid In-
sects. By Miss Norma Ford, M.A. Presented by E. M. Walker,
BAL M<Bi, ER SC:

10.—(i) The Vascularity of the Cerebral Cortex of the Albino
Rat. By E. Horne Craigie, B.A., Ph.D. Presented by B. A. Bensley,
BAL Pay ER RSC.

11.—(i) A Study of the Ciscos (Herring) of Lake Erie. By
W. A. Clemens, M.A., Ph.D. Presented by B. A. Bensley, B.A.,
Ph.De ERS G:

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XXXII

12.—(i) The Production of Fruit-bodies by Mycelia of Mono-
sporous Origin in the genus Corpinus. By Miss Irene Mounce, M.A.
Presented by A. H. R. Buller, D.Sc., Ph.D., F:R.S.C. (Lantern).

13.—(ii) Upon the Chemotactic attraction of Fungi for Slugs.
BA PER Buller; DiSc:; Ph.D. F:ReS.C: (lantern):

14.—The sound made by Fungus Guns and a simple method for
rendering audible the Puffing of Discomycetes. By A. H. R. Buller,
Se. PhD EF kis.C. (Lantern):

15.—Coloured Thinking and Allied Conditions. By D. Fraser
Maris Ve.) isc bak SE... F. RSC:

16.—(i) The Red Discolouration of Cod Fish. By F.C. Harrison,
B.S.A., D.Sc., F.R.S.C., and Margaret Kennedy, B.A.

17.—(ii). A Note of the Persistence of Spirochaeta duttoni through
several Generations of Artificially reared Ticks (Ornithodorus moubata).
By E. Melville DuPorte. Presented by F. C. Harrison, B.S.A., D.Sc.,
ARS:

18.—(iii) Studies of the Pathological Histology of Mosaic-
diseased Plants. By B. T. Dickson, B.A. Presented by F. C. Har-
Ho B:S A DiSe,, ESR:S:C.

19.—(i) The Bay of Fundy and Pelagic Eggs. By A. G. Hunts-
man, B.A., M.B., and M. E. Reid.

20.—(ii) The effect of Light on Growth in the Mussel. By A. G.
Huntsman, BAM BA E-R-S:C.

21.—Terminal Branchings in the Human Lung. By Herbert G.
Wilson, M.B. Presented by J. P. McMurrich, M.A., Ph.D., F.R.S.C.

22.—Notes on Canadian Entomostraca. By A. Willey, D.Sc.,
RIRES ERIS. C:

23.—Les filicinées de la Province de Québec, par le Frére Marie-
Victorin, présenté par A. P. Knight, M.D., F.R.S.C.

24.—(i) The Pelagic Origin of Marine Animal Forms. By E. E.
Pines eel. REO. FES, F.R:S.C.

25.—(ii) Some new Points in the Life of the Post-larval Lobster.
Bag be brinces’ Bea: by) Di FiL.S., FR.

26.—(iii) Description of a new species of Canadian Pike (Lucius).
Bye ve Prince BA, LL.D. F.L:S.; FRG

27.—Seasonal Changes in the Cells of Evergreen Leaves. By
Francis J. Lewis, D:Sc., F.R.S.E., F.L.S., F.R.S.C., and G. M. Tuttle,
M.Sc.

28.—Agglutination Reactions of Strains of Bacillus of Pfeiffer.
By Dr. H. B. Maitland and Dr. G. C. Cameron. Presented by Pro-
fessor J. J. MacKenzie, F.R.S.C.

XXXIV THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

29.—A Peculiar Bacteriolytic Substance in Rabbit Serum for
Bacillus of Pfeiffer. By Dr. H. B. Maitland. Presented by Professor
J. J. MacKenzie, F.R.S.C.

30.—Spontaneous Hemorrhages in the Lungs of Rodents. By
Dr. H. B. Maitland. Presented by Professor J. J. MacKenzie,
FaRES.C,

31.—A Degenerative Change in Human Adrenal Medulla. As-
sociated with Acute Pyogenic Infections. By Professor J. J. Mac-
Kenzie, F.R.S.C., and Dr. W. P. Warner.

32.—Glycogen Content of the Heart of Starved and Well-fed
Rabbits. By J. J. R. Macleod, M.B., Ch.B., and D. J. Prendergast.

33.—Oxygen Unsaturation of the Blood during Anoxemia. By
AT 2. Macleod, MB; Ch:B;, and SU Pare.

R. B. THomson,
Secretary, Section V.

On motion of Professor Thomson, seconded by Dr. Knight, the
report of Section V. was adopted.

It was moved by Mr. Burpee, seconded by Prof. Hill-Tout, that
the appointment of Fellows named by Section II to represent the
Society at the celebrations in Annapolis Royal in August (Brig.-Gen.
Cruikshank, Mr. Justice Longley, Prof. MacMechan and Prof.
Stewart) be approved.—Carried.

It was moved by Prof. Thomson, seconded by Dr. Knight, that
the by-laws be suspended and that Section V be permitted to elect
six fellows at the next election.—Carried.

It was moved by Mr. Burpee, seconded by Mr. Justice Riddell,
that the report of the Committee on Scientific Conditions in Canada
be referred to Council.—Carried.

Dr. J. P. McMurrich presented the report of the Committe2 on
Museum Accommodation.

1. The Committee recommends that the Society request the
Government to approve the appointment by the Society of a com-
mittee to draw up a plan of organization for an adequate Canadian
National Museum.

2. That, contingent upon the approval of the Government as
above, the President-elect be asked to appoint such a committee.

It was moved by Dr. McMurrich, seconded by Dr. Huntsman,
that the report be adopted.—Carried.

The notice of motions to amend the by-laws so as to provide for
increased membership in Sections II, III, and IV was then considered.

PROCEEDINGS FOR 1921 XXXV

It was moved by Mr. Burpee, seconded by Dr. Coyne, that the
membership of Section II be increased from 40 to 50.—Carried.

It was moved by Dr. Shutt, seconded by Dr Deville, that the
membership of Section III be increased from 40 to 50.—Carried.

It was moved by Dr. Dowling, seconded by Dr. McInnes, that
the membership of Section IV be increased from 25 to 30.—Carried.

The report of the Nominating Committee was presented by Dr.
A. P. Knight and the following nominations were made: President,
Dr. Duncan C. Scott; Vice-President, Dr. J. Playfair McMurrich;
Honorary Secretary, Mr. Charles Camsell; Honorary Treasurer, Mr.
C. M. Barbeau; Honorary Librarian, Dr. D. B. Dowling.

It was moved by Mr. Brock, seconded by Dr. Faribault, that the
report of the Nominating Committee be received and adopted.—
Carried.

The Newly elected President, Dr. D. C. Scott, then took the
chair.

It was moved by Dr. Bryce, seconded by Dr. Saunders, that the
following Fellows constitute the General Printing Committee for the
year: Mr. Barbeau, Mr. Gerin, Dr. Klotz, Dr. Prince, Dr. McInnes,
Mr. Patterson, Dr. Scott, Dr. Shortt, Dr. Dowling, Dr. Fields, Dr.
Lloyd, Dr. Huntsman.—Carried.

It was moved by Mr. Johnston, seconded by Dr. Walker, that
the following Fellows be appointed Auditors for the year 1921-22:
Dr. Glashan and Dr. Shortt.—Carried.

It was moved by Dr. Parks, seconded by Dr. Fields, that the
thanks of the Society be presented to the Deputy Minister of Mines
and to Dr. McInnes, the Director of the Victoria Memorial Museum,
for their kindness in arranging for the accommodation for the Annual
Meeting.—Carried.

It was moved by Dr. Huntsman, seconded by Dr. McLean
Fraser, that the thanks of this meeting be presented to the officers of
the Society, the Members of Council and the Auditors, for their very
efficient services during the past year.—Carried.

The meeting was then declared adjourned by the President,
Dr. Duncan C. Scott.

APPENDIX A

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

HE iGAS PE PEN PSL A
A Study of the Geology of the Region,
and tts Influence on the Inhabitants

BY

AP COLEMAN, M.A.,/Ph:D., F:R:S:

is tale Has To
re wails Ww Nue PC ee,
pee nb: it ed ee M

\

THE GASPE PENINSULA
A Study of the Geology of the Region, and its Influence on the Inhabitants.

INTRODUCTION

The Gaspé peninsula, projecting like a huge lobster’s claw be-
tween the St. Lawrence and the Bay of Chaleurs, was naturally the
first part of the province of Quebec to be visited by white men. In
1534, Jacques Cartier landed on its eastern end and raised a cross in
token of its possession by France. Even before this Basque and
Breton fishermen sought the cod in its waters and must have been
familiar with its bold cliffs and promontories. Later, some of the
earliest settlements in Canada were established on its shores and
several of them have persisted to the present day.

Books have been written in eulogy of Gaspé and its people, such
as Le Clercq’s Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspesie, in 1691; Langelier’s
Esquisse sur la Gaspesie, in 1884; Clarke’s charmingly written 7 he
Heart of Gaspé, in 1913; and Pelland’s Guidebook to la Gaspesie, pub-
lished by the Quebec Government in 1914. These and numerous
other writings suggest a country long and favorably known.

At present, a great railway transports every year hundreds of
thousands of travellers past its western end; other thousands of pas-
sengers sail down the St. Lawrence on Atlantic liners close to the
northern shore of Gaspé and enjoy its grand scenery; while hundreds
of tourists visit the watering places of its southern shore.

One naturally expects to find Gaspé one of the best known parts
of Canada, thoroughly explored and mapped and easily visited. In
reality the interior of Gaspé is the least known part of southern
Canada and remains a trackless wilderness, inhabited only by wild
animals. Whoever would cross the peninsula from north to south
must shoulder a pack and toil through dense woods and wild moun-
tains before reaching civilization again. Actually no one ever under-
takes the journey except, at intervals of years, some party of land
surveyors or of scientific men.

If you ask for a map of Gaspé at Ottawa or Quebec you will
receive two broad sheets which, when put together, show its lobster
claw outline and a rim of roads and settlements, and on the south
even railroads, all clinging close to the sea coast. A few lumber roads
run a little way towards the interior, and one from the south reaches
half way across; but in the heart of the region one sees nothing but

a few boundary lines and some lakes and wandering rivers. The ex-
—4

XL THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF *CANADA

plorer who reaches their shores often finds that these lakes and rivers
are incorrectly placed and wrongly shaped.

The maps available give, at first sight, no indication of mountains
in Gaspé. The blank interior might be nothing but a plain. A closer
look shows a few names of peaks and figures indicating elevations,
but no one would suspect that the highest mountains in eastern
Canada rise as an impassable range a few miles from the northern
coast. North of the St. Lawrence the Laurentides are famed in song
and story, but one scarcely hears of the Shickshocks to the south,
though they rise more than a thousand feet higher than the loftiest
known peaks on the other side of the river.

The maps now obtainable are almost worthless for the explorer
of the interior of Gaspé, but careful enquiry at Ottawa will disclose
the fact that a real topographical map of the peninsula was made
many years ago by the Geological Survey and was published in 1884.
It was rough and by no means complete, but it shows at least the
northward curve of the mountain range which makes the stiff back-
bone of the country, and it is of far more use in exploration than the
modern maps. Unfortunately the draughtsman who prepared the
map has misplaced one or two of the peaks, as one can see from
Logan’s description.

The Geological map gives names to six peaks on the main range
of the Shickshocks; but only one of them, Mt. Albert, is known to the
present inhabitants of the region, and this name has been transformed
into M’albert. On the other hand, a striking peak on the upper
waters of Chat River is called Mt. Nicolabert by the river men,
though this name does not appear on any map. A lower peak on the
opposite side of the river is called economically Le Frere de Nicolabert.
These three names and one other, ‘Couvert de Chaudron,” are the
only ones heard during two summers field work; and usually enquiry
as to the names of mountains is answered merely by a scornful “Des
Shickshocks,’’ since the habitant has no use for these barren ridges.

My own interest in the range arose from a study of the Labrador
ice sheet, whose boundaries and thickness have never been carefully
determined. The Shickshock range, including the highest peaks in
eastern Canada, might afford an opportunity to gauge the thickness
of the great ice sheet, and so was briefly examined during two sum-
mers’ geological work in Gaspé (1918-1919). All the highest points
were climbed and their elevation determined, and a map was made of
Tabletop, from which the most important summits rise. The moun-
tains proved to be higher than had been supposed.

APPENDIX A XLI

The field work included a study of the glacial deposits and of
the marine terraces of the lower parts of the peninsula and gave
opportunities for observing the effects of the physical features of the
region on the lives of the inhabitants. This address is mainly founded
on the observations made during the months spent in geological work.

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF GASPÉ

The south shore of the lower St. Lawrence presents a surprisingly
smooth and unbroken curve, ending toward the southeast in the sharp
spine of the Forillon. There is nothing like it elsewhere on the coasts
of Canada; and it is peculiar in another way, this northward bending
back of Gaspé has not a single harbor. No ship larger than a schooner
or a tug boat can find shelter on the 200 miles of storm-beaten and
pitiless shore; and even they can only squeeze into some river mouth
at high tide. This is a very serious lack on so wild a coast, and the
want of commodious harbors on the north side of the peninsula has
greatly influenced the lives of the inhabitants.

The south side of Gaspé is as ragged in outline as the north is
smooth and has no lack of harbours, including the famous Gaspé
basin where a fleet of large ships can find perfect shelter.

There are, of course, geological reasons for this strong contrast
between the two sides of the peninsula. The graceful bow on the
north corresponds to the sweep of the Shickshock mountains, which
form the last swing of the sigmoid curve of the great Appalachian
chain. The south shore of the St. Lawrence below Quebec conforms
to the intimate structure of the mountain system, and in Gaspé the
range of highest mountains keeps close to the shore, sometimes
reaching the sea as grand cliffs. All the rock structures, even of the
lowlands, on the north coast of Gaspé are bent into the same tense
bow, and hence there are no broad bays or inlets to form harbours.

On the north side of the steep mountain range plains are few and
narrow and often have a niggardly soil of sand or gravel; while on the
south they are broad, and frequently the soft rocks have weathered
into a rich and deep soil, giving fine farmlands. This lack of sym-
metry of the peninsula has profoundly influenced the lives and habits
of the people on its opposite sides.

To these physiographic features must be added the factor of
climate. The north side of the mountains is chilled and depressed
with fog or rain whenever the wind blows across the St. Lawrence or
the gulf; while the broad southern lands are sheltered from these in-

XLII THE ROYAL SOCIETY: OF CANADA

clement winds by the lofty wall of mountains and face the well-
named bay of Chaleur. Thus the two sides have different climates,
the north with chill summers and a very long and snowy winter,
while the south has a comparatively long and warm summer, with a
winter no worse than that of Montreal.

THE BUILDING OF THE SHICKSHOCKS

The building of a mountain range requires long and laborious
preparation. In the case of the Shickshocks the preparation went on
during the earlier half of the Paleozoic and included the laying down
of thousands of feet of sediments, mainly on a shallow sea bottom,
but partly on land. In Cambrian and Ordovician times the sediments
were of mud, gray, or reddish, or black with organic matter, but
including some beds of sand. Toward the end of the Ordovician
there were dry land conditions and an extraordinary boulder con-
glomerate with great and small blocks of limestone and of eruptive
rocks was spread out along what is now the northern rim of Gaspé.
The source of these stones is unknown, since no rocks like them occur
in the region; but one may suppose that they came from land now
beneath the sea. The size of the boulders in the conglomerate sug-
gests the work of ice, but final proof of glacial action has not yet been
reached.

Then come shallow seas again in which Silurian shales and lime-
stones were deposited, often charged with fossils. In the early
Devonian Gaspé was once more dry land, however, clothed with a
primitive vegetation instead of a possible ice sheet. Psilophyton,
distantly related to the modern club mosses, was wide spread, the
earliest known land plant.

During the Devonian important mountain building operations
took place; the earlier rocks being squeezed into closed folds or broken
into slices by thrust faults and driven by an overwhelming push of
the sea bottom against the solid resistance of the Archean continent
to the north. It is likely that similar thrusts had occurred before,
but the relations of the rocks are too tangled and obscure to be quite
sure of this.

As a consequence of the folding and faulting of the beds more
ancient underlying rocks, pre-Cambrian schists, were thrust up in the
axis of the rising mountain range far above their original level; and
at the eastern end of the hard schists fissures were opened through
which great quantities of molten matter welled up, now found as

APPENDIX A XLII

peridotite or serpentine in Mt. Albert and as granite in Tabletop.
At about the same time several smaller molten masses rose at various
points to the south of the main range, but it is probable that none of
the eruptive materials reached the surface as volcanoes, the move-
ments of molten magma going on beneath a cover of sedimentary
rocks.

While the mountains were being built destructive forces were at
work also and even before the end of the Devonian, parts of the
original structures had been planed down, so that upon their upturned
edges sandstones and coarse conglomerates of Devono-carboniferous
age could be piled up to a thickness of thousands of feet, as shown
by Clarke. These were chiefly land formations, but there are fresh
water beds also, containing splendidly preserved fish at Scaumenac
bay on the southern side of Gaspé. There is evidence, too, of the
work of mountain glaciers in a bed of ancient boulder clay, including
striated stones.

All of this is very ancient history, the record ending with the
early Carboniferous, after which, until the very latest geological
periods, one can only infer what took place from present conditions.
For details of the early geology one should consult the Geological
Survey Reports (1857, 1863, 1880-82, and 1882-84) and Dr. Clarke's
excellent accounts of the geology and paleontology of southeastern
Gaspé.

THE CARVING DOWN OF THE SHICKSHOCKS

The present mountains are merely remnants of a once mightier
range which in its prime, toward the close of the Paleozoic, probably
reached a height of 10,000 feet or more and rivalled the present
frontal range of the Rockies. These earlier Shickshocks differed
greatly from the present mountains. Their highest parts probably
consisted of sedimentary rocks, and the culminating ridge was ten
miles farther south than now. It is probable, too, that they had
gentler slopes, at least on the north side, than the abrupt precipices
one encounters at present.

The eruptive rocks, especially the granite, must have cooled very
slowly beneath thousands of feet of shale and limestone and sand-
stone; but during the hundred or more millions of years that have
passed since the close of the Palaeozoic the Shickshocks have been
undergoing destruction through the work of wind and weather and
running water and only the ruins of the once lofty range remain.

XLIV THE, ROYALE: SOCIETY (OF CANADA

The softer overlying sedimentary rocks have been carved away and
the ancient core of resistant schists and the hard eruptive masses
have been disentombed and now form the highest peaks and ridges.
By this process of differential erosion the crest of the mountain range
has not only been greatly lowered, but has been shifted northwards
for several miles, as shown by transverse river valleys, so that the
once deeply buried harder rocks now rise as an almost impassable
wall near the north shore, while the softer materials slope more gently
toward the south.

The physical contrasts between the two sides of the peninsula
have their origin, then, in geological phenomena that took place
more than one hundred millions of years ago; and the lives of the
people inhabiting the north and the south shores have been shaped
by these far-off events.

LATER GEOLOGICAL History or GAsPé

While the main geographical features of Gaspé were fashioned
in the ways described the finishing touches were given to the land-
scape as we now see it in the latest geological periods, during the
Ice Age and the time of marine invasion. When the province of
Quebec was overwhelmed with an ice sheet thousands of feet thick,
the Shickshocks alone rose island like above the vast expanse of white
as ridges and hills of barren rock. From them local glaciers, like
those of the Rocky mountains, radiated out through the valleys and
joined the sea of ice that enclosed the range on all sides. The hollow
resting places of these local glaciers now form U-shaped valleys or
cirques, in which there is usually a lake or pond dammed by a moraine.

While the great lobe of ice that filled the valley of the St. Law-
rence never rose high enough to cross Gaspé, it has left its mark on
the north coast in the form of innumerable blocks of granite, gneiss
and other rocks transported from the Laurentide hills east of Quebec.
The finest churches of Gaspé are built of these erratics and form col-
lections of Archaean rocks that are well worthy of study by the
geologist.

The land sank under its great burden of ice, and when the load
was slowly removed by thawing toward the end of the Glacial period,
the sea returned at higher levels than now, carving or building the
terraces which are so marked a feature of the shores of the lower
St. Lawrence. As the land rose, terrace after terrace was formed,
until at last an equilibrium was reached at the present sea level.

APPENDIX A XLV

The life of the habitant is closely bound up with these marine
levels, especially on the precipitous north side of the peninsula, where
the mud of the old sea bottom often supplies a few fertile fields, and
the beach ridges of gravel provide the best of roads. The roads and
the villages strung out along them usually follow one of the lower
terraces, occasionally dropping to the Micmac terrace, the lowest of
all, rising only twenty feet above high tide.

The marine terraces are highest at the west end of Gaspé, where
they reach more than 400 feet above the sea, and decline steadily
toward the east to about 150 feet. This corresponds, no doubt, to
the thinning of the ice sheet as it approached its eastern edge, the
rise of the land being greatest where the ice was thickest.

THE RIVERS OF GASPE

Most of the rivers of Canada have a very youthful character and
display many lakes and waterfalls and their channel is often poorly
defined. This is due to the work of the great ice sheets which blocked
all the old valleys with glacial debris and forced the rivers to follow
new routes. Gaspé, not having been covered by the main ice sheet,
has rivers of a much older habit, with few waterfalls, no lakes on their
lower stretches, and usually well graded channels, occupying in many
places deeply cut V-shaped valleys.

On the north side of Gaspé, Ste. Anne and Chat rivers may be
navigated for thirty-five miles by canoes or small boats that are
poled up stream, and navigation ends on these small rivers right in
the heart of the mountains. On the Cascapedia river, following the
gentler southern slope of the peninsula, a team of horses can tow a
heavily loaded scow to the lumber camps 45 miles from the sea,
showing the well graded character of the river. The St. Anne and
Chat rivers have another extraordinary, and at first unaccountable,
feature. Both begin placidly in a lake on the south side of the moun-
tain range and then, more tumultuously, plunge through canyons
cut 2,000 or 3,000 feet below the summits on each side before the
lower navigable parts begin.

Why should these small rivers flow north through the highest
part of the mountains instead of following the natural slope of the
land southwards, like the Cascapedia? How did they carve their
way through the barrier of mountains?

One cannot imagine them as flowing up hill to attack the moun-
tains, but one may suppose that when they began their work the

XLVI THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

range was higher on the southern side than on the northern, and that,
while the softer rocks on the south were being rapidly eroded, the
two rivers were active enough to keep pace with the destruction,
eating their way down through the hard back-bone of eruptive rocks
and ancient schists to the north.

THE HIGHER MOUNTAINS

Mt. Albert (3,660 feet), at the head of navigation on Ste. Anne
river, is the only high mountain easily reached and occasionally
climbed, the attraction being the caribou that make their home there.
One ascends 3,000 feet through forest, the latter part of the trail
being very steep, and suddenly one comes upon a snow bank at the
foot of a bare cliff. Scaling the very summit one is surprised to find,
not a peak, but a flat plain stretching for miles to the west. Most of
the few square miles of tableland are a dreary waste of brownish
serpentine blocks; but toward the north there is a belt of swampy
meadow enclosing a pond and at the northern rim a higher ridge of
hornblende schist up whose sheltering slopes spreads a thicket of
spruce bushes. On the highest point of schist one may often see a
big caribou with branching horns silhouetted against the sky like a
figure in bronze, motionless, enjoying the breeze and the prospect.
On all sides except to the west the tableland drops off suddenly in
steep cliffs to valleys 1,000 feet or more below, all clothed in forest.
Across the deep valley of St. Anne river and eight miles away rises
the blue bulk of Tabletop; to the north the wooded hills sink toward
the gleaming sea twelve miles away, and to the south a hilly country
with here and there a lake fades into the distance.

TABLETOP

The clumsy and inappropriate name of Tabletop was given by
the Geological Survey to the highest group of mountains in Canada
east of the Rockies. The name would have been suitable for Mr.
Albert, which is flat topped, but is quite amiss when applied to the
rounded summits and flaring valleys of this mass of granite, including
differences of level amounting to nearly a thousand feet.

Tabletop is hard to reach and is very seldom visited, so that even
the people of the region know nothing of it except as a part of the
Shickshocks. A terrible trail through fallen timber brings one to
Lac aux Americains at 2,300 feet. This beautiful lake between tre-
mendous cliffs is on no map except my own. Its name comes from a

APPENDIX A XLVII

party of American botanists who studied the plants of Mt. Albert
and Tabletop a number of years ago.

From the lake one ascends a steep mountain ridge, the lower part
covered with stunted trees, the middle part clothed largely with
exasperatingly stiff spruce bushes, and the upper part bare scree and
rock, from which one looks down a thousand feet upon the blue lake,
apparently vertically beneath.

Crossing the rounded stony summit of the first mountain, 3,900
feet above the sea, bushes and then stunted trees appear once more
on the side sheltered from the west winds, and at 3,500 feet beside a
streamlet trees are tall enough to make camp. There are ancient
spruces and balsams, a foot in diameter and less than thirty feet high,
but hundreds of years old and rotten at heart. Here the French-
Canadian misses his beloved white birch, whose tough bark serves
such a multitude of purposes in camps at lower levels.

The Tabletop forms an extraordinary little world to itself, more
like northern Labrador or the Rockies at timberline than the province
of Quebec 3,000 feet below. On almost all sides impassable cliffs
prevent intrusion from the lowlands and man scales the walls very
seldom. Its bare mountain domes of decaying granite provide secure
pastures for the caribou, while the shallow valleys with groves of
stunted evergreens, meadows of swampy grasses and innumerable
ponds and lakes are the home of the moose, both unusually tame.

Half a dozen of the mountains reach above 4,000 feet; and
aneroid readings make the elevation of one of them 4,350 feet. On
the rocky slopes of these mountains wherever a little soil has lodged
one finds red and white flowering heathers and Arctic berries, such
as the low cranberry, the dwarf blue berry, the black crowberry and
the insipid bear berry. Still higher up are the cushions of moss
campion covered with pink flowers, just as in the Rockies at 7,000 or
8,000 feet, while scanty grasses, pale gray reindeer lichen and certain
mosses reach the wind-swept tops of the mountains.

On the south side of some of the highest points a few great
snowbanks were slowly melting at the end of July, 1919. Probably
some of them last till the snows begin to fall again in September.
Tabletop has a climate of its own, like that of northern Labrador,
with nine months winter and a summer darkened with mist and fog
and driving rain whenever the wind blows from the sea. The fine
. days are superfine, however, with brilliant sun and a cool springlike
air that is most inspiring.

XLVIII THE ROYAL SOCIETY ‘OF CANADA ,

An area of about thirty square miles of Tabletop rises above
3,000 feet and once the rim is scaled there are no difficulties in ex-
ploring the hills and valleys except those caused by thickets of spruce
in sheltered spots and swamps and lakes in more open places. A
dozen or more lakes and ponds may be seen from any of the mountain
tops, and doubtless there are far more of them in this little area than
in all the rest of Gaspé. Those toward the northwest drain into Ste.
Anne river and are without fish; those toward the southeast are
tributary to Madeleine river and are inhabited by speckled trout,
giving a ready way of determining the watershed.

The geological map shows the name of Richardson peak, 3,700
feet, near the southwest corner of Tabletop. My determination of
the height is 4,090 feet. No other mountain of the group has received
aname. The highest point, reaching 4,350 feet, is near the eastern
side, and may be called the Botanists’ Dome, since it is near the
main camp of the American botanists. A cairn, probably erected by
them, marks the summit, from which one looks down upon Gaspé.
Just to the east of the dome there is a drop of more than 2,000 feet
to wooded valleys leading off to the sea. In clear weather one should’
see Anticosti and the Laurentides across the St. Lawrence; but haze
robbed us of that vision. Toward the west rises Mt. Albert and then
point after point of the Logan range, each bluer and fainter than the
last one.

THE LOGAN RANGE

The first high mountains known to have been climbed in the
Shickshocks are thirty miles west of Tabletop, near the head waters
of Chat river. The highest was determined by Logan himself, as
reaching 3,768 feet. On the Geological Survey map it is called Mt.
Logan, but it may be better to reserve that honoured name for the
highest point in Canada, the Mt. Logan of the Yukon territory,
19,850 feet high.

The next mountain to the west, probably Logan’s Mt. Mat-
tawees, is a little lower, and is sometimes called by hunters ‘‘Le
Couvert de Chaudron,” from its flat, dome-shaped summit. The
third mountain is Bayfield (3,471 feet), separated from the others by
the deepest canyon in the Shickshocks, where Chat river has carved
its valley down to 400 feet above the sea, so that there is a chasm of
3,000 feet between the mountains toward the east and those to the
west. All of these mountains consist of Archzan schists, so that their
surface differs greatly from the granite domes of Tabletop. The

APPENDIX A XLIX

peaks just mentioned rise just above timberline and in some cases
there are deeply cut cirque basins containing lakes on their flanks.

The fifty miles of mountains rising above timberline and forming
the most elevated part of the Shickshocks, include the wildest and
most alpine summits of eastern America except the Torngats of
Northeastern Labrador; and one would expect to find them a centre
of attraction for the tourist with motor roads and hotels and crowds
of summer visitors as in the White mountains. Instead, they are one
of the wildest and most inaccessible parts of the province of Quebec
and form an impassable barrier to communication between the narrow
north and the broad south of the peninsula. It is this bleak mountain
range which has preserved uncontaminated the primitive human
communities of Gaspé. Their whole life and their outlook upon the
world are shaped and limited by the Shickshocks.

THE PEOPLE OF GASPE

With an area as great as that of some European Kingdoms,
Gaspé has a population of perhaps 100,000, spread out thinly around
the edges of the peninsula. In origin the population is very mixed.
To the aboriginal inhabitants, the Micmac Indians, have been added
colonies of fishermen on the eastern coast, groups of Acadians and
French-Canadians, and of U.E. Loyalists, as well as bands of Irish
and Scotch immigrants, farther west. On the broader southern side
of Gaspé, these groups of French or English speaking settlers have
remained more or less separate, but on the northern side the habitant
has almost completely absorbed the English speaking elements.

At the extreme east of Gaspé the Forillon extends thornlike into
the Gulf, the final tip of the range of mountains. It presents lime-
stone cliffs to the northeast, rising vertically from 500 to 800 feet
above the open sea; while toward the southwest the beds are tipped
steeply toward more sheltered waters, with here and there a minute
cove and gravelly beach where boats can land. It is not surprising
that the Channel Islanders who settled at Grandgréve are fishermen
with houses perched like nests of seabirds on the steep slopes, ready
to plunge into the water when shoals of fish approach the shore.
They farm a few fields so steeply tilted seawards that they can only
be ploughed one way, turning the furrows down hill.

The people of Percé and of Bonaventure island, also, though on
more level ground, are almost as much dependent on the sea as the
gulls and cormorants and the puffins and gannets that nest on the
nearby cliffs, though summer visitors, attracted by the beach and

E THE ROYAE'SOCIET YA AOPICANAMDA

the marvellous Pierced Rock, which gives the name to the village,
have influenced the character of the settlement. The rocks and the
cliffs have driven them all to gather their main harvest from the sea.
At this end of the peninsula the cod is king and the men of Jersey
long ago founded wealthy and powerful companies to catch and cure
and market codfish.

Away from the actual coast well graded rivers come down into
sheltered harbours, exactly suited to float logs from the wooded
mountains inland; and at every river mouth there is a sawmill with
its rows of square lumber piles gleaming yellow against the dark hills,
while not far off a column of smoke ascends for ever where the refuse
is burning. Approaching the mill you are greeted with the resinous
odour of the fresh spruce and hear the scream of the circular saws
tearing their way through the logs as they are transformed into boards.

The lumberman in winter is often a farmer in summer, and as
one goes westwards on the south side of Gaspé broad fields begin to
spread out between the hills and farming becomes of greatest impor-
tance. There are green pastures where sleek cattle graze and expanses
of clover and of oats or barley or wheat; and in the autumn two-horse
wagons, loaded with fragrant hay or with sheaves, move towards the
open doors of barns. In some of these prosperous farming communi-
ties English is the only language, often spoken with a Scotch or Irish
accent, and the whole atmosphere is that of the Maritime provinces
rather than of Quebec; but in a majority of places French is the
language used. Several settlements which began with U.E. Loyalists
or other English-speaking inhabitants are now largely French, as, for
instance, New Richmond and Maria; but so far as observed, the
French-speaking people of southern Gaspé are usually bilingual.

At the southwest corner of the peninsula, where the Matapedia
river enters the delta of the Restigouche, there is a little colony of the
descendants of Scotch farmers perched on a projecting corner of the
tableland, 800 or 1,000 feet above the sea level, still preserving their
accent and customs; while a mile to the north a newer settlement of
French-Canadians has cleared its farms. The two groups are com-
pletely segregated, each having its own steep, winding road down the
escarpment to the station on the Intercolonial Railway.

It is probable that a new geological factor may presently arise to
modify human relationships in Gaspé. Large deposits of zinc and
lead ores have been found in the southern foothills of the Shickshocks,
almost in the geographical centre of the peninsula, and if these develop
into important mines the ‘‘Heart of Gaspé,’’ now practically virgin

APPENDIX A EI

forest and uninhabited, may become a bustling mining camp, bring-
ing in railroads and hordes of labourers from the south of Europe and
transforming a lovely wilderness into a fire-scarred and sordid human
anthill. The mixture of races and languages will then become much
more complicated than at present, and the charm of seclusion and
aloofness from the turmoil of modern civilization will presently depart
from southern Gaspé.

PEOPLE OF THE NORTH OF GASPE

On the north side of Gaspé, hemmed in between a foggy sea and
the scarcely penetrable mountains, live, perhaps, the most primitive
civilized people of North America. They are of quite mixed origin,
as shown by occasional families having bright red hair and blue eyes
and by names such as Macdonald, Robinson and Maloney, not to
speak of Langlois, but they speak almost entirely French and have
most completely the habitant’s attitude toward life and the world.
Their French is archaic, with words and pronunciations very puzzling
to one who has studied only Parisian French. Their one road runs
close to the sea shore, usually on a marine terrace but sometimes on
the actual beach within reach of the waves; and their little settlements
scarcely stray from the road, thickening up at the mouth of every
creek and river and thinning out or ceasing altogether where the
mountains crowd too closely to the sea. The road begins bravely on
the West, where even automobiles raise clouds of dust upon it, but
becomes less and less navigable for wheeled vehicles until near Riviere
a la Martre and beyond it is a mere track on the beach, unusable at
high tide when the waves beat against the foot of the lofty cliffs.

On this endless road, with villages strung upon it like beads,
- only one-horse conveyances are seen. A team is never used. In each
village or hamlet there is a great church, like a hen brooding over
chickens, and on Sunday morning every family, even from the most
remote ends of the parish, is to be seen in the indispensable covered
carriage on the way to Mass or on the way from it. The most certain
method of encountering a man who is entirely elusive on week days
is to watch for him at the church door after Mass on Sunday.

In spite of the severe climate and primitive conditions the people
live comfortably. One of my guides, for instance, had a little farm,
all but a few acres of which was very infertile, but which provided
hay and pasture for his horse and cows and a few sheep, one or two
of which were, as in most habitant flocks, black. The little dilapidated
barn sheltered them all in winter. A pig, of whose excessive fatness

LIT THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ‘CANADA

Joe was very proud, occupied a sty near the house; and a few fowls
scratched near a small stack in the barnyard. In their season the
fields yielded hay mixed with many marguerites and there were some
patches of wheat and barley and oats, brilliant with yellow mustard
flowers, and also a half-acre of potatoes. A little fishing in the proper
month supplied dried cod for Fridays and fast days, and a trap net
projecting from the shore secured for him excellent salmon and sea
trout on their way to spawn in the river. When the winter snows
arrived, Joe betook himself a la montagne and, tramping on his ra-
quettes to a little cabane twenty miles in the woods, generally managed
to secure a moose, which when frozen provided fresh meat for the
family during the winter with the help of the fat pig slaughtered
some time before.

The house was poorly built and the wind entered it in places,
but wood for the stove cost nothing more than cutting on the forest-
covered mountains in the rear. In spring Joe tapped a few maple
trees up the river valley, supplying the family with sweets. A braid
or two of tabac Canadien, raised in a sheltered corner of a neighbour’s
garden, soothed his leisure moments both summer and winter. Joe
needed a little money, of course, which could be earned either by
trapping a few furs or by working in the lumber camp in the moun-
tains which supplied the logs for the small mill at the river mouth.

In the house the women did all needful work, besides carding and
spinning wool, mixed of white and black, to be knitted into warm
grey socks and mitts. There was a loom, also, on which homespun
was woven.

In summer the women and children gathered buckets of splendid
red strawberries in the meadows, the most delicious of fruits, and wild
cherries and des poires (service berries) could be had in sheltered spots
in the valley.

It will be seen that Joe and his family lived in rude comfort with
hardly any money on the bounties of the sea and the land and the
mountains. Reading matter Joe did not require, since his education
had been practical, at sea and in the fields and in the mountains.
He had never learned to read or write. He was, however, a fluent’
and attractive speaker. One night in the men’s house at the fishing
camp up the river a dozen husky river men were sitting on a bench
or on the edges of bunks telling tales and spitting conspicuously on
the planks of the floor near the hot stove. Joe’s yarns roused much
more laughter and enthusiasm than those of any of the others. What
they were about my imperfect acquaintance with habitant French

APPENDIX A LIII

prevented me from knowing certainly, though the words carabine and
caribou suggested hunting.

My first visit to Northern Gaspé was in 1878, my next forty years
later, and no very striking changes had come in the interval. Perhaps
the most impressive changes were of a mechanical kind. One hears
the beat of the motor boat saving the fisherman the toil of the oar,
the whine of the cream separator morning and evening. These are
new and universal sounds. But most things were unchanged when
one passed the Western part of the main road on which automobiles
could travel. One saw the same small wooden houses with the dormer
windows and the outward curve of the eaves inherited from Old
France, though there were a few more of them. The outdoor
ovens of stones and clay were still in use to bake excellent bread;
the gaunt six rayed or eight rayed windmills still faced the north-
western gales; the long underwater fences of the traps reached out
to sea as of yore and the drying nets and the long fish flakes shingled
with flattened cod were spread at every inlet along the coast; while
the overpowering fragrance of decaying fish assailed one’s nostrils
everywhere. The gray sea was the same, and the green woods and
the mountains and the driving fogs were unchanged; and the men,
women and children and the dogs and horses were very little different
from the people and the dogs and the horses of forty years ago.

There are still seigneuries in Gaspé, as in the days of Bigot and
Champlain, but the seigneurial rights have diminished. The people
are still, as a rule; polite and respectful toward strangers. The school
boys doff their caps and the little girls bow and say “bon jour’’ or
‘“‘bon soir, monsieur’’ when you meet them on the road. The church
is still as powerful a factor in the lives of the people as in olden days,
though the well-to-do driver of your carriage may tell you regretfully,
as you admire the splendid new Church built of a mosaic of Archaian
boulders, that it cost $100,000 instead of the $68,000 which had been
estimated. Morals are perhaps even more closely watched than in
the past and the fisherman who delights you with his violin playing in
the evening tells you with a somewhat sarcastic smile that the priest
has forbidden dancing in the parish, so that now he can only play to
amuse himself.

The Gaspesians are a hospitable people and when one gets
beyond the villages with their little hotels, usually clean and com-
fortable, some thrifty family will always take one in for a meal or
for a night. The bread may be of home grown rye and the pea soup
may be followed by the fattest of fat bacon, but there will be cream

LIV THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

and rich strawberry jam and some kind of cake for desert. On
Friday there will certainly be fish, perhaps cod for breakfast and
salmon for dinner and herring for supper, all fresh out of the water,
or perhaps nothing but salt herring will appear on the table, but
there will never be meat. Usually a comfortably fitted room will
be available at night, though the family may have to adjust itself
to the undivided upper story. On the walls of the room you will
probably find a crucifix and religious pictures, the latter very crude;
while on the walls of the sitting room there are apt to be grotesque
enlargements of family portraits and very sentimental coloured
advertisements in which pretty girls and mothers with babies play
a large part. In the morning the man of the house will offer his
services to drive you to the next parish, from eight to fifteen miles
away, and will be shocked and puzzled to learn that a geologist
prefers to walk.

In some of the houses, small as they are, four generations may
be represented and you may see a great-grandmother with bent back
and wrinkled face, a well-preserved middle-aged grandfather with his
careworn wife, who is the manager of the house, and husky young
men and comely women of the third generation, one of them nursing
a fat baby of the fourth. How they are all accommodated in addition
to a guest is a wonder. In the cool of evening neighbours come in
and sit round the stove in the combined kitchen and living-room and
jokes pass or arguments take place, but no one seems crowded.

It may be thought that the northern Gaspesians are contented
because they know nothing of any other world, but this is not wholly
true. Now and then one is encountered who speaks English and
who tells you of his nine year’s stay at Fall River or elsewhere in the
New England States. He has no very convincing reason to give why
he left the gay life of the city for the hard and lonely existence on the
coast of Gaspé with seven months winter, but there seems a charm
in the white birch and the snow laden branches of the spruce and in
the mild sunshine when the fog lifts from the sea that is potent enough
to bring back at least some of the wanderers from far countries.

These primitive features of the northern Gaspesian civilization
have changed but little within forty years, while all around modern
commerce and industrial life have been changing things enormously.
How much longer will this isolated population keep aloof from the
world about it? Will it still retain its dialect, its ballads, its homely
mode of living and its mediaeval point of view while the rest of the
world moves forward?

APPENDIX A LV

Certain physical features, due to the geology of the region, make
a longer isolation probable. The lack of harbours prevents the
building of seaports where the outside world can stir up curiosity and
ambition. The lack of great water-powers, like those on the north
side of the St. Lawrence, will prevent the growth of important in-
dustrial centres which would be disturbing elements. The only pulp
mill on the north side of Gaspé is at the falls of Madeleine river,
seven miles from the sea, and it does not promise great expansion.
Unless some other, still unknown, geological factor, such as the finding
of a great mining region in the Shickshocks, arises, northern Gaspé
seems destined to remain a peaceful, contented, unenterprising back-
water of civilization, where a fringe of settlers cut the white birch
for spool wood and the spruce for some sawmill, cultivate poorly a
few acres of soil and catch the cod in its season, while the mountains
just in their rear remain a wilderness, the home of moose and caribou
and bear seldom molested by a sportsman.

The rising flood of mechanical invention and of restless travel
and excitement bid fair to pass on either side somewhat as the lobes
of the great ice sheet did, leaving the Gaspé mountains as a scarcely
touched island between them. It will be no misfortune if Gaspé
should remain as a sample of what has been, as the home of an almost
forgotten simplicity of pioneer life once pervading the whole of
Canada. It may remain a restful and picturesque oasis in the arid
desert of mechanical progress. Perhaps it should be isolated even a
little more than nature has arranged for, so as to preserve one stage
of the evolution of modern civilization; somewhat as Roche Percé
and Bonaventure island have been made sanctuaries for the sea birds
which otherwise might soon have vanished.

APPENDIX B

ANNUAL POPULAR LECTURE
RECEND ADVANCES PNOPHYSTCS

BY

J. C. McLENNAN, Ph.D. F.R.S.

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RECENT ADVANCES IN PHYSICS

In the introductory portion of his lecture Professor McLennan
dwelt on the importance, from the point of view of the national
welfare, of developing Scientific and Industrial Research in Canada.

He briefly described the various steps which had been taken
which led up to the creation in 1916 of The Advisory Council for
Scientific and Industrial Research.

In emphasizing the work already accomplished by this Council
the lecturer referred briefly to the system of Fellowships. Scholarships
and Bursaries which had been established by the Council for the
training of Research workers in our Universities.

The importance to Manitoba and Saskatchewan of the investiga-
tion on the briquetting of lignites in Southern Manitoba, which was
about to culminate in the erection of a works for the supply of fuel
of high thermal efficiency, was also pointed out.

The main part of the lecture was, however, taken up with an
account of the research work on Helium with which Professor
McLennan had been more immediately connected.

In dealing with this subject the lecturer asked his hearers to
keep in mind that he chose to particularize in this way with the
object of illustrating how scientific research work forms a substantial
basis on which to develop existing industries or to build up new ones.
From the national point of view it was desirable to add to the wealth
of the community at the present in every way possible and no surer
method was available than one which applied science and scientific
knowledge in such a way as to utilize as many as possible of our
natural resources.

Shortly after the commencement of the war in 1914 it became
evident that if helium were available in sufficient quantities to replace
hydrogen in naval and military airships losses in life and equipment
would be very greatly lessened.

The fact that helium is both non-inflammable, non-explosive,
and possesses 92 per cent. of the lifting power of hydrogen, makes it a
most suitable filling for airship envelopes. By the use of helium the
engines of airships can be placed within the envelope if desired. A
further advantage possessed by helium over hydrogen is that the
buoyancy may be increased or decreased at will by heating and cooling
the gas by electric or other means, which fact may possibly lead to
considerable modification in the technique of airship manceuvring
and navigation. Moreover, the loss of gas from diffusion through

LX THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

the envelope is less with helium than with hydrogen to the extent of
about 30 per cent.

Although there are indications that proposals had been put
forward during the war by men of science in allied and enemy countries,
as well as in the British Empire, regarding the development of supplies
of helium for aeronautical purposes, it should be stated that the
movement that led up to the investigation which it was his privilege
to undertake was initiated by Sir Richard Threlfall. The existence
in America of supplies of natural gas containing helium in varying
amounts was known to him and others, and preliminary calculations
as to the cost of production, transportation, etc., which he made led
him to believe that there was substantial ground for thinking that
helium could be obtained in large quantities at a cost which would
not be prohibitive.

His proposals were laid before the Board of Invention and
Research of the British Admiralty, and in the autumn of 1915 the
lecturer was asked by that Board to determine the helium content
of the supplies of natural gas in Canada, to carry out a series of
experiments on a semi-commercial scale with the helium supplies
which were available, and also to work out all technical details in
connection with the production of helium in quantity, as well as those
relating to the repurification, on a large scale, of such supplies as
might be delivered and become contaminated with air in seryice.

COMPOSITION OF THE NATURAL GASES INVESTIGATED

In commencing the investigation a survey was made of all the
natural gases available in larger or smaller quantities within the
Empire with a view to ascertain their helium content. Natural
gases from Ontario and Alberta, Canada, were found to be the richest
in helium, and these sources, it was found, could supply from

10,000,000 to 12,000,000 cubic feet of helium per year. The following
is a summary of the results obtained from the analyses of a number
of the gases investigated. They include, it will be seen, a few samples
from outside the Empire. For a complete account of this part of
the investigation the reader is referred to Bulletin No. 31 of the
Mines Branch, Department of Mines, Canada, 1920.

(a) Ontario Gases.—The anlysis made by Professors Ellis, Bain,
and Ardagh (Report of Bureau of Mines of Ontario, 1914) of the
natural gases supplied to the experimental station, initially set up at
Hamilton, Ontario (Blackheath System), is as follows:

APPENDIX B LXI

WAPI Yeo ie Oe RS Oe PEE, RENTE 80 per cent.
Hameau su ce nas EN NY LÉ AUS
INitErO pend tase peu, Li Le: RE are Sica as

It was found, however, on operating with this gas that the percentage
assigned to methane really included a considerable proportion of
gasoline, pentane, and butane as well. The helium content of the
gas was found to be 0.34 per cent.

(b) Alberta Gases.—Gas taken from the mains leading from the
Bow Island supply to Calgary was found to be quite free from the
heavier hydrocarbons. At times it contained slight amounts or
water vapour and occasionally a trace of carbon dioxide as well.
Its approximate composition is given under I.

I IT
Helin ee ees 0.33 percent 36) percent,
Wietitame tate cole es he 87 6:40 te Or a :
thane sees a MAUR Sp. RCA HO)
Nitro Me 11.2 ‘ fus (CNIL Er MENT
Carbondoxide iris trace trace
ANATeRVADOUT Ie AT trace trace

One well in particular, namely, No. 25 Barnwell, which has recently
been driven, and now supplies gas to the system, was found to have
a product of the composition II.

(c) New Brunswick Gases.—Some natural gases obtained from
wells struck near Moncton, New Brunswick, Canada, were examined :
and found to have the following composition:

Veber OR e 80.0 per cent.
ORNE a RER Tete à TA Ne: D CS
CG bondiesden th 0... i soe None
(ODES eRe ORNE ea AT None
IN Bet ECM MONNIER Soon eee 12.8 per cent.
ete Matinee hea 8 se Se a onus dh aa OOO

An interesting observation was made in connection with natural
gases obtained from Pitt Meadows, Fraser River Valley, and Pender
Island, in the Gulf of Georgia, British Columbia. Both these gases
were found to have a nitrogen content of more than 99 per cent.
The lecturer pointed out how this nitrogen, if it should be found to
exist in large quantities, might be used as a basis for the manufacture
of explosives and artificially made fertilizers. A market for such
products lay near at hand in the Fraser Valley, in the Sacramento
Valley, and also in China.

LXII THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF, CANADA

Soon after taking up the investigation it was found, as mentioned
above, that large supplies of helium were available in the natural
gas fields of Southern Alberta, and that a small supply could be
obtained from a gas field situated about twenty-five miles to the
south-west of the city of Hamilton, in Ontario. In 1917 the Board
of Invention and Research decided to endeavour to exploit these
sources of supply, and operations were begun by setting up, as already
stated, a small experimental station near the city of Hamilton.

At this station efforts were directed towards constructing a
machine which would efficiently and economically separate out the
helium from the other constituents present in the natural gas. The
carrying out of this work expeditiously was made possible through
the hearty co-operation of L’Air Liquide Société of Paris and Toronto,
who generously lent, free of cost, a Claude oxygen column and the
necessary auxiliary liquefying equipment for the investigation.

By making suitable additions to, and modifications in, this
oxygen rectifying column, it was ascertained that the problem of
separating, on a commercial scale, the helium which was present in
this crude gas to the extent of only 0.33 per cent. was one capable of
satisfactory solution. Early in 1918 it was found possible to raise
the percentage of helium in the gas to 5.0 by passing it through the
special rectifying column only, and as the gas obtained in this way
consisted of nitrogen and helium with a small percentage of methane,
it became, therefore, a comparatively simple matter to obtain helium |
of a high degree of purity. In one particular set of experiments on
this final rectification helium of 87 per cent. purity was obtained.

EXPERIMENTAL STATION AT CALGARY, ALBERTA

In order to operate on the natural gas of the Bow Island system
in Southern Alberta an experimental station was established at
Calgary in the autumn of 1918, and, starting with the knowledge
acquired through the preliminary operations at Hamilton, rapid
progress was made in developing a rectification and purifying column,
together with the requisite auxiliary equipment, which would efficiently
and cheaply separate the helium from the natural gas. A machine
was therefore designed, constructed, and supplied with piping which
possessed great flexibility, and, in its general scheme, followed the
lines of the Claude oxygen-producing column. It was unnecessary,
the lecturer stated, to go into details regarding the operation of this
machine. It would suffice to say that it was tested under a variety
of conditions. Notes were taken of the temperatures reached at

APPENDIX B LXIII
s

different points in the machine under equilibrium conditions when the
gas was passed through it in various ways. Asa result of this pro-
cedure it was soon found what parts of the machine could be eliminated
and what parts could be modified with advantage. When those
changes were made, which seemed desirable in the light of the experi-
ence gained, it was found that a machine had been evolved which
would give highly satisfactory results.

A sketch of the experimental machine as it was finally constructed
was exhibited.

MISCELLANEOUS INVESTIGATIONS

In the course of the investigation on the development of a
machine for extracting helium from natural gas, supplies of helium
of varying degrees of purity became available. These were highly
purified, and were used for the investigation of certain collateral
problems which demanded solution. Among the results obtained it
was found that for aeronautical purposes hydrogen could be mixed
with helium to the extent of 15 per cent. without the mixture becoming
inflammable or explosive in air. Mixtures containing even as much
as 20 per cent. of hydrogen could be burnt or exploded only when
treated in an exceptional manner. The permeability of rubbered
balloon fabrics for helium was shown to be about 0.71 of its value for
hydrogen. For skin-lined fabrics the permeability to hydrogen and
helium was about the same. Thin soap films were found to be about
one hundred times more permeable to hydrogen and helium than
rubbered balloon fabrics, but untreated cotton fabrics, when wetted
with distilled water, were but feebly permeable to these gases. It
was found that rapid estimations of the amount of helium in a gas
mixture could be made with a pivoted silica balance, a Shakspear
katharometer or a Jamin interferometer.

The latent heats of methane and ethane have been determined,
as has also the composition of the vapour and liquid phases of the
system methane-nitrogen. It has also been shown that helium con-
taining as much as 20 per cent. of air, oxygen, or nitrogen can be
highly purified in large quantities by simply passing it at slightly
above atmospheric pressure through a few tubes of cocoanut charcoal
kept at the temperature of liquid air. In the spectroscopy of the
ultraviolet helium has been found to be exceptionally useful. Arcs
in helium between tungsten terminals can be easily established and
maintained. In a particular investigation with a vacuum grating

LXIV THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

a

spectrograph it was found that, by the use of arcs in helium under
30 cm. pressure, illumination could be maintained continuously for
hours, and with such arcs spectra could easily be obtained extending
to below 1,000 A.U.

Although it is known that free electrons can exist in highly
purified helium to an amount easily measurable it was found that
pure helium, under a pressure of more than 80 atmospheres, did not
exhibit anything in the nature of metallic conduction. Moreover,
the mobilities of both positive and negative ions formed by a-rays
in helium under this high pressure were found to have about one-third
the value expected on the basis of an inverse pressure law.

THE USES oF HELIUM .

The investigation into the problem of producing helium in large
quantities was originally undertaken with a view to the utilization
of the gas in aeronautical warfare. The investigation showed that
it could be produced at a cost which is not excessive, but it had also
been shown that from the sources in the Empire, which are known
and have been examined, the supply of helium cannot be greater than
about 12,000,000 cubic feet per year. This quantity clearly would
be sufficient to keep only a very few of our airships of the larger
type in commission, even if the gas were diluted to the extent of
15 per cent. with hydrogen. This amount would, however, suffice to
keep a number of the smaller aircraft supplied. Moreover, it might
be used to fill fireproof compartments adjacent to the engines if it
were ever decided to instal these within the envelopes of our larger
airships.

Since it has been demonstrated that helium could be produced in
quantity, one was led naturally to consider in what directions one
could hope to use the gas other than that originally intended. In
industry it may be used as a filling for thermionic amplifying valves
of the ionization type. It may also be used for filling tungsten
incandescent filament lamps, especially for signalling purposes where
rapid dimming is an essential, and for producing gas arc lamps in
which tungsten terminals are used, as in the ‘‘Pointolite’’ type.
Both of these varieties of lamps possess the defect, however, of soon
becoming dull owing to the ease with which incandescent tungsten
volatilizes in helium, and deposits on the surface of the enclosing
glass bulbs. As regards illumination, helium arc lamps possess an
advantage over mercury arc lamps in that the radiation emitted has
strong intensities in the red and yellow portion of the spectrum.

APPENDIX B LXV

It has been shown by Nutting (Electrician, March, 1912) that
Geissler tubes filled with helium are eminently suitable, under certain
conditions, for light standards in spectrophotometry, but the amount
of the gas which could be used in this way is very small.

In spectroscopy, especially for investigations in the ultraviolet
region, helium is invaluable. Doubtless its use in this field will be
rapidly extended. The use of the gas in physical laboratories gener-
ally, and especially where certain investigations on the properties
of matter are carried out, will also be greatly increased.

It has recently been proposed to use helium in place of oil
for surrounding the switches and circuit-breakers of high-tension
electric transmission lines and for building certain types of trans-
formers. If the gas should prove suitable for this purpose large
quantities could be utilized, but it has yet to be demonstrated (and
it is not clear that it can be) that in this field helium possesses any
advantage over the oils now used.

It is probable, however, that in the field of low temperature
research helium will immediately find its widest application. For
this work helium is unique in that, when liquefied and possibly
solidified, it enables one to reach the lowest temperatures attainable.
Every effort should be directed towards the exploitation of its use in
this direction.

One point that is important and should not be overlooked is that
the supplies of natural gas from which helium can be extracted are
being rapidly used up. When our natural gas fields are depleted it
would appear that our main source of supply of helium will have
disappeared. Careful consideration should, therefore, be given to
the problem of producing helium in large quantities while it is still
available, and of storing it up for future use. As already stated it
nay be that in the future it will be of paramount importance to
have even a moderate supply of the gas available.

A CRYOGENIC LABORATORY

To chemists and physicists especially the discovery that helium
can be produced in quantity at a moderate cost opens up a vista
in the realm of low temperature research of surpassing interest. By
means of liquid oxygen the properties of substances can be studied
down to a temperature of 182.5°. Liquid nitrogen provides us with
a temperature of —193.5°, and hydrogen, which was originally
liquefied in 1898 by Sir James Dewar, enables us to reach —252.8°.
It is but a few years since Onnes, after prolonged effort, secured
sufficient helium to enable him to liquefy this gas too. Ina brilliantly

LXVI THE ROYAL*SOCIETY, OF ‘CANADA

conceived research he succeeded in accomplishing this feat in 1908,
and in doing it reached a temperature within approximately 1° or 2°
of the absolute zero.

The amount of liquid helium which Onnes obtained in his investi-
gation was small, but it sufficed to enable him to show that a number
of the elements possessed a remarkable ‘‘super-conductivity”’ at this
low temperature. Mercury, in particular, at the temperature of
liquid helium, possessed an electrical conductivity ten million times
greater than at ordinary room temperature, and currents started by
induction in a coil of lead wire at the temperature of liquid helium
maintained their intensity for more than an hour with but little
diminution in magnitude.

The results obtained by Onnes, although limited in number, are
of great importance, for they show that if liquid helium were rendered
available in quantity, fundamental information of the greatest value
on such problems as those connected with electrical and thermal
conduction, with specific and atomic heats, with magnetism and the
magnetic properties of substances, with phosphorescence, with the
origin of radiation, and with atomic structure, could be obtained.

In spectroscopy supplies of liquid helium would enable us to
extend our knowledge of the fine structure of spectral lines and
thereby enable us to obtain clearer ideas regarding the electronic
orbits existing in the atoms of the simpler elements. This would
lead naturally to clearer views on the subject of atomic structure
generally.

In other fields, too, important information could be obtained
by the use of temperatures between that of liquid hydrogen and that
of liquid helium. What of radioactivity? Would this property be
lost by uranium, thorium, radium, and other similar elements at
temperatures attainable with liquid helium? Would all chemical
action cease at these temperatures? Would photochemical action
disappear completely? Would photoelectric action cease or be main-
tained at such low temperatures?

In the fields of biological and botanical research information on
problems pressing for solution could be gained also. For example,
would all life in spores and bacteria be extinguished by subjecting
them to temperatures in the neighbourhood of absolute zero?

The list of problems rendered capable of attack by the use of
liquid helium might be easily extended, but those cited already will
serve to show that the field is large, and that it is well worth while
for us to make a special effort to secure adequate financial support
for the equipment and maintenance of a cryogenic laboratory within

APPENDIX B LXVII

the Empire. In this connection the Reste pointed out a beginning
had already been made.

Through financial aid received from the Honorary Advisory
Council for Scientific and Industrial Research of Canada, supple-
mented by a considerable grant from the University of Toronto and
by assistance from the British Admiralty and the Hydro-Electric
Commission of Ontario an equipment consisting of motors, compres-
sing pumps, gas purifiers and liquefiers had been secured and were
being installed in the Physical Laboratory at Toronto.

Already the Liquid Air Machine was in operation and was
capable of producing as much as 600 pounds of liquid air a day.

The hydrogen liquefying machine was installed and had already
been used on several occasions for producing quantities of liquid
hydrogen.

The helium liquefying machine was in process of construction
and erection and it was expected that it would soon be ready to
produce liquid helium. From the progress which had been made so
far it would be seen that as a result of the research on helium
the basis had been laid for the establishment of an industry capable
of producing helium in quantity, sufficient to meet the needs, to a
considerable extent, of the Empire in aeronautical warfare.

Further, the researches had shown that there was considerable
promise of helium being likely to be useful for the construction of
lamps of certain types.

In the Cryogenic laboratory, established in the University of
Toronto, it would be possible by the aid of liquid helium and liquid
hydrogen to carry on numerous investigations on the properties of
matter at temperatures almost as low as absolute zero.

In the course of his lecture Professor McLennan showed a number
of experiments with liquid air and in dealing with the question of the
utilization of helium in lamps he showed a number of beautiful
experiments on the phenomena of fluorescence. This phenomenon,
he pointed out, constituted the foundation of many of the researches
which were now being vigorously prosecuted with the object of
producing illuminating devices more efficient than even the best of
the lamps now in use.

In the course of his lecture Professor McLennan expressed his
appreciation of the assistance he had received in the Helium Research
from Professors Satterly, Burton, Dawes and McTaggart, and from
Mr. John Patterson, of the Meteorological Office, Toronto, as well
as from Messrs. Lang, Ainslie, Foreman and Shrum, of the University
of Toronto, and Mr. Elworthy, of the Mines Branch, Ottawa.

J Are, i
ou A iM 1x Dy a!
ana A! Gal RES LA

7 A

APPENDIX C

THE METEOROLOGICAL SERVICE OF CANADA

BY

SIR FREDERIC STUPART, Kt., F.R.S.C.
Director, Dominion Meteorological Service

wv

a SF AS: |

AA ee erik n via DATE ah
7 i aye QE Ahi ass ity en à -

METEOROLOGICAL SERVICE OF CANADA

During the past year meteorological observations have been taken
by 634 observers connected with the Government Service, and reports
from them have been received at the Central Office, either daily by
wire or monthly by mail.

The weather reporting stations are in two divisions, the first of
which includes 364 stations where the observing is performed volun-
tarily by observers who keep a record of the weather, using meteoro-
logical instruments supplied by the Goverment.

The work at the Central Office has been steadily increasing.
The establishment of six pilot balloon stations for obtaining data
necessary to the aviator and incidentally for the study of the upper air
currents has made further assistance imperative. The railways call
upon the Service with ever increasing frequency for meteorological
data required in the settlement of claims against them; legal firms
ask for many certified statements and investigators in the many
branches of science connected with agriculture and forest and plant
growth solicit the assistance of the Meteorological Service in obtaining
data indispensable for the solution of various problems.

Until last year, with the exception of occasions when storms
were expected, no forecasts were issued either on Saturday night or
Sunday morning, but now forecasts are issued twice every day during
the season of navigation to the Dominion Wireless stations for trans-
mission to ships both on the Great Lakes and at sea.

Forecasts have been issued twice daily for all parts of the
Dominion and Newfoundland and the percentage of verification has
been 84 per cent.

The storm warning service was maintained throughout the year
in the Maritime Provinces and during the season of navigation on the
Great Lakes and Gulf of St. Lawrence. Of the total number of
warnings issued 84.4 per cent. were verified.

MAGNETIC OBSERVATIONS

During the fiscal year 1920-21 continuous photographic records
of the Magnetic elements at Agincourt were secured without material
loss. Magnetic disturbances were less frequent than for several years
being synchronous with fewer sun spots and auroras. The more
pronounced disturbances occurred on the following dates: 1920—
April 15; September 28, 29. During the latter of these the recording

limits of the instruments were exceeded for short intervals.
=6

LXXII THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Absolute observations made weekly kept good control of the
value of the base line of the differential instruments.

Tables showing the magnetic character of each day were prepared
and copies forwarded to the International Commission on Terrestrial
Magnetism. The ‘selected days’’ of the Commission are used in
the analysis of the Magnetic data for the Annual Magnetic Report.
The 1919 Report is now in course of preparation.

At the request of the Surveyor-General, index corrections for
compasses attached to 65 surveyors’ theodolites were determined and
the results forwarded to him. Assistance was also given to several
members of his staff in determining the constants of their Total Force
instruments both before and after their summer field work.

Mr. French and Major Pearce, of the Dominion Observatory
staff, were also assisted in standardizing their magnetometers both
before and after their field work.

At Meanook the photographic records of Declination were
obtained with only slight loss. During the very cold weather
difficulty was again experienced in maintaining continuous operation
of the clocks. This would, to a great extent, be overcome if the
differential apparatus were placed underground as at Agincourt.

The weekly observations of Declination and Inclination were
continued throughout the year and twice monthly observations of
Horizontal Force.

The Meanook traces were loaned to the Surveyor-General, and
the Agincourt traces to the Dominion Observatory for use in the
reduction of their field work.

The accompanying tables give a summary of the results obtained
at Agincourt and Meanook during the fiscal year 1920-21.

APPENDIX C LXXIII

SUMMARY OF RESULTS OF MAGNETIC OBSERVATIONS MADE AT
MEANOOK DURING THE FISCAL YEAR 1920-21

Mean Monthly Values
Month
D East H 7 I
1920 = 4 y y 2 4
April... a MERS) 12908 60228 HU AND
IE OS te irae LORS ETS 39.0 08 142 He?
TRES ÉPMRRAREN eters aye sell 38.0 40 266 92.9
TRUE SORA on eaten RTS 38.3 15 141 52.8
PATTES ter iciete RL re lo sunne ele JS 11 182 53.5
September 24 - 4 ders Steele Dia 38.7 20 258 53.9
(ONG) VSS RENNES ALL ME eee 38.7 26 260 5920
November. An MS Le LIT. BU oH 26 277 53.8
DENIS RARE ARR 37.0 28 218 53.0
1921
Antares 37.0 34 246 53.0
RébEUaTy MERS ERELISS 36.5 20 198 53.2
MÉROTNEMER AUS CAM RTE | 36.2 16 197 53.4
MEANOOK DaILy AND MONTHLY RANGES OF D
Absolute
Month From hourly From Max. Monthly
readings and Min. rangé
1920 / / Oo LA
Pole A TS MONS SARA 78 50.9 3 49.9
NAN RE A eR A med à 1672 44.1 2 58.3
Te RS RAT a Weal 28.8 1 5i6).%5)
‘WU So eaten 6 POR OR SERRE 11748 30.6 Delors
PATIQUS D oie Sete ns Bins a ltec oe eee 17410 38.9 10570
SEMEem Meta RE ee due es ete 1246 60.0 2 57.4
Octobemeyy ee Soe ei coe MAS 43.0 on liZas
INOWEMIDE trates stare RE Us. 8.8 30.5 20520
MECEMPER ae EUR I ee 10.4 32.4 eee dea |
1921
“Eire iy eS se a de 6.8 23.1 0 57.6
HODEUAN vere hence oon Tas ce. vile ols 6.6 22.33 1 35.4
Mia chive presi Nea: Sis Me che 9.1 34.4 DOES

LXXIV THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

SUMMARY OF RESULTS OF MAGNETIC OBSERVATIONS MADE AT

AGINCOURT DURING THE FISCAL YEAR 1920-21

Mean Monthly Values

Month
D West H Z I
1920 : vy + '
a AN Arete re tb eee Aca 6 44.5 15864 58202 74 45.2
Wiety beet TR ANR ES 20e 44.7 76 179 44.2
AICS een ox pon rats anche 44.1 da. 164 43.9
ANA RER PA PRE Re. I 45.1 72 146 43.9
ALEUSE re Reco ots ee 46.3 67 139 44.1
September: et. Mic mercure 46.9 49 129 44.9
OCÉODERE A RE Te ie oe 47.1 46 122 45.0
November APM EME. tas. see 47.2 51 115 44.6
December shit eee. nr 47.5 56 122 44.5
1921 |
niet MP LS ee 48.2 55 110 44.3
ODA ee EEE ot eke ste 48.2 57 107 44.2
March bh ee ere utle 49.1 53 099 44.3
AGINCOURT DAILY AND MONTHLY RANGES
D H TL
Mean Daily Range Mean D. Range Mean D. Range
Month | ——— Absolute | —————-—————_ Absolute | —————————__ | Absolute
From | From | Monthly | From | From |Monthly| From From |Monthly
Hourly | Max. & Range hourly | Max. & Range | hourly | Max. & | Range
Readings| Min. As read’gs Min. readings| Min.
1920 y 4 F BY, oy Ÿ Ÿ y Ÿ
April |) leg ZAR Ue alee 50 106 455 25 67 413
Mayer ole el229 20.4 | 0 46.3 49 94 385 18 50 245
James) LSdro 19.0 | 0 36.3 43 70 253 14 33 173
July....| 14.2 | 20.6] 0 54.2 | 46 TEpeot1G | 16 36 | 205
A6 LI TRE 23 BITES 48 82 424 17 52 375
Sept | ulead 28 MAb tay 30) 58 146 826 37 100 572
DCE 9.2 20.8 | 1 14.2 42 80 419 15 34 229
Nova Sai 1GROR ROR 077 29 55 140 12 29 269
Deck tee 6.5 SAO MINI 28 56 190 10 22 187
1921 : |
lee 6.6 13.4 | 0 37.9 26 44 108 4 11 42
Feb#te: 6.7 12.9 | 0 34.3 25 45 102 4 12 46
0.4 19.3 | 0 47.2 36 63 200 10 24 125

March... if

APPENDIX C LXXV

Puysics BRANCH

This section was occupied chiefly with the establishment of pilot
balloon stations at the aerodromes of the Air Board. The equipment
and balloons were furnished by the Meteorological Service and the
staff at the aerodromes did the work. The single theodolite method
for following the balloons was adopted. This method assumes that a
balloon will rise at a constant rate depending on the weight of the
balloon and the free lift, ‘The weight that the balloon will just lift.”
The results of many series of observations have shown that after
the first 5 or 6 minutes the rate is very constant as the gradual loss
of hydrogen just balances the increased velocity due to diminished air
pressure. The rate of ascent adopted for the balloons was 160 metres
per minute (525 ft. per minute) and this requires a free lift of from
80 to 100 grammes.

Stations were opened at Vancouver, B.C.; Morley, Alta.; Camp
Borden, Toronto and Ottawa, Ont., and Roberval, Que. Toronto
and Camp Borden were opened in June; Vancouver and Morley about
the end of August, and Ottawa and Roberval in October. All the
stations were closed during the winter and the one at Morley has
been moved to High River, Alta.

Balloons were despatched from these stations daily unless the
day was foggy or the cloud very low. The ascents were made in the
morning and at Toronto the results were obtained in time to be used
in the forecasts. The highest flight obtained at Toronto was on
September 4th; the balloon was followed for 94 minutes and had
reached a height of nearly 50,000 feet when it burst.

Instruments and equipment for pilot balloon and magnetic
observations have been made in the office for a station at Fort Good
Hope to be operated for a year or more in connection with the Inter-
national work of the Amunsden expedition.

It was impossible to get the large balloons for carrying instru-
ments until January of this year and some flights were made from
Kingston, but only about 25 per cent. of the balloons were recovered
and the attempt had to be abandoned; future ascents will take place
from Woodstock as before. The Department desires to take this
opportunity of thanking Professor Clark, Ph.D., of Queen’s Uni-
versity, for superintending the ascents at Kingston.

The apparatus for atmospheric electricity has been redesigned
and partly reconstructed but there was not time with the other work
that had to be done, to test it out.

LXXVI THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

A satisfactory design of resistance thermometers for taking the
temperature of ocean water on board ship has been worked out and
it is hoped to equip some of the Pacific ships with them this year.
Considerable progress has been made with the installation of ther-
mometers for earth temperatures.

SEISMOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS

The Seismographs at Toronto and Victoria have continued in
operation with little loss of record throughout the fiscal year. 138
disturbances were recorded in Toronto, the greater number being of
small amplitude. This is 47 greater than the normal number and is
in striking contrast to the small yearly number recorded from 1900
to 1913. The largest monthly total, 19, occurred in March, and the
least, 7,in November. The principal movements were on September
20th and December 16th, the latter being one of the largest ever
recorded here, possibly next to the San Francisco quake of April 18th,
1906. The seat of the disturbance was in China, the provinces of
Shensi, Kansu and Szechwan being particularly affected. Damage to
life and property was appalling, whole families were completely
wiped out, hills came down into ravines and thousands of people, as
well as their animals, were completely buried alive. Streets opened
up causing the houses on both sides to fall together.

We continue to forward abstracts of our observations to various
seismological centres throughout the world and receive a large number
of bulletins in return. We also furnish the Associated Press by request
with information regarding the distance, character, etc., of any large
earthquake.

Investigation regarding the correlation of microseisms and
meteorological phenomena has been regularly carried out as well as
the plotting of large earthquakes.

The new Milne Shaw instruments referred to in our last report
have not yet arrived.

CLIMATOLOGY AND AGRICULTURAL METEOROLOGY

In the Monthly Record have been compiled and published hourly
or bi-hourly records from the principal stations, daily records from
fifty-two telegraph stations, and monthly means and extremes for
some five hundred stations of the second class, for about eighty-five
precipitation stations, and about sixty sunshine stations.

Preparing statements of the weather for legal claims in actions-

APPENDIX $C LXXVII

at-law or for similar purposes have become a great burden to this
Division. Commencing with the January number for 1921, to
obviate the necessity for so much copying, we are publishing, in the
Monthly Record, the daily maximum and minimum temperatures and
daily rainfall or snowfall for some two hundred stations in addition
to the fifty telegraph stations. This arrangement will allow public
carriers and their customers to gather in future from the pages of the
Monthly Record prattically all the data needed to settle disputes
involving the weather.

A report on the climate of the Western Provinces, with sixteen
large meteorological maps, has been issued. A report on the climate
of Ontario is in preparation.

Special articles for other departments or for provincial govern-
ments, tables, maps and diagrams have been prepared during the
year.

Research is continuing into the effect of weather changes on
crops, as to yield and quality. Better arrangements have been made
for gathering observational material and for its analysis. Mr.
Connor attended a Meteorological Cénference in Washington and
made preliminary arrangements for an interchange of certain data
on crop growth which will be of great assistance to this Division.

A study of tree sections in relation to contemporaneous weather
changes has been begun and it is hoped that later we may be able
to carry back the meteorological history of the dry regions of the
West beyond the earliest observations in the early eighties, and so
to gain a better idea of the probable incidence and severity of droughts
in various districts of the wheat regions. Mr. McDougall’s previous
training and experience in forestry will be of great value in this
particular field.

TIME SERVICE

During the year ending March 31st, 1921, seventy-two deter-
minations for time have been made with the Troughton and Simms
transit instrument of 3 inch aperture.

The positions of the stars have mostly been taken from the
American Ephemeris and British Nautical Almanac.

The usual observations have been taken frequently to determine
the instrumental errors of the transit instrument in azimuth, level
and collimation.

Inquiries for time, both mean and sidereal, have been numerous
and the rating of chronometers and watches, both sidereal and mean
time, has been carried on throughout the year.

LXXVIII THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The sidereal and mean time clocks have given great satisfaction.
These clocks have been in use since the:establishment of the Observa-
tory and are still in good order and performing well.

The usual 11.55 a.m. signal on the fire alarm system has been
continued throughout the year.

Time has been given weekly to the Magnetic Observatory at
Agincourt.

Visitors and others have been very numerous and accorded
privileges of viewing the heavenly bodies whenever opportunities
offered with the 6 inch telescope.

The time exchanges between Toronto and Quebec, Montreal and
St. John, N.B., have been made as usual, being recorded on the
chronographs at Toronto, Montreal and St. John.

The errors of the clocks have been computed from the latest
observations.

PHENOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, CANADA, 1920

The following report on ‘the phenological observations of 1920 is
presented by Mr. F. F. Payne of the Central Office of the Meteoro-
logical Service.

In British Columbia vegetation made slow progress during the
spring and the dates of flowering of plants were much later than usual.
In Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba the dates of flowering of
early plants were delayed, but after May 15th normal conditions
prevailed. In Ontario and Quebec the delay in spring growth of
plants was considerably more marked than in the Western Provinces.
In the Maritime Provinces the growth of plants, which usually flower
early, did not differ much from the normal but later flowering plants
were somewhat retarded in their growth.

In most districts a somewhat flagging interest in phenological
observations was noticeable and, excepting in Saskatchewan where,
under the kind assistance of Mr. W. H. Magee, Inspector of Schools,
the number of observers was increased, the observations were fewer
than usual.

In the Province of Nova Scotia, where phenological observations
form a part of nature study in all the schools and where the reports
are supplied by the teachers, these reports are always numerous.
From the list of these schedules the tables are computed by a staff
of science teachers and we are indebted to Dr. A. H. Mackay, Super-
intendent of Education for this province, for this valuable portion
of this report.

APPENDIX. € LXXIX

The Province of Nova Scotia is divided into its main climatic
slopes or regions which are not in some cases co-terminous with the”
boundaries of the counties. Slopes, especially those to the coast, are
subdivided into (a) coast belts, (0) inland belts, and (c) high inland
belts. Where these letters appear in the tables they refer to these
slopes or regions. Dates for slopes IX and X were combined in
computing the average for the province. The following regions are
marked out, proceeding from south to north and from east to west as
orderly as it is possible.

Region of Slopes Belts
I. Yarmouth and Digby Counties......(a) Coast, (6) Low in-
* lands, (c) High in-
lands.

II. Shelburne, Queens & Lunen’g Co.’s... # 4
III. Annapolis and Kings Counties.......(a) South Mts.,(b) Anna-
polis Valley,
(c) Cornwallis Valley,
\ (d) South Mts.
IV. Hants and Colchester le ...(a) Coast, (b) Low in-
South to Cobequid Bay...... lands, (c) High in-
= inlands.
V. Halifax and Guysboro Counties...... Le 4
VI. (A) Cobequid Slope toS (B) Chignecto
Slope to N.W.. 5 .(a) Coast, (b) Inlands.
VII. North’rland Sts. Slopes (to ra onthe (a) Coast, (6) Low in-
lands, (c) High In-
lands.
VIII. Richmond & Cape Breton Co.’s...... = =
IX. Bras d’Or Slope (to the southeast)... < 15
X. Inverness Slope (to Gulf, northwest). a .

Owing to the great number of observers and others taking part
in the production of the tables for Nova Scotia, their names are
omitted from the following list:

List OF STATIONS AND OBSERVERS

W.S. Moore, Agassiz, B.C.

Stanley Bayne, Alberni, B.C.

A. B. Taylor, Atlin, B.C.

Alexander C. Murray, Fort St. James, B.C.
Mrs. Hugh Hunter, Princeton, B.C.

LXXX THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

John Strand, Quesnel, B.C.

Geo. W. Johnson, Summerland, B.C.

AS Barton: Victoria, BG.

Mrs. W. L. Fulton, Halkirk, Alta.

Mrs. M. E. Brown and pupils, Armadale, Sask.
Misses B. Adams and M. Waterhouse, Battleford, Sask.
Clarksdale School, Rabbit Lake, Sask.

Eagle Valley School, Eagle Valley, Sask.

L. B. Potter, Eastend, Sask.

Fitzgerald School, Fitzgerald, Sask.

R. H. Carter, Fort Qu’Appelle, Sask.

Geo. Lang, Indian Head, Sask.

North Battleford School, North Battleford, Sask.
Miss V. G. Armatage, Prince, Sask.

A. M. Calder, Richard, Sask.

M. Milliken, Scott, Sask.

C. W. Bryden, Shelbrook, Sask.

William Irvine, Almasippi, Man.

A. Goodridge, Oak Bank, Man.

Miss Mary Moffat and pupils, Cape Croker, Ont.
W. E. McDonald, Lucknow, Ont.

H. M. Meighen, Perth, Ont.

M. A. Thompson, Queensboro, Ont.

F. F. Payne, Toronto, Ont. |

David McKenzie, Abitibi, Que.

T. F. Ritchie, Lennoxville, Que.

W. H. Moore, Scotch Lake, N.B.

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

LXXXII

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Mémoires de la Société Royale du Canada
SECTION I

SERIE III MAI, 1921 VOL V

Un recensement inédit de Montréal, en 1741
Par E. - Z. MassicotTEe, M.S.R.C.
(Lu a la réunion de mai 1921)

Il existe, dans les archives du Palais de justice de Montréal, un
volumineux document, grand in-folio, de 225 pages, encore inédit et
dont les historiens devraient pouvoir tirer avantage.

Ce manuscrit copieux porte l'intitulé suivant:

Recensement fait en cette ville par la Compagnie des Indes
pour les indiennes et autres effets prohibés pour être marqués en
vertu de l’ordonnance de messieurs le Gouverneur et Intendant.

On sait de quoiil s’agit? La Compagnie des Indes, fondation de
Law (1719), avait hérité des privilèges et des droits de la Compagnie
des Indes orientales, de la Compagnie de Chine et de la Compagnie
d'Occident, ce qui signifie, relativement à l'Amérique, qu'elle seule
pouvait exporter le castor du Canada et qu’elle seule pouvait y
importer des marchandises fabriquées hors de la Nouvelle-France.
(Grande encyclopédie et E. et O.R. vol. 1, pp. 377 et 401.)

Un tel monopole ne pouvait manquer d’exercer la sagacité et la
cupidité des contrebandiers grands et petits. Aussi, le Conseil d'Etat
fut-il dans l'obligation, à diverses reprises, de rendre des arrêts portant
défense de troquer ou d’avoir en sa possession des marchandises
venant de l'étranger. Mais comme le trafic clandestin persistait, on
dut permettre à l’intendant et à la Compagnie des Indes de faire
visiter les magasins et les habitations du pays “afin de confisquer
lesdites marchandises et de les brûler publiquement.” (E. et O.R.,

vol. I, années 1717, 1719, 1720, 1722 et 1726.)

Nous ne pouvons dire si l’on a, chaque fois consigné l'historique
de ces visites et de ces autodafés dans des documents spéciaux, mais
nous avons la preuve qu'il fut fait quelque chose dans ce sens, à

Montréal, en 1741.
—8

2 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

L’ORDONNANCE AUTORISANT LES PERQUISITIONS

Le 12 mai 1741, le gouverneur général, Charles de Beauharnois
et l'intendant Gilles Hocquart signèrent une ordonnance pour défendre
de faire ‘aucuns nouveaux meubles d’étoffes étrangères ou toiles des
Indes, ni de s’en servir dans les maisons.” Par le même document la
Compagnie des Indes était autorisée à faire des perquisitions chez les
habitants des villes de Québec, des Trois-Rivières et de Montréal,
de relever ce qu'il pouvait y avoir de tissus prohibés, puis de les
marquer d’un cachet aux armes de la compagnie. Les tissus qui
seraient trouvés non marqués, après cela, seraient confisqués.

Dans la ville et les faubourgs de Montréal, ces perquisitions
commencèrent à la mi-juillet et on procéda avec un apparat dont le
fonctionnarisme néo-français a laissé peu d'exemples du moins dans
la métropole où l’on n’abusait pas trop des formalités.

Tout d’abord, François Daine, contrôleur de la Compagnie des
Indes, monte de Québec à Montréal. La, il s’adjoint Jacques de la
Fontaine, membre du Conseil supérieur, juge intérimaire de Montréal
et Antoine Trémond de Salvaye, commandant des gardes de la
compagnie. Pour accompagner ces messieurs on choisit deux gardes,
les nommés Brossard et Beaufrére.

PROCES-VERBAUX DES VISITES

Ces cing représentants de l’autorité pénètrent dans chaque logis
et chaque fois, un scribe dresse un procès-verbal de leur passage. Il
inscrit le nom du propriétaire de la maison, le nom de |’occupant et
celui de la personne qui reçoit les visiteurs, ensuite, il énumère les
tissus qui ont été déclarés et marqués, puis tout le monde est invité
à signer.

Une couple d'exemples suffiront pour donner au lecteur une idée
de la formule adoptée pour ces procès-verbaux qui ne diffèrent entre
eux que par quelques minces détails.

PROCÈS-VERBAL NUMÉRO UN:

Premièrement, dans la maison du nommé La Chenay,
maçon, s’est trouvé une courtepointe, indienne fond bland, à
fleur bleux, une autre à fond bland, à fleur rouge, une autre
mauvaise, fond bland et fleur rouge lesquels ont été marqué à
chacun un coin du cachet de lad: Compagnie qui est tout ce

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 3

que led. La Chenay a dit avoir en sa maison et ailleurs à luy
appartenant de marchandises étrangéres et a, led. La Chenay
déclaré ne sçavoir ecrire ny signé de ce enquis.

DAINE
DE LA FONTAINE
TREMOND.

PROCES-VERBAL NUMERO QUATRE:

Dans la maison du Sr Laffricain, occupée par le Sr Videné
ses trouvé un tour de lit fond bland a petite fleur gris de lain,
une courtepointe fond bland a fleur bleux lesquels tour de lits
ainsy que la courtepointe ont été marqué comme cy devant et
interpellé led. Sr Vildené de nous déclarer s’il n’avoit point
d’autre marchandises ou étoffes étrangéres a dit que non Et a
signé.

VILLEDONNE
DAINE
DE LA FONTAINE
TREMOND

L'ITINÉRAIRE SUIVI

Les perquisiteurs commencent leur tâche le vendredi, 14 juillet
1741, à 7 heures du matin, à l'extrémité est de la rue Notre-Dame,
c'est-à-dire au pied de la citadelle et ils se dirigent vers l'ouest en
alternant d’un côté de rue à l’autre. Ensuite, ils descendent la rue
Augustine, du nord au sud, puis ils s’engagent dans la rue Saint-Paul
prenant la direction de l’est.

D'ailleurs, voici l’ordre dans lequel les perquisiteurs ont parcouru
les rues et les faubourgs de la ville en 1741:

Rues Directions

Notre-Dame—de l’est à l’ouest. (Nos 1 à 95.)

Augustine'—aujourd’hui McGill—du nord au sud. (Nos 96 à 98.)

Saint-Paul—de l’est à l’ouest. (Nos 99 à 253.)

Saint-Charles—aujourd’hui place Jacques-Cartier—du sud au nord.
(Nos 254 à 257.)

Saint-Vincent—du nord au sud. (Nos 258 à 268.)

1 Dans les documents de l’époque nous lisons Augustine, Plus tard on écrit
Saint-Augustin.

À LA SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA

Saint-Denis—aujourd’hui Vaudreuil—du sud au nord. (Nos 269 à
211)

Sainte-Thérése—de l'est à l'ouest. (Nos 272 à 276.)

Saint-Gabriel—du sud au nord. (Nos 277 à 291.)

Saint-Jacques —de l’est à l’ouest. (Nos 292 à 315.) ‘

Saint-François—du nord au sud. (Nos 316 à 348.)

Neuve-Saint-Louis—partie ouest de la rue Capital—de l’ouest à l’est.
(Nos 349 a 354.)

Capital—de l'ouest Lest. «(Nos 35542863)

Saint-Joseph—aujourd’hui Saint-Sulpice—du sud au nord. (Nos
364 à 373.)

Saint-Jean-Baptiste—du sud au nord. (Nos 374 à 384.)

Hôpital—de l’est à l’ouest. (Nos 385 à 397.)

Saint-Alexis—du nord au sud. (Nos 398 à 400).

Saint-Sacrement—de l’ouest à l’est. (Nos 401 à 411.)

Saint-Jean—du sud au nord. (Nos 412 à 415.)

Saint-Eloy—du nord au sud. (Nos 416 à 420).

Saint-Pierre—du nord au sud. (Nos 421 à 433.)

Faubourgs:

Saint-Joseph—C’est-a-dire la campagne à l’ouest de la rue Augustine
dans ou vers le domaine Saint-Joseph, ainsi appelé parce qu’il
appartenait aux Religieuses de l’Hôtel-Dieu. (Nos 434 a
483.)

Saint-Louis—On parait désigner ainsi le territoire sis au nord des
murs de la ville et à l’est du chemin conduisant à la paroisse
Saint-Laurent. (Nos 484 à 498.)

Sainte-Marie—Vulgairement: faubourg Québec, autrement dit fau-
bourg de la porte du chemin de Québec.

A vrai dire on ne saurait imaginer ville plus démocratique que
Montréal à cette époque, car la maisonnette du journalier ou la
boutique de l'artisan voisine très souvent la demeure du bourgeois
ou l'hôtel du gentilhomme. Cependant, on aperçoit que les fonc-
tionnaires et les négociants semblent se grouper dans les rues qui
débouchent sur la place du Marché—aujourd’hui place Royale.

TEMPS CONSACRÉ AUX VISITES

Le recensement dura du 14 au 24 juillet. Sur ces dix jours il y
eut relâche un lundi avant-midi, un mardi après-midi et deux di-
manches. Cela fait sept jours de besogne. A cette date la journée
de travail était de dix heures, même pour les fonctionnaires les plus

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 5

haut placés,! il s’ensuit que la tache fut accomplie en un peu moins
de 70 heures, car il est évident, par le texte du rapport, que l’on
termina avant la fin dé l’après-midi, le 24 juillet.

Chaque jour, a l’angelus, le scribe note que midi est arrivé et
que la visite est suspendue jusqu’à 2 heures de relevée; le soir, à 7
heures, autre note indiquant la cessation des travaux et leur reprise,
tel autre jour, a telle heure.

Le tableau exact du temps consacré aux perquisitions s’établit
comme suit:

Vendredi, 14 juillet-—de 7h. du matin à midi et de 2h. de relevée a
7h. du soir.

Samedi, 15 juillet—de 7h. du matin à midi et de 2h. de relevée à
7h. du soir.

Lundi, 17 juillet—de 2h. de relevée a 7h. du soir.

Mardi, 18 juillet—de 7h. du matin à midi.

Mercredi, 19 juillet—de 7h. du matin à midi et de 2h. de relevée a
7h. du soir.

Jeudi, 20 juillet—de 7h. du matin à midi et de 2h. de relevée à 7h. du
soir.

Vendredi, 21 juillet—de 7h. du matin à midi et de 2h. de relevée à
7h. du soir.

Samedi, 22 juillet—de 7h. du matin à midi et de 2h. relevée à 7h. du
soir.

Lundi, 24 juillet—de 7h. du matin à midi et de 2h. de relevée à...... à
(L'heure a laquelle les travaux ont pris fin n’est pas indiquée.

L’ENREGISTREMENT DES NOMS

Comme ils ne faisaient pas le recensement des habitants de la
ville, les perquisiteurs se sont contentés de mentionner ceux qu'ils
visitent d’une façon plutôt sommaire, c’est-à-dire en n’inscrivant que
les noms de famille ou les sobriquets: le nommé Pistolet, la veuve
Dufaux, le sieur Cavelier: rarement, ils ajoutent la qualité ou la
profession. Cette méthode rend l'identification assez ardue et souvent
impossible, car bien des gens portent le même nom et le même surnom.

Les signatures auraient pu aider, malheureusement, quelques
visités refusent d’apposer leurs griffes, d’autres prétendent qu'ils ne
savent pas signer, d’autres encore signent à la bonne franquette,
telle: la veuve Garaut, la veuve St Dizier ce qui n’est pas suffisant pour
guider.

1 Dans sa relation de voyage au Canada, Kalm n’a-t-il pas noté que le gouverneur
genéral de la Nouvelle-France, en 1749, donnait des audiences dès 7 heures du matin.

6 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Si l’on est curieux de savoir combien de gens ont voulu écrire
leurs noms dans cette circonstance, nous en avons les chiffres. Sur
les 506 personnes qui répondent aux perquisiteurs,

Ont'déclare ne savoir Signer 5 nee NM ENTREE 298
ONPSIENE MA M rte ot rs à ce MD PP REC vi NME 174
Ont reise de'stonen:. 2.070412 ch Se tc es, cast DE CEE 19
N’ont pas déclaré s’ils savaient signer ou non.............. 15
N'ont pa Signer POUL CAUSE PERRET, «vices INR 3

OA ERIC. OP eee 506

LA MARQUE DES EFFETS

La cachet de la compagnie dont il est question ci-dessus n'était
autre que celui de la défunte Compagnie d'Occident. On y avait
gravé des ‘“‘armoiries’’ dont on trouve la description suivante dans
les Edits et ordonnances royaux, vol. I, p. 386:

De sinople à la pointe ondée d'argent sur laquelle est couché
un fleuve au naturel appuyé sur une corne d’abondance d’or; au
chef d'azur, semé de fleurs de lis d’or soutenu d’une face en demie
(c'est-à-dire d’une divise) aussi d’or, ayant deux sauvages pour
supports et une couronne trefflée.

Plusieurs échantillons de ce cachet sur cire rouge sont conservés
dans les archives judiciaires de Montréal.

LES MEUBLES ET TISSUS QUI FURENT MARQUÉS

Sur les 506 logis visités, 57 occupants n’avaient rien à déclarer.
Partout ailleurs les perquisiteurs eurent à apposer le sceau de la
Compagnie et nous avons dressé un bref état des meubles et effets
marqués : ‘

BERGERES garnies de calmande anglaise.

CABINETS tapissés d’indienne.

CANAPÉS de calmande anglaise.

CHAISES garnies d’indienne ou couvertes de calmande anglaise.

COURTEPOINTES (a) en indienne d’une même sorte ou de différents
morceaux; (b) en serge unie ou à fleurs, presque toujours,
verte; (c) en taffetas doublé d’indienne ou entouré d’indienne
ou avec bords en perse anglaise; (d) en perse; (e) en damas
avec un tour en indienne; (f) en satin avec un tour en

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT ri

indienne; (g) en calmande anglaise; (4) en calenderie seule
ou mi-calenderie et mi-indienne ou mi-calenderie et mi-
calmande. Les courtepointes sont en vogue, tout le monde
en a.

CoUVREPIEDS. Par contre cette pièce de literie est assez rare. On
les faits en indienne ou en calenderie piquée.

FAUTEUILS. Ils sont couverts en serge, en calmande, en indiennes.

Housses. On écrit ‘‘ousses.’’ Il y en a pour fauteuils et pour
tabourets.

Lits. A plusieurs reprises on rencontre l'expression “lits en tombaux.”
Tous sont en indienne. Voir aussi “tour de lits.”

MATELAS. En un logis se trouvent un matelas, un canapé et un
traversin en calmande anglaise.

Moucuorrs. Servant pour couvrir des fauteuils ou des cadres.

OREILLERS. La plupart sont en calmande, en calenderie ou en
indienne et semblent destinées à des chaises ou à des bergères.
Il y a aussi des dessus d’oreillers en calmande.

RIDEAUX de portes ou de fenêtres en indierfnes, en serge, en calenderie
ou en calmande.

Tates D’OREILLERS. Fort souvent le scribe écrit ‘‘tétes d’oreillers”’
preuve que nos gens du peuple parlent comme les officiers
de plume d’autrefois. Les taies qui attirent l’attention de
la compagnie des Indes sont en indienne, en calenderie ou
en calmande.

TABERNACLES. Le pavillon du tabernacle au Séminaire de Montréal
était d’une étoffe prohibée qu'on ne nomme pas, mais elle
ne fut pas marquée. Chez les Soeurs de la Congrégation on
a marqué le surtout du tabernacle de l’église des Dames et
celui du tabernacle de la chapelle de Notre-Dame-de-
Victoire. Dans la chapelle des RR.PP. Récollets, il y avait
quatre petits rideaux d’indienne au tabernacle.

Tapis. Ils sont petits et en calmande, en serge ou en indienne.

TAPISSERIE. Dans une maison, il y a deux morceaux d’indienne en
tapisserie.

TABOURETS. A un (endroit), on note ‘‘deux ousses de tabouré”’
d’indienne.

Tours DE Lits. En presque totalité, ils sont en indienne; deux sont

en calmande, et un autre est décrit en ces termes: ‘tour de
lit ciel Bonne Grâce.”

8 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Quant aux tissus, leurs couleurs et leurs ornements, ils se dis-
tinguent de la fagon qui suit:

CALENDERIE. On devait appeler ainsi des tissus passés à la calandre,
appareil à cylindres qui lissait la surface de certains tissus,
tels que les draps, les toiles et les taffetas.

CALMANDE (ou Calamande). Sorte d’étoffe lustrée d’un seul côté
en laine ou en soie et laine, employée surtout pour les
ameublements et parfois pour les vêtements. On ne pro-
hibait que la calmande anglaise.

Damas. Ce tissu n’apparait ici que parce qu'il est employé avec
des indiennes.

INDIENNES. Les toiles peintes c’taient jusqu’ alors tirées de la Perse
et des Indes. La ville de Rouen ne commença à les fabriquer
qu'en l’année 1756.1

Les modèles en vogue à Montréal se classent ainsi:

Indiennes fond blanc—à fleurs rouges, bleues, brunes, jaunes,
gris de Jain, violettes, noires, rouges et
violettes ou moucheté de bleu.

Indiennes fond bleu—a fleurs blanches ou rouges ou mou-
cheté de blanc.

Indiennes fond brun—à fleurs rouges ou blanches.

Indiennes fond gris—à fleurs rouges.

Indiennes fond violet—a fleurs rouges ou à fleurs rouges et
blanches.

Indiennes fond rouge—à fleurs blanches ou brunes.

Indiennes à barres rouges et blanches ou à barres bleues et

blanches.

Perse. Sorte de toile peinte ou d’indienne qu’on apportait autrefois
de l'Inde et à laquelle on attribuait une origine persane.
(Nouveau Larousse.)

SATIN. Même remarque que pour le damas.

SERGE. On vise spécialement la serge anglaise. Elle est presque
toujours verte, unie ou a fleurs.

TAFFETAS. Méme remarque que pour le damas.

L’ANNOTATION DU DOCUMENT

Quoiqu'il en soit, de ce recensement pour les indiennes, nous avons
essayé de faire un recensement nominal ou plutôt une liste raisonnée

1 Ch. Ouin-Lacroix, Historie des anciennes corporations d'arts et métiers-p, 138.

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 9

des propriétaires et locataires de Montréal en nous aidant du Diction-
naire de Mgr Tanguay, du Terrier de Montréal, des actes notariés,
des actes de l’état civil et des procédures de l’année 1741.

Aux noms et désignations provenant de chaque procés-verbal,
nous ajoutons immédiatement au-dessous les renseignements essentiels
que nous avons pu réunir.

Ainsi préparé, nous croyons que le document de la Compagnie
des Indes devient un instrument qui, malgré ses imperfections, peut
servir aux généalogistes et aux annalistes, puisqu’il donne une bonne
idée de la population et de la distribution des habitations de Montréal,
vers la moitié du XVIIIe siècle.

Nous renvoyons à l’appendice le texte du préambule et de la
conclusion du procès-verbal global.

Ajoutons que l’on peut supposer que l’action des autorités eut
un bon effet puisqu'il n’est plus question de semblables perquisitions
dans la suite.

RUE Notre-DAME (de l’est à l’ouest)

(Nos 1 à 95)

1—LACHENAIE, maçon, n.s.s.!
Probablement? Esprit Senet dit Lachenaye. Il avait épousé
Marguerite Brazeau fille de Nicolas. (Tanguay, VII, 168 et
T. de M. no 2164; pl. 9, no 390.)

2—GABRIEL BOULRICE, n.s.s.
Gabriel Bourhis on Boulrice, marié 4 Geneviéve Jetté. (Tanguay
II, 429, et T. de M. no 204038; pl. 9, no 368.)

3— LOUIS POITRAS, n.s.s.
Epoux de Madeleine Chevalier. (Tanguay, VI, 409 et T. de M.
no 213, 2130; pl. 9, no 323 et 324.)

4—Maison de LAFRICAIN, occupée par le sieur VILDENE.
Il signe Villedonné. d
Probablement Jacques Jouslau dit Lafricain. (T.de M. no 210a,
pl. 9, no 320.)
Pierre de Villedonné, capitaine, avait épousé, le 2 mai 1741,
Marguerite Damours de Louviéres. (Tanguay, III, 412.)

1Lorsqu’une personne a déclaré ne savoir signer, nous faisons toujours suivre
son nom des lettres: n.s.s., c'est-à-dire: ne sait signer.

2 Au risque d’ennuyer le lecteur, nous avons, partout, fait précéder nos notes
des mots, probablement ou peut-étre, lorsque nous avons quelque doute sur la valeur
des renseignements qtfe nous offrons.

10 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

5—Maison DETAILLY occupée par MADAME DE JONCAIRE. Présente:
CATHERINE ALARIE, n.s.s.
J. B. Deneau dit Des Taillis. (T. de M. no. 213a, pl. 9, no. 323.)
Probablement Madeleine Leguay de Beaulieu, épouse de Thomas
de Joncaire, sieur de Chabert. (Tanguay, III, 283 et V, 18.)
6—Maison de BIZAILLON, occupée par FRANCOIS LALIMAUDIERE,
n.s.s.
François Bisaillon. (T. de M. no 20403; pl. 9, no 368.)
Peut-être François Lecompte de Bellegarde dit Lavimaudière,
époux de Marguerite Laporte. (Tanguay, V, 247.)
7—Maison de LAFRICAIN, n.s.s.
Probablement Jacques Jouslau dit Lafricain époux de Marie-
Louise Blanchon. On écrit son nom plus souvent: Jousselau
et Jousselot. (T.de M. no 210a; pl. 9, no 320, et Tanguay, VII,
26.)
8—Maison de JACQUES LABONTE. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Marie Brosard.
Jacques Marot dit Labonté, époux de Marie-Barbe Brossard.
(Tanguay, V, 522 et T. de M. 211a1; pl. 9, no 322.)
9—Maison de PIGEON.—ANGELIQUE BOILEAU est présente, n.sis.
Celle-ci est probablement une ménagére ou une domestique du
sieur Bazile Pigeon. (Tanguay, VI, 356 et T. de M. no 2100;
pl. 9, no 321.)
10—Maison de BENOIST fils, occupée par le nommé JOLICOEUR, n.s.s.
Claude Benoit était fils de Joseph Benoit, chirurgien et il pratiquait
lui-même l’art de la médecine. (Tanguay, II, 217, 218 et T. de
M. no 202; pl. 9, no 367.)
11—Maison de la veuve BROSSARD, n.s.5.
Probablement Barbe Hébert, veuve de Claude Brossard. (Tan-
guay, II, 481 et T. de M. no 209; pl. 9, no 318 et 319.)
12—Maison du nommé BRAZEAU, n.s.s.
Peut-être Nicolas Brazeau, époux de Marie-Anne Miville.
(Tanguay, II, 457 et T. de M. no 203; pl. 9, no 367.)
13—Maison du nommé SARREAU.—Sa fille est présente.
Elle signe: Marianne Saraut.
Probablement Pierre Sarreau, époux de Marie-Anne Bourbon.
(Tanguay, VII, 123 et T. de M. no 190b; pl. 9, no 316.)
14—Maison de M. de RAMEZAY, servant de logement à M. l'intendant
et occupée par dame Lafond, concierge de la maison.
Elle signe: Caterine Lafond.
J. R. N. R. de Ramezay, marié en 1728, à L@uise Godefroy de

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 11

Tonnancourt. (Tanguay, III, 351 et T. de M. no 200 B1; pl. 8,
no 361.)

15—Maison de Madame veuve PORTNEUF, madame veuve de Muy
est présente.
Elle signe: veuve demuy.
Probablement Marguerite-Philippe Daneau de Muy, veuve de
René Robineau de Bécancour de Portneuf et Catherine d’Aille-
boust, veuve de Nicolas Daneau de Muy. (Tanguay, III, 234,
VII, 9 et T. de M. no 2004; pl. 8, no 357.)

16—Maison des REVERENDS PERES JESUITES.—Présent le R. P.
RICHE, supérieur.
Il signe: P. D. Richer, de la C. de Jésus.
Mgr Tanguay dans son Répertoire du Clergé le prénomme Pierre-
Daniel.

°17—Maison du sieur DECOSTE. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.
Probablement Jean-Baptiste Decoste, époux de Reine Marchand
qui fut huissier à Montréal, entre 1731 et 1759. (Tanguay, ITI,
269; Massicotte, Tribunaux et officiers de justice de Montréal,
p. 291 et T. de M. no 191 A2: pl. 8, no 347.)

18—Maison de la femme du nommé MENNESON, absent.
Elle signe: Françoise Alari.
Claude-Vincent Meunson ou Menneson, maître doreur. (Tan-
guay, VII, 18 et T. de M. no 187 B2; pl. 7, no 327.)

19—Maison de la PROMENADE occupée par la veuve BRUNET, n.5.5.
Probablement J. B. L’Archevéque dit la Promenade, époux de
Marguerite Menesson, fille de Claude-Vincent Menesson. (Tan-
guay, V, 164 et T. de M. no 187B2; pl. 7, no 327.)

Nous ne pouvons identifier la dame Brunet.

20—Maison de la veuve ALARIE, occupée par le nommé CHANTELOUP,
n.s.s.

Peut-être Barthélemi Chalut dit Chanteloup. (Tanguay, II,
605.)

21—Méme maison, logement occupé par DESEVE, n.s.s.
Jean-Baptiste ou Joseph-Denis ou François Deséve. (Tanguay,
III, 370-371.)

22—Maison de la veuve PHILIs, n.s.s.

Marie-Madeleine Plumereau veuve de Michel Kerrigou ou
Guerigou de Fily. (Tanguay, IV, 32 et T. de M. no 187B 2B et
24; pl. 7, partie du no 314.)

23— Maison de la veuve Puits (Fily), occupée par JEAN BOULARD.

Il signe: boulard.

12 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Antoine Jean-Baptiste Boulard, soldat, époux de Francoise
Chaslu. (Tanguay, II, 405.) :

24—Maison de M. de LIGNERIS. Présente: ‘la dame son épouse.”’
Elle signe: Lagauchetiére Desligneris.
François Marchand de Lignery, officier, époux de Marie-Thérèse
Migeon de la Gauchetiére. (Tanguay, V, 312 et T. de M. 187A1;
pl. 7, no 325.)

25—Maison du nommé JOBIN, occupée par le sr DORLET, aubergiste.
Il signe: Dorlet.
Pierre François Dorlet, traiteur, époux de Rebecca Realens (et
Hens). (Tanguay, III, 433.)
François Jobin, époux de Suzanne Jousset. (Tanguay, V, 4 et
Tide Mimo 187B:22;" pl. 7, no 313-314)

26—Maison du nommé JOBIN, n.s.s. |
François Jobin, époux de Suzanne Jousset. (Tanguay, V, 4 et
T. de M. no 187 B22; pl. 7, no 313-314.)

27—Maison du nommé CARIE où demeure le sieur MOUETTE. Celui-ci,
n.s.s. L'autre signe: Cary.
Aucun renseignement sur ce Cary.
Didace Mouet de Moras, époux de M. Louise de la Porte de
Louvigny. (Tanguay, VI, 125.)

28—Maison du sieur CHAUFOUR.
Présente sa femme:
Elle signe: Angélique Boiseau.

Jean-Baptiste Chaufour, chapelier, époux d’Angélique Boisseau.
(Tanguay, III, 42 et T. de M. no 181 EE2; pl. 7, no 291.)
29—Maison de M. CABANA, officier, occupée par la veuve DUVAL et

par la veuve MARCHAND.
Elles signent: veuve Duval et veuve Marchat (sic.).
François Déjordy de Cabanac, époux de Thérèse de Tonty après
avoir habité Montréal depuis 1734 à 1740 était allé demeurer à
Champlain. Sa femme avait reçu l'immeuble de son père
Alphonse de Tonty, baron de Paludy. (Tanguay, III, 329 et
VII 319 et T. de M. no 181 Y; pl. 7, nos 294, 295, 296, 302.)
30—Maison du Sieur SILVAIN, occupée par la veuve DENIS.
Elle signe: La veuve Denis.
Timothée Sylvain (ou Sullivan) chirurgien. (Tanguay, I, 555
et VII, 235 aussi T. de M. nos 181m, 181n, 1810, 181p, 181x;
pl. 7, nos 294, 299, 300.)
31—Maison du Sieur SILVAIN, occupée par JEANNOT, N.s.s.
Sur sieur Silvain, voir la note du no précédent.

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 13

32—Maison du sieur DUBOIS, n.s.s.
Probablement Pierre Dubois, époux de Thérése Quesdra (ou
Quéri). (Tanguay, III, 473 et T. de M.no181Aa 2, pl.7, no 289.)

33—Maison du sieur BENOIST.
Il signe: Benoist.

34—Maison de la veuve LENOIR, occupée par JOSEPH DESEVE, n.s.s.
Pour ‘‘veuve Lenoir’’ voir la note au no suivant.
Joseph Denis Deséve. (Tanguay, III, 371.)

35—Maison de la veuve LENOIR, n.s.s.
Peut-étre Marie Galipeau, épouse de Vincent Lenoir, menuisier.
(Tanguay, V, 341 et T. de M. no 1817; pl. 7, nos 292 et 293.)

36—Maison du sieur LENOIR, n.s.s.
Probablement un des fils de Vincent Lenoir dont il est question
au no ci-dessus.

37— Maison des SOEURS DE LA CONGREGATION.
Présente: la dame de la Présentation supérieure.
Elle signe: Sr de la Présentation, Spre.
Marguerite Amiot, fille de Jean Amiot et de Marguerite Poulain,
en religion soeur de la Présentation, fut supérieure de 1740 a 1746.
(T. de M. nos 177, 179A; pl. 6, nos 254, 256.)

38—Maison du sieur POMMEREAU.
Il signe: Paumereau.
Aussi présente: la veuve SAINT-OLIVE.
Elle signe: St. Olive veuxve.
Jacques-Pierre Paumereau, marchand, époux de Françoise
Nafrechoux.
Madeleine Nafrechoux, veuve de Claude Boiteux de Saint-Olive,
chirurgien et apothicaire. (Tanguay, VII, 227, et T. de M. no
168; pl. 6, no 244.)

39—‘‘LEs Prisons Royaux’’ où est logé le sieur LE PALLIEUR.
Présente: sa femme qui n.s.s.
Le géolier des prisons était alors Charles-René Le Pallieur,
époux de Madeleine Le Normand. (Tanguay, V, 349, aussi
T. de M. nos 163 C6 et 167; pl. 6, no 235.)

40—Maison du sieur ISTRE.
Il signe: Jstre.
Joseph Istre, chirurgien. (Tanguay, IV, 570 et T. de M. no 176;
pl. 6, no 253.)

41—Maison de REBOUST dit LEVEILLE.
Il signe: Rebou.

14 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Toussaint Rebou dit Léveillé, maitre perruquier. (Tanguay, VI,
529 et T. de M. no 175 B; pl. 6, no 252.)
Certains scribes écrivent Rebour et d’autres Reboul,

42—Maison du sieur GERVAIS, occupée par le sieur SEGUIN.
Présente: sa femme.
Elle signe: Hervieux Séguin.
Guillaume Séguin dit Bellerose, écrivain, époux de Geneviève
Hervieux. (Tanguay, VII, 157 et Simonnet, 8 mais 1741.

43—Maison du sieur DUCHOUQUET.
I] signe: Duchouquet.
Louis-Joseph Lefebvre Duchouquet, époux d’Elisabeth Lemire-
Marsollet. (Tanguay, V, 273 et T. de M. no 176a; pl. 6, no 251.)

44—-Maison du sieur D'ARGENTEUIL, occupée par VAUQUAISE.
Il signe: Vauquier.
Jean d’Ailleboust, sieur d'Argenteuil. (T.de M. nos 165 et 165c;
pl. 6, nos 240 et 241.)
Nicolas Vauquier. (Tanguay, VII, 433.)

45—Maison de la veuve LAFANTESIE, N.s.s.
Madeleine Dumouchel veuve de Claude Maurice dit Lafantaisie.
(Tanguay, V, 580 et T. de M. no 174; pl. 6, no 250.)

46—Maison de la veuve LAFANTESIE, occupée par le sieur D’AILLE-
BOUST de la MADELEINE. Présente: sa femme.
Elle signe: Linctot de la Madeleine.
Veuve Claude Maurice dit Lafantaisie. (Voir la note à l’article
précédent et T. de M. no 173; pl. 6, no 249.)
François d’Ailleboust sieur de la Madeleine, époux de Marie
Charlotte Godefroy de Linctot. (Tanguay, III, 224.)

47—Maison du sieur D'ARGENTEUIL, occupée par le nommé CHABOT,
n.s.s.
Sur le sieur d'Argenteuil, voir la note à l’article 44, ci-dessus.
48—Maison de la veuve D’ARGENTEUIL.
Elle signe: Darpenteuil.
La dame de la Valtrie et le sr d'Argenteuil, fils, ont aussi des
effets dans cette maison.
Marie-Louise de la Ronde, veuve de Pierre d’Ailleboust d’Argen-
teuil. Elle naquit en 1671 et mourut en 1747. (Fauteux, Famille
d Ailleboust, p. 46.)
Jean d’Ailleboust d’Argenteuil, fils du précédent. Il naquit
en 1694 et mourut célibataire, après 1787. (Fauteux, «bid,
p. 96 et T. de M. no 165a; pl. 6, no 240.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INÉDIT : 15

49—Maison de dame D’ARGENTEUIL, occupée par la femme du sieur
COURTEVILLE, absent.
Elle signe: De Courteville.
Barthélemi-Charles de Courteville marié à Elisabeth Demers.
(Tanguay, III, 270.)
Voir note à l’article 48.

50—Maison du sieur FRENIERE BIRON.
Il signe: Fresniere Biron.
Jean Fresniére Biron, marchand bourgeois, demeurant rue Notre-
Dame. (Adhémar, 22 juillet 1741 et T. de M., nos 164B, 164C;
pl. 6, nos 238 et 239.)

51—Maison du sieur AUGE BIRON, n.s.s.
Voir T. de M. nos 164B et 164C; pl. 6 nos 239 et 238.
Peut-étre Jacques Auger Biron, époux de Marie Heurtebise.
(Tanguay, II, 269.)

52—Maison de la veuve RUPALAIS.
Elle signe: De Rupalay.
Probablement Anne Lemire veuve de Marc-Antoine de Rupalley
ou Marie-Charlotte Leriger, épouse de Charles de Rupalley de
Gonneville. (Tanguay, III, 356 et T. de M. nos 1644 et 164B;
pl. 6, nos 238 et 239.

53—Dans une maison des SOEURS DE LA CONGRÉGATION, occupée par
le nommé ROLLAND.
Il signe: Charle Rolland.
Philippe-Charles Rolland. (Tanguay, VIH, 31.)
54—Maison de CARDINAL, cordonnier, n.s.s.
Un Jacques Cardinal, époux de Jeanne Duguay, était propriétaire
du lot voisin de celui du coin de la rue Notre-Dame et de la place
d’Armes, en 1740, mais il résidait à Détroit. (Tanguay, II,
543 et T. de M. 162G 2; pl. 6, no 237.)
55—-Maison de CHARLES TESSIER. Présente: sa femme.
Elle signe: Magdeleine Laforce.
Dans une chambre loge, MADAME GAUCHER.
Elle signe: Catalongue Gauché.
Charles Tessier marié en troisièmes noces à Marie-Madeleine
Pepin dit Laforce. (Tanguay, VII, 276.)
Michel Gamelin dit Gaucher, voyageur ,époux de Charlotte
Julie de Catalogne. (Tanguay, IV, 167.)
56—Maison de TESSIER, occupée par la veuve LALIBERTE, n.s.5.
57—Maison de JACQUES LAVIGNE, occupée par SAINT-LAURENT, n.s.s.

16 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

58—Maison de LAPALME. Présente: sa femme, n.s.s.
Dominique Janson dit Lapalme, architecte, époux de Marie-
Joseph Couturier. Fut grand voyer à Québec, en 1761, où il
mourut en 1762. (Tanguay, IV, 586 et T. de M. no 161d; pl. 5,
no 217.)
59—Maison de M. de NOYELLE.
Il signe: Novyelle.
Occupée aussi par Mlle. de LA VERENDRY.
Elle signe: C. Laverendrye.
Nicolas Joseph de Noyelle de Fleurimont ou son fils Charles-
Joseph. (Tanguay, III, 346 et T. de M. no 128B; pl. 5, no 147.)
Peut-être Marie-Catherine Gautier de la Verendrye qui épouse
Jean Le Ber de Senneville en 1743. (Tanguay, IV, 208 et V,
220.)
60—Maison de CORON, occupée par madame veuve DUFIGUÉE.
Elle signe: Marianne Largenterie du figurer.
Charles-Francois Coron, notaire. (Tanguay, III, 132 et T. de M.
no 129; pl. 5, no 148.)
Marie-Anne de Miray de l’Argenterie, veuve de René-Louis Le
Fournier du Figuier. (Tanguay, V, 289 et III, 330.)
61—Dans l'autre côté de la même maison, occupé par SANSOUCY, n.s.s.
62—Maison de Mr de Cuisy, occupée par Mr MAUGRAS.
Présente: son épouse.
Elle signe: M. Lajemerais Maugras.
Paul-Alexandre d’Ailleboust de Cuisy, né en 1696, mort en 1782.
Il avait épousé Thérèse de Fournier du Vivier. (Fauteux,
Fam. d'Ailleboust, p. 97.) |
Pierre Gamelin dit Maugras, époux de Marie-Clémence du
Frost de la Jemerais. (Tanguay, III, 310 et IV, 167.)
63—Maison de Mr D'AILLEBOUST. Madame VEUVE DU VIVIER,
présente.
Elle signe: Thérèse Gadois de Vivier.
Il y a aussi des effets appartenant à une dame de Lignerie.
Le propriétaire doit être M. d’Ailleboust de Cuisy. Voir
no 62.
Madeleine-Thérése Gadois veuve de Jules Le Fournier du Vivier.
(Tanguay, I, 368 et T. de M. no 129c; pl. 5, no 150.)
64—Le SEMINAIRE DE MESSIEURS LES SEIGNEURS. Présent: M. de
Clerimbert économe.
Il signe: Clerimbert prêtre.
Laurent Riverie de Clerimbert (Gauthier, La Compagnie de
St- Sulpice, p. 40 et T. de M. no 126; pl. 5, no 151.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 17

65—Maison de sieur SAINT-CÔME. Présente: sa femme, n.s.s.
Pierre Cosme dit Saint-Cosme, négociant. (Simonnet, 15 juin
1741.)
Probablement un Buisson de Saint-Cosme, mais lequel?
66—Maison de Mr. BOUATE, occupée par le sieur J. B. GUILLON.
Il signe: J. Bte. Guillon.
Feu Frangois-Marie Bouat, ancien juge. (Tanguay, IV, 363.)
Probablement Jean Guillon (ou Guyon) époux de Marguerite
Provancher. (Tanguay, IV, 432.)
67—Maison de LAVALLEE forgeron. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Lavalée.
Dans la méme maison habite le sieur FARLY dont la femme est
présente. n.s.s.
Probablement Jacques Lavallée, époux d’Elisabeth Cabazié.
(Tanguay, V, 201.)
Jacques-Philippe Farly, voyageur, époux de Marie-Josephe
Dumouchel. (Tanguay, IV, 9.)
68—Maison de JACQUES CAVELIER.
Il signe: J. Cavelier.
Jacques Cavelier, maitre armurier. (Tanguay, II, 587 et T.
de M. no 124 A1; pl. 4, no 51.)
69—Maison de PISTOLLET. II est présent, ainsi que son fils.
Ils signent: Antoine Boumount-Antoine beaumont di pistoiei.
(Tanguay, VI, 173 et T. de M. no 116F; pl. 4, no 82 et Simonnet,
27 mai 1741. Antoine Beaumont, fils, était ferblantier.
70—Maison du sieur DULOMPRE FORESTIER. Présente: sa femme.
Elle signe: Louise Grosbois Dulonpré.
Jean-Baptiste Forestier sieur Dulongpré, époux de Louise
Boucher de Grosbois. (Tanguay, IV, 64.)
71—Maison de PICARD, n.5.5. ;
Peut-être Francois Picard, époux de Marguerite Cusson. (Tan-
guay, VI, 345 et T. de M. no 116£; pl. 4, no 81.)
72—Maison de M. Marin, occupée par M. de BLAINVILLE. Présente,
Sa femme.
Elle signe: Langloiserie de Blainville.
Paul Marin de la Malgue, époux de Marie-Josephe Guyon.
(Tanguay, V, 514 et T. de M. no 121B et 122; ‘pl. 4, no 49.)
J. Bte. Céloron de Blainville époux de Suzanne Piot de Lang-
loiserie. (Tanguay, II, 591.)
73—Maison de LAMARCHE, maçon, N.s.s.

Toussaint Périneau dit Lamarche, époux de Marie-Joseph
=9

18 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Cusson. (Tanguay, VI, 305 et T. de M. no 116D; pl. 4, partie
de no 804.)
74—Maison de sieur PIERRE VOISIN dit LA CROIX, n.s.s.
Pierre Voisin dit La croix, sergent. (Tanguay, VII, 480.)
75—Maison de la veuve FORESTIER.
Elle signe: veuve Forestier.
76—Méme maison, dans un appartement occupé par la dame veuve
LAFFERTE.
Elle signe: Caterine Lapalieur.
Catherine-Gertrude Jérémie, veuve de François-Michel Le
Pallieur de Laferté, qui fut huissier, géolier, notaire, substitut
du procureur du roi et greffier intérimaire.
77—Maison de LouIs CAVELIER.
Il signe: Louis Cavelier.
Probablement Louis Cavelier époux de Catherine Lemire.
(Tanguay, II, 587.)

78—Maison de MALOIN, n.s.s.
Nicolas Kergrecolet dit Malouin, époux de Jeanne Hébert.
(Tanguay, V, 42 et T. de M. 10522; pl. 4, no 79.)

79—Maison de RABOT, menuisier.
Il signe: P. Gautier, menu.
Pierre Gautier, dit Rabot, marié à M.-Anne Boileau vécut à
Montréal de 1717 à 1754. Son mariage, eut lieu le 8 juin 1716
à la Pointe-Claire. Tanguay n'a pas cette dernière date. (Tan-
guay, IV, 209, et T. de M. no 105Z ler; pl. 4, no 78).

80—Maison du sieur AUGER, tisserand.
Il signe: Pierre Auger.
Probablement Pierre Auger époux de Marguerite Foretier.
(Tanguay, II, 82 et T. de M. no 106 C1, nos 45 et 46.)
Dans le Terrier on le nomme Auger-Desnoyers.

81—Maison de la veuve POUGET, n.s.s.
Il y avait deux veuves Pouget alors à Montréal: Marthe Brossard
veuve du colon et Gabrielle Dugast veuve du fils du colon.
Les deux défunts avaient été tailleurs. (Tanguay, VI, 423.)
82—Maison de BAPTISTE CAVELIER, n.5.5.
Peut-être J. B. Cavelier, époux de Marie-Charlotte Pigeon.
(Tanguay, II, 581.)
83—Maison de la veuve BEAUVAIS, N.s.s.
Probablement Elisabeth Turpin, veuve de Raphael Beauvais.
(Tanguay, II, 178 et T. de M. no 1050; pl. 4, no 62.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 19

84—- Maison de MADAME LEVERRIER, occupée par MADAME YOUVILLE.
Présente: Dlle LOUISE LA SOURCE.
Elle signe: Louise Lasource.
Jeanne-Charlotte de Fleury Deschambault, veuve de François Le
Verrier sieur de Rousson. (Tanguay, V, 395 et T. de M. nos
1062, 106B3 et 106c; pl. 4, nos 43 et 44.)
Marie-Marguerite Dufros de la Jemmerais veuve de Francois
Madeleine You ou Youville, sieur de la Découverte, fondatrice
de la communauté des Soeurs grises. (Tanguay, VII, 491.)
Marie-Louise Thaumur de la Source, née en 1708, une des
premières compagnes de la vénérable dame Youville. (Tanguay
VII, 288.)

85— Maison de PIERRE BOUGRET DIT DUFORT, n.s.s.
Pierre Bougret dit Dufort, époux de Louise Dudevoir. (Tan-
guay, II, 394 et T. de M. no 1064; pl. 4, no 41.)

86—Maison de JACQUES GARAUT, n.5.5.
Probablement Jacques-Philippe Garaut, époux de Marie Imbaut.
(Tanguay, IV, 172 et T. de M. no 102-0; pl. 3, No 37.) Dans le
terrier on lit Gareau dit Vadeboncoeur.

87—Maison de SAINT-JEAN, sergent, n.s.s.
Jean Latouche dit St-Jean et dit Soupras, époux d’Elisabeth
Vallée; il décéde au mois d’octobre 1741. (Tanguay, V, 184
et 1. de M: 102 MNO et 102; pl. 3, nos 35 et 36.)

88—Maison des héritiers de M. DE VILLIERS, occupée par JACQUES
LASELLE. Présente: sa femme.
Elle signe: Marian Lalande.
Nicolas-Antoine Coulon de Villiers. (Tanguay, II, 167 et T. de
M. no 102mno; pl. 3, no 35.)

89—Maison de CONTOIS, occupée par la veuve DUDEVOIR, n.s.s.
François Marc ou Mar dit Contois qui épousa en 1752 Marie
Anne Gazal. (Tanguay, V, 484 et T. de M. no 102Z, pl. 3, no 34.)
Angélique Ducharme veuve de Claude Dudevoir qui fut huissier
royal de 1722 à 1734. (Tanguay, III; 499 et Massicotte Tribun-
aux et officiers de justice, 291.)

90—Maison de la veuve CHAMPAGNE, occupée par TOULOUSE, n.s.5.
Marie-Madeleine Arrivée veuve de Jean Fontenelle dit Cham-
pagne. Voir la note à l’article suivant.
Probablement Joseph Raymond dit Toulouse, époux de Marie
Ondoyer. (Tanguay, VI, 518.)

91—Maison de la veuve CHAMPAGNE, n.5.5.
Marie-Madeleine Arrivée, veuve de Jean Fontenelle dit Cham-
pagne, soldat, puis menuisier. Leur mariage à la gaumine, en

20 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

1711 leur causa bien des ennuis et ils durent s’épouser réguliére-
ment en 1720. (Tanguay, IV, 47 et B.R.H. 1919, p. 120; aussi
T..de Mnos102G; 10277 102:;>> pla; nos 318295)
92—Maison de DUPLANTY, occupée par ETIENNE LORANGE, n.s.s.
Jacques Hery-Duplanty, époux de Jeanne Vanier. (Tanguay,
IV, 502 et T.de M. 10277; pl. 3, nos 32 et 33.)
Jean-Etienne Cluseau dit Lorange. (Tanguay, III. 102.)
93—Maison de DUPLANTY, occupée par LALIME.
I] signe: Lalime.
Sur Duplanty, voir l’article précédent.
Jean-Baptiste Sadé-Lalime, ancien soldat, époux de Geneviève
Bluteau. (Tanguay, VII, 108.)
94—Maison de LA PROMENADE, n:s.s.
Jacques Larchevêque dit La promenade, époux de Madeleine
Hayot. "(Manguay/Vi 163.)
95—Le couvent des REVERENDS PERES RECOLLETS. Présent le
RP PISCOT,
Signe: F. Estienne Piscot, Récollet, Prestre.
Le R. P. Etienne Piscot, après avoir été aumônier de |’ Hépital-
général de Québec en 1729 et 1730, paraît avoir été supérieur de
la maison de son ordre à Montréal en 1733.
Dans le Terrier de Montréal, le terrain des Récollets sis au coin
des rues Notre-Dame et Saint-Pierre, ne porte aucun numéro.

RUE AUGUSTINE (du nord au sud)
nos 96 à 98

96—Maison D'YVON.
Il signe: Gabriel Leber.
Gabriel LeBer dit Yvon, cordonnier, à ce moment marié en 3e.
noces avec Marie-Joseph Durand. (Tanguay, V, 319 et T. de
Mnol0LE:tpl:8,n022)
Le Terrier le nomme Hyvon et Yvon dit Leber.
97—Maison de PATENOTE, ns.
Jean-Baptiste Patenotre, époux de Marie-Renée Leber Yvon.
(Tanguay, VI, 250 et T. de M. no 101D; pl. 3, no 22.)
98—Maison de PARENT, occupée par ROCHEFORT. (Pas d’indication
s’il sait signer ou non.)
Joseph Parent, menuisier, époux de Marie-Françoise Mony.
(Tanguay, VI, 234 et T. de M. no 101c; pl. 3, no 21.)
Probablement Bernard Audon dit Rochefort, époux de Marie-
Joseph Desforges. . (Tanguay, II, 79.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 21

RUE SAINT-PAUL (de l'ouest à l’est)
(nos 99 à 253)

99—Maison de DAME ST-DIZIER.
Elle signe: la ve Saint-Dizier.
Probablement Marie-Anne Prud’homme, veuve de Pierre Nivard
dit Saint-Dizier. (Tanguay, VI, 150 et T. de M. no 31; pl. 3,
no 1).
100—Dans un appartement, de la maison de la dite dame ST-DIZIER,
occupé par le sieur DE LA CHOIVIGNERY. Présente: sa femme.
Elle signe: St Blin la Chauvignery.
Michel Maray de la Chauvignerie, interprète en langue iroquoise,
époux de Marie-Josephe Raimbault de Saint-Blin. (Tanguay,
V, 488.)
101—Dans une maison de MADAME Ve ST-DIZIER, occupée par ST
ETIENNE. n.s.5.
Probablement Pierre Guignard (ou Rignan) dit St-Etienne,
époux de Marie-Joseph Lebeuf. (Tanguay, IV, 408 et VI, 569.)
102—Maison de la veuve COcHOIs, occupée par DELISLE, n.s.s.
Elisabeth Prud’homme veuve de Jacques Cauchois. (Tanguay,
bie sszret tode Mono 102825; pl. 3, nos.)
103—Maison de LECOUR.
Il signe: Nicolas Le Court.
Nicolas Lecourt, époux de Geneviève Courault. (Tanguay, V,
250 et T. de M. no 102cc; pl. 3, no 9.) |
104—Maison de NicoLAs LECOURT, occupée par LARCHE, n.s.5.
Voir no 63.
105—Maison de la veuve LANGLOIS, n.s.s.
Marie-Renée Toupin-Dussault, veuve de Jacques Langlois.
(Tanguay, V, 139 et T. de M. no 53; pl. 3, no 3.)
106—Maison de BOUTIN, n.s.s.
-Pierre Boutin, forgeron, époux de Marie-Jeanne Langlois.
(Tanguay, II, 437 et T. de M. no 34; pl. 3, no 4.)
107—Méme maison—-MADAME PREJEANT absente dans le moment.
Il y avait alors à Montréal ou à Lachine, la veuve Louis Prejeant
et la veuve Jean-Francois Préjeant. (Tanguay, VI, 440, 441.)
108—Maison de GAGNE.
Il signe: Pierre Gagnier.
Pierre Gangnier, époux en secondes noces de Madeleine Baudreau.
(Tanguay, IV, 120 et T. de M. no 34; pl. 3, no 5.)

22 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

109—Maison de DESCARIE, occupée par VENET, n.s.s.
Les héritiers Descarris possédaient alors les terrains aux coins
nord-est et sud-est des rues Saint-Paul et Saint-Pierre. La
maison, dont il est ici question ainsi que dans les items suivants
(nos 111, 112 et 113), devait être celle qui s'élevait au coin
sud-est. Voir Terrier de Montréal, no 35, pl. 4, nos 132, 133,
134, 107 et 1096). Tanguay, VI, 143, mentionne un Louis-René
Nenet ou Venet, Blanzy écrit Venet, dans un acte du 20 mai 1752.

110—-Méme maison, dans un appartement occupé par Mr Lincror.
Il signe: Linctot.
Probablement Louis-René Godefroy de Linctot officier, époux
de Catherine-Apolline Blondeau. (Tanguay, IV, 314.)

111- Maison de DESCARIE, occupée par la dame épouse du sieur
LESCUYER, n.5.s.
Sur Descarie, voir la note à l’item 109.

112—Méme maison, dans un appartement occupé par les Dlles
GIGUERE, n.s.s.

113—-Méme maison, dans l'étage d’en haut, occupé par les DESCARIS,
ESS.

114—Maison de JETTE, n.s.s.
Joseph Jetté, époux de Louise Bouchard. (Tanguay, IV, 604
et T. de M. no 35, pl. 4, no 109.)

115—Dans un côté de la maison de LEFEB VRE occupé par le nommé
CHAVAUDREUIL, n.s.s.
Ursin Dutalmé dit Chavaudreuil. (Tanguay, III, 578.)
Sur Lefevre voir l’item suivant.

116—Maison de LEFEBVRE, n.s.s.
Probablement Louis Lefebvre du Chouquet qui fut garde-
magasin au Fort Frontenac, époux de Céleste-Alberte Petit-
Boismorel. (Tanguay, 8 février, 1729 et T. de M. no 35; pl. 4,
no 134.)

117—Maison de TOUPIN, n.s.s.
Noel Toupin, époux de Marie-Françoise Navers. (Tanguay,
VII, 324 et T. de M. no 35; pl. 4, nos 109 et 110.)

118—Maison de CAVELIER.
Il signe: Le Cavelier.
Toussaint le Cavelier, époux de Marguerite Parant. (Tanguay,
il, 587 et T. de M. no 36; pl. 4; 10135)

119—“ Françoise CHARLU, femme de BOULARD, ci-devant desnommé”’
fait son rapport aux commissaires, à ce moment. Elle était
absente lors de la visite et son mari n’avait aucune connaissance

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT = 123

de quelques articles qu'elle déclare. Elle ne sait signer. On
ne dit pas où elle demeure.
Aucun Boulard n’a été ‘‘ci-devant desnommé”’ dans le docu-
ment. Le scribe l'avait omis. Par ailleurs, ce nom n'apparaît
pas dans le Terrier de Montréal. Donc le sieur Boulard n'était
que locataire d’une des maisons précédemment visitées. Voici
ce que le Dictionnaire généalogique nous dit sur ce citadin:
“Antoine Jean-Baptiste Boullard, soldat, marié à Françoise
Chaslu” (et non Charlu). (Tanguay, II, 405.)

120—Est aussi comparue THERESE LA SERRE fille du nommé CHAU-
FOUR, desnommé ci-dessus. On ne dit pas où elle demeure.
Elle signe: Thérèse Lasser.
La comparante était belle-fille de J. B. Chaufour, celui-ci ayant
épousé Angélique Boileau veuve de Guillamme Laserre. Thérèse
devenue soeur grise décéda à l'Hôpital général en 1783. (Tan-
guay, V, 180.)

121—Maison de madame de TIERSAN, occupée par le sieur SARRASIN.
Il signe: Sarasin.
Marie-Joseph-Rose Fézeret épouse de François-Gabriel Thiersan
de Genlis. (Tanguay, VII, 307 et T. de M. no 103D; pl. 4,
nos 111 et 108.)

122—Maison de la veuve CUROT, aussi de madame TONTY.
L'une signe: Veuve Curot, et l’autre: Dubuisson de Tonty.
Louise Feron, épouse de Martin Curot (ou Curaux). (Tanguay,
III, 210 et T. de M. no 37; pl. 4, no 136.)
Louise Renaud du Buisson, épouse de Charles-Henri-Joseph de
Tonty. (Tanguay, VII, 319.)

123—Maison du sieur RIVARD. Présente: sa femme.
Elle signe: Jenenief Jarevés.
Julien Rivard marchand, époux de Geneviève Gervaise. (Tan-
guay, VI, 579 et T. de M. no 38; pl. 4, no 137.)

124—Maison du sieur MAUGÉ. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Mogé.
Une chambre est habitée par Madame de NOYELLE, sa fille,
qui est absente.
Jacques Gadois dit Mauger, époux de M. Madeleine Chorel et
Marguerite Gadois-Maugé qui avait épousé le 22 mai 1741
Charles-Joseph de Noyelle de Fleurimont. (Tanguay, IV, 118
et T. de M. no 1034; pl. 4, partie du no 108.)

125—Maison du sieur GODET. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Marianne Cuillriée (on dirait Cuillrice).

24 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Dominique Godet époux de Marie-Anne Cuillerier. (Tanguay,
IV,'311 et To de M. no 1037; pl: 4, no 121.)
126—Maison du sieur HAMELIN. Sa femme est présente.
Le scribe déclare qu’elle signe, mais on lit: hamelin pour ma
mere.
Sans doute c’est un enfant qui a signé pour sa mére.
Devait occuper le terrain no 111, pl. 4, no 118, T. de M.
127—Maison de Mr le CHEVALIER DE LA CORNE.
Il signe: Le chev. de la Corne.
Devait occuper le terrain no 4d; pl. 4, no 138.
128—Maison de la veuve SAINT-OLIVE occupée par le sieur POUDRET,
n.s.s.
Madeleine Nafrechoux, veuve de Claude Boiteux de Saint-
Olive, apothicaire. (Tanguay, VII, 227 et T. de M. no 112;
pl. 4, no 123.)
Probablement Antoine Poudret, époux de M. Elizabeth Foron.
(Tanguay, VI, 422.)
129—Maison du sieur de TAILLY, n.s.s.
Joseph Denau de Tailly, époux de Marie-Anne Adhémar.
(Tanguay, III, 332, et T. de M. no 40; pl. 4, no 139.)
130—Méme maison, appartement occupé par LOUIS ARCHAMBAULT,
n.s.s.
Peut-être Louis Archambault, époux de Thérèse Baudreau.
(Tanguay, II, 46.)
131 Même maison. Appartement occupé par la veuve LAFONTAINE,
Ness:
132—-Maison du sieur DIELLE, occupé par le sieur LA SAUSSAYE. Sa
femme présente.
Elle signe: Raimbault de la Saussaye.
Jacques Diel, forgeron, marié à Marie-Anne Crépin. (Tanguay,
III, 416.)
Pierre Dagneau Douville de la Saussaye, marié à Madeleine
Raimbault. (Tanguay, III, 218.)
_ 1383—-Maison de madame veuve BaABy.
Elle signe: Veuve Baby.
Thérèse Lecompte, veuve de Raymond Baby. (Tanguay, IT,
93 et ET. de Mno ls; pl Lno31)
134—Maison de CAMPAUT. Appartement occupé par la femme de
NEVEU, absent, n.s.s.
Probablement Jacques Campaut, époux de Jeanne-Cécile Catin.
(Tanguay, II, 531 et T. de M. no 41; pl. 4, no 141.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 25

135—Même maison. Appartement occupé par FRANCOIS GUILLEMIN,
mes!s.
François Guillemin, soldat, époux de Francoise Laisné. (Tan-
guay, IV, 417.)

136— Maison de M. DAUTEUIL, occupée par le sr CATIN représenté
par sa femme.
Elle signe: Marianne Chauvin.
Charles Ruet d'Auteuil, époux de Thérèse Catin. (Tanguay,
HN, 252,etileide M.no.119B;. pl:4#no1129)
Henri-Nicolas Catin, voyageur, marié à Marie-Anne Chauvin.
(Tanguay, IT, 580.)

137—Maison de Mr MALHIOT. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Gamelin Mahiot.
Jean-François Malhiot, lieutenant particulier c'est-à-dire juge
suppléant, à Montréal, marié à Charlotte Gamelin. (Tanguay,
V, 463 et T. de M..no 42d; pl. 4, no 141, 142.)

138—Maison de Mr BLONDEAU occupée par Mr ADHEMAR. Son
épouse est présente.
Elle signe: Caterine Adhémar.
Maurice Blondeau, veuf de Suzanne Charbonnier. (Tanguay,
II, 316 et T. de M. no 426, pl. 4, no 142.)
Jean-Baptiste Adhémar, notaire royal, ancien greffier du
tribunal, marié à Catherine Moreau. (Tanguay, II, 6.)

139—Maison de M. d’AUTEUIL, occupée par Madame BUSQUET.
Elle signe: Le Villiers Busquet.
Sur M. d'Auteuil, voir no 136.
Antoine Busquet marié à Louise Petit Le Villiers. (Tanguay,
IT, 508 et T. de M. no 119B; pl. 4, no 129.)

140—Maison de madame VEUVE DE REPENTIGNY, occupée par M.
DUPLESSY.
Il signe: Duplessy.
T. de M. no 140 à 141; pl. 5, nos 183, 184, 185.

141—Maison du sieur RENÉ DE COUAGNE.
Il signe: R. Decouagne.
René de Couagne, époux de Louise Pothier. (Tanguay, III,
269 et T. de M: no 13B; pl. 5, nos 185a, 186a.)

142—Même maison, appartement occupé par le sieur LACROIX dont
l'épouse est présente.
Pierre Hubert dit Lacroix, voyageur, marié 4 Catherine Pothier
dit Laverdure. (Tanguay, IV, 532.)

143—-Maison de Mr. NEVEU.
Il signe: B. Neve.

26 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

T. de M. no 14; pl. 5, no 186a. Peut-être J. B. Neveu de la
Bretonnière, marié en secondes noces à Françoise Le Gras.
(Tanguay, VI, 144 et T. de M. no 14; pl. 5, no 186a)

144—Maison, de Madame VEUVE BONDY, occupée par le sieur LEGRAS.
Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Genvt Gamelin legras.
Catherine Testard, veuve d’Augustin Douaire de Bondy.
(Tanguay, III, 436 et T. de M. no 141 et 1424; pl. 5, no 186.)
J. Bte Le Gras, marchand, marié à Geneviève Gamelin. (Tan-
guay, V, 300.)
145—Méme maison. Effets appartenant à Dlle Louise Legras.
Elle signe: Louise legras.
Probablement Louise Legras, née en 1700 qui épouse, en 1753,
Françoise Poirier, à Chambly. (Tanguay, V, 300.)
146—Méme maison. Un appartement occupé par Madame VEUVE
Bonpy.
Elle signe: Bondy.
Voir no 144.

147—Maison des Sr. VOLANT, occupée par Sr. METIVIE.
Il signe: Métivié.
Peut-être François et Nicolas Volant Tanguay, VII, 481 et
T. de M. no 16; pl. 5, no 1874.
Probablement Barthélemi Métivier, époux de Marguerite
Chauvin. (Tanguay, V1, 11.)
148—Maison de la veuve MAURISSEAUX.
Elle signe: Veuve Marisseaux.
Suzanne Petit veuve de J. B. Maurisseaux, vivant, interprète.
(Tanguay, VI, 118 et T. de M. no 142B; pl. 5, no 187.)
149—Maison du sr LACOSTE. Sa femme est présente. Il s’y trouve
des marchandises appartenent à MARIN HURTEBISE.
Madame La Coste refuse de signer.
Pierre Couraud dit Lacoste, marié en secondes noces à Mar-
guerite Aubuchon. (Tanguay, III, 169 et T. de M. no 1434;
pl. 5, nos 1744 et 174.)
150—Maison du sieur ROCBERT, occupée par DUROZEAU, n.s.5.
Antoine Durozeau, forgeron, époux de Louise-Claire Marchand.
(Tanguay. 11, 57!)
151—Maison de Du SERMON, occupée par DLLE MARIE-ANNE LA
FAYETTE.
Elle refuse de signer.
Charles Demers Dessermons marié en troisièmes noces à Made-

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 27

leine Cauchon-Blery. (Tanguay, III, 523 et T. de M. no 18;

pl. 5, nos 188 et 190.)

Probablement Marie-Anne Faille dit Lafayette, née en 1691

et qui épouse, en 1750, J. B. Douaire. (Tanguay, IV, 5.)
152—Maison du sieur FONBLANCHE. Sa fille est présente.

Elle signe: Catherine fomblanche.

Probablement Jacques-Francois Quesnel dit Fonblanche marié

en secondes noces à Marie-Anne Franquelin et Catherine

Quesnel dit Fonblanche, née en 1721 d’un premier mariage.

(Tanguay, VI, 481 et T. de M. no 19; pl. 5, no 192.)

153—Maison du sieur ROSE occupée par le sieur HERVIEUX FILs.
Sa femme est présente.
Elle ne peut signer ‘étant estropiée à la main.”
Nicolas Rose, époux de Marie-Joseph Prud’homme. (Tanguay,

VII, s9:e@ Tide M no 1438B; pl:5 no 1124)

154—Maison des héritiers BOUATE occupée par le sieur HERY.
Sa femme est présente et refuse de signer.
Héritiers de F. M. Bouat, ancien juge de Montréal. (Tanguay,
II, 363; Massicotte, Tribunaux and officiers de justice, p. 284,
et T: de M. nos 144, 145; pl. 5, no 172.
Jacques Hery-Duplanty, époux en secondes noces de Jeanne
Vanier. (Tanguay, IV, 502.)

155—Méme maison. Présente Dame VEUVE CUROT.
Il n’est pas question de sa signature.
Probablement Madeleine Cauchois veuve de Martin Curot ou
Curaux. (Tanguay, III, 209.)

156—Maison de TOUSSAINT POTHIER.
Il signe: T'ousst. Pothier.
Probablement Toussaint Pothier, époux de Geneviève Hervieux.
(Tanguay, VI, 421 et T. de M. no 9; pl. 5, nos 209 et 210;
aussi no 24; pl. 5, no 203.)

157—Maison de sieur Le COMPTE DUPRE. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Marianne Hervieux.
Jean Lecompte, dit Dupré, époux de Marie-Anne Hervieux.
(Tanguay, V, 247 et T. de M. no 148; pl. 5, no 168.)

158—Maison des héritiers DESRIVIERES, occupée par M. SIMONNET.
Il signe: Fr. Simonnet (avec paraphe).
Probablement les héritiers de Julien Trottier-Desrivières.
(Tanguay, VII, 355 et T. de M. no 1504; pl. 5, nos 167 et 169.)
François Simonnet, notaire royal, (Massicotte, Tribunaux et
officiers de justice, p. 297, et Tanguay, VII, 195.)

28 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

159—Maison du sieur JOSEPH DOUAIRE. Sa femme présente.
Elle refuse de signer.
Probablement Joseph Douaire, époux de Catherine Raimbault.
(Tanguay, III, 437 et sans doute, T. de M. no 146B; pl. 5,
no 173-172 en qualité d’héritier Raimbault.)

160—Maison de Dame veuve LESPERENCE.
Ses filles sont présentes. Elles refusent de signer.
Probablement Jean-Antoine Magnan dit Lespérance, époux de
Louise Lecompte Dupré. (Tanguay, V, 451 et T. de M. no 23d;
pl. 5, no 199, 201.)

161—Maison de M. LAMARQUE. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: M. St. Pierre Lamarque.
Charles Lamarque, époux de Marie Saint-Pierre. (Tanguay,
V, 106-et T.de Mino 1508; pl. 5, no 166.)

162—Maison de M. HERVIEUX. Sa femme est présente.
Elle refuse de signer.
Pierre J. B. Hervieux, époux de Charlotte Marin La Marque.
(Tanguay, IV, 501 et T. de M. no 24; pl. 5, nos 203 et 204.)

163—Maison de Mr. SAINT-ANGE CHARLY.
I] refuse de signer.
J. B. Charly Saint-Ange, époux en secondes noces de Catherine
d’Ailleboust de Manthet. (Tanguay, III, 19 et T. de M. no
23A; pl. 5, no 202.)

164—Maison de M. GUILLET. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.
Dlle CUILLERIE, a aussi des effets dans ce logement.
Probablement Paul Guillet marié à Catherine Pinguet. (Tan-
guay, IV, 418 et T. de M. no 25; pl: 5, no 205.)

165—Maison de M. GAMELIN. Sa femme présente.
Une dame veuve Gamelin a aussi des effets au même endroit.
L'une signe: Ls Lagemerais Gamelin.
Marie-Louise du Frost de la Jemmeraye, épouse d’Ignace
Gamelin et soeur de la fondatrice des Soeurs Grises. (Tanguay,
IV, 166.et T. de M. no 48a; pl. 6, no 284.)

166—Maison de M. MONIERE. Sa femme est présente et aussi Mlle
MARIE-FRANCOISE DE COUAGNE.
Elles signent: M. J. de Couagne-Marie-Françoise de Couagne.
Probablement Jean-Alexis Le Moine-Monière, époux de Marie-
Joseph de Couagne. (Tanguay, V, 337 et T. de M. no 27;
pl. 5, no 208.)

167—Maison du nommé DURIVAGE, occupée par le sieur BEAUVAIS,
n.s.s.

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 29

Joseph-Etienne dit Durivage, veuf, de Marie-Angélique Harel
(Tanguay, III, 600 et T. de M. no 152c; pl. 5, no 162.)
168—Maison du sieur SAINT-ONGE GARAUT, n.5.5.
Jean Gareau dit St-Onge. (T. de M. no 152D; pl. 5, no 161.)
169—Maison de M. BEREY. Sa fille est présente.
Elle signe: Berey.
Peut-être la fille de Thomas Berey. (Tanguay, II, 224 et T.
de M. no 474; pl. 6, nos 259 and 47d; pl. 6, no 267.)
170—Maison de Dame VEUVE FRANCHEVILLE.
Elle signe: Marguerite de Couagne.
Thérèse de Couagne, veuve de François Poulin dit Francheville.
(Tanguay, VII, 425, et T. de M. no 47c; pl. 6, no 260.)
171—L’Horet-Drev des Dames Religieuses de cette ville.
La Soeur supérieure est présente
Elle signe: Anne Françoise Leduc, sup're.
Il y a aussi des articles appartenant à Mlle VILLIERS. (T. de
M. no 178; pl. 6, no 255K, etc.)
172—Maison de Mr. Monrort.
Il signe: Monfort.
Peut-être François Dumay dit Montfort époux de Marie-
Catherine Thunay. (Tanguay, III, 528 et T. de M. 47c; pl. 6,
no 261.)
173—Maison de CHARLES DOUAIRE. Sa femme présente.
Elle refuse de signer.
Doit être Charles-Dominique Douaire de Bondy, époux de
Catherine Catin. (Tanguay, III, 436 et T. de M. no 47G,
pl. 6, no 262.
174—Maison du sieur LATOUR. Sa femme est présente.
Elle refuse de signer.
Probablement Jean Latour, marchand, époux de Jeanne Tail-
handier. (Tanguay, V, 185 et T. de M. no 47H; pl. 6, nos
262 et 263.) :
175—Maison de GACIEN. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.
Probablement Pierre-René Gatien, époux de Marguerite Gautier.
(Tanguay, IV, p. 184 et T. de M. no 48c; pl. 6, no 265.)
176—Méme maison, appartement occupé par GRENIL, n.s.s.
Probablement Joseph Greenhill dit Grenil marié à Marie-
Françoise Boyer et qui décède en avril 1742 à Montréal. (Tan-
guay, IV, p. 356.)
177—Maison du sieur AUGER. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.
178—Maison du sieur Guy.
Il signe: Guy.

30 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Probablement Pierre-Théodore Guy, marchand, époux de
Jeanne Trullier-Lacombe. (Tanguay, IV, 428.)
179—Maison de LESTAGE.
Il signe: Lestage.
Pierre de Lestage, sieur Despeiroux, marchand. (Tanguay,
III, 314 et T. de M. no 48F; pl. 6, no 270.)
180—Maison de Mr. FOUCHER. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Le Gardeur Foucher.
François Foucher, époux de Marie-Joseph Le Gardeur de
Courtemanche, procureur et conseiller du roi, au tribunal de
Montréal. (Tanguay, IV, 79; Massicotte, les Tribunaux et les
officiers de justice à Montréal, p. 286, et T. de M. no 51, pl. 6,
no) 2722) ;
181—Maison de FRANCOIS-MARIE DE COUAGNE.
Il signe: F. M. de Couagne.
François-Marie de Couagne, époux de Marie-Louise Lemoine
dit Monier. (Tanguay, III, 270 et T. de M. no 52; pl. 7,
no 273.)
182—Maison du sieur de SERMONT. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Thérèse Pougete de sermons.
Charles Dumay ou Demers de Sermont, époux de Thérèse
Pouget. (Tanguay, III, 526, fait erreur au sujet de cette
dernière, en écrivant que son mari avait convolé avec une
demoiselle Durand avant 1725; aussi T. de M. no 183B4; pl. 7,
no 276.)
183—Maison de la veuve LAURENT TRUDEAU, occupée par le sieur
JUILLET. Tous deux présents, n.s.s.
Marie-Anne Billeron veuve de Laurent Truteau (ou Trudeau).
(Tanguay, VII, 376 et T. de M. no 182B; pl. 7, no 279.)
184—-Maison de la veuve LAFRENAY, n.5.5.
René Mignau (ou Mignot) dit La Frenaye, époux de Cécile
Ozou, Sep. 25 nov. 1740. (Tanguay, VI, 30 T. de M. no 53;
pl. 7, no 273A.)
185—Méme maison. DLLE LEGRAS.
I] n’est pas question de sa signature.
186—Maison de la veuve POUGÉ, occupée par LIONNOIS, sergent, n.s.s.
J. B. Pouget, tailleur, décédé en 1736, époux de Gabrielle Dugas
(Tanguay, VI, p. 423 et T. de M. no 54; pl. 7, no 274.)
187—-Méme maison. Appartement occupé par Lamarche.
Il signe: Barito.
Probablement François-Julien Baritault dit Lamarche.
(Tanguay, II, 126.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 31

188—Maison de JOSEPH TRUDEAU, n.s.s.
Joseph Trudeau (ou Truteau), époux de M. Geneviéve Lamarre
Belisle. (Tanguay, VII, 376 et T. de M. no 55; pl. 275.)
189—Maison de M. de PERIGNY. Sa femme est présente.
El'e signe: Louise de Perigny.
Paul d’Ailleboust de Périgny, époux de Madeleine-Louise
Margane de la Valtrie. (Tanguay, III, 223 et T. de M. no 58;
pl. 349.)
190—Maison de GUILLORY. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Marie Alix Guillory.
Aussi mention d’un BENOIST fils.
Simon Guillory, époux de Marie Alix. (Tanguay, IV, 421 et
T. de M. no 57; pl. 7, no 348; et no 184d; pl. 7, no 337.)
191—Maison de LATOUR, n.s.s.
Charles Deséry dit Latour, marié a Francoise Leroux dit La
Chaussée. (Tanguay, III, 370 et T. de M. no 184E; pl. 7,
no 338.)
192—-Maison de DUCHARME, n.s.s.
Louis Ducharme, époux en secondes noces de Jeanne Pion.
(Tanguay, III, 491 et T. de M. no 59; pl. 7, no 350.)
193— Maison de MORANT, sa femme présente.
Free occupé par MME DE CLIGNANCOURT.
: ‘“ l'épouse de Sr NEVEU, FILs.
a i ‘“ l'épouse de Sr LEFEBVRE.
Mention de GILETTE, servante.
Tous refusent de signer.
Nicolas Morant, charpentier et maitre de pension. (Tanguay,
VI, 82 et T. de M. no 185D; pl. 7, no 339.)
194—-Maison de DULUDE, n.s.s.
195—Maison de POUGE.
Signe: Louis Pouget.
Louis Pouget, tailleur, époux de Catherine Hotesse. (Tanguay,
VI, 423 et T. de M. no 60; pl. 7, no 350.)
196—Maison de LA BROSSE. Appartement occupé par BEAUCOUR.
Il signe: Paul de Beaucour, sergt de Beaujeu.
Probablement Paul Jourdain dit Labrosse. (Tanguay, V, 34
et T. de M. no 185G; pl. 7, no 340.)
Paul Malepart Beaucour, sergent. Il avait marié Marguerite
Haguenier en 1737. (Tanguay, V, 478 et T. de M. no 185G;
pl. 7, no 340.)
197—Maison de veuve de LAUNAY.
Elle signe: delaunay veuve.

32 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Marie-Anne Legras, veuve de Charles Delaunay. (Tanguay, I,
172 et III, 298, aussi T. de M. no 62; pl. 7,-no 352.)
198—Maison de LA BROSSE père, n.s.s.
Denis Jourdain dit La Brosse, menuisier. (Tanguay, V, 23
et T. de M. no 185; pl. 7, nos 340, 341.)
199—Maison de JOSEPH PARENS, n.s.s.
Joseph Parans ou Parant, époux de Madeleine Maret. (Tanguay,
VI 230;et Tadée M. nos’63)/64> pl.7, no 353. )
Voir aussi no 211.
200—Maison de DAGUILLE, n.s.s.
J. B. Dagueil ou Daguille, dit l'Eguille, époux de Priscille
Story. (Tanguay, III, 221 et T. de M. no 186B et C; pl. 8,
no 346.)
201—Maison de BELHUMEUR.
I] n’est pas question de sa signature.
Bernard Philippe dit Belhumeur, époux de Anne Gallien.
(Tanguay, VI, 340 et T. de M. no 65; pl. 8, nos 354 et 355.)
202—Maison de VIGER, n.s.s.
Jacques Viger, cordonnier, époux en secondes noces de Marie-
Louise Ridday-Beauceron. (Tanguay, VII, 464 et T. de M.
no 186c; pl. 8, no 346.)
203—Maison de BAPTISTE TRUDEAU, Appartement occupé par la
veuve VINCENNES.
Elle signe: Marguerite Forrestié.
Marguerite Fortier, veuve de J. B. Bissot, sr de Vincennes,
officier.
J. B. Trudeau ou Truteau, forgeron, époux de Madeleine Parant.
(Tanguay, VII, 375 et T. de M. no 67; pl. 8, nos 355-356).
204—-Méme maison. Le dit B. Trudeau déclare, n.s.s.
Voir ci-dessus

A

205—Maison de Louts TRUDEAU, n.s.s.
Louis Trudeau (ou Truteau), époux de Marie-Joseph Roy.
(Tanguay, VII, 376 et T. de M. no 65; pl. 8, no 356.)

206—Dans le château de M. DE VAUDREUIL, où loge M. LE GOUVER-
NEUR GENERAL, un appartement est occupé par la demoiselle
OLIVIER et un autre par M. DE LÉRY, ingénieur.
Tous deux refusent de signer.
Le gouverneur-général, alors, était le marquis Charles de
Beauharnois.
Gaspard Chaussegros de Lery, ingénieur de la marine, chevalier.
(Tanguay, III, 44 et T. de M. nos 191-193; pl. 8, no 347.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 33

207—Maison de M. DESNOYERS occupée par MME DE RAMEZAY.
Elle refuse de signer.
Louise Godfroy de Tonnancourt, épouse de Jean-Baptiste-
Nicolas-Roch de Ramezay. Voir no 14, ci-dessus.

208—Maison de M. DE VERCHERES. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Verchère.
Probablement Jean Jarret de Verchères, chevalier, époux de
Madeleine d’Ailleboust de Manthet. (Tanguay, IV, 589 et T.
de M. no 194D2; pl. 8, no 359.)

209—Maison du Sr MOQUIN. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Ja moquin.
Méme maison, mention de la femme de LACOMBE fils.
Probablement Jacques Moquin, époux en secondes noces de
Marie Joseph Trullier-Lacombe. (Tanguay, VI, 80 et T. de M.
no 19681; pl. 8, no 366.)

210—Maison de CAMPAU.
Il signe: Henry Campau.
Henri Campau, époux de Marguerite Lanthier. (Tanguay, II,
532 et T. de M. no 71-3; pl. 8, no 380.)

211—Maison de PARENS, armurier, n.s.s.
Joseph Parent, T de M. no 195A et 195A1; pl. 8, nos 362-363.)
Voir aussi le no 199, ci-dessus.

212—Maison de M. CHAUMONT.
Il signe: Chaumont.
Nicolas-Augustin Guillet de Chaumont, notaire, époux de
Félicité d’Ailleboust. (Tanguay, IV, 418 et T. de M. no 19542;
pl. 8, no 362, 19641.)

213—Même maison. Appartement occupé par madame MENTHET.
Elle signe: De goutin de Manthet.
Marie-Jeanne de Goutins, époux de Pierre-Joseph d’Ailleboust
de Manthet (voir no 214). (Fauteux, Famille d Ailleboust,
p. 148.)
Mme de Manthet était à la veille de donner naissance à un
fils et c’est pourquoi, sans doute, elle loge chez sa belle-sceur
Mme de Chaumont.

214—Maison de Roy, occupée par M. MENTHET. Pas question de la

signature.

Pierre-Joseph d’Ailleboust de Manthet des Musseaux née en
1696; marié à Mlle de Goutins en 1739; mort en 1768.
(Fauteux, Famille d'Ailleboust, p. 148.)
Probablement Pierre Roy, époux de Catherine Ducharme.
(Tanguay, VII, 68 et T. de M. no.72; pl.'8, 382.)

—10

34 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

215—Maison de Roy. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: femme de françois Rot.
Probablement François Roy, fils de Pierre, époux de Madeleine
Truteau. (Tanguay, VII, 80.)
Voir le no 214, ci-dessus.
216—Maison de LABROSSE, n.s.s.
Peut-être Denis Jourdain dit Labrosse, époux de Marie Blau
(1726). (Tanguay, II, 312 et T. de M. no 19642; pl. 8, no 364.)
217—Méme maison. Appartement occupé par Madame Veuve La
CORNE.
Elle signe: Marie Pécaudie.
Marie Pécaudy de Contrecoeur veuve de Jean-Louis de Chapt
de la Corne. (Tanguay, I, 167 et III, 285.)

218—Maison de PARENT, occupée par M. de SAINT-OURS. Sa femme
présente.
Elle signe: Douville de St-Ours.
Pierre de Saint-Ours, époux de Marie-Claire Dagnau Douville.
(Tanguay, III, 402.)

219—Maison des héritiers CHAUMINE, occupée par M. de BEAUCOURT,
gouverneur de cette ville. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Aubert Du bots berthelot.
Paul Tessier dit Chaumine. (Tanguay, I, 562 et VII, 274.)
Josué Bois Berthelot de Beaucourt, alors gouverneur de Mon-
tréal, époux de Gabrielle-Françoise Aubert. (Tanguay, I, 14
et III, 472.)

220—Maison de Massy, occupée par Mr SALVAILLE.
Il signe: Salvaille.

221—Maison de GUERIN, n.5.5.
Probablement Joseph Guérin, époux de Marie-Françoise Goguet.
(Tanguay, IV, 399 et T. de M. no 196B2-11, et B2-2; pl. 9,
nos 376 et 377.)

222—-Maison de LEFEBVRE, occupée par M. Duviviers. Mention en
plus de madame de Monticny & de M. VILLEDENAY.
Madame Duviviers signe comme suit: C. Damours de Louviere
dévivier.
Louis-Hector Le Fournier du Vivier, époux de Charlotte Da-
mours de Louvière. (Tanguay, III, 228 et V 289.)
Madame de Montigny doit être Marie-Anne de la Porte de
Louvigny. (Tanguay, VII, 284.)
Nicolas Lefebvre, époux de Marie-Anne Ducharme. (Tanguay,
V, 268 et T. de M. no 1994; pl. 9, no 373.) |

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 35

223—Maison de Mr SILVAIN.
Il refuse de signer.
Timothée Silvain (ou Sullivan), médecin, époux de Marie-
Renée Gauthier veuve de Christophe Dufros de la Jemmerais.
(Tanguay, VII, 235 et T. de M. no 74; pl. 9, no 386.)
224—-Maison des héritiers DESPRES, occupée par MADAME VEUVE
SENNEVILLE.
Elle signe: Veuve Senneville.
Marie-Louise de Miray d’Argenterie, veuve de Joachim-
Jacques Le Ber de Senneville.

225—Maison de Mr SENNEVILLE. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Soumande Senneville.
Joseph-Hypolite LeBer de Senneville, époux de Anne-Marguerite
Soumande. (Tanguay, V, 219 et T.de M. no 75; pl. 9, no 387.)

226—Maison de BEAUSERONT, N.s.s.
Jean Ridé dit Beauceron, époux de Louise-Catherine Dubeau.
(Tanguay, VI, 566 et T. de M. no 199A; pl. 9, no 373.)

227—Maison de BOULRICE, n.s.s.
Gabriel Boulrice ou Bourlisse, époux de Geneviève Jetté.
(Tanguay, II, 429 et T. de M. no 1990; pl. 9, no 372, et no 2074;
pl. 9}-110'371.)

228—Maison de PERILLARD, n.s.s.
Peut-être Nicolas Perillard, époux de Catherine Papineau.
(Tanguay, VI, 304.)

229—Maison de RocBERT père. Présente, Madame BEGON.
Elle refuse de signer.
Etienne Rocbert de la Morandiére. (Tanguay, I, 524 et VII,
4.)
Marie-Elisabeth Rocbert, épouse de Claude-Michel Bégon,
commissaire-ordonnateur des Trois-Rivières. (Tanguay, II,
188.)

230—Maison de BIZET, n.s.s.

231—Maison de la VEUVE CHEVALIER, n.s.5.
Peur-être Agathe-Barbe Campeau, épouse de Paul Chevalier
ou Françoise Alavoine, épouse de J. B. Chevalier. (Tanguay,
III, 56.)

232—Maison de MADAME DEMONTIGNY.
Présente: MARIE JEANNE, domestique, n.s.s.
Marie-Anne de la Porte veuve de Jacques Testard de Montigny.
(Tanguay, VII, 283, et T. de M. no 79; pl. 406a.)

36 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

233—Maison de BAPTISTE BRAZEAU, n.s.s.
Probablement J. B. Brazeau, époux de Geneviéve Tartre.
(Tanguay, II, 457 et T. de M. no 216F; pl. 9, no 394.)
234—Maison de M. DE CONTRECOEUR. Sa fille est présente.
Elle signe: Lisette Contrecoeur.
Françoise-Antoine Pécody de Contrecoeur et sa fille Louise.
(Tanguay, VI, 272 et T. de M. no 80; pl. 9, no 406a.)
235—Maison de LAFLEURE POUPART, occupée par DAVAINE. Sa
femme est présente, n.s.s.
Charles Poupart dit Lafleur, époux d’Agnés Brazeau. (Tan-
guay, VI, 435 et T. de M. no 216: et 216L; pl. 9, no 395.)
236—Maison de VIGER. n.s.s
René Viger, charpentier du roi, époux de Marie-Anne Lefebvre.
(Tanguay, VII, 464 et T. de M. no 217A; pl. 9, no 396.)
237—Maison de MORANT, tailleur.
Il signe: Morant.
Probablement Vincent Morand dit Lacharpente, époux en
secondes noces d’Angélique Jusseaume. (Tanguay, VI, 83 et
LT deM-no 2175; pl. 10, m0 597%)
238— Maison de CHEDEVILLE. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Michel Demers dit Chedeville. (T. de M. no 217C; pl. 10,
no 398.)
239—Maison de BROSSARD, n.s.s.
240—Maison de COQUILLARD, n.s.s.
Cérat dit Coquillard.
241—Maison de VIGER père. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
242— Maison de veuve LAUZON, n.s.s.
T de M. no 87; pl. 10, no 415.
243—Maison de SÉRAPHIN LAUZON, occupée par Mlle PRÉRIE. (?)
Probablement Séraphin Lauzon, époux de Thérèse-Gene-
viève Jetté. (Voir no 244.)
244—-Méme maison, appartement occupé par SÉRAPHIN LAUZON,
n.s.s.
(Voir no précédent.)
245—Maison de DUMAINE, n.s.s.
Probablement François Bonneron dit Dumaine, époux de
Marie-Charlotte St-Aubin. (Tanguay, II, 356 et T. de M.
no 220B; pl. 10, no 402.)
246—Maison de BAPTISTE VALADE, n.5.5.
J. B. Valade, époux de Marie Biétry. (Tanguay, VII, 403
et T. de M. no 221; pl. 10, nos 403 et 404.)
247—Maison de VIGER, occupée par GENDREAU, N.s.s.

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 37

248—Maison de VIGER FILS, n.s.s.
Charles Viger, constructeur des bateaux du roi, époux de Marie-
Madeleine Lefebvre. (Tanguay, VII, 464 et T. de M. no 219;
pl. 10, nos 399 et 400.)

249—Maison de PAUL CHEVALIER, n.5.5.
Peut-être Paul Chevalier, époux de Marie Laperche. (Tanguay,

ITI, 58.)
250—Maison de SENÉCAL, n.s.s.
T. de M. no 222; pl. 10, partie no 404.) à

251—Maison de DUBAUT CHEVALIER, n.5.5.
Pierre Chevalier dit Dubaut ou Pierre Dubeau dit Chevalier,
époux de Marguerite Campeau. (Tanguay, III, 56 et T. de M.
nos 93, 94; pl. 10, vis-à-vis les nos 408 et 409.)

252—Maison de MOQUIN, n.s.s.

253—Dans le bas de la maison de Roy, occupé par LATULIPPE, n.s.s.

RUE SAINT-CHARLES (du sud au nord)

(nos 254 à 257)

254—Maison de MALIDoR.
Il signe: Malidor.
Sébastien-Victor-Louis Malidor dit Lasonde, marié en 1722, à
Louis Vacher. (Tanguay, V, 479 et T. de M. no 194c; pl. no 8;
partie de no 359.)

255—Maison de BOULLAY, n.s.5.
Probablement Nicolas Boulé, perruquier, marié en 1724 à
Montréal, à Marie Marillac. Le terrier le prénomme Nicolas-
Louis. (Tanguay, II, 401 et T. de M. no 184B; pl. 8, no 360
et 359.)

256—Maison de DuBois. ‘‘Orlogeur.”’
Il signe: Jean Filiot.
J. B. Filiau dit Dubois, horloger, marié à Geneviève Viger en
1720. (Tanguay, IV, 25 et T. de M. no 193B; pl. 8, no 347.)

257—Maison de PRAT.
Il signe: Prat.
Mer Tanguay le nomme Jean-Marie Duprat. Cependant, il
dit aussi qu'il se marie à Montréal en 1736, à Madeleine Char-
lotte Godet, sous le nom de Prat. (Tanguay, III, 551 et T. de
M. no 194A; pl. 8, no 358.)

38 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

RUE SAINT-VINCENT (du nord au sud)
(nos 258 à 268)

258—Maison de la SABLONNIERE.
Il signe: Jean Brunet La Sablonnière.
Probablement Jean Brunet dit la Sablonniére, époux de Louise
Maugue. (Tanguay, II, 494 et T. de M. no 187B6-1; pl. 7,
no 328.)

259—Maison de SANSCARTIER.
Il signe: Brebion.
François Brebion dit Sanscartier marié à Marie-Catherine
Angélique Gouin, en 1730, ancien soldat, originaire de St-
Cybar, diocèse d’Angoulesne. Il est inhumé, le 7 mars 1773,
à l'Hôpital-général. (Tanguay, II, 459.)

260—Maison de LETELLIER LESPERENCE.
Il signe: Letellier.
Antoine Letellier dit Lespérance, ancien soldat, époux d’Antoi-
nette Larchevéque Larche. (Tanguay, V, 379.)

261—Maison de la veuve DES GRANGES, n.5.5.
Probablement Françoise Martineau, veuve depuis le mois
précédent, de Léonard Casmin dit Desgranges. (Tanguay, II,
51S»)

262—Maison de la dame veuve CATALOGNE.
Elle ‘‘n’a pu signer.”’ Mi
Marie-Anne Lemire, veuve de Gédéon de Catalogne. (Tanguay,
III, 265 et T. de M. nos 187-B12, 187-B16; pl. 7, nos 329, 334.)

263—Maison de PAUL BROSSARD, occupée par RAINVILLE, n.5.5.
Probablement Paul Brossard, époux de Marie-Renée Maret.
(Tanguay, II, 481 et T. de M. no 187B13; pl. 8, no 344.)

264—Maison de LA BROSSE occupée par GUYARD. Sa femme pré-
sente, rss:
Jean-Baptiste Guyart, époux d’Elisabeth Jobin. (Tanguay,
IV, 429.) Il était admis huissier, à Montréal, depuis le 20
février 1741. (Massicotte, Tribunaux et officiers de justice, p.
292.)

265—Maison de CoITEUX, occupée par DESEVE POITEVIN, n.s.s.
Francois Coiteux était décédé depuis 1736. Son emplacement
devait alors être en possession de ses héritiers. (T.de M. no 187,
B16-1; pl. 7, no 334.)

266—Maison de Dame Veuve DUBUISSON.
Elle signe: Bizard, veuve de Dubuisson.
Louise Bizard, fille de major Jacques Bizard et petite fille de

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 39

Lambert Closse. Elle épousa le capitaine Charles du Buisson
en 1717. (Tanguay, I, 56 et III, 488, aussi T. de M. no 186a;
pl. 8, nos 346, 5, 4.)
267—Maison de LEPINE, n.s.s.
Jean Marest (ou Marette) dit Lépine, époux de Marie-Anne
Brunet. (Tanguay, V, 509 et T. de M. no 1851; pl. 7, no 340.)
268—Maison de PICARD, n.s.s.
Peut-étre Alexis Picard, époux de Louise Brunet. (Tanguay.
VI, 345 et T. de M. no 185L; pl. 7, no 340.)

RUE SAINT-DENIS (du sud au nord)
(nos 269 à 271)

269—Maison de LA BROSSE, n.s.s.

270—Maison de DAVELUY LAROSE, n.5.5.
Doit être Jean-Paul Daveluy dit Larose, époux de Marie-
Francoise French, née en la Nouvelle-Angleterre. (Tanguay,
1,253 et de M. no 185c; pl: 7;,no 3395)

271—Maison de HUBERT LACROIX, n.s.s.
Doit étre Pierre Hubert dit Lacroix, époux de Catherine Demers.
(Tanguay, IV, 532 et T. de M. no 185F; pl. 7, no 340.)

RUE SAINTE-THERESE (de l’est à l'ouest)
(nos 272 à 276)

272—Maison de LA SABLONIERE, occupée par LA MARINE, ns.
Peut-être Jean Brunet dit La Sablonnière, époux de Louise
Maugue. (Tanguay, II, 494 et T. de M. no 187B, 16-2; pl. 7,
no 333.)
Charles Pitalier dit La marine, époux de Madeleine Thouin
Rocque. (Tanguay, VI, 377.)
273—Maison de DUBOIS, n.s.s.
Francois Filiau dit Dubois, menuisier, époux de Thérèse Viger.
(Tanguay, IV, 25 et T. de M. no 187, B16-3; pl, 7, no 332 et
Simonnet, 27 aofit 1741.)
274—Méme maison ‘‘dans un côté’ occupé par FRANCOEUR, N.s.s.
275—Maison de dame VEUVE DESROCHES, n.s.s.
Probablement Marie Beaudry, veuve de Pierre Desroches.
(Tanguay, III, 394 et T. de M. no 1854; pl. 7, no 336.)
276—Maison de DUMEST. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Peut-étre Francois Dumest ou Demers, cordonnier. (T. de M.
no 1820; pl. 7, no 279 et Simonnet, 1741.)

40 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

RUE SAINT-GABRIEL (du sud au nord)
(nos 277 a 291)

277—Maison de GUICHARD.
Il signe: Guichard.
Jean Guichard, chirurgien, alors âgé de 75 ans, époux de Mar-
guerite Gerbaut. (Tanguay, IV, 406 et T. de M. no 1824;
pl. 7, nos 283 et 282.)

278—Maison de TOULOUSE, n.s.s.
Antoine Cadiliest dit Toulouse. (T. de M. no 184A; pl. 7,
no 335.) Tanguay, III, 202, mentionne un Pierre Crisaque,
Cressac ou Crésac dit Toulouse.

279—Maison de DUMEST et dans un appartement occupé par FRANCOIS
GASTINEAU.
Il signe: F. Gatineau.
Francois Gastineau dit La régle. (Tanguay, IV, 183.)

280—Méme maison ‘‘et chez’’ DUMEST.
Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Voir no 276, ci-dessus.

281—Maison de CHICOUAGNE, occupée par la veuve LEPINE, n.s.5.
Pierre Chicoine, époux en secondes noces de Marie-Anne
Bourcaux,: (Tanguay, TI 65 et tdeMAnontS LEE Sp
no 285.)

282—Maison de LEBEAUT. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Marguerite de sell.
J. B. Lebeau, maître menuisier, époux en secondes noces de
Marguerite DeCelles dit Duclos. (Tanguay, V, 211 et T. de M.
no 181 Hh; pl. 7, no 285.

283—Maison de DUMEST occupée par TELLIER, n.s.s.
T. de M. no 181, Gg; pl. 7, no 288.

284—-Maison de la veuve JEAURET, n.ss5.

285—Maison de LAFRENIERE. Sa femme est présente: mais ce doit
être sa fille qui signe comme suit: pour Madame Lafreniere.
thérèse La frenière.
T. de M. no 187B5; pl. 7, no 325.

286—Maison de BROSSARD, n.s.5.

287—Maison occupée par M. de SERMONVILLE. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Sermonville.
Probablement Christophe Sabrevois de Sermonville, époux
d’Agathe Hertel. (Tanguay, VII, 107.)

288—Maison occupée par QUINPERE, 0.8.5.
Louis Divelec ou Divelac dit Quimper, marié a Marie-Joseph

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 41

Viau. (Tanguay, III, 424 et T. de M. no 181, B20; pl. 7,
no 311.)
289—Maison de PROVOST, n.s.s.
T. de M. no 1810 et 181R; pl. 7, nos 301-302.
290—Maison de la veuve CHEVALIER, n.5.5.
291—-Maison de dame HERTEL, occupée par SAINT-JEAN, n.s.s.
T. de M. no 187, B18; pl, 7, no 309.

RUE SAINT-JACQUES (de l’est à l’ouest)
(nos 292 à 315)

292—-Maison de BAPTISTE PROVOST, n.5.5.
Probablement Jean-Baptiste Provost, époux en secondes noces,
de Catherine Jolive. (Tanguay, VI, 445 et T. de M. no 181F;
pl. 7, no 307 et no 181G, pl. 7, no 307.)

293—Maison de la veuve St-AMOUR, occupée par NOLE, n.s.s.
Thérèse Poirier dite Lajeunesse, veuve de Jean Payet dit Saint-
Amour, décédé au mois d'avril précédent. (Tanguay, VI, 267
et T. de M. no 1814; pl. 7, no 303.)

Peut-être Jean-François Nolet, époux de Marguerite Monciau.
(Tanguay, VI, 156.) |

294—-Méme maison, dans un appartement occupé par la veuve
SAINT-AMOUR, n.5.5.

(T. de M. no 1814; pl. no 303 et no 181E; pl. 7, no 306.)

295—Maison de BAILLARD, n.s.s.
Jacques Bayard, époux de Marie Valade. (Tanguay, II, 158
et T. de M. no 181D; pl. 7, no 305.)

296—Maison de MARINEAU, occupée par M. de Muy. Sa femme
présente.
Elle refuse de signer.
Pierre Hostin dit Marineau, forgeron, époux de Catherine-
Gertrude Lecompte de la Vimaudiére. (Tanguay, IV, 512 et
T. de M. no 181m; pl. 7, no 299; aussi no 181N; pl. 7, no 300.)
En 1741, Pierre Hostain ne résidait plus à Montréal, il travaillait
aux forges de Saint-Maurice. Voir Sulte, Les Forges Saint-
Maurice, p. 66.

297—-Maison de BAILLARD, occupée par LAVALLEE, n.s.s.
Cede Mi. nots Loe pl. 7, no 305.)

298—Maison de Marineau. Présente: “la femme du vieux Mari-
neau,”’ n.s.s.
Il doit s’agir ici, de Jeanne Tardif, épouse de Jean Hostain et

42 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

mère de Pierre dont il est question ci-dessus, au no 296. (Tan-
guay, IV, 512 et T. de M. no 181; pl. 7, no 300.)
299—Maison de la veuve LENOIR occupée par DEVAUX, n.s.s.
(T. de M. no 181L; pl. 7, no 299.)
300—Maison de SERRE, n.5.5.
Jean Serré, boucher, époux de Marguerite Filde-Sergent.
(Tanguay, VII, 171 et T. de M. no 181B; pl. 7, no 303.)
301-—Maison de DOBERTIN, n.s.s.
J. B. Aubertin ou Hobertin, époux de Marie-Anne Gatien.
(Tanguay, IV, 508 et T. de M. no 18117; pl. 7, no 298.)
302—Maison de la veuve GACIEN, n.s.s.
Probablement Marie-Madeleine Gignard, veuve de Pierre Gatien
ou Gassien. (Tanguay, IV, 184 et T. de M. no 1814; pl. 7,
no 297.)
303—Maison de BERTRAND, f..s.s.
Jacques Bertrand, époux de Marie-Louise Dumouchel. (Tan-
guay, IV, 258 et T. de M. no 1811’; pl. 7, no 297.)
304—Maison de Louis GERVAIS, occupée par PIERRE NOEL.
Il signe: Noel.
Pierre Noël, époux de Marguerite Dubois. (Tanguay, VI, 151.)
(Voir aussi; T. de M. no 163B1; pl. 6, no 228.)
305—Maison de BARRE, occupée par Regne, (?) n.s.s.
Peut-étre Michel Barré, époux de Cunégonde Goyer. (Tan-
guay, II, 130.)
306—Maison de PIERRE GERVAIS, occupée par ST. JACQUES, N.s.s.
Probablement Pierre Gervais, tailleur. (Tanguay, IV, 258
et T. de M. no 1634; pl. 6, nos 225, 226, 227.)
307—Maison de CHARLES GERVAIS pére. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Un article s’y trouve qui appartient 4 un nommé RICHARD.
Charles Gervais, époux de Marie Boyer. (Tanguay, IV, 257 et
T. de M. no 163c5; pl. 6, no 234.)
308—Maison de PAUL TESSIER LAVIGNE, n.5.5.
Paul Tessier dit Lavigne, maçon, tailleur de pierre, époux de
Jeanne Lefebvre. (Tanguay, VII, 277 et T. de M. no 163c4;
pl. no 233 et Simonnet, 29 mai, 1741.)
309—Maison de DUMEST, occupée par GIROUX, n.s.s.
Eustache Dumest. (T. de M. no 163c3; pl. 6, no 232, 233.)
310—Maison de RENAUD.
Il signe: Charle Renaud.
Charles Renaud, époux de Marguerite Bau. (Tanguay, VI,
542 et T. de M. no 163c2; pl. 6, no 232.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 43

311—Maison de BARRON. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.
Joseph Lupien dit Baron. (T. de M. no 163cl; pl. 6, no 231
ou Pierre Lupien-Barron, époux d’Angélique Courault, char-
pentier, Simonnet, 26 mai, 1741.)
312—Maison de JOURDAIN, n.s.s.
313—Maison de SANS CHAGRIN, n.5.5.
314—Maison de GERVAIS, occupée par LA COMBLE, n.s.s.
315—Maison de JARRY, occupée par Roy, n.s.s.
(T. de M. no 124B2; pl. 4, no 57.)

RUE SAINT-FRANCOIS (du nord au sud)
(nos 316 a 348)

316—Maison de veuve DUMOUCHEL, dans un appartement occupé par
LAMARCHE, N.s.s.
(T. de M. no 127E; pl. 5, no 146A.)

317—Méme maison, appartement occupé par la VEUVE DUMOUCHEL,
BSUS:

318—Maison de DECELLE, occupée par PROVANCAL, n.s.5.

319—Maison de LAMOTHE. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
(T. de M. no 125B1; pl. 4, no 59.

320—Maison du greffe occupé par Mr PORLIER. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: La porlier.
Claude-Cyprien-Jacques Porlier, époux d’Angélique Cuillerier.
(Tanguay, VI, 417.) Le sr Porlier fut greffier du tribunal de
Montréal de 1732 à sa mort, en 1744. (Massicotte, Tribunaux
et officiers de justice, p. 287.)

321—Dans une maison des Prestres (St-Sulpice), occupée par Ros-
SIGNOL, n.5.5.

322—Dans une autre maison des PRESTRES (St-Sulpice), occupée
par la veuve HAY, n.s.s.
Probablement Marie Campeau, veuve de Pierre Hay, sculpteur,
(Tanguay, I, 300 et IV, 470.)

323—Dans une autre maison des PRESTRES (St-Sulpice), occupée par
MONGINEAU. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.

324—Maison de la veuve STE-FOy, n.s.s.
Francois La fargue dit Sainte-Foy. (T. de M. no 120c4; pl. 4,
no 84.)

325—Méme maison, dans un appartement occupé par MAGUET. Sa
femme présente, n.s.s.

326—Méme maison, dans un appartement occupé par LAVALLE. Sa
femme présente, n.s.s.

44 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

327—-Maison des héritiers DARPENTIGNY, occupée par JACQUES
CHARLY.
I] refuse de signer.
Jacques Charly, époux de Thérèse Charets. (Tanguay, III,
19 et T. de M. no 117B1; pl. 4, nos 90 et 89.)

328—Maison de QUENNEVILLE, occupée par le sieur PETIT, n.s.s.
(T. de M. no 126 et 130B; pl. 5, no 176.)

329—Maison de DEPUY, n.s.s.

330—Maison de QUENNEVILLE, occupée par BARTHE. Sa femme
présente, n.s.s.
Théophile Barthe dit Bardet, armurier du roi, époux de Mar-
guerite-Charlotte Alavoine. (Tanguay, II, 133.)

331—Maison de la veuve SUBTIL, n.s.s.
Elisabeth Brunel, veuve de Pierre Buisson ou Dubuisson dit
Subtil.» (Tanguay, II, 504 et T. de M. no 131; pl. 5, no 177.)

332—Maison de la veuve ROBITAILLE, occupée par BERTHIAUME, n.5.5.

333—Maison de LA COMBE.
Il signe: Truillié La Combe.
Jean Truillier ou Trullier dit Lacombe veuf d’Elisabeth Delguel.
(Tanguay, VII, 373 et T. de N. no 132a; pl. 5, no 178.)

334—Maison de la veuve COCHOIS, n.s.s.
Marie Gagnon veuve de J. B. Cauchois. (Tanguay, II, 582 et
T. de M. no 134; pl. 5, no 180).

335—Méme maison, dans un appartement occupé par BEAUPARLANT,
n.s.s.

336—Maison de la veuve GIASSON, n.5.5.
Marie-Anne Lemoine, veuve de Jean Giasson. (Tanguay, IV,
260 et TL. dé M. no 135; pl. 5; 102180!)

337—Maison d’AmioT, occupée par SAULQUIN. Sa femme présente,
feses:
Probablement J. B. Amiot, époux de Geneviève Guilmat.
(Tanguay, II, 32 et T. de M. no 136; pl. 5, no 181.)
Sur Saulquin, voir no 413 ci-après.

338—Maison de la veuve LA SOURCE.
Il n’est pas question de sa signature.
Jeanne Prud’homme, veuve de Dominique Thaumur de la
Source, chirurgien. (Tanguay, VII, 288 et T. de M. no 137;
pl 5011827)

339— Même maison, dans un appartement occupé par LA Hay. Sa
femme présente.
Elle signe: Cauchots la haye.

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 45

Pierre Lepelé de la haie, époux de Marie-Josephe Cauchois.
(Tanguay, V, 350.)
340—Maison de DUFRESNE. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Antoine Thunay dit Dufresne, époux d’Angélique Roy. (Tan-
guay, VII, 311 et T. de M. no 12044; pl. 4, no 126.)
341—Maison de POUPART LAFLEURE. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Marguerite Poudret Lafleur.
Jean Poupart dit Lafleur, époux de Marguerite Poudret. (Tan-
guay, VI, 435 et T. de M. no 12042; pl. 4, no 127.)
342—Maison de Dame veuve LAFATIGUE.
Elle signe: veuve Billeron.
Jeanne Delguel, épouse en secondes noces de feu Pierre Billeron
dit Lafatigue. (Tanguay, II, 280 et T. de M. no 138; pl. 5,
no 183 et no 139; pl. 5, no 183.)
343—Maison du sieur FONBLANCHE. Sa femme présente.
‘N'a pu signer.”
Jacques Quesnel dit Fonblanche. (T. de M. no 12041; pl. 4,
no 127.)
344—Maison de LA CAYADE. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Jean Coderre ou Gaudére dit La CAILLADE, marié à Anne
Favron (ou Féron). (Tanguay, III, 104 et T. de M. no 139;
pl. 5, no 183.)
345— Maison de Dame DE REPENTIGNY, occupée par JANIS.
Pas question de signature.
(T. de M. no 140A; pl. 5, no 184.)
346—Maison de Dame DE REPENTIGNY, occupée par LARGEOT.
Pas question de signature.
Jacques Largeau dit Saint-Jacques. (Tanguay, V, 166 et T. de
M. no 140B; pl. 5, no 185.)
347—Maison de DUVERNAY. Il refuse de signer.
Jacques Crevier Duvernay, époux de Thérèse Prud’homme.
(Tanguay, III, 200 et T. de M. no 45; pl. 4, no 142.)
348— Maison de M. de SENNEVILLE, occupée par la veuve TOUSSAINT
POTHIER, N.s.s.
Marguerite Thunay, veuve de Toussaint Pothier. (Tanguay,
VI, 420'et T. de M: nol; pl. 5, no 193.)

RuE NEUVE Sant-Louts (de l’ouest à l’est)
(nos 349 à 354)

349—Maison de LESCUYER, occupée par LAJEUNESSE. Pas question
de signature.

46 | LA SOCIÉTÉ ROYALE DU CANADA

Joseph-Marie Lescuyer, veuf de Catherine Heurtebise. (Tan-
guay, V, 366 et T. de M. no 3; pl. 5, no 195.)

350—Maison de DESPREZ. Sa femme présente. Il n’est pas question
de signature.
Probablement Joseph Guyon-Desprès, époux de Madeleine
Petit Boismorel. (Tanguay, IV, 431 et T. de M. no 5; pl. 5,
no 196.)

351—Maison de ROCBERT fils.
Il signe: Rocbert.
Deux Rocbert fils sont alors mariés et résident à Montréal.
(T. de M. no 7; pl. 5, no 197.)

352—Maison de DUROCHEZ. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: la Duroché.
(dee me 23¢. pi. 5,199, 2015)

353—Maison du sieur AUGE. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Charlote Lemir augé:
Francois Augé, époux de Charlotte Lemyre. (Tanguay, II,
82 et T. de M. no 23B; pl. 5, no 200.)

354— Maison de St. ANGE CHARLY, occupée par M. de RAMEzAy. Sa
femme présente.
Elle refuse de signer
(T. de M: no 234A; pl. 5, no 202.)

RUE CAPITALE
(nos 355 a 363)

355—Maison de DANRE.
Il signe: Danré de Blanzy.
Louis-Claude Danré de Blanzy, d’abord procureur des parti-
culiers auprès des tribunaux; il devint notaire en 1738, puis
greffier du tribunal en 1744. Il conserva cette charge jusqu’à
la cession. (Massicotte, Tribunaux et officiers de justice, pp. 287,
298 et T. de M. no 10; pl. 5, no 210)

356—Maison de CAMPION dit LABONTE.
Pas question de signature.
Etienne Campion dit Labonté, époux de Marie-Charlotte Pepin
(Tanguay, II, 535 et T. de M. no 10; pl. 5, no 211.)
357—Maison de DESPOINTE.
Pas question de signature.
Francois Harel dit Despointes, époux de Cécile Thaumur de
la Source. (Tanguay, IV, 465 et T. de M. no 25; pl. 5, no 205.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 47

358—Maison des héritiers BROSSARD, occupée par SANSCRAINTE, 0..s.S.
(T. de M. no25; pl. 5, no 206.)

359—Maison de PRUDHOMME. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Probablement Louis Prud’homme, époux de Louise Marin de
la Massiére. (Tanguay, VI, 467 et T. de M. no 11; pl. 5,
no 212.)

360—Maison des héritiers de MUSSEAU, occupée par ST. LAURENT.
Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Héritiers de Charles d’Ailleboust des Musseaux. (Voir Fauteux,
Fam. d'Ailleboust, p. 32 et T. de M. no 26; pl. 5, no 207.)

361—Maison des héritiers DEZONIERS, occupée par Bouvet. Sa
femme présente, n.s.s.
Feu Pierre Trotier dit Desaulniers, décédé en 1736, époux de
Catherine Charest. (Tanguay, VII, 354 et T. de M. no 12;
plyo, mo 21S.)

362—Maison des héritiers des Sr et dame DEZONIERS, occupée par
le Sr DEZONIERS fils. Présent: DESNOYÉ domestique, n.s.s.
Voir no 361.

363—Maison du Sieur DELORME.
Il signe: Soumand Delorme.
Probablement François-Marie Soumande dit Delorme, époux
d’Elisabeth Gautier de Varennes. (Tanguay, VII, 207 et T.
de M: no 27, pl. 5; no 208.)

RUE SAINT-JOSEPH (du sud au nord)

(nos 364 a 373)

364—Maison du nommé LA CHAUSSE, occupée par DUFFAUT. Sa
femme présente.
Elle signe: fame de Josepf Dufaux.
Probablement Jean Mainguy dit La Chaussée, caporal, époux
de Marie Gladu. (Tanguay, V, 471 et T. de M. no 47D; pl. 6,
no 267.)
Joseph Dufaut, époux de Marie-Anne Harel. (Tanguay III, 501.)
365—Maison de M. St. ANGE CHARLY, occupée par GUIGNARD.
Pas question de signature.
Louis Charly dit Saint-Ange, époux d’Ursule Godfroy de
Tonnancour. / (Tanguay, ILI, 19 et T. de M! no 152#; pl. 5,
nos 162, 161.)
Arthur Laurent Guignard, fut caporal dans les troupes, puis
huissier. (Massicotte, T ribunaux et officiers de justice, p. 292.)

48 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

366—Maison de la veuve LAFAVERY.
Elle signe: Veve Lafavry.
René Bissonnet dit Lafavery, époux défunt d’Elisabeth Lemyre.
(Tanguay, II, 297 et T. de M. no 152F; pl. 5, 160.)

367—Maison de M. DE VARENNES.
Il signe: De Varenn.
Famille Gautier de Varennes. (T. de M. no 153; pl. 5, no 157,
158, 159.)

368—Maison de MARSOLLET. Sa fille présente.
Elle refuse de signer.
Il y a aussi des effets appartenant au Sieur BAILLARGE et au
Sieur MARSOLLET fils.
Probablement Jean Lemire dit Marsolet, époux d’Elizabeth
Bareau et J. B. Lemire Marsolet, époux de Louise Guyon
Després. (Tanguay, V, 332 et T. de M. no 154; pl. 5, no 156.)
Jean-Baptiste Joliet-Baillargé, marchand-voyageur, époux de
Marie-Josephe Robert dit Watson. (Tanguay, 5, 14.)
369—Maison de M. de PUYBAREAU. Présente, MARIE DUvAL
demeurant dans la dite maison, n.s.s.
Pierre Puibarau de Maisonneuve, chirurgien, époux de Marie-
Anne Lorin. (Tanguay, VI, 471 et T. de M. no 155; pl. 5,
no 195)
Marie Duval est, sans doute, la ménagère. Serait-elle la fille
d'un ancien voisin feu Claude Duval. Voir no 371, ci-après.

370—Maison du sieur PERAS, n.s.s.
Pierre Perras, époux de Marie Crépin. (Tanguay, VI, 307 et
T. de M. no 156B; pl. 5, no 154 et no 156d; pl. 5, no 156.)

371—Maison du Sieur DUVAL, n.s.s.
Probablement l'héritier de feu Claude Duval décédé le 18
février 1741, vivant, époux de Charlotte Harlay. (Tanguay,
III, 583 et T. de M. no 156A; pl. 5, no 153.)

372—Maison de Bourassa, occupée par JOANIS. Sa femme présente,
n.s.s.
René Bourassa, époux en secondes noces de M. Catherine
Lériger de Laplante. (Tanguay, II, 407 et T. de M. no 169;
pl. 6, no 246.)

373—Maison de CARON, n.s.s.
Claude Caron, époux de Madeleine Gervaise. (Tanguay, II,
550 et T. de M. no 170; pl. 6, no 247.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 49

RUE SAINT-JEAN-BAPTISTE (du sud au nord)
(nos 374 a 384)

374—Maison de CAMPAULT, n.s.s.
Il signe: E. Campaute.
Etienne Campeau, époux de Marie-Louise Boheur dite Bosché.
(Tanguay, II, 531 et T. de M. no 180D; pl. 6, no 258.)
375—Maison de MENARD, n.5.5.
Probablement Louis Ménard, cordonnier, époux en troisiémes
noces d’Ursule Demers Desermont. (Tanguay, V, 592 et T. de
M. no 183B'; pl, 7, nos 280-281.)
376—Maison de LABADIE, n.s.s.
Pierre Descomps dit Labadie, marchand-voyageur, époux
d’Angélique dela Celle. (Tanguay, III, 368 et T. de M. no
183B2; pl. 7, no 282.)
377—Maison de BERTRAND TRUDEAU. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Marie Anne Gervaise.
Bertrand Trudeau, époux de Marie-Anne Gervaise. (Tanguay,
VII, 375 et T. de M.no 183Bi; pl. 7, no 282.)
378—Maison de DupLeEssy, boulanger, n.s.s.
Noël Guillon-Duplessis, époux d’Angélique Zacharie. (Tan-
guay, IV, 421 et T. de M. no 181DD2; pl. 7, no 284.)
379—Maison du sieur GODEFROY. Sa fille présente.
Elle refuse de signer. ;
J. B. Godefroy, sieur de Vieuxpont. (T. de M. no 181dd1;
pl. 7, no 284.)
380—Maison de PREVILLE, occupée par LAPROMENADE. Sa femme
présente.
Elle signe: Marguerite Menson.
Philippe Vinet dit Préville. (Tanguay, VII, 475 et T. de M.
no 18lcc; pl. 7, no 287.)
Jean-Baptiste L’Archevéque dit Lapromenade, voyageur, époux
de Marguerite Menesson ou Melson. (Tanguay, V, 164.)
381—Maison de LESPERANCE. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Pierre Compain dit Lespérance, perruquier, époux de Francoise
Vacher. (fanguay, III, 119 et T° de Mi no -i8lcel; ‘pl. 7,
no 287.)
382—Maison de LAPRISE.
Il signe: Charle Laprise.
Charles Drouillard dit Laprise, époux d’Elisabeth Demers.
(Tanguay, III, 452 et T. de M. no 181B, 181BB1, 181BB2,
181BB3; pl. 7, nos 287-289.)

—11

50 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

383—Maison de la veuve BOURGY, n.s.s.

384—Maison de DOUILLARD (sic), n.s.s.
Héritiers de René Drouillard dit Laprise. (T.de M. no 181BB2;
pl. 7, no 289.)

RUE DE L’HopiTAL (de l’est à l’ouest)

385—Maison des héritiers de REPENTIGNY, occupée par LAFORCE:
Sa fille présente.
Elle signe: Catherine Laforce.
Probablement Pierre Pepin dit Laforce, époux de Michelle
Lebert, dont une fille, Catherine, était née en 1723. (Tanguay,
VI, 295 et T. de M. no 117B1; pl. 4, nos 89 et 90.)
386—Maison de RAINVILLE, occupée par LAJEUNESSE, n.5.5.
Probablement Charles de Rainville, époux en secondes noces,
de Marguerite Gaudin. (Tanguay, III, 349.)
387—Maison de LA MORENDIÈRE. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Puigibaut de la morendière.
Etienne Rocbert de la Morendière, époux de Marguerite Puygi-
baut. (Tanguay, VII, 15 et T. de M. no 116B; pl. 4, no 88.)
388—Maison de la FOSSE, occupée par CASTONGUAY. Sa femme
présente, n.s.s.
Antoine Puypéroux de la Fosse fut huissier a Montréal, de 1715
à 1725. En cette année, il devint notaire et il exerça jusqu’en
1744 sur la côte nord du Saint-Laurent. (Massicotte, Tribunaux
et officiers de justice, p. 291 et T. de M. no 115B; pl. 4, nos 100
et 101.)
389—Maison de LACHAPELLE, n.5.5. :
J. B. Bourg dit Lachapelle, époux d’Angélique Becquet. (Tan-
guay, II, 419 et T. de M. no 11542; pl. 4, no 99.)
390—Maison de CAMPAUT. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Pierre Campault, époux de Thérèse Robillard. (Tanguay, IT,
532 et T. de M. no 11541; pl. 4, no 96.)
391—Maison de SAINT-MAURICE, N.s.s.
Peut-être Paul Desforges dit St. Maurice, armurier, fils de
Jean. (Tanguay, III, 372 et T. de M. no 105-14; pl. 4, no 75.)
392—Maison de GIBAULT, n.s.s.
Gabriel Gibault, époux de Marguerite Dumets. (Tanguay, IV,
262 et T. de M. no 105L4; pl. 4, no 87.) Ce no est omis dans
le texte du terrier. Il est à l’index des plans.
398—Maison de MADAME LASELLE, occupée par SAINT-MARTIN, n.s.s.
Peut-étre Marie-Anne Lalande, épouse de Jacques Laselle fils.
(Tanguay, V, 63 et T. de M. no 105L, 5; pl. 4, no 91.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 51

394—Maison de Mapox. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Louise de la Selle Madox.
Joseph-Daniel Madox (et Maddon), anglais, époux en secondes
noces de Marie-Louise Lacelle. (Tanguay, V, 449 et T. de M.
no 105L5; pl. 4, no 91.)

395—Maison de la veuve LASELLE, n.s.s. Aussi, articles appartenant
à la veuve BENARD, N.s.s.
Probablement Angélique Gibaut qui avait épousé Jacques
Laselle père. (Tanguay, III, 285 et V, 63; aussi T. de M. no
1051253 “pl: 4 /no:91:)

396—Maison de CRESPAUX. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Pierre Crespeau, brasseur, époux de Marie Leduc, en secondes
noces. (Tanguay, III, 195 et T. de M. no 105-7 6; pl. 4, no 72.)

397—Maison de MIvILLE. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Peut-être Charles Miville, époux en troisièmes noces de Jeanne
Labadie. (Tanguay, VI, 50 et T de M. no 105£; pl. 4, no 69.)

RUE SAInT-ALEXIS (du nord au sud)
(nos 398 à 400)

398—Maison de CAYE, n.s.s.
Jacques Caillé, époux de Thérèse Castignon. (Tanguay, II,
523 et T. de M. no 10523; pl. 4, no 74, ou no 105F; pl. 4, no 68).
399—Maison de VALADE, n.s.5.
Guillaume Valade, maître-maçon, époux de Marie-Joseph
Deguire. - (Tanguay, VII, 403 et T. de M. no 10528; pl. 4,
no 74 ou no 1051/H;; pl. 4, no 76.)
400—Maison de la veuve VALADE, occupée par BELLEGARDE, n.5.5.
‘Sur Valade, voir no 403, ci-après.
Probablement un des Gerbaut dit Bellegarde. Voir Tanguay
IV, 248.

RUE SAINT-SACREMENT (de l’ouest à l’est)
(nos 401 à 411)

401—Maison de DUGAST, n.s.s.

Joseph Dugast, cordonnier, époux de Geneviève Catin. (Tan-
guay, III, 510G et T. de M. no 105G et H; pl. 4, no 67.)
402—Maison de la veuve VALADE, n.s.5. Aussi article appartenant

à CHRISTINE BERTRAND.

Probablement Christine Bertrand-Jérome, épouse en troisièmes
noces de Charles Valade, vivant, maçon. (Tanguay, VII, 403
et T. de M. no 105L1; pl. 4, no 76.)

52 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

403—Maison du Sieur DE COUAGNE, occupée par DESLORIEZ, n.s.s.
Probablement René de Couagne, époux de Louise Pothier.
(Tanguay, III, 269 et T. de M. no 104M; pl. 4, no 106.)

404—Maison de DUFRESNE, occupée par LARCHE, n.<s.s. :
Antoine Thunay dit Dufresne, époux d’Angélique Roy. (Tan-
guay, VII, 311 et T. de M. 120A4; pl. 4, no 126.)

405—Maison de BRUNET, n.s.s.

406—Maison de PARENS, n.s.s.

Probablement J. B. Parent, époux de Geneviéve Aubert.
(Tanguay, VI, 232 et T. de M. no 105M6; pl. 4, no 97.)
407—Maison de LAPISTOL, n.s.s.
Probablement Louis-Joseph Varin dit Lapistolle, orfévre.
(Tanguay, VII, 427 et T. de M. no 104 N3 et 114F; pl. 4, no
1132)
408—Maison de COLLET.
Il signe: Collet.
Claude Collet, marié en secondes noces à Angélique Sarault.
(Tanguay, III, 112, 113 et T. de M. no 114K2; pl. 4; no 126.)
409—Maison de Madame DE COUAGNE, occupée par M. LINCTOT.
Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Colonge Linctét.
René Godefroy de Linctôt, époux en secondes noces de Marie
Catherine d’Ailleboust de Coulonge. (Tanguay, IV, 313 et
T. de M. no 114Q; pl. 4, no 98.)

410—Méme maison, ‘‘dans un appartement dans le bas,’’ occupé par
la veuve LARIVIERE, n.5.5.

411—Maison du sieur LAROCHE. Sa femme présente.

Elle signe: la laroche.
Jean Laroche, époux de Suzanne Turpin. (Tanguay, V, 169 et
T. de M. no 12045; pl. 4, no 126.)

RUE SAINT-JEAN (du sud au nord)
(nos 412 à 414)

412—Maison de SAINT-PIERRE, n.5.5.
Léonard Jusseau ou Jusseaume ou Jousseaume dit Saint-Pierre,
époux d’Angélique Laporte. (Tanguay, V, 38 et T. de M.
no 105M4 et M5; pl. 4, nos 94, 95.)

413—Maison de SAULQUIN, occupée par SAINT-LO, n.s.s.
Joseph Saulquin dit Saint-Joseph, époux en secondes noces de
Marie Gour. Il fut huissier à Montréal de 1732 à 1760. (Tan-

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 53

guay, VII, 127. Massicotte, Tribunaux et officiers de justice,
p.292.) Voir no 337 ci-avant.

Guillaume Jourdan dit Saint-Lo ou Saint-Lou. (Tanguay, V,
25.)

414—Maison de FRANCOEUR, n.5.5.
Pierre Charland dit Francoeur, époux d’Angélique Hardouin.
(Tanguay, III, II et T. de M. no 105M1; pl. 4, no 92.)

415—Maison de FORTIN.
Il signe: P. Fortin.
Pierre Fortin, époux de Marie-Catherine Bonhomme, (Tan-
guay, IV, 6.) ou Pierre-Nicolas Fortin, époux de Frangoise
LePallieur. (Tanguay, IV, 71 et T. de M. 10543; pl. 4, no 93.)

RUE SAINT-ELoy (du nord au sud)

(Nos 416 a 420)

416—Maison de BEAUBIN, n.s.s.
Hubert Baubin, soldat, époux de Catherine Roy, veuve Marche-
teau-Desnoyers. (Tanguay écrit Baubin, vol. II, p. 136 et
Robin, vol. VII, p. 7. T.de M. no 114F; pl, 4, no 113.)

417—Maison de BEAULIEU. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Il s’y trouve aussi un article appartenant 4 la PENSEE.
Probablement Michel Parmier dit Beaulieu, époux de Marie-
Marguerite Roy. (Tanguay, VI, 254 et T. de M. no 1144; p.
4, no 127.)

418—Maison de DALANSON, n.s.s.
Nicolas L’Hermite dit D’Alencon, marié, en 1730, a Marie-
Joseph Raymond. (Tanguay, V, 407.)
Il devait occuper une maison sise sur les emplacements désignés
dans le T. de M. sous le no 114; pl. 4, no 120-121 et possédés
par Jos. Marcheteau dit Desnoyers.

419—Maison de BIGEAU, n.s.s.
Jacques Bigeot dit la Giroflée, sergent, veuf de Marie-Madeleine
Dupont. (Tanguay, II, 276 et T. de M. 114K1 et K2; pl. 4,
nos 125 et 126.)
Le Terrier le nomme Bigot.

420—Maison de LA PISTOL, n.s.s.
Nicolas Varin dit la Pistole, époux en secondes noces de Marie-
Suzanne Daunet. (Tanguay, VII, 427 et T. de M. no 1144;
pl. 4, no 122.)

54 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

RUE SAINT-PIERRE (du nord au sud)
(Nos 421 a 483)

421—Maison de PETIT, occupée par LEBOEUF. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Marie Hains Lebeuf.
Pierre-René Lebeuf dit Boutet, époux de Marie-Francoise
Hains. (Tanguay, V, 221 et T. de M. no 105B1 et B2; pl. 4,
nos 63 et 64.) .

422—Même maison, dans un appartement occupé par ledit PETIT,
n.s.s.
Peut-être Etienne Petit-Boismorel, voyageur, époux d’Anne
Chauvin. (Tanguay, VI, 330). Ou Louis Petit, dit Rossignol,
époux de Marie-Joseph Dambourney. (Tanguay, VI, 329.)

423—Maison de la veuve FRANCOIS PETIT.
Elle signe: La veuve Petit.
Probablement Elisabeth Belleperche veuve de François Petit,
décédé au mois de juin précédent. (Tanguay, VI, 328 et T. de
M. no 105B:; pl. 4, no 64.)

424—Maison de la veuve BONVOULLOIR, occupée par LECOMPTE, n.s.5.
Marthe Daragon, veuve de Julien Delières dit Bonvouloir.
(Tanguay, III, 316 et T. de M. no 10545; pl. 4, no 66.)

425—Même maison dans un appartement occupé par SAINT-HYLAIRE,
n.s.s.

426—Maison de SOUSTE. Sa femme est présente.
Elle signe: Louise Clérin. ;
André Souste, fabricant de bas et qui devint notaire en 1745,
avait épousé Marie-Louise d’Estienne de Clérin. (Tanguay,
VII, 208. Massicotte, Tribunaux et officiers de justice, p. 298;
ide M, no 102S.et 1s pl. Motte)

427—Maison de LAVENTURE, occupée par SANsoUCY. Sa femme est
présente, n.s.s.
Doit être Antoine Hus dit Laventure, ancien soldat, époux de
Marie-Anne Fourneau dit Brindamour. (Tanguay, IV, 561.)

428—Même maison, appartement occupé par MARGUERITE LANGLOIS,
n.s.s.

429—Même maison, dans un appartement occupé par LAVENTURE,
Mess:
Voir au no 427.

430—Maison de HUBERDEAU.
Il signe: Huberdeau.
J. B. Huberdeau dit La france, perruquier, ancien soldat, époux

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 55

de Charlotte-Gertrude Roulleau. (Tanguay, IV, 529 et T. de
M. no 102X; pl. 3, no 15.)

431—Maison de GACIEN, n.s.s.
Pierre-René Gassien ou Gatien dit Tourangeau, époux de
Marguerite Gautier. (Tanguay, IV, 184 et T. de M. no 102Y
et Z; pl. 3, nos 14 et 15.)

432—Maison de dame veuve BLAINVILLE.
Elle signe: Blinville.
Geneviève-Gertrude Legardeur de Tilly, veuve de J. B. Céloron
de Blainville. (Tanguay, II, 591 et T. de M. no 102E.F;:
plas; nos 10, 11,12, 13.)

433—Maison de DENIS LECOUR, n.s.s.
Denis Lecourt, époux de Madeleine Surault dite Blondin.
(Tanguay, V, 251.)
Auparavant, Lecourt avait possédé les terrains no 1017 et 101Z;
pl. 3, nos 24 et 25 à l'extrémité ouest de la rue Notre-Dame.
Voir Terrier de Montréal.

FAUBOURG SAINT-JOSEPH
(Nos 434 a 483)

434—Maison de LECOMPTE, n.s.s.

435—Maison de JEALTOT, n.s.s.
Jacques Jalateau ou Jalteau, tisserand, marié en 1741 a Marie-
Joseph Robidou. (Tanguay, IV, 578 et Simonnet, 21 septembre
1741.)

436—Maison de TOURANGEAU, n.5.5.
Doit étre J. B. Dany dit Tourangeau, époux d’Elisabeth Trottier,
ou Antoine Tourangeau, époux d’Angélique L’Escuyer. (Tan-
guay, III, 238.)

437—Maison de CHAMPIGNY. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Probablement, Pierre Deslandes dit Champigny, époux de
Marguerite Lecompte. (Tanguay, III, 380.)

438—Maison de Ropipoux. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Un acte de Simonnet, du 21 septembre 1741, nous apprend
qu’un François Robidoux, cordonnier, époux de Thérèse Lehou,
demeurait audit faubourg. Au méme lieu, réside aussi Guil-
laume Robidoux, aubergiste.

439—Maison de LARIVIERE, occupée par Bouron. Sa femme
Présente, n.s.s.
Probablement Antoine-Joseph Bouron, époux de Marie-Joseph
Boyer. Celle-ci devint veuve peu aprés, car elle convole, le

56 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

2 juillet 1742 avec Jean Dumouchel, à Montréal. (Tanguay,
II, 429.)

440—Maison de la dame veuve DE SELLE.
Elle signe: Marguerite Perro.
Marguerite Perrot dit Vildaigre, veuve d’Alexandre Decelle-
Duclos. (Tanguay, II, 590.)

441—Maison de MARTIAL CHARON. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.
Martial Charon, époux de Marie-Anne Vacher. (Tanguay, III,
21.)

442—Maison de LAMARCHE, occupée par BALAN, n.s.s.
Peut-être Etienne Balan, époux de Marie-Madeleine Brassard
ou Etienne Balan, époux de Marie-Elisabeth Houée. (Tanguay,
II, 104.)

443—Maison de LASELLE, occupée par Ropipoux, fils, n.s.s.

444—Maison de RENCONTRE, n.5.5.

445—Maison de DENO, ns.

446—Maison de la veuve JUILLET, occupée par HUBERT LACROIX, n.s.s.
Peut-être Catherine-Celles Duclos, veuve de Louis Juillet.

447—Maison de BIRON.
Il signe: Pierre Biron. ~
Pierre Biron, veuf de Catherine Leduc. (Tanguay, II, 289.)

448—Maison de SUZANNE LEDUC, occupé par Boyé, n.s.s.
Probablement Suzanne Leduc, fille de Joseph Leduc et de
Catherine Cuillerier, née en 1699, belle-soeur de Pierre Biron,
ci-dessus mentionné. (Tanguay, I, 364.)

449—Maison de LACOMBE. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.

450—Maison de la veuve PRUDHOMME, n.s.s. Présentation d’un
article appartenant à Madame DESFONDS. : :
Peut-être Cécile Gervaise, veuve depuis le mois d’avril 1741 de
François-Xavier Prud’homme. (Tanguay, VI, 466.)
Peut-être Marie-Agnès Emond, épouse de Pierre Defontrouver
dit Desfonds. (Tanguay, III, 272.)

451—Maison de dame DEGANNE, occupée par JEAUDOIN, n.s.s.
Probablement Marguerite Nafrechoux, épouse de Francois de
Gannes de Falaise. (Tanguay, III, 274.)

452—Maison du sieur HERBIN. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: Dumont Herbin.
Frédéric-Louis Herbin, marié à Louise Françoise Lambert-
Dumont. (Tanguay, IV, 492.)

453—Maison de Sieur DUFORT. Sa femme présente.
Elle signe: la Dufor.
Peut-être Pierre Bougret dit Dufort, époux de Louise Dudevoir

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 57

ou Francois Bougret, époux de Geneviéve Chevalier. (Tanguay,
IT, 394.)

454—Maison de MERCEREAU, occupée par BERTRAND. Sa femme
présente, n.s.s.
Mercereau? Sans doute, un des héritiers de Pierre Mercereau
et Louis Guilmot tous deux décédés quelques années auparavant.
(Tanguay, V, 603.)

455—Maison PARANS. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.

456—Maison de LA COUTURE, n.s.s.
Peut-être René Goneau dit Lacouture, époux de Marie André
Heurtebise. (Tanguay, IV, 420.)

457—Maison de SAINT-JULIEN, n.s.s.

458—Maison de LA COUTURE, occupée par le sieur de CROIZIL.
Il signe: Crotssille fils.
Lacouture. Voir no 456.
Probablement Bonaventure Le Gardeur de Croisil, époux de
Marie-Joseph Mary de la Chauvignerie. (Tanguay, V, 294.)

459—Maison de dame LA CHAUVIGNERIE.
Elle signe: veuve de la Chovignerie.
Catherine Dagneau-Douville, veuve de Louis Maray de la
Chauvignerie. (Tanguay, V, 487-8.)

460—Maison de RELLE, n.s.s.
Probablement Paschal Harel, époux de Marie-Madeleine
Demers. (Tanguay, IV, 465.)

461—Maison de SANSOUCY. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.

462—Maison de DEBIEN. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Jean B. Debien, époux de Marie-Joseph Goujon ou Frs Debien,
époux de Marie-Jeanne Goujon. (Tanguay, III, 259.)

463—Maison de Roy, n.s.s.

464—Maison de JEAN-MARIE LARIVIERE, n.s.s.

465—Maison de FRANÇOIS LATOUR, n.s.s.

466—Maison de LIONNoIs. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.

467—Maison de PIERRE MINVILLE, n.s.s.
Pierre Miville (ou Minville), époux de Marguerite Sa dit
Deschamps. (Tanguay, VI, 52.)

468—Maison de Charles D Sa femme présente, n.s.s.
Charles-Marie Maurice dit Lafantaisie, époux de Catherine
Cardinal. (Tanguay, V, 581.)

469—Maison de LOMBART. Sa femme présente, n.s.s. Aussi article
appartenant à SAINT-AUBIN.
Joseph Lombard, époux de Marie-Catherine Marion. (Tan-
guay, V, 426.)

58 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

470—Méme maison, dans un appartement dans le côté, occupé par
BIBEAU, N..s.s.
Probablement J. B. Bibauds. marié en secondes noces a Made-
leine Durand. (Tanguay, II, 272.)

471—Maison de CHEVAUDIER, N.S.s.
Probablement, Joseph Chevaudier dit Lepine marié en secondes
noces 4 Marie-Charlotte Guyonet ou Dionet ait Lafleur. (Tan-
guay, III, 61.)

472—Maison de GENTIL. Sa femme présente, n.s.s.

473—Maison de la veuve BRUNET, occupée par Lionnots. Sa femme
présente, n.s.s.

474—-Maison de BAPTISTE LARIVIERE, ns.

475—Maison de MONTRAIL CHARON, n.s.5.
Il y a à Montréal, en 1741, (a) René Etienne Montret ou Mon-
trais. (Tanguay, VI, 78.) (b) J. B. Sédilot dit Montreuil qui se
marie le 21 novembre 1741. (Tanguay, VII, 154.)

476—Maison appartenent aux Frères CHARON, occupée par la femme
de MARIN HURTEBISE, n.5..
Marie Anne Trottier-Desruisseaux, époux de Marien Heurtebise.
(Tanguay, IV, 504.)

477—Maison de DUBUQUE, n.s.s.
Peut-être André Dubuc, époux de Cécile Langevin, qui demeu-
rait alors à Montréal. (Tanguay, III, 487.)

478—Communauté des FRERES HOSPITALIERS.
Signe: frère jeantôt, supérieur.
Hôpital général des Frères hospitaliers dela Croix, connus sous
le nom de Frères Charon. Le supérieur Jean Jeantôt fut à la
tête de sa communauté de 1732 à 1745.

479—Maison de LAVIGNE, n.s.s. Aussi article appartenant à Beaulieu.
n.s.s.
Peut-être Charles Beaulieu, époux de Marie Augé. (Tanguay,
II, 172.)

480—Maison de ROCH, n.s.s.

481—Maison de SAINT-MICHEL, n.s.s.

482—Maison de BLOT. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.
Dans un acte de Simonnet, des 17 septembre 1741, ou voit qu’un
Etienne Blot, demeurait ‘‘sur le pointe de Calliéres, prés de la
ville.”

483— Maison des héritiers PETIT, ‘occupée par plusieurs Lanaudière,”
n.s.s.
S'agirait-il des enfants de Pierre-Thomas Tarieu de Lanaudière
et de Marie-Madeleine Jarret de Verchéres? (Tanguay, VII, 262.)

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 59

FAUBOURG SAINT-LOUIS

(Nos 484 à 498)

484—Maison de Morin. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.

485—Maison de FORESTIER.
Il signe: Foretier. Il y a aussi un article appartenant à JOSEPH
CHANTELOUP.
Tanguay mentionne un Francois Chalut dit Chanteloup, mais
il ne dit rien de Joseph.

486—Maison de LATOULIPE.
Il signe: Latulipe.

487—Maison de HOTESSE, n.s.s.
A cette époque vivaient: Marie-Anne Caron, 3eme femme de
feu Paul Hotesse ou Otis, Paul-Nicolas Otis fils, né en 1712 et
Louis né en 1716. Voir Malchelosse. Généalogie de la famille
Otis, pp. 20-21 et Tanguay, IV, 513.

488—Maison de Roy. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.

489—Maison de DUMOUCHEL, n.5.5.
Bernard Dumouchel, époux de Marie-Anne mpeesice ou Louis
Joseph Dumouchel, époux de M. Louise Leclerc. (Tanguay,
III, 538-539.)

490—Maison de PISTOLLET.
Il signe: François Beaumont.
François Beaumont, époux de Françoise Boucher. (Tanguay,
IN 7e)

491—Maison de TINTAMARRE. Sa femme est présente, n.s.s.
François Roy dit Tintamarre, époux de Marie-Angélique
Poitevin. (Tanguay, VII, 76-77.)

492—Maison de M. LIGNERY, occupée par LAPIERRE, n.s.5.
Probablement François Marchand de Lignery, époux de Marie-
Thérèse Migeon de la Gauchetière. (Tanguay, V, 312.)

493—Maison de la DELLIETTE, n.s.s. |
Probablement Charles-Henri-Joseph Tonty sieur de Liette,
ancien gouverneur du fort Saint-Louis, époux de Louise Renaud
du Buisson. (Tanguay, VII, 319.)

494—Maison de MATHIEU LARCHE, 0.8.5.
Mathieu Larche (ou Larchevèque), époux de Catherine Achin.
(Tanguay, V, 163.)

495—Maison de LATREILLE, occupée par PIERRE MERCIER, 0.s.s.
Peut-étre Pierre Mercier, forgeron. (Tanguay, V, 606.)

60 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

496—Maison de URBAIN BROSSARD, n.5.5.
Urbain Brossard, voyageur, époux de Marie-Françoise Sérat.
(Tanguay, II, 481.)
497—Maison de PAUL BROSSARD, n.s.s.
Paul Brossard, époux de Marie-Renée Maret. (Tanguay, II,
481.)
498—Maison de PEREAU, n.5.5.

FAUBOURG SAINTE-MARIE

(Nos 499 à 506)

499—Maison de DUFRESNE, N..s.s.

500—Maison de DUMAINE, n.s.s.
Francois Dumaine, époux de Charlotte Saint-Aubin. (Tanguay,
III, 516.)

501—Maison de LAROCHE, n.s.s.

502—Maison de MOREAU, n.s.s.
Probablement Edme Moreau, époux de Françoise Fortier ou
l’un de ses descendants. (Tanguay, VI, 88.)

503—Maison de DUFRESNE, n.5.5.

504—Maison de DUVAL. Pas question de signature.
Est-ce un fils de Claude Duval (voir no 371) ou bien ce Louis
Duval né en 1680 qui fut inhumé en 1755 à Montréal. (Tan-
guay, III, 584.)

505—Méme maison, dans un appartement occupé par BRION. Sa
femme présente, n.s.s.
Peut-étre Jean Billon, serrurier, qui dans un acte de Simonnet,
du 17 Septembre 1741, est dit demeurer au faubourg Saint-
Louis.

506—Maison de CAMPAUT, n.s.5.

APPENDICE

Recensement fait en cette ville par la Compagnie des Indes pour
les indiennes et autres effets prohibés pour être marqués en vertu de
l’ordonnance de messieurs le gouverneur général et intendant.

L'an mil sept cent quarante-un, le quatorze juillet, nous François
Daine, controleur général de la Compagnie des Indes, en vertu de
l'ordonnance rendue par Messeigneurs le marquis de Beauharnois
Gouverneur et Lieutenant Général et Hocquart Intendant en toute
la nouvelle France, en datte du douze May dernier publiée en cette

[MASSICOTTE] UN RECENSEMENT INEDIT 61

ville Le (un blanc) aussy dernier et enregistrée au Greffe de cette
jurisdiction le 14 dud. mois de juillet, aux fins de procéder à la re-
connaissance des meubles de toille peinte et autres étoffes étrangéres
dans les trois villes de la colonie, et iceux meubles marquer d’un
cachet ou empreinte aux armes de la compagnie des Indes Nous nous
sommes transportés dans chaque maison des domiciliers et habitants
de cette ville et des fauxbourgs d’icelle, ou étant en présence de MM.
Jacques de la Fontaine, conseiller du Roy au Conseil supérieur de
Québec faisant les fonctions de lieutenant Général en cette jurisdiction
Royale de Montréal Requis par nous pour se transporter dans les
maisons et assisté de Antoine Trémont, sieur de Salvaye, commandant
les gardes de lad. Compagnie et des nommés Brossard et Beaufrére,
gardes de lad. Compagnie. Et nous avons procédé à lad. Recon-
noissance et apposition de la marque aux armes de lad. Compagnie
sur les meubles et étoffes étrangéres trouvés dans chaqu’une maison
de cette ville et déclarée et mis en évidence par les cy aprés nommés
ainsy qu'il ensuit:

(a chaque visite il est dressé un procés-verbal dont nous donnons
deux exemples dans l’introduction. Le document se termine
par la déclaration suivante:)

Ce fait et aprés avoir vacqué auxd. représentations de meubles
de marchandises étrangéres dans toutes les maisons de cette ville et
faubourgs d’icelle. Nous François Daine, présence et assisté comme
dit est avons clos et arresté le présent procés-verbal pour estre Ensuite
déposé au Greffe de cette jurisdiction au désir delad. Ordonnance du
12 mai dernier, lequel nous certifions véritable suivant les représenta-
tions et déclarations qui nous en ont été faites. A Montréal, ce
vingt-quatre juillet 1741.

De la Fontaine Daine.

Veu les procés-verbaux cy dessus et des autres parts nous or-
donnons que copie d’yceux seront déposés au Greffe de la jurisdiction
de Montréal. Et autre copie au Bureau de la Compagnie des Indes
pour y avoir recours En cas de besoin. Mandons, &c., fait à Montréal,
le 30 juillet 1741.

MICHEL.!

1 Honoré Michel, sieur de la Rouvilliére, subdélégué de l’intendantet commissaire
ordonnateur,

vine a

É A ie

xy 0
d ut a Hi

[ROY] MADELEINE DE VERCHERES, PLAIDEUSE 63

Madeleine de Verchéres, plaideuse.
Par PIERRE-GEORGES Roy, M.S.R.C.
(Lu a la réunion de mai 1921.)

Que ce titre de Madeleine de Verchéres, plaideuse, ne scandalise
personne!

Tous les saints sont des héros, mais tous les héros ne sont pas des
saints.

Comme Madeleine de Verchéres était plutôt une héroïne qu'une
sainte elle avait certains petits défauts. Que ceux et celles qui
sont sans défauts lui jettent la pierre!

Le plus grand défaut de Madeleine de Verchères était—pardonnez-
nous l’expression—d’étre une plaideuse enragée. On connait cette
prière quotidienne d’un vieux normand: Seigneur, je ne vous demande
pas de biens, mais je vous supplie de me donner des voisins qui en
ont. Je saurai ensuite me tirer d’affaires.

Nous ignorons si Madeleine de Verchères adressait la même
prière au Seigneur, mais il est un fait certain c’est que pendant ses

“trente années de mariage elle trouva le moyen d’avoir, chaque année,
un, deux et quelquefois trois procès avec ces voisins.

Madeleine de Verchères devint, en septembre 1706, l'épouse de
Pierre-Thomas Tarieu, sieur de la Pérade, officier dans les troupes de
la colonie et seigneur de Sainte-Anne.

M. de la Pérade s'était marié à l’âge de trente ans. Avant son
mariage il n'avait jamais eu un mot avec personne. Il connaissait
les tribunaux pour ce qu'il en avait lu dans les livres et entendu parler
parses parentsetsesamis. A peine fut-il dans les liens du mariage qu'il
entra dans les procès pour n’en sortir qu’à la mort de sa femme, la
belliqueuse Madeleine de Verchères.

Si on peut dire des hommes qui accomplissent les moindres petits
caprices de leurs femmes qu'ils sont des maris exemplaires, M. de la
Pérade sur ce point était véritablement digne d’éloges car d’un
tempérament plutôt tranquille il se lança dans toutes sortes de procès
pour faire plaisir à sa femme—ou plutôt afin de satisfaire le goût
de celle-ci, pour la chicane. |

Le premier procès de M. de la Pérade eut lieu six mois après son
mariage. La seigneurie de la Pérade avait été concédée conjointe-
ment à M. de Lanaudière, père de M. de la Pérade, et à M. de Suève,
son compagnon d'armes. Voisins de puis vingt ans, ils n'avaient

64 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

jamais eu un mot ensemble. A peine Madeleine de Verchéres était-
elle entrée au manoir de la Pérade que la chicane commença entre
les deux voisins au sujet des bornes respectives de leurs concessions.
Le procès dura un an. M. de la Pérade gagna son point mais il dût
débourser un joli montant pour payer les frais du procès et les déplace-
ments de l’arpenteur qui délimita sa concession et celle de son voisin.

L'année suivante, en 1708, M. de la Pérade entrait dans un
nouveau procès. Cette fois c’est au seigneur des Grondines, un autre
de ses voisins, qu'il s’en prit. Il gagna son point, mais dut payer un
quart des frais du procès.

En 1708, Mme. de la Pérade était citée devant la Prévôté de
Québec pour s'être portée à des voies de faits sur un nommé Ricard.
Madeleine de Verchères qui n’avait pas eu peur de toute une troupe
d’ Iroquois ne craignait aucun de ses censitaires. Aussi ceux-ci étaient
obligés de filer doux avec leur seigneuresse qui n’était pas un modèle
de patience et recourait vite aux arguments frappants quand les
choses n’allaient pas à son goût ou à celui de M. de la Pérade.

En 1709, madame de la Pérade, à la suite d’une altercation avec
son engagé, le nommé Jean Cousineau, l'avait mis hors de chez elle.
Cousineau entra au service de Noël Trottier dit la Bissonnière.
Madame de la Pérade, s'étant aperçue que certains effets étaient
disparus de chez elle pendant l'engagement de Cousineau, demanda à
Trottier de la Bissonnière de retenir cinq ou six livres sur les gages de
Cousineau afin de l’indemniser pour ses effets disparus. Trottier de
la Bissonnière refusa de se prêter à ce marché. C'est alors que M. de
la Pérade intervint. Avec l’aide de M. de Crisafy, gouverneur des
Trois-Rivières, il réussit si bien à terroriser le malheureux Trottier
de la Bissonnière qu'il lui signa un billet de dix-huit livres.

Maïs, mieux informé, Trottier de la Bissonnière, en appela à
l'intendant, et, le 19 juin 1709, M. Raudot faisait défense à M. de
la Pérade de faire aucunes poursuites contre Trottier de la Bissonnière
pour son billet, celui-ci ne l’ayant signé que pour s’éviter ses violences.

En 1710, M. de la Pérade intentait un procès à M. Chorel Dor-
villiers, co-seigneur de Sainte-Anne, au sujet des îles qui étaient en
face de leur seigneurie. Il prétendait qu’ il était unique propriétaire
de ces îles. Après bien des procédures, l’intendant Raudot, le 28
mars 1710, rendait jugement en faveur de M. de la Pérade. Le
succès de ce dernier fut cependant de courte durée. Le lendemain,
29 mars 1710, l’intendant modifiait considérablement son ordonnance
de la veille au profit de M. Dorvilliers. Le domaine que M. de la
Pérade s'était taillé dans la seigneurie de Sainte-Anne au détriment de
son co-seigneur était diminué de moitié.

[Roy] MADELEINE DE VERCHERES, PLAIDEUSE 65

En 1711, M. et madame de la Pérade étaient poursuivis par
François Baribault, un brave cultivateur de Sainte-Anne a qui ils
avaient loué l’île St-Ignace. Baribault prouva si clairement qu'il ne
pourrait jamais s’accorder avec M. de la Pérade et sa femme qui,
disait-il, les menaçaient à tout instant de voies de fait, que l’intendant
Raudot, le 29 avril 1711, annulait le bail consenti par M. de la Pérade
à Baribault et permettait au seigneur de disposer de l’île Saint-
Ignace comme il l’entendrait.

En 1715, nouvelles difficultés entre MM. de la Pérade et Chorel
Dorvilliers, seigneurs conjoints de Sainte-Anne. M. de la Pérade
avait construit le moulin banal et en retirait de ce fait tous les revenus.
Le 15 février 1715, Vintendant Raudot permettait à M. Chorel
Dorvilliers de construire, lui aussi, un moulin dans sa partie de
seigneurie. L’intendant établissait en même temps un règlement entre
les deux seigneurs afin d'empêcher les contestations à l'avenir.

En 1715, M. de la Pérade intentait aux habitants de sa seigneurie
de Sainte-Anne, un procès qui devait durer plusieurs années. Les
habitants de Sainte-Anne, depuis plus de vingt-cinq ans, faisaient
paccager et herbager leurs bestiaux sur l’île au Sable qui appartenait
à M. de la Pérade. Les habitants prétendaient que l’île au Sable
dépendait de la commune qui leur avait été accordée par leurs titres
de concession. Après cinq années de procédures et d'interventions
de toutes sortes, le 16 août 1720, l’intendant Bégon rendait son
jugement. I] maintenait les habitants de Sainte-Anne dans la
jouissance de l’île au Sable. Le jugement de M. Bégon fut porté au
conseil du Roi par M. de la Pérade. Huit ans plus tard, le 22 mai
1739, un arrêt du Conseil d'Etat cassait l'ordonnance de M. Bégon
et remettait M. de la Pérade dans la propriété de l’île au Sable. Le
litige avait duré de 1715 à 1728, soit treize ans! Si, de nos jours, les
plaideurs attendent parfois quelques années pour avoir justice, ils
peuvent au moins se consoler en songeant qu'il y a des précédents à
ces longues attentes.

Dans l’automne de cette même année 1715, M. et Mme de la
Pérade firent une petite apparition devant le tribunal de la Prévôté
de Québec pour avoir administré une raclée des mieux conditionnées
à toute une famille de Sainte-Anne. M. de la Pérade avait fait
marché avec un de ses censitaires, Jean Ricard, pour couper ses blés.
Au jour fixé, Ricard et toute sa famille se rendirent chez le
seigneur de Sainte-Anne pour commencer leur ouvrage. Le chien de
Ricard les avait suivi. Un des enfants de M. de la Pérade ayant
cruellement battu le pauvre animal, la bru de Ricard ne put s'empêcher

de remarquer :—Voilà un enfant qui est bien malin. M. de la Pérade
1

66 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

qui, ce matin là, s'était levé de mauvaise humeur, se facha tout rouge
et frappa la jeune femme. Le père Ricard et ses fils s’étant inter-
posés pour protéger leur parente, Mme de la Pérade, qui était dans
les environs, se mit de la partie, et le seigneur et la seigneuresse de
Sainte-Anne administrérent maintes taloches 4 Ricard et aux siens.
Tous les membres de la famille au nombre de sept regurent leur part
de horions et s’en retournérent les yeux au beurre noir. Ricard se
rendit à Québec et porta plainte devant la Prévôté contre M. et
Madame de la Pérade. Outre les dommages pour les voies de faits
commises contre lui et les siens, il demanda d’être déchargé de l’obliga-
tion de couper les foins de M. de la Pérade, affirmant que sa vie était
en danger s'il retournait chez lui. Ricard, lors de son altercation
avec M. et Mme de la Pérade, avait vu tant de chandelles qu'il
exagérait un peu sur le compte de son seigneur.

En 1722, Mme de la Pérade insultée par deux Abénakis ivres
et qui étaient venus faire la loi à son mari retenu au ma noir par la
maladie, ne prit pas la peine de recourir aux tribunaux pour mettre
les enfants des bois à l’ordre. L’un d’eux ayant menacé son mari
d'un casse-tète, elle le lui enleva des mains et lui cassa les reins en le
jetant a ses pieds. Elle raconte elle-méme cet épisode de la fagon
suivante: à

“Je volai vers ce sauvage. J’empoigne son casse-tête, je le
désarme. Il veut monter sur un coffre, je lui casse les reins avec son
casse-tête et je le vois tomber à mes pieds. Je ne fus jamais plus
surprise que de me voir enveloppée à l'instant par quatre sauvagesses.
L'une me prend à la gorge, l’autre aux cheveux, après avoir arraché
ma coiffe; les deux autres me saisissent par le corps pour me jeter
dans le feu. A ce moment, un peintre me voyant aurait bien pu
tirer le portrait d’une Madeleine; décoiffée, mes cheveux épars et mal
arrangés, mes habits tout déchirés n'ayant rien sur moi qui ne fût
par morceaux, je ressemblais pas mal à cette sainte aux larmes près,
qui ne coulèrent jamais de mes yeux.”

Cette dernière phrase peint Madeleine de Verchères mieux
qu'aucun peintre, même avec le talent d’un Léonard de Vinci ou d'un
David, n'aurait pu le faire. Les larmes ne coulèrent jamais de mes
yeux! Nous avons là toute la vie de Madeleine de Verchères. Cette
jeune femme à l'apparence si frêle et si délicate était douée de tant
d'énergie que la crainte et la peur, deux sentiments pourtant bien
naturels à son sexe, n’eurent jamais de place dans son âme.

Mais revenons aux procès de Madeleine de Verchères puisque
c'est comme plaideuse que nous l’étudions pour le moment.

1

[Roy] MADELEINE DE VERCHERES, PLAIDEUSE 67

En 1727, M. Voyer, curé de Sainte-Anne, ayant eu le malheur de
faire couper quelques arbres sur l’île au Sable, qui appartenait a
M. et Mme de la Pérade, ceux-ci le poursuivirent devant la Prévôté.
Le 14 janvier 1727, le curé de Sainte-Anne était condamné pour ce
crime à cing livres d’amende envers le roi et aux dépens du procès.

Comme conséquence de ce jugement, le 21 mars 1727, M. de la
Pérade obtenait de l’intendant Dupuy une ordonnance exécutoire
contre le curé Voyer pour la somme de 225 livres, montant des dépens
dans son affaire avec lui.

L'huissier Normandin ayant négligé de mettre à exécution
l'ordonnance obtenue contre le curé Voyer par M. de la Pérade,
celui-ci intenta un procès contre l'officier public et réussit à le faire
interdire.

En 1728, nouveau procès entre M. de la Pérade et M. Chorel
Dorvilliers. C'était le cinquième procès entre les deux voisins depuis
quatre ans. M. de la Pérade réclamait à M. Chorel Dorvilliers des
cens et rentes dûs sur des terres qu'il possédait dans l'île Saint-
Ignace.

Une des principales obligations des censitaires sous le régime
français était de faire moudre leurs grains au moulin banal. Le
moulin de M. de la Pérade devait avoir bien des défauts puisque les
habitants de Sainte-Anne, le curé en tête, allaient faire moudre leurs
grains dans la seigneurie voisine. Déjà ’en 1707, M. de la Pérade
avait obtenu une ordonnance obligeant ses habitants à se servir du
moulin banal de sa seigneurie. En 1728, les habitants de Sainte-
Anne se croyant moins surveillés recommencèrent leurs visites au
moulin de Saint-Pierre. Mais le seigneur de Sainte-Anne veillait
au grain. Et, en août 1728, il réussissait à faire saisir à son profit les
blés portés au moulin de Saint-Pierre par le curé de Sainte-Anne et
une dizaine de ses paroissiens.

Nos historiens nous ont longuement entretenu de la querelle
survenue à la mort de Mer de St-Vallier au sujet des cures inamovibles.
M. Voyer, missionnaire de Sainte-Anne, avait été un de ceux qui
avaient été nommés cur’es inamovibles. Il refusa de remettre sa cure
lorsqu'il en fut requis un peu plus tard. M. et Mme de la Pérade
trouvèrent le moyen d'entrer dans cette querelle qui les regardait
comme les affaires municipales de Québec peuvent intéresser les
habitants de l'Océanie.

Mais tous les procès qu’avaient soutenus jusque là M. et Mme
de la Pérade étaient des vétilles à côté de celui qu'ils eurent en 1730.

Il faudrait un gros volume pour raconter ce procès par le détail.
-Essayons toutefois de le résumer en quelques mots.

68 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Dans l'été de 1730, M. Gervais Lefebvre, curé de Batiscan, citait
M. et Mme de la Pérade devant la Prévôté de Québec. Il les accusait
d’avoir fait circuler des faussetés sur son compte.

Si M. Lefebvre croyait avoir la partie belle avec le seigneur de
Sainte-Anne et sa femme, il ne les connaissait pas ou les connaissait
mal. Ils se défendirent avec une énergie digne d’une meilleure cause.
Ils amenérent devant la Prévôté une foule de témoins qui avaient des
griefs plus ou moins justifiés contre M. Lefebvre et donnèrent des
témoignages qui n'avaient pas rapport à la cause mais préjugérent le
juge contre le curé de Batiscan.

La Prévôté de Québec renvoya la plainte de M. Lefebvre et le
condamna même à 200 livres de dommages et intérêts pour avoir
traduit en justice mal à propos M. et Mme de la Pérade.

M. Lefebvre en appela au Conseil Supérieur de cette étrange
sentence et le Conseil Supérieur la renversa et condamna M. et Mme
de la Pérade à payer tous les frais du procès.

On peut croire sans peine que le seigneur de Sainte-Anne et sa
femme ne furent pas satisfaits de ce jugement. C'était le premier
échec sérieux qu'ils rencontraient dans leur carrière déjà assez longue
de plaideurs et leur amour-propre en fut vivement atteint.

Il n’y avait pas d'autre juridiction dans la Nouvelle-France,
mais il y avait le Conseil du Roi dans la vieille France. Les frais d’un
semblable appel étaient élevés, mais pour des plaideurs avisés comme
le seigneur de Sainte-Anne et sa jan pareille considération n’entrait
pas en ligne de compte.

Madeleine de Verchères avait bien confiance dans les avocats
qu'elle avait choisis là-bas, mais elle se décida à passer elle-même en
France afin d’y surveiller ses intérêts de plus près.

Elle s’embarqua à l'automne de 1732.

Les hauts faits de Madeleine de Verchères étaient bien connus
en France. Elle recevait depuis plusieurs années une pension du roi
pour sa belle défense du fort de Verchères. Les portes des différents
ministères lui furent toutes grandes ouvertes. Le président du
Conseil de marine, entre autres, la reçut avec le plus vif intérêt. Mais
à l'examen du dossier il constata que le Conseil Supérieur avait bien
jugé et que M. et Mme de la Pérade étaient dans le tort. Il refusa
l'appel au Conseil du Roi et, pour rendre la pilule moins amère, il
fit toutes sortes de belles promesses à Madeleine de Verchères” Les
bonnes paroles coûtent peu et les ministre du grand roi en étaient
prodigues.

Madame de la Pérade s’embarqua pour la Nouvelle-France au
printemps de 1733. Le ministre avait poussé l’amabilité jusqu’à lui

[Roy] MADELEINE DE VERCHERES, PLAIDEUSE 69

permettre de revenir au pays sur un vaisseau du roi. C’est une
faveur qui s’accordait bien peu souvent alors.

Pendant le séjour de Madeleine de Verchéres en France, le
ministre avait écrit au gouverneur de Beauharnois et l’avait prié
de régler cette affaire à l'amiable au plus tôt. C'est ce qui eut lieu
peu après l’arrivée de Mme de la Pérade.

Le 21 octobre 1733, M. Joachim Fornel, chanoine de la cathédrale
de Québec, au nom et comme fondé de pouvoir de M. Gervais Lefeb-
vre, docteur en théologie et curé de Batiscan, et Marie-Madeleine
Jarret de Verchères, tant pour elle que pour son mari Pierre-Thomas
Tarieu de la Pérade, signaient l'accord suivant: Pardevant les notaires
royaux en la prévosté de cette ville de Québec sont comparus Me.
Joachim Fornel, prêtre, chanoine de la cathédrale de cette ditte ville,
au nom et comme fondé du pouvoir soubs sein privé en datte du
premier octobre dernier de Me. Gervais Lefebvre, aussy prêtre et
docteur en théologie, et dame Jarret de Verchère faisant tant pour
elle que se faisant fort de faire ratiffier le contenu en ces présentes
par Pierre-Thomas Tarrieu Eser sieur de la Pérade, offer dans les
troupes du détachement de la marine entretenue en ce pays pour le
- service du Roy, son époux, lesquels sieur Fornel et dame de la Pérade
es noms nous ont dits et déclarés que nos seigneurs marquis de Beau-
harnois, commandeur de l’ordre royal et militaire de St-Louis, gouver-
neur et lieutenant-général en ce pays, Gilles Hocquart, chevalier coner du
Roy, en ses conseils, intendant de justice, police et finances en ce dit
pays, ont bien voulu les concilier et accomoder sur l'affaire qu'ils ont
eus au conseil dont arrest est intervenu le 23 décembre 1730—en con-
séquence duquel a été decerné exécutoire pour les depends le sixième
aoust 1731 et qu'au moyen de cette consiliation et accomodement
faits par nos dits seigneurs le dit sieur Fornel au dit nom tient quitte
et décharge les dits sieur et dame de la Pérade des condamnations
portées par le dit arrest et exécutoire dont et de quoy les parties nous
ont requis acte que nous leur avons octroyés, voulant et promettant
qu'il ne soit plus parlé ny question des différents cy-devant mus et
de faire cesser tous reproches en cette occasion au moyen de la pré-
sente transaction, s’obligeant mon dit sieur Fournel de faire ratiffier
par mon dit sieur Lefebvre la présente transaction toutes fois et
quantes, car ainsy etc, promettant etc obligeant etc Renonçant etc
Fait et à Québec au Palais du Roy dans un des appartements de mon
dit seigneur l’intendant aprés-midy le vingt-unième jour d'octobre
mil sept cent trente trois, et ont les dites parties signées avec nous dits

70 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

notaires. Fornel Ptre, Marie de Verchére de la Pérade, Louet,
Hiché.””!

Le procés du curé Lefebvre contre M. et Mme de la Pérade avait
passionné les esprits pendant trois ans mais on ne peut blâmer M.
Lefebvre d’avoir revendiqué son honneur. Il était curé d’une im-
portante paroisse et sa réputation devait être intacte pour y exercer
son ministère avec fruit.

Cette aventure coûteuse aurait pourtant dû guérir M.et Mme dela
Pérade de leur penchant pour les procès. Mais tous deux étaient
de sang normand et on dit que dans cette belle et ancienne province du
royaume de France il n’est pas nécessaire de mettre de la graine en
terre pour récolter des procès. Ils naissent tous seulx comme des
champignons dans notre pays.

En 1728, nous voyons encore M. et Mme de la Pérade entrer en
procès avec M. Chorel Dorvilliers, au sujet des bornes de leurs sei-
gneuries. Ce procès dura trois ou quatre ans.

En 1736, M. et Mme de la Pérade plaident avec un de leurs
censitaires, Pierre Rivard Lanouette. Celui-ci les traîna de juri-
diction en juridiction et réussit à leur faire dépenser beaucoup de
temps et d'argent pour obtenir bien peu.

En 1737, 1738, 1739, 1740, 1741, 1742, 1743, 1744, M. et Mme
de la Pérade eurent en moyenne deux et trois procès par année, soit
avec les seigneurs voisins soit avec leurs censitaires. Quelques-uns
de ces procès furent jugés à leur profit mais dans la plupart des cas ils
eurent à subir des pertes assez fortes car alors comme aujourd’hui
celui qui casse les verres les paye.

Le 8 août 1747, le deuil entrait dans le manoir de Sainte-Anne
de la Pérade. Marie-Madeleine de Verchères, l'héroïne popularisée
par le roman, la poésie, le bronze et, disons-le, un peu par les procès,
décédait à l’âge de 69 ans.

Après la mort de madame de la Pérade nous cherchons vaine-
ment le nom de son mari dans les papiers poussiéreux de nos anciens
tribunaux. Son ardeur pour la procédure s'était éteinte avec la mort
de celle qui pendant trente ans avait été sa compagne fidèle.

L’honorable M. de Lanaudière, le fils aîné, de Madeleine de
Verchères, avait hérité de sa mère son goût pour les procès. Le
juge-en-chef Dorion racontait à son sujet une anecdote typique qui
mérite d'être reproduite ici:

M. de Lanaudière, quoique bon et assez conciliant, était pourtant
quelque peu processif. De temps à autre, lorsqu'il habitait sa

1Acte d'accord reçu par Henry Hiché, notaire à Québec, 21 Octobre 1733.

[Roy] MADELEINE DE VERCHERES, PLAIDEUSE 71

seigneurie de Sainte-Anne, il allait vider ses querelles à Québec,
devant les tribunaux. Son principal adversaire était M. Dorion,
important marchand de Sainte-Anne. M. de Lanaudière se rendait
toujours à Québec en compagnie de son adversaire qu'il faisait monter
dans sa voiture. Arrivés à la capitale, ils se séparaient pour se
rencontrer devant les juges saisis de leurs griefs respectifs, et, quel que
fut le résultat du procès, tous les deux s’en retournaient ensemble à
Sainte-Anne, d’aussi bonne humeur que si jamais procès n'avait
existé entre eux.

Que cette anecdote nous serve de leçon pour juger la grande
héroïne. Mettons d’un côté de la balance, son petit défaut, qui con-
sistait à aimer peut-être un peu trop les procès, et dans l’autre plateau
déposons son héroïsme, sa bravoure, son esprit de foi, son patriotisme,
son dévouement pour son mari et ses enfants, et ces qualités feront
bien vite pencher la balance en sa faveur. Car, encore une fois, elle
était femme, et les femmes,—il faut bien l’avouer,—pas plus que les
hommes d’ailleurs, ne sont absolument parfaites.

one ‘lid

+

TER

[CARON] AU LENDEMAIN DE LA CAPITULATION 73

Les Canadiens au lendemain de la capitulation de Montréal
(8 septembre 1760).

Par L’ABBÉ IVANHOE Caron, M.S.R.C.

(Lu a la réunion de mai 1921.)

Le 8 septembre 1760, le marquis de Vaudreuil signait à Montréal,
la capitulation qui mettait fin à la domination française au Canada.
D'un trait de plume, les Canadiens étaient détachés de la mère-
patrie, la vieille France, et mis sous la domination d’une puissance
étrangére, dont toutes les institutions leur étaient absolument anti-
pathiques. Décimés par la guerre, réduits a la misére, privés de
leurs chefs naturels, nos ancétres avaient tout a craindre et pas
grande chose a espérer de leurs vainqueurs. Ces derniers établirent
de suite un gouvernement provisoire.

Le généralissime anglais, Sir Jeffrey Amherst en traça lui-même
les grandes lignes avant de quitter le pays, pour retourner à New York.
Les trois divisions administratives d’avant la conquéte furent con-
servées. Le 16 septembre, le général Gage était nommé gouverneur
de Montréal, le colonel Burton! gouverneur des Trois-Rivières. Le
général Murray qui administrait le district de Québec, depuis la
reddition de la ville, fut maintenu dans sa charge. Ils avaient tous
trois comme secrétaires, des Suisses ou des Français: Louis Cramahé, à
Québec; Joseph Bruyère, aux Trois-Rivières; George Maturin, à
Montréal, et leurs ordonnances étaient généralement rendues en
langue française.

Dans un placard, daté du 22 septembre, Amherst donnait
l’ébauche d’une première législation aux nouveaux sujets. Ceux-ci
étaient invités à faire leur soumission, remettre leurs armes et prêter
le serment d’allégéance. Le commerce était déclaré libre; seulement
les commerçants devaient demander des passeports aux gouverneurs.
Amherst indiquait la procédure à suivre dans les procès, enjoignait
“aux troupes de vivre avec l'habitant en bonne harmonie et intelli-
gence’’ et recommandait ‘‘pareillement à l'habitant de recevoir et de
traiter les troupes en frères et Concitoyens.’’! Cette proclamation
concernait les gouvernements de Montréal et des Trois-Riviéres, et

1Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada (1759-1791), selected
and edited with notes by Adam Shortt and A. G. Doughty. Second and revised
edition, by the Historical Documents publication Board (Pubs-Canadian Archives),
Ottawa, 1918, pp. 38-40. Nous citons ordinairement l'édition française de 1911.

74 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

visait principalement à l’organisation des cours de justice. Dans ces
deux districts les capitaines de milice furent chargés de régler les
différends entre habitants. Un tribunal d’appel, présidé par le
gouverneur, et dont les membres étaient des officiers de l’armée
siégeait à Montréal et aux Trois-Rivières. Dans le district de Québec,
le général Murray avait nommé dés le 16 janvier 1760, Jacques Allier
juge civil et criminel pour toutes les paroisses, depuis Berthier jusqu’a
Kamouraska, et le colonel Young dans la méme fonction pour la ville
de Québec et les paroisses environnantes?

Le 2 novembre 1760, il établissait à Québec une “Cour et un
Conseil Supérieur’’ formés d’officiers de l’armée anglaise, ayant voix
délibérative dans les procés. Deux procureurs-généraux furent aussi
nommés, pour les affaires de tutelle et de curatelle, l’apposition des
scellés, les inventaires et procès-verbaux, ainsi que pour |’entretien
des chemins publics.* Ces procureurs, canadiens-français tous deux,
étaient aussi chargés de diriger la procédure devant le ‘Conseil
Supérieur.” Le greffier de la Cour de Québec, était également un
canadien-français, Jean Claude Panet, de même, celui de la Cour de
Montréal, Pierre Panet. Toute cette organisation judiciaire, n'avait
de militaire que le nom, et était nullement oppressive: “Tout y
était français, moins les juges qui paraissent s'être assez bien accom-
modés de la Coutume de Paris, sans avoir eu la prétention de vouloir
y mêler d'aucune manière les lois de l’Angleterre.”” 4

Des rapports de sympathie ne tardèrent pas à s'établir entre le
peuple et ses nouveaux maîtres. Une chose s’imposait: c'était
d'apporter quelque soulagement à la misère générale. Ambherst avait
écrit aux gouverneurs des colonies voisines, leur demandant d'envoyer
“toutes sortes de denrées et de rafraichissements’’ que les habitants
pourraient acheter ‘‘au prix courant et sans impots.” Au mois
d’octobre 1761, M. Briand, vicaire général, dans une lettre adressée
a tous les curés du diocése, leur demandait d’envoyer une liste des
familles pauvres de leurs paroisses: ‘‘Son coeur rempli d’humanité
et naturellement compatissant pour les malheureux, disaitil, en
parlant de Murray, lui a suggéré un moyen de leur procurer des
secours, qui lui a réussi au-delà de l’espérance.’’ En effet, le gouver-
neur avait prié les officiers de l’armée anglaise de faire une souscr:ption
parmi les troupes, dont le produit fut distribué aux plus indigents.

2Doc. const. Hist. Canada (1759-1791), 36-37.

3Cours d'Histoire du Canada, par Thomas Chapais, t. I (1760-1791), p. 6.

‘Philias Gagnon, Nos anciennes Cours d'Appel. Dans le Bul. rech. hist.,
v. XXVI, 1920, 348.

’Doc. const. Hist. Canada (1759-1791), p. 39.

=]
or

[CARON] AU LENDEMAIN DE LA CAPITULATION

De plus, chaque militaire donna une journée de ration par mois pour
faire face aux nécessités les plus pressantes.f

Les paysans avaient prété sans trop mauvaise grace le serment
d’allégéance; le désarmement leur fut bien plus sensible. C’était
quelque chose d’eux-mémes qu’on leur prenait en leur enlevant le
vieux fusil, le compagnon inséparable des courses d’autrefois, le
témoin de leurs exploits sur les champs de bataille, un héritage de
famille souvent. Heureusement que 1a encore il y eut des adoucisse-
ments. Le général Amherst ordonna ‘‘afin de maintenir le bon ordre
et la police dans chaque paroisse ou district’? de remettre ‘‘aux
officiers de milice leurs armes”” et il ajoutait que “si par la suite il y
avait quelquun des habitants qui désireraient en avoir pour la chasse,
il devront en demander la permission au Gouverneur signé par led.
gouverneur ou ses subdélegué afin que L’officier des troupes com-
mandant du district où ces habitants seront résidant puisse scavoir
qu'ils ont droit de porter des armes.’”’7 Et de fait l’on voit que dans
le district des Trois-Riviéres, par exemple, la permission de garder
leurs fusils fut accordée a cinq, six et méme dix habitants, par paroisse
Les soldats anglais cantonnés dans les campagnes s’entendaient trés
bien avec les habitants. ‘‘L’Anglais et le Canadien, dit Gage, sont
sur le méme pied et considérés au méme degré sujets d’un méme
prince; les soldats vivent en paix avec les habitants et de ce contact
naissent des sentiments d’affection reciproque.”’ 8

Lord Egremont, secrétaire d’Etat pour le département des
Colonies, avait demandé à Amherst d’avertir les gouverneurs ‘‘de
donner des ordres précis et trés exprés pour empécher qu’aucun
soldat, matelot, ou autre, n’insulte les habitans francais qui sont
maintenant sujets du méme prince; défendant a qui que ce soit de
les offenser en leur rappelant d’une façon peu généreuse cette infériorité
à laquelle le sort des armes les a réduit, ou en faisant des remarques
insultantes sur leur langage, leurs habillemens, leurs modes, leurs
coutumes et leurs pays, ou des réflexions peu charitables et peu
chrétiennes sur la religion qu'ils professent.”’ ?

Gage note que pendant toute la durée de son administration, il
s’est “appliqué avec le plus grand soin et la plus constante atterition à

6 Mandements, lettres, pastorales et circulaire des évêques de Québec publiés, par
Mgr. Tétu et l'abbé C. O. Gagnon (1887-1890), T. II, p. 149.

7Placart du général Amherst, 22 septembre 1760 (Report of the Public Archives
for the year 1918, 20).

8Rapport du Général Gage concernant le gouvernement de Montréal, 20 mars
1762. (Const. Hist. Canada (1759-1791), ed. francaise, Ottawa, 1911, p. 54.

‘Lord Egremont à Sir Jeffrey Amherst, 12 septembre 1761, Archives Can-
adiennes, B. 37, p. 10.

76 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

ce que les Canadiens fussent traités conformément aux sentiments de
bonté et d'humanité de Sa Majesté à leur égard. Aucun empiètement
sur leurs propriétés, aucune insulte à leur personne n’ont été laissés
impunis; les moqueries au sujet de la sujétion que leur a imposée
le sort des armes, les remarques injurieuses à l’égard de leurs coutumes
ou de leur pays et les réflexions concernant leur religion ont été
réprimées et interdites.””10

La politique d’Amherst et des gouverneurs fut donc de ne rien
bouleverser, de ne rien faire qui indiquât en quelque chose la volonté
d’opprimer les vaincus. Au contraite, on perçoit chez le vainqueur le
désir sincère de s'attacher les nouveaux sujets par toutes sortes de
bons procédés. Comment nos pères acceptèrent le nouveau régime,
quelles furent leurs impressions, leurs craintes, leurs espérances en
face de la réalité: voilà ce qui est intéressant à étudier.

Ici, il faut distinguer; il y a des nuances dans les sentiments.
Les paysans, les nobles, les chefs religieux n’envisagent pas les choses
du même point de vue, et leur état d'âme diffère d’autant.

Les paysans avaient beaucoup souffert pendant les derniéres
campagnes; trainés d’un champ de bataille à l’autre, la guerre avec
ses maux, avait pesé sur eux de tout son poids. Aussi, la paix fut
pour eux une délivrance. Au lendemain de la capitulation de Mon-
tréal, ils s’empressent de retourner sur leurs fermes, heureux de jouir
enfin de la tranquillité qu'ils désirent depuis si longtemps. Murray
les admire: “Ils constituent, dit-il, une race forte et pleine de santé.
Ces gens se vêtent sans recherche, sont vertueux dans leurs moeurs et
tempérants dans leur genre de vie.”’!1 “Leshabitants, particulièrement,
les paysans, dit Burton, paraissent très satisfaits d’avoir changé de
maîtres. Jouissant du libre exercice de leur religion, ils conmencent
à comprendre qu'ils ne sont plus des esclaves et qu'ils jouissent
complétement des bienfaits et des bontés de cet excellent gouverne-
ment qui fait la félicité particulière de tous les sujets de l’empire
britannique.’”” Burton généralise peut-être un peu trop. Au fond,
les vieux canadiens gardent le souvenir de la mére-patrie, et pendant
longtemps, il restera vivace dans leur coeur. Dire qu’ “ils paraissent
très satisfaits,” c’est leur prêter un sentiment qu'ils n’ont pas encore
eu le temps d'analyser. Pour le moment, ils acceptent volontiers le
nouvel état de chose, tout en escomptant qu'il n’est pas définitif.

WRapport du général Gage, Joc. cit., p. 54.

“Rapport du général Murray concernant le gouvernement de Québec, au
Canada, 5 juin 1762, Doc. const. Hist. Canada (1759-1791), ed. frangaise, 1911, 45.

2Rapport du colonel Burton concernant l’état du gouvernement des Trois-
Riviéres, avril 1762, Doc. const. Hist. Canada (1759-1791), ed. francaise, 1911, 51.

[CARON] AU LENDEMAIN DE-LA CAPITULATION 77

Une chose qui ne leur déplait certainement pas, c’est d’étre
débarrassés des concussionnaires comme Bigot et ses complices, qui
les ont si vilement pressurés dans les dernières années de l’ancien
régime. Laboureurs, avant tout, ils se sont remis à la culture de la
terre, avec plus d’ardeur que jamais. Haldimand écrivait au mois
d'août 1762, qu'ils prisaient leur liberté et faisaient paisiblement leur
récolte.# Les facilités offertes aux habitants pour écouler leurs
produits, les encourageaient à travailler et à étendre leurs cultures.
La vieille monnaie de papier, avait été remplacée par de belles piéces
d’argent, et des ordres sévères avaient été donnés aux troupes anglaises
cantonnées dans les campagnes de payer ce qu’elles achetaient des
habitants ‘‘en argent comptant et espèces sonnantes.’’ Les produits
de la terre se vendent bien et les pièces d'argent tombent à profusion
dans le gousset des paysans. Ils sont devenus tellement âpres au
gain, qu'à la demande de Murray, M. Briand prie les curés, de présider
eux-mêmes à la déclaration des blés, durant l'hiver de 1760-61, afin
qu'elle se fasse avec plus de précision ‘Peut-être que l'espérance,
écrit le grand-vicaire, de vendre leurs blés plus cher le printemps
prochain les tentera d’être infidèles dans leur déclaration; mais outre
que vous ne vous en rapporterez pas trop à leur bonne foi, vous
pouvez les prévenir que M. notre Gouverneur prend des arrangements
qui détruiront leur espérance. Vous pourriez encore ajouter à plusieurs
d’entre eux que la charité n’est pas la seule vertu qui demande
qu'ils retranchent même sur leur nécessaire, pour le soutien de tant
de concitoyens réduits à l'extrême nécessité, et que ce serait un
moyen pour eux de réparer bien des injustices dont ils se sont rendus
coupables ci-devant par une trop grande avidité du gain, le prix ex-
cessif qu'ils ont exigé pour les choses les plus nécessaires à la vie.’’!4

Voilà ce qui console pas mal nos paysans du changement de
régime. Les uns trouvent un bon marché pour écouler leurs produits,
les autres sont secourus dans leur dénuement: l’aisance revient, et
avec elle, la joie et le bonheur. Gens simplistes, vivant dans un
horizon très restreint, ils amassent la manne qui tombe, et ne se
préoccupent pas trop de l’avenir. Haldimand le constate, et met un
peu d’emphase pour nous l’apprendre: ‘Les habitants, écrit-il à
Amherst seraient au désespoir de voir arriver une Flotte et des Troupes
Francaises . . . ils commencent trop a gofiter le prix de la liberté
pour étre la duppe des Frangais dans un pareil cas. ci

183Haldimand à Amherst, Trois-Rivières, 25 août 1762, Arc. can., B. I, fol. 216.

44 Mand. des év. de Québec. Circulaire du 18 janvier 1761. T. II, p. 153.

Haldimand à Amherst, Trois-Rivières, 26 décembre 1762, Arch. can., B. I,
fol. 262.

78 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Confiné dans les cadres de sa petite paroisse, le paysan y re-
trouve d’ailleurs presque toutes les institutions de l’ancien régime.
S'il a des différends avec son voisin, c'est devant les capitaines de
milice, que se vide la querelle; il va rarement devant le tribunal
d'appel, le plus souvent c’est le curé qui règle l'affaire. Ce sont encore
les capitaines de milice qui promulguent les ordonnances des gouver-
neurs, et voient à leur observation. Ces ordonnances ressemblent
à s’y méprendre à celles des anciens intendants français; elles sont
calquées sur celles de l’ancien régime, rédigées dans le même style.
L’orthographe seule indique qu’elles émanent de quelqu'un incom-
plêtement familiarisé avec la langue française.

Les soldats de l’occupation sont d’ailleurs les seuls gens de langue
anglaise que l’on rencontre dans les campagnes. Les marchands
venus de l'Angleterre et des Etats limitrophes de la Nouvelle-Angle-
terre, s’établissent de préférence dans les villes. Rien donc n'était
changé dans les us et coutumes de la campagne. La vie paroissiale
avait repris son cours habituel. Groupés autour du clocher du
village, les paysans s’occupaient fort peu de ce qui se passait au dehors,
et vivaient dans une heureuse quiétude.

Les nobles voient les choses sous un autre jour. Murray trace
d'eux un portrait qui est loin d’être flatteur. ‘Les nobles, dit-il,
sont généralement pauvres, exceptés ceux qui ont exercé des com-
mandements aux postes éloignés où ils ont ordinairement réalisé une
fortune dans l’espace de trois ou quatre ans. La croix de Saint-
Louis suffisait à peu près à mettre le comble à leur bonheur. Ils sont
extrêmement vaniteux et témoignent le plus grand mépris pour la
classe commerciale de ce pays, bien qu'ils ne se soient fait aucun
scrupule de se livrer au commerce assez activement même, lorsqu'une
occasion favorable leur permettait d’en retirer desavantages. C’étaient
de grands tyrans pour leurs vassaux qui obtenaient rarement de faire
cesser les abus, quelque justes que fussent leurs plaintes.

‘Cesse classe ne s’attachera pas au gouvernement anglais dont
elle ne pourra obtenir ni les mêmes charges ni les mêmes douceurs
dont elle jouissait sous le régime français.” Murray modifiera à la
longue ce jugement un peu prématuré, et verra qu'il y a lieu de faire
ici une distinction.

Parmi ces nobles, plusieurs sont venus dernièrement de France.
Il est évident que ceux-ci se rallieront difficilement à l’administration
nouvelle. La plupart, cependant, sont les descendants d'anciens
seigneurs du pays. Propriétaires eux-mêmes de beaux lopins de
terre, ils ont négligé jusqu'ici l’exploitation agricole, pour se livrer à la

16Rapport sur le gouvernement de Québec, Loc. cit., pp. 44-45.

[CARON] AU LENDEMAINa DE LA CAPITULATION 79

traite des fourrures, tenir un poste de commandant dans les régions
de l’ouest, ou occuper une situation quelconque dans l’armée. La
carrière militaire surtout, en même temps qu'elle leur ouvrait le
chemin des honneurs, leur procurait les appointements suffisants pour
vivre a la ville, loin de leurs censitaires. La vie fastueuse qu’ils y
menaient, les avait mal préparés au coup qui les frappait. Les voila
désarçonnés en voyant tomber l’échafaudage administratif de l’ancien
régime. Toutes les positions leur sont maintenant fermées et à leur
place, s'installent des marchands, des fonctionnaires anglais, dont la
morgue hautaine les humilie profondément.

On vient de voir avec quelle ironie Murray se moquait des Croix
de Saint-Louis. Haldimand dira quelque mois plus tard qu'il voud-
rait bien être débarrassé de toutes les Croix de Saint-Louis et des
prétres.!7

Evidemment les nobles n’ont pas la faveur des gouverneurs, et
ne peuvent compter sur leurs bonnes graces pour le moment. Que
faire? Plusieurs songent a émigrer, a aller chercher fortune en
France. ‘La haute classe seule, dit Burton, aura peut-être l’intention
de quitter le pays, s’il reste sous le gouvernement de la Grande-
Bretagne.”'8 En effet, dès l'automne de 1761 quelques familles
s'étaient embarquées pour la France. Malheureusement le navire
qui les portrait, l’Auguste, s'était jeté sur les récifs de Vile du Cap-
Breton, et tous à l'exception de quelques hommes de l'équipage et de
Louis Luc de La Corne, sieur de Saint-Luc, avaient péri misérable-
ment.’®

Ces départs ne se généralisent pas, car la plupart des membres de
la noblesse sont bien décidés de rester au pays. Du reste, dès le début
les gouverneurs manifestent l'intention de maintenir en vigueur, le
vieux régime féodal. C'est ainsi que Gage ordonne dans l'hiver de
1761, à un certain nombre des censitaires des seigneuries de Saint-
Ours, de Vaudreueil, de l'ile Perrot, de Longeueil, de Montarville,
de Varennes, de Contrecoeur et de l'ile Jésus, d’aller résider sur les
lots qui leur ont été concédés.® Bien plus, on veut conserver aux
seigneurs leurs privilèges et leurs droits, comme il appert par une
ordonnance de Gage (2 avril 1762), émise à propos de l'achat qu’
avait fait le sieur Baron, de la seigneurie de l'ile Saint-Paul. Le

“Haldimand à Gage, Trois-Rivières, 15 avril 1764 (Arc. can., B. 22, fol. 9).

Rapport sur le gouvernement des Trois-Rivières, loc. cit., p. 51.

8 Journal de voyage de M. de St. Luc, dans le navire l’A uguste en l'an 1761, seconde
édition, 1863.

20 Report of the Public Archives for the year 1918, Ottawa, 1920. Ordonnances and
proclamations of the Règne militaire, pp. 41 et 101.

80 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

gouverneur déclare qu'il accorde ‘“‘aud. S. Baron et ses enfants le
méme droit et privilége quon toujours jouis tous les seigneurs et
Gentilhomme de ce pays et qu’il ne recevra aucune ordre pour aucune
article du Service du Roy que par une particulière du Gouverneur
ou de quelquun muni de son pouvoir.’’?!

Les seigneurs retournent donc sur leurs domaines. Réduits,
pour la plupart, à la misère, leur prestige d'autrefois a considérable-
ment diminué, tout de même, le paysan respecte leur malheur, et leur
garde son affection. Pendant longtemps encore, le seigneur sera le
principal personnage de la paroisse.

Il reste un autre élément: le clergé. Murray se rend compte
immédiatement de sa puissance. “L'influence du clergé sur le peuple,
écrit-il, a été et est encore très grande.” - Gage ajoute qu’il faudra
compter largement sur le clergé pour faire disparaître ‘le sentiment
de jalousie’’ qui existe dans le pays contre les Anglais, et il suggère
‘““de prendre le moyen de confier la charge des cures à des prêtres bien
intentionnés.’’2? Murray et Gage disaient vrai; c'était le clergé qui
allait prendre la direction de la petite nation abandonnée de la France.
Un historien contemporain peu ‘suspect de complaisance’’ M. André
Siegfried a écrit: ‘‘L’Eglise tient, sur les bords du Saint-Laurent,
une place a part, elle a été de tout temps pour ses disciples une pro-
tection fidéle et puissante; notre race et notre langue lui doivent
peut-être leur survivance en Amérique. . . . Sans l'appui du prêtre,
nos compatriotes d'Amérique auraient sans doute été dispersés ou
absorbés. C'est le clocher du village qui leur a fourni un centre,
alors que leur ancienne métropole les abandonnait totalement et leur
retirait même les autorité sociales autour desquelles ils auraient pu
grouper leur résistance; c’est le curé de campagne qui, par son en-
seignement de chaque jour, a perpétué chez eux ces façons de penser
et ces manières de vivre qui font l’individualité de la civilisation
canadienne; c'est l'Eglise enfin qui, prenant en main les intérêts
collectifs de notre peuple, lui a, plus que quiconque, permis de se
défendre avec succès contre les persécutions ou les tentations
britanniques.””?

L'Eglise du Canada se trouvait alors dans une position critique.
Son premier pasteur, Mgr de Pontbriand était décédé quelques mois
avant la capitulation de Montréal. La nomination d’un nouvel
évêque n'était pas possible dans le moment, et la vacance du siège

2]dem, p. 54.

2Rapport sur le gouvernement de Québec, loc. cit., p. 45.

%R apport concernant le gouvernement de Montréal, loc. cit., p. 57.
24André Siegfried, Le Canada, les deux races, pp. 12-67.

‘

[CARON] AU LENDEMAIN DE LA CAPITULATION 81

de Québec, devait se prolonger jusqu’au 21 janvier 1766, par suite
d'évènements dont on pourra lire la trame ailleurs.” Celui-là même
qui devait être l’élu du Seigneur, M. Briand, avait été chargé de la
direction du diocése par ses confréres. Son tact, sa prudence, sa
bonté devaient lui gagner immédiatement la confiance et l’estime de
Murray. Nous avons vu comment ils s'étaient entendus pour
recueillir des aumônes, et secourir les nécessiteux dans les paroisses
ravagées par la guerre. Murray prête son concours à M. Briand,
dans des circonstances plus délicates. A la demande du vicaire
capitulaire, le gouverneur oblige un curé à quitter sa paroisse, et M.
Briand, le remercie en ces termes: ‘Recevez, je vous prie, mes très
humbles et sincères remerciements pour la protection que vous
donnez à l'autorité ecclésiastique. . . . Continuez à l'Eglise votre
protection, ajoute-t-il. J’oserais presque vous dire que vous y êtes
obligé, comme elle l’est de vous honorer. Non ENIM SINE CAUSA
GLADIUM PORTAT, nous dit saint Paul, en parlant de la puissance
séculière, laquelle doit se prêter au soutien de la religion, comme la
puissance ecclésiastique à faire rendre aux peuples le respect et
l’obéissance qu'ils doivent aux Princes et aux Supérieurs.’’® A
l’occasion du couronnement de Georges III, de son mariage, en
1761, et de la naissance du Prince de Galles, en 1762, M. Briand
et les grands vicaires des Trois-Rivières et de Montréal, MM. Perrault
et Montgolfier, ordonnent des Te Deum, dans toutes les églises. “Il
est juste, dit M. Briand, qu’en sujets fidéles nous prenions part a la
joie des peuples qui le reconnaissent pour souverain, et que nous
unissions nos voeux à ceux qu'ils adressent au Ciel pour le bonbeur de
leurs Majestés.’’?7

Ces bons procédés ne pouvaient manquer d’exercer une heureuse
influence sur l’esprit des gouverneurs. Aussi pendant les trois années
du Règne militaire, ceux-ci voient à ce que les Canadiens ne soient pas
molestés dans l'exercice du culte. Les gouverneurs sont pleins de
respect envers le clergé, et compte sur lui pour faire accepter le nouveau
régime. Tous trois sont cependant d'accord pour déclarer qu'on
ne doit fermer l'accès du pays aux prêtres d’origine étrangère. Imbus
des préjugés de leur époque et de leur race, Murray, Gage et Burton

A

consentent volontiers à tolérer le clergé indigène, mais lui permettre

Voir notamment: Abbé Auguste Gosselin. L'Eglise du Canada après la con-
quête. Première partie (1760-1775), 1916. M. Thomas Chapais: Cours d'histoire
du Canada, Tome I (1760-1791), 1919, p. 29 à 61. Abbé Lionel Groulx: Lendemains
de conquête, 1920, p. 137 à 178.

*6Abbé Auguste Gosselin, op. cit., p. 22.

27 Mand. des évêques de Québec, t. II, p. 160.

—13

82 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

de se recruter, par l’appoint de prétres venus de France, c’était mettre
en danger la constitution anglaise. Ces deux questions de la nomina-
tion de l’évêque et du recrutement du clergé ne devaient prendre une
tournure critique qu’au lendemain du traité de Paris. Pour le
moment les autorités religieuses s’entendent a merveille, avec les
autorités civiles. M. Briand le reconnait avec enthousiasme dans la
belle lettre qu'il adresse au clergé et aux fidèles du gouvernement de
Québec (4 juin 1763), pour leur annoncer la conclusion de la paix,
qui confirmait la cession du pays à la Grande-Bretagne. ‘‘ Nos voeux,
écrit M. Briand, n’ont peut-être pas été exaucés dans leur étendue,
le Canada avec toutes ses dépendances, ayant ét irrévocablement
cédé à la couronne de la Grande-Bretagne; mais rapportez-vous en,
Nos Très Chers Frères, aux soins de l’adorable Providence, dont la
conduite est très souvent d'autant plus miséricordieuse qu'elle est
moins conforme à nos désirs, et flatte moins nos inclinations. N’en
avons-nous pas une preuve manifeste dans la conduite que nos vain-
queurs ont tenue à notre égard depuis la conquête de la colonie?

“La reddition de Québec vous laissait à la disposition d’une
armée victorieuse; vous fûtes sans doute d’abord alarmés, effrayés,
consternés. Vos alarmes étaient fondées; vous saviez ce qui se
passait en Allemagne, et cous crûtes déjà voir fondre sur vous les
mêmes malheurs. Vous ignoriez que l’aimable et toujours attentive
providence vous avait préparé un gouverneur qui, par sa modération,
son exacte justice, ses généreux sentiments d'humanité, sa tendre
compassion pour le pauvre et le malheureux, et une rigide discipline à
l'égard de ses troupes, devait faire disparaître toutes les horreurs de
la guerre. Où sont en effet les vexations, les concussions, les pillages,
les onéreuses contributions qui marchent ordinairement à la suite de
la victoire? Ces nobles vainqueurs ne vous parurent-ils pas, dès
qu'ils furent nos maîtres, oublier qu'ils avaient été nos ennemis, pour
ne s'occuper que de nos besoins et des moyens d’y subvenir.”"?8

Viola, nous semble-t-il, ce qui peint assez bien, l’état d'âme du
clergé canadien, à cette époque. Les chefs religieux, et avec eux les
nobles, avaient conservé l'espoir que le Canada retournerait à la
couronne de France. C’est un rêve qu'ils caressaient et qui semblait
devoir se réaliser. Mais voici que par un nouveau coup de la Pro-
vidence, le sort de la Nouvelle-France, était irrévocablement fixé.
Les Canadiens étaient suivant l'expression de M. Briand, ‘désormais
agrégés’’ à la nation anglaise. C'est sans arrière-pensée que celui-ci
demandait à tous d'accepter la décision finale. Et d’ailleurs con-

28 Mand. des Ev. de Québec, t. II, p. 169.

[CARON] AU LENDEMAIN DE LA CAPITULATION 83

venait-il de se livrer à des appréhensions funestes? Est-ce que la
conduite des vainqueurs pendant les trois années qui viennent de
s’écouler n’a pas été un indice de celle qu'ils suivront dans l’avenir?
“Soyez donc exacts, continuait M. Briand, à remplir les devoirs de
sujets fidèles et attachés à leur Prince, et vous aurez la consolation de
trouver un Roi débonnaire, bienfaisant, appliqué à vous rendre
heureux, et favorable à votre religion, à laquelle nous vous voyons
avec une joie inexprimable si fortement attachés. ’”??

Le libre exercice de la religion catholique, accordé par les capitu-
lations de Québec et de Montréal, était garanti par le traité de Paris.
N'y avait-il pas lieu de se réjouir, et de jurer une inviolable fidélité
au nouveau monarque ?

En somme, nos ancêtres paraissent s'être très bien accommodés
du régime militaire, et en avoir conservé un agréable souvenir. C'est
ce qu'ils admettaient quelques années plus tard dans une adresse au
roi pour demander le rétablissement des lois françaises: ‘Notre
reconnaissance, disaient-ils, nous force d’avouer que le spectacle
effrayant d’avoir été conquis par les armes victorieuses de votre
Majesté n’a pas longtemps excité nos regrets et nos larmes. IIs se
sont dissipés à mesure que nous avons appris combien il est doux de
vivre sous les constitutions sages de l’empire Britannique. En effet,
loin de ressentir au moment de la conquête les tristes effets de la
gêne et de la captivité, le sage et vertueux Général qui nous a conquis,
digne image du souverain glorieux qui lui confia le commandement de
ses armées, nous laissa en possession de nos loix et de nos coûtumes.
Le libre exercice de notre religion nous fut conservé, et confirmé par
le traité de paix: et nos anciens citoyens furent établis les juges de
nos causes civiles. Nous n’oublirons jamais cet excès de bonté,
ces traits généreux d’un si doux vainqueur seront conservés précieuse-
ment dans nos fastes; et nous les transmettrons d'âge en âge à nos
derniers neveux.’’*?

Nous ne pouvons rien ajouter à ces paroles un peu obséquieuses,
il est vrai, mais qui, en réalité, confirment ce que nous venons de dire
sur l'état d'âme des Canadiens, pendant la durée du Règne Militaire.

29 Mand. des Ev. de Québec, t. II, p. 171.
39Pétition des sujets français (décembre 1773). Doc. const. Hist. Canada (1759-
1791), édition française, p. 335.

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SECTION I, 1921 [sol 0 MÉMOIRES S.R.C.

Guerres des Iroquois, 1670-1678.
Par BENJAMIN SULTE, M.S.R.C.
(Lu a la réunion de mai 1921.)

La paix dite générale, négociée de 1667 4 1669 et conclue en 1670,
rendit la tranquillité au Bas-Canada mais ne fit que laisser le champ
libre aux Iroquois pour continuer leurs conquétes parmi les nations
éloignées. Durant trente-six mois ils ne cessèrent de porter leurs
armes autour d’eux et d’anéantir des campements, des villages, des
tribus dont un certain nombre alliés des Français. Ces dévastations
nous paraissent avoir été peu étudiées: on en trouvera le recit dans
ces quelques pages.

ily

Commençons par placer les groupes de Sauvages dans leurs
territoires respectifs.

Jean Nicolet, en 1634, traversa, du nord au sud, la baie dite des
Puants depuis son entrée jusqu’à la rivière venant du sud qui se
décharge dans cette nappe d’eau. Les Puants demeuraient sur le
bas de la rivière et s’étendaient jusqu’au lac Winnibago qui porte leur
nom: eau puante. Après trois journées de canots, il se trouva sur
le site de la ville actuelle d’Oshkosh, puis continuant son chemin en
remontant la rivière, qui est sinieuse, accidentée d’évasements,
marais et anses ou baies, il parvint à l'endroit où s’établirent, vingt-
trois ans plus tard, les Kikapous, les Miamis, les Maskoutins. Cette
partie de la rivière était déserte. Les Outagamis ou Renards n’y
étaient pas encore établis. Il faut se rendre à 1660 avant que de
pauvoir dire ‘rivière des Renards.’’ Les Puants seuls occupaient en
1634 le bas de ce cours d’eau.

Rendu à six journées de la grande baie, Nicolet se voyait vis-à-vis
le coude de la rivière Wisconsin que l’on nomme le Portage. S'il
eut franchi ce portage il aurait pu naviguer cent dix-huit milles sur la
rivière Wisconsin avant que d'atteindre le Mississippi. C’est au
moins trois jours de canot.

Au pays des Hurons, au lac Nipissing, à la côte nord de la baie
Georgienne, les Puants étaient redoutés. On les disait méchants et
ravageurs. Leur langue différait de toutes les autres. Ils eurent des
conflits avec les Illinois qui demeuraient vers Chicago et qui n'étaient
nullement belliqueux, mais ceux-ci finirent par se fâcher.

86 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

A partir de 1650, les Hurons et les Outaouas réfugiés a la baie
one dû avoir connaissance de ces faits, particulièrement de l'invasion
des Illinois, en 1653, qui se termina par le massacre des Puants,
lesquels se voyant réduits à une petite bande d'individus, passèrent
au fond de la baie et se tintent assez tranquilles par la suite.

Pourquoi les Français ont-ils toujours dit: ‘‘la baie des Puants”’
alors que, dés 1658, les Malhomines et les Poutéauatamis étaient
plutôt les habitants de cette sorte de lac? Probablement parceque
le nom des Puants leur était connus depuis 1634 au moins, et, en
1658, 1660, 1663, 1665, les voyant dans la baie, on me tient aucun
compte du fait que, avant 1653, il avaient vécu sur la rivière. Les
Poutéouatamis et les Malhomines étaient-ils des nouveaux venus?
C’est possible.

En 1656, les Iroquois, ayant donné à entendre aux Français qu'ils
ne leur feraient plus la guerre d’incursions qui durait depuis des
années, tournèrent leurs armes contre les Eriés (de langue iroquoise)
occupant le nord de l'Ohio jusqu’au lac Erié et les anéantirent en
incorporant dans leurs tribus ceux qui échappérent a la hache, puis,
sans reprendre haleine, ils chassèrent du Michigan nord les Outagamis
(Renards), les Maskoutins, les Kikapous, les Miamis, petites tribus
algonquines, qui se retirérent sur la riviére dite aux Renards (nom
des Outagamis). Ce n’est pas tout: il y avait, aux environs de
Chicago la grande nation des Illinois. Celle-ci, attaquée 4 son tour
(1657) abandonna la contrée et alla s’établir dans l’Iowa, fuyant par
la rivière Illinois et traversant le Mississipi.

Lorsque Chouart et Radisson, en 1658, parcoururent la rivière
qui se decharge dans la baie Verte et la remontèrent le plus loin
possible, ils firent connaissance avec ces peuplades nouvellement
arrivées sur les lieux maïs ils en parlent comme de gens établis depuis
longtemps, ce qui a trompé les historiens.

En 1670, partant du sud, aux environs de Milwaukee, où étaient
les Miamis, on rencontrait, en allant au nord les Makoutins, puis,
sur la rivière aux Renards, les Oumamis (seule tribu illinois) ensuite
les Outagamis ou Renards, puis les Poutéouatamis qui paraissent
avoir aussi formé un groupe important vers l'entrée de la baie Verte,
côté intérieur sud-est de cette nappe d’eau. Les Malhomines ou
Folles-Avoines, ainsi que le reste des Puants occupaient le fond de la
baie.
La mission Saint-Jacques fondée chez les Maskoutins en 1669
par le Pére Allouez, était située prés de Governor’s Bend sur la
riviére aux Renards et non pas aux environs de Chicago comme on
l’a dit souvent. Ce peuple algonquin avait été signalé, dès 1615,

[SULTE] GUERRES DES IROQUOIS 87

comme habitant la région du Détroit, d’ot les Iroquois le chassérent
en 1657. Il était rendu en haut de la rivière aux Renards en 1659
puisque Radisson et Chouart le visitèrent en cet endroit la même
année. En 1660, la Père Menard donne à entendre qu'ils avaient
un village ou campement à Chagouamigon, lac Supérieur, mais la
tribu demeurait sur le haut de la rivière aux Renards. Il n’est pas
possible que Nicolet, en 1634, les ait vus dans le voisinage du coude
de la rivière Wisconsin puisqu'ils habitaient alors les terres du Détroit
allant vers la baie de Saginaw. Une branche de la tribu vivait sur
la rive sud du lac Supérieur, vers Chagouamigan, avec des Outaouas,
en 1667. C'est alors qu’un bon nombre se firent chrétiens. Une
branche portait le nom de Kikapous et un autre Kiskacons. On les
retrouve en compagnie des autres peuples de la rivière aux Renards
de la baie Verte et du sud du lac Supérieur. (La Potherie II. 49.
Relation, 1658, p. 21; 1659, p. 19; 1667, p.17; 1670, pp. 87, 89, 100.)

Les missions établies avant 1672 étaient au nombre de neuf:
Saint-Michel et Sainte-Thérèse que le Père Ménard commença en
1660 à Chagouamigon. La Pointe ou Sainte-Esprit dans la même
contrée, œuvre du Père Allouez en 1665. La maison-mére du saut
Sainte-Marie, 1670. Saint-François-Xavier chez les Poutéouatamis,
au fond de la baie Verte. Un autre Saint-François à la rivière aux
Renards, à cinq milles de la baie. On mentionne Saint-Marc chez
les Poutéouatamis, Saint-Ignace à Michillimakinac, Saint-Simon
sur l’île Manitoualine.

“Quatre nations de celles qui composent la mission de Saint-
François-Xavier dans le baie des Puants, ont pris à la Pointe (sud-
ouest du lac Supérieur) les premières teintures de la Foi, pendant le
temps qu'elles y ont résidé fuyant la poursuite des Iroquois.’’ (Le
Père Marquette: Relation, 1670, p. 87.)

Les peuples de la baie Verte et de la rivière aux Renards vivaient
de blé-d’Inde, courges, citrouilles, folle-avoine, buffle et autres gibiers,
sans compter la péche, aussi étaient-ils nombreux, sous les noms
d’Outagamis, Mascoutins, Malhomines, Puants et Poutéouatamis,
tous de langue algonquine sauf le Puants qui parlaient autrement
que n’importe quelle autre nation et non pas un dialecte sioux comme
on l’a cru.

Les Miamis, dans la région de Milwaukee, avaient de la poterie.
Le Sauvage arrivé à la connaissance de cette fabrication est considéré
comme entrant (par une porte étroite) dans la civilisation. Il est
sur la voie où il se procurera d’autres ustensiles et tout cela l'invite à
prendre une demeure stable, à cultiver la terre, à se donner une
organisation sociale, en un mot à sortir de l'état sauvage. Les

88 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

Iroquois, les Hurons et les Sioux étaient plus avancés que les Miamis
sous tous les rapports.

Les Hurons et les Outaouas, vers 1660 et jusqu’a 1670 et méme
plus tard, étaient principalement concentrés a la rive sud-ouest du
lac Supérieur, à la Pointe du Saint-Esprit, à Kionconan ou Kewana
aujourd'hui.

Les Sauteurs (saut Sainte-Marie) s'étaient sauvés au nord en
1650. De tout temps cette tribu ne compta que de cent cinquante à
deux cents personnes. De retour au saut, en 1670, elle ne dépassait
pas cent cinquante Âmes. Les Maramego, autre petite lande, s’in-
corporèrent alors aux Sauteurs.

Les Mississagués, de la côté nord de la baie Georgienne et aussi
de l’île Manitoualine s'étaient enfuis dans la profondeur des terres
du nord en 1650, mais un certain nombre était entré dans le Haut-
Canada et s'était installé dans le pays des Hurons. Ceux du nord
rentrèrent chez eux à la côté d’Algoma en 1670, mais le contingent
du pays des Hurons se répandit vers le lac Sainte-Claire et Cataracoui.
Ils ne se génaient pas d'attaquer les Iroquois quand l’occasion s’en
présentait et même allaient inquièter leurs campements sur la rive
nord du lac Ontario.

Les Nipissiriniens, réfugiés au nord, en 1650, chez les Gens des
Terres, reprirent en 1670, leur pays du lac Nipissing et se répandirent
un peu dans le Haut-Canada. Les Gens des Terres, langue algonquine
comme les Mississagués, Sauteurs, Nipissiriniens, vivaient en nomades
à égale distance de la baie d'Hudson et des lacs Supérieur, Huron,
Nipissing.

lle

Talon écrivait, le 2 novembre 1671: “La paix est également
profonde au dedans et dehors de cette colonie. Les Iroquois, a-
près avoir un peu grondé contre les Sauvages (de l’ouest) qui se sont
mis sous la protection du roi (juin 1671) et auxquels ils faisaient la
guerre, se sont enfin contenus dans leur devoir et, quoiqu’il y ait
entre (parmi) eux quelque brutal qui, dans l’ivroguerie, casse quelque
tête, il y a lieu de croire que la communauté préférera toujour la paix
à la guerre.”

Les Iroquois se contenaient pour le moment sans renoncer a
leur systême de ravage, ayant autant qu’autrefois l’espoir de devenir
la seule nation aborigène maîtresse des grands territoires de chasse.

Ce même automne de 1671, Marie de l’Incarnation disait: ‘Les
Tsonnontouans ont remué pour faire la guerre aux Outaouak. Monsieur
notre gouverneur a tellement intimidé les uns et les autres qu'il les a

[SULTE] GUERRES DES IROQUOIS 89

rendus amis, néanmoins, comme l’on ne peut se fier entièrement aux
Sauvages, afin de leur faire voir qu’on les pourra humilier quand on
voudra, il a pris, sans faire bruit, une troupe de Frangais et s’est
embarqué avec eux en des bateaux et en des canots qu’il a conduits
par des rapides et bouillons où jamais les Sauvages n’avaient pu

passer, quoiqu’ils soient très habiles à canoter.” Cette expédition
avait remonté le Saint-Laurent jusqu'à Cataracoui.

Les Tsonnontouans (Senecas en anglais) étaient les Iroquois de
Buffalo aujourd’hui. M. de Courcelles s'était rendu jusqu’à Catara-
coui et la baie de Quinté avec beaucoup de gens armés. La religieuse
ajoute: ‘Avant ces troubles les Tsonnontouans étaient d'intelligence
avec les Anglais pour leur mener (amener) les Outaouaks, afin de
frustrer la traite des Français, ce qui eût perdu tout le commerce (du
Canada) mais les Anglais, ayant appris ce voyage de monsieur le
gouverneur chez les Sauvages, ne furent pas moins effrayés que les
Sauvages mêmes et eurent crainte qu'il n’allât les attaquer pour les
chasser de leur lieu.” Ceci est étrange puisque jamais les rois de
France et d'Angleterre ne furent plus liés d'amitié qu’à cette époque.
La Mère continue: ‘Tous les Iroquois sont si petits (abaissés) et si
humiliés depuis que les Français les ont brulés (villages brulés en
1666) que, dans la crainte qu’ils ne le fassent encore, ils sont doux
comme des agneaux et se laissent instruire comme des enfants.”

Cette soumission portée du côté des Français n’empéchait pas
de préparer des plans pour anéantir les nations de l’ouest, s'emparer
du commerce des fourrures et le transporter aux Anglais des fleuve
Hudson et des côtes de l'Atlantique.

ERIC

La première expédition militaire des Iroquois était déjà commencée
au moment où Talon et la Mère ursuline écrivaient, mais non pas
contre les peuples de l’ouest et voici pourquoi. En remontant à
l’année 1600 on trouve les Hurons du Haut-Canada et les Andastes
de la Pennsylvanie en rapports de commerce et d'amitié, étant de
même race, langue, mœurs et coutumes, ce qui veut dire aussi qu'ils
étaient comme les Iroquois. Or, la haîne de ces derniers envers les
Hurons s’étendait aux Andastes et quand les bandes iroquoises n’atta-
quaient point les Hurons c’était qu’on les employait contre les And-
astes. La campagne de 1672 se termina par l’anéantissement des
Andastes, avec ceci de remarquable, nous dit Perrot (page 129 de son
Mémoirs) que les Iroquois augmentérent considérablement leurs
forces ‘‘par le grand nombre d’enfants et autres prisonniers auxquels

90 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

ils donnérent la vie’’ et qui furent incorporés dans les cing cantons.
En plus, ceux des Andastes qui avaient échappé à ce massacre se
rendirent aux vainqueure et grossirent encorele nombre de leurs familles.
La méme chose avait eu lieu chez les Hurons en 1650 et 1656 pour ne
mentionner que ces deux dates.

Les Iroquois faisaient tout en grand. Ils avaient des vues à
longue portée. Leurs calculs étaient si bien établis que, presque
toujours, ils réussissaient. Comme les Romains, ils voulaient dominer
partout. Avec un esprit politique rare chez des Sauvages, ils savaient
agir d’après un plan d'ensemble dont aucun détail n'était négligé.
Rien en se faisait chez eux sans des études soignées et la connaissance
des situations. Chaque chose était si parfaitement ordonnée qu'il en
résultait une discipline générale dont ils tiraient des ressources inouies.

Pour compléter leurs forces ils se tournèrent du côté des Chouan-
ons. Nicolas Perrot nous dit (p. 12, 79, 166) que, probablement vers
1560, les Iroquois de Montréal et des environs, fuyant les Algonquins,
s'étaient rendus au lac Erié et y rencontrérent les Chaouanons qui
les reçurent mal, puis le refoulérent le long du lac Ontario, rive orient-
ale. On sait que les Iroquois, se pénétrant peu a peu du génie de
l’organisation, devinrent formidables. Ils ne manquérent pas d’aller
attaquer les Chaouanons et ceux-ci durent se réfugier vers la Caroline
ou dans cette direction. Perrot ajoute (pp. 129, 296) que, en 1670
ou un peu auparavant les Chaouanons se virent contraints de quitter
la Caroline et de se réfugier dans la vallée de l'Ohio. Nous avons
parlé, en 1670, de ce Chaouanon! capturé par les Iroquois qui le
gardèrent avec eux dans une expédition au lac Supérieur où les
Sauteux défirent toute la lande et délivrèrent le prisonnier. Celui-ci
s’en retourna, chargé par les Poutéouatamis de marchandises franç-
aises comme échantillons. Les Poutéouatamis espéraient que les
Chaouanons ouvriraient des rapporte de commerce avec eux. En
effet, par l'Ohio ils arrivaient au Wabash et de là pouvaient se rendre
à la baie Verte. Nous savons que cette même année 1670, un Chaou-
anon avait descendu l'Ohio jusqu’au Mississipi, avait remonté ce
fleuve et s'était arrêté dans l’Iowa chez les Illinois (Relation 1670,
p. 91; 1672, p. 25) qui, dans leur langue, disaient Ontaougannha au
lieu de Chaouanons. .

Le Potherie (II. 131-133) a dû prendre de la bouche de Perrot ce qui
va suivre; ‘Que ne firent point les Chaouanons sur le simple rapport
de celui qui avait été délivré des moins des Iroquois par les Sauteurs.

Ils surent qu’il y avait chez ces peuples (baie Verte et lac
Supérieur) des gens qu’on appelait Français, qui avaient paru plus
1 Société Royale, 1913, p. 89.

[SULTE] GUERRES DES IROQUOIS a

sociables que ceux de leur continent (les Suédois, Hollandais, Anglais)
lesquel (les Français) fournissaient toute sorte de marchandies. C’en
fut assez pour les engager a profiter de cet avantage. Quarante
guerriers partirent pour s’établir auprès des Poutéouatamis.”’

Ceci devait avoir lieu en 1672. Les Iroquois, a peine débarrassés
de leur guerre contre les Andastes, venaient d’envoyer une expédition
pour faire coup dans la baie Verte parmi les alliés des Frangais,
au mépris du traité de 1670. Leurs maraudes recommengaient
et allaient se continuer. La Potherie ajoute: “Les quarante Chaou-
anons surprirent cette bande iroquoise dont ils tuèrent et amenèrent
plusieurs. Ils passèrent par un village de Miamis qui leur firent un
si bon accueil qu'ils ne surent se défendre de leur donner leurs prison-
niers iroquois. Les Miamis envoyèrent ces captife aux Outagamis
pour être mangés, en représailles de cinq cabanes que les Iroquois
avaient enlevées peu de temps auparavant. Les Outagamis, voyant
que cette conjecture était favorable pour en faire un échange, envoyèr-
ent en embassade chez les Iroquois. Quand l'embassadeur eut fait
le trajet du Michigan, il trouva huit cent Iroquois qui venaient en
guerre pour enlever le premier village sur lequel ils tomberaient.
Les Iroquois ne purent s'empêcher de calmer leur ressentiment (à
la vue de leurs hommes libérés) et donnèrent leur parole à l’embassad-
eur qu’il y aurait dorénavant une barrière entre sa nation et la leur
et que la rivière de Chigagou ferait la limite de leurs courses. Ils le
renvoyèrent avec des présents, lui donnant un des leurs des plus
considérables, avec un jeune guerrier, pour l'accompagner. Ce chef
iroquois passa par les Miamis, les Maskoutechs et les Kikabous où
il fut reçu avec les honneurs du calumet et comblé de présents de
castors. Ces nations députèrent deux Miamis pour l’accompagner à
son retour, afin d’y traiter la paix. Il vint chez les Outagamis qui
s’efforcèrent de lui donner des preuves de leur estime et il arriva enfin
à la Baie, où les peuples ne manquérent pas de lui marquer la joie
qu'ils avaient d’être de leurs amis. Ils lui firent présent de pelleteries
et de deux grands canots pour emporter les présents qu'il avait reçus de
toutes parts. Les Miamis qui accompagnaient l’Iroquois suivirent
le lac et passèrent le grand portage de Ganatcitiagon par lequel ils se
rendirent au lac Frontenac (Ontario) et à Kenté où il y avait une
mission française et un grand village d’Iroquois. Ils furent de 1a
au fort Frontenac où était M. de La Salle qui leur fit plusieurs présents,
les assurant qu'il irait les voir dans leur pays.”

La Potherie écrivait trente ans plus tard sans trop connaître les
dates des choses dont il parle. Les Sauvages ont dû arriver à Cata-
racoui en 1673 au moment où Frontenac y était occupé à construire

92 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

un fort. C’est ce gouverneur qui leur fit des présents. La Salle ne
devint locataire du fort que deux années après et il est bien sûr que
en 1673 il n’y était pas présent a la fondation.

Le Chaouanon (un chef sans doute, avec quelques hommes de sa
nation) qui s’était rendu à l’Iowa en 1670 avait expliqué son itinéraire
tant bien que mal aux Illinois qui le reçurent chez eux et, à leur tour,
ces Sauvages tâchèrent de transmettre le renseignement aux Pères
Allouez et Dablon dans un voyage qu'ils (les Illinois) firent au lac
Supérieur, de sorte que les deux missionnaires en conclurent que le
Mississipi se détournait à gauche et allait directement du côté de la
Virginie. En 1673 on reconnut cette erreur lorsque Jolliet, descendant
le Mississipi, passa devant l’embouchure de l'Ohio. Le Père Mar-
quette note dans son récit (par oui-dire) que, sur le haut de cette
rivière, les Chaouanons comptent trente-huit villages; de plus que
ce sont des gens peu ou point adonnés a la guerre et que les Iroquois
sont acharnés à leur destruction. Cette dernière remarque pouvait
se rapporter à une date un peu antérieure tout aussi bien qu’à l’année
1673, mais il n’en est pas moins vrai que les Chaouanons furent
anéantis comme peuple en 1673 au moment où la Père en parlait.

Perrot (p. 129) dit que les Iroquois incorporérent dans leurs
tribus les Chaouanons qui survécurent au massacre. Il en échappa
toutefois un certain nombre dont les descendants sa retrouvent a la
Caroline en 1717. La Potherie (II. 133) dit que l’armée iroquoise
comptait six cents guerriers dans cette campagne contre les
Chaouanons.

Cette méme année deux cents Iroquois partirent en guerre,
passant le lac Erié et suivant la côté sud du lac Huron. La Potherie
s’exprime-t-il d'une manière incorrecte à ce sujet? “‘les deux cents
suivirent la rivière de Chigagou. Ils y rencontrèrent des Islinois
qui revenaient de Michilimakinak avec quelques Outaouaks dont ils
prirent et tuèrent dix-neuf.” Faut-il croire que les Iroquois étaient
déjà rendus sur la rivière Illinois et qu'ils défirent un parti d’Illinois
et d’Outaouas revenant de Michillimakinac pour rentrer chez lui,
ou bien que ce parti fut défait près de Michilimakinac et que, ensuite,
les Iroquois allèrent à la rivière Illinois?

D'une facon ou d’une autre, il est certain que ces Illinois n'étaient
pas les Oumamis de la rivière aux Renards et puisque les Iroquois
avaient adopté pour objectif la rivière Illinois, déserte depuis 1656,
c'est qu'ils connaissaient le retour tout récent des Illinois de l'Iowa
dans leur ancien pays.

Jolliet et Marquette en 1673 ont vu les Illinois dans l’'Iowa et,
un peu plus tard, cette année, passant par la rivière Illinois ils ne

[SULTE] GUERRES DES IROQUOIS 93

disent rien de ce peuple. Malgre cela nous pensons que, en 1673, un
contingent Illinois était déjà retourné aux environs de Chicago et
ceux-là avaient été en traite à Michilimakinac avec des Outaouas.
En 1674 le gros de la nation traversa le Mississipi et se fixa sur la
rivière qui portait son nom. C’étaient les tribus Peorias, Kakakias,
Cahokias, Moingouinas, Tamaroas. M. John Gilmany Shea (State
Historical Society of Wisconsin, III. 128-129) semble croire que les
Illinois ne reprirent possession de leur ancien pays qu'après l’arrivée
de La Salle dans ces lieux, l’automne de 1679, mais, à cette date ils
étaient nombreux sur l'Illinois et la Kenkakee, d’après les écrits de
La Salle et de Hennepin. Le même auteur dit que les Metchigameas
que Marquette trouva sur le Mississipi en 1673 s’associérent pour la
suite aux Illinois, bien qu'ils fussent d’une origine différente.
Il oublie les Oumamis réfugiés en 1657 sur la rivière aux Renards
et qui y demeurèrent constamment jusqu’ après 1673.

“Les Illinois, après le coup de 1673, dit La Potherie, modérérent
leur ressentiment. Ils auraient pu aller attaquer les Iroquois mais
ils envoyèrent à M. de Frontenac un paquet de castors par lequel ils
se plaignaient que les Iroquois avaient violé la paix et qu’ ayant eu
peur de lui déplaire, ils n’avaient pas voulu les chercher pour leur
livrer combat, et qu’ils lui demandaient cependant justice. Ce
gouverneur leur envoya un collier par M. de la Forest qui leur marquait
de se défendre s’ils étaient une autre fois attaqués, mais qu’ils ne se
missent point en marche pour les aller trouver chez eux. L’on a
beau faire la paix avec les Iroquois, quand ils peuvent attrapper
quelqu'un a l'écart ils ne lui font point de quartier.”

IV.

Le plan de conquête des Iroquois n’avait pas cessé d’être le
même depuis 1636. Il consistait à dévorer, les unes après les: autres,
les nations sans discipline qui les entouraient afin de créer un empire
à eux qui balancerait les influences françaises de l’ouest et hollandaises,
anglaises, suédoises de l'Est. Ce n'était pas un rêve puisqu'il était
réalisable, mais il n’aboutit qu'à des massacres parceque la colonie
du Canada sut attirer dans son alliance toutes les nations de l’ouest.

La tenacité des Cinq-Cantons ne s’affaiblissait pas après les
déclarations solennelles de 1669 et 1670. Les Iroquois se regardaient
plutôt comme dégagés vis-à-vis des Français et d'autant plus libres
de poursuivre la destruction des tribus sauvage, aussi les avons-nous
vus, en 1671-1673, faisant disparaître les Andastes, chassant les
Chaouanons, assaillant les Illinois.

94 LA SOCIETE ROYALE DU CANADA

‘Les Iroquois commencèrent encore à donner sur les Illinois et
autres nations, raconte Perrot (p. 131) car leurs forces augmentaient
toujours. Ils voulurent méme s’adresser (s’en prendre) aux Outaouas
et Nepisings dont ils firent plusieurs prisonniers. M. de Frontenac
étant parti (de Québec) pour aller au fort qu'il avait fait bâtir (a
Cataracoui, 1673) fit assembler tous les chefs iroquois, auxquels il
parla de manière qu'ils rendirent les prisonniers et demeurérent en
repos, promettant de ne plus faire d’incursions sur nos alliés compris
dans la paix.” Cette fois les Cinq-Cantons tinrent leur parole.

En ce qui concerne les Outaouas, notons que, dès 1669, les
Iroquois avaient cherché à les faire traverser le Haut-Canada pour
s'établir à la baie de Kenté où se formaient des villages iroquois. Le
motif était de pouvoir se renconter plus facilement, acheter les
pelleteries des Outaouas et les vendre aux Anglais d’Albany.
La construction du fort Frontenac, en 1673, avait coupé court à ce
projet. Les Nipissiriniens et les Outaouas redevenaient plus que
jamais alliés des Français et par là se voyaient exposés à la colère
des Cantons, comme Perrot le fait entendre dans le passage ci-dessus.

Dans la Correspondance Générale manuscrits, (F. 9, p. 351) il y a
une lettre de Courcelle du 27 août 1670, disant que ‘dix-huit ou
vingt Tsonnontouans ont attaqué un village nommé Apontigoumy
chez les Outaouas et ont tué ou pris cent personnes grandes et petites.”

Les Nipissiriniens s'étaient réfugiés au lac Nipigon, de 1650 à
1667, chassés par les Iroquois. Le Père Allouez les y rencontra cette
dernière année. Vers 1670 ils étaient retournés au lac Nipissing,
leur pays, et fréquentaient le centre du Haut-Canada.

Le lecteur est surpris de voir avec quelle rapidité les Iroquois
exécutaient leurs courses nulitaires et les longues distances qu'ils
parcouraient a travers les territoires des autres nations. Avant 1670
leurs bandes allaient sur le haut Saint-Maurice, au Saguenay, à Québec,
au lac Supérieur, à la baie Verte, sur l'Ohio, dans la Pennsylvanie,
comme dans le Haut-Canada. Elles apparaissaient brusquement,
faisaient coup et s’évanouissaient en rien de temps. Le secret de
ces opérations est tout dans la discipline particuliére 4 ce peuple et
que les tribus algonquines ne pratiquaient point. Celles-ci envoyaient
leurs guerriers sans les munir de provisions de bouche, parcequ’ elles
n’en tenaient jamais en réserve et vivaient à l’aventure, de chasse et
de pêche. Il fallait donc trouver le moyen, le temps nécessaire pour
se nourrir en chemin. De plus, aucun plan de campagne, rarement
un objectif déterminé d'avance. Le hasard faisait tout. De 1a des
mécomptes perpétuels, des voyages marqués. L’Iroquois chargeait
son canot de blé d’Inde, avec d’autres denrées, suivait une route bien

[SULTE] GUERRES DES IROQUOIS 95

définie, obéissait 4 un chef qui avait prévu les moindres détails et
s’y tenait rigidement. La marche, le repos, l’attaque, la retraite
étaient réglés dans un ordre parfait, mis à la connaissance de chaque
homme et ne devait jamais varier 4 moins d’avis contraire donné
instantanément. Le groupe ne formait qu’un corps et une âme,
aussi agissait-il avec précision, rapidité, sans rompre son ensemble et
rarement on l’a vu $e tromper par une manœuvre maladroite. En un
mot, l’Iroquois apportait à la guerre l'esprit de discipline qui régnait
dans son village.

Tout cela avait lieu en dépit des conventions de 1670. Une
menace de Frontenac en 1674 rendit la paix générale, comme les
Français l’entendaient. Huit ou neuf ans plus tard, Frontenac étant
parti, ces guerres reprirent leur cours et ne furent de nouveau sus-
pendues que vers 1697.

Transactions of The Royal Society of Canada
SECTION,

SERIES III MAY, 1921 VoL. XV

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS
The Study of History and the Interpretation of Documents

By Bric.-GENERAL E. A. CRUIKSHANK, LL.D., F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

“History,” writes Jacob Burckhardt, “is the most unscientific
of sciences.’’ Other writers of even greater eminence have denied
that it is entitled to be termed a science at all.

Yet as Motley remarked in one of his letters, ‘‘ History-writing
must be pursued honestly as a science, if it is to be permanently
‘valuable, and not as a trade.’”’ “‘Bysuchacourse only can it be made,”
to use the language of Guizot, ‘‘a great school of truth, reason, and
virtue.”

By the ancients Clio was styled ‘the eldest daughter of Memory
and the chief of the Muses.”’

Carlyle has told us in an eloquent passage that:

“History, as it lies at the root of all science, is also the first
product of man’s spiritual nature, his earliest expression of what can
be called thought. . . . Let us search more and more into the past;
let all men explore it as the true fountain of knowledge, by whose
light alone, consciously or unconsciously employed, can the present or
the future be interpreted or guessed at.”

The study of history ought, therefore, not only to satisfy our
curiosity about past events, but essentially modify our views of the
present, as it deals with the great principles upon which the every-
day life of the world is still carried on.

Whether the study or the writing of history can be regarded as
an exact science in the literal sense of the word may be a subject of
reasonable doubt, but it can hardly be disputed that there is an
increasing tendency to treat both in a scientific spirit, just as there is
similar inclination to treat the study of science, historically. This
is undeniably a modern development. A century ago, history,
treated as a science, was unknown, on this continent at least. What
passed under that hame was a mere collection of fables, of heroic and

sentimental legends, of unauthenticated traditions, or records.
A

2 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Within the memory of living men, the work of historical research
has been immensely facilitated and the scientific spirit in its pursuit
singularly stimulated by the introduction of scientific methods in
the collection, arrangement, and care of the materials for history, :
the publication of guides, inventories, and calendars, as well as the
textual reproduction of documents themselves by transcripts, photo-
graphy, or in print, and by the publication of source-books.

Facts must necessarily constitute the staple raw material of
history. It strives to be a transcript of the life that is now past.
It treats of man in his proper sphere of activity, in his relations with
the forces of nature and the efforts of other men. It is chiefly con-
cerned with the workings of his intellect, his will, and his passions
so far as they revealed in objective action. Its main purpose, there-
fore, is to promote an accurate knowledge of the activity of man’s
spiritual nature.

It should also endeavour to verify and test the truth of its own
statements and conclusions.

History has been flippantly described as ‘‘an arid region abound-
ing in dates.” This saying has been probably inspired by a bitter
memory of those useful compilations, known as school histories,
which results in a conviction that history must necessarily be tedious
and wearisome. The natural reaction from this view is responsible
mainly for the production of the sentimental, emotional, unreliable
popular history, in which the author attempts, as Gibbon said politely
about Voltaire, ‘‘to cast a keen and lively glance over the surface of
history.”’

Facts, by themselves, are, of course, not history. Historical
materials or documents, standing alone, are not history. They must
be organized, elaborated, and combined. This must be done with
the proper spirit and in a judicial manner. A story has been told of a
naval officer who beguiled the tedium of a long voyage by working
-out problems in navigation with the master of a merchant ship.
A dispute arose between them on one occasion, and the officer, ex-
hibiting gleefully the results of his calculation, remarked: ‘Figures
won't lie.” The other, looking it over critically, discovered an error,
and, pointing it out, retorted: ‘‘Yes, figures won't lie if you work
them right, but you must work them right.’’ The same rule applies
exactly to historical materials and facts. They won't lie if you work
them right. But this must be done. Otherwise, ‘‘a little dispro-
portion in the emphasis, a little exaggeration of colour, a little more
or a little less limelight on this or that portion of the group, and the

[CRUIKSHANK] PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

Co

result will not be the truth, although each individual fact may be as
indisputable as the multiplication table itself.”

History, beyond doubt, had its beginnings in a form of biography,
or rather of autobiography. The mighty hunter or fisherman, the
man of deeds, or uncommon skill and success, became inspired with
an irresistible desire to make his actions known to his fellow-men and,
if possible, to posterity. As generally they were known only to
himself, he had to tell his own story, and it lost nothing in the telling.
It was oft-repeated, sung or chanted, by him, by members of his
family, or by his friends and followers. The deeds of Nimrod, of
Hercules, or of Samson, and other mighty men were thus perpet-
uated in popular tradition, and handed down from generation to
generation by word of mouth.

Frequently this man of action was not endowed with the faculty
of oral expression, and the women of his family or clan, or some weaker
male person, gifted in that way, took up the tale, embellished it and
magnified it.

Gradually the deeds of the heroic individual almost insensibly
became a portion of the biography of the patriarchal family, the most
important product of human evolution in the early days offciviliza-
tion. This community of kinsfolk thus became the first great history-
making group.

In time this group was enlarged to the clan, the tribe, and the
nation. The process of primitive history-making still went on in
much the same way, having been largely taken in hand by the women,
or by men, who were in some way physically unfitted for the chase.

As a rule primitive man, whose chief occupations are hunting
and fighting, makes little, if any, distinction between war and the
hunt. All other men, not belonging to his particular group, are
foes, or at least trespassers on his hunting-grounds, and regarded
by him just as he does other varieties of wild game, being only a
more dangerous, and, consequently, a nobler quarry. All means and
devices are right in his efforts to kill or capture them.

The biography of the nation, or the political society, or common-
wealth finally evolved, became what we call history.

Next came the aspiration to record the notable deeds of the
individual or clan in some more permanent and evident form than
by mere oral repetition. For this purpose the rock-walls or cliffs
of their native hills afforded at once the most prominent situation
and most lasting material.

ee

1 Mahan: From Sail to Steam, p. 168.

4 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The invention of some form of writing enabled them to supple-
ment a pictorial representation of these notable events by inscriptions
giving an explanation. The eastern ruler seldom shrank from an
effort to immortalize himself by the inscription or portrayal of his
deeds of cruelty even in imperishable stone. Yet the truth of the
record was considered a matter of the utmost importance. Rawlinson
tells us that Darius states “his great fear that it may be thought that
any part of the record he has set up may be falsely related’’ and that
he has abstained from narrating certain events of his reign ‘‘lest to
him who may hereafter peruse the tablet, the many deeds that have
been done by him may seem to be falsely recorded.” This counsel
of perfection, it would seem, was honoured more in the breach than
in the observance. The biographical element, however, was still
strongly predominant.

To the actors, engrossed in this ceaseless warfare with the forces
of nature or with other men, the influence of the rivers, mountains,
forests, and plains, and other natural features of the country in aiding
or impeding them, was taken so much as a matter of course that they
seldom even referred to it. Consequently it has not always received
the attention it deserves. It can only be ascertained by close and
patient study.

Macaulay has recorded that when he first visited Rome, he
hastened to the place where the Pons Sublicius once stood, to make
sure how well his ballad of Horatius agreed with the topography.
His biographer relates that he took care to see Glencoe in rain and in
sunshine; that he paid a second visit to Killiecrankie; that he spent
two full days at Londonderry, taking pains to sketch a good plan of
the streets, walking alone or in company four times round the walls
of the city. In one of his letters, referring to a change of plan as to
his history, Macaulay says:

“T must visit Holland, Belgium, Scotland, Ireland, France. . .

I must see Londonderry, the Boyne, Aghrim, Limerick, Kinsale,
Namur again, Landen, Steinkirk.”’

Many other great historians have been tireless students both of
geography and topography.

Still more difficult to establish and yet of equal importance are
the psychological and economic impulses responsible for the wandering
of the nations and most great national and racial conflicts. Without
a knowledge of their psychology, how can their history be properly
understood or written? How can the facts be justly appreciated?
How can the characters of the chief actors be fairly estimated? The

[CRUIKSHANK] PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 5

motive forces of human history must be found in the moral con-
stitution of humanity.

How great is the difficulty of forming an equitable judgment
of the actions of public men when private emotions as well as reasons
of state are found to influence them, and their actions may appear to
result as much from private inclination as from national policy?

“In life, as we actually experience it,” says a great writer,
‘<motives slide one into the other, and the most careful analysis will
fail adequately to sift them.” And in another passage, ‘There are
practices in the game of politics which the historian, in the name of
morality, is bound to condemn, which nevertheless in this false and
confused world, statesmen to the end of time will continue to repeat.’”?

Freeman, it is hardly necessary to recall, invented the catch-
phrase that ‘‘present history is past politics,” which had a great
vogue, but only states a partial truth. Buckle asserted that genuine
historical evolution consists in intellectual progress. Most modern
economists concur in the view that the dominating forces in historical
development are economic. Many churchmen believe that the chief
factor in history is religion.

Ethics certainly give to history its most rational goal. A living
German philosopher declares that “a real understanding of history is
not possible without ethics; universal history is the realization of
the moral ... . within humanity.” This seems a rather cryptic
saying.

It must be admitted that the white man has been guilty of much
cruelty and dishonesty to the savage but he does not like to speak of
it and whenever necessity compels an unwilling reference, he has
invariably some apology ready about manifest destiny, the advance-
ment of civilization, or taking up the white man’s burden, in which he
yields an involuntary tribute to the higher ethical conscience.

As the religion of Buddha gained followers among the Hindus,
Indian society gradually became impregnated with a conviction of
the nothingness of life. To escape and not to dominate became the
keynote of their faith. And as they believed human life to be in-
significant, its history as a matter of course, seemed insignificant too.
As Mr. Lowes Dickinson observes, it is not an accident, but a con-
sequence that there are no Hindu historians.

Among more virile races, on the other hand, history from being
a mere glorification of the chief or reigning monarch, developed into
a form of ancestor-worship, or a filio-pietistic chronicle. And such
it continued to be until comparatively recent times, and to a certain
2 Froude: History of England.

6 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ‘CANADA

extent, still is. To use Macaulay’s words in one of his ballads, much
popular history is little more than ‘‘a nurse’s tale.”
This has been a fruitful source of error and misrepresentation.

99

“For the study of history,” said Charles Francis Adams in an
address to the Massachusetts Historical Society, ‘there should be
but one law for all. Patriotism, piety, and filial duty have nothing
to do with it; they are, indeed, mere snares and sources of delusion.
The rules and canons of criticism applied in one case and to one
character must be sternly and scrupulously applied in all other similar
cases and to all other characters; and while surrounding circum-
stances should, and, indeed, must be taken into careful consideration,
they must be taken into equal consideration, no matter who is con-
cerned. Patriotism in the'study of history is but another name for
provincialism. To see history truly and correctly, it must be viewed
as a whole.”

This is surely sound doctrine, and it may be remarked that
nowhere had the ‘‘filio-pietistic method” of dealing with history
taken firmer root or flourished more vigorously than in Massa-
chusetts.

John Fiske, another son of New England, in a foot-note to his
“Discovery of America,” referring to the manner in which some
discreditable event had been ignored by a Spanish chronicler, remarks
with a touch of sarcasm: ‘‘That is the way history has too often
been written. With most people it is only a kind of ancestor-worship.
What may be called the Cosmopolitan school of history is, perhaps,
a thing yet to be developed; for the fact is, our histories are all
Catholic or Protestant—European or American—English, French,
Spanish or German—Whig or Tory—Federalist, Democrat, or
Republican. The historian invariably scrutinizes the record through
eyes jaundiced by faith, or patriotism, or filial affection, or partizan
zeal; and he is even lauded for doing so. He dilates on the blood-
sealed devotion of the martyrs to the faith he professes, and the
valour of the soldiers and sailors of the land of his birth; he execrates
those who oppressed the one, and depreciates those who fought
against the other . . . Ancestor-worship is the rule.”

The conquered race, the beaten party, the lost cause seldom
receives fair play and rarely has been given a hearing. Hannibal’s
own story or an account of his campaign in Italy by Brennus would
probably throw some new light on Roman history.

The real actions of some remarkable persons in the past have
been almost forgotten because their names have become inseparably

[CRUIKSHANK] PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 7

associated with legends that are at best doubtful, and in some in-
stances have been proven to be untrue.

Even the most recent history is not wholly free from such myths

and legends, which have received wide circulation, and whose origin

can scarcely be traced. I need only refer to the fables of the ‘Angels
of Mons,” of the ‘Crucified Canadian,” and of the devastating
effects of ‘‘turpinite.”” Already two good-sized volumes have been
published in France dealing with the “legends, prophecies, and
superstitions of the Great War.”

The propensity for fabrication and exaggeration, even among
writers of much talent and eminence, is by no means extinct. The
fact that it is sometimes combined with superior abilities and attain-
ments, and even with a certain sense of honour, is certainly a strange
anomaly.

It has been said very truly that Michelet turned the whole history
of France into a symbolical poem.

Gabriel Monod, on leaving the Ecole Normale, before visiting
Italy on a journey of investigation, called to consult Taine, who was
already famous as a writer and a lecturer at that celebrated training
college. Taine in an instant revealed to the young student his own
method of inquiry. ‘Take a seat, sir,” he exclaimed. ‘What ideas
are you going to verify in Italy?”

Taine visited England to obtain material for his last volume of
the History of English Literature and met Frank Palgrave, a great
friend of Tennyson, to whom he began talking about that poet.
“Was he not in early youth, rich, luxurious, fond of pleasure, self-
indulgent?’ he asked. “I see it all,” he continued, “in his early
poems—his riot, his adoration of physical beauty, his delight in
jewels, in the abandonment of all to pleasure, to wine and +
“Stop, stop,” cried Palgrave, impatiently, "as a young man Tennyson
was poor, his habits were simple as they are now, he has never known
luxury in your sense, and if his early poems are luxurious in tone, it
is because he is a poet and gifted with a poet’s imagination.” Taine
seemed disconcerted, but thanked Palgrave and went away. When
the book was published he found Tennyson was still painted as the
young voluptuary and rich profligate of Taine’s imagination.

From his youth Taine’s method of composition was to seek out
some general idea, formulate it, and then group about it in harmony
the results of his later researches so far as they agreed with his theory.

Numberless are the romantic, stories which have been fathered
on slight authority upon Napoleon, Washington, Lincoln, Sir John
Macdonald, and others, and but too readily accepted by the public.

8 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Biographers are seldom candid with respect to the faults and
failings of their subject. As Lord Jeffrey said in a review of Hardy’s
Life of Lord Charlemont: ‘The author’s chief fault is that he does
not abuse anybody, even when the dignity of history and of virtue calls
loudly for such an infliction.”’

The eulogistic biographer is consequently responsible for the
diffusion of much falsehood respecting historical events. We must
remember that, to use the words of J. R. Green, ‘‘truth in history
as well as truth in science is only part of that great circle of the
Truth of God.”

As regards autobiography, of which there is an ever-growing
mass, Holmes somewhere remarks that there are only two individuals
who can tell the true story of a man’s or a woman’s life. One is the
person concerned and the other is the Recording Angel. The auto-
biographer cannot be trusted to tell the whole truth, even though he
may tell nothing but the truth and the Angel does not allow the record
out of his hands. ;

The value of oral tradition is constantly growing less and has
become in many parts of the world nearly negligible. Still the
transmission of historical information by oral repetition persists in a
remarkable manner where population is fairly stable and undisturbed.
The vicar of Radway, in a recent book about the Edge Hills in Eng-
land, refers to three such items told to him ‘‘by a man over seventy,
who heard them from his grandmother; who lived to be over ninety.
She had them from her grandfather, who was a boy when the battle
of Edge Hill was fought in the Civil War in 1642.”

Yet it must be remembered that memory is never passive but
that its activity is continuous and cannot be controlled. In certain
respects it can scarcely be distinguished from the imagination, for
which it furnishes materials, which are frequently already remoulded
and changed. Never do we remember events exactly and fully in
every minute particular. Our present state of mind always, or
nearly always, modifies in our recollection what we felt, or what we
did, or what we saw in the past.

Inscriptions still have a certain value as historical material, yet
it must be duly checked and discounted, as many of them are liable
to the faults of the over-friendly biographer, since they are usually
designed to commemorate the importance of an event or the talents
and virtues of a deceased individual. The mendacity of an epitaph
has become proverbial. The eulogistic inscriptions on the tomb of
Anthony Forster in Cumnor church and the wall-tablet in memory of

[CRUIKSHANK] PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 9

Sir George Prevost in Winchester cathedral are singularly at variance
with the estimates generally accepted by the historian.

The chief and, indeed, almost the only sources of material for
the history of modern times consist of written or printed documents.
Written documents may be broadly divided into three classes: those
that are official, those that are semi-official, and those that are non-
official or private. Each class has its peculiar limitations as to
credibility and trustworthiness. Official documents are usually
marked by a certain restraint, which is found to a less degree in the
semi-official, and still less in private correspondence, which is fre-
quently coloured by the personal bias or passions of the writer.

In another way, they may be classified into those that are con-
temporary with the events they purport to relate, and those of a later
date. Considering them from still another point of view, it is most
important to know whether they contain the statements of an actual
eye-witness or of some other person. In other words, is the evidence
direct or hearsay? “One eyewitness,’’ says W. E. Henley, “however
dull and unprejudiced, is worth a wilderness of sentimental historians.”
But it must be remembered that eyewitnesses are seldom unprejudiced
and that their statements are often much impaired by personal bias,
by the nervous excitement of the moment, or by a limited range of
observation. Then a subsequent narrative or report is often pieced
together by some person, who was in a very limited sense, or quite
possibly in no sense at all, an eyewitness, from the statements of
several participants. So much inevitably depends on the personal
point of view and individual facilities for seeing, hearing, and appreci-
ating what actually took place. A curious example of this is reported
to have occurred at the Congress of Psychologists held at Goettingen,
shortly before the war. At an evening session, when all present, who
were mostly lawyers, physicians or men of science, were in complete
ignorance of the test to be made, a violent scene was enacted by two
persons, supposed to have come into the hall from a neighbouring
ball. It was very brief, lasting only for twenty seconds. Under a
pretext that a judicial investigation might be held, the president
requested each of the spectators to draw up an independent account
of this little drama. Among forty reports that were handed in, only
one contained less than twenty per cent. of errors, fourteen contained
between twenty and forty per. cent., twelve contained between forty
and fifty per cent., and thirteen contained more than fifty’ per cent.
In thirty-four reports, between ten and fifteen per cent. of the details
were absolutely imaginary.

10 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

In general, however, written records vary in historical value in
proportion to their proximity to the event. Accounts written long
after by eyewitnesses, based solely on recollection and not upon a
diary or other record made at the time, are seldom of great weight
as historical material, except in the matter of corroboration.

The great historian of the Peloponnesian War states that in his
work he had not followed either the first account or his own opinion,
but related what he had either seen himself or learned from others
with the utmost diligence. ‘To find the truth,” he writes, “caused
me great trouble for the writings of the various events were not
agreed in their accounts, but both sides were affected by partizanship
and failure of memory.”’

Such, indeed, must have been the experience of every subsequent
seeker after truth. And the aim of every honest student of history
and of every fair-minded writer of history must be the ascertainment
and statement of the truth to the best of his ability.

A topographical or pictorial document similarly varies in value
in proportion to the date of its execution. Maps and sketches,
prepared from memory, after a considerable lapse of time, are seldom
reliable.

Occasionally the genuineness of a document may be doubted or
questioned. In times of stress, documents are sometimes forged or
mutilated to serve national, or political, or personal ends. It has
been proved, for instance, that so eminent a man as Benjamin Franklin
resorted to an extensive fabrication of documents to discredit his
adversaries and advance the revolutionary movement. Some of
these were long accepted as being genuine.

The sources of error, even in the original documents, are very
numerous.

The writer may have been self-deceived or may wish to deceive
others.

The editor, or copyist, or printer, may have introduced errors or
made omissions either purposely or unintentionally.

In the printing of contemporary official documents, it was, and
probably still is, the practice to suppress or alter passages, the pub-
lication of which may appear indiscreet or impolitic at the time.
Frequently certain documents are selected for publication and others
suppressed. Sometimes two despatches or official letters are pre-
pared, one for publication and the other to be kept secret.

The judicious editor has occasionally resorted to the same
practice and omitted some statement, which he considered discreditable

[CRUIKSHANK] PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 11

to the person or nation concerned. Jared Sparks was a notable
offender in this respect.

The writer may have expressed himself vaguely or obscurely, or
made use of words in a different sense from that in which they are
now understood.

The evidence of the documents available is often conflicting,
contradictory, or defective. Important documents may have been
destroyed, mutilated, or lost sight of. Of many important negotia-
tions and transactions no written record was preserved. Metternich
relates in his Memoirs that at the Congress of Vienna ‘‘the most
difficult affairs and the arrangements most complicated in their
nature were, so to speak, negotiated from room to room, no sending
of couriers, no written negotiation, no medium between the courts;
all these things, so necessary in ordinary times, had disappeared .
the courts concerned are without any written accounts of the most
important negotiations.”

Even the waste-paper baskets were carefully examined and their
contents destroyed lest they should inadvertently reveal the secrets
of the diplomats.

It is understood that the same practice prevailed to a great extent
at the recent Conference of Versailles.

An eminent writer on the contemporary history of the United
States says that the chronicle of the frauds connected with the manip-
ulation of land grants to railways and the shameless sale of legal
privileges cannot be written, because in most instances, no tangible
records have been left.*

Contradictions and discrepancies abound everywhere in the
written records. These may be largely ascribed to the individual
point of view, or to the character or temperament of the writers.

The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table said that there were at
least six personalities involved in a dialogue between any two in-
dividuals; for instance with respect to John and Thomas, there were:
Three Johns— 1. The real John, known only to his Maker.

2. John’s ideal John; never the real one, and often
very unlike him.
3. Thomas’s ideal John; never the real John, nor
John’s John, and often very unlike either.
Three Thomases—1. The real Thomas.
2. Thomas’s ideal Thomas.
3. John’s ideal Thomas.

5 Beard: Contemporary American History, p. 31.

12 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

This apparently fantastical idea really applies with more force
to the interpretation of documents and makes many historical char-
acters problematical.

Contemporaries seldom know the exact truth or the whole truth
of what is happening about them, and it is only after long and patient
study that the historian of a later age may succeed in arriving at an
approximately full and accurate comprehension of the sequence of
events in their relations of cause and effect. Contemporaries can
scarcely hope to do more than collect materials for those who may
attempt in after years to write a true and faithful history of the past,
with that judicial calmness and impartiality, which cannot be expected
from those who have taken an active part in those events.

Account must be taken of the mutual connection of events,
occurring approximately at the same time. As Carlyle has pointed
out no person, however gifted and alert, can do more than observe,
still less record, the series of his own impressions and sensations.
‘His observation, therefore, to say nothing of its other imperfections,
must be successive, while the things done were often szmultaneous;
the things done were not a series but a group. It is not in acted, as it
is in written history; acted events are in no wise so simply related to
each other as a parent and offspring are; every single event is not the
offspring of one but of all other events, prior or contemporaneous, and
will in its turn combine with all others to give birth to new; it is an
ever-living, ever-working chaos of being, wherein shape after shape
bodies itself forth from innumerable events. . . . All narrative is,
by its nature, of only one dimension; only travels toward one or
toward successive points; narrative is linear, action is solid.”’

That variety of narrative, which is usually termed the philosophy
of history, consisting of an attempt to trace the relation of events
with each other, is just as much genuine history as the descriptions
of battles, political struggles, economic changes, and all other salient
occurrences, which it attempts to state. Facts of that kind are more
difficult to ascertain, their connection is more uncertain, the writer
is more likely to be deceived or to deceive himself; but they will ever
continue to be a vital part of history.

The main task of the historian, then, is not so much a matter
of vivid narrative and picturesque colouring as of a proper and honest
grouping of events; of tracing the true sequence by which successive
occurrences are seen to lead to an inevitable result, or causes, appar-
ently remote and unrelated, converge to a common end.

There are many fundamental requisites. They may be generally
summed up as thoroughness and accuracy of knowledge; an intimate

[ CRUIKSHANK] PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 13

acquaintance with the facts in all their numerous details; familiarity
with the various sources of evidence; with the statements frequently
conflicting or contradictory, sometimes even irreconcilable, of many
witnesses, who have left their testimony as a legacy from the past.
The critical faculty becomes an instrument to assist the student in
the ascertainment and verification of the facts, and the appreciation
of their relative importance. It acts the part at once of the judge
and the jury at a trial in court; not only finding the facts but pro-
nouncing upon their significance. The diligence, the tireless patience
and labour, requisite for an exhaustive examination of the evidence,
take the place of the opposing counsel, whose business it is to elicit
the testimony of the witnesses on which the verdict is ultimately
rendered.

Imagination, enthusiasm, emotion have their proper place.
After all history cannot be truthfully and adequately written with
the cold impartiality of a judge. These qualities may tend to
bias, but bias may be controlled and corrected by critical analysis
and just discrimination.

Imagination and enthusiasm, combined with the requisite
facility and force of expression, can alone endow a narrative with life,
but in the ideal historian they must be united with the scientific
conscience, which regards the habit of accuracy, open-mindedness,
impartiality of judgment, and the love of truth for its own sake as
supreme virtues.

Jape , j
Meg f rhs

FU Gal pose DA AE

de UE
thus
in yO PAT

SECTION II, 1921 [15] Trans R.S.C.

\

Governor Musgrave and Confederation
By His Honour JupGce F. W. Howay, LL.B., F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

In my paper last year I sketched the connection of Governor
Seymour with the Confederation movement in British Columbia,
showing that the Legislative Council, when the subject was first
introduced in 1867, was unanimously in its favour; that before the
opening of the session of 1868 the opinion of all the ‘‘official’’ and of
certain of the “popular” members had cooled into apathy and
indifference, (if no worse), which in the following year developed into
downright opposition; and that the Governor was regarded, and
rightly regarded, as the person mainly responsible for this altered
attitude.

Seymour died on board H.M.S. Sparrowhawk at Bella Coola on
10th June, 1869. The news reached Victoria on the 14th and was
immediately transmitted to Downing Street. The next day a notifi-
cation was received from Lord Granville that Anthony Musgrave
would be appointed in his stead. This unusual celerity was only
indirectly connected with the late Governor’s views on Confederation;
Seymour, who was in poor health, had applied for leave of absence,
and Musgrave had, in accordance with Sir John A. Macdonald’s
wish, been fixed upon as his successor.!

Musgrave was appointed 16th June, 1869. The official intima-
tion of his appointment, dated the following day, contained this
sentence: “I shall have occasion to address you on the question now
in agitation of the incorporation of British Columbia with the
Dominion of Canada.” In pursuance of this intention Lord Gran-
ville, on 14th August, 1869, dealt with the subject in a lengthy de-
spatch. ‘The question,” he said, “therefore presents itself, whether
this single colony should be excluded from the great body politic
which is thus forming itself. On this question the colony itself does
not appear to be unanimous. But as far as I can judge from the
despatches which have reached me, I should conjecture that the
prevailing opinion was in favour of union. I have no hesitation in
stating that such is also the opinion of Her Majesty’s Government.”’
After marshalling the arguments in favour of Confederation he
announced that he felt “bound on an occasion like the present to
give for the consideration of the community and the guidance of Her

16 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Majesty’s servants a more unreserved expression of their wishes and
judgment than might be elsewhere fitting.” He requested that
publicity be given to his despatch and authorized Musgrave to take
such steps as he properly and constitutionally could for promoting
the favourable consideration of the matter. In conclusion he added
that the details must be settled by the people, but that the Governor
should himself enter upon, amongst other things, the question of the
future position of Government servants.’

The Secretary of State here puts his finger upon two facts:
first, that, though Seymour had neglected to apprise the Colonial
Office of the views of the colonists upon Confederation, the Home
Authorities were aware, doubtless through the Dominion Govern-
ment,® that the change was favoured by the Colony as a whole;
and secondly, that the official members of the Legislative Council
were the obstruction to the formal expression of that opinion.

Probably because of his work in Newfoundland, and, perhaps, for
other reasons, the Colonist, as soon as the appointment was announced,
said editorially: “There is no reason to doubt that Mr. Musgrave’s
mission is to steer British Columbia into the union. His task will
be comparatively easy.”’ 4

The Governor arrived in Victoria on 23rd August, 1869. The
hour had now come, and the man. The intervening territory had
become a portion of Canada; the Dominion Government was anxious
to add British Columbia to the union; the Imperial Government
desired to see the change effected immediately; the people of the
Colony were, speaking generally, in favour of Confederation; the
pilot had stepped aboard.

After two weeks spent in social functions at the capital and in
recuperating after his long voyage, Musgrave set out to visit the
scattered communities of the mainland. The addresses presented to
him dealt in every instance with the great question, unanimously
declaring that the Colony was in favour of union on fair and equitable
terms and expressing the hope that he might be the means to bring
about the desired change. As soon as this general feeling was mani-
fested he felt himself at liberty to publish the despatch from the
Colonial Office expressing the desire of the Imperial Government.

The press of the Colony urged the people to abandon the dis-
cussion of the wisdom, or otherwise, of Confederation, and, accepting
it as their destiny, to centre their attention upon the terms. As the
Colonist put it: “Whatever may be asserted to the contrary there
would appear to be no good reason for doubting that there is a very
general desire throughout the Colony for a constitutional change,

{HOWAY] GOVERNOR MUSGRAVE AND CONFEDERATION 17

and that, as most people are convinced that Confederation is the
destiny of the Colony, so most people are prepared to enter into the
Dominion on terms fair and reasonable. Such being the general
conviction and desire, what is to be gained by continuing longer to
put off the work of considering the terms? Every month that passes
brings us just so much nearer the possibility of being handed over
upon terms arranged for us, not by us.” °

Members of the Dominion Government were in constant com-
munication with the. supporters of Confederation, who took every
opportunity of circulating statements of that Government’s supposed
views upon the subject. To quote one instance: ‘As a leading
Cabinet Minister recently said in a letter to a correspondent in this
Colony, ‘Canada expects to lose money for some years by the ad-
mission of British Columbia and is prepared to deal liberally with
her.’” © Musgrave soon found that this ill-advised course was only
increasing his difficulties. In a despatch to the Colonial Office, dated
30th October, 1869, he refers to the seeming disrespect to the Legis-
lative Council in his publication of the Secretary of State’s letter of
14th August, 1869, before presenting it to that body, but justifies his
conduct by saying that he has “‘reason to believe that the substance
of that despatch has already been communicated to unofficial persons
here by others in Canada to whom it had become officially known.”
He goes on to say: ‘‘There is some little irritation at the manner
in which, it is supposed, persons in official authority in Canada
endeavour to work in favour of the project through private corre-
spondence with individuals here who have no official status and little
social influence.” 7

After two months’ study of the position in the Colony the Governor
felt himself able to report on the state of public opinion on the
question. He found it entangled with other matters, as, for instance,
Responsible Government and a Free Port at Victoria. The Canadian-
born residents were the mainstay of the movement; with them were
associated many persons who wished, not so much the advent of
union with Canada, as to obtain one or other of these objects; to
them were added others who saw in the proposed change an improve-
ment of their position by the relief it would afford from the grievous
financial burden that the Colony was carrying. The large element
of alien population favoured annexation to the United States. The
immigrants from Great Britain were somewhat apathetic. The
officials were opposed to the change, but he soon discovered that
their attitude was based, as their opponents declared, on their fear

for the safety of their positions under the new regime and hence if
—15

18 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

their obstruction could be overcome the great question would be the
terms.®

In an early despatch in which he deals very generally with the
subject for the purpose of showing the divergent influences operating
to support the movement, and the resultant difficulty in framing
terms to suit all shades of thought, Governor Musgrave points out
that to some, Confederation meant the tariff question; to others
freedom from debt and improved financial condition; to others,
Responsible Government; to others, a Free Port. The problem
to be solved was: granting that the opposition of the official members
of the Legislative Council could be overcome, how to prepare a
proposal for union which should include such terms as the majority
of the colonists would accept and at the same time be acceptable to
the Dominion Government. On two terms he found unanimity in
the Colony; they offered safe starting points. All the people—
Confederationists and anti-Confederationists alike—were agreed that
if union were to be consummated, an indispensable condition was
adequate overland communication, which, being interpreted, meant a
railway to connect the Pacific seaboard with the eastern provinces.
DeCosmos’ original plan of 1868 had only called for a wagon road;
the Yale Convention of 1868 had not dared to go further than a
request for a wagon road; and, though in the public mind the thought
of a railroad had taken root, yet no one in an official position had
yet had the hardihood to suggest a railway asa term. The absorption
of the heavy colonial debt by Canada and special financial treatment
were conditions upon which all insisted. The difference of opinion
here lay in the quantum of the grant. The Free Port question offered
greater difficulty; true, it was only asked for by Victoria, but practic-
ally one half of the population was resident there. The term, that
from the outset promised most trouble, was Responsible Government.
The struggle with the Legislative Council in the days of Governor
Seymour had raised many advocates of Responsible Government
who would not be placated with any suggestion of Representative
Government. These two terms Governor Musgrave at the outset
opposed. ‘‘When the leaders find,’ he writes, ‘“‘that neither Re-
sponsible Government nor a stipulation for a Free Port can reasonably
be made part of the programme, I am strongly of opinion that there
will be much abatement of present enthusiasm.”’ 10

Confederation thus had two facets: Is it desirable? If so, what
shall be the terms? Continued existence as a Crown Colony was
quite impossible; the burden of the existing debt, the decreasing
population, the gradual waning of the only real industry—gold mining,

[HOWAY] GOVERNOR MUSGRAVE AND CONFEDERATION 19

and the accumulation of annually recurring deficits settled that
question. The choice was, therefore: annexation or confederation.
In reality this was no choice. At heart the Colony, though grievously
complaining of its treatment by the mother land, was always loyal.
The annexationists were practically confined to the vicinity of Victoria.
As the strength of this faction lay in the American element, the
limiting of the suffrage to British subjects would, if resorted to, draw
its fangs. The publication of Lord Granville’s despatch of 14th
August, 1869, solidified the general sentiment in favour of Con-
federation. The Colonist hailed with delight the news that the Right
Reverend Bishop Hills had delivered an address in support of Con-
federation."

The great stumbling block in obtaining a favourable decision of
the Legislative Council lay in the officials, who, having been appointed
by Governor Seymour in 1868 as members, were in a position to
prevent such a result. Even if new magistrates were selected by
Governor Musgrave, there were still five officials, to wit, the members
of the Executive Council, who held their seats by virtue of the Imperial
Order-in-Council.2 And, in any event, the magistrates had been
appointed, subject to the Crown’s pleasure, for two years. Possibly
some drastic alteration of the personnel of the magisterial members
might have been made to secure the passage of a resolution in favour
of Confederation; but such a course, objectionable from many
points of view, would have delayed the project for nearly two years.
Recognizing the situation, the Governor proceeded to obtain the
support of the fourteen officials by the promise of suitable pensions
to all those whose positions or emoluments would be affected by
the union“ I shall allow the nine magistrates to state the case for
themselves. “That without their votes that measure (Confederation)
could not have been passed; that they were led to vote for that
measure solely at the instance of the then Governor, Mr. Musgrave,
on the distinct and repeated assurance from him as the representative
of the Queen, that under the terms of Confederation they would be
placed in the permanent service of the Dominion Government as
County Court Judges and be totally independent of and without the
control of the Provincial Government.” # The stipulation for
pensions for the officials was made a term of union, and in a lengthy
despatch, dated 17th November, 1870, Musgrave discussed in detail
the circumstances of each official.5 These facts are mentioned some-
what out of the chronological sequence to show the meticulous care
with which all phases of the matter were considered by the Governor .

20 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The complaint against Governor Seymour had been hat he was
indifferent, and, later, that he was passively, if not actively, hostile
to the movement; the fear now arose that his successor might be
carried away by his zeal for the cause of Confederation. It was a
modern version of the fable of King Log and King Stork.

The Colonist soon gave voice to this apprehension. Confedera-
tion, it stated, was nearer than some people thought. Then, passing
to the question of terms, it proceeded: “In truth there is no time to be
lost. Unless the people make their voice heard now it may be too
late. The whole matter will be negotiated by those who neither
understand our wants nor possess feelings in common with the people.
We would desire to avoid being misunderstood here. The Governor
is, under all the circumstances, probably the most suitable and best
qualified person to negotiate on the part of the Colony. It is not
to that that we object, but it is to his being allowed to carry those
negotiations beyond a certain point without giving the people an
opportunity of being heard. If the main conditions are all arranged
first, and the people consulted afterwards, as to mere matters of
detail, as is plainly intimated in the despatch, we know what to
expect.’’ 16

The impression prevailed in the Colony that the Governor was
opposed to the Free Port, Responsible Government, and the Railway.
The Free Port, if granted, would be of merely local benefit; its
agitation in a colony whose constituent members—island and main-
land—had been forcibly joined only three years before, and between
which no real fusion yet existed, tended to raise half-buried local
jealousies; moreover, the Free Trade policy, which had existed in
the olden days of the Colony of Vancouver Island, had been some-
what trenched upon from financial necessity, and in the end its
fragments had been voluntarily jettisoned in order to secure the
union of the two colonies in 1866. The Governor took a firm stand
in opposition to this proposed term. ‘‘Victoria,’’ he said, ‘“‘has never
had, has not now, and is not likely to have for many years to come,
any export trade to other places which could render it a substantial
good to the Colony to establish a Free Port. It is admitted with
almost unblushing readiness that abolition of all duties and port
charges is desired for the facility which was formerly afforded for
smuggling into the United States.” Responsible Government was
a subject upon which the Colony was somewhat divided. Had
Governor Seymour been a strong men, able to act firmly and capably
at the time of union in 1866 and during the subsequent years of
depression, the issue would probably not have come into being, or

[HOWAY] GOVERNOR MUSGRAVE AND CONFEDERATION 21

at any rate would scarcely have been heard. The Colonist, which
championed this cause, admitted that “a large and influential class
thought the country not yet prepared for this constitutional change.”
“But,” continued the editor, “who are they? The governing classes
—+those who appear to have got the idea into their heads that they
were born to rule. Who made them a ruler over us? The Colonial
Office.” 18 Governor Musgrave, on this question as on all others,
spoke out plainly; he had none of the enigmatic language of his
predecessor. In his view a Legislative Council in which the elected
members were in the majority was the proper form of the law-making
body. How great that majority should be he did not, at the outset,
indicate. The resolution of 1868 had requested Governor Seymour to
reconstitute the Council on the basis of two-thirds popular and one-
third official; but on that question, as on all others of importance,
Seymour, even with his five years’ experience in the Colony, had
not been able ‘‘to see his way clear.” ‘‘I must at once state,” said
Musgrave, ‘that it (Responsible Government) would be entirely
inapplicable to a community so small and so constituted as this—
a sparse population scattered over a vast area of country. There is
scarcely the material even for the imperfect Legislative Chamber now
existing, and any effective responsibility would be out of the question
except of officials to the Lieutenant-Governor and of him to his
official superiors.” 2° The Governor’s position towards the railroad
is more uncertain. His earliest despatches show him carefully
feeling his way upon this almost staggering proposal. He acknow-
ledges the absolute necessity of ‘‘a line of communication at least
by wagon road, if not by railroad.” *! Six months later he writes
that this material bond of union ‘“‘is the crux of the scheme.” “If
a railway could be promised, scarcely any other question would be
allowed to be a difficulty. Without the certainty of overland com-
munication through British territory within some reasonable time, I
am not confident that even if all other stipulations were conceded,
the community will decide upon union.” After declaring that the
advocates of Confederation had raised in the people the belief “that
the construction of the railway is a certain matter of course,” he
expresses his conviction that unless connection “at least by coach
road’’ be granted the union should not be consummated.”

In November, 1869, the Colonist indicated the principal terms to
be striven for, as seen by the residents of Vancouver Island:

Responsible Government.

Early construction of an overland railway.

Liberal subsidy for an ocean mail service.

y

bo
bo

THE ROYAL; SOCIETY OF CANADA

Improved inland mail service.

Liberal subsidy for the support of the Provincial Government.

Power to the Provincial Government to establish a Free Port.

The largest representation in the Federal Cabinet and Parliament

that may be compatible with the general interests of the

Dominion.?*

And now, just when the officials of the Colony themselves had
accepted Confederation as its destiny, and the public were discussing
suitable terms, the Annexation faction raised its head. A petition
was circulated and quite largely signed on Vancouver Island, addressed
to U. S. Grant, the President of the United States, urging him to
‘’endeavour to induce Her Majesty to consent to the transfer of the
Colony to the United States.” No trace of its having been
forwarded to President Grant has been found. At any rate ‘‘the
seditious prayer,’’ as the Colonist dubbed it,™ like the notorious
Banks Bill of 1866, came to naught and was soon forgotten. The
true sentiments of the Colony were expressed by Mr. Trutch: “They
have never, as a people, had any inclination for the United States, or
any proclivity towards the institutions of that country, and though
there was at one time, in the year before last, an attempt on the
part of a few disaffected persons to raise such an issue, it was so
speedily hooted down that the very word, annexation, has been ever
since tabooed among us.”’

In his well-known Paris letter Governor Seymour had expressed
the opinion that “it would be desirable that the Governor should
have the power of appointing two unofficial members of the Legislative
Council to the Executive Council.” 2° He announced in December,
1868, nearly three years thereafter, that the permission had been
granted, but once more he could ‘not see his way clear”’ to make the
selection, and up to his death no action was taken. Governor Mus-
grave moved more quickly. On Ist January, 1870, about four months
after his arrival, he announced the appointment of the two unofficial
members, Dr. J. S. Helmcken, senior member for Victoria, the head
of the anti-Confederation party, and Dr. R. W. W. Carrall, the
member for Cariboo, a strong supporter of Confederation. The
appointment of two persons of such opposite views was a wise one.
Not only did they represent the two most populous constituencies in
the Colony, but their presence in the Executive Council gave assurance
of the consideration of the proposed terms of union from every angle.”

The support of the official members of the Legislative Council
on the principle of Confederation having been secured Musgrave and
his Executive undertook the heavy task of drafting the terms. The

25

Ww
22

[HOWAY] GOVERNOR MUSGRAVE AND CONFEDERATION

object aimed at, as the Governor expressed it, was to formulate
such terms, as if offered by Canada, would be gladly accepted by
British Columbia. The constant harping of the press upon the
necessity of the people’s having a voice in the arrangement of the
terms evidently bore fruit; for Musgrave fixed upon the following
line of action: first, to obtain the vote of the Legislative Council
in favour of Confederation; secondly, to obtain the approval by that
body of the terms prepared by himself and his Executive; thirdly,
to secure the consent of the Dominion Government to these approved
terms: fourthly, to reconstitute the Legislative Council so as to
give predominance to the elective portion and at that election to
afford the people an opportunity of passing final judgment upon the
scheme as arranged by the two governments, thereafter there would
remain only the mere formality of passing the necessary address to
Her Majesty and Confederation would, as far as British Columbia
was concerned, become an accomplished fact.

In accordance with this plan of campaign the Legislative Council
met on 15th February, 1870. Its twenty-three members were, with
one exception,’ the same as those of the preceding year. On that
occasion the House could, under Governor Seymour, muster but five
supporters of Confederation.* It now fell to the lot of two of the
official members, H. P. P. Crease and J. W. Trutch, to move that the
Council proceed to consider the terms of union. It is not my purpose
to enter into the details of this debate. The official members, who,
under the pressure and promise of the Governor, were all prepared
to support it, endeavoured to explain away their votes of 1868 and
1869, saying that they were always in favour of Confederation, but
that the time was not then ripe. In reply Mr. DeCosmos touched
the real spring of their conduct: “But, sir, what did I hear at that
time (1868)? ‘You pension the officials and we will all vote for
Confederation;’ and I think I could mention another Executive
Councillor who said: ‘Do you think we are such fools as to vote for
Confederation without being provided for?’ That was the kind of
wisdom in vogue in 1868.’’ % After three days of wordy warfare the
motion to go into Committee to consider the terms was carried
unanimously.

I do not intend to set out seriatim the draft terms submitted by
Governor Musgrave. I shall touch only those that excited the chief
interest in the Colony and were in the nature of special treatment.
He fixed the population at 120,000; in reality, even including the
Indians it scarcely amounted to one quarter of that number. He
reached this figure by dividing the customs and excise duties paid

24 THE ROYAL SOCIETY “OF ‘CANADA

in the Colony by the average contributions for such duties made by
the population of Canada, arguing that British Columbia should
come into the union with the privileges of, as she relinquished the
revenue derived from, 120,000 inhabitants.*! The railway term was
a composite affair—part coach road and part railroad. It specified
that Canada should within three years construct a coach road con-
necting the Cariboo road with Fort Garry (Winnipeg), and engage
to use all possible means to complete a railway connection at the
earliest date; that the surveys for the railroad should be commenced
immediately; and as soon as the coach road was built not less than
one fnillion dollars should be annually expended in its actual con-
struction. The only reference to Responsible Government was a
provision that the existing constitution should continue until altered
under the authority of the British North America Act; in view of
Section 92 of that Act the necessity of this clause is not apparent.
The representation in the Dominion Parliament was set at four
Senators and eight members of the House of Commons. No stipula-
tions were inserted on the much-debated questions of Free Port and
Tariff concessions.*?

As supplementary to these proposed terms a statement was
prepared showing that under the British North America Act the
Dominion would take $386,700 out of a total estimated revenue of
$537,750 and would assume charges amounting to $301,726; that the
subsidies demanded from the Dominion would be $213,000, and that
in the result, besides being relieved from the repayment of her debt,
the Colony would, after providing for local services, have more than
$150,000 annually to be applied to the general work of development.**

These terms were debated in Committee for ten days; but the
alterations made were unimportant. The chief amendment suggested
that the proposed grant of $35,000 for the support of the Provincial
Government should be increased to $75,000, and that, instead of the
per capita grant becoming stationary at 400,000 it should continue
to increase with each decennial census until the population reached
1,000,000.% Governor Musgrave’s hold upon the official members of
the Legislative Council is shown by the omission of any term dealing
with Responsible Government, and by the defeat of Mr. Robson's
motion that this form of government should come into effect with
the union.% In truth, as the Governor stated in his despatches, the
terms were a Government measure, and he was determined to get
them through the House with practically no alteration. Two supple-
mentary resolutions, the gist of which afterwards found a place in
the terms were added in Committee, pointing out the injurious effect

[HOWAY] GOVERNOR MUSGRAVE AND CONFEDERATION 25

that the Canadian tariff would have upon the infant agricultural,
manufacturing, and commercial interests of the Colony.*®

The Legislative Council having approved of the terms the
Governor intimated that he purposed to send three of its members to
submit them with the necessary explanations to the Dominion Govern-
ment.*? This delegation consisted of three of his Executive Coun-
cillors—Mr. Trutch, Dr. Helmcken, and Dr. Carrall. Great surprise
was expressed that neither Mr. Robson nor Mr. DeCosmos, both
ardent supporters of Confederation, had been chosen. It, however,
transpired later that Mr. Robson had been invited to act as one of the
delegates, but, owing to private business, was unable to accept. *

Leaving Victoria by way of San Francisco on 10th May, 1870,
the delegation arrived in Ottawa on 4th June. Accompanying them
went Mr. H. E. Seelye in the interests of Responsible Government,
for its supporters refused to regard the defeat in the Legislative
Council as final. In Mr. Robson’s words: ‘‘We shall fight for and
have Responsible Government. . . . We shall enter Confederation
with privileges equal to other Provinces.’’*® The reasons for, and the
result of, Mr. Seelye’s mission are given by Sir Charles Tupper:
“The late Hon. John Robson, the late Mr. H. E. Seelye, and Mr.
D. W. Higgins held a conference and decided that in order to secure
Parliamentary Government it would be necessary for one of their
number to proceed to Ottawa and inform the Government there that
unless Responsible Government was assured they would oppose the
adoption of the terms altogether and thus delay Confederation.
Mr. Seelye was selected as the delegate. He succeeded in convincing
the Dominion Government that his contention that the Province was
sufficiently advanced to entitle it to representative institutions was
corect: 4%

In the discussions between the delegates and the Dominion
Government the central points were the financial terms and the
railway. The Government agreed to undertake the early construction
of the railroad and press it to completion, but, having made this
concession, objection was taken to the proposed coach road as an
unnecessary expense; it was accordingly stricken out. The estimated
population was reduced from 120,000 to 60,000. This and certain
other changes reduced the total annual payments from Canada to
about $100,000 less than the delegates could accept. A deadlock
seemed to have been reached. Sir George Cartier, however, saved
the situation. He proposed that, following the precedent of the
offer to Newfoundland, British Columbia be given in perpetuity
$100,000 a year for a belt of land twenty miles in width on each side

26 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

of the railway. Though in form an equivalent for the land, it was
in reality merely a means of increasing the financial grant. The
11th Article of the terms of union (so much debated in later years)
was then drafted by Mr. Trutch, whereby the Dominion undertook
to commence within two years and complete within ten years a rail-
road to connect the seaboard of British Columbia with the railway
system of Canada and providing for the grant of the railway belt to
the Dominion in consideration of the annual payment of $100,000.
The representation was reduced to three Senators and six members
of the House of Commons. The other alterations were of no moment,
with the exception of that dealing with Responsible Government.
Mr. Seelye succeeded in adding to Article 14 clauses to the effect that
the Canadian Government would ‘“‘readily consent to the introduction
of responsible government when desired by the inhabitants of British
Columbia,” and recording that it was the intention of Governor
Musgrave ‘‘to amend the existing constitution of the Legislature by
providing that a majority of its members shall be elective.”

The negotiations occupied almost a month and on 7th July
Mr. Seelye sent the historic telegram: ‘‘Terms agreed upon. The
delegates are satisfied. Canada is favourable and guarantees the
railway. Trutch has gone to England. Carrall remains one month.
Helmcken and your correspondent are on their way home.” #

Mr. Trutch’s visit to England was to oversee the passing of the
British Columbia Act 1870 whereby authority was granted to re-
constitute the Legislative Council by reducing it to fifteen members,
of whom nine should be elected and six appointed. As soon as the
Act and its ancillary Order-in-Council # were received Musgrave lost
no time in forming the new Legislature, in which, for the first time,
the people’s voice should be supreme. To enable the House to meet
at the accustomed time, the elections were hurriedly brought on in
November, 1870. The issue was clear cut: Shall we have Confedera-
tion on the terms settled? In a considerable number of constituencies
both candidates were supporters of Confederation on the agreed
terms, and the contest degenerated into a mere matter of personal
preference. The answer was decisive. All the elected persons were
Confederationists, though only four had previously occupied seats
in the Legislative Council.

No sooner was it certain that the battle was won and the matter
settled so far as British Columbia was concerned that there sprang
up one of those sectional jealousies that had slumbered under the
influence of the great question. A delegation composed of influential
citizens of Victoria presented to Governor Musgrave a petition

[HOWAY GOVERNOR MUSGRAVE AND CONFEDERATION 27

signed by five hundred residents of that city and vicinity urging
its advantages (though situated on an island), as a terminus of the
proposed railroad, and asking the addition of a term to the effect that
if the surveys should show it to be impracticable to continue the
railway to Victoria, then a railway should nevertheless be built by
the Dominion to connect Victoria and Nanaimo. In no part of his
two years’ work in British Columbia does Musgrave’s sterling char-
acter appear more clearly than in his treatment of this proposition;
and nowhere does his firmness stand out in greater contrast against
the weakness and vacillation of his predecessor. He pointed out that
Canada had undertaken an enormous task in the construction of a
transcontinental railway, of which the engineering and finanical diffi-
culties were as yet unknown; that in such a project any paper terms
must fall before the imperious demands of grades and natural ob-
stacles; and he calmly gave his opinion that the petition was “ridicul-
ous, if not greedy.”’ ‘I am amazed,” he cried, ‘‘at the concessions
that have been granted by the Canadian Government, and were it
stipulated that the road should be brought across the straits it might
not be built at all. I think the petition should be withdrawn.”
The delegation refused to accept his suggestion, and after further
discussion, he said: ‘‘The terms now are better than we had any right
to expect—better than I expected. The true policy would be to
accept these terms and be confederated and then leave the natural
flow of traffic to determine the terminus.’’ When, despite all this,
the petition was still pressed, he told the delegation that he could
not and would not support it, that it was undignified and provocative
of sectional disputes, and that it would “sow the seeds of perennial
discord on the mainland.” 4° This claim of Victoria as a terminus,
it may be added parenthetically, underlay the war of the routes—
Fraser Valley vs. Bute Inlet—that for almost ten years was a factor
in retarding the ultimate construction of the railway.

When the reconstructed Legislative Council met on 5th January,
1871, nothing remained but to adopt, formally, the terms of union
that had been drafted, debated, amended, and settled. In his
opening speech Musgrave referred to them as being “‘as liberal as this
Colony could equitably expect.’’ Indeed, he added, in some respects
the arrangements agreed upon were more advantageous than the
scheme originally proposed. He referred, doubtless, to the earlier
construction of the railway. ‘I submit them to you,” he continued,
‘‘in every confidence that you will join with me in this conclusion;
and I recommend to you at once to pass an Address to Her Majesty in
accordance with the provisions of the British North America Act,

28 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

1867, praying for admission into the union on these terms and con-
ditions. I have reason for believing that the community at large
desire this course, and no minor or local interests which may quite
as well be considered and protected hereafter, ought to be allowed
to hinder the progress of the arrangements likely to be beneficial
to the Colony in general.” He also discussed the introduction of
Responsible Government, and, in referring to the amendment pro-
viding for this change, acknowledged the existence of the very general
opinion in its favour. Even that subject, however, he emphasized,
must not be allowed to delay the all-important matter of Confedera-
tion. It is plain that he still retained his conviction that the Colony
was not fitted for this form of government. ‘‘But,’’ he concluded,
“if the House should be deliberately of opinion that this change is
expedient, and that it will not be wiser to leave it for more leisurely
consideration after union,” he would, after the adoption of the terms
of union, introduce a Bill to establish Responsible Government, and
to provide for its coming into operation at the first session after
union.#7

On 18th January, 1870, Mr. Trutch, in a short speech, moved
the House into Committee to consider the concluded terms and draft
the necessary Address. He confined his remarks to an account of the
discussions which had taken place in Ottawa regarding the financial
terms and the railway. Dr. Helmcken seconded the motion in an
even briefer speech.*8 No other member spoke, and the motion was
carried unanimously. The Colonist pointedly remarked: “Our
Legislature yesterday presented a strange study. Just think of it!
A Legislature created, we might say, for the express purpose of
deciding the great question of Confederation, giving a unanimous
vote in silence, save only what was said by the mover and seconder.*®

The champions of Responsible Government, having won their
struggle to incorporate it as a term, seemed desirous of showing the
Governor their strength, and, before adopting the terms of union,
endeavoured to force through the House a resolution calling for its
inauguration simultaneously with Confederation. They were, how-
ever, defeated by a combination of the officials and the two unofficial
members of the Executive, who succeeded in carrying a motion asking
the Governor to send down such a Bill at the time indicated in his
speech.*® Accordingly the Governor did not, and would not, move
in the matter until the terms had been approved and the Address
to Her Majesty passed. These pre-requisites, in the Governor's
opinion, having been settled on 20th January, the much-desired Bill
was introduced on 31st January! Even then the Governor

[HOWAY] GOVERNOR MUSGRAVE AND CONFEDERATION 29

took care to include a clause suspending its operation until the Queen
in Council had assented to the union. In trasnmitting the Act to
the Colonial Office Musgrave made it plain that he doubted its
wisdom, but had, perforce, yielded to the strong popular feeling.
“T still believe,” he writes, “that the system of Responsible Govern-
ment is in advance of the development of the colony, and that the
existing Legislative Constitution would be sufficient for all local
purposes after the union if it were allowed to work without factious
opposition.” ?

In proroguing the House Musgrave mentioned the satisfaction
with which the Imperial Government had learned of the completion
of the negotiations and expressed his confident anticipation of the
early proclamation of the union. After some philosophical remarks
upon the imperfections of all human inventions he reminded them
that they might reflect with pride that to them had been confided
the privilege of deciding upon the most important questions which had
up to that time arisen, or were likely to rise for years to come, in the
history of the Colony; to them belonged the honour of extending the
limits of the British American Confederation to the shores of the
Pacific, and of cementing the foundations of a great and prosperous
state, whose future promised to be enlightened and progressive.

In conclusion he spoke of his pride in participating in the great
work, and indicated that his official connection with the Colony
must, as a result, soon be severed. ‘‘Whatever be my future for-
tune,” he added, feelingly, “I shall carry away with me from British
Columbia, and I hope you will retain, a pleasant recollection of good
feeling and mutual assistance in accomplishing the work which we
undertook to perform.” 5

Governor Musgrave had done his work well and quickly. The
Imperial Order-in-Council, dated 6th May, 1871, fixed 20th July,
1871, as the date of the entry of British Columbia into the union;
five days later Anthony Musgrave bade farewell to the new Province,
and from the deck of H.M.S. Sparrowhawk saw the western shores of
the Dominion sink below the horizon.

30 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

iMemoirs of Sir John A. Macdonald. By Joseph Pope. London, 1894, Vol. 2,
p. 144.

2Papers on the Union of British Columbia with the Dominion of Canada, 3rd
August, 1869, p. 30.

37S. H.” (Dr. Helmcken) in Daily British Colonist, 10th November, 1869.

4Daily British Colonist, 24th July, 1869.

Daily British Colonist, 9th October, 1869.

SDaily British Colonist, 11th September, 1869.

“Despatch from Governor Musgrave to the Colonial Office, dated 30th October,
1869, in Department of Archives of Canada.

Td.

9Td.

107d.

uDaily British Colonist, 3rd October, 1869.

Papers relating to Union of British Columbia and Vancouver Island, 1866,
pp. 4-5.

8Article 6 of Terms of Union between Canada and British Columbia.

Preserved in Department of Archives of Canada.

Memorial of the County Court Judges, 23rd April, 1874, in Dominion and
Provincial Legislation, 1867-1895 (Disallowance Report), p. 1030.

Daily British Colonist, 4th November, 1869.

17Despatch from Governor Musgrave to the Colonial Office, dated 30th October,
1869, in Department of Archives of Canada.

’Daily British Colonist, 5th November, 1869.

British Columbian, 2nd May, 1868.

2Despatch from Governor Musgrave to the Colonial Office, 30th October,
1869, in Department of Archives of Canada.

217d.

“Despatch from Governor Musgrave to Colonel Office, 5th April, 1870.

Daily British Colonist, 6th November, 1869.

“Daily British Colonist, 18th November, 1869.

2Complimentary Dinner to Hon. Mr. Trutch, 15th April, 1871, Montreal, 1871,
p. 10.

2«Governor Seymour to Colonial Office, 17th February, 1866, in papers relating
to Union of British Columbia and Vancouver Island, Part J, p. 34 at p. 41.

27 Mainland Guardian, 19th February, 1870.

*Dr. J. C. Davie, an opponent of Confederation had died, and Amos DeCosmos,
a strong Confederationist, who had been defeated in Victoria City in 1868, was
elected in his stead as member for Victoria District.

#The Attitude of Governor Seymour towards Confederation, in Transactions of
Royal Society of Canada, 1920, Section II, p. 47.

3Debates on Confederation, 1870, Legislative Council, Victoria, 1870, p. 30.

31Sessional Papers of Canada, 1871, No. 18, p. 2; Complimentary Dinner to
Hon. Mr. Trutch, 15th April, 1871, Montreal, 1871, p. 7.

82Sessional papers of Canada, 1871, No. 18, pp. 6-7.

#]d., pp. 8-10.

#Journals of Legislative Council of British Columbia, 1870, p. 29.

85Debates on Confederation, 1870, Legislative Council, Victoria, 1870, pp. 94-124

%6Journals of Legislative Council of British Columbia, 1870, p. 34.

317d,. p. 41.

[HOwAY] GOVERNOR MUSGRAVE AND CONFEDERATION 31

8British Columbian, 8th July, 1882.

#Debates on Confederation, 1870, Legislative Council, pp. 93-94.

#Recollections of Sixty Years in Canada, London, 1914, pp. 127-8.

#i]sland Railway, Debates and Correspondence, compiled by Amor DeCosmos,
p. 232.

“Article 15 of Proposed Terms of Union, Article 14 of Terms of Union.

#Howay and Schollfield, History of British Columbia, vol. 2, p. 293.

#British Columbia Act, 1870, Chap. 66; Order-in-Council, 9th August, 1870.

45Sessional papers of Canada, 1871, No. 18, pp. 19-22.

Journals of Legislative Council, 1871, p. 2.

Ute pe;

27d... ps la;

“Daily British Colonist, 19th January, 1871.

‘Journals of Legislative Council, 1871, p. 9, 12th January, 1871.

51]d., p. 21.

#Despatch from Governor Musgrave to the Colonial Office, 18th February,
1871, in Department of Archives of Canada.

Journals of Legislative Council, 1871, p. 50.

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SECTION II, 1921 [33] Trans. R.S.C.

Earliest Route of Travel between Canada and Acadia. Olden-time
Celebrities Who Used it.

By WO. RAYMOND, MA io rR S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

In prehistoric days the River St. John and its tributaries furnished
important links in the line of travel for the native races of Canada
and Acadia, both in peace and war. When the first European
explorers visited Acadia there were three well-known Indian villages,
or towns, on the River St. John, viz., Ekpahawk (or Aukpaque)
at the ‘‘head of the tide,’ a few miles above Fredericton; Medoctec,
on the Middle St. John, eight miles below Woodstock; and Madou-
eska, at or near Edmundston on the Upper St. John. The pioneer
white settlers, soon after their arrival in the country, learned from
the aborigines their traditions of bloody conflicts in prehistoric days
between the native tribes of Acadia and their hereditary foes, the
Iroquois. A traditional incident in this warfare is related in the
lately published Histoire du Madawaska, which is here quoted in
translation.!

“The Madawaska tribe of Malacites occupied the valley of the
Saint John from the Grand Falls as far up as Seven Islands, including
the region of Lake Témiscouata. Their chief village, from time
immemorial, was at the mouth of the river Madawaska. This
Indian town was fortified by a strong palisade firmly planted in the
earth, which constituted an enclosure almost impregnable to an
enemy from without. The Indians of the Lower St. John and those
of Penobscot and Kennebec also sometimes sought refuge in this
redoubt on the occasion of any great incursion of the enemies of their
tribe.

‘“‘Although far removed from their inveterate foes, the Iroquois,
the latter on various occasions came to engage them in bloody conflict.
Indian tradition tells of two great incursions on the part of the Mo-
hawks, who burned their fort and massacred a great portion of the
occupants. The most remarkable of these war raids was that of a
party of two hundred Mohawks from Upper Canada, who came to
exterminate the Malacites.

“The Iroquois reached the River St. John by way of the little
river Etchemin. When they arrived at the village of the Madawaska

1See Histoire du Madawaska, by l'Abbé Thomas Albert, p. 12.
—16

34 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ICANADA

tribe, the brave Pemmyhaouet, grand sachem of the Malacites, with
a hundred of his warriors, immediately prepared to defend the fort.
The contest which ensued was one of the most memorable of which
there is mention in the Indian legends. The brave Pemmyhaouet
fell and his son was mortally wounded. In proportion as the defenders
fell under the arrows and tomahawks of the assailants, their wives
and daughters took their places. It was only after an engagement of
several days that the brave defenders, overpowered by the arrows
and spears of the foe, were forced to abandon the place.

‘The ferocious Mohawks found in the ruined fort, crouched in a
retired corner, two women, who demanded death as a deliverance:
they were Necomah, the wife of the old chief, and Malobiannah, the
betrothed of the son of Pemmyhaouet. The son of the sachem had
succumbed to his wounds and the two women had braved the fury
of the Mohawks to give burial to those they loved.

“The Iroquois, flushed with their success, resolved to pursue
their ravages as far as the lower valley of the river, but they were not
familiar with the navigation. They accordingly laid hold of the
two captives and carried them along as guides of their expedition.

“When night had fallen the bark canoes were tied together, the
river being here very tranquil, and left to the guidance of the young
Malobiannah . . . Necomah, the wife of the old chief being already
dead of grief.

‘‘Malobiannah, weeping for her lover, weeping for the mis-
fortunes of her people, but concealing in her heart the thought of
revenge, resolved to sacrifice her life to avenge those whom she loved
and at the same time to save her brothers of Medoctec and of Ekpa-
hawk, the villages below, from the disaster that awaited them by
directing the frail barks of the enemy over the murderous falls.”

‘At some distance from the Gulf some of the Mohawk braves,
worn out with fatigue, were in a profound slumber. Aroused by the
roaring of the falls they asked their guide the cause of the strange
rumbling noise that they heard. ‘It is a fall at the mouth of a river
that joins the Walloostook® here,’ calmly replied the young Malacite.
Meanwhile the flotilla was already sweeping rapidly on toward the
abyss, but the Mohawks, reassured by the sang-froid of the captive,
lay down again to sleep. It was now but a few hundred yards to the
Gulf, and a current deep and strong—the current of death—bore
them onward to the brink of the precipice. Realizing too late their
imminent peril they sprang from their canoes. Hurling their male-

*The height of the Falls is 74 feet perpendicular.
3Indian name of the St. John river.

[ RAYMOND] TRAVEL BETWEEN CANADA AND ACADIA 30

\
dictions at the maiden they disappeared in the foaming cataract, hear-
ing still the cry of triumph of the heroic daughter of the vanquished
tribe, in which she mingled the names of her betrothed and the nation
she had avenged.

“The Malacite heroine’s praise has been sung in verse in the
languages of the Abenaki, the French and the English. But what a
rich theme is here for the future writer of romance in Madawaska.

“Greek history, so prolific of deeds of chivalry of every kind,
affords nothing more heroic or more sublime than the sacrifice—
unpretentious and to-day so little regarded—of this obscure daughter
of the forest.”

The first white settlers of the River St. John found that the
native Indians entertained a superstitious dread of ‘‘the gray wolves
of Canada,” as they termed the Mohawks. They had many legends
to relate of their conflicts with these implacable foes. Indian mothers
were wont to tell the disobedient little pappoose, ‘‘If you are not
good the Mohawks will come and get you.’’ Even within the period
of the writer’s own recollection the word Mohawk suddenly uttered
was sufficient to startle a St. John river Indian. The late Edward
Jack, C.E., who made quite a study of Indian habits and wrote much
concerning them, once asked an Indian child: “What is a Mohawk?’’
The child replied very seriously: “A Mohawk is a bad Indian who
kills people and eats them.”’

Another curious incident serves to illustrate the superstitious
dread entertained of the Mohawks by the Malacites.

Frederick Dibblee, a Connecticut Loyalist and a graduate of
Columbia College, was appointed by the New England Company in
1787 a missionary-teacher to the Indians of Medoctec. The Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel sent out to him from England a
quantity of Indian prayer books, ‘‘prepared by the late excellent
Colonel Claus.” These books, unfortunately, were in the Mohawk
dialect and Parson Dibblee could make no use of them. He says in
a letter to the S.P.G.: “That the Indians of the River St. John have
the utmost dread and hatred for the Mohawks, by whom formerly
they were almost extirpated, and whose language they are more
ignorant of than they are of the English tongue. He could not
persuade two or three of his Indian scholars to take any of the prayer
books, they being fearful that it would bring on a quarrel with the
Mohawks upon finding their books in their possession. He, therefore,
not knowing what else to do, gave them to the poor of his parish.”’

Passing now from the period of legendry days to that of recorded
time, it may be observed that, in prehistoric days, the Madawaska

36 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

River, Lake Témiscouata, and the River St. Francis were undoubtedly
very important links in the route of communication between the
Indian tribes of Canada and those of Acadia. Early French explorers
and adventurers soon became familiar with the route.

In Champlain’s map of 1612 we find crude indications of Lake
Témiscouata, but the contour of the lake and the course of the River
Madawaska are better displayed in the map of Laet in 1629. The
name ‘‘Madoueska’’ does not appear until the Franquelin map of
1686. Meanwhile the word had found a place in the grant of the
Seigniory of Madoueska in 1683 to Antoine and Marguerite Aubert,
children of the Sieur de Chesnaye of Quebec. The present boundary
between New Brunswick and Quebec follows the southern boundary
of this ancient seigniory.

The Franquelin map, just mentioned, was designed to illustrate
the tour of the Intendant Mon. de Meulles in Acadia in 1686. The
map shows clearly the portage to rivière du Loup and shows Lake
Témiscouata. Monseigneur de Saint-Vallier, the second bishop of
Quebec, made a tour in Acadia in 1686, the incidents of which are
related in his book published two years later in Paris, under the title,
Estat présent de l'Eglise et de la Colonie Francoise dans la Nouvelle
France.

Church and State were thus represented in the persons of de
Meulles and Saint-Vallier, the first Quebec tourists in Acadia. This
was not a matter of accident but of design, as we shall see. Mer. de
St. Vallier, finding that the River St. Francis (which enters the St.
John 35 miles above the Madawaska) has its source in a lake only
12 miles from the St. Lawrence, decided to travel by this route.
He describes in entertaining fashion his trip down this very lively
stream, which now forms a part of the international boundary. The
St. Francis may be described as a series of beautiful lakes and ponds
linked together by very lively waterways. One of the lakes has a
depth of 150 feet. Another of nearly equal depth bears the name
Woolastookpectaagomic—a nice little word of twenty-one letters not
yet recognized by the Geographical Board of Canada. The two lakes
just mentioned are exceeded in depth by Lake Témiscouata (250 ft.),
which is the deepest of the St. John river system. Mer. St. Vallier
tells us in his narrative, under date May 16, 1686: ‘‘On the second
day of our navigation down the river Saint-Jean, we for the first time
came across a cabin of Christian Indians, of Sillery, who in their
‘ hunting had encamped at the mouth of a river which they call Mada-
ouesca and which we named Saint-François de Sales. It is impossible
to tell how overjoyed these poor Christians were to see us, and how

[RAYMOND] TRAVEL BETWEEN CANADA AND ACADIA 37

rejoiced we were to find them. . . . They made us a present of
part of their provisions at a time when ours failed us. The same day
we found others in much larger numbers in three cabins, who enter-
tained us in like manner, and who asked us earnestly to send a mis-
sionary to teach them.”

A little farther on in his book Mer. St. Vallier gives the first
description of the Grand Falls of the River St. John that has appeared
in print. This we also quote in translation: “The sixteenth of May
[1686] we arrived at the place called le grand Sault Saint-Jean-Baptiste,
where the river falls from a height over lofty rocks into an abyss,
making a wonderful cascade, the rising mist hides the water from
sight, and the uproar of the falls warns from afar the navigators
descending the river in their canoes.”

Mon. de Meulles, the intendant, while on this tour visited all
the new settlements in Acadia and caused a census to be taken,
including the name and residence of every French settler, with other
information. The total French population of Acadia was then only
915 souls, including the garrison of Port Royal. There were at this
time only five or six French families living on the St. John river.

Bishop St. Vallier again writes in his journal: ‘The 18th [May,
1686] we slept at Medocteck, the first fort in Acadia, where I greatly
cheered a hundred savages during my visit. I told them I came on
purpose to establish a mission in the place for their benefit. It is to
be wished that the French who live along this route were so exemplary
in their habits as to draw these poor savages to Christianity; but we
must hope that with time the reformation of the former will lead to
the conversion of the latter.”’

The Marquis de Denonville, governor at Quebec, in his letter to
the French minister announcing the safe return of the Bishop, after
a most fatiguing journey, says: ‘He will give you an account of the
numerous disorders committed by the miserable outlaws [the coureurs
de bois] who for a long while have lived like the Indians without doing
anything at all towards the tilling of the soil.”

The authorities at Quebec had already shown an interest in
affairs on the River St. John, where Pierre de Joibert, seigneur de
Soulanges, served as commander under Count Frontenac. The sieur
de Soulanges was a native of the little town of Soulanges, in the old
French province of Champagne, who, in recognition of ‘good and
praiseworthy service to the King, both in Old and New France,”
was granted three valuable seigniories on the St. John, including in
all more than a hundred square miles—the value of which at the
present day would be difficult to estimate. One seigniory, at the

38 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

mouth of the river, includes in its bounds the present city of St.
John and its suburbs. Another, the seigniory at Nachouac, includes
within its limits the sites of Fredericton, the capital of New Brunswick,
and the neighbouring towns of Marysville and North and South
Devon. The third seigniory, “Fort Gemsek,’” (midway between
St. John and Fredericton, at the mouth of the Jemseg river) was the
residence of the Sieur de Soulanges, and for ten years the head-
quarters of French authority in Acadia. Here in 1673 was born
Louise Elizabeth de Joibert, daughter of Soulanges, who, at the early
age of seventeen years, became the wife of the Marquis de Vaudreuil,
Governor General of Canada. She was baptized at Jemseg (probably
by the Recollet missionary, Claude Moireau), and Count Frontenac
was, by proxy, her godfather. Later she was educated at the convent
of the Ursulines in Quebec. As Marquise de Vaudreuil she is de-
scribed as a beautiful and clever woman, of rare sagacity and exquisite
modesty and possessed of all the graces needed to shine in the most
exalted circles. She was the mother of 12 children. Her husband
was for twenty-two years Governor General at Quebec, and her son,
the second Marquis de Vaudreuil, was the last Governor General of
New France at the time of the conquest in 1759.

In the year 1674 a Dutch buccaneer named Aernouts pillaged
and. dismantled Fort Jemsek and carried off the commander. Fron-
tenac at once sent a party in canoes to the River St. John to ascertain
the state of affairs and to bring to Quebec the wife of the Sieur de
Soulanges and her child, his god-daughter. The journey of the
mother and her infant from Jemsek to Quebec, 400 miles, in an Indian
bark canoe two centuries and a half ago is an incident unique in the
recorded wilderness journeys of the time. The mother before her
marriage was Marie Francoise, the daughter of Chartier de Lotbenière,
attorney general of Quebec. The daughter, as Marquise de Vaudreuil,
visited France in 1708 in a ship which was captured by the English,
who, however, treated her with distinction and allowed her to preceed
to her destination. She attracted much attention at the Court of
Versailles and became a favourite both of Louis XIV and of Madame
de Maintenon. The Marquise survived her husband and died in
Paris in June, 1740. A romantic story truly is that of the little
Louise Elizabeth Joibert, whose infant slumbers were disturbed by
the rude Dutchmen at Fort Gemsek in the summer of 1674.

The first known representative of the English race to become
acquainted with the route to Canada, so far as we know, was a lad,
John Gyles by name, who was captured by St. John River Indians
at Pemaquid, on the coast of Maine in 1689 and brought by his

[RAYMOND] TRAVEL BETWEEN CANADA AND ACADIA 39

Indian master to the Medoctec village where he remained six years a
captive.

It was the custom of the Indians at the beginning of winter to
break up into small hunting parties, and Gyles’ description of his
first winter’s experience will serve to indicate the privations endured
by the savages and the nature of travelling through the woods in the
winter season.

‘When the winter came on,’’ he writes, ‘we went up the river
till the ice came down, running thick in the river, when, according
to the Indian custom, we laid up our canoes till spring. Then we
travelled, sometimes on the ice and sometimes on land, till we came
to a river that was open but not fordable, when we made a raft and
passed over bag and baggage. I met with no abuse from them in
this winter’s hunting, though I was put to great hardships in carrying
burdens and for want of food. But they underwent the same difficulty
and would often encourage me by saying, ‘By and by great deal
moose. Yet! they could not answer any question I asked them;
and knowing very little of their customs and ways of life, I thought
it tedious to be constantly moving from place to place, yet it might
be in some respects an advantage, for it ran in my mind that we were
travelling to some settlement; and when my burden was over heavy,
and the Indians left me behind, and the still evening came on, I
fancied I could see through the bushes and hear the people of some
great town, which might be some support to me by day, though I
found not the town at night.”

As Dr. Hannay observes, there is something inexpressively
pathetic in this part of John Gyles’ story. He was only a half-grown
boy, ill-fed and scantily clad, when he had thus to bear his burden in
mid-winter through the forest after his Indian master. The narrative
continues:

“Thus we were hunting 300 miles from the sea and knew no
man within 50 or 60 miles of us. We were eight or ten in number and
had but two guns on which we wholly depended for food. If any
disaster had happened we must all have perished. Sometimes we
had no manner of sustenance for three or four days. . . . We moved
still further up the country after the moose, so that by the spring
we had got to the northward of the Lady Mountains (the mountains
of Notre Dame overlooking the St. Lawrence).

“When the spring came and the rivers broke up we moved back
to the head of St. John’s river and there made canoes of moose hides,
sewing three or four together and pitching the seams with balsam
mixed with charcoal. Then we went down the river to a place called

40 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Madawescok. There an old man lived and kept a sort of trading
house, where we tarried several days. Then we went further down
the river till we came to the greatest falls in these parts, which they call
Checanekepeag* (the Grand Falls), where we carried a little way
overland, and putting off our canoes again we went down stream still,
and as we passed the mouths of any large branches we saw Indians.
At length we arrived at the place where we left our canoes in the fall,
and putting our baggage in them went down to the Medoctec Fort.”
Gyles remained six years with the Indians. Then through the
kindness of the Recollet missionary, Father Simon, he was taken
into the family of Louis d’Amours, sieur de Chauffours, who lived
at Fort Jemsek, where he continued three years, experiencing very
kindly treatment, of which he writes gratefully in his narrative. He
was then restored to his friends in New England who welcomed him,
after his nine years’ captivity, almost as one risen from the dead.
Next in order among the old time voyageurs we must place the
French explorer, Lamothe Cadiallac, the founder of Detroit, who
ascended the River St. John in 1692 and reported that 40 leagues
above the Medoctec village he found another fort to which the
Malacites were wont to retire when they feared some great calamity
was impending. Cadiallac writes entertainingly and with enthusiasm
of the noble river, which he ascended nearly 150 leagues in a birch
canoe. He speaks of it as a well-known route of communication
between the people of Acadia and those of Quebec. The Indians had
used the route from time immemorial, both in war and peace, and
the French followed their example as, at a later period, did the English.
The St. John River country may be considered as a “disputed
territory’’ from the moment when the treaty of Utrecht was signed
in 1713 until the capture of Quebec by Wolfe’s army in 1759. The
missionaries of this region, de l’Isle-Dieu, Germain, and le Loutre,
not unnaturally were desirous of seeing French supremacy restored in
Acadia, and Father Germain, the missionary to the Indians on the
St. John, encouraged the Malacites in their hostility to the English.
He proceeded to Quebec in 1748, returning with a supply of powder,
lead and ball, for the Indian warriors at Ekpahawk, whom he accom-
panied in their mid-winter raid on Colonel Noble’s post at Grand Pré.
This raid, from the French point of view, was one of the most brilliant
exploits in the annals of Acadia, and, what is better, the victors
behaved with humanity to the vanquished.
Commissioners were now appointed by the contending parties
to determine the limits of Acadia. They spent four years in fruitless

#The name signifies ‘‘a destroying giant.”

(RAYMOND! TRAVEL BETWEEN CANADA AND ACADIA 41

discussion. The missionaries le Loutre and de l'Isle’ Dieu furnished
the information which here follows for the use of the French Com-
missioners:

“Tt is very easy to maintain communication with Quebec, winter
and summer, by the River St. John, and the route is convenient for
detachments of troops needed either for attack or defence. ‘The
stations along the route from Quebec to Beauséjour, at the head of
the Bay of Fundy, are as follows:

From Quebec to rivière du Loup.

From riviére du Loup by a portage of 18 leagues to Lake Témis-
couata.

From Lake Témiscouata to Madoechka.

From Madoechka to the Grand Falls.

From the Grand Falls to Medoctek.

From Medocktek to Ecouba (Ekpahawk), post of the Indians
of the missionary, Father Germain.

From Ecouba to Jemsec.

From Jemsec—leaving the River St. John dd traversing Washa-
demoak Lake, ascending by the river of the same name, thence by a
portage of 6 leagues to the River Petkoudiak.

From Petkoudiak to Memeramcouk and by a portage of 3
leagues to Nechkak (Westcock).

From Nechkak to Beauséjour.

“By this route troops commanded by the Sieurs Marin and
Montesson arrived at Beauséjour in less than a month from the time
of their departure from Quebec, the distance being about 500 miles.”’

Early in 1745 the Sieur Marin appeared before the town of
Port Royal (then in possession of the English) with a party of 600
French and Indians—among the latter were many from the River
St. John and some Hurons from Canada. They captured two Boston
schooners, one of which, the ‘‘ Montague,’ had as master, William
Pote, of Falmouth, Maine. Captain Pote and some others were
taken by the Huron Indians to Quebec, where Pote remained three
years a prisoner. During his captivity he contrived to keep a journal
in which he records his capture and subsequent adventures. The
journal was concealed by one of the female prisoners and afterwards
restored to the captain. It passed through many hands and was
discovered at Geneva, in Switzerland, in 1890, and published a few
years since by Dodd, Mead & Co., of New York, in a sumptuous
edition. Pote’s narrative is exceedingly interesting, but our references
to it must necessarily be brief.

42 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Some of the prisoners were taken up the River St. John in the
captured schooner to Ekpahawk, the others proceeded overland.
Pote was among the latter. He and his fellows were taken up the
Petitcodiac river in a small schooner until they arrived at the portage
to the Washademoak, which they crossed and encamped. Soon
afterwards the Abbé Germain arrived from the River St. John.
Pote says: “The Priest asked ye Capt. of ye Indians who I was,
and when he understood I was a prisoner, he asked me if I could
speak French. I told him a little. . . . He told me to content
myself in the condition that I was then in, for I was in ye hands of a
Christian nation and it might prove very beneficial both to my body
and soul. I-was obliged to concur with his sentiments for fear of
displeasing my masters.”’

Having made seven canoes of elm and ash bark the party pro-
ceeded down the Washademoak to the St. John and up the latter to
the Indian village of Ekpahawk. On their way they caught some
small fish which Pote tried to clean, but the Indians snatched them
from him and boiled them, ‘‘slime and blood and all together.’
“This,” said Pote, ‘put me in mind of ye old proverb, God sent
meat and the Devil cooks.’’ On another occasion, being overtaken
by a violent thunderstorm, they were obliged to take shelter under
’ the upturned canoes. Pote writes in his journal: ‘At this time it
thundered exceedingly and ye Indians asked me if there was not
people in my country sometimes destroyed by ye thunder and light-
ning. Yes, I told them, I had known several instances of that nature.
They told me that never anything happened to the Indians of harm
neither by thunder nor lightning, and they said it was a judgment
on ye English and French for incroaching on their liberties in America.”’
On his arrival at Ekpahawk, on the evening of the 6th July, Pote
found that his schooner ‘‘Montague”’ had arrived some days before
with the other prisoners. The newcomers received an unexpected
reception, which we shall allow Capt. Pote to describe in his own
words: ‘At this place the Squaws came down to the edge of ye river,
dancing and behaving in the most brutish manner, and taking us
prisoners by ye arms, one Squaw on each side of a prisoner, they led
us up to their village and placed themselves in a large circle round us.
After they had got all prepared for their dance they made us set down
in a small circle, about 18 inches asunder, and began their frolick,
dancing round us and striking of us in ye face with English scalps
that caused ye blood to issue from our mouths and noses in a very
great and plentiful manner, and tangled their hands in our hair and
knocked our heads together with all their strength and vehemence,

[RAYMOND] TRAVEL BETWEEN CANADA AND ACADIA 43

and when they was tired of this exercise they would take us by the
hair and some by ye ears, and standing behind us, oblige us to keep
our necks strong so as to bear their weight hanging by our hair and
ears.

“In this manner they thumped us in ye back and sides with
their knees and feet and twitched our hair and ears to such a degree
that I am incapable to express it, and ye others that was dancing
round, if they saw any man falter and did not hold up his neck, they
dached ye scalps in our faces with such violence that every man
endeavoured to bear them hanging by their hair in this manner
rather than to have a double punishment. After they had finished
their frolick, that lasted about two hours and a half, we was carried
to one of their camps where we saw some of the prisoners that came
in the ‘‘Montague.’’ At this place we encamped that night with
hungry belleys.”’

Unpleasant as was their experience, Pote and his fellows were
lucky to escape with their lives. The previous year Capt. Gorham
had brought to Annapolis Royal some Indian rangers, probably
Mohawks, as allies of the English. These Indian rangers had killed
some of the Malacites, and the tribe at Ekpahawk proposed to
retaliate by putting the prisoners to death. A council was held and
the St. John’s Indians almost gained their point. The Hurons,
however, being very desirous to save the lives of their captives,
whom they probably wished to hold for ransom, prevailed on the
Malacites to accept a considerable quantity of their spoils and spare
the lives of the prisoners.

Their unhappy experience at Ekpahawk caused the captives to
feel no regret when the Hurons took their departure up the river two
days later. They had now come to the beginning of the swift water
and their progress was more laborious. At the Meductic Rapids
they were obliged to land and carry their baggage over clefts of rocks,
fallen trees and other obstacles. Pote was informed that they would
ere long arrive at the Indian village of Medoctec. He asked if they
would be treated there as they had been at the last village. This
question led to an immediate consultation of the Hurons. “I ob-
served,” writes Pote, ‘that they looked with a very serious counten-
ance on me.” He seized the opportunity to address them in French
to the following effect:

‘Gentlemen, you are all very sensible of the ill usage we met at
the other village. which, I believe, was contrary to your inclination or
permission, and as you call yourselves Christians and men of honour,
I hope you'll use your prisoners accordingly, for I think it is contrary

44 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

to the nature of a Christian to abuse men in the manner we was at
the other village. There is no Christian nation that suffers their
prisoners to be abused, after they have given them quarter, in the
manner we have been.”

Pote says that the Indians looked very serious and approved of
what he said. They talked among themselves in Indian and his
master told him that when they arrived at the village he must take
care to keep close by him. Pote says: “I was very careful to observe
my master’s instructions and warned ye rest to do likewise.”’ Their
reception was not reassuring. We will again allow Captain Pote to
tell the story in his own words:

“Tuesday, June 10. We arrive to ye Indian village of Medoca-
tike about noon. As soon as the Squaws saw us coming in sight, and
heard the cohoops, which signified ye number of prisoners, all ye
Squaws prepared themselves with large rods of briars and nettles,
etc., and met us at their landing, singing and dancing and yelling,
and making such a hellish noise that I expected we should meet with
a worse reception at this place than we had at the other.”

The first canoe that landed was that of the captain of the Hurons,
who had in his canoe but one prisoner, an Indian of Captain Gorham’s
company. He was not careful to keep by his master and in con-
sequence: ‘‘The Squaws gathered round him and caught him by the
hair, as many as could get hold of him, and halled him down to ye
ground, ye rest with rods danced round him and wipted him over ye
head and legs to such a degree that I thought they would have killed
him on ye spot, or halled him in ye water and drownded him. They
was so eager to have a stroak at him, each of them, that they halled
him some one way and some another. Sometimes towards ye watter
by ye hair of ye head as fast as they could run, then ye other party
would have ye better and run with him another way. My master
spoke to the Indians and told them to take the fellow out of their
hands, for he believed they would certainly murther him in a very
short time.”

The Squaws advanced towards Pote, but his master spoke
something to them in Indian in a very harsh manner that caused
them to relinquish their purpose. The prisoners and their Indian
masters were conducted to the camp of the captain of the village who,
at their request, sent to relieve the unfortunate Mohawk from the
abuse of the Squaws, and he was brought to them more dead than
alive.

Pote himself did not entirely escape attention at the hands of
les sauvagesses de Medoctec as we learn from his journal:

[RAYMOND] TRAVEL BETWEEN CANADA AND ACADIA 45

“Thursday, June 11. This day we remained in the Indian
village called Medocatike. I observed the Squaws could not by any
means content themselves without having their dance. They con-
tinued teasing my master to such a degree to have ye liberty to dance
round me, that he consented they might if they would promise not to
abuse me. They desired none of the rest but me, for what reason I
cannot tell. When my master had given them liberty there came
into the camp two large, strong Squaws. They caught hold of my
arms with all their strength, and said something in Indian that I
supposed was to tell me to come with them and halled me off my seat.
I strugled with them and cleared myself of their hold, and set down by
my master. They came upon me again verey vigorously, and as I
was striving my master ordered me to go and told me they would not
hurt me. At this I was obliged to surrender and went with them.
They led me out of the camp, dancing and singing after their manner,
and took me to one of their camps where there was a company of
them gathered for their dance. They made me sit down on a Bear's
skin in the middle of the camp and gave me a pipe and tobacoe and
danced round me till the sweat trickled down their faces.”

The appearance of one Squaw struck the Captain as so absurd
that he could not forbear smiling, which gave offence to one of the
old Squaws, who gave him two or three twitches by the hair, other-
wise he escaped punishment. The following morning the Hurons
began to make preparations for their journey and Pote says: ‘At
about eight of ye clock we took our departure from Medockaticke for
Canedy”’ and in due time the party arrived at Quebec.

They suffered at times from lack of food, though fish were abund-
ant and on one occasion they caught in a weir that the Indians built
in a small cove (a little below the mouth of the Tobique river) fifty-
four salmon in a few hours. From Grand Falls they proceeded to
“Little Falls,” at the mouth of the Madawaska, and up that river
to Lake Témiscouata; thence by way of the Tuladi stream to the
St. Lawrence and up that river to Quebec.

In 1750 the Marquis de la Jouquière expended a considerable
sum of money making a road from the St. Lawrence to the Upper St.
John, via Riviére du Loup and Lake Témiscouata. This road, he
informs the French Minister, will be very useful for forwarding the
supplies stopped by the English blockade at the mouth of the St.
Lawrence, and maintaining communication with Acadia. By this
route war parties of French and Indians, under Boishébert and other
commanders, passed from Canada to Acadia, and messages were often
sent from Quebec to Beauséjour and Louisburg. It is said that with

46 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

the water at flood the Indians were able to deliver messages from the
Governor at Quebec to the commander at the mouth of the St. John
in five days, a distance of 430 miles. That this was quite possible
is shown by the fact that not many years ago the Messrs. Straton, of
Fredericton, paddled in a bark canoe from the Grand Falls to Freder-
icton, 133 miles, in 14 hours and 46 minutes, the river being then at
freshet height.

Among the early voyageurs who have left interesting accounts
of their journey over this route we may mention Joseph Nicholas
Gauthier, of Port Lajoie (Charlottetown, P.E.I.), who made the
journey from Shediac to Quebec in the winter of 1756. From Medoc-
tec he proceeded to the Grand Falls, partly on the ice and partly on
land, hindered in his progress by the fact that the river had overflowed
its banks and in places was not frozen. This distance of eighty miles
took eleven days on account of the wretched state of travel. At the
Grand Falls he found a French post furnished with provisions for
travellers. Gauthier says that here they made a portage of half a
league and resumed their journey above the falls. The distance of
36 miles to Little Falls occupied the next three days. He then
ascended the river ‘‘ Madouesca”’ on the ice ten leagues to a lake bear-
ing the name of the river, but now called Lake Témiscouata. He jour-
neyed four leagues on the lake and went ashore at the grand portage
on the west side of the lake, where there was another French post
established for the refreshment of travellers. From thence he
proceeded via Rivière du Cap to l’Original, which empties into the
St. Lawrence. This journey, which can now be made, from Charlotte-
town to Quebec, with all the ease and luxury of modern travelling,
in less than 24 hours, occupied le Captaine Gauthier a month, and
was extremely arduous and even perilous.

The story of the old post-route to Quebec in the English regime
introduces some very interesting characters, but must be reserved for
a supplementary paper. [

SECTION II, 1921 [47] TRANS R-SUG,

The Phylogeny of Man From a New Angle
By CHARLES Hitt-Tovut, F.R.S.C., F.R.A.I.; &c; &c.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

Those who have followed the course of anthropological investi-
gation during the eight or nine years which have elapsed since the
discovery of the Piltdown remains will be aware that our views
respecting the antiquity and the progressive evolution of man have
undergone profound modification. Even before the discovery of
Eoanthropus there had been a growing feeling among anthropologists
that a new orientation of mind on these questions was becoming
increasingly necessary.

The discovery at Combe Capelle, at Mentone and other places
‘of the remains of a race of men with distinctly modern characters
who were apparently living in Europe contemporaneously with the
markedly-primitive Neanderthal men brought considerable con-
fusion into our notions respecting the age of man and the course he
had followed in his physical development.

Up to this time it had been very generally held and believed
that man in his upward course had passed through an orderly series
of evolutionary phases such as seemed to be indicated by the physical
characters of Pithecanthropus erectus, the Mauer jaw and Neander-
thal man, in which he had risen step by step from some primitive
creature not greatly unlike the anthropoids of to-day, to his present
human form; and that his past in his character of Homo sapiens,
did not extend very greatly beyond the middle of the Pleistocene
period.

Following the views enunciated by Darwin in his “Descent of
Man” and their reinforcement by Huxley in his “Man's Place in
Nature”’ and the very general acceptance of the evolutionary theory,
it was scarcely possible to entertain any other opinion. And so,
when Dubois in 1891-2 discovered the remains of that singular crea-
ture he named Pithecanthropus erectus, which combined in itself
characters at once both human and simian, it was very naturally
hailed and regarded as the ‘missing link,” the anticipated transi-
tional form connecting man with his hypothetical simian progenitors.

And this view was further strengthened when a little later
other human remains of a type similar to the famous Neanderthal
man were unearthed in different localities in Europe, thus making

48 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

it possible to definitely and indubitably establish this type as a
distinct and primitive race which, while considerably in advance of
Pithecanthropus erectus, still exhibited marked simian characters;
and scarcely anybody thereafter doubted that in the low-browed
Neanderthalers, the heavy-jawed Heidelberg men and Dubois’ Javan
ape-man, we were viewing three of the successive stages through
which man had passed in his evolutionary career.

The discovery, however, of the Crô-Magnon men with their
strongly-marked modern characters, as partial contemporaries and
immediate successors of the low, pithecoid Neanderthalers; and a
critical re-examination in the light of our newer knowledge of the
claims to antiquity of the pre-Mousterian High-terrace type of man—
whose possession also of modern characters had thrown doubt upon
their age as indicated by the geological formations in which they were
found—completely upset this view; and when the Piltdown remains
with their peculiar and, in some respects, astonishingly modern
characters were discovered in sediments earlier in time, if anything,
than those in which Dubois had found Pithecanthropus these views
could no longer be entertained and a reconstruction of our ideas
concerning the evolutionary phases of man’s history became im-
peratively necessary.

If Pithecanthropus could no longer be regarded as standing in the
direct line of man’s ancestry—and additional evidence will be adduced
in this paper to show that he could not be—and if Neanderthal man
with his low, pithecoid characters must also be eliminated from our
family tree, who then, it might fairly be asked, were our ancestors?
What had been our descent? What the course of our evolutionary
history; and what part have these rejected types of early humanity
played in man’s phylogeny; and can the lineage of any of the races
of men on the earth today be traced back to any other of those palae-
olithic races our researches have shown us to have existed in the dim
and distant days of the middle and early Pleistocene period? If
so, whence came they and what kind of progenitors were theirs?

These are all questions of the deepest interest to humanity and
it is only natural to crave the fullest replies that science can give
to them. But such answers as may be given at the present stage of
our investigations will depend to a large extent upon the point of
view we may take upon certain fundamental aspects of our subject
and upon the interpretation we may give to the evidence which has
been brought to light during the present century and particularly
during the last decade. There is, unfortunately, anything but
general agreement upon many aspects of this.

[HILL-TOUT| PHYLOGENY OF MAN 49

It is the intent' on in this paper to briefly review this evidence
and see to what conclusions it may be said to fairly lead one in re-
spect to any of these questions; and to offer in the course of our
inquiry a line of evidence which, in the writer’s opinion, has had
too little attention paid to it hitherto and which seems to him capable
of throwing very definite light upon some, at least, of the problems
we have to deal with.

In spite of the fact that there exists considerable difference of
opinion upon the significance of many of our later discoveries and
that on many points of extreme importance our highest authorities
are in direct conflict, the present century has seen a decided advance
in many directions in our knowledge of ancient man.

One of the most outstanding and definite of the results of these
researches, and one upon which there is now little or no difference
of opinion has been the establishment of a series of successive cul-
tural epochs in man’s past reaching back from the Bronze age, which
is directly linked with our own, to remotest Palæolithic times.

Some twelve of these epochs are generally recognized and are
known to us under the terms Tardenoisian, Azilian, Magdalenian,
Solutrian, Aurignacian, Mousterian, Acheulean, Chellean, Strepyan,
Mesvinian, Mafflian and Reutelian. Of these, the first is regarded
as the transitional epoch linking up the Neolithic with the earlier
Paleolithic period. The others all fall within and extend over the
whole Pleistocene era.

Beyond the Ple‘stocene and extending into the Pliocene and
Upper Miocene is another long and somewhat ill-defined period,
known broadly as the Eolithic, because the stone implements re-
covered from the geological beds of this period become relatively
cruder and exhibit less and less skill as the recession of time goes on
until it is no longer possible to say whether they are the work of man
or the chance products of nature. Hence the term Dawn-stone
period. This period is also, by some authorities, sub-divided into
separate cultural epochs each marked by its own distinct term.
These, in their chronological order, are Prestian, Kentian, Cantalian,
and Fagnian.

The time embraced by these epochs is variously estimated at
from one and a half to two and a half million years. Thus man’s
duration on the earth is now known to be much greater than was
formerly supposed.

Accepting the higher estimate as approximately the more cor-
rect—for the greater our knowledge of man’s past becomes the greater

need there seems to be to draw larger drafts upon the bank of time—
7

50 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

one million of these years must be assigned to the Pleistocene and the
other million and a half may be divided between the Pliocene and
Miocene.

The evidence of man’s presence throughout this long stretch
of time is now generally regarded as clear and unmistakeable. For
the later Pleistocene division it is absolutely indisputable. We find
not only evidence of his presence in the abundance of his skilfully-
fashioned stone and bone implements but also in the actual skeletal
remains of man himself, under such conditions and in such circum-
stances, as to make it impossible to doubt the antiquity claimed for
them.

For the earlier division of the Pliocene and Upper Miocene the
evidence consists, in the main, of his stone implements. But the
character of these is such that it leaves no room for doubt concerning
their origin, and those investigators best qualified to express an
opinion upon such matters are now generally agreed that the stone
implements recovered from the Pliocene and Upper Miocene beds
are the undoubted products of human effort and are unmistakeable
evidence of man’s presence on the earth in those remote times.

It should perhaps be mentioned here that some authorities
claim that evidence of man’s presence and his tool-making powers
is found as far back as the Lower Miocene and even into the Oli-
gocene. The human workmanship which, it is thought, is seen in
these stones, however, is still a matter of dispute, though more
recent discoveries in Upper Miocene beds at Aurillac in France of
implements closely resembling the earliest types of Palæoliths seem
to suggest that these claims may ultimately be sustained, but as
they are still matters of dispute they need not be taken into consid-
‘eration here.

Regarding, then, man’s antiquity as firmly established and his
presence as a tool-maker in those far-off Eolithic and Paleolithic
days beyond dispute, let us now see what our researches have to tell
us about the races of men who lived in those successive cultural
epochs, their relations to one another and to the races of men on the
earth today.

The human family as we know it today is commonly divided
into four great groups—the Australian, the African, the Mongolian
and the European. Of the first three of these groups our investi-
gations have revealed to us little direct knowledge. What we have
learned of them has been mainly indirect and inferential. This is
because our records of Pleistocene man, if we except the pithecoid
creature from Java, are all confined to European lands and deal with

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 51

European peoples. But while we have gathered but little directly
of these other groups certain facts have come to light in the course
of our investigations which have important bearings upon the
history of all of them.

Thus, one fact in particular, has become increasingly clear and
more firmly established as our researches have proceeded; and
that is the remarkable persistence of human types and their slow
modification over long periods of time. Tens of thousands of years
are seen to elapse and still the same type persists, transmitting age
by age the same physical characters through thousands of generations.
We had caught a glimpse of this great truth from the monuments of
ancient Egypt, whereon the artists of the early dynasties had de-
picted the features of men representative of the African, Asiatic and
European peoples of their day, whose resemblance to individuals of
the same races today, is so clear and unmistakeable that they might
have been painted but yesterday. We learn from these pictures,
for example, that the African of today differs in no respect perceiv-
able to us from the African of those days, though there is an interval
of from five to seven thousand years between our time and theirs.

But this important truth is far more strikingly brought out by
our discover es of Pleistocene man, for these have revealed to us
instances of this conservancy of type extending over vastly greater
periods of time than the Egyptian examples.

A consideration of these facts, and the implications they carry,
lead us irresistably to the conclusion that if the relatively slighter
differences existing between the races we find in Europe to-day are
the slow product or result of tens of thousands of years of differ-
entiation, then the deeper and more fundamental differences which
divide the four great groups of humanity one from the other must be
the result, not merely of tens of thousands of years of variation,
but of hundreds of thousands. This being so it is not surprising that
when we endeavour to trace back the first three of these four groups
to their original source we find ourselves lost in the mists of antiquity
and can learn little concerning it or them.

It is altogether different when we come to deal with the European
group. Here we are on surer ground and start from known facts.

Europe today is occupied by three great races now generally
known to us as the Mediterranean, the Teutonic or Baltic and the
Alpine or Celtic races; and of the relation of these to the races of
the earliest historic period there is no question. Nor is there any
doubt as to the connection between the early historic peoples and

52 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

those of the preceding Bronze age. We can thus trace back the
present European peoples to Neolithic times.

We find evidence on all sides of the presence of these three
peoples in Europe in the Neolithic period, which, our archaelogical
evidence seems to say, had its beginning about ten thousand years
ago. Now what are the characteristics of these three pre-historic
peoples and how are they distinguished one from the other? How
can we be sure we are dealing with three different races, the pre-
decessors of the present races of Europe? The evidence is indis-
putable. It presents itself under divers aspects, but chiefly we
gather it from a comparison of their skull forms.

In seeking to establish a physical test of race, students of man,
have proposed several criteria. Some of the earlier students, like
Huxley and Virchow, regarded the color of the eyes and the hair as a
reliable test. Today, however, the concensus of opinion favors the
making of cranial characters the chief criterion of race; and of these
experience has taught us that the most persistent and least variable
is that expressed by the cephalic index; that is, the relation of the
width to the length of the head. Retzius, who was the first to employ
this method, recognized but two fundamental head forms, the long
oval one which he termed the dolichocephalic and the short round one
which he called the brachycephalic. Modern anthropometry,
however, recognizes a third or intermediate one termed the meso-
cephalic. This form would appear to be the result of a blending or
intermixture of the other two fundamental forms; for whenever
there is an intermixture of the two extreme types the result seems to
be not the development of a third type, with fixed ratios, but rather a
form that tends to approximate to one or other of the parent types.
That is to say, the skull-forms resulting from such intermixture of
racial characters reveal a tendency to group themselves round one
or other of Retzius’ two type forms rather than to develop a definitely
intermediate form. Notwithstanding this observed fact we find
mesocephaly is the characteristic of certain well-defined racial groups
of which the British, the Chinese and the Polynesians are noted
examples. From which it would appear that a more or less permanent
intermediate type has been evolved by the crossing of the two extreme
types. That this crossing has taken place in the case of the British
peoples we know for certain. We now, therefore, recognise three
types of skull-form and apply them in the classification of the races
of men. All skulls having a cephalic index below seventy-five per
cent., that is, any whose breadth is less than seventy-five per cent.
of their length, are termed dolichocephalic skulls. Those whose

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 53

width ranges between seventy-five and eighty per cent. of their
length are termed mesocephalic, and those whose width is above
eighty per cent. constitute the brachycephalic type. It has been
found that the British type is a remarkably constant one having an
index ranging only between seventy-seven and seventy-nine per cent.
It is thus seen to fall within the mesocephalic class and to reveal a
slight tendency toward the dolichocephalic type. This is just what
we should expect to find from the known history of the race. The
British are a composite people, the result of the admixture of the
three Neolithic races of Europe—two long-headed and one round-
headed peoples. Hence their slight tendency toward dolichocephaly.

In the cephalic index, then, we have discovered a valuable and
reliable test of race. By its means we distinguish the various peoples
of Europe today and likewise the peoples of the past; and by its
means we learn that the three great racial groups dwelling in modern
Europe are the lineal descendents of the three pre-historic races that
inhabited it in the Neolithic age, their respective cephalic indices
corresponding one with the other in a very remarkable manner.
Such being the case and keeping in mind the persistence of types, it
is not difficult for us to discover what were the characteristics of
these three Neolithic peoples from our knowledge of the physical
characters of their modern representatives.

We learn that one of these races—the northernmost—was a
fair, blue-eyed people, with rather narrow acquiline noses. Its
stature was somewhat less in Neolithic times than it is now, stature
being a variable character and subject to relatively rapid changes,
but its head form was practically the same then as today—distinctly
dolichocephalic. This is the race we now call the Teutonic or Baltic,
or Nordic.

We learn also that the southernmost—the Mediterranean race—
was in coloring the direct opposite of the northern race. They were
a distinctly brunette people, with dark eyes and hair, rather broad
noses and slender long heads of a marked dolichocephalic type.

Ripley holds the opinion that these two long-headed peoples,
notwithstanding their marked differences in coloring, may have had
a common origin; that is to say, both were probably derived from the
earlier long-headed people who inhabited western Europe in Palæo-
lithic times. He is inclined to regard them as variant types of one
common stock and explains the distinctive fairness and greater
stature of the Teutonic peoples of today as the result of a relatively
long isolation in northern Europe, of the environmental influences
there encountered and of artificial selection. Other students hold

54 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

other opinions and derive them from different sources. The time is
not yet come when we can speak with certainty of their origin and
affiliations.

That the two races, Northern and Southern, dwelt side by side
in Europe in earlier times Ripley holds as proved by archeological
evidence. He sees in the Alpine race of middle Europe and France,
a later intrusive people having decided Asiatic affinities, who had
thrust themselves into the center of the earlier inhabitants and driven
them asunder into two diverging groups, forcing one to the north and
the other to the south, where their descendents are mainly found to
this day.

This Alpine race is today, as it undoubtedly was also in Neolithic
times, a round-headed, hazel-eyed, stocky people, with rather broad,
heavy noses. Ripley seems to be justified in holding these views;
for our researches assure us that the early inhabitants of western
Europe, that is, the true Paleolithic peoples, were all of the long-
headed type. There is not a single instance known of a typically
brachycephalic man in Europe till late Palaeolithic times.

We can reconstruct fairly easily the salient features of the culture
of the Neolithic peoples of Europe from the evidences they have left
behind them in the remains of their lacustrine habitations, in the
contents of their cave-shelters, in their midden-heaps and in their
barrows or burial mounds. From these latter we certainly gather
some very definite information. We find, for example, that they
constructed these barrows in two distinct ways. To one, a long or
oval form was given; to the other, a short round form. We learn,
too, from the contents of these mounds that the long barrows are
earlier in time than the round ones. For in the long barrows we
find implements or objects of stone only. In the round barrows
we find specimens of bronze objects as well. We may conclude,
therefore, that the round barrows belong exclusively to the late
Neolithic or early Bronze age. But this is not the only remarkable
feature about these tumuli. There is another one even more signi-
ficant and that is, that the long, oval barrows always contain dolicho-
cephalic skulls and the short round barrows brachycephalic skulls.
Scarcely any exception to this rule has ever been observed and when
such an exception does occur it is found that a long-barrow has been
opened for the interment of a member of the later round-headed race.
Indeed, so invariable is our experience in this particular that an
ethnic law has been founded upon it which is thus concisely expressed,
—““long-barrow—long-skull. Round-barrow—round-skull.”’

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 55

Lord Avebury, in the recent edition of his ‘‘ Pre-historic Times,”’
informs us that the latest researches confirm the earlier in this respect.
Long-barrows produce long-headed skulls and round-barrows round-
headed skulls. Thus, for example, in sixty-seven skulls taken at
random from long-barrows, fifty-five were of the dolichocephalic
type, ranging between sixty-three and seventy-three in their indices.
Twelve were mesocephalic, ranging between seventy-four and seventy-
nine, and not one reached eighty. This variation is not greater than
that commonly found in any race. A race is judged by its mean
types—not by its extreme types. From the round-barrows seventy
skulls were taken. Of these not one was below seventy-three.
Twenty-six were between seventy-four and seventy-nine, and forty-
four between eighty and eighty-nine.

From these facts Ripley seems justified in regarding these round-
headed people, with their bronze implements implying a superior
culture, as hailing from the east. It is obvious they could not have
come from the west, so we naturally look to the east as their original
home. Weare confirmed in this view, moreover, by the fact that the
general type of head of the millions of Asiatic peoples conforms to
the Alpine type. Who they were and from what center of the east
they came we have yet to learn. All we positively know is that
today their descendents constitute about one half of the population
of every state in Central Europe and that the manner of their settlement
has been rather remarkable. They are always found in the mountainous
districts —never or rarely in the low-lying, fertile plains. Hence
their name of ‘‘Alpine’’ race. It would seem from this fact that
after their first successful effort to effect a settlement in Europe they
had gradually been forced by their predecessors into the less fertile
regions of the country and had been obliged to content themselves
with the possession of the hilly and mountainous districts.

However this may be, we find that the cephalic indices of the
modern races of Europe follow the rise and fall of the land so regularly
as to give to the fact the force of an ethnic law: High-land—short-
heads; Low-land—long-heads.

Regarding the people of modern Europe as a whole we find that
the only homology they share in common today is the character and
texture of their hair. This singular fact seems to have a very im-
portant bearing upon their origin and ethnic relations.

The human hair, like the human skull-form, is found to assume
two distinct types or characters. One is represented by the crisp,
curly hair of the negro and the other by the straight, wirey hair of
the Asiatic peoples and the Amerinds. Each is radically different

56 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

in texture from the other. When a hair of the negro type is examined
under a microscope a cross-section of it presents a flattened, elliptical
form, without any distinguishable medullary or central pith tube.
A cross-section of the straight, lank kind shows a round or cylindrical
form, with a distinct, central, medullary tube, containing pith.
Both kinds are invariably black. These characters are found to be
as persistent as the cephalic index and when a racial crossing of the
two types is effected we observe a result similar to that which follows
the blending of the two typical head-forms—the evolution of a second-
ary or intermediate form; and this, like the intermediate head-forms,
exhibits a varying tendency toward the characters of one or other of
the primary types. The hair of the Europeans of today is character-
ized by these secondary qualities. It is neither altogether crisp and
curly like that of the negro nor straight and lank like that of the
Asiatic, but partakes in a varying degree of both these characters.
In cross-section it is seen to be ovaloid in form, with a slightly
distinguishable but rudimentary medullary tube which is wholly
without pith. Its color is variable, ranging from fair to dark or
quite black.

From these circumstances we are irresistably led to the conclusion
that they are a people of mixed descent having Africanoid affinities
on the one side and Asiatic on the other. The Asiatic characters we
conclude they inherit from the brachycephalic people of the round-
barrows who invaded Europe from the east in Neolithic times. From
whence came the Africanoid affinities? We shall better be able to
answer this question when we have learned what our researches can
teach us of the earlier Palaeolithic peoples of Europe.

Thus far we have traced the modern races of Europe back to
Neolithic times and seen that the appearance of one of them coincides
with the Bronze age and that they entered Europe from the east and
are undoubtedly of Asiatic origin. It remains now to learn what we
may of the other two long-headed peoples whom Ripley regards as
variant types of an earlier common stock.

We find that the Neolithic merges insensibly into the Palaeolithic
—there is no recognizable break between the two. The people of
the Tardenoisian—Azilian epochs link up the two periods into a
continuous, unbroken whole. Just how early the first wave of Asiatic
migration began is yet an open question. Osborn sees in the Fur-
fooz-Grenelle type of man a new race of broad-headed people distinct
from the Alpine stock proper. He thinks we may see six different
races in Europe at the close of the Palaeolithic period. These he
terms Teutonic or Baltic, Mediterranean, Alpine or Celtic, Furfooz-

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 27

Grenelle, Brünn-Predmost and Crô-Magnon. The first three are
those of Ripley and other students. The last three are his own
creation. Following Schliz he regards the Furfooz-Grenelle broad-
head types as distinct from the Neolithic Alpine race. But the evi-
dence does not seem to me to compel one to this view. It is by no
means certain that the Furfooz-Grenelle skulls date back to Palaeo-
lithic times. At any rate, the antiquity of the man of Grenelle is
extremely doubtful and he may very well represent a Neolithic man
of the Alpine stock from which he differs in no essential particulars.
Osborn himself admits this. And if we admit the Furfooz skeletons
_as belonging to the late Palaeolithic they do not extend at most,
as is evident from the faunal remains found with them, greatly
beyond the transitional Tardenoisian epoch and there is consequently
no difficulty in regarding them as part of that advanced wave of the
Neolithic Alpine race which we seem to see making its way into
Western Europe in late Palaeolithic times by way of the Danube,
and which may have become modified in its cranial characters by
intermixture with the long-headed Crômagniards before it reached
Belgium. The lesser brachycephaly of the Furfooz skulls would
seem to suggest this. The same argument applies to his second
long-headed race—the Briinn-Predmost men. They do not differ
in any marked manner from the long-headed Mediterranean people;
and it seems better, in the present state of our knowledge, to follow
Keith and regard them, and also his sixth race, the Crô-Magnon
people, as locally-modified types of this stock. Advance waves of
the Asiatic round-headed peoples and later waves of the Mediterranean
race, may very well have taken place in late Palaeolithic times.
It was the beginning of that great race movement which reached its
full strength in Neolithic times, culminating in the settlement of
western Europe with the ancestors of the races we find there today.

We have evidence that America was peopled in just this way.
The northwest tribes plainly show their later arrival on this con-
tinent by a closer likeness to the modern Mongolian races of East-
ern Asia than is seen in the tribes to the east and south of them,
these latter representing earlier migratory waves of the same stock.

It does not seem to me that we gain anything by a multiplication
of races at the dawn of the Neolithic period. Three great races make
up the people of Europe to-day and we can trace these back to Neolithic
times or even perhaps to late Pathaeolithic times. Two of these
loom upon the European horizon then for the first time. One we
know is a brachycephalic people of Asiatic origin. The other is
the dolichocephalic Teutonic or Baltic race, whose place of origin

58 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

and affiliations have yet to be determined. The third may be re-
garded as the aboriginal occupiers of western Europe. Wherever
the members of this race are found they all possess the same general
skull-form. They are the primitive long-headed people of this
region. All conform more or less closely to the so-called ‘“‘river-bed”’
type of men. This and the Mediterranean type are one and the
same. It was the term by which these palaeolithic men were first
known to us because the earliest skeletal remains we secured of them
were found in the ancient beds of the rivers of England and France.
Keith's critical examination of their cranial characters has made
them very well known to us. Later, when so many remains of this
type were found in the lands bordering on the Mediterranean Sergi
suggested the name ‘‘Mediterranean’’ race for them, by which
term they are now commonly known, notwithstanding the fact that we
are now aware that this type of man was characteristic not only of
the river beds of England and France and the Mediterranean shores,
but also of the whole of western Europe—of Spain, of Switzerland,
of north Germany and of Scandinavia. It had reached even to the
shores of North Africa for the most ancient of the Egyptian stock
must be classed as members of this same palaeolithic race.

Ripley sees in the Berbers of North Africa the purest repre-
sentatives of this race today. If his contention is sound then Sergi’s
claim that the Mediterranean race is of African origin, whose original
home, he thinks, was the region of the Great Lakes, is not without
justification, for the Berbers are plainly a people of mixed descent,
blending in themselves the characters of both negro and Asiatic.
Such an origin satisfactorily explains why we find Africanoid char-
acters in the hair of the modern European races. It also accounts
for the strong negroid characters seen in the Crô-Magnon race, in
particular those types from the Grimaldi caves. Viewed in this
light we can follow Keith in his opinion that the Grimaldi skeletons
need not be regarded as other than aberrant forms of the general
Crô-Magnon type. These negroid affinities are not by any means |
confined to these two Grimaldi skeletons. They are seen in the
limbs of the race generally. It has been found that their tibiae or
leg-bones were relatively! ong and their humeri or upper arm-bones
short. These characters are common among negroid peoples today,
but no other of the European peoples, save the Crô-Magnons, ex-
hibit them. In modern Europeans the radius of the forearm is about
seventy-four per cent. of the humeral or upper arm. In modern
negroes it reaches to seventy-nine per cent. The radius of the Grim-
aldi lad is also seventy-nine per cent.; that of the woman is eighty-five

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 59

per cent. These arm proportions hold good of the Crô-Magnon
people generally. Sergi’s claim of an African erigin for the Medit-
erranean race of which the Crô-Magnons form a part, is thus not
wholly without warrant; and Ripley’s claim that the Berbers of
today represent this ancient palaeolithic race of Europe most closely
also receives support from the same evidence. We can thus pro-
visionally derive this dark, dolichocephalic Crô-Magnon race from
Africa, and account for the negroid affinities we discover in the hair
of the modern European races in this way.

Thus, while we have no direct knowledge of ancient man in
Asia or Africa, if we except the strange, pithecoid creature found in
Java, we have discovered inferentially and, by the way, that these
regions of the earth were probably the source of the ancient men whose
skeletal remains have been found in Europe, at any rate, from Aurig-
nacian times onward. What relation the Crô-Magnon race bore
to the Mousterian Neanderthalers, if any, or to the pre-Mousterian
High-terrace type of man, we have now to seek to determine.

From late Mousterian times to the Tardanoisian epoch Crô-
Magnon man is the prevailing type in western Europe. The Aurig-
nacian culture is characteristic of him. He appears to us quite
suddenly upon the Palzloithic horizon toward the close of the pre-
ceding Mousterian epoch—the period of Neanderthal man. We
have seen that he possessed negroid characters, in some instances
quite marked, and may, as Sergi thinks, have had an African origin.

However this may be, physically and mentally, he stands out
in marked contrast to his predecessors, the short, low-browed Nean-
derthalers as a glance at Figure I shows us. Keith calls the Crô-
Magnon race the finest race the world has ever seen. They were of
lofty stature, ranging in the men from five feet ten and a half inches
to six feet, four and a half inches, with broad well-developed bodies.
The best specimens of the Zulu race or of the South Sea Islanders
approach most closely to them in these characters of modern races.
The writer has seen just such men as the typical Crô-Magnons must
have been among the Samoans and Tongans of today. Some writers
liken them to the Sikhs of India, who also are a very fine type of men
of a uniformly lofty stature. Their cranial capacity also was extra-
ordinary. Broca estimated that of the “Old Man of Cr6é-Magnon”’
at 1590 cubc centimeters and Verneau found that five large male
skulls from the Grimaldi grottos had an average capacity of 1800
cubic centimeters, the lowest being 1715 cubic centimeters and the
highest 1880 cubic centimeters, a truly astonishing brain even when
allowance is made for their great stature. Even the women of this

60 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

race reached to 1550 cubic centimeters or more than 100 cubic centi-
meters in excess of tlre average brain capacity of the men of our day.

The Crô-Magnons were thus in brain and in stature a truly
wonderful people and one is not surprised to learn that they were
mighty hunters and had developed an artistic skill and a power and
excellence in portrayal that were not surpassed by succeeding races
till civilization had well advanced.

The valley of the Dordogne was the geographic center of this
race in palaeolithic times and it is a remarkable coincidence that the
same center is the home of the purest representatives of this same
race today. The ancient and the modern Crô-Magnons are practi-
cally identical in respect to their cranial characters. There has
been a falling offin stature. The present people do not reach to the
proportions of their palaeolithic ancestors. This need not surprise
us for stature is a very variable character in man and subject to
relatively rapid changes. As a matter of fact, we find the race
decreasing in stature immediately after Aurignacian t'mes. The
easy conditions and abundant food supplies of the genial interglacial
period, in which the Aurignacian epoch falls, was conducive to great
stature and bodily development generally; whereas the more rigorous
conditions of the succeeding cold period, with its more limited food
supplies, would naturally tend to produce the contrary effect.

The cephalic indices of the ancient people varied from seventy
to seventy-three per cent. These figures in the living skull would
be represented by seventy-two to seventy-five per cent., or two
per cent. more. The modern Crô-Magnon ind ces are a little higher
than this, seventy-six per cent. being about the average, though
many individual skulls fall to the ancient low level. This rise in
the average of the cephalic index may be accounted for by ‘nter-
marriage with the round-headed Alpine stock. Ripley regards the
modern Crô-Magnons as the direct descendants of the ancient people
of Dordogne, with an unbroken lineage from Aurignacian times
downward. If he is correct in this view the Cromagniards of today
furnish us with the most striking example of persistence of type and
population, extending over tens of thousands of years, that has ever
been discovered. This same type of people is found in isolated
groups elsewhere in Europe. According to Verneau the Crô-Magnon
type was the common one among the extinct Guanches of the Canary
Islands. It is said to be found also at Lannion in Brittany, at Landes
in France and on the island of Oberon. Virchow has described a
group of the same people in the islands of North Holland.

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 61

Whatever source we may derive the Crô-Magnon people from,
whether Africa or elsewhere, one thing is quite certain—we cannot
possibly relate them to their immediate predecessors, the low-browed,
pithecoid men of the Mousterian epoch. The two types are essentially
dissimilar and seem to share no feature in common. The fact that
Mousterian man, though so low in type in other respects, possesses
no negroid characters at all, seems sufficient of itself to preclude any
relationship between the two peoples. We seem to suddenly find
the two races, so strangely dissimilar, side by side in Western Europe
toward the close of the Mousterian epoch and then as suddenly the
earlier and less highly-developed race disappears from our ken en-
tirely. No sooner is the Crô-Magnon culture established than
Neanderthal man vanishes as if he never had been. From Aurignacian
times onward no further trace of him is found. What happened to
him? Was he driven out of Europe or was he complete'y extirpated
by the incoming Crômagniards? Some writers hold one view;
some the other. Others again think he was submerged by inter-
mixture with the superior race. A comparison of the two races,
however,—one a remarkably highly-developed race as we have seen;
the other the lowest and most bestial type of man of which we have
any knowledge—does not seem to lead one to this conclusion, but
rather to the view that the inferior race was speedily exterminated
by the superior one. Incidents of the kind have not infrequently
happened in human history. It happened not so long ago, as we
know, in the case of the natives of Tasmania. And yet, viewing
the matter in the light of the Aryan invasion of India where the
circumstances must have been very similar to those in this case, and
remembering also the decrease in the stature of the Crô-Magnons
after Aurignacian times, it does not seem altogether improbable that
some kind of a mixture of the two races may have taken place.

Viewing the matter thus in the light of general history, what
seems most likely to have taken place was the general extermination
of the men of the inferior race and the spar ng of the pick of their
women. Such a procedure would be quite in accordance with the
usage of primitive man.

This view seems to fit in best with the facts of the case. For
if they had been forced into other regions—as, for example, the
Alpine race was in Great Britain after the invasion of the later Baltic
hordes—and not wholly extirpated or absorbed, we ought to find
some evidence of the fact; but we do not, and nothing at present
seems more certain than the absolute disappearance of Neanderthal

62 THE ROYAL ‘SOCIETY OF CANADA

man after the advent of the Crô-Magnons. Neanderthal man’s
end is thus striking and dramatic, if only on account of its apparent
suddenness.

So much for his end. But what of his beginning? Where did
he originate and what are his affiliations?

The answers we can give to these questions today must, in the
light of our recent discoveries, be quite different from those formerly
given and generally accepted.

As long as we regarded Pithecanthropus as standing in the direct
line of man’s ancestry and connecting us with our homosimian
progenitors; and Neanderthal man as manifesting a later and further
phase, along the same lines of development, his low, pithecoid char-
acters were taken for granted and caused no surprise. Primitive
man must have presented just such an appearance and possessed
just such characters, it was thought; but when Eoanthropus came
to light, with his vastly greater antiquity and yet exhibiting cranial
characters strikingly modern in all respects save the thickness of the
skull, such views could no longer be entertained and the presence of
these low characters in Neanderthal man had to be otherwise ac-
counted for. But more than that followed upon the discovery of
Eoanthropus and made the problem before us more complex. It
led to the reconsideration of the geological evidence of the antiquity
of the High-terrace men, with the result that they were placed in
their rightful order in the scale of time. Viewing Neanderthal man
as we did, and finding him living in an age so relatively near to our
own as the Mousterian epoch, we had done violence to the evidence
of the ant quity of the High-terrace men because of their comparatively
higher development and superior cranial characters and had regarded
them as subsequent in time to Neanderthal man, in spite of the fact
that all the geological evidence relative to their discovery bore wit-
ness to their greater age and pointed to a period antedating the
Mousterian epoch by thousands of years.

These facts make the presence of so degenerate and pithecoid
a race as Homo neanderthalensis, at so relatively late a period in
human history, a still greater anomaly and a more perplexing pro-
blem. What then is the explanation of such a race as Neanderthal
man, sandwiched in, as it were, between the relatively-advanced
High-terrace men on the one hand and the highly-developed Cré-
Magnons on the other?

The simplest explanation is to accept the view now becoming
general, namely, that when man was in the making Nature turned out
more than one specimen of him. In other words, we must give up

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 63

our old monophyletic conception of man’s descent and accept a
polyphyletic one and see in the Heidelberg and Neanderthal men, in
the 100-foot terrace men and possibly in Eoanthropus as well, types
of men so widely differentiated one from the other as to constitute
distinct species or even genera.

If we consider for a moment the parallel development of the
anthropoid apes and observe their differentiation into distinct species
and genera, we shall see that this is really what we might expect
to find in the case of man. This has been Nature’s method of working
everywhere. Why should man in his physical development have
proved an exception to her general rule? Assuredly he did not, and
we get a clearer view of man’s evolutionary history by frankly ac-
knowledging this.

Let us now consider the question of the status of Pithecan-
thropus in the genealogical tree of man. Instead of regarding him
as we did, and as some students seem inclined still to do, in spite of
all the evidence to the contrary, as a transitional form relating us
to the anthropoids and as representing one of the earliest stages man
went through on the road toward humanity; let us rather see in him,
as the veteran student Sergi has from his first discovery consistently
seen, not a specimen of humanity at all, not even a semi-human
fererunner of man, but rather one of the ancient anthropoids which
followed more closely than some of his fellows the lines of human
development, but which had departed too far therefrom when we
know him to be classed with the Hominidae.

If we reflect for a moment with open minds we shall see that
Sergi’s view has all the elements of high probability about it and
when presently we come to consider the evidence in support of it
we shall realise that it is the only one in the circumstances that
can be entertained. In the first place, it is extremely doubtful, as
he long ago pointed out, if a true transitional form ever exists in the
sense in which the term is applied to Pithecanthropus erectus. As
far as we can see, it is not Nature’s method of working. We have
abundant evidence of progressive evolution on every hand, and of
simple, generalised stocks giving rise to collateral divergent forms;
but when once such forms have arisen and become more or less
specialised, there can be no bridging over the gap between them
by a so-called transitional form. No such form exists and none
could exist, blending the specialised characters of the now divergent
types, as Pithecanthropus was thought to do, except as the result
of a mating of the two types; and that such a thing as this took place
is so unlikely that few will be found to hold or advocate such a view.

64 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Transitional forms of this kind are never found in nature, at
any rate among the mammals. In nature species keep distinct and
breed only with their kind. The horse and the ass existed together
over a long period of time and never produced a mule by interbreeding
till man domesticated and interbred them. Transitional forms
blending the characters of two distinct species or families as Pithe-
canthropus is thought to blend the characters of man and the anthro-
poids, are the product of articifical selection, never of natural selection,
and such form could no more exist naturally than did a mule or any
other of the hybrids man has brought into existence by the inter-
breeding of different species.

We misread Nature’s plan altogether when we see in Pithecan-
thropus a “missing link,” a “transitional’’ form linking us up with
the anthropoids. Man and the anthropoids are truly related, but
not in this way. Their connection lies in their common descent
and common ancestry; but when once a divergence had taken place
and the two types had become specialised nothing could bring them
together again but a retracing of all the steps they had taken; and
that course,in the higher forms of life Nature has forbidden.

It is futile, then, to look for ‘‘missing links’’ and “‘transitional’’
forms. We shall never find them; they do not exist. What we may
be lucky enough to find are types of men like Eoanthropus and types
of apes like Pilgrim’s Sivapithecus or others more closely resembling
in their skull forms the young of the present-day apes. Thus far
Eoanthropus is the most truly primitive type of man we have yet
discovered and the one which most plainly suggests to us the type
of being the ancestor common to man and the anthropoids must
have been; and Pithecanthropus is the most human-like of the
ancient apes we know of. We shall never see P'thecanthropus in
the right perspective until we can clear our minds of the misleading
notion that in looking for the first man, the really primitive human
type, we have to seek for a form suggestive of the anthropoids as we
know them today. The anthropoids and man together constitute
two diverging lines of evolution sprung from a common source,
The numerous anatomical and morphological resemblances between.
the two leave no room for doubt on this point. Keith tells us, for
example, that man shares with the chimpanzee 396 common characters
with the gorilla, 385; with the orangoutang, 272, and with the gibbon,
188. It is clear, then, that the farther back we go in their phyletic
history the closer will the two lines converge until there comes a
time when we shall see no radical difference between them; but that
does not at all mean that man will exhibit characters like those of

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 65

the ape or even like those of Pithecanthropus as so many students
still hold. Regarding the point purely as an abstract question,
the contrary is just as likely to be true; that is, instead of finding
man becoming more and more ape-like as we go back in time, we
shall see the apes becoming more and more man-like; and when we
come to consider all the evidence in favor of this view we discover
that this is what has really taken place—at least in respect to their
cranial characters. It is the anthropoids which have diverged most
from the ancestral type—not man. They are, as far as their cranial
characters are concerned, much more highly specialised and modified
than he. Man has kept the ancestral head-form much more closely
than the apes as a glance at Figure II in which the skulls of a man,
a baby gorilla and a male mature gorilla are contrasted, will plainly
show. It is not at all surprising, then, that some of the earliest
and less specialised apes should resemble man in his cranial characters
more closely than do the highly specialised apes of today. Pithe-
canthropus is one of these fossil forms which does this. There were
many more anthropoids in earlier times than at present. Some of
these we know resembled man more closely than do the anthropoids
of today.

Now if we can discover and learn something about the causes
which brought about the changes in the head-forms of the mature
anthropoids of today — changes which differentiate them almost as
much from their own young as from man—we shall have gone a long
way toward explaining those characters in Neanderthal man that
make him so ape-like and differentiate him so markedly from the
races which preceded and followed him. We get a very good idea
of the essential difference between modern man and the men of the
Mousterian epoch by a glance at Figure III where Keith has con-
trasted the manner in which the heads of the two types of humanity
are attached to the body.

What is it that constitutes the outstanding difference in the
heads of most of the living anthropoids and of man? Is it not the
excessive musculature of the former and the comparative absence
of this feature in the latter? An examination of the skulls of the
young of all the anthropoids makes this quite certain. All those
bony protuberances, such as the excessive tori or supraorbital arches,
and the upstanding crests or median and occipital ridges of the mature
apes, especially of the males, which differentiate them almost as much
from their own young as from man, all arise from this cause. The

very shape of the head has been altered by this excessive musculature,
—18

66 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

the mature skulls bearing little resemblance to those of the young
undifferentiated forms.

Nehring has shown that the masseter or masticatory muscles
do really affect the form of the skull by his investigations upon dogs
and apes; and he is of the opinion that the occurrence of a constriction
between the orbital and cerebral regions of the skull has direct relation
to the strength of the facial musculature and especially of the mas-
seter muscles. |

It is a well-known fact that decrease in the size and action of
the jaw invariably follows upon primitive man’s advance in culture;
and the well-known experiments upon certain students at Cambridge
have shown that increased mental activity results in increased brain
volume. Thus a rise in the culture-status of a primitive people
should be followed by three effects—an increase in brain volume, a
decrease in facial musculature and a consequent freer expansion of
the brain case. Are not these just the features which differentiate
the High-terrace men and the Crômagniards from Neanderthal
man? Low races, like that of the Mousterian epoch, always have
heavy, strong jaws. The muscles which work these jaws arise from
the side walls of the skull. In heavy-jawed races these muscles
rise higher on the head than in light-jawed races, their limit being
marked by the curved line of the temporal crest. Sergi has shown
that excessive development of the masseter muscles in the lower
races of mankind results in the production of a median ridge like that
seen in some of the mature anthropoids. He tells us it is found in
Australia, in New Zealand and in many parts of Oceania. The
higher these muscles rise the more they tend to compress the skull
and modify its shape. Hence the difference in the skulls of the young
and the mature apes, and hence the difference in the skulls of Homo
neanderthalensis and of the Crômagniards.

The presence of the same features in Neanderthal man as seen
in the anthropoids, that is, their excessive musculature, as disclosed
by their heavy jaws and prominent tori, makes it quite clear that the
men of the Mousterian epoch had followed along the same lines of
development, in this respect, as the anthropoids and hence their
degenerate and more ape-like appearance. We thus find what we
might have expected to find, namely, that as some species or genera
of anthropoids, such as Pithecanthropus and others, followed in
certain respects the lines of human development, and hence their
more human-like appearance, so some species or genera of men,
such as Homo neanderthalensis and probably also Homo heidel-
bergensis, followed in other respects the line of anthropoid develop-

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 67

ment and hence their more ape-like appearance. The same ex-
planation accounts for the appearance of these pithecoid characters
in Australian man and the other so-called primitive races. Re-
specting the excessive bony arches over and around the eyes, Dr.
Gürke and others have suggested that these are necessary in an
animal with a heavy jaw-bone, large molars and a retreating fore-
head. With such a forehead and a projecting upper-jaw the lines
of pressure would enter the skull case at an oblique angle. Thus a
development of bone in this region would give the resistance neces-
sary in these circumstances.

Now these characters are not necessarily primitive as we have
been in the habit of supposing. Indeed they cannot be those which
were possessed by the common ancestor of apes and man, or they
would be seen in the young of both branches of the Primates, and this
they are not. This is a fact, I submit, which has been too much
disregarded in all our inquiries. Time and again the human-like
features in the skulls of the young anthropoids, indeed of all the young
of the Simiadae, have been remarked upon. It has also been pointed
out by some writers tha the skulls of the young Neanderthalers, as
exemplified in the Krapina children, are wholly wanting in the pithe-
coid features characteristic of the adult skulls of Mousterian man;
and yet the real significance of this fact seems to have escaped the
attention of every investigator. Let us consider a moment what
the absence of these features in the young of Neanderthal man and
of the anthropoids really signifies. And in order to rightly ap-
preciate the point let us view the skulls of the Krapina children and
the skulls of the young anthropoids in the light of that great bio-
genetic principle, sometimes called Baer’s law.

This, briefly expressed, signifies that the ontogeny of the indi-
vidual recapitulates the phylogeny of the race. In other words,
that the embryological development of the individual is an epitome
of the evolutionary course taken by the order or class to which it
belongs; and further—and this is where this law throws light upon
the question we are considering—that the young of any species
represents more truly and closely than do the adult members of that
species the actual ancestral type from which the species originally
sprang. It is true that a wider knowledge of embryological develop-
ment than von Baer possessed has shown us that this biogenetic
law was not so absolute and thorough-going as he conceived it to be;
and we can no longer say today that the ontogeny of the individual
recapitulates the phylogeny of the race in all its phases. It does
recapitulate a great number of very important phases, but it also

68 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

strangely leaves out a lot which seem equally important, and thus
the epitome is not ideally perfect and comprehensive. But taking
the law in its general sense and as it applies to the question under
consideration, its validity is unassailable and it reveals to us many
important truths. Thus we learn, for example, that in the later
stages of embryological development the apes and man follow par-
allel lines which are practically indistinguishable and that during this
stage there is a much closer resemblance between the two in the facial
and cerebral portions of their heads than appears later in post-natal
life. In both we see the same simple generalised head-form, each
being equally lacking in any specialised feature. After birth the
skulls of the human young retain this generalised form longer than
do those of the young of the apes who are seen to more quickly take
on the cranial characters of the typical mature human skull as they
pass on to the specialised form of their parents, as may be seen
from the comparison of skulls in Figure 5.

Now it must follow from Baer’s law that the skull-forms of the
young of the anthropoids and the young of man must represent very
closely the original skull-form of their common progenitor; so that
if we were to take a composite photograph of a series of both forms
the result would be a type of skull that represents as closely as can
be the actual head or skull-form of Homosimius precursor.

Are we not, then, forced by the cogency of these facts, to conclude
that man has differentiated little in respect to his skull-form, while
the anthropoids have differentiated much; and that consequently
Pithecanthropus and Neanderthal man do not truly represent in
their cranial characters man as he was under his primitive aspects,
but rather those anthropoids which have diverged least from the
ancestral form; and that in the men of the Mousterian epoch we see
the same tendency toward that facial and cranial musculature which
is characteristic of the mature anthropoids and which has resulted
in giving them their present head-forms?

This view is further supported by the cranial characters of the
Anthropoidea as a whole. Any one who has observed the young of
monkeys, both of the Old and the New Worlds, will be aware that
they show a much closer resemblance to the human type, both in
facial and cranial gharacters, than do their parents. The human
aspect of some of them is truly remarkable, and this resemblance grows
less and less as they mature and take on the specialised characters
of their species, thus confirming the truth of Baer's biogenetic law.

Viewing Mousterian man in this light and as one of the several
species or genera into which early man became differentiated we can

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 69

understand that he may have appeared on the globe at the same
time as more highly-developed and less simian-like types did. This
view also enables us to see in Homo heidelbergensis a type of man
similar to Homo neanderthalensis. We may indeed go farther than
this and see in him, if we are led to take that view, an earlier form
of the same genus. There is nothing in the character of the Mauer
jaw to hinder us from regarding the men of Heidelberg as the direct
forerunners of Neanderthal man. The only thing which seems to
stand in the way of our establishing this view is the absence of all
evidence of the presence of either type during the long interval
between the Mousterian epoch and the Mafflian, which latter, Rutot
regards as the epoch of Homo heidelbergensis. But this does not
mean that none exists or that it will not be found. Remains of either
or both may come to light at any time. All we can say is that up
to the present we have no direct evidence of the presence of either
of these races of man between these two epochs. The human re-
mains now regarded as characteristic of this intervening period are
those of the High-terrace men, so called because these remains have
been found mainly in the upper 100-foot terraces of several of the
rivers of Western Europe. These terraces or ancient river-beds
antedate by many millennia the later and lower 50-foot terraces
characteristic of the Mousterian culture.

These men are best exemplified in the Galley Hill, the Clichy
and the Olmo types. The valleys of the Thames, Somme, Seine and
Arno have all revealed this same kind of man, who, in his general
cranial characters approximates very closely to the modern type.
Keith, after his critical and detailed survey of the human remains
known to us now as antedating the Mousterian epoch, comes to
the conclusion that all the remains of early man of which we have
any knowledge, with the one exception of Heidelberg man, resemble in
their cranial characters the skulls of modern man rather than those
of Homo neanderthalensis.

From the point of view taken in this paper, this is exactly what
we ought to find. If the skulls of the young anthropoids represent
in their general characters, as they must, according to von Baer’s
biogenetic law, the skull-form of the ancestor common to themselves
and man, we should find this type of skull more surely the farther back
in man’s history we go. That this view is sound we are assured by
the discovery of Eoanthropus who though very much older than the
High-terrace type of man, possessed similar cranial characters.

These skulls of early man, while exhibiting the general contours
and cranial capacity of those of modern man, yet possess at the same

70 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

time certain features that are peculiar to themselves and which tend
to prove their antiquity. One of these features—probably that
most characteristic of them all—is the great thickness of the cranial
vault. The average thickness of a modern skull is about 5 mm.;
that of the Galley-Hill man has a thickness more than double this,
running from 10 to 12mm. The Clichy skull has even a greater
maximum thickness. It runs from 10 to 13 mm. The Olmo skull
has an average thickness of 11 mm., while that of Eoanthropus has
a maximum thickness of 12 mm. Thickness of skull would thus seem
to be one of the characteristics of primitive man; and when in the
future we find skulls with this character, under such conditions
as surrounded the Galley-Hill, Clichy and Olmo skulls, where the
geological evidence of their age is plain and clear, we need not do
violence to this evidence and cast doubt upon their antiquity because
in other characters they approximate to the modern type of skull.

Admitting, then, with Keith and those who think with him that
the Galley Hill, Clichy and Olmo men preceded by many thousands
of years Homo neanderthalensis and by their radical difference in
type from him, could not have belonged to the same race, we have
now to seek the origin and affiliations of these High-terrace men.
Were they autochthonous? Did they come into existence in that
part of the world where we find their remains? Are they the direct
lineal descendants of the Dawn-men, or are they like the Crô-Magnons
migrants from the south, earlier representatives of the Mediterranean
race?

It is not possible to give decisive answers to these questions one
way or the other in the present state of our knowledge. Like the
Mediterranean race, they are distinctly dolichocephalic, while Eoan-
thropus appears to be mesocephalic with a tendency toward dolicho-
cephaly.

Viewing the matter strictly on the merits of the evidence at our
disposal, it would seem that we are hardly more justified in regarding
the High-terrace men as the direct lineal descendants of the Dawn-
men, notwithstanding their common thickness of skull, than as
early immigrants from the Mediterranean region. Keith takes the
view that Eoanthropus represents a collateral branch of the human
family, one of those primitive types or genera that passed out of
existence without leaving any posterity to represent them. To
others, the evidence seems to point the other way, and marks Eoan-
thropus as the direct ancestor of the High-terrace men. This is the
view held by Elliott Smith, who looks upon Eoanthropus as the direct
ancestor of the High-terrace men, and thus possibly of ourselves.

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN a

There are difficulties from whichever point of view we may
regard the question. But this much at least seems certain, that
whether we regard Eoanthropus as the direct ancestor of the thick-
skulled High-terrace men, and thus of modern man, or as a distinct
race apart which left no posterity, we have in seeking for man’s
earliest progenitors to look for beings possessing cranial and facial
characters similar to those exhibited by him and not by beings like
Pithecanthropus. The fact that he possessed strongly-developed
canines and had no chin cannot be considered as wholly excluding him
from standing in the relation of direct ancestor to the men of the
100-foot terraces. A long interval intervenes between him and them,
and in that interval these characters might have become modified.
If man and the anthropoids had a common ancestor, as we believe,
then the earliest type of man must have possessed just such facial
and dental characters as we see in Eoanthropus because these are
characteristic of the whole sub-order of the Anthropoidea, and while
the anthropoid branch has retained them in an emphasised form
the human branch has lost them. The descendants of Eoanthropus
may, in course of time, have lost one of these characters and acquired
the other and thus might very well have become the direct ancestors
of the 100-foot terrace men. There is nothing antecedently im-
possible in the idea and two facts distinctly favor the notion. Both
types of humanity are found in the same region and both possess
the same marked thickness of skull, the only doubtful factor in the
case being whether the interval between the two periods is sufficient
to effect such radical differences. The more we learn of man’s past
the clearer it becomes that radical changes in typical characters
require long ages to bring about. It may, therefore, be better to let
the question of the origin and affiliations of the pre-Mousterian men
stand in abeyance for the present and await further evidence of a
more determinative character. The discovery of Eoanthropus,
whatever his relations to the men who are seen to succeed him may
be, has had one good result at least—it has restored the 100-foot
terrace men to their rightful place in the scale of time. Their high
antiquity has been established and they are now seen in their true
perspective upon the background of human history.

Regarding man’s origin in the light thrown upon it by palaeonto-
logial evidence, that is, seeing him as we do the anthropoids, differ-
entiated into several distinct types, some relatively advanced and
some distinctly degenerate, in the Dawn-period of human history,
we ought not, in this review of man’s past, to overlook entirely the
claims to antiquity made by Sergi for the Castenedolo remains.

72 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Notwithstanding the doubt cast upon these by other students and
despite the fact that the Castenedolo skull does not possess a single
feature which we are accustomed to regard as primitive, not even
thickness of bone, Sergi has never faltered in his belief that these
remains represent man as he appeared in Italy in the later Pliocene.
These skeletal remains were found embedded in Pliocene strata at
Castenedolo by Ragazzoni. They represent a man and a woman
and also two children, but only the skull of the woman was complete
enough for reconstruction. Sergi examined the skeletal remains and
the pit from which they were taken by Ragazzoni and was convinced
that the bones lay in an undisturbed bed of Pliocene age. We know
of only one independent fact that seems to lend support to this view.
The Olmo skull was found in the same region about 150 miles to
the south of Castenedolo. But while this was taken from a Pleistocene
desposit at a depth of 50 feet, the Castenedolo remains taken from
the Pliocene bed lay only a few feet from the surface. The Castene-
dolo skull is the exact counterpart of the Olmo skull in everything
but thickness of the vault. The Olmo skull is that of a male, while
the other is that of a female. Whether this difference in sex is suffi-
cient of itself to account for the difference in thickness is extremely
doubtful. The idea finds no support from the Piltdown skull which,
as we have seen, is very thick and yet is probably that of a female also.

If thickness of skull is a sine qué non of ancient human skulls,
as the main body of evidence at hand would incline us to think,
then its absence in the Castenedolo skull would seem to say that
the Castenedolo remains are not as old as the clay beds in which
they were found. In other words, their interment was subsequent
to the deposition of the bed and may, therefore, represent an intrusive
burial of a much later date. This is the view commonly taken. But
respect for Sergi’s ripe judgment and the knowledge that there are
no facts at hand which positively militate against the possibility of
men of this type existing in the Pliocene, coupled with the fact that
we see more than one type of man on the earth in early Palaeolithic
times, should incline us to hold our judgment in supsense and await
further discoveries before finally rejecting Sergi’s claim for a Pliocene
origin for the Castenedolo remains. The fact that a relatively highly-
developed race can precede in time one of a lower type is witnessed
to by the 100-foot-terrace men with their relatively modern characters.
These we now know preceded the low, pithecoid Neanderthal men
of the Mousterian epoch. In the face of this evidence it would seem
rash to totally deny the claims Sergi makes for the Castenedolo
remains or to assert positively that no skull can be truly termed

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 19

primitive unless it is unusually thick in the vault. Time, too, is wholly
on his side, and the future may see his judgment verified as it has
the judgment of those who claimed a pre-Mousterian antiquity for
the Galley Hill type of man. At any rate, nothing seems more
certain than that the antiquity of man will be further augmented
rather than diminished as time proceeds and new discoveries are
made. As Keith has very pertinently remarked in this connection
there is not a single fact known to us which makes the existence of
a human form in the Miocene period an impossibility. The latest
palaeontological evidence bearing upon the development of the
anthropoids and man is wholly in harmony with this view and seems
to point to the Middle Miocene as the period when man and the
anthropoids first started on their divergent careers.

The type of man we have next to consider is that represented by
the Mauer jaw. Homo heidelbergensis precedes in time the High-
terrace men as they preceded Homo neanderthalensis. The unique
characters of the Mauer mandible, if we disregard for the moment
the pronounced canines of Eoanthropus, make it more difficult to
relate pre-Mousterian man to Homo heidelbergenesis than to Eoan-
thropus dawsoni. Evidence of affinity between the two races seems
to be wholly wanting. The antiquity of the Mauer jaw is unquestion-
able. The race of men represented by this jaw lived in Europe in
the early part of the Pleistocene. All the characters of the jaw suggest
a type of man resembling in general facial and cranial features,
Homo neanderthalensis. Indeed the Mauer jaw has been fitted into
a Neanderthal skull without doing violence to the characters of either.

This type differs so fundamentally from the High-terrace type
and also from Eoanthropus that we are practically forced to see in
Homo heidelbergensis a race entirely distinct from the other two, a
different enus, it may be; and if we may not derive the High-terrace
men from Eoanthropus, then there is no escape from the conclusion
that there were three distinct types or genera of men in existence in
Europe in the earlier part of the Pleistocene.

As we have already seen, the parallel differentiation of the anthro-
poids into distinct species and genera makes this quite probable;
and perhaps to these three types we may yet have to add several
others and among them the more advanced type represented by the
Castenedolo skull.

With this brief consideration of Homo heidelbergensis, whose
chief interest for the present, seems to lie in his absolute isolation—
for, like another shadowy character who flashed briefly across the
pages of human history, he has neither beginning nor end—we may

74 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

pass on to a consideration of our last type of man, Eoanthropus
dawsont.

The announcement of the discovery of Eoanthropus in 1912
created even greater interest and excitement in anthropological
circles than did the discovery in the closing years of the 19th Century
of Pithecan hropus erectus. The discussions and controversies to
which it has since given rise already constitute a considerable body
of literature. The discovery of a human skull in a geological horizon
of such antiquity as was indicated by the character of the bed con-
taining the Piltdown remains, exhibiting features in some respects
so strikingly modern and so remarkably unlike those we had expected
to find in a skull of late Pliocene or early Pleistocene age, could not
fail to arouse a wide-spread interest and cause not a little embarrass-
ment. Its characters were contrary to all our expectations and the
embarrassment was not lessened by the realisation that this well-
developed skull, with its marked, modern contours, possessed a
chinless jaw which exhibited pronounced canine teeth. Such in-
harmonious, conflicting characters were hard to reconcile and a number
of anthropologists flatly refused to believe the mandible belonged to
the skull, though the geological evidence in favor of the relation was
as a million to one.

The reception which has been given to the Piltdown discovery
affords an admirable illustration of the bias which a dominant and
obsessive idea may give to the human mind. Piltdown man is not the
kind of creature man’s remote ancestor was thought to be. He flew
in the face of all our notions in this regard. Hence the mixed recep-
tion he met with. Had he been another low-browed, small-brained
creature like Pithecanthropus or even had he shown the same de-
generate cranial characters as Neanderthal man he would have
caused no surprise and the relation of the mandible to the skull
would probably never have been called in question. But because he
had a brain volume and cranial characters in many respects closely
resembling those of modern man and yet possessed at the same time
a jaw with marked simian characters and pronounced canine teeth
he is a disturbing and disconcerting anomaly and has, as a conse-
quence, divided anthropologists into two conflicting schools of opinion.
One school following the lead of G. S. Millar, Jr., an American palae-
ontologist, is satisfied that the critical examination to which Millar
subjected a cast of the Piltdown mandible and the detailed com-
parison he made of the cast with the jaw of a chimpanzee, proves
conclusively that it is not a human jaw at all, but belonged to some
chimpanzee-like anthropoid to which Millar has given the name

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 75

Pan vetus—and refuses to see any relation between the skull and the
jaw. The other, following our British authorities, Smith Woodward
and Keith, who both hold that the humanity of the mandible is clear
and unmistakeable notwithstanding its pronounced canines and
chinlessness, is equally satisfied that it rightly belongs to this skull.
Millar, in a recent article upon the subject in the American Journal
of Physical Anthropology,* gives a list of the names of the writers
who, up to the time of his writing, had expressed themselves upon
this point, a perusal of which makes it clear that anthropologists
are about equally divided on the question of the relation of the
mandible to the skull.

An impartial consideration, however, of the evidence offered by
these opposing schools in substantiation of their views brings out
the fact that most of the features upon which they have been obliged
to base their opinions are of too general and indeterminate a character
to really settle the question one way or another, most of the characters
claimed to be peculiarly simian by one school being shown by the
other to be equally diagnostic of man; and hence the unsatisfactory
and unsettled state of our knowledge up to the present time in respect
to this highly-interesting type of humanity

From the outset of the discussion Millar takes, what seems to
the present writer to be, a very questionable position. He declares
we ought to dissociate the jaw entirely from the skull and judge it
independently by the accepted standards of palaeontological evidence
as if it had not been found in association with the skull and had no
possible relation to it. This method of procedure may be ideally
perfect from a purely palaeontological point of view, but it is impossible
to regard the mandible wholly in this manner. No matter how
anomalous its characters and however much it may be regarded as
out of harmony with the skull, the association and contiguity in the
same geological bed should have its due weight and must, at least
to some extent, inform and direct our judgment. It does not appear
to me to be a valid argument to say that if the mandible had been
found alone no doubt of its simian origin would have been enter-
tained. It was not found alone and this fact must be taken into
consideration and cannot be disregarded in determining its status,
the more especially when its characters are said to be equally diag-
nostic of a man or an ape. The contiguity and the geological con-
ditions must be considered as carrying weight in the circumstances,

* January—March, 1918

76 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

and as helping to determine the genus or species to which it rightly
belongs.

Eight features have been put forward by the “‘humanist”’ school
as diagnostic of the humanity of the mandible. Millar’'s rebuttal
of these is a good example of the character of the discussions and
clearly shows how indeterminate are the features upon which we
have to base our judgment. He asserts that not one of the eight
is a truly diagnostic “‘human”’ character; that while it is true that
six of the eight features resemble those found in some human jaws
it is equally true that exactly the same features occur in jaws of the
anthropoids. Indeed, it would appear from the discussion on the
teeth that there are no dental peculiarities of sufficient diagnostic
value to determine whether a given tooth belongs to the Hominidae
or to the Panidae, that is, to a human jaw or to a chimpanzee’s; and
when the mandible itself is considered we find that the decided
human-like characters of the posterior half are about equally balanced
by the strong simian-like characters of the anterior. If we take
Millar’s position in a case like this and wholly disregard the fact
that this mandible of mixed human and simian characters was closely
associated with a skull admittedly human, the argument is left in
the air and we deprive ourselves of valuable corroborative evidence
to assist us in determining whether the mandible shall be regarded as
simian or human. But if we take the fact of the association into
account, as I submit we ought, it gives just that additional evidence
we need to form a judgment on the matter; and this evidence, taken
in conjunction with the light thrown upon the whole question by
von Baer’s law, assures us that in the Piltdown remains we are dealing
with a single new genus and not with two or possibly three; and thus
all ‘the evidence and all the probabilities confirm us in this judgment.
For it is wholly improbable, nay, almost impossible, as Smith Wood-
ward has pointed out, that when we find a unique Primate skull in
the same geological bed as an absolutely new Primate jaw and in
close proximity to a new Primate tooth, we are dealing with the
remains of three distinct animals rather than with a single new genus.

One good result, however, has followed from these discussions.
We know to-day what we did not clearly know before, that many
of the characters we thought were exclusively simian or exclusively
human are really neither one nor the other, but equally common to
both; and further that we may easily be misled in discussions of this
kind if we attempt to generalise too broadly from limited data and
insufficient knowledge.

© [HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN fic

Neither school, strange to say, as far as I have seen, seems to
have thought it worth while to approach the question from the point
of view of the illuminating biogenetic law of von Baer and Agassiz,
or else each has entirely overlooked this source of evidence. The
support which the views held by the British anatomical authorities
receive when the light of this law is turned upon the question is so
considerable and conclusive that the student of open mind need no
longer be in doubt as to which view is the more correct one.

If man and the anthropoids had a common progenitor, as no
one now doubts, the type and the general characters of that pro-
genitor must be sought in the relatively undifferentiated young of the
anthropoids as we find them to-day. Apart from direct palaeonto-
logical evidence there is no other source to which we can now go to
obtain information on this head. But if the biogenetié law we invoked
in this paper to explain the cranial characters of Homo neander-
thalensis is valid, and there can be no doubt on that point, then the
characters exhibited by the young anthropoids will most closely
represent those of Homosimius precursor. All we know of the fossil
forms of the whole sub-order of the Anthropoidea confirms this.
They are chinless animals and generally had well developed canines,
but they had, as did also Homosimius precursor, that well developed
and human-like type of head which characterizes almost all the young
of the present-day monkeys and apes. Considering the origin of
man and his close affiliation to the anthropoids could the Dawn-
men have had much other facial and cranial characters than those
seen in Eoanthropus?

Instead of being embarrassed by the mixed characters we find
in Eoanthropus, we ought really to have expected them and have
felt embarrassed if they had been missing. The Dawn-men, if truly
such, must, from their simian affinities, exhibit just such characters
in head, face and teeth as those seen in Eoanthropus dawsoni. No
doubt exists in our minds as to the humanity of the Mauer jaw, or
of the other primitive mandibles, because of their undeveloped
chins. Chinlessness is clearly a characteristic of the primitive types
of man almost as much as of the anthropoids themselves; and as to
the pronounced canines in Eoanthropus the dentition of modern
man supplies us with too much evidence of an abnormal development
of these particular teeth in man’s past to cause any trouble on this
point. Any dentist of experience will tell one that cases of abnormal
development of the human canines is far from infrequent. The
writer numbers among his acquaintances two individuals whose
canine teeth are abnormally developed and are much longer and

78 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

stouter than the adjoining incisors or pre-molars; and it is a well
known fact that the milk-teeth of children are more primitive in
character and their canines are more pronounced than are the teeth
which succeed them; just as the milk-canines of the young of the
anthropoids are less developed and less pronounced in character than
the permanent ones which follow them. We see, too, the evidence
that our remote human and semi-human ancestors possessed more
pronounced canines than ourselves in the fact that the roots of the
canine teeth start much lower down in the mandible and higher up
in the upper-jaw than any other of our teeth, than even those of the
molars, and this peculiarity is absolutely without rational explanation
unless we see in it the evidence that the canine teeth of our remote
ancestors, because of their more pronounced development, required
longer and deeper roots than the other teeth to stand the strain they
were subjected to by reason of their greater length.

Human dentition has undergone many changes, is indeed still
undergoing more important modifications than that entailed by the
reduction in size and length of the canines. We are told that the time
is not far distant when we shall have lost our third molars, the so-
called wisdom teeth, altogether. Already they are taking on rudi-
mentary characters. They are relatively smaller than the other
molars and do not appear till we are well advanced in life and are
generally the first to decay.

All these facts in respect to the Piltdown mandible would doubt-
less be admitted by the Millar school of opinion. It is the association
of such a lowly, pithecoid jaw with such a relatively well-developed
cranium that seems to overshadow and take the force from these
significant facts. But their conception of the cranial characters of a
Dawn-man is clearly the result of the bias their minds have received
from regarding Pithecanthropus and Neanderthal man as the type
of beings our earlier human and semi-human progenitors were. When
we dismiss from our mind any conceptions of this kind, which we
have seen, are wholly unwarranted from the evidence we draw from
the skull-forms of the young undifferentiated anthropoids and of
the whole Simiadae, the seemingly anomaly and the inharmony
between the Piltdown mandible and the Piltdown cranium will no
longer exist and we shall see in Eoanthropus a true and typical
Dawn-man.

We have been accustomed heretofore to make all our anatomical
and morphological comparisons between the skulls of men and the
apes with the mature specimens of the latter. Such comparisons are
really fruitful only in disclosing to us the differences rather than the

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 79

similarities between the two types. They do not and cannot show
us the phases through which our early ancestors passed in their
upward course toward humanity, but rather the degrees of differen-
tiation undergone by the anthropoid apes after their separation from
the common parental stem. However much man has changed in
his body and limbs from his Simian ancestors, all lines of evidence go
to show that he has changed relatively little in respect to his cranial
characters; while it is in these aspects in particular that the apes
have changed most, and less in the general characters of their bodies
and limbs. In other words, the differentiation of man and the an-
thropoids has followed wholly different lines.

To discover and trace the features they once had in common,
we must direct our attention rather to the skulls of the young anthro-
poids before they have undergone the differentiations characteristic
of the skulls of the mature species; and when we do this we learn not
only how great are the changes the anthropoids have passed through
in the course of ages, but at the same time how very near they once
were in respect to their cranial characters to the type we now regard
as the human one.

A comparative and critical examination of the skulls of the young
anthropoids brings out many striking similarities between them and
the typical skulls of man, which are wholly wanting in the more
highly-specialised skulls of the mature apes. Keith has called atten-
tion, for example, to the fact that a characteristic of anthropoid
skulls is the more forward position of the highest point in the vault
when compared with the same point in the vault of a typical human
skull. This point in the mature anthropoid skulls is at or close to
the bregma, the junction of the coronal and sagittal sutures. In the
human skull it is about two inches behind the bregma. Thus in
Figure 8 where the skulls of the Galley Hill man, La Chapelle man
and those of Eoanthropus and Pithecanthropus are compared, it
will be seen that in this respect Pithecanthropus was truly ape-like
and Eoanthropus truly man-like. In the skulls of the young anthro-
poids which the writer has had opportunity of examining this point
of maximum height would seem to vary with the age of the skull,
the younger the skull, the farther back is the maximum point of
height. It also varies with the genus of ape, that of the chimpanzee
having the highest point farthest back from the bregma. It seems
clear from this that the shape and contour of the skulls of the mature
anthropoids have beeh modified by the development of the excessive
musculature which characterizes them.

80 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

In the mastoid process we see the same influence at work. This
process in the skulls of the young anthropoids of all genera is much
more human-like than that in the skulls of the mature apes. In the
latter the slightly flattened projecting knob of bone has developed
into a thick flange-like plate, and forms part of the occipital platform
to which are attached the great neck muscles. In the typical human
skull this process is a pyramidal-shaped bony boss or projection.
In the young of the anthropoids this process is neither wholly human
nor wholly simian, but partly one and partly the other; that is to
say, it is an intermediate type. In this respect it closely resembles
this feature in the skulls of Neanderthal man, being almost identical
with the mastoid process as seen in the Gibraltar woman.

Taking the skulls of young anthropoids feature by feature, there
are sO many points in which they resemble the human skull that we
are obliged to postulate a common ancestral form for both to ration-
ally explain these resemblances. There are differences, of course,
and some of them marked, for the young anthropoid not only inherits
the features of its remote ancestor, but also those acquired in the
course of ages by its more recent ancestors. But the cumulative force
of the resemblances impresses the investigator very profoundly; and
just as in our comparisons of the mature anthropoids and man, in
respect to the structure of their limbs and trunk, we find that one
genus approximates more closely to man in this particular and another
in that, so it is in the comparison of the cranial and facial characters
of the young anthropoids. In the head of one we find this feature
is more human-like, in another that. Thus the head of the young
chimpanzee in its contours and general characters is the most human-
like of all. Its vault rises higher than that of the other genera and
the frontal aspect is strikingly like that of a mature human skull
on a smaller scale. Its prognathism is not more pronounced than that
in the Grimaldi boy. The nasal opening of the gorilla, both in its
position and in its form, is more human-like than that of the other
young anthropoids; its prognathism is also slight. The young chim-
panzee and gorilla both show the nascent bony ridge about the
eyes so characteristic of the mature ape; while in the young orang
this feature is wholly wanting, the orang in this respect being most
human-like, while on the other hand its prognathism is much more
pronounced than in either the chimpanzee or the gorilla.

No one who has made a comparative study of the characters of
the skulls of the young anthropoids and of man can doubt that of
all the Primates man has changed least in head form and general
cranial characters; and that if we would get the clearest conception

[HILL-TOUT] PHYLOGENY OF MAN 81

of what the skull form and the facial and dental characters of Homo-
simius precursor were, we can best do this by forming a composite
picture of the features which man and the young anthropoids share
in common. In this connection I feel convinced that a critical com-
parison of the skulls of the young Krapina children with those of
the young anthropoids would yield valuable results. I believe this
has never yet been attempted.

The fortunate discovery of two new fragments of a skull and a
human molar by Dawson at Piltdown, in 1914-15, has made it quite
clear that in dealing with Eoanthropus Dawsoni we are dealing not
with a solitary and, therefore, possibly an abnormal, specimen of
humanity, but with a true race with distinct generic characters. One
of these fragments formed part of the supra-orbital region of a right
frontal bone. The other fragment is a part of the occipital bone.
Both fragments agree with the type specimen in their mineralised
condition and in their unusual thickness of bone, though in the
occipital fragment this thickness is not quite so pronounced as in the
type specimen.

The tooth is the first lower molar and agrees closely with that
in the type mandible. In this connection it is of interest to remark
that some of our American authorities, notably, Osborn, following
Matthews, have placed the canine tooth found with the original
remains in the upper jaw. This association has astonished Keith
and other of our British anatomists.

The point at issue is obviously an important one and carries
profound significance with it For if the canine rightly belongs to
the upper jaw, and the fact is susceptible of conclusive proof, then
all the evidence piled up so meticulously by Millar in his effort to
prove the mandible to be the jaw of an ape, falls at once to the ground,
and the relation of the mandible to the skull is established beyond a
shadow of a doubt.

It may be that the evidence of relationship of this canine tooth
to the upper or the lower jaw is of that same indeterminate
character as the evidence adduced by the two schools of opinion to
prove that the mandible was or was not related to the cranium. If
this be so, then no definite decision on the point can be reached,
and the main question of the relation of the mandible to the skull
will remain just where it was before.

And now, in closing this brief review of the evidence bearing
upon man’s past history, the author would again point out that if
the conclusions arrived at in this paper are valid and follow logically,

. as they seem to him to do, from the evidence at our disposal, then
cae / >

82 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

the important fact emerges that neither Pithecanthropus erectus nor
Neanderthal man can any longer be regarded as standing in the direct
line of man’s ancestry, or as exhibiting any of the progressive phases
through which man passed in his upward course.

All the evidence we have been able to gather suggests, rather,
that man’s remote ancestor, Homosimius precursor, was a creature of
quite different character, possessing a relatively-high cranial develop-
ment accompanied by a somewhat pithecoid mandible and dentition
such as are represented in Eoanthropus Dawsoni, and in the young
of all the present-day anthropoids; and further that in his head
form and general cranial characters man has remained practically
unchanged from the period when he and the anthropoids first set
forth upon their divergent careers; for whereas they have undergone
striking and characteristic changes in these respects, developing
along lines of excessive facial and cranial musculature, which cramped
and restricted their brain development and greatly modified the
forms of their heads; man, with the exception of the Neanderthal
race, developing along the very opposite lines, has kept and perpetu-
ated the ancestral cranial form and characters and attained a brain
expansion which has made him what he is to-day and given him the
sovereignty over all other forms of life.

UC

Comparative view of a Neanderthal skeleton
with one of the Crô-Magnon race.

— after Osborn

HIG. LV

A mature male gorilla.

Observe the excessive facial and cranial musculature and retreating brow.

(From “Nature Lover's Library’’)

{ 5 6 7 8

FIG. {V.

1. Skull of boy about 8 years old 5. Skull of a young gorilla
2. Skull of middle-aged man 6. Skull of a young orangoutang
8. Skull of aged wo nan 7. Skull of a young chimpanzee
4. Skull of a child (Indian) 8. Skull of a child (Indian)

FIG. VI

Two young orangoutangs.
Observe the human-like contours of their crania.
(From “Nature Lover's Library")

FIG. VII

A baby orangoutang
Observe the well-formed, human-like head.

BAL EG 0 À

GALLEY HILL

BIG. Vili
Comparison of noted skulls.

—after Keith

1) os oe
|) a Lae

te a We
HA AE 0

PU 31k

Re

LR)

à

SECTION IT, 1921 [83] Trans. R.S.C.

The Stone Medallion of Lake Utopia
By W. F. Ganonc, Ph.D.
(Read May Meeting 1921)

Among the treasures in the museum of the Natural History
Society of New Brunswick at St. John is the large stone medallion,
carved with the profile of a human head, well represented in the
accompanying photograph. It was found in 1863 beside Lake Utopia
in the southwestern part of New Brunswick, but its origin remains
yet undetermined despite the studies of our local archaeologists.
Some new data, however, which I have been able to gather in course
of a long interest in the stone, bring us much nearer to a solution of
the puzzling problem it presents, as the following discussion, intended
to be monographic of the subject, will attest.

DESCRIPTION

The material of the medallion is a fine-grained hard red granite,
plentiful in southwestern New Brunswick. Its extreme length is just
under 22 inches; its extreme breadth is just over 18} inches; its
thickness varies from 25 inches to ? of an inch, though prevailingly
much nearer the former figure; and the weight is 514 pounds. The
head is therefore considerably above natural size. The side that is
carved was evidently flat in the original slab, but has been worked
in the carving to a truer surface. Presumably the back, now so
irregular, and tending to flake in a manner suggesting the action of
fire, was originally also flat, or nearly, for the high parts show signs
of rough working like the face. The stone gives the impression of a
flat slab formed naturally by jointing, but improved for his purpose,
and of course worked to its oval form, by its proficient unknown
carver.

No description is needed for the design on the stone, which in
our photograph speaks for itself. The head is cut practically in
tntaglio relievato, that is, with the high parts approximately on the
level of the original surface. The sharpness of the profile is skillfully
intensified by the polishing of the concave slope thence up to the
rim, a notable feature of the work. A diagonal line, faint in the original
and barely discernable in the photograph, has been taken to repre-
sent a fillet binding the hair, but probably signifies no more than a

84 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

transition from the smoother face and high forehead to the rougher
hair. No doubt this feature, and indeed the entire head, as the sharp
profile suggests, was originally much better defined than now, the
cause of the change being obvious in the great weathering which the
stone has undergone since it was cut. This weathering is particularly
marked at the top and bottom of the head, where it has gone so far
as well-nigh to obliterate the boundary between head and rim, else-
where so distinct. At the bottom, especially, there is an aspect of me-
chanical as well as chemical erosion, as if by running water, or action
of waves. This weathering has obliterated also the marks of the
engraving tools, which, in view of the hardness of the stone, could
hardly have been other than tempered metal.

DISCOVERY

Abundant records of its discovery exist.

The St. John Morning News of Wednesday, February 17, 1864,
announces its exhibition in the City, with comments on its discovery,
appearance, and possible origin. This material is all contained with
additional detail in a longer item in the St. John Morning Freeman of
the next day (February 18), which reads thus:

A very remarkable stone is now on exhibition at the store of Messrs. Chubb
& Co. It is said that it was found near Lake Utopia, in the neighbourhood of
Magaguadavic, by a mason who went in search of a hearth stone for a house he was
building, and struck by the shape of this stone, removed the moss and turf with
which it was covered to the depth of some inches, and took it home. He afterwards
gave it to Squire Wetmore, of St. George. Sheriff Harding got it from him and
brought it to the city. It is a slab of conglomerate, chiefly granite, and apparently
extremely hard and rough grained. It is slightly oval in shape, about 20 inches
in length and 3 in thickness, on one side unchiselled, on the other a medallion on
which is fairly sculptured a man’s face in profile, about the precise character of which
there is much question. Some say it is decidedly Indian in its characteristics.
This we think is a mistake. The facial lines are not those of the Indians of the
present day, and resemble much more the lines of the Assyrian or Egyptian profiles,
as represented in ancient sculpture. The nose forms almost a straight line with
the forehead. The jaw bone is of extraordinary length, and the chin very small.
The hair, too, is cut off square at the back, and confined by a fillet.

The age of this interesting relic must be very great. The rim, which was very
deep, is much time-worn, and in every point it bears the marks of great antiquity.
Sheriff Harding had the place where this was found marked, and it is to be hoped
that next summer the place will be searched. Other remains of the civilized people
who once inhabited this continent may probably be found there.

The late Clarence Ward, historian, of St. John, once told me,
from his own knowledge, that the stone was a great local wonder
when first exhibited, attracting wide attention and discussion.

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 85

The London Illustrated News for July 16, 1864 (Vol. 45, pp. 78-9)
contains an article, illustrated by a fair woodcut of the stone, entitled
“Indian Sculpture found near Lake Utopia, Charlotte County, New
Brunswick’’, whereof the essential parts here follow:

We are indebted to Mr. C. C. Ward, of St. John, New Brunswick, for the follow-
ing account of a curious specimen of Indian sculpture, which is represented by our
Engraving. It is a basso-relievo, cut in red granite, of an oval shape, 21 in. long,
18 in. wide, and 13 in. thick. Although much worn and defaced by time and the
weather, it still retains evidence of having been done by a bold and skilful hand.
It was found, in the month of November last, at the foot of a precipice of red granite,
about a quarter of a mile from the western shore of Lake Utopia, in Charlotte
County, New Brunswick. When it was shown to the Indians who frequent the
neighbourhood, they at once pronounced it to be the portrait of a chief, and said
it was very likely that the chief himself was buried near the spot. They thought
it was many hundred years old............... The Indians who have seen it are
quite at a loss to account for the fashion and the quantity of the hair represented
on the head, since from time immemorial it was customary for the Indians to shave
or pluck out all the hair with the exception of the scalp-lock. And although the
shape of the head and cast of the features represented on the stone are decidedly
Indian, there is an Egyptian character about the whole which suggests some curious
ethnological speculations............ The tribe of Indians now living at Lake
Utopia are the Passamaquoddys, descendants of the old Delaware stock, who for
generations have made that locality their favorite haunt. These Passamaquoddys
are very skilful in their representations of the beaver and other animals; and we
have seen some very beautiful specimens, sculptured in bas-relief, on the bowls of
stone pipes. These figures were anatomically correct in drawing, and would do
credit to a professional artist.........:..... The sculptured stone is the property
of Mr. A. J. Wetmore, treasurer at St. George’s, who kindly placed it at Mr. Ward’s
disposal for the purpose of making a drawing for this Journal.

Mr. C. C. Ward here mentioned was a well known sportsman
and artist, brother of Clarence Ward, aforementioned. Lake Utopia
and neighbouring parts were favourite hunting grounds of his, as
shown by his sporting sketches in Scribner’s Monthly, 1878-80, in
one of which, February, 1878 (reprinted in Mayer’s Sport with Gun
and Rod, New York, 1883, I, 181) he again mentions, with a cut,
‘a stone medallion having the full-sized head of an Indian sculptured
upon it’’. The final sentence of the above quotation shows that he
saw the stone while it was still in Mr. Wetmore’s possession, and there-
fore within a month or two of the time it was found.

Another record published much later belongs in reality almost
asearly. In the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1881
(published 1883, pp. 665-671) is an article ‘‘A sculptured stone found
in St. George, New Brunswick’’, by I. [not J.] Allen Jack, of St. John.
It is illustrated by a fair drawing of the stone and an excellent map
of Lake Utopia and vicinity marking the place where the stone was
found. A synopsis of the article is in The Canadian Indian, I, 1891,

86 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

265-7, and it is reprinted in full, with unimportant verbal changes,
in Acadiensis, II, 1902, 267-75, where it is illustrated by an inferior
map but by asuperior picture from the same photograph as that which
accompanies the present paper. Mr. Jack, a well-known late resident
and prominent barrister of St. John, much interested in local matters
of this kind, states that his article is based on “a tolerable knowledge
of the history of Charlotte County and of the province, and an im-
perfect memory and record of the contents of several letters received
from various persons upon the principal subject....The letters
which were written to assist me in preparing a paper upon the stone,
subsequently read before the Natural History Society of New Bruns-
wick ... were unfortunately destroyed in the great fire of St. John.
The paper itself was preserved, and embodies at least a portion of
the contents of the letter|s].’"’ These statements accord with the
minutes of the Natural History Society, which read under date
12th February, 1864,—‘‘ Mr. Allen Jack then read by request some
letters describing the head of an Indian carved in stone found near
Lake Utopia Charlotte County’’; and again under 11th March, 1864,
“Mr. A. Jack then read the Paper of the evening—Subject, the medal-
lion found at Lake Eutopia’’. The minute then adds,—‘‘On motion
resolved .. . That Dr. [C. K.] Fisk be a Committee to procure further
information, if possible, on the medallion’’; but no sequel to this
resolution appears. Thus, although Mr. Jack’s paper is of 1881, it is
based on information gathered by himself, evidently from those
concerned in the discovery of the stone, soon after that event. As
to the discovery the paper reads:

In the autumn of 1863 or winter of 1864, a remarkable sculptured stone, repre-
senting a human face and head in profile, was discovered in the neighbourhood
of St. George, a village in Charlotte County, in the Province of New Brunswick,
Canada. This curiosity was found by a man who was searching for stone for
building purposes, and was lying about 100 feet from the shore of Lake Utopia,
under a bluff of the same formation as the material on which the head is sculptured,
which abounds in the neighbourhood............. The sculpture, shortly after it
was discovered, attracted a good deal of attention.

With respect to the obvious possibility that the stone is a modern
fabrication, Mr. Jack writes thus:

Opinion, at the time of discovery, was somewhat divided, both in regard to
the nationality of the workman by whom the stone was carved and also in respect to
the object of the work........ The appearance and position of the stone when
discovered, to which I shall presently more particularly refer, convince me that it
was not carved for the purpose of deceiving scientific investigators, as might be,
and I believe, has been, charged............

I believe that the finder, who, as I have stated, was searching for stone for
building purposes, was attracted by the shape of the stone in question; that it

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 87

was lying on the surface and covered with moss, and that it was not until the re-
moval of the moss that the true character of the object appeared. An examination
of its surface must, I think, convince the observer that the stone has been subjected
to the long-continued action of water, and from its situation it seems fairly certain
that the water which has produced the wasted appearance was rain, and rain only
CE LE © I may refer, but solely for the purpose of expressing my disbelief
in any such hypothesis, to the suggestion that art, employed for the purpose of
deceiving, and not any force of nature, has produced the worn appearance to which
reference has been made. The mossy deposit, and the unfrequented locality in
which the curiosity was found, both aid in dispelling this idea............ I may
further urge that, had the object of the workman been solely to deceive, he would
have scarcely selected a stone whereon to carve of a granite character, and especially
a piece of granulite, one of the hardest of rocks to work, being not only hard in
quality but of crystalline structure.

As to the crucial problem of the origin and meaning of the
medallion, Mr. Jack concludes as follows:

ORALE ARR fs No relic of a similar character to this had been dug up at any Indian
burial ground in New Brunswick, and although our Indians produce very well
executed full relief figures of the beaver, the muskrat, and the otter, upon soap-
stone pipes, their skill apparently goes no further in this direction. ........... I
think that a careful or even superficial examination of the carving must impress
the observer with the idea that it is intended to represent the face of an Indian,
and the head, although viewed only laterally, certainly presents many of the pecu-
liarities of the North American type............. By no hypothesis, however, am
I able to connect this curiosity with any European custom or idea, and consequently
the remainder of my investigation will be devoted to the argument in favor of its
Manon pee ee

Mr. Jack’s argument, elaborated at length, leads to the con-
clusion that the stone probably represents a monument placed by the
Indians at the grave of a chief.

In that most excellent book on the natural history of New
Brunswick, Field and Forest Rambles, published in 1873 by Dr. A.
Leith Adams, a trained scientific observer some years resident in the
Province, there occurs (at page 34) an account of the stone, with a
crude cut, wherefrom we extract the following sentences:

It is cut on a slab of red granite, and was discovered in a perfectly accidental
manner lying among blocks of the same rock on the banks of the beautiful lake of
Utopia, at the southern corner of the Province............ I spent several days
in the locality searching for further relics, and more especially the remains of a
temple building said to have existed at one time on a bluff over-looking the lake,
of which, however, not a trace was observable............. The skill displayed
on the medallion clearly indicated a high knowledge of art, never attained by the
forefathers of the present Indians; moreover, if it be not the work of a preceding
race, it might be one of the trials of skill of some clever Jesuit father in the early
days of colonization! Indeed when a drawing of this sculpture was displayed at
the Boston Natural History Society, some members pronounced it a very modern
imposition, and asserted it to be a likeness of the great Washington! I took pains,

88 THE ROYAL ‘SOCIETY OF CANADA

however, to satisfy myself on that point, having been assured by my friend Mr.
Wetmore, of St. Stephen, to whom it was presented by the workman, that he saw
the moss growing on the slab, and was among the first to visit the spot, when he
inspected it 2m situ.

No mention of the medallion occurs in records of the meetings of
the Boston Society of Natural History, as I am informed by the
secretary.

In an article on Lake Utopia in the sportsman’s journal Forest
and Stream in 1892 (reprinted in the St. John Daily Telegraph, July 5,
1892) the late Edward Jack, relative of I. Allen Jack, a great observer
of natural features of the Province, and a resident of St. George at
the time the stone was discovered, speaks of it thus:

Many years since there was a stone mason residing not far from the point
where the Magaguadavic...... jumps into old ocean [i.e., above St. George].
One day when this mason............ was looking over the broken pieces of granite
lying on the hillside on the west shore of Eutopia, to obtain some for the uses of
his business, his eye fell on an oval piece 21 in. in length by 18 in breadth; when
he had turned this over he saw to his amazement sculptured on it in low relief, the
headvand) protilexotiasmant seer eee The mason took his prize to the shore of
the lake and rowed home with it. Then he arrived there, he placed his treasure
trove in front of his cottage, but his wife refused to allow it to remain, saying that
“it glowered at her,” good proof of the ancient unknown sculptor’s skill. The
mason was, I think, Scotch, which may account for the fact that instead of doing
as the crafty Arabs did with the Moabite stone, that is to say, break it in pieces,
he took it to St. George, and for the consideration of $4, sold it to Mr. A. I. Wetmore,
collector of that port.

In an historical article in the St. Croix Courier, published at
St. Stephen, N.B., January 28, and February 4, 1892, Mr. James
Vroom, of whose knowledge we speak below, gives some account
of the stone, including the following:

Most people living in the east of this county have either seen or heard of the
‘Laney Stone,’ a slab of rad granite found at Lake Utopia about twenty-five years
ago, on one side of which was carved in relief the representation of a human head.
It seems hard to believe that such work could have been done without metal tools;
yet the pioneers of Acadia found no metal tools in use among the natives. Unless
this unique carving is of comparatively recent date, it is difficult to escape the con-
clusion that it is a relic either of an extinct people or of a prehistoric settlement of
Europeans here; in which case it is strange that no further traces of such a people
have been seen.

The name Laney Stone I find applied to it also in a biblio-
graphical note in the Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New
Brunswick, IV, 1901, 299. James Laney was the name of the mason
who discovered the stone. He removed subsequently from St. George,
lived for a time at Milltown, N.B., and about 1880 settled in Minne-
apolis, Minn., where he died in 1915, aged 93 years. Unaware, until

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 89

the local papers announced his demise, that he was living so lately, I
missed the opportunity to secure his own testimony on the discovery
of the stone; but his daughter, Mrs. F. S. Welton, to whom I applied
for her knowledge of the matter, wrote me, September 29, 1915, such
information thereon as she had. She was a very small child when it
was found, but had heard it talked of in the family, and her father
had spoken of it not long before his death. She adds:

There is no doubt my father is the real finder of the stone............ Father
took it to town. While he was there a friend of his got it and took it to the museum
RARES HN He took it away from home because my mother did not want to keep
it in the house.

For completion of the literature we may add a few references
otherwise of slight interest.

In a letter written by the late G. A. Boardman of Calais, Me., to
Professor Baird, then Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution
(The Naturalist of the Saint Croix, Bangor, 1903, 202), under date
29 October, 1868, occurs the sentence, “I have heard more about the
stone profile found in the old mound at St. George, but am afraid we
cannot get it as it has been sent to St. John; but next summer perhaps
you may talk them out of it, or at any rate you can get the loan of it,
or perhaps exchange.” Fortunately the blandishments of the Secre-
tary, if ever exercised, failed of effect, but possibly he thus obtained
the ‘‘cast in the United States National Museum”’ mentioned in the
Report of that Museum for 1896, 485, where I. Allen Jack’s drawing
is reprinted, with some comments. There is also a brief account of
the stone, with a cut, in a highly interesting and appreciative article
on Lake Utopia by E. J. Russell in Canadian Illustrated News, VI,
November 30, 1872. The brief account of the stone given by C. C.
Ward in Scribner’s Monthly as aforementioned is reprinted with a
cut in The Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal, VI, 1878,
pp. 166-7, under the title ‘‘Stone Medallion found at St. George,
N.B.” A lost document of the first importance is Mr. Wetmore’s
own account of the finding of the stone, which Dr. G. F. Matthew
tells me was formerly in MS. among the records of the Natural
History Society; but a thorough search has failed to reveal it. Other
mentions of the stone occur in local literature, but without original
data, so far as I know.

Of course I have myself tried to glean additional data from
residents of St. George whose memories go back to the event of the
discovery, and, needless perhaps to say, I have analysed such testi-
mony in full knowledge of its slight value in comparison with con-
temporary records. All of any worth that I have found here follows.

90 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Mr. James Vroom of St. Stephen, Charlotte County’s foremost
scientific and historical scholar, always interested in such matters
and a resident of St. George in 1869-72, has told me that he under-
stood Laney to be a poor and shiftless farmer who lived near the
Canal (outlet of Lake Utopia) and occasionally worked as a stone
mason, that is, a builder of rough stone walls, and that he brought the
stone home for use as a hearth stone. Mr. Vroom adds (in a letter of
October 30, 1914:

Some of my friends in St. George at the time thought that Mr. Laney himself
had fashioned the stone; but the weathered condition of the surface was a convinc-
ing argument against that theory. Others thought it might have been made by
early French residents; but the design does not favour that assumption..........
The possibility of the carving being of Scandinavian origin occurred to me; but I
dismissed it for the very good reason that any Norse stone I had ever heard of bore
a runic inscription. It would not be impossible for a Norse visitor to carve a head,
but it would have been next thing to impossible for him to have left out the letters
that would tell his story to those who came after. I do not believe it is of Indian
origin, for an Indian with the top of his head shaved and with long hair at the back
cut off so squarely is quite out of the range of my imagination. The Egyption
look of the eye and ear, caused by want of perspective, is not of much significance.
It merely shows lack of skill in drawing, not convention, in my opinion.

Mr. Thomas A. Sullivan, long resident at Bonney River, near
St. George, an observant lumberman and sporting man, has told me
that he saw the stone in a boat at St. George when it was first brought
there from Utopia by Colonel Wetmore, Mr. Ward, and Sebattis an
Indian on their return from a sporting expedition; that it had been
found by them at the Lake; and that it had moss upon it, and there
was no question raised as to its genuineness. Curiously enough, the
same account of the discovery by Colonel Wetmore, Mr. Ward, and
the Indian when on a hunting expedition, was given me independently
by Mr. Ward’s brother, the late Clarence Ward. A memory state-
ment of this kind can have no validity in comparison with the con-
temporary records which make Laney the finder, but like all tradi-
tions it probably has a basis, which I take to be presumably this, that
Colonel Wermore’s party, when returning from a hunting trip to the
Lake, stopped at Laney’s house near the Canal, obtained the stone
from him, and brought it with them to St. George.

The best traditional information was given me by Mr. Martin
McGowan, Police Magistrate of St. George. He told me that he
was once a neighbour of Laney, who lived on the north side of the
Canal; that Laney found the stone at Lake Utopia; that he had it
for some time around the house before he discovered the head upon
it; that he told Colonel Wetmore about it and was asked to bring it
in, and Colonel Wetmore gave him $5.00 for it; that when Colonel

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 91

Wetmore bought it ‘everybody was going to see it’’; and that Colonel
Wetmore gave it to Sheriff Harding. Mr. McGowan said there was
no question as to its genuineness; Laney was a stone mason, not a
stone cutter, and was a shiftless character incapable of working any
fraudulent scheme of this kind. He added that the Indians said it
was work of the French.

Captain Jesse Milliken, of St. George, recognised locally as
having an unsurpassed knowledge of Lake Utopia and its recent
history, told me in 1915 that he remembered very clearly the discovery
of the stone. It was found by Laney, a stone mason, when seeking
good foundation material for a building, for it was customary here-
abouts to hunt up pieces naturally jointed with good faces for bedding,
and the place where the Laney stone was found offers good fragments
of this sort. Laney took it home and kept it before his door for some
time, but his wife objecting to its presence because it scowled at her,
he sold it to Mr Wetmore, Collector at St. George, for $2.00. Mr.
Wetmore later made search of. the place for other relics, and even,
with others, attempted to dig on a spot close by, pointed out to him
by an Indian as the grave of a chief at the head of which the stone
had been set.

In the course of our talks, Captain Milliken remarked that he
had himself an experience with the finding of the stone in this way,
that soon after the discovery he
went to the approximate place
and there found a line spotted
through the woods to the ledge
against which it had rested, the
moss being wanting where the
stone had been, and its outline.
distinct. The sequel to this re-
mark was inevitable, and I asked
Captain Milliken to take me to
the place, which he very willingly
did. He led me without hesitation
to the ledge, though he could
not recall, naturally enough, the
exact place where the stone had
rested. Here follows a synopsis
of my notes on this matter:

lwo miles Lo one inch

On the west side of the Lake, about
half way from the Canal to its head, is

ZS
À Se.

ot Geo GE.
> ù «

WEG del.

SF a)

92 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

a little point off which lie the two smooth ledges called the Butterballs, and a little
farther north is Gray’s Point, a very choice camp ground. Between the two, but
nearer the former, is a stony cove, from the extreme head whereof it is some 25 to
30 yards straight away from the Lake, through the woods, to a nearly vertical
rough ledge, rising several times higher than a man, of red granite much jointed
and breaking to many angular fragments. This ledge is a part of precipices which
towards the right, rise abruptly, often vertical and sometimes overhanging, to the
face of Porcupine Mountain, an abrupt prominent hill, nearly vertical towards
the Lake. Turning to the left, the ledge becomes lower and smoother, and finally
just before it merges to a wooded slope, is solid and vertical, and somewhere against
this face the stone was resting when found. The place has been altered, however,
a good deal, Captain Milliken says, by the falling of additional material from above,
the ground being covered by a jumble of moss-covered angular masses of granite.
The moss is not the slow-growing, or Lichen kind, but the much quicker-growing
woods kind.

GENUINENESS

The foregoing accounts contain discrepancies, but no more than
the defective observation, freakish memory, and feeble sense of evi-
dence of most men render inevitable. These apart, the collective
testimony seems conclusive that the medallion is a genuine relic,
actually discovered by Laney at Lake Utopia in 1863. This deduction
from the records is confirmed by the time-worn aspect which the stone
has presented from its discovery.

The alternative is of course a fraudulent fabrication, with a
motive in practical joking, or profit. As the citations show, this view
has been advanced, but only as a guess and never with evidence.
On the other hand it is notable that not only have all those who
possessed direct knowledge of the discovery of the stone seemed fully
convinced of its genuineness, but no suspicion of fraud or mendacity
of their part has remained in the minds of others; and this is no small
argument in view of the critical attention given the stone, and the
habit of men in small communities to constitute themselves vigilant
keepers of their neighbours’ reputations for veracity.

As to Laney as a possible practical joker, Mr. McGowan and
Mr. Vroom agree that he had not the capacity, and was not of a
character, to work such a scheme. As to the motive of profit, the
smallness of the sum for which he sold the stone in comparison with
the labour required to produce it, and likewise the circumstances
of its transfer to Colonel Wetmore, seem to negative such an assump-
tion. As I. Allen Jack said, anyone producing such an object, whether
as a joke or for sale, could attain his object with a stone far easier
to work than this obdurate granite. If the circumstance seems sus-
picious that Laney was a stone mason, it is to be recalled that his

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 93

kind of stone masonry was the building of walls, and not stone carving.
If, further, the fact seems pertinent that St. George is a seat of a
thriving industry in monumental granite and the home of many
skilled carvers, sufficient answer is found in the fact that this industry
did not originate until 1873, a decade after the stone was found.
As to fraud by Colonel Wetmore, Mr. Ward, and Sheriff Harding,
who were indeed jovial sportsmen, said to have been fond of practical
joking, there seems on the one hand no question that they obtained
the stone from Laney who found it, while, on the other there was
never any trace of the denouement, and exposure at somebody’s
expense, which is an indispensible part of the working of a practical
joke. Moreover these three men were leading citizens of their com-
munities, and all of high character and ability; and however willing
to play temporary jokes on one another or even their communities,’
they were not the kind who could plot to foist a fraud of this sort
permanently on the public. As to the possibility of fabrication by
someone unknown, and the “‘planting’’ of the stone where Laney
found it, there seems no foothold in the records, or reason, for such
an origin.

All told, accordingly, the genuineness of the stone as a relic of
older times seems abundantly established.

ORIGIN

Its genuineness and antiquity accepted, we ask the origin of
the stone, as to which we have no direct knowledge but only a choice
of four possibilities,—that it is Indian, extinct race, Norse, or early
French.

Indian. Found at a Lake known as a favourite Indian resort,
the natural first impulse of those interested in the stone, all unversed
in archaeology as they were, was to take it for Indian work, especially
as confirmatory suggestion was apparently not wanting from the
living Indians of the region. Yet there seems not the least possibility
of such an origin. No Indian work approaching it in difficulty,
elaboration, or character has ever been found in this part of America,
and the gap between this stone and the most elaborate known pro-
duct of aboriginal workmanship by our Indians is so great as to
signify not degree but kind. No relation can be adduced between
this stone and the pipes and other objects which our present Indians
carve, for these are cut by steel knives from soft stone, and the
decoration consists of familiar animals or patterns. To shape and
carve so hard a stone as this granite medallion with flint tools, the

94 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

only ones our aboriginal tribes possessed, and especially to polish the
curved slope to the profile, would have been difficult to the point of
impossibility, and time-consuming beyond all bounds of aboriginal
patience. Further, an Indian would have carved a type familiar to
him, but there is nothing in this profile in the least suggestive of Indian
features, which in the tribes of this region markedly approximate
the Mongolian rather than the Roman type, while the treatment
of the hair is as remote as possible from the styles which all early
records indicate as prevalent in these parts. Indian affirmations of
manufacture by their ancestors can hardly have weight against the
testimony of the stone itself, and are neutralized by statements of
other Indians, who, according to Mr. McGowan, said the medallion
was made by the French. The claim that it stood at the grave of a
chief, may however, have some basis, as will soon appear.

Extinct Race. This suggestion, already mentioned, is adduced
by no less an authority than W. J. [Sir William] Dawson, the geologist

and archaeologist, in explanation of certain “carved stones . . . found
in New Brunswick . . . unlike anything executed by the more modern
tribes’. The plural is evidently intended to cover the medallion,

though it is not mentioned, and a conglomerate boulder, crudely
carved at one end with a human head, which he describes and pictures
(Acadian Geology, second edition, 1868, 43-45). This stone, found
beside the Kennebecasis River, was, however, later examined critic-
ally by G. F. Matthew, also a geologist and archaeologist, whose
picture shows a less finished product than Dawson’s, and whose
description states that ‘‘The artist has apparently seized upon a
rude semblance of the human face presented (by natural protuber-
ances) and worked out the finer lineaments to correspond,” while
further details throw doubt upon the complete genuineness of the
relic (Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1881, page 672). This
stone, formerly in the Museum of the Mechanics Institute at St.
John, has disappeared and its fate is unknown. In any case, the
descriptions show a work in every way so inferior to the Utopia
medallion as not only to place it in a different class, but to bring it
within the possibility of fabrication by unskilled workers with the
simplest tools. On no better basis that a guess inspired by our
ignorance of the real origin of these two stones rests the whole case
for an extinct race; and in truth it is not much.

Norse. This origin is also a guess, without supporting evidence.
No other traces attributable to Norsemen have been found in this
region, the nearest being the very doubtful rune-like markings found
on two stones near Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, one of which has been

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 95

described by Sir Daniel Wilson in these Transactions (VIII, 1890,
ii, 118, and Plate I; compare also Collections of the Nova Scotia His-
torical Society, XVII, 1913, 51-56). I agree with Mr. Vroom, already
cited, that a Norse visitor could have carved the head, but would
not have omitted to add the runes to tellits story. In this connection
the fact is significant that W. H. Babcock, in his elaborate studies
of the Norse Voyages to America (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Col-
lections, LIX, 1913, pp. 1-213), wherein he concludes that Passa-
maquoddy was one of their principal localities, and to whom, there-
fore, any evidence of their presence there would be especially welcome,
has only this to say of the Utopia stone after his consideration of it
(p. 52), in light of I. Allen Jack’s paper :—

He believed it to be Indian; but Mr. McIntosh [Curator of the Museum of
the Natural History Society at St. John] thinks not. It seems to be something
of a mystery, although no one has ascribed it to the Norsemen.

French. Brought to this category primarily by a process of
exclusion, we are happily not without evidence, albeit but circum-
stantial, in its support.

The very marked weathering of the stone subsequent to its
cutting would lead us to seek the possible French carver at the earliest
possible date. This points to the French colony which spent the
winter of 1604-5 on St. Croix Island, now called Dochet Island,
which lies 17 miles in a straight line, or 25 miles by the water route,
from the place where the stone was found. The history of this
colony, which was led by DeMonts and Champlain, is given fully
in a Monograph in these Transactions (VIII, 1902, ii, 127-231; XII,
1906, ii, 103-6). It was a carefully organized and well equipped
expedition of some 75 persons, including noblemen, soldiers, sailors,
and various kinds of skilled workmen. They spent a dreary winter
in enforced idleness on the Island, enduring such hardships that
half of them died; and in the spring the remainder removed to Port
Royal (Annapolis), and re-established the settlement, which per-
sisted until 1607 when it was taken back to France and the country
temporarily abandoned.

The thought is natural that the stone may have been carved by
some member of that colony in the tedium of the winter on the
Island. Seeking some test of this possibility, it suddenly occurred
to me that although the medallion is composed of stone very like
that of the ledge against which it is said to have rested when found,
this same band of granite extends across country to Dochet Island,
of which it makes up some part, in the same jointed condition as
at Utopia. Happening to have in my possession a piece of the Island

96 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

granite (collected for another purpose), and likewise a piece of the
Utopia ledge (secured for comparison with the medallion), and
knowing that a formation rarely remains entirely uniform for so
great a distance, I thought that an expert comparison of the afore-
mentioned two specimens with the medallion stone might settle
whether or not the latter was obtained. on the Island or at the Lake.
I was able to secure a fragment of the medallion from a partly loose
flake on the back, and I sent all three specimens to the Directing
Geologist, Mr. (now Dr.) William McInnes, of the Geological Survey
of Canada, with a statement of the interest of the problem, and a
request for an opinion on the relationship of the specimens from the
experts of the Survey. Under date October 30, 1915, Dr. McInnes,
to whom I am greatly indebted for this understanding aid, reported
as follows: |

In reference to the specimens: 1M, from the back of a stone medallion; 2U,
from a ledge at Lake Utopia, and 3D, from Dochet Island; submitted for an opinion
regarding the identity of 1M with either of the other two; there are no sufficiently
marked differences observable in these specimens to allow their being separated
with any certainty.

We have had thin sections made from the specimens and I am glad to be able
to send you a memorandum by Dr. W. H. Collins in reference to them.

‘““Memorandum in reference to thin sections of granites from specimens sub-
mitted by Dr. W. F. Ganong, by W. H. Collins.

Thin sections marked 1M, 2U, and 3D.

‘All three are biotite granites much alike in composition and might easily
belong to the same mass.

iSection 2U is somewhat fresher than the others and contains notably more
biotite. and titaniferous magnetite. If a distinction is to be made, I should
say that 1M and 3D are probably the same, and different from 2U.”

Thus it developes that the medallion granite is nearly if not
quite identical with that of both Utopia and Dochet, with a balance
in favour of Dochet. This unimpeachable testimony, accordingly,
is wholly favourable to the possibility that the original stone slab
was obtained on the Island, which fact fits naturally with the sup-
position that it was carved there. Incidentally, this identity of the
medallion granite with that of the Utopia-Dochet belt practically
settles any question that the medallion is local work, and not brought
from.a distance.

The question is now natural whether the St. Croix colony is
known to have included any persons of sufficient skill, provided
with ‘adequate tools, to carve the stone. This would be probable
from the character of the expedition, but is also attested by direct
evidence, for Lescarbot, who knew the colony intimately, states

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 97

that it ‘‘had numerous joiners, carpenters, masons (massons), stone-
cutters (tailleurs de pierres), locksmiths,” etc., (Champlain Society’s
Edition, II, 318). That these stone-cutters exercised their art not
upon buildings alone is shown by a statement of Father Biard, a
priest at Port Royal in 1612-3, who writes in his Relation of 1616
(Thwaites’ Jesuit Relations, IV, 45) that Argal in his expedition
against Acadia that year,—

destroyed, everywhere, all monuments and evidences of the dominion of the French;
and this they did not forget to do here, even to making use of pick and chisel upon
a large and massive stone, on which were cut the names of Sieur de Monts and other
Captains, with the fleurs-de-lys.

Again, Haliburton, in his well-known work on Nova Scotia of
1829 (II, 156), describes a stone, found at Port Royal, and known
to have been at the time in his possession, as follows:—

In the year 1827 the stone was discovered on which they [the French] had
engraved the date of their first cultivation of the soil, in memorial of their formal
possession of the country. It is about two feet and a half long, and two feet broad,
and of the same kind as that which forms the substratum of Granville Mountain.
On the upper part are engraved the square and compass of the Free Mason, and in
the center, in large and deep Arabic figures, the date 1606. It does not appear to
have been dressed by a Mason, but the inscription has been cut on its natural sur-
face. The stone itself has yielded to the power of the climate, and both the external
front and the interior parts of the letters have alike suffered from exposure to the
weather; the seams on the back part of it have opened, and from their capacity
to hold water, and the operation of frost upon it when thus confined, it is probable
in a few years it would have crumbed to pieces. The date is distinctly visible,
and although the figure 0 is worn down to one half its original depth, and the upper
part of the latter 6 nearly as much, yet no part of them is obliterated—they are
plainly discernable to the eye, and easily traced by the finger.

This stone was found by the geologist Jackson, whose account
of its discovery is extant and has been published, along with a half-
tone cut, from a photograph, of stone and inscription, (Stillson,
History of the Ancient and Honorable Fraternity of Free and Accepted
Masons, 1892, 440; and especially the monographic study by R. V.
Harris in Trans. N. S. Lodge of Research, 1, 1916, 29-39). The stone,
which is now embedded and lost in the walls of the building of the
Royal Canadian Institute at Toronto, was described by Jackson as
a ‘‘flat slab of trap rock common in the vicinity.”

It is thus manifest that the St. Croix—Port Royal colony of
1604-7 did include someone competent to engrave emblems and
figures in stone. Incidentally, there is suggestive resemblance
between the stone of 1606 and the Utopia medallion in their size,
marked weathering, and engraving upon a natural surface of a flat

slab of rock from the immediate vicinity.
—20

98 THE \ROYVAL: SUCIERY (OF (CANADA

It thus appears that the material of the medallion is indigenous
to St. Croix Island, on which in the winter of 1604-5 were French
colonists competent to carve it. Is any motive for its production
evident? Some light on this matter is thrown from another, and
the following, source. In 1916 I submitted the photograph accom-
panying this paper to two of my expert colleagues on the faculty of
Smith College, Professor A. V. Churchill, a specialist in the history
of Art and Professor S. N. Deane, a specialist in Greek Archaeology,
requesting them to give me an opinion upon the status as an art work,
and possible origin, of the medallion, and leaving their judgment
uninfluenced by any suggestions or theories of my own. Their
report, noted at the time, was in substance as follows :—

Nothing in the photograph suggests the influence of any particular style of
art, except that everything about it seems European. There is in fact no particular
art about it. Professor Churchill said it seemed to him like the work of some person
of abundant leisure with desire to do art work but no knowledge of the method or
the technique. It is just the kind of work that children do, or amateurs untrained
in representation of such effects,—this shows in the representation of the eye, ear,
and mouth. The maker seemed to have some idea or familiar models in mind
which he had seen and tried to follow.

This mention of the carving of the stone as a work of abundant
leisure recalls the fact that the St. Croix colonists passed on the
Island a dreary winter of enforced inactivity, which in turn suggests
the idea that the medallion was probably carved primarily as a
congenial means of passing the too abundant time by some person
competent in stone cutting and imbued with an impulse, unsupported
by training, towards art work. . Herein we have, I believe, a wholly
reasonable motive and setting for the production of the medallion.
It is consistent with this idea that the finding on the Island of a
natural smooth-faced granite slab would have given the suggestion
to util ze the inviting surface for such a purpose. .

This origin for the medallion implies a meaning for the head,
which, as it bears no resemblance to any of the conventional religious
portraits, and shows no trace of insignia of royalty, would seem most
naturally to signify a complimentary representation of someone
prominent in connection with the expedition. This would presum-
ably be De Monts, official leader, but might be Champlain, nearly
as prominent, both of whom spent the winter on the Island. The
style of the hair comes perhaps as near as permitted by the exigencies
of the carving to the long locks worn by fashionable men of ‘that
time. It is possible indeed that there were two of the medallions,
for the two leaders, in which case the other may yet be found. The
thought that it was meant for someone in the all too well filled burial

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 99

ground of the Island seems opposed by its shape and the absence
of the conventional symbols for memorial stones.

As to how and why the stone, if thus produced, reached Lake
Utopia, we can well believe that it was taken there in later, perhaps
comparatively recent times, by the Indians, to be used, in imitation
of the custom of their white neighbours, as the headstone at the grave
of a chief,—their statements to this effect being thus explained.
If one thinks the French carver may have made it for this purpose,
as a present to the Indians or his own tribute to a friendly chief, it
is to be recalled that in such case he would have carved the head of
an Indian, which this assurdly is not. There is, however, another
possible reason for its presence at Utopia, more consistent with the
fact that the place where it was found, amid rocky debris, seems an
unlikely situation for a grave,—viz., the place is close to the abrupt
cliffs rising into the prominent Porcupine Mountain, a somewhat
uncanny repellant and dangerous-looking place, unlike any other
around the Lake. It was at such places of uncanny suggestion that
the Indians were accustomed to leave votive offerings, as abundant
references in our early literature attest. It is therefore possible
that this stone, so unlike anything familiar to the Indians, and there-
fore presumably in their view an especially potent “big medicine,”
was brought here from the Island, where they found it, as a votive
or propitiatory offering to the spirits of this place. Its position,
leaning, when found, against the ledge, supports this assumption.
Its transportation offers no difficulty, for the canoe route from Island
to Lake is all deep still water, except for a short portage at St. George.

Finally, one may well ask how so hard a stone, carved only a
little over two and a half centuries before it was found in 1863, could
have become weathered so greatly in the interval. This might well
occur through exposure to the waves of the sea for a century or two
before its removal from the Island. As shown in the afore-cited
Monograph, much of the soil of the Island has been washed away
since Champlain mapped the place in 1604-5, thus providing a way
whereby the stone could have dropped from the upland to the ex-
posed beach. In this connection one cannot but recall the statement
of Jackson that the stone of 1606, likewise much weathered, was
found “partly covered with sand and lying on the shore.’”’ It would
seem reasonable that the stone may have been placed over the door-
way of one of the larger buildings,—its thinness, oval form, and
general character being conformable more to that than any other
obvious use. The records show that only a part of the buildings on
the Island were removed to Port Royal, the remainder being burnt

100 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

by some rioting sailors a few years later. It is possible that the
stone, deemed too heavy to be worth transport in the deeply-laden
pinnaces, was left on a building later burnt, in which case the flaking
of the back, already mentioned as suggesting the action of fire, would
be explained. A later fall to the beach in the disintegration of the
bank, with a long exposure to the waves, would complete a reasonable
outline for the stone’s experiences.

SUMMARY

The conclusion to be drawn from the foregoing considerations
seems accordingly this:—

The Utopia Medallion is a genuine ancient relic, with an honest
record. Although direct testimony as to its origin is wanting, many
items of circumstantial evidence, all in harmony with contemporaneous
probabiliites, unite to indicate for it a continuous history consistent
with its various peculiarities. This leads back to the French colony on
St. Croix Island in 1604-5, where it was probably carved, from a natural
slab occuring on the Island, by some member of the expedition who,
a competent stone cutter but indifferent artist, made the work an occu-
pation for the too-abundant leisure of a trying winter. In this case the
head is probably an attempt at a portrait, possibly of De Monts or
Champlain.

ACCESSORY MATTERS

For the completion of our subject, it is necessary to notice
two other matters associated with the medallion,—a reputed altar-
temple near by, and a recent fraudulent head suggested by the
medallion.

Reputed altar-temple. In local writings occur references, usually
or always in association with mention of the medallion, to a stone
altar or temple said to have formerly existed on the granite hills
near the Canal, not far from where the medallion was found. The
following, from that excellent guide-book, Osgood’s Maritime Pro-
vinces (2nd edition, 1880, 32) is typical :—

Fake Utopia ses er On a bluff over this lake the earliest pioneers found
the remains of an ancient and mysterious temple, all traces of which have now
passed away. Here also was found a slab of red granite, bearing a large bas-relief
ofa humanthead, neem

Mr. I Allen Jack, in his article afore-cited on the medallion,
(p. 670) says:—

[GANONG] STONE MEDALLION OF LAKE UTOPIA 101

Upon one occasion, while in conversation with an old resident of St. George,
he gave me an account of a somewhat singular monument which, many years before
this period, stood on the summit of a hill near the canal, and about one-half mile
distant from the place where the carved stone was found. It consisted of a large
oval or rounded stone, weighing as my informant roughly estimates, seventy-five
hundredweight, lying on three vertical stone columns, from ten inches to one foot
in height, and firmly sunk in the ground.. ........ My informant stated that
the boys and other visitors were in the habit of throwing stones at the columns,
and that eventually the monument was tumbled over, by the combined effort of
a number of ship carpenters, and fell crashing into the valley.

It is interesting to trace the matter backwards. In 1878, Mr.
C. C. Ward, in an article in Scribner’s Monthly already mentioned,
says, along with his mention of the medallion :—

On one of the mountains on Lake Utopia there was at one time, a curious
structure resembling an altar, and built with large slabs of granite. Recently some
vandals, in order to gratify an idiotic whim, tumbled the largest block down the
hill-side, and into the lake.

In 1873 Dr. Leith Adams, with his account of the medallion in
his Field and Forest Rambles, already cited, adds:—

I spent several days in the locality searching for further relics, and more especi-

ally the remains of a temple building said to have existed at one time on a bluff
overlooking the lake, of which, however, not a trace was observable.

In the same year E. J. Russell, in the Canadian Illustrated News,
(VII, 1873, 216) gave an excellent account of the red granite mountains
near St. George, whose value was then first achieving recognition.
He does not mention temple or altar (nor does he in his article on
the Lake in the preceding volume in which he describes the medallion),
but in speaking of the cliffs near which the temple-altar is said to
have existed, he says:—

Some enormous masses in some parts have detached themselves from the face
of the mountain, and lay all ready for shipment, fitted to form the base of a sarco-
phagus for a President of the United States or a Prime Minister of the Dominion.
One piece, which is called ‘‘Cleopatra’s Needle” contains not less than one hundred

tons of stone without a flaw, and rests at an angle of about 45 deg. against the solid
sides of its grandfather.

In an accompanying woodcut, he shows this great and very
regular columnar rock in its leaning position, presenting indeed, an
aspect as though it had been toppled over from the cliff.

Back of 1873 I have not been able to trace any mention of the
temple-altar, and it is significant that C. C. Ward, in his excellent
account of the finding of the medallion, and his mention of other
interesting relics of that region (in the London Illustrated News of
1864 already cited), does not refer to it. Mr. Vroom, whose interest

‘

102 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

and critical judgment in such matters I have already mentioned,
heard stories of it ‘‘twenty or thirty years’’ before 1892, but has no
belief in its existence. So interesting and striking an object could
hardly have failed to attract the notice and investigation of Mr.
Ward and Colonel Wetmore at the time they were so interested in
the finding of the medallion had the report then been current with
any plausible foundation. Thus a fact basis for belief in such a
structure is wanting, and it is wholly probable that the story originated
simply in speculations centering around the existence of such regu-
larly jointed columns and slabs as occur so frequently in that vicinity,
and of which the Cleopatra’s Needle of Mr. Russell’s description
_and picture was one example.

Fraudulent Head. In the St. John Daily Telegraph of July 5,
1913 (and later, I am told, in Gun and Rod in Canada), appeared an
account, illustrated with a photograph, of a stone head, roughly
carved in the round, said to have been recently discovered at Lake
Utopia only a few hundred feet from the place where the medallion
had been found. Naturally much interested, I suggested to Mr.
Vroom that he go to St. George and investigate the find, but being
much occupied, he wrote instead to Captain Charles Johnson, of
St. George, a leading citizen and interested observer of all local
matters, and manager of one of the granite companies at that place.
Mr. Vroom sent me his reply, of which the substance follows:—

The head is a fraud. Some apprentice boys cut it about twenty years ago.
It has been in the camp for years to prop the door back. Last year an enterprising
newspaper man was looking for notes, so some of the boys dumped it into the lake,
and found it, and stuffed him............ I must admit I helped the thing along....
Fooling a newspaper man and an old friend like you are entirely two different things,
so I hasten to set it straight.

The critical reader’s first thought may be that the incident of
this false head throws doubt on the genuineness of the medallion. [I
predict, however, that further consideration of the entire matter
in light of the laws of logic and evidence will lead to the other
conclusion.

THE UTOPIA MEDALLION

One

fifth the true length and breadth

from original)

(Photograph

Section II, 1921 [103] TRANS. R.S.C.

The Ancestry of Archibald Lampman,
Poet

By REV. ERNEST Vooruls, ae IME Ph:
Presented by Duncan C. Scott, Litt. D., F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting 1921)
PREFACE

The information contained herein is taken from two larger
genealogical records of the Lampman and Gesner families which
I have prepared after several years of search and correspondence with
various members of both families.

As brother-in-law of the Poet I have had access to unpublished
family records.

ERNEST VOORHIS.
Ottawa,
15th April, 1921.

MEMORIES OF THE POET

In sentiment, loyalty and family tradition Archibald Lampman,
the poet, is to be reckoned a thorough Canadian. His patriotism
and love for his country was not the engrafted product of a few years’
sojourn in the land but, on the contrary, the result of a consciousness
that his ancestors had helped to lay the foundation of Canada.
To him Canada was peculiarly his own land, indeed, he possessed
an appreciation of her natural beauty, the rocks, hills, rivers, forests,
and flowers, which he could share with but few. He needed no
companion on his solitary rambles. Without there were innumer-
able friends, the trees, fields and flowers, with which as real person-
alities he communed in silence; while within arose a sequence of
thoughts, echoes of nature’s voice, which inspired the poet’s soul.

Lampman was happiest when exploring new scenes in the forest
land of the north, far distant from the sounds and sights of mankind.
What is to many the wilderness, to him was the garden of nature.
The more profound became the silence, the greater was his enjoy-
ment. Never conscious of loneliness nor of fear, his nature seemed
to expand into perfect harmony with the greatness and wildness
without. When on a canoeing trip he was always noted for his

104 THE ROYAL.SOCIETY OF CANADA

genuine equanimity, be the weather hot or cold, under clear skies
or in storms. Nothing seemed to dampen his lightheartedness.
We portaged our burdens through dense forests—once by night;
we paddled our birch-bark all day long; sometimes we lost the route,
or the rain imprisoned us in the tent; the sun would burn at midday,
the ground would be white with frost at dawn; we ran rapids of
dangerous violence, and yet in such circumstances, as in all others,
Lampman was always the spirit of hope, of joy, of pure delight.

There was never a time when he could not see the humour in
every happening. Often as we paddled in silence by the hour,
resting his paddle, he would suddenly break into that hearty laugh
of his at the recollection of some humourous incident and start the
echoes bounding from shore to shore and rousing the solitary loon.
Great was his delight when a strange little berry or plant was found.
To become acquainted with his new friend was now his serious pur-
pose and until he had discovered its name in Gray’s Botany, his
constant companion, he could not rest content. Each new find
became a personal friend whom he never forgot.

Thus it was that he always seemed to dwell in a plane quite
foreign to us of homelier build. While we could merely recognize
the beauty of a moss-covered cliff, he would see in it a wealth of colour
unperceived by us. As the prospector searches for traces of the
coveted vein of gold, so Lampman was a prospector for the treasures
of forest and field. Nothing was too humble for his admiration
because he recognized friends in nature’s community. On one
occasion when a companion had differed with his admiration of the
common yarrow, great was his indignation, and then he composed
the poem of the yarrow: |

“It blooms as in the fields of life
Those spirits bloom for ever,
Unnamed, unnoted in the strife,
Among the great and clever.”

Lampman’s devotion to nature was not without reason, for his
ancestors had entered Canada while it was still a wilderness. As
pioneers they had penetrated the primeval forests, and lived de-
pendent upon nature’s resources and had been taught of her whims
and fancies. Deep in their hearts was an inborn love of her fields
and forests, a love which has survived in remarkable degree in their
descendants.

In the affairs of nations and of men Lampman evinced a keen
interest. A deep student of history, delving into chronicles of medie-

[VOORHIS] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 105

val times and the origins of nations, his knowledge became broad and
his appreciation of the hidden philosophy of economics based on
antecedent causes was a guide in forming his judgment. Genuine
sympathy and love for his fellow man bespoke the largeness of his
heart. So acute were his perceptions that no weakness or stain
escaped his observation; yet he never revealed in unkindly manner
his knowledge of another’s faults but, nevertheless, the offender
instinctively knew that his secret was revealed. His estimate of the
world’s doings was enlightened by his keen sense of humour. The
ludicrousness of man’s littleness and self-deception amused him
intensely, because the wider vision of his trained mind enabled him
to look beneath the surface and to recognize realities.

Though he thought of other nations thus objectively, his interest
in Canadian affairs was subjective in the highest measure. What
happened in Canada was to him a personal affair of magnitude and
seriousness. His loyalty to the Dominion and his unbounded faith
in the future of Canada were an inspiration to his friends. Through
him they gathered strength. Patriotism was born in him for his
ancestors had fought and died in the defense of Canada, and it is
significant that the poet’s son with all the eligible young men of the
immediate family and others of collateral branches were among the
earliest to enlist in the last war. Such a course to them seemed but
natural.

Lampman’s early training in the classics had developed: a pro-
found respect for the thinkers of ages past. They were like living
personalities to him and to his last days they contributed in no small
measure to his enjoyment of life. In the midst of a busy life already
well filled with the duties of his office, the cares of home, and his own
writing and reading, he always found time to devote to his Greek.
He Was well read in Plato, Aeschylus, Sophocles and Homer, and the
comedies of Aristophanes furnished him with material for many a
delightful discourse while on camping trips. Latin authors did not
so strongly appeal to him for he recognized their lack of original
imagination and literary inventive genius. It was the polish, refine-
ment and beauty of Greek art that attracted him.

In reading the history of his father’s and mother’s families one
sees that the outstanding characteristics of the poet’s mind existed
in his ancestors. His remarkable love for nature, his clear percep-
tions and keenness of vision, his fondness for the classics, his student
habit of mind, his literary judgment, his patriotism, are all traceable
to his forefathers. Lampman was descended from two United Empire
Loyalist families, the Gesners and Lampmans, both of whom had

106 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

resided in the vicinity of New York sixty-five and thirty-five years
respectively before coming to Canada. They were among the earliest
of the Loyalists to arrive, the Gesners coming to Nova Scotia in 1778
and the Lampmans to Niagara in 1779. Preferring loyalty to their
king rather than a share in the foundation of a new state built upon
_rebellion, they sacrificed all the advantages acquired by years of
residence in the colonies and made their way to Canada in a condition
of practical destitution, leaving their property and possessions seized
of the Americans.

Though the Gesners were of Swiss origin and the Lampmans of
German, it is interesting to note that in the poet no less than six
different nationalities were represented, namely, Swiss, French
German, Dutch and English. The Gesners were men of literary
culture, students of natural history, classical scholars, professors of
science and mathematics, theologians; the Lampmans were men of
the farm, big and forceful, who loved the open air. It would be diff-
cult to say which of the two families was more distinctly represented
in the poet. In general build and personal appearance he resembled
the Gesners who were of short stature, dark hair and brown or black
eyes. From them in large measure he inherited his literary taste
and aptitude, his scholar’s mind. Though the Gesners had lived in
the country and had scientifically studied the aspects of nature
since coming to Canada yet it would seem that the Lampmans be-
queathed to him that unique appreciation of the beauty ott nature
which found expression in the poet’s verse.

THE GESNER FAMILY

The Gesner family originated in Switzerland, whence some of
the branches moved into southern Germany which probably offered
them a larger field and better advantages for the pursuit of their
favourite studies. One branch, from which the poet was descended,
moved into Holland at an early date. During the past four centuries
the family has produced many celebrated scholars and scientists
whose labours are recorded in history. At the beginning of the 16th
century three brothers, Vasa, Paul, and Andreas Gesner resided at
Solothurn in Switzerland near the German border whence Andreas
and Vasa moved to Zurich. Vasa was the father of the eminent
naturalist Conrad von Gesner who was born at Zurich in 1516. He
was the most renowned scientist of his age, professor of Greek at
Lausanne and at Zurich, and for his achievements was knighted by
the Emperor Ferdinand I of Germany. He was not only a Greek

[voorHIs] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 107

scholar and linguist producing such works as a list of all the writers
who had ever lived with their works, which he wrote in Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin, but he was also a great student of natural history
being especially fond of botany. Paul, the second of the brothers
mentioned above, was the father of Solomon (1559-1605) divinity pro-
fessor in the University of Wittenberg. Among the most noted
scholars in their day were Andrew Samuel (1690-1761), Jean Albert
(1695-1760) amd John Matthew (1691-1761), three brothers. The
18th century records of the Gesners contain names of many celebrated
physicians, naturalists, classics, and clergymen.

Johan Hendrick Gesner (1681-1745), the progenitor of the
American and Canadian branches, when twenty-nine years old left
his home in Holland and with his wife Anne Elizabeth and infant
daughter Margaret came to London, whence he sailed by ship “Lyon”
arriving in New York June 10th, 1710. This was forty-nine years
after the village of New Amsterdam had passed from the control
of the New Netherlanders to that of the English, but it was still a
mere village and the interior of the colony was a wilderness inhabited
by Indians. Many of the original Dutch settlers had moved from
New York and had made settlements along the banks of the Hudson
river where they long retained their language and customs. One of
these settlements was Tappan about thirty miles north of New York
and here John Gesner made his home not far from the village of
Hackensack where he had acquaintances and friends. Settled upon
a comfortable estate of considerable size Gesner devoted himself to
the duties of his farm and grist-mill. In contrast to the conditions
prevailing in Upper Canada, pioneers in the Hudson valley always
had the advantage of a commercial centre at New York whereby
communication with Europe was maintained and comforts were
accessible.

John Hendrick Gesner resided at Tappan until his death in
1745, a man of pious life, member of the Lutheran church, and re-
spected by his neighbours. A second child, whom he named John,
was born to him in 1724. No record has been found of any children
born between his daughter Margaret and John. By his will Gesner
left all his property to his wife Elizabeth for her lifetime and at her
death it passed to his son John. Provision was made for Gerittje
(Margaret) in the bequest of ‘‘one negro woman’”’, for at that time
slavery was the prevailing custom. About 1740 Margaret had married
Jacob Valentine of Yonkers and her descendants to-day constitute a
well known family in New York. Her first child was named Johannes
and her second children were twins whom she called Anna and Mar-

108 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

grietje (Margaret). The register of the old Dutch church at Tappan
contains the names of many children of the Gesners who were baptized
between the years 1744 and 1815.

John Henry Gesner (second) (1724-1811) inherited his father’s
estate, to which he made considerable additions. He lived con-
tinuously at Tappan and in 1811 was buried in the old Gesner burying
ground, his grave and that of his wife being marked by tombstones
still legible. The site of his house and the family burying ground
may still be seen about a mile and a half southeast of Tappan village.
In 1744 he married Famitcha Brower, daughter of Adolphus Brower
and Jannette Ferdon. The Browers were descended from Adam
Brower who emigrated from Cologne, France, to New Amsterdam
in 1642. Famitcha’s grandfather Jacob Brower, was married in
1682 to Anneke Bogardus granddaughter of the famous Anneke
Jans Bogardus who was descended from William of Orange (William
the Silent). Jannette Ferdon was descended from Thomas Ferdon
who had emigrated to New Amsterdam in 1645. The Ferdons (or
more correctly Verdon) were a French Huguenot family who had
taken refuge in Holland where they resided for a number of years
before coming to America.

Seven sons and two daughters were born to John Henry Gesner
(second), the eldest in 1745 and the youngest in 1768. Canadian
history is interested in only two of these sons, the twin brothers
Henry and Abraham Gesner who settled in Nova Scotia.

The American revolution was fraught with unhappy consequences
for the family. The father was fifty-two years old at the outbreak
of the war; the eldest son was twenty-seven and the youngest eleven.
Several ‘etters of the father and a remarkable diary of his youngest
son Nicholas have been preserved. From them we learn that the
father, John Henry Gesner (second), endeavoured to- maintian a
neutral attitude in the war, refusing to sign the Association Articles.
Never openly espousing the patriot cause and yet fearing to declare
himself a King’s man, he passed a miserable existence during the war
and was considered a Tory by the Americans. His eldest son John
Gesner (third) adopted his father’s course, but, being suspected by
the Americans, he escaped to New York where he lived, probably as
a non-combatant, within the British lines throughout the war. Upon
the cessation of hostilities he went to Nova Scotia where he lived
for five years. Then returning to Tappan he passed the rest of his

life in the nearby village of Nyack, where several of his descendants
reside at present.

[VOORHIS] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 109

Nicolas, the youngest of these seven brothers, informs us in his
diary that ‘Father Gesner admonished his sons, Jacob, Isaac, Henry
and Abraham to take opportunity to go to New York now in possession
of the British. With some others, after their father had admonished
them to be good boys, they went off in an open pettiauger belonging
to Dennis Sneeden’’. It is doubtful whether the boys ever saw their
father again. Jacob became a captain in the English army and was
lost at sea. Of Isaac no further record has been found beyond the
fact that he was with the English forces in New York.

Henry and his twin brother Abraham, then eighteen years of
age, joined the King’s Orange rangers, a loyalist corps raised mainly
in Orange county, New York, by Lieut. Bayard. Both boys were with
the forces of Sir Henry Clinton in his northern expedition and were
present at the storming and taking of Fort Mongtomery. After
seeing active service in several engagements the Rangers were ordered
to Nova Scotia and embarked for Halifax in October 1778. They
remained in garrison duty until 1783 and were then disbanded. In
consequence of their loyalist sympathies, Henry and Abraham suffered
the loss of all their patrimony, in lieu of which the British Government
granted Henry 400 acres in the Cornwallis valley, and Abraham a
tract of similar area near Annapolis Royal in the Annapolis valley.

Abraham served in the militia of Nova Scotia for forty years as
major. He was one of the first to develop fruit culture in Nova
Scotia and devoted himself to his estate which he increased by the
purchase of 1,500 additional acres. In 1824 he was appointed to the
bench of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas. “His uprightness of
character and sincerity of purpose commanded the respect of parlia-
ment and people’’. There are many descendants of Abraham Gesner
both in Nova Scotia and in the United States, one of whom lives on
the old Gesner place at Belle Isle, Annapolis.

Colonel Henry Gesner, the great-grandfather of the poet Lamp-
man, after receiving his grant of 400 actes of primeval forest, began
the life of a pioneer and, before his death, had developed his property
to a high state of cultivation. The old residence at Cornwallis still
exists in good repair, backed by a great orchard of nearly 7,000 apple
trees largely grown from seeds brought from New York by Colonel
Gesner. A portion of the old dam forming part of the works of his grist-
mill still remains. In this mill the Colonel employed a lad who in
after years was the father of one of Canada’s celebrated statesmen (Sir
Chas. Tupper). The military experience which Henry had acquired
during the American revolution proved of great value to the province
in later years. In 1818 he held a major’s commission in the 16th

110 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Battalion, King’s County Militia, and in 1828 he was Lieutenant-
Colonel of the Ist Battalion. In 1786 Henry Gesner married Sarah
Pineo, daughter of David and Rebecca West Pineo of Cornwallis.
He survived his wife eight years, dying in 1850 at the age of 94 years,
and both were buried in the churchyard of the English church at
Cornwallis. Colonel Gesner and his father and grandfather, the
original settler in America, all spoke the language of Holland as well
as English. He was a man of great pride and inclined to be auto-
cratic, very proud of his family and reserved with strangers. In
personal appearance he was blond with light hair and blue eyes, in
contrast to his twin brother who was dark. His sword which he
always treasured is now in the keeping of his descendants.

His wife’s family, the Pineo, or more correctly Pineau, were
French Huguenots, descendants of Jacques Pineau, who came to
Bristol, Rhode Island, in 1706. After remaining some years in
Connecticut they went to Nova Scotia before the American revolu-
tion. Elizabeth Sampson, the grandmother of Henry Gesner’s wife,
was directly descended from Myles Standish and John Alden.

Twelve children were born to Henry Gesner and his wife Sarah
Pineo, all of whom were baptized in St. John’s church Cornwallis.
‘This present narrative is concerned with the life and adventures of
two of the sons, David Henry Gesner, the grandfather of Archibald
Lampman, and Abraham Gesner.

Each of these sons when twenty-seven years of age left their
father’s home to seek their fortunes. Abraham went to London to
study surgery and medicine, returning again to Nova Scotia after
taking his degree. A man of scientific tastes he became interested
in the geology and mineralogy of Nova Scotia and published various
reports and works on the gold fields, geology and mineralogy of the
province. In 1838 he was appointed Provincial Geologist of New
Brunswick. At the expiration of his office he returned to his father’s
estate at Cornwallis where he continued the practice of medicine.
His scientific experiments resulted in the construction of an electric
motor, probably one of the first ever made. Among other achieve-
ments was his discovery of a method for the extraction of illuminating
oil from coal and petroleum which he patented in the United States
under the name Keroselene, afterwards abbreviated to Kerosene.

He was a man of genial and generous disposition, popular with
his neighbours, a firm churchman and fond of music. In personal
appearance David Henry and Abraham closely resembled each
other. They are described as being of medium height, with deep
chest and square shoulders, dark complexioned, having black eyes

[VOORHIS] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 111

which shone brilliantly, and raven black hair which maintained its
colour throughout their lives. The descendants of Abraham Gesner
include many noted geologists, clergymen, doctors, chemists and
inventors.

David Gesner was born at Cornwallis in 1793. When twenty-
seven years old he left Nova Scotia for Montreal, where he taught
school for two years. He then studied medicine for two years, but
not finding either occupation to his liking and being drawn by a love
of adventure and a great fondness for nature, he decided to join the
ranks of the pioneers who at that time were beginning to migrate
from Lower Canada and the Maritime Provinces to Upper Canada.
About the year 1825, in company with other pioneers he arrived at
Port Talbot on Lake Erie. Thence he journeyed a few miles west-
ward and took up land in the township of Orford, County of Kent.
The Book of Land Grants in the Archives at Toronto records a grant
to David Henry Gesner of 200 acres south on Talbot Road on the
shore of Lake Erie, 7th June, 1825. At Talbot dwelt Colonel Thomas
Talbot, a retired officer of the English army who had secured a grant
of 100,000 acres under the condition that he should place a settler
upon every 200 acres. “There he dwelt for years, utterly alone,
shunning the society of his fellowmen, a picturesque and singular
character in the early history of Upper Canada”.

The country at that time was an almost unbroken wilderness
of primeval forest, peopled principally by Indians and a few settlers
who had penetrated west from York as far as London and along the
north shore of Lake Erie. Every privation and difficulty which the
sturdy pioneer of those days encountered fell to the lot of David
Henry and it needed a stout heart and wonderful self reliance to
induce a man to leave the comparatively well settled country of
Nova Scotia and to brave the unknown wilds of Upper Canada.
There he would be deprived of the comforts to which he had been
accustomed; communication with his family and friends would be
infrequent and subject to the uncertainties of courier post and ship-
ping; whatever he should require for existence must be the fruit of
his own labours. Clearing a small space in the forest Gesner erected
a comfortable log house in which he dwelt alone for nearly two years.
By incessant labour and perseverance he hewed down the forest,
cleared his fields, built himself a comfortable home, planted and
developed a fruit farm rivalling in some degree his father’s estate
at Cornwallis. As events turned out, it was not for his own profit
alone that he ventured so far from home, for the Government saw
in the son of the loyalist Colonel Gesner such qualities as marked

112 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

him a staunch King’s man who could be relied on to hold the country
in allegiance to Great Britain. Barely ten years had passed since the
battles of the war of 1812 had been fought within a few miles of
Gesner’s home; the Americans were covetous of the land and there
were dissatisfied Canadians ready for an American alliance. Thus
it happened that Gesner was appointed Crown Commissioner to
strengthen the loyal sentiment. Later he held the offices of Justice
of the Peace and King’s Counsellor and for many years he was the
Government’s chief representative in that section.

Companionship was not far distant for at Tyrconnel Gesner met
and wooed Sarah Stewart, daughter of Captain John Stewart who
with his wife and ten children had moved to Tyrconnel from Digby,
Nova Scotia, in 1820. The Stewarts were a Scotch family who had
emigrated from County Tyrone, Ulster, in the north of Ireland, to
Nova Scotia. Captain Stewart had been educated for the Church
of England ministry but had chosen to follow the sea. His wife
Sarah was a member of the Culver family who had emigrated from
Holland. Gesner was married in 1827 and the young couple taking
up their abode in the forest home prepared to face the privations of
pioneer life. We shall never know the details of that struggle cul-
minating in final success, but we may infer how lonely and primitive
were the conditions of life from the saying of the poet’s mother that,
when a child, she would often lie awake at night, listening to the
howling of the wolves near the house.

Gesner’s married life covered a period of fifty-two years. He
survived his wife but a few months, dying in 1879 at the age of 86,
and both were buried in the churchyard of Trinity church, Morpeth,
which Gesner in company with other gentlemen had built and main-
tained. Eight children were born to them, of whom the last surviving
died in 1915.

David Henry Gesner was a man of commanding personality,
very domineering and autocratic, a lion-hearted man of iron will and
great strength of mind and body. Ruling as the King’s Commissioner
and as a veritable seigneur in spirit, he was a law unto all in that
region and it has been said that his neighbours never ventured on
important undertakings without first consulting him and obtaining
his approval. He was an unapproachable man who consistently
maintained his autocratic attitude both at home and abroad, always
intolerant of opposition.

Of his eight children only two married, his eldest son John and
his daughter Susannah Charlotte, mother of the poet, for Gesner’s

[VOORHIS] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 113

autocratic will undoubtedly interfered with the natural development
of his children’s careers.

THE LAMPMAN FAMILY

About the middle of the 18th century three brothers, John,
Caspar, and Frederick Lampman left their native town Hanover,
Germany, and emigrated with their families to the American colonies.
coming by way of Holland. The Empire of Germany did not exist
at that time. The Duchy of Hanover belonged to the King of England
(George II) and it was not until the accession of Queen Victoria
(1837) that the Duchy was severed from the English crown. In 1866,
about one hundred years after the Lampmans left Hanover, the
Dutchy was incorporated with Prussia. Thus the Lampmans in
leaving Hanover and coming to America simply transferred them-
selves from one portion of English territory to another, without change
of allegiance to the English Crown.

John, who is thought to have been the eldest, settled in Renn-
selaerville, and Caspar in Columbia County, New York. The men
of these two families remained in the United States‘after the Revolu-
tion, excepting two or three of their sons who, either during or im-
mediately after the war, settled in Lower Canada near Lake Cham-
plain and in northern Vermont. Michael, Stephen, and Henry
Lampman are recorded as having settled at Swanton, Vermont, in
1787. The records show that other sons of John and Caspar Lamp-
man settled in the eastern part of the Province of Quebec, but the
majority of these two families seem to have sided with the Americans
in the revolution and their numerous descendants are to be found
in various parts of the United States.

The youngest of these three brothers, Frederick Lampman, the
ancestor of Archibald Lampman, was about thirty years old when
he arrived in New York in 1750 with his wife Katharine and one or
two children. He settled in New Jersey not far from New York and
there he lived for thirty-four years. In 1784 when about sixty-five
years old he came to Canada and being a U.E. Loyalist was granted
400 acres by the Crown at Stamford, Lincoln County, District of
Niagara. Frederick Lampman and all his sons and sons-in-law were
strong loyalists. There was no hesitation on their part in siding with
the King’s adherents. With the exception of a few horses and cattle
and some personal effects, which he was able to bring into Canada,
all his property was seized by the Americans and he entered the

country almost destitute. His family consisted of seven sons and
1

114 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

five daughters. The eldest son was 27 years old at the outbreak of
the revolution and the youngest seven years of age. All the sons,
excepting the youngest Abraham, being of military age were subject
to impressment in the American forces and efforts were made to
secure them forcibly. The eldest, Peter, escaped from the Americans
with great difficulty in 1778 and made his way on foot and alone to
Canada. The second son, William, was arrested, accused of being
a Tory spy, and, although proven innocent, was mu dered in prison
during an altercation with the jailer. During the early period of the
war before the British had seized the town of New York, the Loyalists
resident in the neighbourhood suffered severely at the hands of the
Americans. After the capture of New York many took refuge with
the King’s forces, leaving their homes in the country which were
ransacked by the Americans, while many were driven from their
homes in New Jersey and along the Hudson valley, glad to save their
lives.

It is greatly to be regretted that many records of the experiences
of the Loyalists during that time of changes have been lost, but when
it is remembered that they arrived in Canada in the majority of cases
utterly destitute and were at once confronted with the problem of
making a livelihood in primeval forest land to which they were wholly
unaccustomed, the wonder is that any records were left. Frederick
Lampman faithfully maintained the chronicle of his children in the
Family Bible, and his son Peter continued the record for another
generation, and this Bible is carefully treasured to-day by Frederick’s
great-great-granddaughter, 160 years after he brought it to America.
The book is exactly 200 years old. Another interesting relic exists
carefully guarded in the Dominion Archives at Ottawa. It is a peti-
tion of Peter Lampman dated 11th October, 1796, for additional
grant of family lands, witnessed by G. Ridout, and contains a list
of his children in a beautiful hand probably written by his wife.

The Peace of Paris was signed in 1783, but it brought no good
will to the Loyalists from the Americans. Although the latter insisted
that the British forces should leave New York immediately, the Com-
mandant persistently refused to withdraw his troops until the Loyalists
had been safely transported to other lands. Under British protection
they departed from the colonies where many of their families had
lived for half a century and more, some to the West Indies or to
England, and others to Canada.

In 1784 a great pilgrimage of the Loyalists to Upper Canada
began. They travelled by the old Indian trail west from Albany to
the lake country of the Mohawks and Iroquois, where the trail divided,

[VOORHIs] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 115

one branch going north to the Indian village of Oswego, whence they
sailed across Lake Ontario to Kingston, and the other trail continuing
due west to Niagara. The Mohawks and Iroquois whose lands and
villages had been devastated by the Americans as the result of their
loyalty to the King, joined the Loyalists in seeking new homes in
Canada. Among other bands, seven families of Loyalists migrated
together to Niagara and took up claims in Stamford township border-
ing on the Niagara river. They were the Mettlers, Hensels, Lamp-
mans, Bonks, Swayzes, Hoovers, and Seaburns. Among the original
settlers in Thorold were the Ostranders, Seaburns, and Uppers, while
the Swayzes, Hoovers, and Lampmans settled in Stamford. Four
hundred acres were granted to Frederick Lampman. At that time
all the territory between the Ottawa river and Detroit river, in
which the Loyalists founded homes, was part of the Province of
Quebec, but in 1788 Lord Dorchester divided the territory into four
districts for settlement to which he gave the names of Lunenburg,
Mecklenburg, Nassau, and Hesse. These names in 1792 were changed
respectively to Eastern, Midland, Home and Western. Hence the
district in which the Lampmans settled was called at first Nassau
and later Home.

Twenty-five years ago Colonel E. Ryerson when collecting data
of the Loyalists, published a letter which he had received from Mrs,
Elizabeth Bowman Spohn, whose grandmother was a daughter of
Frederick Lampman. In this letter dated in 1861 Mrs. Spohn des-
cribed most graphically the sufferings of her grandparents at the
hands of the Americans, their rescue by the Indians, their journeying
to Canada and the fearful struggle for existence in the primeval
wilderness. Of the Lampmans she wrote: My grandfather married
the daughter of a Loyalist from Hudson (North) river, Mr. Frederick
Lampman. He was too old to serve in the war, but his four sons
and two sons-in-law did. They were greatly harrassed but they hid
in the cellars and bushes for three months, the rebels hunting them
night and day. At length an opportunity offered, and they made
their escape to Long Island, where they joined the British army”.
Frederick Lampman upon the marriage of his daughter Elizabeth to
Peter Bowman in Canada gave her as a wedding present, a cow, bed,
six plates, and three knives, which portrays the destitution of the
Loyalists.

Only fragmentary accounts are preserved of the struggles and
sufferings of the Loyalists during the starvation year of 1785 and for
years after. Frederick was sixty-five years old when he arrived in
Canada. He did not long survive the sufferings and losses which he

116 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

had endured in the revolution. In 1789 he died, five years after
coming to Canada. In his will which has been preserved, after pro-
viding for his wife, he devised the estate to his second son Frederick
(second) on certain conditions, and with other bequests, he gave the
family Bible to his eldest son Peter. Descendants of his sons Frederick,
John, Matthew, and Abraham, and of his five daughters are to be
found to-day from Ontario to Vancouver. The war had wrought
havoc in his life. His farm which he had carefully developed for
thirty-five years together with his personal property was seized by
the Americans; his son had been murdered; his two sons Peter and
Stephen had escaped to Canada; and finally with his wife, daughters
and four younger sons who had survived the war, he journeyed to
Canada when sixty-five years of age to begin a life-long struggle in
wresting a home from the wilderness. After such experiences the
loyalty of the family to the British crown in the war of 1812 causes
no surprise.

His son Stephen, who was sixteen years old at the beginning of
of the revolution, joined the British forces in New York. At the
conclusion of the war he travelled north and settled on Pike river,
Stanbridge, Quebec. The town of Bedford, P.Q., owes its inception
to Stephen Lampman who was one of the original grantees of the
township. The location of his mills on Pike river is shown on old
government maps of 1800 and 1815 which are preserved in the Archives
at Ottawa. His descendants settled in Vermont and later in the
states of Wisconsin and Minnesota.

Peter Lampman, the eldest son of Frederick and great-grand-
father of Archibald Lampman was born in Hanover in 1749. He was
twenty-seven years old at the beginning of the revolution. In 1777
he married Elizabeth Haines of an English family which after the
war settled as U.E. Loyalists in the township of Newark, District of
Nassau. Soon after their marriage Peter was compelled to flee from
their home to escape impressment with the American forces and the
young couple were separated for about five years. His eldest child
Catharine was born during her father’s flight. If Elizabeth received
any news of her husband during those five years, it must have been
a most unusual circumstance. Alone and on foot, hunted by the
Americans, always in peril of his life, he travelled up the Hudson
valley to the city of Quebec, where he arrived in 1779. It is related
that at one time, when hard pressed by his pursuers, he hid in a hay
mow which the Americans searched with swords and bayonets. At
another time he slept in a tree while the searchers passed beneath.
After his escape through the American lines, he must have encountered

[VooRHIs] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 117

great privation in obtaining food for there were very few settlements
and the whole region was held by the Americans. The winter of 1779-
1780 he spent at Quebec.

In the spring of 1780 he proceeded west by the St. Lawrence
river to the Niagara peninsula where he took up a claim at bend of
the Niagara escarpment called St. Anthony’s Nose. Newark was
the name of the nearest settlement. At this place, the first Parliament
of Upper Canada was afterwards held, the name being changed to
Grantham, then to Lenox, and finally to Niagara. From the autumn
of 1780 to the spring of 1782 Peter Lampman was busily engaged in
preparing his new home in the wilderness, .cutting down the forest,
and building a log house. He was compelled to do the work practi-
cally alone for there were very few settlers in that district at the time,
the Loyalists not arriving in numbers before 1784 when Peter’s family
settled nearby at Stamford. In the spring of 1782, having made
sufficient preparation, he set out alone for New York to fetch his
wife and child. Although peace had been declared in that year,
news was slow in travelling, and his return to New York was
probably as dangerous as his flight from the town had been. His route
this time was by the Mohawk valley through the country of the Five
Nations. At some time during the summer of 1782 he found his wife
and the little child Catrina then about four years old whom he saw
for the first time.

We do not know where they lived for the next nine or ten months,
but in the following spring of 1783 Peter returned again to Niagara
bringing his wife, Catrina, and an infant son but a few weeks old.
It is related that he procured a horse, on which his wife and children
rode while he walked by their side. They arrived in Niagara in safety
and began life in their forest home where though privations were
severe, there was security under the British flag. Peter Lampman’s
grants were extensive, altogether about 750 acres as recorded in the
Land Books of Upper Canada which are preserved in the Archives
at Toronto. The estate, which he named Mountain Point, was
situated between Thorold and St. Catherine’s, and under his care a
beautiful fruit farm was developed. Here he lived for fifty-two years.
In 1834 he died at the age of eighty-five, having survived his wife
fourteen years. They were both interred in the graveyard of the old
Lutheran church at Thorold. This historic log church was recently
taken down to make room for the new Welland canal.

Ten children were born to Peter Lampman, five boys and five
daughters. The eldest daughter Catharine, who had travelled on
horseback with her mother to Canada, married in 1797 George Keefer

118 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

the founder of Thorold, son of George Keefer who had emigrated
from Alsace, France, to New York and had lost his life and property
as a Loyalist in 1770. The infant boy whom Peter brought to Canada
in 1783 and whom he named Jacob seems to have died while young
for no further record of him has been found. The second son, Frede-
rick, married the daughter of a Loyalist and moved from Niagara
taking up a grant at Palmyra, Talbot Street, in the township of
Orford near Lake Erie, a few miles from Clearville, where David
Henry Gesner, about the same time 1825, had received a grant.
Frederick Lampman was one of the first settlers on Talbot Street
and the original grant from the Crown is still preserved by his grandson
who occupies the old homestead. All of Peter Lampman’s sons served
in the Lincoln Militia in the war of 1812 and several of the Lampmans
lie buried in Lundy’s Lane. His third son, named Peter, the poet’s
grandfather, was wounded at the battle of Fort George 27th May,
1813. Another son, John, Captain of the Ist Lincoln Militia, was
severely wounded at the battle of Lundy’s Lane. The Orderly Books
of the war of 1812 contain many references to the Lampmans. In
the records of marriages made by Peter Lampman’s children the
names of several well known Loyalist families occur. Captain John
Lampman married Mary Secord, sister of Laura Secord, whose
brother Abraham Secord married Elizabeth Lampman.

Peter Lampman’s third son, who was also named Peter, the grand-
father of the poet, inherited the family estate at Mountain Point.
He married Agnes Ann McNeal, daughter of Archibald McNeal who
had come to Canada from Baltimore. Their family consisted of ten
children, of whom seven were sons. The third son, named Archibald,
father of the poet, was born in 1822 and died at Ottawa 1895. He
was educated at Upper Canada College, graduated Bachelor of Arts
from Trinity College, Toronto, 1857, and was ordained in the ministry
of the Church of England 1857. He was appointed incumbent of
Trinity Church, Morpeth, in 1860 and in May of that year married
Susanna Charlotte, daughter of David Henry Gesner. He was
remarkably pvoficient in the classics even for those days when the
study of classical authors was considered essential to a liberal educa-
tion. He was especially devoted to Vergil, Horace, and Cicero, and
having the advantage of an excellent memory his store of classical
knowledge never faded.

In reading the foregoing sketches of these hardy men, one cannot
fail to be impressed with a few facts which seem to distinguish them
from men of the present time. Hardships and great labours did not
shorten their lives, for they generally attained the age of eighty and

[VOORHIs] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 119

even ninety years. Their families were always large, frequently
numbering a dozen children of whom very few died in childhood.
These men and their wives seemed devoid of fear and their powers
of adaptability to new conditions were remarkable. We of to-day
can hardly appreciate the difficulties which they conquered, but,
built upon such courage, devotion and loyalty as characterized their
lives, Canada takes her place among the progressive nations of the
world.

ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN

Frederick Lampman John Hendrick Gesner

1719-1789 1681-1745
and Katrina and Ann Elizabeth

Peter Lampman John Henry Gesner
1749-1834 1724-1811

Elizabeth Haynes Famitcha Brower
1757-1820 1723-1788

Peter Lampman David Henry Gesner
1787-1870 1793-1879

Agnes Ann McNeal Sarah Stewart
1795-1879 1802-1878

Archibald Lampman Susanna Charlotte Gesner
1822-1895 1837-1912

Susanna Charlotte Gesner Archibald Lampman
1837-1912 1822-1895

Archibald Lampman
1861-1899
Maud Emma Playter
1869-1910

Archibald Otto Lampman
1898-
Helen Winifred McKenzie

Mary Natalie Lampman
1921

120

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

SOURCES OF INFORMATION

The Gesner Family

History of the Gesner Family, by Anthon Temple Gesner,
Middletown, Conn., 1912.

Records kept by Mrs. Samuel Boak, Cornwallis, N.S., grand-
daughter of Colonel Henry Gesner, born 1832.

Lens Allgemine Helvetischrs Schweiz Lex. Zurich, 1750.

Life of David Henry Gesner, by his daughter Maria Gesner, 1912.

Register of Dutch Church at Tappan, N.Y. Copy preserved in
Library of Holland Society, New York.

The Lampman Family

American Ancestry, vol. I and II, Albany.

History of Swanton, Vermont, by Rev. J. B. Perry and G.
Barney, Swanton, 1882.

Hemenway’s Vermont Hist. Gaz., vol. IV.

History of Grand Isle, Vermont, L. C. Aldrich.

Family Bible of Frederick Lampman (I), Hanover, 1720.

Provision List Niagara 1786, Series M, vol. 185, p. 133.

Dom. Archives.

Map ‘Niagara Claim Reserve Papers’’ 1797, Dom. Archives.

Prov. Archives at Toronto.

“Christian Guardian”’, Toronto, 24 February, 1875. (Spohn and
Ryerson letters).

Will of Frederick Lampman (1), 1789.

Report Bureau of Archives Ontario, 1905.

Book of Land Board, Nassau, 1790, Prov. Archives, Toronto.

Register of Lots in T’p’s. District Nassau, 1795. Prov. Archives,
Toronto.

Chadwick Ontario Families.

Two Maps in Dom. Archives Ottawa, “With No. 25 State
Papers’’, 1784.

Land Book B. Upper Canada, Dom. Archives, Ottawa.

Original Petition of Peter Lampman, 11th October, 1796, and
List of his children, Dom. Archives, Ottawa.

Report Niagara Hist. Socy., No. 19.

Records in Family Bibles of Lampman families.

Orderly Book Militia Niagara, 1812. Dom. Archives.

Land Petitions, A. Taylor, 3rd June, 1783. Prov. Archives.

Map “Plan of Outlines and Subdivisions T’p. Stanbridge, 1800”’.
Dom. Archives.

[VOORHIS] ANCESTRY OF ARCHIBALD LAMPMAN 121

Map ‘Frontier Lower Canada” Quebec, 22nd December, 1815,
Dom. Archives.

Supplementary List of U.E.L. Prov. Archives.

Order in Council 18th June, 1799. Prov. Archives.
4 ‘" 9th December, 1815. Prov. Archives.
i “11th March, 1819. Prov. Archives.
> “2nd April, 1823. Prov. Archives.

List Militia Pensioners 1812, Series C, 703 C, p. 11. Dom.
Archives.

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Section II, 1921 [123] TRANS Rosi:

Maturin and Diderot
By Dr. H. ASHTON
Presented by JUDGE F. W. Howay, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

1

In spite of Professor Saintsbury’s statement that “the immense
influence of Maturin in France is an old story,’”! the ordinary reader of
English literature has little knowledge of Maturin or of his works.
The name will probably recall a chapter in Coleridge’s Biographia
literaria,? and if one does not remember that this chapter of invective
was written by Coleridge because Maturin’s Bertram had been
accepted in preference to a play of his own,’ a false impression may
remain in the mind.

Coleridge’s opinion of the play was not shared by the theatre-
going public, nor by such men as Byron and Scott. The latter shows
the real situation when he writes to Maturin urging him not to let
his reply to Coleridge appear in the preface to Women:* ‘Let me
entreat you to view Coleridge’s violence as a thing to be contemned,
not retaliated—the opinion of a British public may surely be set in
opposition to that of one disappointed and wayward man. You
should also consider, en bon Chrétien, that Coleridge has had some
room to be spited at the world, and you are, I trust, to continue to be
a favourite with the public—so that you should totally neglect and
despise criticism, however virulent, which arises out of his bad fortune
and your good. es

Maturin and Scott had in common that they were both “slaves
to the pen.” Curate of St. Peter’s Church, Dublin, Maturin kept a
‘““crammer’s shop’’ and was very successful in preparing pupils for
the University. His pecuniary difficulties were caused by his rash
good-nature, for he became security for a large sum of money at the
request of arelative. This person failed in his enterprise, and Maturin

1Saintsbury, A History of the French Novel. London, 1917. 2 vols. 4°.
II, p. 166, Note 3.

2Chapter XXIII, Critique on Bertram. J. M. Dent. (Everyman's Library.)
3The Fall of Robespierre.

4“ A Tale by the Author of Bertram.”’ 3 vols. 12°. London, 1818.
5Lockhart’s Scott, Vol. 5. Edinburgh, 1839.

Vol.

—

124 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

was held responsible for the debt. The ‘‘coaching’’ establishment
had to be sold, and for the rest of his life Maturin, like Scott and
Balzac, had to write to pay debts.

Needless to say he had already married. At the age of twenty,
while still a student, he had persuaded Henrietta Kingsbury, sister
of the Dean of Killala, to share his lot. She was a beautiful and
talented woman and, in spite of the frequent lack of funds in the
household, had never any cause to repent that she had married in
haste.

Maturin began his literary career as a novelist and, foreseeing
the difficulties that would inevitably arise if he tried to combine the
careers of curate and teller of tales, he produced his early work under
an assumed name. Later, he turned with some success to the stage,
then gave up dramatic work to write his best novels.

His life was one long struggle with poverty, not merely by reason
of the debt he had incurred, but also because he spent his money
unwisely. Fond of dancing and proud of his skill he gave quadrille
parties that were famous in Dublin. His beautiful wife was always
well dressed and he also, when not actually in the throes of novel-
writing, was careful of his personal appearance.

As a preacher he was popular, and his sermons on the “Errors of
Romanism”’ drew large congregations. His religious convictions
influenced his novel Melmoth$ and his strong nationalism is evident
in the Wild Irish Boy,’ and in the Milesian Chief.’

He appears to have been a wide reader—including Monk Lewis
and Mrs. Radcliffe among his favourite authors. Pope, Crabbe,
Scott and Moore appealed to him. Byron, though appreciated as a
friend, did not find favour as a poet.

After his death all his papers were destroyed by his son William.
Dion Boucicault, the elder, while on a visit to Dublin, congratulated
the city on having produced two great playwrights—Sheridan and
Maturin. The dutiful William did not like to have his father’s
name connected with the stage, so he proceeded to destroy the evidence
—chiefly in the form of unpublished MSS. and correspondence. How
the destruction of letters from Balzac and Goethe served any useful
purpose is not evident, but the holocaust satisfied William, and left
posterity with but meagre knowledge of a charming personality.®

8 Melmoth, the Wanderer. 4 Vols. 12% Edinburgh and London, 1820.

73 vols. 12°, 1808.

84 vols. 12°. London, 1812.

®The author has drawn freely from the biographical material collected for the
reprint of Melmoth. London (Bentley). 3 vols. 1892.

[ASHTON] MATURIN AND DIDEROT 125

IT.

Melmoth, the Wanderer is the novel that brought Maturin fame
at home and abroad. Published in four volumes in 1820, it appeared
in Paris the following year, translated by J. Cohen. In 1835 Balzac,
in his Melmoth reconcilié, continued the story according to his own ideas.

The plot of Melmoth, the Wanderer, if plot there be, is a combina-
tion of the legends of Faust and the Wandering Jew. Melmoth
bargains for a long lease of life; the price is his own soul, with a
possibility of escaping payment if he can find someone to relieve him
of his bargain on the same terms. The difficulty of handling such a
story is obvious, for the hero has to travel to various countries and
through several centuries. Maturin adopted the method dear to
Mlle. de Scudéry—the tale within a tale—and the result is far from
satisfactory.

The story opens in Ireland where John Melmoth discovers a
manuscript that gives us the story of Stanton and a story related to
him in Spain. A Spaniard, Mongada, arrives at the mansion in
Ireland and gives his biography with, as digressions, stories told to
him by a Jew. These have to do with Immalee, a girl to whose
father a mysterious stranger has told two stories—that of Guzman’s
family and one announced as The Lovers’ Tale. These are duly
repeated and then the story of Immalee is resumed and completed.
Then Monçada is interrupted and his own story goes no further but
the main tale is continued from the time he first began his narrative.

This novel came, curiously enough, when the tale of terror was
waning in England. It not only revived interest in this type of work,
but actually proved to be the crowning achievement. It stands in
the same relationship to this stage in the development of the novel
as does Rostand’s Cyrano de Bergerac to the romantic drama.

The novel of terror appears to have been one of the features of
the Romantic Revolt, and the Romantic dramatists never forgot,
unfortunately, that an appeal to the nerves is more easily prepared
and more effectively made than are more subtle, more elevated,
appeals to the mind. Whether this taste was indulged in because
readers of the day had peculiar cravings for such excitement, or
whether authors were merely possessed with an elfish desire “to
shock the bourgeois”’ is of no consequence. Whatever may have
been the incentive none can complain that Melmoth failed in its
attempt to furnish exactly the type of thrill sought after by the
Romanticists.

WEtudes philosophiques.

126 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Its importance in the history of the novel in France becomes
evident when it is noted that, whereas it came at the end of the vogue
in England of the novel of Terror, it was in time for the beginning in
France of a similar vogue to which it contributed in no.small measure.
While the translators were putting the finishing touches to the French
edition of Melmoth Victor Hugo was feverishly engaged in writing
Han d'Islande."

Six of its chapters have passages from Berivam at the head and
this detail is considered sufficiently important to be mentioned in
the preface to the first edition: ‘‘Tous les chapitres sont précédés
d’épigraphes étranges et mystérieuses, qui ajoutent singulièrement a
l'intérêt et donnent plus de physionomie à chaque partie de la com-
position." Something is wanted indeed to add to the interest of
Han d'Islande, but the épigraphes alone are not enough. Perhaps a
little less time spent in seeking strange and mysterious passages in
Sterne, Shakespeare, Maturin, Lessing and Schiller, and a little more
given to the study of real life would have improved the novel. It
must be recalled, however, in all fairness, that the author was a mere
boy.

Bertram was translated by Charles Nodier, and he is one of the
first to record the growing influence of Maturin.®? Balzac had a
wildly exaggerated opinion of the Irish author’s place in literature.
Gustave Planche saw, in prophetic vision, posterity placing Melmoth
between Faust and Manfred.” Posterity did not place Melmoth
anywhere, but simply lived on day after day, ignoring his very
existence. He was forgotten long before Baudelaire referred to him
in illustration of his essay, De l’essence du rire."

The appeal of Melmoth to the French was not due to its real
qualities alone. Some of its faults disappeared in a translation that
was very kind to the careless style of the original, others remained
and helped instead of injuring, the success of the book. The long
feverish descriptions, for example, that occasionally try the patience
of the present-day reader, must have been counted by the Romanticist
among the beauties of the work. Nature is no more a discreet back-
ground, but, together with Gothic buildings, generally in ruins,
becomes an actor in the plot. If the mystery of Melmoth, the trust-
ing girl’s imminent peril, the horror that one feels lies but a few paces

Written in 1821. First edition 1823.

In La Quotidienne, 12 mars 1823, à propos of the recently published Han
d'Islande by Hugo.

BPortraîts littéraires. Vol. 1. Paris, 1836.

4Reprinted in Curiosités esthétiques, Paris, Calmann-Lévy, 1889.

[ASHTON] MATURIN AND DIDEROT 127

ahead, are not enough to cause a thrill, Maturin adds generously a
dark night, a rushing river, sobbing winds, eerie trees, beetling crags
and a thunder-storm. There is enough correspondence between the
moods of humanity and those of nature to satisfy the most faithful
disciple of Jean-Jacques’. Subterranean passages, convents, mon-
asteries, castles, manor houses, hidden chambers, walled-up closets
with people inside them, dungeons, ruined chapels seen by night,
mysterious strangers with corpse-like hands and cold, cold eyes—
not a single ingredient of the romantic novel is lacking; and, above all,
there is a hero ever driven by fatality, oft in contradiction to his
better nature. What Romanticist e’er breathed who did not yearn
towards a hero—or towards a villain for that matter—who is evidently
urged through life from thrill to thrill by some power greater than
mere human volition ?

Maturin fitted exactly into the literary mosaic that was later
described as French Romanticism, and while the influence of his
plays on early romantic drama, and of his stories on the romantic
novel, is now taken for granted, it would be interesting to work out
in detail the various points of contact between the works of the Irish
clergyman and those of the literary revolutionists in Paris."

Ill.

We are not concerned here, however, with this particular aspect
of the question, but with one that is more curious. While the con-
ception of the novel Melmoth was, as has been stated, a combination
of two ancient legends, the borrowings of Maturin appear to have
been numerous. Had they been from German, English and Spanish,
they would have coincided with the reading of the young novelist,
Victor Hugo, and would have contributed naturally enough to the
foreign influences that helped to bring about the Romantic Revolt
in France.

Such was not the case. The main ‘‘Spanish”’ episode in Melmoth
was borrowed from the French. In an excellent article in the Times
Literary Supplement, Mr. Bryson writes: ‘‘Maturin builds up his
efforts with a series of suggestive touches, those instinctive pre-
monitions of something strange in even ordinary affairs; and he
certainly describes powerfully and well; his descriptive power is,

This is being undertaken by a student of the University of British Columbia.

August 27th, 1920. It was this article that drew my attention to Maturin as
a fit subject for research. Mr. J. N. Bryson very kindly informed me that the
field was clear, as he did not intend to go further in the matter.

128 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

indeed, an essential feature of the secret of conveying his supernatural
fear. Without quotation of immoderate length it is not possible to
illustrate these qualities, but one may point to the interior of the
Dominican monastery, in which Mongada is interned—a long descrip-
tion extending through most of the second volume, and making its
impression by the culminating effect of vivid flashes of horror. It
conveys that feeling of grim monkish mystery inspired by the pictures
of Zurbaran.”’

That is eminently true, but most of the credit is due, not to
Maturin, but to Diderot, who had already given a similar interior
in his novel, La Religieuse.

The Irish clergyman was evidently a fairly wide reader in French,
and being at the same time a decided enemy of the Roman Catholic
Church, he naturally read Diderot’s novel. It is a matter for surprise
that, while he frequently supported his statements by references to
French sources, he does not think it necessary to indicate La Religieuse
as a source of inspiration for a very important portion of his own
work. Was he of opinion that a novel proved nothing and therefore
need not be quoted? Whatever may have been the reasons for his
silence he did not succeed in hiding his free use of this ‘‘source.”’

More than a dozen years have passed since the author of this
paper first ventured on a study of sources, and, like all experienced
workers in this field, he has come to regard with considerable caution
all discoveries of similarities between texts. Similarity does not
mean plagiarism, parallel passages may prove common sources or
parallel inspiration, and nothing more. It is evident that if Diderot
truthfully represented a nun who was such against her will, and if
Maturin represented a monk who had no wish for monastic life, there
must be of necessity points of similarity between the two works. All
that can be done in such cases is to marshall the facts, point out
similarities, and leave the final decision with the credulous or in-
credulous reader—though it does no harm to state one’s own con-
clusion in the matter.

Diderot relates the story of a girl who becomes a nun against her
will, and who finally escapes from the convent.

Maturin, in the tale of the Spaniard,” gives the story of a boy
who is forced to become a monk. The two stories diverge when
Diderot begins to describe the convent of Sainte-Euterpe, either
because Maturin was using Naigeon’s edition that suppresses the
objectionable picture of the sexual dangers of convent life, or because

1 Melmoth Reprint 1892. Vol.1, p.117. All future quotations will be from this
edition.

[ASHTON] MATURIN AND DIDEROT 129

he saw how impossible it would be for him to present such a picture
to a British public. One may note, en passant, that, elsewhere in
his story, he makes a very clear reference to a similar danger in
monasteries.!8 The subsequent picture of the Inquisition is either
Maturin’s own or it has been taken from some work other than
Diderot’s. With this exception, Melmoth follows fairly closely the
story as told by Diderot.

The girl in La Religieuse is supposed to be illegitimate, and this is
the reason for her being forced, against her will, to enter a convent.
There comes later a scene in which the mother states clearly that the
girl is not the daughter of her supposed father.

In Melmoth the illegitimacy of the boy is a mere technicality.
He is the son of the parents in whose house he lives, but was born
before their marriage. This irregularity is considered sufficient cause
to condemn him to a monastic life in spite of his very serious opposi-
tion. While the boy does no more than make pitiful scenes in his
home the girl actually has the courage to make a public disavowal
in the convent.

In each case the mother’s confession to her child is the culminating
point in the efforts made to force the boy or girl to take the vows. —

This step having been taken Maturin darkens the picture. Of
this talent he is rather proud for he says: ‘‘If I possess any talent it
is that of darkening the gloomy and of deepening the sad, of painting
life in extremes. . ’’ Hence, while Diderot places the girl in happy
surroundings, at first, to show how cunningly the work of snaring the
future nun is carried on, Maturin has nothing but obvious hypocrisy
to paint from the outset. His boasted talent succeeds in diminishing
his art and in weakening his -thesis.

In each story the victim decides to apply for resiliation of the
vows and the obvious difficulty is to procure sufficient paper to draw
up the memorandum. There is nothing surprising in the discovery,
in each case, that it may be procured by giving as excuse the necessity
of writing out a general confession in preparation for an important
church festival. Suspicion is naturally aroused by the quantity
of paper required and, in one case, the Superior and four nuns, and
in the other the Superior and four monks, examine very minutely
the cell and the person of the accused and cross-question at some
length.

All this may happen in the best regulated religious institutions,
and so perforce appear in both novels, but the following passages seem
to be too similar to be the result of a mere coincidence. _ *

18 Melmoth, vol. I, p. 177.

—22

130 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The nun is dragged into the underground chamber described
below. The Spaniard takes up more time in preliminary pleadings
and imaginings (Melmoth has to run to four volumes), but finally he
also is ushered into his underground chamber which he must, needs
describe.

‘Cependant l’on ouvrit avec ‘I had time to view all the
de grosses clefs la porte d’un petit furniture of what I thought my
lieu souterrain, obscur, où l’on last abode. It was of stone; the
me jeta sur une natte que _ roof formed an arch; a block of
l'humidité avait à demi pourrie. stone supported a crucifix, and a
La je trouvai un morceau de pain death’s head with a loaf and a
noir et une cruche d'eau avec pitcher of water. There was a
quelques vaisseaux nécessaires et mat on the floor to lie on; another
grossiers. La natte roulée par un rolled up at the end of it formed a
bout formait un oreiller; i y pillow... .
avait, sur un bloc de pierre, une
téte de mort, avec un crucifix de
bois.’’19

The writer confesses absolute ignorance of the ‘“‘standard”’
furniture of convent dungeons, and this ignorance leads him to
believe that the similarity of the above passages is due to a careful
reading of Diderot by Maturin. In describing the scene as a whole
the translator is more prolix than the original author and much more
careless in composition. The ‘last abode,” and the furniture thereof,
are mixed in a way that Diderot’s style would not for one moment
tolerate.

The length of confinement in the dungeon is three days in the
case of the nun, while the monk is liberated on the fourth day.

The persecution continues. Each is excluded from chapel ;#
each is denied food; fellow monks or nuns join in the persecution.
When Diderot’s nun is met by a sister she is greeted with the cry:
“Satan, éloignez-vous de moi,’’’ while Maturin’s monk is stood off
with: ‘‘Apage Satana.’’ For other persecutions the reader of
Melmoth is invited in a footnote to consult Mosheim’s Ecclesiastical
Ftstory.**

WZa Religieuse, p. 85, vol. V, of Diderot, Oeuvres complètes, Assézat’s edition,
Paris (Garnier), 1875. All other references are to this edition.

20 Melmoth, I, p. 242.

La R., p. 71—Mel. I, p. 254.

2La R. p. 69.—Mel. I, p. 255.

30a R., p. 71—Mel. I, p. 256.

ANote to Mel. I, p. 266.

[ASHTON] MATURIN AND DIDEROT 131

Such a life is evidently impossible to prolong and, in each case,
relief is offered by the visit of a Bishop. Each is tortured at the last
moment, and dragged bound before the visiting Bishop. When
asked by the worthy ecclesiastic whether he (or she) abjures Satan,
each is made to cry out in physical pain.”

The Bishop finds it difficult to put his questions because the
Superior continually interrupts,” but at length he requires an act of
faith,?8 and is much impressed by the result.

There seems to have been an addition made by Maturin to the
sly tortures inflicted before the Bishop, to ensure the monk’s acting
like a person possessed. When the poor wretch is asked to go forward
he starts back in evident pain because broken glass has been spread
between him and the Bishop. Maturin is not exercising his talent
of darkening the gloomy, however, but is simply borrowing an incident
that comes in La Religieuse after the nun has failed in her application
to have her vows annulled.* Not only is Maturin skilled in trans-
posing an incident, where necessary, he is equally careful to change
an allusion to make it clear to his English readers. When the nun
enters the convent at Longchamps the following incident is recorded:

The Superior is speaking— “Mademoiselle, vous savez la musique;
vous chantez; nous avons un clavecin: si vous vouliez, nous irions
dans notre parloir. . . . Ma mère passa, je la suivis . . . et je
chantai, sans y entendre finesse, par habitude, parceque le morceau
m'était familier: Tristes appréts, pales flambeaux, jour plus affreux
que les ténèbres, etc.*° Je ne sais ce que cela produisit mais on ne
m'écouta pas longtemps: on m'interrompit par des éloges, que je fus
bien surprise d’avoir mérités si promptement et à si peu de frais. . . .”31

When the monk enters the monastery the following scene is
described: “But you are fond of music doubtless,’’ said the Superior,
“you must hear his performance.’’ There was a small organ in the
room adjacent to the parlour; my mother was not admitted there,
but my father followed to listen. Involuntarily I selected an air
from the ‘Sacrifice of Jeptha.’’ My father was affected and bid
me cease. The Superior imagined this was not only a tribute to my

%La R., p. 77—Mel I, p. 281. In La R. the visit is not made by the Bishop in
person but by his Archidiacre.

26La R., p. 80—Mel. I, p. 283.

"La R., p. 80—Mel. I, p. 283.

#La R., p. 82—Mel. I, p. 284.

2ZLa R., p. 95—Mel. I, p. 284.

80Telamire’s song from Castor and Pollux, libretto by Bernard, score by Rameau.
312a R., p. 34

132 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA |

talent but an acknowledgement of the power of his party, and he
applauded without measure or judgment.’’*?

But this is a digression and we must return to our victims whom
we left standing before their respective Bishops.

The monk was sent to his cell and promptly knelt down to pray
that the Bishop’s heart should be touched. We can leave him to

describe the result in his own words.

As the nun in La Religieuse

has the same happy inspiration under exactly similar circumstances
we can give her version alongside the monk’s:

‘I knelt and implored the
Almighty to touch the Bishop’s
heart. As I was thus em-
ployed I heard steps in the
passage. They ceased for a
moment and [| was silent. It
appeared the persons overheard
me and paused; and those few
words, uttered in solitude, made,
I found, a deep impression on
them. A few minutes after the
Bishop, with some dignified atten-
dants, followed by the Superior,
entered my cell. The former all
stopped, horrified at its appear-
ance. I have told you, Sir, that
my cell now consisted of four bare
walls and a bed—it was a scandal-
ous, degrading sight. I was
kneeling in the middle of the
floor, God knows, without the
least idea of producing an effect.
The Bishop gazed around him for
some time, while the ecclesiastics
who attended him testified their
horror by looks and attitudes that
needed no interpretation. The
Bishop, after a pause, turned to
the Superior: ‘Well, what do you
say to this?’ The Superior
hesitated, and at last said: ‘I

# Mel. I, p. 155.

‘Je priais, lorsque l’archi-
diacre, ses deux compagnons et la
supérieure parurent dans ma cel-
ule.

Je vous ai dit que j’étais sans
tapisserie, sans chaise, sans prie-
dieu, sans rideaux, sans matelas,
sans couverture, sans draps, sans
aucun vaisseau, sans porte qui
fermât, presque sans vitre en-
tière à mes fenêtres.

Je me levai, et l’archidiacre
s’arrétant tout court et tournant
des yeux d’indignation sur la

Supérieure lui dit: ‘‘Eh bien!
madame?”
Elle répondit, ‘Je l’ignor-

LE

ais.

Vous l’ignoriez? vous mentez!
Avez-vous passé un jour sans
entrer ici, et n’en descendiez-vous
pas quand vous êtes venue?
Soeur Suzanne, parlez: madame
n'est-elle pas entrée ici d’aujourd’
hui?”’

[ ASHTON]

was ignorant of this.’ ‘Thatisa
falsehood,’ said the Bishop; ‘and
even if it were true, it would be
your crimination, not your
apology. Your duty binds you to
visit the cells every day; how
could you be ignorant of the
shameful state of this cell, with-
out neglecting your duties?’ He
took several turns about the cell,
followed by the ecclesiastics,
shrugging their shoulders and
throwing on each other looks of
disgust. The Superior stood dis-
mayed. They went out, and I
could hear the Bishop say in the
passage: ‘All this disorder must
be rectified before I quit the
house,’ and to the Superior:
“You are unworthy of the situa-
tion you hold; you ought to be
deposed.’ And he added in
severer tones: ‘Catholics, monks
Christians, this is shocking—
horrible! tremble for the con-
sequences of my next visit, if the
same disorders exist. I promise
you it shall be repeated soon.”‘ ’*8

MATURIN AND DIDEROT 133

Je ne répondis rien: il
n'insista pas; mais les jeunes
ecclésiastiques laissant tomber

leurs bras, la tête baissée et les
yeux comme fixés en terre, dé-
celaient assez leur peine et leur
surprise.

Ils sortirent tous; et j’en-
tendis l’archidiacre qui disait à
la supérieure dans le corridor:

“Vous êtes indigne de vos
fonctions; vous mériteriez d’étre
déposée. J'en porterai mes
plaintes à Monseigneur. Que
tout ce désordre soit réparé avant
que je sois sorti.” Et continuant
de marcher, et branlant sa tête, il
ajoutait: ‘Cela est horrible. Des
chrétiennes! des religieuses! des
créatures humaines! cela est hor-
rible!*8

Meanwhile the struggle to have the vows annulled was being
continued in each case, and the final result—failure—was the same in

each.

The letter bringing the bad news had to be communicated to the

Superior before it could be read by the interested person.
entered the Superior’s cell with eyes cast down:

The girl
“La Supérieure

était avec quelques autres religieuses; je m’en apercus au bas de
leurs robes, car je n’osais pas lever les yeux.’’*4

The monk entered also with eyes cast down and he

‘

‘could only

see the hems of many habits, whose wearers were all assembled in the

Superior’s apartment.’’*4

3 Mel. I, pp. 290-292—La R., pp. 85-86.

#La R., p. 91—Mel. I, p. 294.

134 THE ROYAL! SOCIETY; OF CANADA

The reception, in each case, was such that neither thought it
necessary, upon returning to the cell, to read at once the fatal news.

Melmoth, from this point, diverges from La Religieuse as has been
stated, and while the journey through the underground passages and
the various horrors related there call up memories of other sources,
these lie outside the province of our present inquiry.

Allowing for similarity of subject, we can conclude, with every
semblance of justice, that Maturin had not merely read and recalled
the main outline of Diderot’s novel, but that he actually consulted it
during the composition of this portion of Melmoth. If he had followed
more closely the sober text of his French predecessor, he would have
been more in keeping with our ideas of art,% but he would not have
been sufficiently ‘‘romantic’’ to have the influence that he certainly
exercised upon the French, who no longer read Diderot, and who
craved for ‘something different.”

It is one of the little ironies of literary history that the ‘‘some-
thing different,’ which caused them such delight was only, as far
as this episode is concerned, a tawdry resetting of one of their own
literary gems.

And more in keeping with fact. Any one who has seen a monastery cell will
have some difficulty in picturing the scene described above by Maturin (not by
Diderot). In a cell in which there are assembled six persons—and a bed—one
person takes several turns, followed by three others!

Section II, 1921 [135] TRANS. R.S:C;

The Second President Lincoln
By RENDELL WILLIAMS
Presented by the Honble. WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

An American writer, Emerson Hough (who repeatedly calls
himself a ‘‘Yankee’’), in 1909 published a very interesting book
called ‘‘The Sowing, a Yankee’s View of England’s Duty to Herself
and to Canada.’”!

On page 36 he says: ‘‘Generations hence, England still may be
ruling Canada.”’

If a Canadian had asked Mr. Hough why he thought England
was ‘ruling Canada,” no doubt he would have cited The British
North America Act, 18672—the so-called ‘Constitution of Canada’’—
which, by section 9, provides that ‘the executive government and
authority of Canada is hereby declared to . . . be vested in the”
King—by other sections provides for a Governor General appointed
by the King to carry on the government in the name of the King,
for the appoinment for life of all the Senators and Judges by the
Governor General in Council, the members of the Council being
chosen and summoned by the Governor General, that any statute
of the Dominion can be disallowed and annulled by the King; he
would point out that Canada cannot even amend her own Constitution
and that the Parliament at Westminster could legally make laws
governing Canada. The Canadian would say: ‘Yes, I guess that’s
so,’ and grin.

“But what has that to do with the second President Lincoln?”
you say. Read on and see. |

Near Atlanta, Georgia, on a small plot of poor land—if such a
thing as poor land can be found in the South—lived a coal-black,
full-blooded negro. Born in 1867, he was christened Abraham
Lincoln, after the idolized and martyred President—we should perhaps
say martyred and idolized President, for there was little evidence of
idolizing before the martyrdom# Naturally the name was con-
tracted to Ab’m Linkum, but that did not grieve him. It would
indeed have taken a great deal to make him downcast—over six
feet in height, broad in proportion, the picture of health, shining like
a mirror in the sun, he spent his days in joyous abandon interrupted

136 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

only occasionally by the stern necessity of work to provide food and
at least vestiges of clothing for Aunt Mandy and her twelve sable
offspring. The eldest was, of course, Ab’m, but for the successors
were chosen names taken from the breast-plate of the Hebrew High
Priest, for the couple had in their honeymoon been profoundly
impressed by the gorgeous succession of names of precious stones
read most sonorously if somewhat lacking in orthodox pronunciation
by their coloured pastor. And so there were Sardius and Topaz,
and Carbuncle (contracted to “Uncle’’), and Emerald (who, though a
boy, was ‘‘Emmy’”’), and Sapphire (‘‘Fire’’), and Diamond, Ligure
(generally by a natural association of ideas called ‘‘Moonshine’’),
and Agate (‘‘Aggie’’), and Amethyst and Beryl (transmogrified into
‘“‘Barrel’’), and. Onyx—her, Aunt Mandy thought well named as
she came onexpected. The fruitfulness of the happy couple had not
yet got so far as to produce a Jasper, ‘‘the only real nigger name in
the bunch’’ as the envious neighbours declared; but hope was not
dead.

Thus flourished the happy family in Georgia when the great
day came around, the day fixed by the Act of January 23, 1845, the
Tuesday after the first Monday of November; and there were chosen
by the citizens of each State a certain number of gentlemen, not
being Senators, or Representatives, or holding offices of trust or profit
under the United States, and not having violated an oath previously
taken to support the Constitution of the United States by engaging
in insurrection or rebellion against the same or giving aid or comfort
to the enemies thereof.

These were the men who were to select the President of the
United States for four years, irremovable except by death, resignation
or impeachment—and Presidents seldom die and never resign, while
no one tries an impeachment since the attempt failed with Andy
Johnson. In case of inability to perform the duties of his office,
the Vice-President receives the powers of the President, but even
partial paralysis cannot disable a President, and that last resort of a
patriot, a bullet, could not disable one who had been a College Pre-
sident like Garfield—it had not yet been tried on Wilson but would,
if tried, be certain to fail unless it killed.

These men, too, select the Vice-President who may, like Roose-
velt, succeed to the Presidency.

The Constitution of the United States was framed by men who
feared the wild passions of the mobility—‘‘great importance was
attached by the framers of the Constitution to the interposition of

he electoral college between the passions and prejudices of the

[WILLIAMS] ; SECOND PRESIDENT LINCOLN 137

undiscriminating multitude of voters and the high office of President."
They feared that if the Legislature should elect a President it would
be the work of intrigue, of cabal and of faction, it would be like the
election of a Pope by a conclave of Cardinals and that real merit
would rarely be the title to the appointment.® Election by the people
was liable to the most obvious and striking objections; they would
be led by a few active and designing men® and it would be as unnatural
to refer the choice of Chief Magistrate to the people as it would be
to refer a trial of colours to a blind man.’ A popular election would
be radically vicious; the ignorance of the people would put it in
the power of one set of men dispersed through the Union and acting
in concert to delude the people into any appointment.’

So the Fathers determined that the appointment of President
should be left to Electors. These, of course, would be men of
high standing and clear judgment, not filled with party spirit
or influenced by regard for any man; they would feel the very great
responsibility cast upon them and would anxiously canvass the merits
of all natural born citizens of the United States who had attained
the age of 35 years and had been for 14 years residents of the United
States and they would vote for those best qualified for the high offices of
President; he who received the most votes would become President
and he who received the next greatest number Vice-President. And
thus there would be no intrigue, no cabal, no faction, the people
would not be led by a few active and designing men, no one set of men,
senators or others, acting in concert could determine the appointment,
and real merit would be the sole title to the office.

The selection of these electors being thus of the most serious
importance, the citizens of each State examined with the greatest care
into the past history, the ability, clearness of vision, soundness of
judgment, uprightness and candour of the prominent citizens, to see
who should be entrusted with the grave responsibility of acting for
them in the selection of their future four year Monarch. An ordinary
agent for every day affairs or a lawyer, one might take chances on,
but a Presidential Elector! Never, no sir, never.

And so it came about that in at least most of the States a minimum
of ten per cent. of the voters knew one, or possibly even two, of those
for whom they voted, sometimes indeed only by name but occasionally
by sight.

Naturally these splendid specimens of American citizenship
were impressed with the tremendous importance of their solemn
task; and naturally they communicated with each other most seriously,
asking and giving advice and exchanging views.

138 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

It early appeared that the great majority were whole heartedly
determined that autocracy should end, that there was to be no more
one man rule—of course, it was recognized that the President had
more power than that old tyrant George III ever pretended to, but
while it is excellent to have a giant’s strength, it is not the thing to use
it like a giant; and so, as it was no longer good form to temper autoc-
racy with assassination, at least in:America, they thought it wise
not to appoint any one likely to kick over the traces and try to play
the strong man. What kind of a man to get?

Believing with Dryden that
“By education most have been misled,”

remembering that Tommy Wilson was a real nice boy before he went
to College and Stevie Cleveland was modest, if not meek, before he
studied for the Bar, they determined that no highbrow should occupy
the White House, not one darned College President or lawyer—these
were too sot, too determined to have their own way, too pig-headed to
admit of proper steering. This cut out Champ Clark on both counts
as well as certain well-known men who, though politicians, are still
lawyers. I mean such men as Elihu Root, William Howard Taft,
George Wickersham. I am not quite so sure of Selden Spencer, in
whom the Spencer perhaps predominates rather than the Selden, or of
Henry Cabot Lodge, but then his middle name entitled him in the
land of the Bean and the Cod to familiar converse with the Highest,
and that had been found fatal by the experience of Germany. What
more education does a President want anyway than just to read and
write? And while Dogberry may have been a little astray when he
thought ‘to write and read comes by nature,” he was infinitely right
in his noble precept ‘‘for your writing and reading, let that appear
when there is no need of such vanity.” This type-writing craze,
this cacoethes scribendi epistolarum magnarum doctarum eruditarumque
had to come to an end, especially in the existing scarcity of paper;
the ordinary individual should have some chance of getting writing
material.

Accordingly a man of limited education was a desideratum, and
the more limited the education, within limits of course, the better.
No stubborn, stiff-necked, intellectually proud man, but an easy-
going man and a pliable, one who would do as he was told by his
betters at the other end of the Avenue—that must be the aim.

Having decided the kind of a man to be chosen other con-
siderations arose. That blamed South, which had never forgotten
its former ascendency, which could not be weaned from its self-

[WILLIAMS] SECOND PRESIDENT LINCOLN 139

sufficient adhesion to its time-honoured politics, which could not be
got to acknowledge the superiority of the North, had to be taught a
lesson. The mere election of a Northerner would not be sufficient;
Cleveland and Harrison and McKinley and Roosevelt and Taft were
from the North, and some other means must be adopted. A brilliant
thought struck the mind of Mr. , Mr. NES: , whatever
is his name? You know, every American knows, the man I mean—
the man who got the most votes in Ohio, Mr. , but no matter
what the name—let us say one of the most illustrious of the Electors
and let it go at that. He said: ‘‘Let us pick out a Southerner, one
of a class which the Southerners despise, and put him over them’’—
Agreed—but ‘‘surely you don’t mean a nigger?” “Why not?”
‘Why not, indeed?’’ Agreed and agreed.

And then another illustrious Elector—blame my treacherous
memory anyway—why can’t I remember the name of that remarkable
man? Another illustrious Elector said that he had spent the previous
winter in Georgia, had noticed the big, indolent, jolly black with the
historic name and numerous progeny; that no one respected him but
everybody liked him, thereby reversing the situation of the present
occupant of the White House, that he was biddable and not uppish,
not like—but why continue? What was wanted was a complete
change. The South, which had resented Roosevelt seating Booker
Washington at his table, would now see a Bookerer than Booker
sitting in Washington’s chair and learn their place. Moreover, there
would be the incidental advantage that Roosevelt’s favourite in-
junction to the American people would be constantly in mind and
race suicide would be discredited.

The second Abraham Lincoln came in state to Washington,
Aunt Mandy rules the White House with an unskilled and gentle
rule, Ab’m Junior is the cock of his school and little Onyx can be seen
_any fine day sporting her red and yellow stockings on the lawn—
stockings the first she had ever possessed but they are gorgeous.

Which things are an allegory—the legally possible is the morally
impossible; evils elaborately guarded against are wholly imaginary
and non-existent or at the worst negligible, and the prophylactic
precautions are full of the very evils they are designed to prevent.

The Electoral College is the only piece of camouflage in the
American Constitution. The Constitution of Britain and of Canada
is the most elaborate and successful system of camouflage the world
ever saw. If one sees anything laid down in the American Con-
stitution it is—except that farcical College—certain to be so; if in
the British Constitution it is certain not to be so. The American

140 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Constitution, as a whole, and speaking generally, was framed wno ictu
by acute and able statesmen as a permanent thing; it was necessarily
in writing and litera scripta manet; the meaning at one time is the
meaning at another, time writes no wrinkles on its austere brow.
The British Constitution was not made, it was not even born—like
Topsy, it just growed; it is largely unwritten and the very words in
which it may be explained change their meaning with the changing
times. It is continually grafting new shoots on the old stock, building
more stately mansions on the old foundations; clinging fondly to the
old names, the old ceremonies, the old forms, it is constantly moulding
the old methods to new uses, and adapting the old to the purposes of
the new.

Hence it is that the King, nominally King by the Grace of God,
is in reality King by grace of an Act of Parliament; head of Army
and Navy, he does not appoint an officer, however humble, in either;
Defender of the Faith because his predecessor received the title from
the Pope for defending the faith against the heretic Martin Luther,
though he, George V., must by law be a Protestant; having the right
to refuse the royal consent to any Bill passed by Parliament, though
that has not been done since the times of William III; and able to
select his Ministers from any of the millions of the British subjects
to be found wherever the map is coloured red, so long as he selects
those whom the House of Commons choose for him—appointing
Judges, Ambassadors, Envoys, whom he never saw or heard of—
creating Earls, Viscounts, Barons, Baronets, Knights et hoc genus
omne, but only as the Prime Minister directs,’ and to cap the climax,
King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland! United?
Ask De Valera (the successor of the Pagan Era and the Christian Era).

So the power exists on paper for Britain to legislate for Canada,
which she is as likely to do as the Electoral College to elect the Georgia
Negro and no more likely—the Home Administration at Westminster
may annul Canadian legislation just as the King can refuse the Royal
Assent to a British Bill. The Governor General has, in Canada,
substantially the powers of the King in England, but he exercises
them in the same way; he must have as Ministers those approved
by the House of Commons at Ottawa, the members of which are
elected by the people of Canada, and these Ministers must get out
and leave room for others if they cannot obtain a majority of the
House of Commons. These Ministers in fact appoint Senators,
Judges, Commissioners (who are often really Ambassadors) and the
Governor General has his appellation on the /ucus a non lucendo"
principle because he does not govern.

[WILLIAMS] SECOND PRESIDENT LINCOLN 141

Canada pays no tribute and owes no obedience to England; she
frames her own tariff, and when that tariff conflicts with some old
treaty that England had made which in form bound Canada, she
insists that it be denounced and denounced it is.

Canada has her own Army and her own Navy commanded by
Canadians; she put half a million men under arms in the last war,
and sixty thousand of them made the supreme sacrifice—the Mother
Country could not call upon her for a man or a dollar except as
Glendower could call spirits from the vasty deep. ‘But will they
come?’’ said the sceptical Hotspur. Canadian soldiers crossed the
sea in 1914 and following years until 1918 as Canadians, with Can-
adian uniforms, Canadian rifles, Canadian horses, Canadian cannon,
Canadian ammunition, under Canadian officers paid by the Canadian
Government and cared for by Canadian doctors and Canadian
nurses.- And when Canadians were dying for freedom and democracy
their government demanded a part in determining the course of the
struggle; Canada’s Prime Minister joined the Prime Ministers of the
other self-governing Dominions and the Prime Minister of Britain in
a War Cabinet on equal terms and with equal authority, and the War
Cabinet directed the war on behalf of the British Empire. Canada
took part in negotiating the Peace Treaty and signed it as a party
after a vain protest against Article X; her representatives joined
Australia in refusing to consent to a declaration of Japanese equality
and fought England and the United States to a standstill on the
question; her Parliament approved the Treaty with the reservation
of the right to have it amended; she has taken a prominent part at
Geneva and pays no heed to the wishes of England where these con-
flict with her own interests. Canada is an independent self-governing
nation but she will not allow anything to separate her from the rest
of the British world. She is British to the last drop of her blood and
intends to remain so. England has not for many a day ruled, and
never will, rule Canada. She may try it when Ab’m Linkum becomes
President of the United States, but assuredly not a minute sooner.

All of which is unintelligible to the lawyer who reads the Statutes
only; but is a living truth, the glory and the pride of Canadians.
When the lawyer is puzzled beyond all bearing let him contemplate
little Onyx with her gay stockings on the White House lawn."

142 . THE ROYAL SOCIETY GF CANADA

1Chicago, London, Toronto, Vanderhoof, Gunn, Co., Ltd., Winnipeg, 1909.
Cloth. Cr. 8vo., pp. 222.

2(1867), 30, 31 Vict., c. 3. (Imp.)

30f which let one Woodrow Wilson take notice and be comforted.

‘Handbook of American Constitution Law, by Henry Campbell Black, M.A.,
3rd edit., St. Paul, 1910, p. 107.

5Gouverneur Morris loquendo et arguendo. Journal, pp. 365-368.

6So Pinckney of South Carolina.

7Mr. Mason’s opinion—but then he came from Virginia and knew his people.

8Gerry not yet mandering.

sWhen Beaconsfield made his secretary a Peer it was said that he followed the
precedent of Caligula, who made his horse, Incitatus, a Consul. It would seem that
Incitatus, “Flyer,” though he was given a marble stable, an ivory stall, purple
trappings and a jewelled collar, failed of the Consulate—at all events Suetonius
says: ‘‘Consulatum quoque traditur destinasse” and Dio Cassius, ‘‘Consulemque
se eum creaturum pollicebatur; facturus si diutius vixisset’’—it was well that ‘‘non
diutius vixit.”

Canada has put an end to this title business (so far as her citizens are concerned)
by resolution of her House of Commons.

When I was a lad my old Scotch tutor taught me that “‘lucus”’, a sacred wood
or thicket was the same as “‘lucus,” light and that both came from “‘luceo”’ (I shine),
because the latter did, and the former did not shine. On the same lucus a non
lucendo principle are ‘‘Bellum,” war, because it was not bellum, agreeable: ‘‘ Canis,”
a dog, because it does not sing, a non canendo, etc., so also ‘‘Woodrow”’ because he
wouldn’t row but insisted on steering, and a stream I knew in my boyhood was
“Trout Creek”’ because there were no trout in it.

uF or what says the modern Mother Shipton—more up to date than the ancient
of Knaresborough?

“When Onyx sports on White House lawn
And flourishes her gaudy legs,

Then Canada, her freedom gone,
Will drain of slavery’s cup the dregs.”

Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada
SECTION III

SERIES III MAY, 1921 VoL. XV

The Characteristic K—Radiation from Boron

By A. LL. HuGHEs, Research Professor of Physics, Queen’s University,
Kingston, Ont.

(Presented by PRorEssor A. L. CLARK, F.R.S.C.).
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

The wave lengths of the K series of characteristic X radiations
have been measured for nearly all elements by Moseley and his
successors. The square root of the frequency of the characteristic
X-rays is, to a close approximation, a linear function of the atomic
number of the element. This relation has not been tested out for
elements lighter than sodium as no crystal has been found, or is
likely to be found, with a spacing between its planes sufficiently great
to measure the comparatively long wave lengths which are to be ex-
pected from the light elements. These wave lengths are too long
to be measured by a crystal grating and probably too short to be
measured by any diffraction grating hitherto made. The method
adopted in this investigation is an indirect one involving the use of
the quantum relation.

A pparatus.—Electrons of a definite speed from a hot tungsten
cathode, T, were allowed to fall on a boron! target, B (Fig. 1) and the

TUNGSTEN FLAMENT
a oe Ê | HEATING CURRENT

B - BORON TARGET
O 70320 VOLTS

TO ELECTROMETER

+ 400 VOLTS —/0 VOLTS
FIG. 1

1 The writer wishes to thank Dr. W. R. Witney of the General Electric Company
for his kindness in supplying the boron.

2 ’ THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

speed of the electrons was increased by increasing the potential
accelerating the electrons between T and B. The boron emitted
radiation (which may be regarded as extremely soft X radiation, or
as ultra-violet light of extremely short wave length, no distinction
can be drawn), part of which fell upon the nickel plate N. The nickel
plate emitted photo-electrons under the influence of the radiation,
the photo-electric current being measured by an electrometer. As
will be seen from the diagram the radiation had to pass through two
gauzes. The function of these gauzes was to prevent any electrons
or positive ions (if any) from the filament or boron, getting to the
nickel plate. The gauze D being at a negative potential with respect
to the filament and boron prevented any electrons getting to N,
while the gauze A, being at a higher positive potential than either
the boron or filament, prevented any positive ions passing to N.
Care was taken to secure as high a vacuum as possible by means of a
diffusion pump and a liquid air trap. The pressure during the
experiments could not be measured on the McLeod gauge and was
certainly less than 10% mm.

Method of Experiment.—The procedure was to measure the
photo-electric current from N as the accelerating potential was
increased step by step, keeping the electron current constant, and
to look for a discontinuity in the curve connecting these two quantities.
From the work of Beatty and others on ordinary X-rays, the dis-
continuity is to be associated with the excitation of the radiation
characteristic of the material of the target. Below the critical
accelerating potential nothing but “‘general” radiation is excited,
above the critical potential, ‘characteristic’? radiation is emitted
in addition. If the accelerating potential necessary to call out the
characteristic radiation is V, then the frequency », and the wave
length \, of the radiation are given by

Ve=hr=hc/X
where e is the charge on the electron, k is Planck’s constant, and c
the velocity of light. Expressed in volts and Angstrom units, this is
WV = TSX.

Experimental Results —It was found impossible to get reproduc-
ible curves on different days, even though the heat treatment of the
apparatus at the beginning of each set of observations and the method
of exhausting were always carried out in the way. On some occasions
very marked discontinuities in the curves were obtained, on others
the discontinuities were definite but not so well marked, while some-
times the curves appear to be almost free from any discontinuity.

[HUGHES] RADIATION FROM BORON 3

The important point, however, is that no matter whether the dis-
continuity was pronounced or not, it always appeared at the same
place. Fig. 2 gives the results obtained on one occasion. It will
be seen that on this day a progressive increase in the effect took place.
Whether this was due to an increase in the amount of radiation
emitted per unit electron current, or whether the nickel plate increased
in sensitivity, isnot known. However, the discontinuity in the curve
always occurred at about 150 volts. The upper curve is the mean of
the four runs shown and shows a well-marked discontinuity at 150
volts, which corresponds to a wave length 482.3.

PHOTO-ELECTRIC EFFECT

RATIO “FT ECTRON CURRENT

/20
100

80

MEAN CURVE

60

ae BEGINNING

20

50 /00 150 200 250 VOLTS
UE 2

Discussion.—In Fig. 3 the square roots of the voltages corre-
sponding to the K-critical absorption wave lengths of Mg, Al, P, and
S, as determined by the usual crystal grating methods, are plotted
against the atomic numbers, giving almost exactly a straight line.
This line is produced (assuming the same very slight departure from
the linear relation to hold for elements lighter than magnesium as
for those heavier) so as to indicate the values to be expected for the
lighter elements. The value to be expected for boron is 149 volts

which is in good agreement with that obtained in this investigation.
=98

À THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

POTENTIALS CORRESPONDING TO K -CAITICAL ABSORPTION LINES
VOLTS WAVE LENGTH

A5:0/
A576

VOLTAGE
»
à
©
Yy

le
=;
Y

S
(ex
S

OM OWh~

Ai 0
(EXTRAPOLATED) M
@

US RAD AY
YD 0 WNW POD

~
LG
©

yy | yyy yy yyy
to | N
_/] >

Yo] à

fi 25-4

H (/ EE)

~
N

4900

400

Ÿ.
By,
@ «(VALVE OBTAINED IN THIS WORK)
/

06

ATOMIC NUMBERS

PNEUS VS OCR S 9) JOON AZLAS IS Le
FIG. 3

The K radiation is supposed to be the series of shortest wave
length in the spectrum emitted by an element, the Ka line being the
first and strongest line in this series, while the critical absorption
wave length, in X-ray terminology, is the ‘‘limit”’ of the series. Now
Bohr’s theory of the hydrogen atom, which is confirmed by experi-
ment, indicates that the series of which X1216 is the first line, and
\912 is the limit, is the shortest wave length series of hydrogen and
is, therefore, to be regarded as the K series for hydrogen. (The
corresponding potentials are 10.2 and 13.5 volts, the radiating and
ionizing potentials for the hydrogen atoms.) The first line and the

[HUGHES] RADIATION FROM BORON 6)

limit of the K series for the helium atom may be identified with the
radiating potential 21.2 volts and the ionizing potential 25.4 volts
of the normal helium atom, which give \585 (recently identified by
Lyman) and 487 for their wave lengths.

We might have expected the square roots of the potentials
corresponding to the K-critical absorption wave lengths for elements
of atomic number 3, 4, 5, . . . 11 to lie on a smooth curve (the
straight line) joining the values for Mg, Al, etc., on the one hand,
and the values for H and He on the other. Our diagram (Fig. 3)
shows, however, that the prolongation of the straight line does not
pass through the He and H points. Theoretical considerations may
indicate a possible cause for the lack of continuity. The K-radiations
are associated with the shells of electrons immediately outside the
nucleus of the atom. Almost all the elements have one or more
shells of electrons external to this one and so these elements are all
similar in that the K electrons are shielded, as it were, by one or more
external shells. But this is not the case for H and He, for the electrons
forming the K shells in these elements (one for H and two for He)
are all the electrons they possess. This may possibly account for
the experiment values for H and He not lying on the prolongation of
the line passing through the experimental values for the heavier
elements.

A closer consideration of the problem of X-rays from elements,
such as boron, opens up a number of points for investigation. We
know from various investigations on He and other gases, that as we
increase the potential accelerating the electrons through the gas by
small steps, the first line is called out alone by the potential corre-
sponding to it, then, the second line is called out in addition to the
first when the potential is raised to a second critical value, and so on,
until the potential is raised to the ionizing potential, by which time
the complete series of lines appears. But with ordinary X-rays the
case is strikingly different. The a, 8 and + lines of the K series
cannot be called out one by one by potentials corresponding to their
frequencies. It is only when the potential accelerating the electrons
impinging on the element corresponds to the absorption limit, which
is shorter in wave length than any of the emission lines, that the
emission lines appear and then they all appear simultaneously. The
question then arises as to whether boron and elements near to it
behave like the heavier elements or like helium and hydrogen. This
problem will possibly be found to be dependent on the situation in
the atom of the shell of electrons giving rise to the K series. In most

6 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

elements the shell giving rise to the K series is surrounded by two or
more shells of electrons, a state of affairs very different from that
obtaining in hydrogen and helium where the electrons giving rise to
the K series are the only electrons outside the nucleus. X-ray
phenomena are independent of chemical combination, presumably
because the shells of electrons involved in the phenomena are well
inside the atom and play no part in chemical combination. For the
very light elements it is conceivable that this indifference to chemical
state may not occur as the electrons giving rise to the X-rays possibly
play some part in chemical combination. It is possible, therefore,
that an examination of the nature of this border line radiation between
X-rays and ultra violet light may yield results of considerable im-
portance.

Summary.—The curve connecting the radiation from boron,
bombarded by electrons, with the energy of the electrons (expressed
in volts), shows a discontinuity at about 150 volts. This is taken
to be an indication that the K radiation of boron appears at this
critical potential, which is about the potential at which one would
expect to find it from an extrapolation of Moseley’s law.

SECTION III, 1921 [7] TRANS oo. Ce

On the Absorption Spectrum of Liquid and Gaseous Oxygen
By W. W. SHAVER, M.A.

(Presented by PRoressor J. C. MCLENNAN, F.R.S.)
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

I. INTRODUCTION

An investigation was recently undertaken by the author to
determine the effect of radiation of various wave lengths on gases,
with special reference to hydrogen and nitrogen. During the course
of this investigation it was thought some useful information on
experimental conditions might be gained by a study of the analogous
problem with oxygen, as the effect of radiation on this gas, particularly
that in the ultraviolet region, is well-known, having been studied by
a number of experimenters.

Accordingly some experiments were performed to obtain the
absorption spectrum of oxygen, both in liquid and gaseous form, and
in the photographs taken some bands were observed which apparently
have not been previously recorded. The absorption spectrum of
oxygen has been studied by Liveing and Dewar', Olszewski,” and
others, who found that with a pressure of 85 atmospheres there were
a number of bands in the visible region and a general absorption
in the ultraviolet beginning about the wave-length \ = 2745 A.U., with
complete absorption below the wave-length \=2665 A.U. When
the pressure was increased to 140 atmospheres the bands in the visible
were intensified while the ultraviolet absorption was complete below
the wave length \=2704 A.U. In the experiments described in this
paper seven bands have been observed in the visible region with the
addition of four broad bands in the ultraviolet adjacent to the region
of complete absorption. In the case of liquid oxygen eight bands
were detected in the visible and the same broad ultraviolet absorptions,
but the latter were not so sharply defined as with the gaseous oxygen.
When these broad absorption bands were closely examined it was
found that each one consisted of a set of finer triplet absortpion
bands. A brief description of the method of obtaining the photo-
graphs and also some further experiments which go to show that
these bands were not due either to ozone or to impurity in the gas is
given in the following.

1 Liveing and Dewar, Phil. Mag. 26, p. 387, 1888; Phil. Mag. (5), 34, p. 205, 1892.
2 Olszewski, Wiedem. Ann., 42, p. 663, 1891.

8 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

II. ABSORPTION SPECTRUM OF LIQUID OXYGEN

In these experiments the light from the spark between aluminium
terminals under water, after the manner devised by Henri,' was used
as the source of radiation. The electrical arrangement for the pro-
duction of the Henri spark is shown in Fig. 1. (See page 14).

The secondary terminals of an induction coil A B were joined to
the spark gap C D and then to two condensers E, F, each of which
consisted of two one-gallon Leyden jars joined in parallel, the wires
from the secondary terminals being connected to the outside coatings
of the two sets of jars as shown in the diagram. The inside coatings
of the jars were then joined to a second spark gap consisting of
aluminium rods, G, H, about 1 cm. in diameter and conically pointed.
These rods were mounted in a vertical plane inclined to each other
at an angle of about 45° and held in position by clamps which were
provided with threads so that the distance between the sparking
points could be readily adjusted. These aluminium terminals were
immersed to a depth of about 5 cm. in distilled water in a metal vessel
provided with a quartz plate window about 2 cm. in diameter
and placed at the proper height so that the spark occurred
immediately in front of the window. The light from the spark was
focussed by a cylindrical quartz lens on the slit of the spectrograph
which was of the large quartz type made by the Adam Hilger Co.
Several photographs of the spectrum of this light were taken and it
was found to be almost perfectly continuous from the wave length
x=7000 A.U. to the wave-length \=2150 A.U., as there were only
two very slight aluminium reversals throughout this entire range.

The absorption spectrum of liquid oxygen in the visible region
was obtained by passing the light from the spark between the alumin-
ium terminals under water through a column of liquid oxygen con-
tained in a cylindrical glass Dewar flask about 5 cm. in internal
diameter. The flask was specially prepared for this purpose by
being only partly silvered so that there was a clear slit about 1 cm.
in width through which the light could pass. A reproduction of the
photograph obtained is given in Plate I, Fig. 2 (b), in which there
can be seen eight well-marked absorption bands. The mean wave-
lengths of these bands were measured and the results are given in
Table I, together with the wave lengths of the absorptions obtained
by Liveing and Dewar, and Olszewski.

The absorption spectrum in the ultraviolet region was readily
obtained by the use of a small cylindrical Dewar flask, about 1.8 cm.

1 Henri, Phys. Zeit., No. 12, p. 516, June 15th, 1913.

[SHAVER] ABSORPTION SPECTRUM OF OXYGEN 9

in diameter, made of clear fused quartz which easily transmitted
radiation down to the wave length \=2150 A.U. This flask was
mounted in front of the slit of the spectrograph and filled with liquid
oxygen. As before, the light from the spark between aluminium
terminals under water was used as the source of radiation and some
well-defined broad absorption bands were obtained in the region
bordering that of complete absorption. These broad bands were
about 30 A.U. in width, and within each one a fine set of symmetrical
triplet bands could be distinguished. The reproduction of the photo-
graph taken, which is given in Plate I, Fig. 3 (b), shows the broad absorp-
tions but the sets of triplet bands are not so evident. However, it was
found possible to measure the wave lengths of the component bands
in three of these sets, and these results, together with the wave-
lengths of the broad bands, are given in Table II. The first column
contains the limits of the broad bands, the second their mean wave-
lengths, and the last gives the mean wave-lengths of the three sets
of fine bands.

.

TABLE I | TABLE II
Absorption by Liquid Oxygen Absorption by Liquid Oxygen
Liveing and ; Limits of Means of Means of
Author Dewar Olszewski Broad Bands | Broad Bands | Narrow Bands
AL, AU. ALU. AU. AU. ALU.
6285 6300 6280 2811
À 2795
5800 5775 5770 2780 ”
5350 5320 5350 - 2747 À 2744
2731 {st
4816 4800 2716 ji 2719
4458 4433 2694 2692
| 2681 {2681
3828 2668 2670
3631 2644 À 2642
- : 102631 {208
3461 2618 s 2621

III. ABSORPTION SPECTRUM OF GASEOUS OXYGEN

The absorption chamber for this experiment consisted of a brass
tube 35 cm. long and 2.5 cm. in diameter, threaded at each end so
that the brass holders which supported the windows could be securely
screwed on, making gas-tight joints. The windows were made of

10 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

plane parallel clear quartz plates, 1.2 cm. in thickness, and were
firmly mounted and waxed in the brass holders mentioned above.
Oxygen at a pressure of 140 atmospheres was passed into this tube
which was then placed so that the light from the Henri spark passed
through the absorbing column of oxygen into the slit of the same
Hilger quartz spectrograph as was used before. The spectrogram
obtained showed seven bands in the visible region which, as other
observers have found, corresponded to the absorption bands obtained
with liquid oxygen, although they were not so well marked. A repro-
duction of the photograph is shown in Plate I, Fig. 2(a), while the
mean wave-lengths of the bands, together with those observed by
Liveing and Dewar, are given in Table III.

In the ultraviolet region a broad band absorption, similar to
that obtained in the case of liquid oxygen, was found (shown in
Fig. 3 (a), but with this difference, however, that each band was
shifted slightly towards the ultraviolet. The bands were again about
30 A.U. in width, and as before, each consisted of a fine set of sym-
metrical triplet bands which, in this case, were much more sharply
defined, as the reproduction shows. The wave-lengths of the ab-
sorption bands were calculated and the results, given in Table IV, are
tabulated in the same manner as those in Table II.

TABLE III TABLE IV
Absorption by Oxygen at Absorption by Oxygen at
140 Atmospheres Pressure 140 Atmospheres Pressure
Liveing and Limits of Means of Means of
Author Dewar Broad Bands | Broad Bands | Narrow Bands
A.U. A.U. AU. AU: AU.
6285 6305 2808
\ 2790
5800 5785 DTA
5350 5350 2744 2740
\ 2729 {or
4816 4773 2714 2716
2692 2687
\ 2678 {2m
3828 4470 2664 2666
3631 2642 2640
\ 2629 |
3461 2616 2618

1 Liveing and Dewar, loc. cit.

[SHAVER] ABSORPTION SPECTRUM OF OXYGEN 11

The experiment was repeated with the absorption tube filled
with oxygen at 107 atmospheres pressure. In this case several of
the bands in the visible region disappeared, leaving only the three
strong bands with wave-lengths \=6285 A.U., À=5800 A.U., and
\=4816 A.U., while the ultraviolet bands remained practically
unchanged.

IV. INVESTIGATION OF THE ORIGIN OF THE SETS OF FINE ABSORPTION
BANDS IN THE ULTRAVIOLET

(a) An experiment was performed to determine whether or not
the sets of triplet absorption bands in the ultraviolet were due to some
impurity in the gaseous or liquid oxygen used. The oxygen gas was
guaranteed by the manufacturer to be 98% pure with nitrogen as the
impurity, while liquid nitrogen was the most likely impurity in the
liquid oxygen. The absorption of nitrogen was, therefore, tried out
by using the apparatus described in Section III and passing nitrogen
gas into the absorption tube at a pressure of 140 atmospheres. The
experiment was performed in the same manner as when the absorption
of oxygen gas was obtained, using the spark between aluminium
terminals under water as the source of radiation. A photograph was
taken of the absorption spectrum of nitrogen, but there was no trace
of any absorption whatever showing that the bands obtained with
oxygen as the absorbing medium were not due to the nitrogen impurity
present.

(b) It was known from the work of W. N. Hartley,! and also
E. Meyer,” that ozone strongly absorbs radiations between the wave-
lengths \=2850 A.U., and À=2330 A.U., and it was thought that a
small percentage of ozone might be present in the oxygen causing the
band absorption which had been observed. This was the more
probable on account of the narrow band absorptions obtained by
Professors Fowler and Strutt? in the region between the wave-lengths
x = 3432.2 A.U. and À =3089.5 A.U., using less than 1 per cent. of
ozone in oxygen, as it was thought that with a smaller percentage
of ozone some bands might appear farther down in the ultraviolet
which would account for the absorption bands described in this
paper. It has been shown by Regener* and other observers that
light of wave-length \=1200 A.U. to \=1800 A.U. is a powerful

1 Hartley, Chem. News, p. 268, Nov. 26, 1880.

2 Meyer, Ann. der Phys., Vol. XII, p. 849, 1903.

3 Fowler and Strutt, Proc. Roy. Soc. of London, 93, p. 577, 1916-17.
4 Regener, Ann. der Physik., 20, p. 1033, 1906.

12 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

ozonizing agent and that light of wave-length between \=2300 A.U.
and \=2900 A.U. has an equally effective decomposing effect. It
was thought that some weak radiation of wave-length approaching
that necessary to produce ozone might be emitted by the spark
between the aluminium terminals under water, which would be
sufficient to produce a small percentage of ozone in the oxygen whose
absorption was being tested.

The apparatus for the experiment described in Section II was
again set up, but in this case a glycerine screen, 1 cm. in thickness,
was placed in the path of the light from the Henri spark between
the lens and the brass absorption tube. This glycerine screen was
found to cut off all radiation below the wave-length À=2300 A.U.
so that there was no possibility of any radiation entering the oxygen
absorption tube which would transform ozone into oxygen. The
tube was filled with oxygen at 140 atmospheres pressure and a photo-
graph of the absorption spectrum taken, a reproduction of which is
shown in Fig. 4(a). The screen was then removed and the experiment
repeated, and the absorption bands shown in Fig. 4(b) were obtained.
From these photographs it will be seen that the ultraviolet bands
were present in both cases, but when the glycerine screen was inserted
the intensity of the light was somewhat reduced so that the bands
were shown to better advantage than with the screen removed.
However, this experiment showed that these absorption bands were
not due to the presence of ozone which may have been formed by
ultraviolet light falling on the oxygen gas in the absorption tube.

(c) To make a more definite test as to whether the ultraviolet
bands were due to ozone or not, the absorption spectrum of a mixture
consisting of a small percentage of ozone in oxygen was obtained in
the following way.

The absorption tube in this case consisted of a glass tube 25 cms.
long and 1 cm. in diameter with a small side tube sealed in near each
end. The ends of the tube were closed by plane parallel plates of
clear quartz securely waxed on so that when mounted in position the
radiation from the source, which as before, was the Henri spark,
passed along the absorption tube through the quartz windows into
the slit of the spectrograph. The absorbing gas was obtained by
slowly passing oxygen gas through a Heumann ozonizer and the
resulting mixture of ozone and oxygen was led in at one end of the
absorption tube through the side tube, passing out through the
second side tube at the other end. The gas coming from the tube
was allowed to escape into the atmosphere, so that the pressure of the

[SHAVER] ABSORPTION SPECTRUM OF OXYGEN 13

absorbing gas in the tube was approximately one atmosphere. The
flow of gas through the ozonizer was started some time before an
exposure was made, so as to permit the oncoming gas to sweep out
the air from the absorption tube. The percentage of ozone in the
mixture in all cases was very small, probably much less than the
1 per cent. mixture used by Professors Fowler and Strutt. The
absorption spectrum, when photographed, showed a number of faint
symmetrical bands about 7 A.U. in width in the region extending
from the wave-length À = 2704 A.U. to the wave-length \=2455 A.U.
while below this region there was only partial absorption due to the
small percentage of ozone used. A comparison spectrum of the
absorption due to oxygen at 140 atmospheres was taken and it was
found that the bands did not correspond, This is quite evident from
Plate I, Fig. 5, which in reproduction (a) gives the oxygen absorption
bands, while (b) shows the ozone bands, with the mercury arc shown
in (c) as a wave-length standard. The wave-lengths of the ozone
bands were measured and the results are given in Table V, from which
it will be seen that they do not correspond to the ultraviolet absorption
bands found either with liquid or gaseous oxygen. These experiments
conclusively showed that the ultraviolet bands obtained in the
absorption spectrum of liquid and gaseous oxygen must have been
due to oxygen itself, and not to the nitrogen impurity or small per-
centage of ozone present.

TABLE V

Absorption by Ozone.
Means of Bands

ALU: ALU. AU: AU
2701 2623 2556 2491
2678 2605 2539 2478
2658 2587 2523 2458
2640 2571 2504

V. SUMMARY

(1) The absorption spectrum of oxygen, both liquid and gaseous,
between the wave-lengths \=7000 A.U. and \=2150 A.U. has been
examined.

(2) In the visible region eight absorption bands were noted in the
case of liquid oxygen and seven with gaseous oxygen.

14 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

(3) In the ultraviolet part of the spectrum four broad bands were
found both with liquid and also gaseous oxygen, each made up of a
set of finer triplet bands. The wave-lengths of these bands were
measured and those in the gaseous spectrum were found to be slightly
shifted towards the ultraviolet.

(4) Some experiments were performed on the absorption spectra
of nitrogen and ozone which were the two most likely impurities
present in the oxygen. From the results obtained it was concluded
that the bands observed in the absorption spectrum of both liquid
and gaseous oxygen were due to oxygen and not to the presence of
the impurities mentioned above.

This work was carried out under the direction of Prof. J. C.
McLennan to whom the writer wishes to express his most sincere
thanks for his advice and many practical suggestions.

The Physical Laboratory,
University of Toronto, :
May 15th, 1921.

e = on pr
(PEX

Fig 2.

Nt
S
Ww

Plaje /.

SECTION III, 1921 [15] Trans. R.S.C.

On the Spectra of Helium, Hydrogen and Carbon in the Extreme
Ultraviolet

By ProrEessor J. C. MCLENNAN,-F.RS., and P. A. PETRIE, B.A.

(Read May Meeting, 1921)
I. INTRODUCTION

In a paper on the extension of the spectrum beyond the Schumann
region by Lyman! some 27 wave-lengths are recorded by him as
coming out strongly on his plates when photographing the spectrum
of helium. These wave-lengths covered the spectral region lying
between \=599 A.U. and \=1247.9 A.U. In discussing these wave-
lengths Hicks pointed out that those at \=972, 992, 1026 and 1086
A.U. fitted the formula for the enhanced spectrum of helium and
drew the conclusion that they must belong to that gas. Lyman?
has, however, dissented from that view and in later communications
has stated that in his opinion \=992 A.U. is attributable to an
unknown origin and that \=972 A.U. and }=1026 A.U. are due to
hydrogen. His opinion, too, is that the wave-lengths which have
been recorded by him at À=1086 A.U. and 1985 A.U. have their
origin in hydrogen or in some other impurity, possibly nitrogen.

In a paper by Millikan? also on the extension of the ultraviolet
spectrum a comparison is made between the wave-lengths found by
Lyman in studying the spectrum of helium and those found by him
in photographing the “hot” spark spectrum of carbon. From the
values given in his table of wave-lengths it will be seen that some 13
wave-lengths in the spark spectrum of carbon have values very close
to those found by Lyman in the spectrum of helium. Regarding this
coincidence Millikan has expressed the view that the strong group
of wave-lengths which appeared in all of his spectra, and which also
appeared in Lyman’s work on helium, are to be considered as having
their origin in the atoms of carbon.

1 Lyman, Ast. Phys. Jl., XLIII, No. 2, p. 89, 1916; Science, XLV, p. 187,

Feb. 1917.
2 Lyman, Nature, CIV, p. 314, 1919, and p. 565, 1920; Phil. Mag., Vol. 41,

No. 245, p. 814, 1921.
3 Millikan, Ast. Phys. JL, Vol. LII, No. 1, p. 47, 1920; Ast. Phys. Jl., Vol.

LIII, No. 2, p. 150, 1921.

16 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

In photographing spectra in the extreme ultraviolet region one
is compelled to work with vacuum grating spectrographs, and in
working with these instruments, even with the best type of design,
one is forced to make two, and possibly three, of the joints gas tight
by the use of some kind of wax or other substance which contains
hydrocarbons as ingredients. For this reason it is practically im-
possible to make certain in taking photographs of the spectra of
helium and hydrogen that these gases are absolutely free from carbon
in some form or other. It is, therefore not improbable that the view
expressed by Millikan is the correct one.

On the other hand Rutherford‘, in the Bakerian Lecture before
the Royal Society of London for 1920, has described a series of experi-
ments on the disintegration of atomic nuclei, the results of which
have led him to express the opinion that the nuclei of the atoms of
carbon are probably made up of two electrons and four subsidiary
nuclei of triprotonic helium. If this view should turn out to be
correct it is just possible that in the experiments of Millikan on the
spectrum of carbon the atoms of carbon, with the powerful “hot”’
sparks which he used, were disrupted ,into their constituent tri-
protonic helium nuclei, and that the wave-lengths which he observed
were due to helium in this form. On this hypothesis it would follow
that the wave-lengths in question originated in reality in helium
atoms and not in those of carbon. This view Millikan considers
untenable since he did not find any trace of helium lines in the spectrum
of the “hot sparks” in the region between \=2100 A.U. and \=7000
ALU.

In view of the uncertainty which, it will be seen from the above,
prevails as to the origin of certain wave-lengths obtained in photo-
graphing the spectra of helium and carbon, and possibly, too, of
hydrogen, an investigation of the spectra of these elements was under-
taken by the writers, and in doing so an attempt was made in carrying
out the observations with each element to work with the element in
as pure a state as possible and as free from contamination with
impurities as it was possible to obtain it. An account of this investi-
gation follows.

II. EXPERIMENTS

The vacuum grating® used in this investigation has already been
fully described elsewhere. It will suffice to state here that the
grating employed had a radius of 1 metre and a ruling 5.4 cms. wide

4 Rutherford, Proc. Roy. Soc., Vol. 97, p. 374, 1920.
5 McLennan, Proc. Roy. Soc., Vol. 98, p. 114, 1920.

[MCLENNAN-PETRIE] SPECTRA OF HELIUM, ETC. 17

and 7.8 cms. long with 6273 lines per centimetre. The photographic
plates used were of the Schumann type and were made by The Adam
Hilger Co.

In working with the gases helium and hydrogen the source of
light was a fused quartz Geissler tube of the form and dimensions
shown in Fig. 1, the electric discharge being obtained from a 15,000
volt 1% kilowatt Clapp-Eastham Transformer in parallel with a 14
kilowatt condenser. The discharge in the Geissler tube was backed
up by a spark gap in air inserted in the circuit.

The general arrangement of the equipment is that shown in
Fig. 2. The vacuum grating, the Geissler tube and two cocoanut
charcoal filled tubes which could be cooled with liquid air, were
joined in series with a Gaede mercury pump. Between the Geislers
tube and the slit of the spectrograph there was inserted a small
brass vessel containing a shutter which could be operated with an
electromagnet, but which, when either in the closed or in the open
position, did not interfere with the passage of gas in the circuit.

In operating with this equipment care was taken to see that all
joints were gas tight. The photographic plate was first inserted and
then the whole system was repeatedly washed out with hydrogen and
thoroughly evacuated with a pair of Trimount pumps backed by a
Langmuir diffusion pump, a liquid air-cooled trap being inserted
between the latter and the system. The gas to be studied was then
admitted and its pressure reduced to the point where the discharge
gave the brightest illumination.

In taking the photographs of the spectrum of hydrogen this gas
was carefully purified with charcoal cooled with liquid air before it was
admitted to the system. The pressure of the gas when the photo-
graphs were taken with it was from 5 to 6 cms. of mercury. In the
case of helium the gas was also highly purified before being admitted
to the apparatus and the exposures were made with the gas at a
pressure of 29 cms. of mercury. Prior to taking the photographs the
Gaede pump was maintained in operation for upwards of an hour
and the gas by means of it made to circulate through the system.
During this operation the tubes Q and R were kept surrounded with
liquid air and the shutter E was kept in the closed position. The
discharge was passed continuously (during this time) in the Geissler
tube in order to drive out any gases which might have been occluded
in the electrodes.

When it became fairly certain that the gas had been purified as
highly as possible by means of the circulation through the charcoal

18 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

—/NVAR
—- WAX SEAL

4 i ies
HN} MERCURY SEAL x
—— GROUND TAPER. JOINT +3

ALUMINIUM TERMINAL ig

9
INSIDE DIA. 4MM yi INSIDE DIA. 20174

cm 17 CM + 29cm a

GEISSLER DISCHARCE TUBE
FIG. |

[MCLENNAN-PETRIE] SPECTRA: OF HELIUM, ETC: 19

the shutter was opened with the electromagnet and the exposure then
“made. This was generally of from nine to ten hours’ duration. Some
photographs were also taken of the vacuum carbon arc, the spectro-
graph and the lamp, a drawing of which is shown in Fig. 3, being as
highly exhausted as possible. A current of 50 amperes was used, the
supply being the 110 volt D.C. main. In addition to the above some
photographs were taken of the lead spark in helium at atmospheric
pressure. The sparking chamber used in this case was made of glass
and is shown in Fig. 4. Previous to the taking of the photographs of
the spectra of the lead spark the helium was purified by being made
to circulate through the charcoal tubes Q and R. While this was
being done the spark discharge was made to pass between the elec-
trodes in order to drive out any gaseous impurity which might have
been occluded in them. During this preliminary sparking the shutter
was, of course, kept in the closed position.

III. RESULTS

The plates were all carefully measured up and the mean wave-
lengths obtained from them, together with their relative intensities,
are given in Table I. The values given by Lyman! for the wave-
lengths obtained by him with the spark spectrum of helium, as well
as those obtained by Millikan,” and by Millikan, Bowen and Sawyer?
with the spark spectrum of carbon, are also included in the table.

IV. DiscussION oF RESULTS

A point of interest which arises in considering the results given
in the table attaches to the wave-lengths \=1931 A.U., \=1657 A.U.
and \=1561 A.U. These wave-lengths all came out strongly in the
spectra of helium, carbon and lead. The first and last were absent
from the spectrum of hydrogen, but \=1657 A.U., though of weak
intensity, was clearly marked in the spectrum of this gas. These
three wave-lengths were strongly recorded in the spark spectrum of
carbon obtained by Millikan, and they were also obtained as wave-
lengths of strong intensity in the spectra of carbon obtained by
McLennan and Lang‘ and by McLennan, Ainslie and Fuller.» While
working with fluorite or vacuum grating spectrographs several

1 Lyman, Ast. Phys. Jl., Vol. XLIII, p. 89, 1916.
2 Millikan, Ast. Phys. Jl., Vol. LII, No. 1, p. 47, 1920.
§ Millikan, Bowen and Sawyer, Ast. Phys. Jl., Vol. LIII, No. 2, p. 150, 1921.
4 McLennan and Lang, Proc. Roy. Soc. 95, p. 272, 1919.
5 McLennan, Ainslie and Fuller, Proc. Roy. Soc. 95, p. 327, 1919.
—24

20 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

observers have recorded, besides, that these wave-lengths are fre-
quently present in the spectra of many of the metals when sparked
in hydrogen or helium. It is, however, practically certain that these
wave-lengths are due to carbon and to carbon alone. It would follow
from this that in spite of all the precautions taken the helium used
in the present investigation was not entirely free from carbon in
some form. Since the wave-lengths \=1931 A.U. and \=1561 ALU.
were not recorded in the spark spectrum of hydrogen, and since the
wave-length \=1657 A.U. came out with only weak intensity in that
gas it would indicate that the hydrogen was contaminated with carbon
to a less degree than the helium.

Interest also attached to the wave-lengths \=1640.2, 1215.1,
1086.1, 1026.0, and 972.7 A.U. These, as Hicks® has pointed out,
are the first six members of the series spectrum of the helium ion

am I:
whose frequencies are given by » =4 NS =) Of these wave-lengths

) = 1640.2 A.U. did not appear on any of the plates of the spectrum of
helium obtained by us, neither was it obtained by Millikan in the
spark spectrum of carbon. It has, however, been observed by Lyman
with powerful disruptive discharges in helium. It would appear,
therefore, that this wave-length can be emitted by helium provided
the gas is subjected to a sufficiently powerful stimulus. Owing to
the absence of this wave-length from the spectra of helium obtained
by us we are forced to conclude that the excitation used was not
sufficiently intense. Possibly its existence was masked by the action
of the ionized helium.

Regarding a wave-length at or near \=1215 A.U. it will be
seen that one was obtained by us at \=1215.8 A.U. with the dis-
charges in helium and hydrogen and with the lead spark in helium.
A wave-length at \=1215.7 A.U. was also found by Millikan on his
plates of the spark spectrum of carbon.

From the evidence given above it will be recalled that the hydro-
gen as used by us was probably only contaminated with carbon to
an extremely small degree, if at all. The wave-length \=1215.8 ALU.
obtained by us with hydrogen and with helium came out very strongly
with both gases, the intensity being 12. Our conclusion regarding
this wave-length is, then, that it is emitted by both helium and
hydrogen and that in Millikan’s experiments with carbon it may have
had its origin in hydrogen occluded in his electrodes or in the walls
of his spectrograph, or it may have originated in tri-protonic helium

6 Hicks, Nature, 104, p. 393, Dec. 18, 1919.

[MCLENNAN-PETRIE] SPECTRA OF HELIUM, ETC. Dik

formed by the disruption of carbon atoms. This conclusion fits in
with theory for, as is well known, the series for hydrogen atoms

it :
whose frequencies are given by v=N (1-:,) consists of the wave-

lengths \=1216 A.U., »=1026 A.U., »=972 Mere Regarding
the wave-length À=1086.1 A.U. Lyman has expressed the opinion
that when he obtained this wave-length in the sprectum of helium
it did not originate in helium atoms but in the atoms of some impurity
present in the helium used by him. The table shows, however, that
this wave-length was obtained by us with fair intensity in the spectrum
of helium, but not in the spectrum of hydrogen or in that of the
vacuum carbon arc. It was obtained by Millikan also with his “hot”
carbon sparks. It seems clear, then, that the wave-length obtained
by us at or near \=1085.2 A.U. and by Millikan at À =1085.3 ALU.
originated in helium atoms. In the case of Millikan’s result this
conclusion could lead again to the view that the helium had its origin
in the disrupted carbon atoms. As to the wave-length À = 1026 Ane
it will be noted ‘that while it was not obtained by Millikan in this
spectra of carbon sparks, it was obtained by us in the spectrum of the
spark discharge in helium and in that gas only. Lyman states that
the wave-length \:=1026 A.U. is usually present on his plates of the
spectrum of helium, and that he has also found it in the spectrum of
hydrogen. This would go to show that radiation of a wave-length
close to \=1026 A.U. is obtainable from helium as well as from
hydrogen atoms. The indications are, however, that it is easier to
obtain a photographic record of the wave-length with helium than it
is with hydrogen. The conclusion that this wave-length is obtainable
with helium, as well as with hydrogen, is in accordance with what
would be expected on the basis of the frequency formulae for these
two gases given above. It is not clear, however, why Millikan did
not obtain a wave-length at or near \=1026 A.U. in his spectra of
the carbon spark, especially when he obtained the wave-lengths
4=1215.7 A.U. and \=1085.3 A.U. with fair intensities.

As no wave-lengths were obtained by us in the spectra of helium
and hydrogen below \=1020.9 A.U. we have no material available
to contribute anything of value concerning the origin of the wave-
lengths \=992 A.U. and \=972 A.U. Lyman! has expressed the
opinion that these wavelengths, when obtained in the spectra of
helium, were really due to an impurity which, in the case of \=972 ele

1Lyman, Nature, Vol. 104, p. 314, Nov. 20, 1919. Fricke & Lyman, Phil.
Mag., Vol. 41, p. 814, 1921. Lyman, Nature, Vol. 104, p. 565, Jan. 29, 1920.

iw)
bo

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

was probably hydrogen. Apart, however, from certain considerations
of intensity which he has brought forward there seems to be no con-
clusive evidence against the probability of these wave-lengths really
existing in the radiations capable of being emitted by helium atoms,
and in the case of \=972 A.U. of this wave-length being emitted by
hydrogen atoms as well. As the wave-lengths \=904.7 A.U. and
\=977.9 A.U. were obtained by us with the vacuum carbon arc and
not with the spark discharge in helium and hydrogen it would seem
that Millikan’s view that these wave-lengths belong to the spectrum
of carbon is the correct one.

Since the wave-lengths at or near \=1037 A.U., N=1177 Aue
\=1278 A.U. and \=1335 A.U. were obtained by Millikan with the
carbon spark and by us with the spark discharge in helium and with the
vacuum carbon arc, but not by us with the spark discharge in hydrogen
and since from evidence adduced above there was probably a minute
contamination of the helium used by us with carbon in some form, it
seems practically certain that the radiation of these wave-lengths had
its origin in the atoms of carbon. It may be, however, that the wave-
lengths \=1278 A.U. and \=1335 A.U. originated in mercury. This
would mean, however, that the helium was contaminated with
mercury vapour while the hydrogen was not. The radiations
having the wave-lengths \=1134.7 A.U., \=1199.7. A.U., \=1494.4
A.U.,\=1647.2 A.U., X= 1649.9 A.U., À =1742.6 A.U., À =1744.9 A.U.
= 1849.3 A.U. and \=1942.4 A.U. it will be seen all come out with
strong intensity on our plates of the spectra of the spark discharge
in helium, but were not obtained on our plates of the spectra of
hydrogen and carbon. Neither were they observed by Millikan in
the spark spectrum of carbon. Moreover, wave-lengths À=1134.7
A.U., }=1199.7 A.U. and \=1494.4 A.U. had previously been ob-
tained by McLennan? with strong intensities in the spectrum of the
helium arc.

In seeking for an explanation of the origin of these wave-lengths
one is led again to suspect mercury. A Gaede Mercury pump, it
will be recalled, formed part of the circuit of the circulatory system,
and it is possible that the liquid air-cooled charcoal traps Q and R
did not entirely prevent the mercury vapour from reaching the dis-
charge tube. A confirmation of this view is found in the fact that
wave-lengths are recorded for the spark spectrum of mercury by
Handke? at À = 1942 A.U. and by Lyman‘ at À = 1849.6 A.U., \=1745.2

* McLennan, Proc. Roy. Soc. A, Vol. 98, p. 114, 1920.
3 Handke, Inaugural Dissertation, Berlin, Aug. 1909.
“Lyman, The Spectroscopy of the Extreme Ultra-violet, p. 118.

[MCLENNAN-PETRIE| SPECTRA OF HELIUM, ETC. 23

A.U., À =1742.7 A.U., À=1649.8 A.U., À =1647.4 A.U. and À = 1495.0
A.U. Regarding the wave-lengths at \=1134.7 A.U. and \=1199.7
A.U. it is more difficult to decide since the Schumann spectrum of
mercury has hitherto been supposed to end at \=1188 A.U. the limit
of the series y=(1.5,S)—(m,P). If it should turn out that all the
above wave-lengths originated in the atoms of mercury it seems
strange that they were not obtained in the spectra of hydrogen, since
in obtaining the latter, the same discharge tube and the same cir-
culatory system was used as with the helium. On the whole it would
seem that the wave-lengths À=1199.7 A.U. and \=1134.7 A.U.
should be attributed to helium.

The wave-length which Millikan found at \=1402.9 A.U. in the
spark spectrum of carbon, and for which he suggested calcium or
silicon as the origin, corresponds approximately to the wave-length
\= 1401.6 A.U. found by us in the spectrum of helium. This wave-
length, too, may have had mercury as its origin for Lyman records a
wave-length of strong intensity at \= 1402.5 A.U. and Wolff also one
at X= 1402.72 A.U. in the arc spectrum of mercury. The same origin
can be attributed to the wave-lengths \= 1481 A.U., 1=1548.8 A.U.,
\=1751.4 A.U. and À =1825.9 A.U. for Lyman has found correspond-
ing wave-lengths at \=1481.6 A.U., \=1548.4 A.U., \=1751.5 À.U.
and \= 1826.2 A.U. in the spark spectrum of mercury. It may be,
however, that these wave-lengths really originated in carbon, if we
can assume that the mercury jn Lyman’s experiments was slightly
contaminated with that element in some form. The wave-lengths
1=1310.4 A.U., \=1463 A.U., \=1577.8 A.U. and \=1624.3 A.U.,
found by us in the spectra of helium, do not correspond to any wave-
lengths in the list given by Lyman? for the mercury spark, and they
are probably due to carbon as Millikan suggests. Of the eighteen
wave-lengths found by us in the spectrum of helium, which approxi-
mated to wave-lengths found by Millikan in the spark spectrum of
carbon, all but two, namely, \=1085.2 A.U. and À =1215.8 A.U. can,
therefore, be identified by assuming their origin to be one or other of
the elements carbon or mercury. As to \=1215.8 A.U., all we can
say is that in our experiments its origin might have been hydrogen-
Regarding the wave-length \= 1085.2 A.U. the origin in our experi.
ments was, no doubt, helium. Its origin in Millikan’s experiments is
difficult to explain unless we adopt his suggestion and assign it to
oxygen or nitrogen. If we take this view it is no longer necessary to

5 Lyman, The Spectroscopy of the Ultra-violet, p. 118.

24 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

call to our aid the theory put forward by Rutherford as to the possi-
bility of disrupting carbon atoms into tri-protonic helium to account
for the wave-lengths found by us in the spectrum of helium which
closely corresponded to wave-lengths found by Millikan in the spark
spectrum of carbon.

From the investigation generally, our conclusion is that Millikan
has good warrant for ascribing to carbon the origin of a number of
the wave-lengths obtained by Lyman in photographing the spectrum
of helium. Our experiments lead us to conclude that it is exceedingly
difficult to keep helium when it is used in a vacuum grating spectro-
graph entirely free from contamination with carbon in some form.
It may be that carbon was present in the helium used by Lyman.

The wave-lengths found by us for hydrogen when compared with
the values obtained by Lyman for the spectrum of this gas, agree very
closely with the latter in the majority of cases. In 27 cases, however,
our wave-lengths are also within 2 A.U. of the values given by him
for the spark spectrum of mercury. We consider that this limit,
however, is greater than the probable error of our results, and we are
inclined to the view that the wave-lengths tabulated by us for hydro-
gen are correctly attributed to this gas. The wave-lengths \ = 1662.6
AU., \=1672.4.A.U., \=1760.0 A.U., \=1795.7 AU., »=1806.2
A.U. and \= 1832.7 A.U. are within 0.5 A.U. of mercury spark wave-
lengths given by Lyman, and it may be that in these cases the radia-
tions should be attributed to mercury. Against this view, however,
there is the fact that no trace was obtained on our hydrogen plates of
the strong mercury wave-lengths \= 1942.2 A.U. and À =1849.6 A.U.
which would indicate that the hydrogen used by us was practically
uncontaminated with mercury vapour.

V. CONCLUSIONS

The conclusions which may be drawn from the present investi-
gation are:

1. That the wave-lengths \=1931 A.U., \=1657 A.U., and
\=1561 A.U. frequently obtained in the spectrum of helium, as well
as others of less intensity, have their origin in the atoms of carbon.

2. That the series of wave-lengths whose frequencies are given
by v=4N c=) exists for the spectrum of the spark discharge
2 ne

in helium.

bo
or

[MCLENNAN-PETRIE] SPECTRA OF HELIUM. EneE:

3. That in identifying the wave-lengths obtained in vacuum
grating spectra of helium, and possibly also of hydrogen, care should
be taken to make due allowance for the possibility of wave-lengths
being recorded on the plates which have their origin in carbon or
mercury introduction into the discharge tube either during the
exhaustion of the spectrograph or the purification of the gases.

The Physical Laboratory,
University of Toronto,
June Ist, 1921.

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29

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SECTION III, 1921 [31] TRANS. R.S.C.

On the Liquefaction of Hydrogen

By Proressor J. C. McLENNAN, F.R:S.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

The following paper contains a short account of the method
which was adopted in a successful attempt recently made to liquefy
hydrogen in the Physical Laboratory of the University of Toronto.

I. HYDROGEN

The hydrogen used in this investigation was obtained in cylinders
from the National Electro Products Company, Ltd., of Toronto, and
was made by them electrolytically with a new type of cell which
they have developed for the production of hydrogen on an industrial
scale. Chemical tests, as well as physical ones, made by a Shakspear
katharometer, showed the gas as supplied in the cylinders to be of
over 99.5% purity.

II. LIQUID AIR

The liquid air used in the investigation was made with a 50
horse-power plant recently installed by the University of Toronto.

The compressor was of the Norwalk three stage type and the
water cooler, the CO, purifying columns, and the liquid air machine
were obtained from L’Air Liquide Co., Toronto. The Liquid Air
Machine was one of the Claude Oxygen-Nitrogen columns so arranged
as to produce liquid air or either of the gases mentioned. The
machine was also provided with suitable rectifying parts to extract
neon and helium from the air if desired.

Repeated tests with this machine showed that with it from 600
to 700 pounds of liquid air could be made in twenty-four hours.

III. ARRANGEMENT OF COMPRESSING AND PURIFYING SYSTEM

The general arrangement for purifying the hydrogen supplied in
the cylinders and for compressing it prior to its admission to the
liquefier is shown in Plate I.

The hydrogen from the cylinders A;, Ay, A3 and A4 was passed
through a reducing valve into a 50 gallon cylinder R, provided with

32 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ‘CANADA

8
CCE
CRISE TE CE]

Ao a e
Pap Wee ete alatalessnnye

DL gvelying Syserm

GENERAL ARRANGEMENT OF THE CYCLE

Flaye 1

a blow off S, and a pressure gauge E. The hydrogen in this cylinder
was maintained throughout the operation at a pressure of about one
pound per square inch above atmospheric pressure. From the
cylinder R the hydrogen passed into a Peter Brotherhood 10 horse-
power three stage compressor, C, where it was compressed to upwards
of 170 atmospheres.

W was a water separator provided with a blow-off P, and D, and
D, were two purifiers filled with caustic potash to dry the gas. From
D, the compressed gas passed through a cooling bomb G: and thence
into a heavy walled steel bomb B. This bomb was filled with pal-
ladiumized asbestos and was heated by an external electric furnace
LM to upwards of 400°C.

The palladiumized asbestos acted as a catalyser and brought
about combination between hydrogen and the small fraction of oxygen
present in it. From the bomb B the gas passed through a second
cooling bomb G, and thence through two caustic potash driers, D;
and D, to the liquefier. Outlets at K;, K2 and K; provided a means
of attaching the katharometers with which the gas was tested. As
the plate shows, the low pressure cylinder R was provided with a tube
for the admission of the pure unused hydrogen which came from the
liquefier after the final expansion.

[MCLENNAN] LIQUEFACTION OF HYDROGEN 33

IV. THE LIQUEFIER AND SUBSIDIARY HEAT EXCHANGERS

The arrangement of the liquefier and the subsidiary heat ex-
changers is shown in Plate II. The coils B, C, D, F, I, were those
usually supplied by the British Oxygen Co., Westminster, for the
small Hampson Liquid Air machines made by them. The coil A was
made up on similar lines, but was about half as long as the others.

The compressed hydrogen was first passed through the coil A,
and from there it went in part through the coil B and in part through
the coil C, from these two it was passed in turn through the coils
D, F and I to the expansion nozzle H. S, a double walled cylinder
surrounding the silvered vacuum flask that contained the expansion
coil I, acted as a jacket to screen off the admission of heat to the
latter.

The cylinder V, surrounding the coil D, was kept filled with
liquid air supplied through the valve 2 from the reservoir ‘‘a.”’ S
was kept filled with liquid air through the valve 3 from ‘‘a.”’

The vessel E, which was a double-walled vacuum flask made up
by Messrs. Siebe, Gorman, Westminster, was supplied with liquid
air either through the valve 4, the funnel L or directly from the liquid
air machine.

The cylinder X surrounding the coil F was supplied with liquid
air from the vessel E or through the funnel K. The float gauges Pi
and P, were used to tell the height of the liquid air in the vessels
E and X respectively.

The vessel X was connected by means of piping arranged as
shown in the plate to an eight horse-power vacuum pump of the
Reavell type.

By exhaustion with this pump the liquid air in the vessel X was
made to boil under a pressure of a few centimetres of mercury.

As regards the exchange of heat it will be seen from the diagram
that the hydrogen in the coil A was cooled by the air which evaporated
at atmospheric pressure from the liquid air in the vessels V and S.
The hydrogen in the coil B was cooled by the air which came from the
liquid air in X boiling under low pressure and that in the coil C by
the unused hydrogen which issued from the nozzle H or by that
which evaporated from the liquid hydrogen collected in the vacuum
vessel R placed within the lower part of the jacket S. The hydrogen
in the coils D and F was, of course, cooled directly by the liquid air
surrounding them. As the liquid air in X was kept boiling at a very
low pressure it followed that the hydrogen which passed from the

34 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Plate II

%
À

here
©
à pyres yloss lube

Ligud Dir

hydrogen Infohe Fesernur- a

Sufely rome

7 hydrogen Reserroir

RARES To Xalnaromeler

=

Si

To Mecvum Purp

ie =
HAINE

@
2
Es

TANTO ee
=e

i

tf
Thermo couple

Sr

9
tt

i

P,

Ê

Thermo couple

Thermo couple = ‘
= =
A :
(2 | :
BS | IE
| Ent
Ny

| xaansion Hale Contra - 5

Regenerator Coil - I
Copper lchel - ¥

Sivered Vecwm Flask -Z

\ Thermo couple

— Expansion Vale - H

Thermo -couple

Opserralion Tube
——————

L ( |
[ ——————————————— _—
| Fram Liquid Air Machine

Plain bacwrn Flask R

To gauge

E - Melal Vacuurn F105k |

/

GENERAL ARRANGEMENT OF _¢71 YDROGEN LIQUEFIER

[McLENNAN] LIQUEFACTION OF HYDROGEN 35

coil F into the expansion coil I did so at a temperature near — 200°C.
The expansion valve was the same as that used in the ordinary
Hampson Liquefier and the manner in which the expansion valve
was controlled is indicated in the diagram.

The hydrogen which was liquefied was collected at first in the
base of a thin copper cylinder surrounding the expansion coil I.
From this it flowed into the bottom of the large silvered vacuum flask
surrounding the expansion coil and from there it passed into the
collecting vacuum flask in the lower part of S. The jacket S was kept
airtight at the bottom by means of a heavy circular plate carefully
ground to fit into the lower portion of S. This plate was held up by
springs which were arranged to give way readily if any sudden large
increase of pressure was produced by explosion or otherwise within
the jacket S. The collecting vacuum flask was inserted or with-
drawn by removing the plate valve entirely.

V. OPERATIONS

In operating the liquefier the whole system was first of all cooled
down with liquid air in the manner indicated until the thermocouples
attached at various points showed that a steady state was reached.

The hydrogen compressed to about 170 atmospheres was then
admitted to the system with the expansion nozzle wide open until
the thermocouple situated close to the nozzle showed that the gas
was issuing from the latter at a temperature below the inversion
point.

The nozzle was then throttled down and after this it was found
that the expansion coil was rapidly cooled to the temperature of
liquefying hydrogen by the expanding gas.

Vie RESULTS

On April 16th the attempt to make liquid hydrogen was success-
ful. In all about half a gallon of it was made. During repeated
runs since that time tests were made to see if hydrogen containing
as much as one or one and a half per cent. of oxygen could be liquefied
by this apparatus. It was invariably found, however, that after a
small quantity of the liquid hydrogen had been made the expansion
coil choked with solid oxygen and the operations had to cease.

With hydrogen in the cylinders at something over 99.5% purity

it was found that the purity attained by means of the palladiumized
—25

36 THE (ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

asbestos was amply sufficient to ensure continuous runs of long enough
duration to make liquid hydrogen in comparatively large quantities.

In concluding I wish to express my appreciation of the help
given by Mr. G. M. Shrum, M.A., and by those members of the
mechanical staff of the Department of Physics who assisted in
constructing, assembling, and operating the equipment. I also wish
to record my thanks to Professors Dawes and McTaggart, and to
Mr. John Patterson, M.A., of the Meteorological Office, Toronto,
for the benefit of their advice kindly given in numerous consultations
regarding details of the design of the apparatus.

SECTION: III, 1921 [37] TRANS. R.S.C.

Ionization Potential and the Size of the Atom
By DRpAS St Eve, RSC
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

It is known that there is for different elements a relation between
the ionizing potential and atomic volume, the one increasing as the
other diminishes. Hughes, in his book on Photoelectricity (p. 51),
indicates that the work in removing an electron wholly from an atom
might be expected to vary inversely as the radius. In other words
the ionizing potential might be inversely proportional to the cube-
root ef the atomic volume.

Now W. L. Bragg, in the Philosophical Magazine (August, 1920),
has given the diameters of atoms in Angstrom units (10°cm.) on
the assumption of close packing in crystal structure. The diameter
which he determines is more strictly the distance from centre to
centre of contiguous atoms of the same kind. The dimensions which
he thus found are far smaller than those deduced from calculations
by kinetic theory.

It appears desirable to make a comparison of the ionization
potentials, (1) with the diameters as given by W. L. Bragg, and
(2) with the cube-roots of the atomic volume.

In the table following the name of the element, the ionization
potential and Bragg’s diameter (x108) are set forth in the first three
columns. The product of the diameter and ionizing potential appear
in the fourth column. The cube-root of the atomic volume is stated
in the fifth column and its product with the ionization potential in
the sixth column.

GROUP I

I II III IV V VI
oe ; Cube-root
Element Ionization Diameter IIx III of Atomic Il xv
Potential x108 Volume

Na sl 3100 18.1 2.87 Cr
K 4.32 4.15 17.9 300 15.4
Rb 4.16 4.50 18.7 3.81 15.9
Cs 3.88 4.75 18.4 4,12 16.0
Mean 18.3 Mean 15.5

Range 0.8 Range 1.3

38 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

GROUP II
I II III IV V VI
nie : Cube-root
Element ne Diameter IT x III of Atomic ilxV
otentia x10 Woluiie
Mg 61 2.85 DA 2.40 18.3
Ca 6.09 3.40 20.8 2.96 18.0
Sr 5.67 3.90 273502 Seay 18.4
Ba 5.19 4.30 21.8 Sy, Bil 172
Mean 21.6 Mean 18.0
Range 1.4 Range 1.2
Groupe IIB
I II III IV V VI
re : Cube-root
Element pee PRE 1) TDR Tan it Atomic Its Vv
otential x10 Wolune
Zn 9.35 2.65 24.8 2.09 19.5
Cd 8.95 3.20 286% 2299 21.0
Hg 10.38 2.45 25.4
Group IIIB
I II III IV V VI
STE ; Cube-root
Blement à enizanon, DEEE Ml” of Atomic x
Potential x10 Volume
All 383 4.50 32.8 2.58 18.8
Group IVB
I II III IRW, V VI
rot Di Cube-root
Element SEE CRE ETS III | of Atomic II x V
Potential x108
Volume
Pb 7.93 3.80 30.1 2.63 20.8
Grour VA
I II III IV V VI
dr Di Cube-root
Element Pa DE rameter IIx III of Atomic IIx V
otentia x10 VOLE
As 11.5 2.52 29.0 2.36 (802
or 2.52 or 29.0
BE 13.3 237 31.5

On 2.57 or 34.2

[EVE] IONIZATION POTENTIAL AND SIZE OF ATOM 39

Group VI
I II NE (18 IV V VI
ARE Di Cube-root
Element Te pa exe of Atomic IIx V
otentia x Voie
S 8.30 2.05 Wan) 2.50 20.8
or 12.2 2.05 or 25.0 2.50 or 30.4
Group VIIA
I II III IV V VI
ne ! Cube-root
Biement. > lomization Diameter I] x II] of Atomic Wee Vi
Potential x 108 :
Volume
I 10.1 2.80 28.3 205 29.8
or 8.0 2.80 or 22.4 2.95 or 23.6
INERT CASES
I II Ill VI V VI
ne Di Cube-root
Element OREO! CEen JHE Se LANL of Atomic FR
Potential x108
Volume
He Diy. A: 2.86 73.0
Ne 16 150 20.8 DANS 42.8
A 12 2.05 24.6 3.03 36.4

In the first group of the periodic table the products shown in
each of the fourth and sixth columns of the above table are fairly
concordant so that we may conclude that, the work done in the
removal of an exterior electron is nearly proportional inversely as
the radius.

The same remark applies to four elements of the second group
while the members of subgroup B diverge considerably from the
values for the A group. According to Urbach (Phys. Zeit., Feb.,
1921, p. 116) the B subgroup have a double ring of electrons in the
outer zone, while the A subgroup have a single ring. In the case
of the inert gases, neon and argon, the diameters estimated by Bragg
give products in the fourth column in far better accord with theory
than those found from the cube-roots of the atomic volumes set forth
in the sixth column.

40 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The values for certain elements in groups 3 to 7 are given in the
table for comparison, but our knowledge of ionizing potentials is as
yet too fragmentary to permit of any definite conclusions.

The ultimate solution of this problem may involve calculations
of the character given by Sir J. Thomson in his recent paper in the
Philosophical Magazine (March, 1921, p. 526).

I am indebted to Professor A. LI. Hughes for his assistance in
endeavouring to collect the most reliable values for the ionizing
potentials. .

McGill University.
June 6, 1921.

LAS A OR eee ee eee EEE

See also “ Nature’’ 28th July, 1921,

SECTION III, 1921 [41] . TRANSURISCr

On the Reduction of the Circulants to Polynomial Form
By J.C. GLASHANE ERS. C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

Notation.—(i) w=a primitive root of x”—1=0.

Gi) pe = y Loto... Sr CLEAN ml a,
wei il
GQ) qe an + pat pat Le Ses er à 2)
(iv) Cfn)=(x+p1) @+ pe) (w+ ps)... eee. (x +p,).
NO el UN RUE Cia,
(v) egtetet...... +e,-1=7 conditioned by
et+2et38e+...... +(n—1)e, _1=0 mod n.
(vi) m=n— ©.
Qa) etre Re ne. 2 Her p= My conditioned by
Cin an I AE UE +(n—1)e, -1,,=0 mod n
JEAN PIE a aay
and ea, 1+e,2+e,3+ eus +e,:= €
J El PAU ee a n—1
m + Mo + +m=m
NI
Gh Pee Abas
Eng! Ep! OPA
CAE yaya PR yh_;,|= the sum of the non-equivalent pro-
ducts among yx Vrai Vian... ... Vu in which \=1,23, "0% n—1

in succession and ‘/\’=the least positive residue of JA mod n.

Examples. Forn=7

[yi¥e] =M1Vet+ MoVst Va

ly1?y5 | = W7V5+ Yo"V3 + V3 1 + VA Ve + Vs Va + Verve
[y132V4l = Y1929a + V39695

(x) [oois 2... (m1 = Ble"? 58 Je ye IEE
in which, p=0,~ 1, 27.212 n—1 and ‘a—p’=the least positive

residue of a— p mod #.
Examples.—For e=3, «a =2, e=1, 6 =1, e=0, e=0 and e=0,
[03 1223] = x3 |y1?yoV9| + 2219298] +x 19e] +x|yysve|
=F [vs v5Y6| in [y vay5| 2 [y18v:2v3ya | |
For 6 =3, a =3, € =0, g=2, ea =e=e—=0, 7 =2, eg=e9=0 and
&o= 1 and j=10

5; 42 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

[0515382725] = 255 ys 2310] +9 | v2? ve voy 10| + | 12752 ysy9 910
+x?| VA YrYs° Vo" | =i ys? V8 V2 0| =e (Va? V5965 777? |
+ ny v ve] +2? | yaya y y 2] + |v2735 948969 °10|
+ lp vs5vs2992| + x | 91892 22 y? |

(ri). (RASE ez EU GDS) HER EE MEL DR ,| 0
the summation to include without repetitions only those addends in
which ¢=q=n—(atet......+€,-1).

Examples-—For. .n=7, o=1, a=2; "el; @=2) a= 1) ve,—0,
és — 0 and .’. 7 =0, 2, 4
(x1? 2 3? 4) = { [31292732 ya | a= a12yo¥5Ve2| }
= { 28 Vat Va VaVe Vi + Vs V3 22 Vet Va Vis 2 + V5 av Vet
VeVsVeVs HIM VV Ve + Va a + V3 V1 bx

For LUS eo = 1, € = 2, e—Z, e=1, ei =0, e = 1, € =0 and RS 70; op 5
(x1? 2? 3 5) = À [r2322v35| 5 Lys }x
= { V1? Vo? V3V5t Va Vag V3 + V3" Ve VoVi + Va Ve V5Y6 + Vs V3?V194
+ Ve Vs ae + V5 V2 V592 + Ve V12V3Va + Ve? V5 V1 V6 \x.

In the former of these examples |3y.2y5y¢2| is omitted, being the
same as |y2»7;y1|, in the latter example |y;2V¢62yeva| is omitted, being
= 91772? VaVs5| -

Fonte 2e? e-2 ee — 0 ee 2. — 2 ie eee
eo— 1, 49—0, and .. s=0, I, 2, 4,5

(a? 12 2? 42 5? 9) = { |y2yo2yeys2yol + [91237922 ¥ey"210] + |y22952 91952910
ar | VPs 8 Y 0| ae |y4¥67V77-V9"V"10| \ x

(xii) Kof (x) =‘the coefficient of 2.’

THEOREM I.—By the multinomial theorem

n(m—1)! Pie ea
= 2 n-
dore el 2 De WSS Re ea pte
in which m=aq+eat+et+...... +e, 1.
THEOREM II.—By Waring’s theorem
ie Goa PRE
a) ee ee
Gh UG Risso): }
in which r=a+b+c+......
ard of Gia AS pan Re IE = M.

THEOREM III.—Hence, in ¢,,

Ko |5,* yo... ... Je) | is z{ CLP Pa ee Po}

in which gq is to take all possible values.

[GLASHAN] REDUCTION OF CIRCULANTS 43

Examples.—For n=7, a =2, &=2 and .. m=4=2?

NEA EE) hes 1 LD RES 3 iby hee
Ears Sri Bie gales Fors Oe
MTS — es ne ae ean i — 4 13

pl eD |
Kof |yyoysyevs¥el = —7(51)+72{3(811)+(221))}-7(4111)=-7X15
If FAX 13 ét —2, e=1, (Fy SSN adie occ = € =0, Es = 1, ene

and ... m=6=44+2=(22)+2=343=242+42.
5! STE À Hoi 3(1!)2(1!

11(51) | nefgrrte 311! 42! à A ane)

212! PA eal AT 2!

=11(—30+66+1614+11—6014) =11 X3.
IG I RS TS = — 1%
and .. m=10=8+2=74+3=644=545
=64+242=54342=44442=44343=44242
=3434242=242421242.

Kof | yy2yaysys¥eV7VeVoV10| =} 11(9!) +112{ 5(7!1!) +10(6!2!)
+20(5!3!)+11(4!4!) } —113{10(5!1!1!) + 20(4!2!1!)
+20(313111)+15(312121) }+-114{10(3!1 111!) +5(2!2!1!1!) }
—115(1!1!1 1111!) =11 X615.

THEOREM IV.—By the cyclosymmetry of the circulant C(#)

Kof | YrVoVoV"10 | ir

Kof | x€y;"1y,%. . "7. Jon OR || ne por
Hence
Kof [08125 209". E (n—1)%-1] = Kof |y161 yo® ys... yen 1|
Examples

C(7) = [07] — 7 { [0°16] — [04125] — 2[04124] + [03194] + [031223] — 2[0°1°6?]
— [031256] +[0212326] + 2[0712246] — 5[0712345]-+ 15[0123456] }

Arranged according to powers of x this becomes

C(7) =x7—7{ (2516) — (4125) —2(x4124) + (2914) +3 (x%1223)
— 2(x°126?) — (x31256) — (x?143) — 2(x?132?) —3(x?1556)
+ (x212326) +2 (x?12246) — 5(x212345) + (x152) — (0145)
— 2(x1446) + («1°6) +3(x15325) — (113236) +2 (41°2735)
— 5(x123224) + (« 122742) + 15(x«123456) + (1536) — (14276)
— 2(14235) + (1°235) +3 (132734) — 2 (13376?) — (133456) + (1723673)
+2(1232256) —5(1°22456) }+ (17).

C(11) =[0"]—11 { [0917] — [08129] — 2[08128] +- [07138] +-3[071727 +071°36
+ 071245] —4[07127?] + 6[071235] — 5[071297 +-07138)]
—]0®147] — 2[0*1342] — 4[0°1326 + 0°1335] + 7[0°1°93]

44

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

— 6[0°122°5 +0°127°6] + 5[051252;] — 12[0°12234 +.0°12578]
+ 10[0°1228j +.051237j-+0°1246j] —[0°1?389-+ 0°12479 + 0512569]
— 2[0°123610-+0°1 24510] + [05156] +5[0°1425 + 051434]

— 6[0°14810] —3[0°1492] + 10[0°12224 + 0519627 +.0519725]

— [05155294 0515823] 710515 — 13[0°1227j + 051336;

+ 05145; + 05289] — 2[0515379 + 0515469]

+9[05478 + 05568] — [05122282] — 14[05122279]

— 3[05122°6j +0512324j + 05123268 + 05127224]

+ 19[0°143259 + 05127289] -+8[0°195228 + 05125237]

— 25[0°125246] — 3[0°12;229] +8[0°127238 + 05125247 + 0512256]
— 6[0°12235j]-+5[0°122369 + 05122459]

+27[0°122567 + 05123458] — 17[0°122378 + 053467]

+ 16[05122468]-+ 10[0°122468] —[0512389;]

+ 43[051247910] — 15[0414223]+-7[04144%j] _

— 4[0414528] — 5[04146°] + 2[04193%j] + 13[04125%4] — 9[0412739]
— 8[04195272] +3[04196299] — 19[0419728?] + 6[0413225j +0133267
+ 04156234 + 04157223 + 04157265 + 04159254] + 17 [04122269

+ 04182278 + 04135236 + 0416287 + 04159248] — 27[04133249
+-04194238 + 04125227] — 5[04193258 + 01154229 + 04198259

+ 0413922; + 04155228] + 28[041°4256-+ 0413824]

— 16[04156225 + 04157237 + 0415246] + 12[0412234 +0412368]
— 10[04152359 + 04152467 +.04193457 ] — 32[041°2458

+ 04156789]+[0415389; + 041479; + 0112569]
+34[041°6789]-+24[04122°327 + 041222428 + 041232574]
+-9[041222526 + 041232426] — 2[041222727 + 041232829 + 01232725]
— 15[04122?349-+.041222367 +.04123°257 + 04125489 + 041272359
+-01272458] + 18[04122?358 + 041227457 + 041232248

+ 041252678 + 04127225; +041272269] + 7[04122289;]

+ 51[0123269; + 041272368] — 26[04123278; + 04127234]
—37[041254297 + 04125238] + 29[0125247;]

+36[041223456 4041225789 + 041234597] +58[04122379)]

— [041224697 + 041224787 +0123468j] — 74[04122568)]

— 19[041234789 + 041245679] —38[04123587] +4] 0713335"]
+30[0*1°2°37] — 14[0°192849 + 03193828] —3[03132958

+ 05152867 +-05133%46]-+34[051522329 + 091952726]

— 211051322427 + 031932926] + 23[05182282; + 0#153272;]

— 32[0#1922;26 + 091952638] — 45[0°132425] + [0°15426°;]

+ 12[0°42728] — 32[0°1952628] + 13[01522348 + 031342589

+ 0155246] +.46[0°192°357 + 09132789 + 031352389]

— 9[051522456 +-0°194257j + 031962279] — 20[0°1°2279;

+. 081832256 + 0155237; +.0°1562378] — 53[0°1932247

[GLASHAN] REDUCTION OF CIRCULANTS 45

+0183°59j] + 2105153268; + 031942679 +.091952234]
—31[0°1°4°236 + 0513524790] +-35[0°1%4239j + 09195228)

— 73[0*12369j] + 15[0°1°2378;] — 18[0*152468)]

— 29[0°1524789] +37[01?2567j]+81[0°1525689]
+70[0*1°34689] — 7[0?1°45678] — 15[0°12223254]

— 4[0°122?9?1 07] + 7[0°12328?;2] + 36 [0912223246 + 0712227258]
+3[091°2%4°35] + 69[09122?429;] — 301071225389 + 0°1227234]
— 8[0°122?5°7j + 081735269 + 0°1 232,279] — 52[0°12227:3;]

+ 58[0°1?2?7249 + 0512328227] — 19[0512229236+-071232427;]

+ 14[0%1222847 + 0712228256 + 0812229245 + 0712325278]

+ 25[0°1°3°4°89] + 47[0°12527°34] — 41 (091252728; 0712328245]
+ 6[071°2?359j] +28[0?122368j] — 38[0%12224689]

— 16[0°1°2°3789 +-05173°456j + 0°125°679j +.0°1272468j]
+-6110%1222458; + 091324579 + 0812722578] + 9401225679]
+ 83[0°1?2?467j + 091°5*2478] +39[0°1239259j] + 116[051°3°258;]
— 5[0°1°3?267j +0°12592469 + 081272348 +.0127°5689]

+17[0°1?32689 + 071757236) + 0919522379 + 091272459; +0°13723568]
— 711012324678 + 091723697 + 0712722389] + 50[0°12573.468]
— 60[0%12722456] — 126[0%12;22479] —27[0°12722569]

+ 7210123478 + 0512424567] — 98[051223457;]

— 109[0°1°234589] + 45[0°12234679] — 65[0°12235678]

+ 100[0°126789j] + 12[0°1235789j]+78[0°1245689j]

+57 [01234789] — 23[0%122232629] — 56[02122244529]
+87[071°2742725] + 141[0°122°3247;] + 9[02122232489
+0°1°27436j] — 112[0°122°3°579] +31 [02122232678]

— 79[0°122?4°379 + 0? 122°5°368] — 2[02122242568]
+75[0°12225234;] + 64[0°1225°467] —57[021324225j]

— 85[0°122°4°269] — 13[02123241278] + 29[02122234569]

— 59[071°2734578-+ 021°324679j] — 70[02123224568]

— 136[0°1°3°2789j] + 106[02123°4589j] — 26[0°12325678;]

+ 190[0°1?234689j] — 96[0212235679j] +80[0212245678;]

— 63[0?1°3456789] — 615[0123456789j] |.

The importance of the circulants lies in the fact that the question
of the solution by radicals (or circular functions) of the equation
C(n) =0 is reducible to the problem of determining 31", yo”... .y"_y
explicitly in terms of ©, c3,....c,, .e., the solution by radicals of
Q(m) =x" +G2.x""*-+¢3x"-*....¢,=0 is the inverse of the problem
considered in this paper. This was proved by Abel and his demon-
stration that the general equation of degree higher than four is not
resolvable in terms of radicals alone, rests on his identification of

Q(n) and C(n).

46 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Tartaglia’s solution of the cubic Q(3) =0, as published by Cardan,
is simply the reduction of Q(8) to C(8). In like manner Euler’s
solution of the quartic Q(4) =0 rests on the explicit determination of
414, Yet, y34 in terms of qo, gs, ga given Q(4) =C(4).

Abel gave the radical forms which appear in 41, ye, v3, y4 in the
solution of the quintic but did not express the quantities under the
radical signs in terms of qe, qs, ga, 45. He added that he had determined
similar forms for the equations of the 7th, 11th, 13th, etc., degrees.
(Crelle, V, 336: Nouv. An., IV, 586; Memorial Volume, ‘“ Corre-
spondence,”’ 21-2.)

The present writer has, in the case of the quintic, expressed
V1, Vo, ¥3, Ya explicitly in terms of qe, gs, gs, gs and the rational root
of the dioristic sextic (Am. Jour. of Math., XIII, 49-56). He has
also determined 4), y2,.....- 43 in terms of qo, g3,. . . .g7and the common
root of the triple diacrinic system for the isodyadic septimics. These
form the widest class of septimics that hitherto have been solved,
including, as they do, the Gaussian cyclotomic septimics as special
cases.

. SECTION III, 1921 [47] TRANS. R.S.C.

Nitrophthalic Anhydrides and Acetylamine-phthalic Anhydrides with
Toluene and Aluminium Chloride

By W. A. LAWRANCE, M.A.
Presented by Proressor F. B. ALLAN, F.R.S.C.

In a recent article in the Journal of the American Chemical Society
Lawrance has published the results of a study of the reaction of
these derivatives of phthalic anhydride with benzene and aluminium
chloride. A similar study, using toluene instead of benzene, has
given eleven new derivatives of orthobenzoyl-benzoic acid. In every
case the reaction with toluene takes place in the position para to the
methyl group.

Bromphthalic Anhydrides with Benzene and Aluminium Chloride
By H. N. STEPHENS, B.A.
Presented by PROFEssor F. B. ALLAN, F.R.S.C.

Improved methods of preparing bromphthalic anhydrides were
worked out and the reaction with benzene and aluminium chloride
gave good yields in each case but 3-bromphthalic anhydride gave
only one acid product. When acetic anhydride was added in this
reaction the 4-bromphthalic anhydride gave two diphenyl-brom-
phthalides but the 3-bromphthalic anhydride gave only a trace of
one diphenyl-bromphthalide. |

The Effect of Certain Chemicals on the Rate of Reproduction of Yeast
By N2 ANCTARE, BS JA.
Presented by PROFEssoR W. LasH MILLER, F.R.S.C.

Measurements have been made of the rate of reproduction of
yeast in malt wort to which had been added varying amounts of
alcohol, acetone, phenol, methyl-green, ammonium fluoride, sodium
bicarbonate, acetic acid, or hydrochloric acid. In each series the
concentration of the substance added was increased until reproduction
ceased entirely. The effect of adding malt infusion in varying
amounts to artificial media was also studied.

48 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
The Behaviour of Yeast with Methyl-Green
By W. B. Lear, B.Sc.
Presented by PROFEssOR W. LasH MILLER, F.R.S.C.

If yeast be planted in wort containing methyl-green it may or
may not reproduce, depending on the amount of yeast used and on
the concentration of the green. If seeded to a count of 100 (100 x
250,000 cells per c.c.) in wort containing 0.167% methyl-green no
reproduction takes place; if left in the solution for more than 100
hours the cells will still form colonies on wort-agar, but will not form
colonies on wort-agar containing 0.005% methyl-green—a medium
on which untreated yeast grows freely. The relation between the
duration of ‘‘sickening”’ in the 0,167% green, and the time required
to cause active fermentation in pure wort, has been studied; also the
behaviour of the “‘sickened’’ yeast with phenol, the acclimatization
of yeast to methyl-green, and its reversion when grown in pure wort.

The Scattering of Light; Note on Wolskt’s Paper on Optically Empty
Liquids

By Proressor F. B. KENRICK, F.R.S.C.

In Kolloidchemische Bethefte, 13, 137 (1920) P. Wolski describes
experiments in which he filters water and other liquids through
collodion filters and thus obtains liquids which show no bright specks
under the ultramicroscope. In expressing these results, however, he
uses language which is capable of a very different interpretation from
that which is justified by his experiments. He says that “the water
had become completely optically empty’’ and (in his final con-
clusions) ‘therefore the light specks and scattering phenomena
observed up to the present time result from the presence of a foreign
substance.” In view of these statements it seems necessary once
more to make clear that, as found by Martin (1913), the motesin a
liquid may be removed by several different methods: distillation
without ebullition, cataphoresis, envelopment, and no doubt, also by
filtration through collodion, but that there still remains a light-
scattering which is constant in intensity irrespective of the method
of purification.

[MILLER] CHEMICAL LABORATORY RESEARCHES 49

The following experiments are, I think, conclusive. Water,
freed from motes by distillation without ebullition, was passed
through a flattened capillary under the ultra-microcsope. From the
dimensions of the field of view, the depth of focus and the speed of
the motes, it was easy to determine roughly the number of motes
per cubic centimetre. Ordinary distilled water showed about 20,000.
Wolski found 29,000, so it is evident that he and I are looking at the
same thing. The light scattering of this water was 0.7 (benzene =1).
After two distillations the number of motes was about 1,000 and the
scattering 0.12; after eight distillations no particles were seen and
the scattering was 0.07. These results show that distillation removes
the ultra-microscopic particles just as Wolski’s filter does, but that
the liquid still scatters light as was shown in 1913.

The Pressure-Volume Relations of Superheated Liquids
By K. L. WISMER
Presented by PRorEssor F. B. KENRICK, F.R.S.C.

Unusual conditions were imposed on these experiments by the
fact that under extreme superheating liquids can be kept for only
a few seconds before explosion takes place. Bulbs of the liquid were
first heated to about 170° at a pressure of 30 atmospheres (a treat-
ment which favoured subsequent superheating) and were then trans-
ferred to another thermostat at the temperature to be investigated,
say 130°. The pressure was then suddenly lowered and in the brief
interval of time before explosion took place the pressure and the
position of a mercury meniscus outside the thermostat were noted.
Manipulation of the bulb was made possible by the use of a long
flexible capillary glass tube to connect it with the manometer and
pressure machine.

The pressure-volume relations were determined for liquid ether
at 121°, 128° and 134° for pressures from above 30 atmospheres to
as low as 1 atmosphere. Similar measurements were made with
ethyl chloride at 99°, 110° and 117°. In both cases the p-v curve is
almost a straight line and shows no sign of more rapid curving as
the limit of superheating is reached although in both cases the temper-
atures reached at atmospheric pressure are much above the maximum
temperatures possible, calculated from van der Waals’ equation.

50 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The Scattering of Light by Dust-free Liquids, II
By W. H. Martin, M.A.
Presented by PROFESSOR F. B. KENRICK, F.RS.C.

The accuracy of the measurements of intensity and polarization
of the light scattered by various liquids has been increased by the
use of cross-shaped containers with sealed-in, flat, glass end-plates.
Measurements of light scattered by two-component liquid solutions
show that the relative intensity of the scattered light is always some-
what greater than that calculated on the assumption that the light
is an additive property for the two liquids. Liquids which polarize
the scattered light very far from completely show, on dilution, much
more nearly complete polarization.

Measurements of the ratio of the intensity of incident light to
that of scattered light have been made for liquids. The results show
that liquids scatter from about one-tenth to one-fifth as much light
as do the same weights of the liquids in the gaseous state.

Redetermination of the Melting-point of Sodium Chloride
By Proressor J. B. FERGUSON
Presented by PRoFEssoR W. LAsSH MILLER, F.R.S.C.

In connection with the calibration of a platinum, platinum-
rhodium thermocouple the melting-points of zinc, antimony, silver-
copper eutectic, sodium chloride, silver, and copper were determined.
All were found in good agreement with the accepted values except
sodium chloride. Samples of the pure salt from various sources gave
melting and freezing points within a few microvolts of each other; a
White potentiometer with eliminating switch was used, the position
of the junction in the melt was varied, and all the usual precautions
were taken. There seems little room for doubt that the accepted
value 801°+ 1° is at least one degree too low.

[MILLER] CHEMICAL LABORATORY RESEARCHES 51

The Passage of Hydrogen and Helium through Silica Tubes
By PROFESSOR J. B. FERGUSON and G. A. WILLIAMs, B.S.
Presented by PRorrssor W. Las MILLER, F.R.S.C.

The rate at which hydrogen passes through transparent (not
devitrified) silica-glass tubes at 440°C is 1.5 X 10—4c.c. (0°,760mm.)
per hour per sq. cm., the external pressure being one atmosphere and
the internal pressure a few hundredths of a mm. At 628°C, 5 xX
10-* c.c., and at 727°C, 8 x 10 c.c. For external pressures of
0.5 to one atmosphere the rate is proportional to the pressure differ-
ence; for 0.25 atm. the rate is somewhat greater than this relation
would lead one to expect. Pyrex glass and (German) combustion
tubing were impermeable; the pyrex blackened. Helium at 632°C
diffused through the silica-glass at least five times as rapidly as
hydrogen. Air does not pass at temperatures up to 800°C and
pressures up to one atmosphere.

Researches Carried out in the Chemical Laboratory of the University of
Toronto during the Session 1920-1921

Presented by PROFESSOR W. LAsH MILLER, F.R.S.C.

(1) The Intermediate Compounds in the Reaction between Phthalic
Anhydride, Benzene and Aluminium Chloride and their Use in the
Synthesis of Mixed Phthalides.

By tC. MeMuLLEN, BA:

One of these intermediate compounds has been isolated and
analyzed. It is almost impossible to get this intermediate compound
pure and it is very easily hydrolysed but the analyses approximate to
the formula: C,,H,0;Al,Cl; after prolonged drying in the vacuum
oven.

This intermediate compound may be used either for the prepara-
tion of benzoyl-benzoic acid or for the preparation of diphenyl-
phthalide and if a different hydrocarbon is used with the intermediate
compound a mixed phthalide is formed as, for example, phenyl
tolylphthalide. Several of these mixed phthalides have already been

obtained. (Under direction of PROFESSOR F. B. ALLAN)
—26

52 THE ROYAL SOCTETYSOF CANADA

(2) The Reaction of Naphthalic Anhydride with Benzene and Aluminium
Chloride

By F. LORRIMAN

Naphthalic acid was prepared by the oxidation of acenaphthene.
It was found that the anhydride is much more easily obtained by the
sublimation of the acid than by any of the methods described in the
literature. The product of the reaction of the anhydride with benzene
and aluminium chloride is hard to free from aluminium compounds.
It has been purified although its formula has not yet been determined.
(Under direction of PROFESSOR F. B. ALLAN)

(3) Carbmethoxy-benzoyl Chlorides with Aluminium Chloride and
Various Aromatic Hydrocarbons

By My ESSMirH, BoA:

Isophthalic acid and terephthalic acid have been prepared in
some quantity from commercial xylene and separated by the different
solubilities of the barium salts. The acids were further purified by
the preparation of their esters. The three carbmethoxy-benzoyl
chlorides were prepared from the monomethyl esters of the three
phthalic acids.

These Friedel and Crafts’ reactions have given better methods of
preparing m-benzoyl-benzoic acid, p-benzoyl-benzoic acid, p-toluyl-
p-benzoic acid and 2, 4-dimethyl-benozoyl-o-benzoic acid. The
following new compounds have been obtained: p-toluyl-m-benzoic
acid, 2,4-dimethyl-benzoyl-m-benzoic acid, 2, 4-dimethyl-benzoyl-p-
benzoic acid and several of their derivatives.

(Under direction of PROFESSOR F. B. ALLAN)

(4) The Action of Ammonium Fluoride on Yeast in Presence of
A gar-agar

By Miss I. L. RoBErts, B.A.

Addition of agar in quantities insufficient to cause “‘setting’’ has
little influence on the behaviour of yeast in solutions of ammonium
fluoride in wort; concentrations of ammonium fluoride, however,
which, if dissolved in wort, would have very little effect on yeast, will
completely prevent reproduction if contained in the wort-agar plate.

Under direction of PROFEssoR W. LAsH MILLER

[MILLER] CHEMICAL LABORATORY RESEARCHES 53

(5) The Effect of Various Substances on the ‘‘ Bunching’”’ of Yeast
By F. I. ELDON

Many substances when added to wort cause the yeast to grow in
clumps or bunches instead of single cells or chains of two or three.
Among these are: ammonium chloride, ammonium nitrate, ammon-
ium fluoride, ammonia, methyl-green, methyl-ethyl ketone 1%,
ethyl ether 3%, carbon tetrachloride 0.5%, isoamyl alcohol 1%,
normal butyl alcohol 1%, carbon bisulphide 1%. By means of the
last two bunches of 50-200 cells may be obtained in from 24 to 48
hours. The stock yeast used averaged about 2.5 cells per chain;
addition of 1% or 3% acetone reduced this to 1.9 or 1.7 respectively,
with more than 5% acetone the bunching was above normal. Phenol
behaves like acetone, but the effect is not so marked.

(Under direction of PRorEssor W. LAsH MILLER)

(6) The Effect on the Growth of Yeast of an Unknown Constituent
of Malt

By G. H. W. Lucas

Yeast grows much more readily in malt infusion than in the best
of the ‘artificial’? media made up of sugar, salts and water; addition
of even one per cent. of the malt infusion to the artificial medium is
readily noticeable. It has been found possible to concentrate this
unknown constituent by removing the accompanying substances, and
it is hoped that it may shortly be isolated.

(Under direction of PROFEssoR W. LAsH MILLER)

(7) A Study of the Extent to which Liquids may be Superheated and of
the Conditions under which Superheating is Possible

Byi:€7S, GILBERT, Bis.

The highest temperatures to which various liquids have been
superheated at atmospheric pressure in open capillary tubes are
given below, with the vapour pressures corresponding to these temper-
atures, the boiling points and association-coefficients:

54 THE ROYAL SOCIETY QF CANADA

Liquid | Highest Vapour Boiling | Association

temp. pressure point | coefficient
Ethyl ether. vice, packs SEA 143 11,500 mm. Soe | L
Ethylalcoholie cen. are ee 201 22,700 Vhet7s DEG,
Methyl alcohols 2 een 0.2 180 20,100 66 3.4
Cneoonmniee SET MR 173 11,000 61 1
INCELON ER cn et ce ipa 174 14,400 56 iB}
@arbon:bisulphidey--- 24s... 168 11,700 46 1
WATS RE RE eel eee deena, hae 270 41,200 100 2.3 to 3.8
Sulphur dioxide: a. LE QUE 50 6,300 10 1
BENZENE es ea ache Ae Oe eee 203 11,200 79 1
Ghlorobenzenesen. ) at so h a eee 250 8,300 132
BromopenZzenesee. Wate ewes 261 6,100 156
ANNE Le cece aus el Ane 262 183
MENVILENE Sere et oe ee 235 137

A calculation of the amount of vapour in a bubble whose pressure
caused by surface tension would balance the above vapour pressures
leads to quantities about a hundred times greater than correspond
to the ordinarily accepted molecular dimensions. It is noteworthy
that liquids which can be heated to temperatures corresponding to
abnormally high vapour pressures are those which are abnormal in
having high association coefficients.

Many rather indefinite results were also obtained which point
to the presence of nuclei both in the walls of the tubes and also in the
liquids themselves which initiate ebullition.

(Under direction of PROFESSOR F. B. KENRICK)

(8) Solubility of Crystal Faces; an Investigation of the Equilibrium
Between Various Crystal Faces and Solution, with Special Reference
to Cubic and Octahedral Sodium Chloride.

By E. G. Haas, B.S. and J. W. RUSSELL

Practically all evidence for difference in solubility of different
crystal forms of the same substance is based on determinations of
the rate of solution. In the present research an attempt is being
made to obtain direct evidence of difference in solubility which is
independent of rate measurements. Three ways are being tried to
settle whether a crystal is growing or dissolving: (1) Observation of

[MILLER] CHEMICAL LABORATORY RESEARCHES 55

concentration streams, indicated by movement of suspended particles
seen through a microscope, (2) attaching floats to a crystal so as to
adjust its weight to that of the displaced liquid, and observing whether
it goes up or down; (3) direct weighing of the crystal. The vessels
are kept airtight, the stirrers passing through mercury seals. Up to
the present, with one exception, only ambiguous results have been
obtained. The following is definite but requires confirmation; a
solution of sodium chloride was obtained at 28.15° in which in 52
hours a cube gained 0.0046 g and an octahedron alongside it lost
0.0014 g.
(Under direction of PRorgssor F. B. KENRICK)

(9) The Dehydration of Spencerite, a Basic Phosphate of Zinc
By J. W. REBBECK, B.A.Sc.

Attempts were made to measure the vapour tension of Spencerite,
Zn3(PO,)3.Zn(OH)s.3H,O, at temperatures between 75° and 200°C.
Equilibrium if attained was attained very slowly; calcium chloride
acts as a catalyser; at 125°C the vapour tension is at least 126 cm.
Microscopic examination by Professor T. L. Walker identified two
dehydration products, viz: Zn3(POi)2.Zn(OH}: and Zn3(PO,4)2.ZnO,
the first of which has the composition but not the optical properties of
Tarbuttite. The vapour tension quoted above is that of a mixture
of Spencerite and the pseudo-Tarbuttite.

(Under direction of PROFESSOR J. B. FERGUSON)

(10) The Equilibrium between Hydrogen, Steam, and the Oxides of Iron
By D. M. Finpiay, R. M. ROBERTSON and H. G. NOBLE

Experiments in which gases of known composition were passed
over iron and its oxides in a silica-glass tube heated electrically to
750°C. The composition of the gas in equilibrium with ferrous oxide
is approximately that given by Chaudron. The existence of solid
solutions between FeO and the magnetic oxide has been established,
and the existence of solid solutions for a limited range in the neighbour-
hood of pure iron seems probable. There are, however, no solid
solutions approaching FeO in composition on the iron side.

(Under direction of PROFESSOR J. B. FERGUSON)

56 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

(11) Quantitative Study of the Electrolysis of Sodium Sulphide and
Sodium Hydrogen Sulphide solutions

By W. R. FETZER, M.A.

An analtyical method was devised for determining the various
sulphur salts that may occur in solution together with sodium sulphide.
When the current density is not too high, considering the concentration
of the solution and the amount of stirring, polysulphide alone is
formed at the anode in sodium sulphide solutions, 16.0 g of sulphur
being liberated per faraday; at higher current densities sulphates are
formed and the amount of polysulphide falls off. When the acid
sulphide is electrolysed hydrogen sulphide and polysulphide are
formed: their amounts under various conditions were determined.

(Under direction of PROFEssOoR W. LASH MILLER)

(12) Study of Automatic Current Regulation in Electric Furnaces
By J. KELLEHER and E. R. WESTMAN

Continuation of the work published by J. K. in Trans. Am. Electrochem.
Soc.

(13) Recovery of Precious Metals from the Anode Slimes in Nickel
Refining

By H. W. POWELL

Anode slimes, from which most of the nickel and copper had been
removed by treatment with sulphuric acid, were roasted in oxygen
at 650°C and then in hydrogen at the same temperature in a small
rotary electric tube furnace with continuous feed (about 4 oz. per
hour). All copper, nickel, silver, and palladium could be dissolved
from the roast by leaching at 70°C with a solution containing one
vol. nitric acid, one vol. sulphuric acid, and 12 vols. water.

(Under direction of PROFESSOR J. T. BURT-GERRANS)

[MILLER] CHEMICAL LABORATORY RESEARCHES 57
(14) The Alkali Treatment of Storage Battery Separators
By J. H. RATCLIFFE

The separators (sheets of wood, 6 X 6 X 5/32 inches) were boiled
for 27 hours in a 2.5% solution of caustic soda and samples removed
every hour. The maximum permeability of the wood to salt solutions
was reached on boiling for 3 to 4 hours, after which it decreased.
The loss of weight of the wood, and the loss of caustic from the solution
reached a maximum on boiling for 5 to 7 hours, after which it remained
constant. The following is the order of permeability, after treatment,
of the woods tested; the numbers are proportional to the diffusion
constants: Basswood 63, B.C. cypress 45, poplar 35, elm 33, southern
cypress 29, B.C. cedar 24, Port Orford cedar 24. Elm is much the
strongest mechanically of the woods examined.

(Under direction of PROFESSOR J. T. BURT-GERRANS)

(15) The Use of Glycerine in Making up Battery Plates

By W. D. STALKER

Negatives.—A dry mixture of litharge with one per cent. lamp
black (graphitized carbon is not so good) was worked to a paste with
a solution containing water 66%, sulphuric acid 17%, glycerine 17%,
by volume; about 11 c.c. liquid to 70 g powder. This was pasted
on automobile grids of the lattice type, 4.75 X 2.5 X 0.125 inches, and
dried at room temperature for five days between wooden boards under
pressure. The plates were then formed for 24 hours with 0.25 amp.,
which sulphated them badly; this was followed by 39 hours at 0.5
amp. The negatives so formed showed complete conversion (voltage
against cadmium); their current efficiency—viz., the ratio of ampere-
hours output (8 hours to fall from 2.1 to 1.8 volts measured on open
circuit) to input (under the same conditions)—was 76%; and their
weight was 91.5 g. per ampere hour. When they were made in the
same way without glycerine the efficiency was 82% but the weight
was 233 g. per ampere hour.

Positives.—A mixture of red lead 75%, litharge 25%, and lamp-
black 0.3% was pasted with the same glycerine acid solution (about
12 c.c. liquid to 65 g. dry mixture). The plates were dried in air for
17 days, but no change in weight occurred after the fifth day. They

58 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

were formed for 24 hours with 0.25 amp. (badly sulphated) followed

by higher currents (mostly one ampere) for 36 hours. Their

efficiency was 80% and weight 293 g. per ampere hour. With-

out glycerine the efficiency was 76% and weight 521 g.
(Under direction of PROFESSOR J. T. BURT-GERRANS)

(16) The Preparation of Boron Carbide from Boric Acid and Carbon
in the Electric Furnace

By J. M. Locan

Boric acid was mixed in different proportions with graphite,
charcoal, or electrode carbon and heated to different temperatures
(measured with the pyrometer) from 800°C to 1,800°C, in closed
carbon tubes or plumbago crucibles, by means of a granular carbon
resistor electric furnace; some runs were made in the Moissan arc
furnace. In the product boron was determined as loss when heated
with chlorine in a combustion tube, carbon by burning the residue in
oxygen, ash as the final residue; iron was determined in a separate
sample. The best results were obtained by two hours heating at
temperatures exceeding 1,800°C in crucibles turned from 4 inch
carbon electrodes covered with a lid of the same material threaded on
and luted with a mixture of powdered coke and sodium silicate.
Crystals of the same form were obtained whether carbon or boric
acid was present to an excess of 25%.

(Under direction of PRorEssor J. T. BURT-GERRANS)

(17) A Method for the Rapid and Accurate Estimation of Copper in
White Alloys and Babbit Metals

By E. W. McHENRY

High grade babbits (low in lead) are dissolved in 10 c.c. conc.
hydrochloric acid (for one gram metal) with addition on 25 c.c.
tartaric acid solution (30 g. to 100 c.c.) and as little nitric acid as is
needed to effect solution. The solution is diluted to 55 c.c., cooled,
and after addition of 30 c.c. ammonia (0.880) cooled again, and
titrated very slowly (about four minutes) with standard potassium

[MILLER] CHEMICAL LABORATORY RESEARCHES 59

cyanide solution (about 5 g. per litre.) The potassium cyanide
solution must be standardized by means of a babbit whose content
of copper has been determined gravimetrically. With low grade bab-
bits use a larger sample and filter off the lead chloride before add-
ing the ammonia.

(Under direction of PRoFEssor L. J. ROGERS)

(18) A Rapid Method for Determining Nitrate in Chili Nitre
By Miss J. I. LANE

In the technical analysis of Chili nitre, insoluble matter, moisture,
and chlorides are determined directly, and the nitrates by difference.
Devarda’s direct method for nitrates is based on reduction to ammonia
by a special alloy; though accurate, this method is slow, it involves
the use of special apparatus and a comparatively small sample. In
the new method 2.5 g. of the Chili nitre is heated to 110°C in an
electric oven with 50 c.c. of twice normal sulphuric acid; the loss of
acidity gives nitrates and chlorides, the latter of which is determined
directly.

(Under direction of PRorEssor L. J. ROGERS)

(19) The Rapid Determination of Arsenic in Mispickel and
Smaltites

By Proressor L. J. ROGERS and J. E. CLARKE, B.A.Sc.

Dissolve a sample containing about 0.2 g. arsenic in a mixture
of 10 c.c. conc. nitric acid and 10 c.c. conc. hydrochloric acid; dilute
to 100 c.c., add 2 g. tartaric acid dissolved in water, and then
5 c.c. saturated solution of microcosmic salt. Then add magnesia
mixture and ammonia in excess, in the usual manner; this precipitates
both arsenic and phosphorus. Allow to stand two hours, filter, wash
with dilute ammonia and once with water. Add precipitate and
paper to 70 c.c. hydrochloric acid (1:1), cool, add 3 g. potassium iodide
(dissolved in water to 6 c.c.) swirl one minute, add 70 c.c. distilled
water and titrate at once with thiosulphate. Standardize the thio
by pure arsenious acid, using the same method.

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| re

SECTION IIT, 1921 [61] TRANS, RSC

The Vertical Movement of “ Alkah”’ under Irrigation in Heavy Clay Soils
By FRANK T. SHUTT, D.Sc., and ALICE et BurwasH, B.A.

(Read May Meeting, 1921)

In the examination of the soils of Southern Alberta—a work
undertaken to obtain the chemical and physical data necessary to a
satisfactory classification of the areas involved into irrigable and non-
irrigable tracts —several important problems have arisen, the solution
of which would have a distinct and direct bearing on the decision
respecting the advisability of releasing the land for cultivation under
irrigation.

One of the most urgent of these problems as affecting the possi-
bility of rise of alkali under irrigation is the determination, upon the
application of water, of the movement, its direction and rate, of
alkali in a heavy clay subsoil, the surface soil to a depth of say 15”
to 18” being essentially free from soluble saline matter. An oppor-
tunity to study this question and collate useful data thereon was
offered by the soil conditions existing over certain large areas on the
C.P.R. Demonstration Farm at Tilley, Sec. 24, Tp. 17, Rge. 18, West
of the 4th Meridian, Alberta. Speaking broadly, the conditions
referred to are a heavy, stiff, almost impervious, clay loam, free from
all. save traces of saline matter, of good quality but difficult to work
and drain. The surface soil overlies a subsoil of an extremely heavy
and impervious character which carries a notable saline content. In
the zone 0’.5 to 1’.5 the alkali reaches a notable but not excessive
concentration and materially increases to a depth of 5 feet, marking
the lowest point at which samples were taken.

The ‘alkali’? found is essentially sodium sulphate, with small
percentages of magnesium sulphate, the whole being associated with
comparatively large amounts of calcium sulphate. Chlorides and
carbonates of the alkalies are practically absent.

For the purpose of this study soil groups consisting of four
members each, viz., A—0’.0—0’.5, B—0’.5—1’.5, C—1/.5—3.0 and
D.—3.0—5/.0 were taken by means of a soil auger. Groups were
collected in two plots, under various croppings, the first series being
taken in 1916, irrigation water having been applied for the first time
in 1915. Successive group samples from the two points selected were
obtained in 1917, 1918, 1919 and 1920 and their saline content deter-

62 $ THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

mined. The analyses of 1920 (Group 1585) indicate, therefore, the
position and nature of the saline content of the area to a depth of
five feet after six seasons’ irrigation of approximately 1% acre feet
annually. Analyses of the water-soluble saline content of the soils
from Plot I and Plot II are detailed in the following tables; the
results obviously indicate the movement of the alkali from year to
year.

PLOT I.—WATER-SOLUBLE SALINE CONTENT EXPRESSED IN PERCENTAGES ON AIR-
DRIED SOIL.

Crops.—1916, Wheat: 1917 and 1918, Western Rye Grass, Timothy and Brome:
1919, White Clover: 1920, Mixed Grasses and Clover.

Total Solids
Group No. He ed où Ca0 Mg0 Na0 S0; CO
1209 A .200 .034 .001 .107 .058 . 032
B . 520 .052 BOSE . 162 MD .048
(1916) C 4.840 1.156 387 .454 2855 .030
D 4.048 .942 .266 .453 2.301 .028
1611 A .160 .020 LE .079 .016 .044
B .160 .022 ie Le .104 .027 .074
(1917) ,C 4.672 1.393 .220 .3D8 2.655 .042
D 2.400 .501 .159 .350 1.399 .037
1652) 7A . 200 . 040 1025 .070 .033 .044
B .184 .060 .029 .068 .028 . 065
(1918) C .300 .069 .036 .087 .092 .039
D 1.736 .30 .100 .235 .972 .035
1678 A .146 .071 .013 .072 060 . 028
B .270 .037 .013 AUX si z .047
(1919) C .902 all .068 .214 .548 .033
D 2.036 .384 .141 .340 1.282 .035
1585 <A 50 .013 Pr 1:09 .027 .047
B .176 .028 re .056 .015 .044
(1920) C 2.800 .728 .197 P2710 1.448 .035
D 4.052 .708 .403 .576 2 AT .032

Plot I.—Briefly considered, the data of this plot indicate that
during the five years of the investigation the soil to a depth of 1/.5
(A and B) improved slightly but markedly as regards its saline content.
Under the conditions of the experiment irrigation had lowered rather
than raised the saline matter of the chief root feeding zone.

[SHUTT-BURWASH| ALKALI IN CLAY SOILS 63

With respect to the zones “C’’ and “D” (1’.5 —5’.0) the results are
somewhat erratic, showing considerable fluctuation from year to year.
No marked diminution occurred in “‘C’’ (1’.5—3’.0) in 1917 but in ‘D’
(3’.0—5’.0) there was a reduction of 2% in the total saline matter.
In 1918 the saline content of both ‘‘C’’ and “D” was very materially
lower. In1919,and toastill greater degree in 1920, the results indicate
an increase in the concentration of saline matter in both “‘C”’ and “D,
though in “‘C”’ it did not reach the percentage present in 1916. Itis very
doubtful if these movements are to be attributed to irrigation, for
field notes made on an examination immediately following an irrigation
indicate that the water had not penetrated below 1’.5.

Prot II.—WATER-SOLUBLE SALINE CONTENT EXPRESSED IN PERCENTAGES ON
AIR-DRIED SOIL.

Crops.—1916, Clover: 1917, Alfalfa: 1918, Wheat and Alfalfa: 1919, Pasture:
1920, Barley, Clover and Alfalfa.

Total Solids
Group No. after Ignition CaO MgO Naz0 SO; C02
12100 cA . 160 .031 .014 .087 .033 .039
B .152 .034 .013 .087 .023 .053
(1916) C 3.420 .811 .222 .326 1.916 . 032
D 3.676 .918 202 .423 2.060 .032
1612 <A .300 .049 .025 .095 .119 .065
B 2.140 .492 .167 .191 1.243 .037
(19170 2.948 .643 232 .390 1.696 .030
D 2.920 .665 217 .358 1.683 030
1651 : A M52 .025 .015 .082 .025 .039
B .208 .031 .032 .103 .026 .079
(1918) C 4.668 1274 .391 .349 2.562 .039
D 2.072 .374 prey .349 1.168 026
1679 A .166 .061 .017 .058 .054 .032
B .140 .042 .038 .053 .044 .044
(1919) C .904 .305 .058 .089 .519 .034
D 3.206 1.049 .145 .182 1.837 .032
1586. A . 184 .031 .018 .096 .029 .029
B .208 .100 .018 .109 .072 .053
(1920) C 4.038 1.411 .137 .226 2.289 .029
D 1.944 .462 .137 .337 1.036 025

64 THE ROYAL; SOCIETY OF CANADA

Plot II.—The saline content of the zone 0’.0—1’.5 (A and B) is
fairly constant throughout the period of investigation with the
exception of that for the season 1917. The evidence at the conclusion
of five years’ irrigation is quite favourable indicating as in Plot I that
there has been no appreciable increase of alkali in the soil to a depth
of 1.5. The reason for the comparatively high alkali content of 1917
is not apparent; it may be the result of a rise of alkali following
irrigation but more probably may be explained by a slight error in
locating the point of collection.

The alkali content of the zones ““C”’ and “D” varies considerably
from season to season; there is no general trend. It is impossible to
advance any satisfactory reason to account for these results; they
may be due to a number of factors. Our impression is that the
several determinations represent original impregnations and that the
apparent fluctuations are not the result of the movement of soil
moisture.

As publication in the proceedings of the Society this year necessi-
tates the presentation of material in the briefest form possible the
detailed field notes are omitted. It may, however, be stated that
each plot received three irrigations during the season and that at no
time during the whole five years of the investigation was there any
surface indications of alkali.

Throughout the whole period of observation the crops on both
plots were fair to good, with the exeeption of that on Plot II in 1917
which showed signs of distress evidently from alkali. At the con-
clusion of this work, and after six years’ irrigation, the crops of
the season 1920 were found to be excellent, with no signs of
injury from alkali. These observations confirm what has been shown
by the analytical work, that irrigation, under the conditions of the
experiment, had not caused any appreciable rise of alkali. Notwith-
standing a close almost impervious subsoil strongly impregnated with
alkali, it would seem possible that an area of heavy clay may be safely
irrigated for a number of years, provided that at the outset the surface
soil is free from alkali and that provision is made for the removal of
surplus water by surface drains and ditches.

SECTION III, 1921 (05] Trans. R.S.C.

Notes on the Nature of Burn-outs
By FRANK T. SHUTT, D.Sc., and ALICE H. BURWASH, B.A.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

The prairie surface of certain areas in the western provinces, and
more particularly in Southern Alberta and South-Western Saskat-
chewan, is characterized by irregular but roughly circular depressions
or eroded spots varying from 3 to 6 inches in depth and from a few
inches to several or many feet in diameter. These depressions,
pockets or eroded spots are commonly known as “‘burn-outs’”’. They
may be few or many in a given area; in the latter case the prait. > takes
on a peculiar pitted or pock-marked appearance. When these burn-
outs are numerous or large they may leave—presuming they are
eroded areas—but a small percentage of the original unaffected virgin
surface soil and the question then arises, how will such an area, when
put under cultivation, compare in respect to fertility with land broken
from similar prairie but free from burn-outs? ! From their occurrence
and appearance there seems little doubt but that burn-outs are spots
that have lost, from one reason or another, the fertile surface soil, and
this assumption is borne out by the fact that they carry no vegetation
save cacti, in districts in which the surrounding prairie is well grassed.
The soil of a burn-out for the first few inches is usually extremely
hard and so impervious that after water has been standing on the
spot for several days the soil beneath the first few inches is still hard
and dry. After breaking for cultivation this burn-out soil apparently
becomes as pervious as the soil or subsoil of the adjacent area.

To settle this question as to the nature of burn-outs is a matter
of some considerable agricultural importance. While it is true that
the marked difference prevailing in humid districts between surface
soil and subsoil, in respect to nature and fertility, is not as apparent
in soils under semi-arid conditions, yet it is obvious that if an area
has lost, say 50 per cent of its surface soils rich in humus and nitrogen
—the distinguishing features of a fertile loam—it must, for some years
after “breaking,” be inferior as compared with an adjacent area free
from burn-outs.

The burn-out selected for this investigation, and which may be
considered typical, is situated a few hundred feet north of the Govern-

1]t has been estimated that in Southern Saskatchewan alone there are 652,800
acres so affected. (‘Problems of the Burn-out District of Southern Saskatchewan.”’)
J. Stanfield, Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 1919. Field engineers who have made
surveys in both provinces state that the affected area of Southern Alberta is very
much larger than that of Southern Saskatchewan.

66.7 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

ment Demonstration Farm, Brooks, Alberta. Five groups of soil
samples were collected, each group consisting of four members, as
follows: A—0'’.0—0’.5, B—0’.5—1'.5, C—1'.5—3'.0, and D—3’.0—
5.0. The location of the groups in respect to the burn-out is shown
in the accompanying diagram, all the points of collection being in the
one straight line.

V4
bore ho/e

Cross Section
of
BUlR-0UF 0710 ao/ocent /2n€Q

‘“‘A’’.—The surface soil in groups 1681 and 1682 is a dark grey-
brown loam, containing much medium and fine sand but with clay
characteristics predominating; fairly well supplied with semi-decom-
posed vegetable organic matter. In groups 1684 and 1685, on the
opposite side of the burn-out, the proportion of clay to sand is much
the same as in groups 1681 and 1682 but is characterized by a much
higher organic content.

This member (“A”) of the group 1683, taken in the centre of
the burn-out, offered several points of contrast when compared with
“A” of the unaffected adjacent area, but chiefly differed in its much
lower organic content, giving it the quality and appearance of a subsoil.

“B,”’ the soil representing a depth between 0’.5 and 1’.5, for 1681
and 1682 is a light grey clay with a considerable proportion of fine
and medium sand; fairly porous, indicating possibilities of good

[SHUTT-BURWASH| NATURE OF BURN-OUTS 67

drainage. It has an appreciable organic content, as is generally
found in subsoils in semi-arid districts.

In 1684 and 1685 “B,’’ as regards its mineral constituents and
physical properties, is similar to the corresponding member in 1681
and 1682 but is slightly higher in organic matter following the richer
surface soil “A.”

In the burn-out group 1683 “B”’ does not differ markedly in
physical characters from “A” in the same group, a mixture of clay
and fine sand with the former predominating.

“C” and “D” throughout the whole five groups are quite
uniform in character. They are silty clay, with a larger proportion
of silt in D thanin C. Both possess a small amount of fine or medium
sand.

A partial analysis was made of the air-dried soils, obtaining the
results given in the following table.

PARTIAL ANALYSIS OF AIR-DRIED SOILS.

Mineral Matter
Loss on —
Group No. Moisture Ignition Nitrogen Soluble in Insoluble in

Acid Acid

1681 A 1.380 6.320 . 2884 6.195 86.105
B 2.905 3.405 . 13863 9.690 84.000

€ 1.410 5.080 .0871 17.980 75.530

D 1.825 3.745 .0871 19.530 74.900

1682 A 1.030 5.930 .2564 6.210 86.830
B 1.965 3.220 .1329 6.725 88.090

C 2.650 5.075 .0977 12.085 80.190

D 2.655 5.175 .0871 14.595 77.675

1683 A 3.530 4.800 .1931 6.570 85.100
B 4.305 3.605 .0977 8.580 83.510

€ 3.000 7.695 0835 15.240 74.065

D 2.095 6.615 .0743 11.345 79.945

1684 A 2.660 10.750 4.095 7.070 79.520
B 2.845 5.120 . 1825 6.445 85.590

€ 2.070 3.590 .1120 5.460 88.880

D 3.175 6.900 0693 13.140 76.780

1685 A 4.800 13.090 . 5247 5.785 76.325
B 1.705 5.400 .1999 5.150 87.745

Π2.485 3.235 .1155 4.730 89.550

D 2.390 4.510 .0871 2.700 90.400

68 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The chief differences from the chemical point of view between
surface soil and its subsoil are the higher percentages of nitrogen and
organic matter in the former; this well-established fact may be
legitimately used as a diagnostic factor in the consideration of the
present problem.

An inspection of the data of the foregoing table shows that the
nitrogen content of 1683 ‘‘A”’ is decidedly less than that of "A" in any
of the other groups; it is but little higher than that of "Bof 1681 and
1682 and almost identical with that of “B”’ of 1684 and 1685. The
evidence, in our opinion, is satisfactory as indicating that the burn-
out represents an area from which the surface soil has been removed.

The surface soil of the area represented by Groups 1684 and 1685
is somewhat richer in organic matter and its concomitant nitrogen
than that represented by Groups 1681 and 1682, and we consequently
find that ““B’’ and “‘C” of the former groups (1684 and 1685) possess
higher percentages of these constituents than 1681 and 1682. In
“T)” throughout the whole five groups the nitrogen content approaches
the same figure.

In accordance with our practice in the examination of soils from
irrigable areas the water-soluble content of these samples was deter-
mined. Groups 1683, 1684 and 1685 were found entirely free from
alkali. Group 1682 is free to a depth of 3 feet; in D (3’.0—5’.0) a
small percentage of soluble matter which proved to be calcium
sulphate was observed. As in the other groups, A” of 1681 contains
no saline matter, “BB,” “C”’ and “D” of this Group, however, show
a notable but not serious impregnation, which is chiefly sulphate of
soda. In ‘“‘D” there is a marked percentage of calcium sulphate, a
characteristic feature of certain subsoils in Southern Alberta.

When these burn-outs are large, say several feet in diameter,
it is noticed that, for a few years after breaking, the crops upon them
are lighter than those on the surrounding unaffected soil. This dis-
parity tends to disappear with a few years’ tillage, a fact which is in
accord with our observation that the subsoils of semi-arid areas are
rich in available plant food and, as compared with those of humid
districts, are more or less readily brought into a condition of economic
productiveness.

SECTION III, 1921 (69) TRANS. R:S.C.

The Oiliness or Lubricating Properties of the Various Series of
Hydrocarbons

Preliminary Report by W. F. SEYER
Presented by PROFESSOR E. H. ARCHIBALD,
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

It has long been a matter of speculation as to which series of
hydrocarbons possesses the property of lubrication or oiliness to the
greatest degree. It has been maintained by some authorities that
these properties are due to unsaturation. This view is to a certain
extent supported by the fact that the paraffin hydrocarbon C,H:, + 2
series do not make good lubricating oils. The chief constituents of
lubricating oils belong to the series C,Hez, C,He»—2 and C,Hen—s.
It is obvious that these series may represent either the saturated
naphthene or oelfin hydrocarbons. The majority of lubricating oils
contain both series, as their iodine number indicates. It was with
a view to decide which of these series of hydrocarbons possesses the
property of oiliness or lubrication to the greatest degree that the
following work was done.

As a preliminary investigation it seemed well to first determine
the difference that existed in regard to this property between the
saturated and unsaturated constituents of a mineral lubricating oil.
For this purpose a sample of lubricating oil was obtained from the
B.C. Refining Co. This had been distilled from a California crude
asphaltic base petroleum. Approximately 400 c.c. of this oil, in a
separatory funnel, was treated repeatedly with 50 c.c. of liquid
sulphur dioxide. At a temperature of —10°C two layers formed, the
lower one consisting of a solution of the unsaturated hydrocarbons in
the liquid sulphur dioxide. This treatment was continued until the
lower or sulphur dioxide layer had only a slight colour after shaking.
After the separation of the saturated and unsaturated constituents
in this way the sulphur dioxide was removed by blowing carbon
dioxide through the oil. To insure complete removal the oil fractions
were washed several times with an alkaline solution, then with water,

and finally dried.

The coefficient of friction of the two oils was then determined
by means of an Olsen friction machine. The following readings taken

70 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

over a period of one hour will show the general agreement of the
results for the individual oil and the extent to which the two oils
differ, as indicated by the reading on the weighing arm of the machine.

TABLE I

Readings on Weighing Arm of Friction Machine at Five Minute Intervals

Saturated Oil Unsaturated Oil
10.0 6.8
9.5 : 6.5
10.0 6.50
10.0 6.50
10.05 6.55
10.03 6.52
10.05 6.55
_ 10.05 6.70
10.00 6.50
10.05 6.50
10.01 6.60
Oa ete eS peek te oe cs re PEAR 700 Ibs.
Memperaturervaactene ee as Le I ee 33-34°C
Revolutionsiper minute! ail. seus 6h... 5 400
AN OT EE Sacha oleate pepe Nee CEE 1 hr

The averages obtained for a large number of such runs were as
follows:

AVERAGE OF READINGS ON WEIGHING UNSATURATED SATURATED
IN pS phn Rae a RR i RR IE à 6.5 lbs. 7, 10, 0%lbs:
(Goehcients..2-trk 6 ose ot he eae .009 .014
Specific’ viscosity atio0 ER sae 3 2.8

It was thus seen that with this particular oil the unsaturated
constituent possesses the greatest lubricating property. However, as
the friction varies directly with the viscosity and as the viscosity of
the unsaturated portion is greater than the saturated, the real differ-
ence is still greater. This difference can be calculated from the usual

Where X=coefficient of friction
F = force to move the bearing
P= Load on the bearing
V= velocity
K = coefficient of viscosity
Y =thickness of the oil film.

[SEYER] OILINESS OF HYDROCARBONS 71

Thus the coefficient of friction of an unsaturated oil having the

à À i K,
same viscosity as the saturated would be <a are
2 3!

or 0.0076, which is almost twice that of the other.

It was noticed that the unsaturated oil, after having gone through
the machine once, had become turbid and upon standing a considerable
sediment of carbon was obtained. The saturated oil, on the other
hand, showed no deposit of carbon. The decomposition of the former
must have been due entirely to the pressure as the temperature never
rose above 35°C.

The above results indicate that the coefficient of friction is not
independent of the chemical nature of the oil. Ubbelohe,! on the
other hand, has shown experimentally that under the same mechanical
conditions, oils with the same specific viscosity have the same co-
efficient of friction. His results are probably due to the fact that
the oils which he used were similar in chemical composition, for it is
obvious that one may have many liquids with the same viscosity as

lubricating oils yet have a very high coefficient of friction.
VIRE
In the derivation of the above formula, X = > = two assumptions

aN

are made, one that V varies directly as K. This has been shown by
Lacsher to be correct between certain limits. The second is that Y,
the thickness of the film, is always constant and that, therefore, there
is always a perfect oil film formed. The results obtained in this
experiment would seem to show that oils differ in their film forming
properties, the unsaturated oil forming a better one than the saturated,
thereby reducing the friction. Another fact which proves that the
oil film is never perfect is that journals and bearings do wear out.
Thus to make the above formula agree more closely with the facts
some correcting factor should be introduced expressing the film
forming properties or chemical nature of the oil. In the hopes of
determining the nature of this factor the investigation of the relative
film forming or lubricating properties of the various series of hydro-
carbons is being undertaken.

Chemical Laboratory,

University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, B.C.

1Petrol, 7, 773, 882, 938. (1912.)
* Where V, P, and Y are constant.

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SECTION III, 1921 [73] TRANS -R:S:C:

The Thermal Evolution of Gases Absorbed by Charcoals and Carbonized |
Lignites

By Stuart MCLEAN, M.A., University of Toronto
(Under Studentship from the Honorary Advisory Council for Scientific
and Industrial Research, Canada)

Presented by E. F. Burton, F.R.C.S.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

Early experiments on the absorption of gases by charcoal
showed that the phenomenon obeyed the following equation:
1

X,=A.P,"

where X, is the amount of gas absorbed per gram of charcoal at
temperature {, P, is the pressure of the surrounding gas when equil-
ibrium is attained at temperature ¢, and A and # are constants for a
given temperature but are functions of the temperature.

The above expression agrees very approximately with experi-
mental results over the range of ordinary pressures.

If the pressure is kept constant and the temperature varied the
adsorption is represented according to Titoff! by the equation

log X,=log X,—(a—b log P).t.

where X, and X, are values of X at temperatures { and 0°C,

d d 1
details "los -A)), and}. equals. == (+) :
É dt Meg 4) cor dt n

Several theories have been put forward to account for the process
of adsorption:

(1) Chemical Combination.—In order to explain the production
of the large amount of heat during adsorption it was suggested that
chemical combination takes place, with the consequent production of
carbon monoxide and dioxide.

(2) Solid Solution —This theory which contemplates the actual
penetration of the gas into the charcoal, the concentration being
constant throughout the whole mass of the charcoal, was accepted
by Miss Homfray? as being most consistent with her results.

1 Titoff: Zs. f. phys. Chem. 74, 1910, p. 641.
* Miss Homfray: Zs. f. phys. Chem. 74, 1910, p. 641.

74 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

(3) Surface Condensation.—The third theory is that the gas is
condensed upon the surface of the charcoal. Early experiments
showed that under similar conditions those gases that are more
easily liquefied were adsorbed to a greater extent. Thus the investi-
gators were led to consider the adsorbed gas as having been condensed
by the charcoal. This theory accounts for the large amount of gas
adsorbed in a small quantity of charcoal better than the two given
above.

There are two other theories which have been put forward which
are only modifications of the above theories. The first was proposed
by McBain? in 1909. His experiments on the adsorption of hydrogen
by charcoal showed that two processes take place. The gas is first
condensed on the surface of the charcoal. This takes a very short
time for its completion; at the most, two or three minutes. He
termed this process ‘‘adsorption.’’ At the same time the gas is
diffusing into the interior of the charcoal forming a solid solution.
This requires a much longer time for its completion, about twenty-
four hours or more. He called this process “absorption,” and
proposed the term ‘‘sorption’’ to be used when considering the two
processes together.

A recent theory suggested by Langmuir is in many respects an
elaboration of two of the theories given above. According to Lang-
muir, a molecule of gas approaching the surface of a solid comes into
the field of force of those atoms near it, and, in general, these gas
molecules condense on the surface, no matter what the temperature
may be. At the same time evaporation comes into play, the amount
of evaporation being dependent on the temperature.

Adsorption is the direct consequence of the time lag between the
condensation and the subsequent evaporation of the molecules. The
adsorbed layer, according to Langmuir, does not exceed one molecule
in thickness, or at the most, a few molecules. In order to account for
the large amount of gas adsorbed by charcoal and other solids he
assumes that such porous bodies present a much larger surface to the
gas than is apparent.

HEAT OF ABSORPTION

Saussure, in 1814, was the first to observe that heat is evolved
during the process of adsorption of gases by charcoal. Quantitative
measurements have been made by Chappuis, Dewar and Titoff.

3 McBain: Phil. Mag. 18, 1909, p. 916.

[MCLEAN] THERMAL EVOLUTION OF GASES 75

Dewar’s work was performed with the charcoal at the temperature
of liquid air and Titoff’s at 0°C.

Chappuis and Titoff observed that the first portion of the gas to
be adsorbed always evolved more heat than subsequent additions.
Applying the second law of thermodynamics Titoff found that

Ps og Py | 2 SS (log x)

dt 1.985 7?
where P is the pressure of the gas in equilibrium with a certain ad-
sorbed quantity X, 7, the temperature, and Q, the quantity of
heat evolved if a gram molecule of the gas were adsorbed at the
pressure P. Therefore if Q were constant and if log P were plotted
against log X at different temperatures, the curves so obtained for
two different temperatures should be equidistant from one another
for all values of X or P. But if Q is not constant, but greater for
lower than for higher values of X, as is usually the case, then the
curves ought to be further apart for lower values of X than for higher.
Titoff found this to be the case.

The object of the experiments to be described below was to
measure the heat developed when a number of gases were adsorbed
by different samples of charcoals and carbonized lignites and to
account for it.

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76 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

A diagram of the apparatus is shown in Fig. 1. The sample of
charcoal or lignite was placed in tube X. Around this was placed a
large silvered thermos vessel 7 containing a known quantity of water,
which was used as a calorimeter. The gas used was taken from K
which is a gas cylinder or other gas reservoir. It was carefully dried
by phosphorous pentoxide at N and admitted to the apparatus at L.
The manometer M registers the pressure and indicates the progress
of the adsorption. In all those experiments the equilibrium pressure
was the atmospheric pressure. The heat effect was always completed
thirty minutes after the experiment was started and each experiment
was allowed that time for the adsorption to take place. At the com-
pletion of the adsorption the gas was pumped out of the apparatus
by means of the Tépler pump P into the graduated tube S to be
measured. If required it could then be collected over water in the
bottle R for subsequent analysis.

The heat developed during the experiment was measured by the
rise in temperature of the water in the calorimeter. The water
equivalent of the calorimeter was found by inserting a small electrical
resistance coil and comparing the heat measured electrically with that
measured by the calorimeter.

After the adsorption was completed the calorimeter was left in
the same position surrounding the sample tube. As the gas is pumped
out of the charcoal it passes through the reverse process to that when
the adsorption was taking place. A corresponding cooling of the
sample tube is then observed which would be a measure of the heat
due to the compression of the gas in the tube X and its condensation
on the surface of the sample contained in it.

But in the case of air and oxygen chemical action will probably
take place. In order to obtain a measure of the heat due to this
source the gas pumped out was collected in bottles over water. It
was then made to bubble slowly through a solution of caustic potash
to take out any carbon dioxide that it might contain. The amount
of carbon dioxide was obtained by finding the increase in weight of
the solution after the gas had passed through it.

The remaining gas was then passed through a tube containing
iodic anhydride at about 100 C°. Here any carbon monoxide that
it might contain is oxidized according to the reaction:

I50.+-5CO = L+5CO:.

The iodine is absorbed by a solution of silver nitrate. The carbon

[MCLEAN] THERMAL EVOLUTION OF GASES 77

dioxide thus formed is subsequently absorbed as before and the
amount measured will give the amount of carbon monoxide that has
been formed.

Now, knowing the heat of formation of carbon dioxide and of
carbon monoxide, the heat due to their formation may be determined.
This, then, would complete the analysis of the heat of adsorption.

The following samples have been tested:

No.1.—Carbonized Lignite (26.4059 gms.) obtained from the
Department of Mines, Ottawa.

No. 2.—Cocoanut Charcoal (26.6947 gms.).

No. 8.—Commercial Wood Charcoal (13.8772 gms.).

No. 4.—Activated Charcoal (24.1542 gms.). This charcoal
is made by exposing the raw material to high pressure
steam at about 1000°C. It was obtained from the
National Lamp Works, Cleveland, Ohio.

No. 5.—Lignite Carbonized at 350°C. (14.9400 gms.).

No. 6.—Lignite Carbonized at 450°C. (15.7534 gms.).

No. 7.—Lignite Carbonized at 550°C. (14.9581 gms.).

No. 8.—Cocoanut Charcoal (28.6883 gms.).

The gases used were air, oxygen, nitrogen and carbon dioxide.

In the following experiments 7 is the approximate rise in temper-
ature of the sample when the gas is first admitted to the apparatus,
X is the amount of gas adsorbed by the sample in c.c.’s N.T.P. Tests
for CO and CO, were not made in the early experiments. Temperatures
were read correctly to a tenth of a degree. In all the experiments the
samples of absorbent were allowed to become saturated with gas,
then the gas was pumped off, and the process repeated time and time
again.

EXPERIMENT 1. Sample No. 1. Carbonized Lignite (26.4 gms.). Gas used: Air.

| Heat per
t Gas Total Heat per c.c. gas
adsorbed Heat gram sample adsorbed
LE CCAN PT Calories Calories Calories
1 6.0 201.9 180. 6.8 : 0.88
2 6.0 166.1 124.7 4.8 0.75
3 6.0 163. 1 160.7 6.1 0.98

EXPERIMENT 2. Sample No. 1. Gas used: Nitrogen.

Heat per

Total Heat per c.c. gas

Heat gram sample adsorbed

Calories Calories Calories
1 41.6 1.6 0. 21
2 41.6 1.6 0. 21

THE ROYAL SOCIETY: OF CANADA

EXPERIMENT 3. Sample No. 1. Gas used: Oxygen
In each of these experiments the gas was pumped off in two stages: the first with the sample

at room temperature and the second after the sample had been heated to a certain temperature.
Care was taken to keep this temperature the same for all experiments. The gas collected in the

two stages was separately examined for CO. Sample No. 1 was heated to 475°C.

Heat per
Gas gas Heat per | Total Ist test 2nd test | Heat due | Difference
T | adsorbed sample | c. c.gas Heat for C02 for C02 to C02 | from total
°C | cc. N.P.T. | Calories | Calories | Calories | c.c. N.P.T. | c.c. N.P.T. | Calories Calories
1 |168.0 479.7 IPAs A 677 SEC 0 EE es OM SN at ne cn Em nie
2 |196.0 5320 127.4 6.3 CB lawl eames LS TP REA cell} loo tpoc
3 1168.0 451.9 PAY, ek: 3188.3 18S) 0; piel Meee 822.2 2366. 1
4 1216.0 CA) 87.5 tal 2338. 1 25.9 28.6 235. 1 2103.0
5 1231.0 334. 0 84.5 6.7 2256. 3 31.9 54.9 379.3 1877.0

EXPERIMRNT 4. Sample No. 1. Gas used: Carbon dioxide

I ar a ee
Latent Heat of

Ab Gas Total Heat per Heat per c.c. Vap. of gas

adsorbed Heat gram sam ple| gas adsorbed adsorbed

QC CC: NEPAD. Calories Calories Calories Calories
1 18.5 565.9 415.8 15.8 0.73 34. 0
2 16.8 447.1 327.0 12.4 0.73 26.8
3 19.5 468. 5 * 326.9 12.4 0.69 28. 1
4 19.0 474.2 318.6 12.1 0. 67 28.5

79

THERMAL EVOLUTION OF GASES

[MCLEAN]

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—28

84 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

SUMMARY

1. Of the four gases investigated oxygen develops the largest
amount of heat for each cc of gas adsorbed. The above tables
show that this is due to the chemical action that takes place between
the gas and the adsorbent. Both carbon dioxide and carbon monoxide
are formed.

The largest amount of heat evolved per gram of adsorbent takes
place when carbon dioxide is used. Since the boiling point of this
gas is higher than the others it is more readily adsorbed.

The heat effect for air is much smaller than that for oxygen.
Both carbon dioxide and carbon monoxide are formed but to a smaller
extent.

These are a contradiction to some of the results given by Miss
Homfray. She found only a trace of CO, and no CO formed when
oxygen is adsorbed by cocoanut charcoal. This must have been due
to the fact that she analysed only the last portions of the gas pumped
off instead of all the gas as was done in these experiments.

2. In the case of the adsorption of oxygen the amount of gas
adsorbed diminishes and becomes constant as the experiment is
repeated. This is also true of the heat developed per gram of ad-
sorbent.

3. In the experiments with carbon dioxide the heat developed
is not accounted for by the latent heat of vaporization of the amount
of gas adsorbed, showing that some other process than condensation
is taking place.

4. The coarser kinds of charcoal form carbon dioxide when
oxygen is adsorbed more readily than others. They also adsorb more
oxygen than the other kinds of charcoal.

The above work was carried out under the direction of Professor
E. F. Burton, to whom my thanks are due. I also desire to thank
Dr. Stansfield of the Department of Mines, Ottawa, and Dr. Goss of
the National Lamp Works, Cleveland, for gifts of material.

SECTION IIT, 1921 [85] TRANS. R.S.C.

A New Vibration Experiment—Cylinders and Rods Balanced
on Cylinders

By JoHN SATTERLY, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

At the close of the conference held in the Department of Physics
of the University of Toronto in January last, a distinguished chemist
and physicist, after looking over the mechanics section of the labora-
tory and examining the different experiments on vibration, suggested
the following experiment as an interesting exercise for the higher
students.

I have, therefore, set it up and the following note gives the work
that has been done upon it.

The experiment consists in balancing a cylinder at right angles
across another cylinder, setting it in up-and-down vibration like a
see-saw and finding its time of swing. By using different cylinders
a study mdy be made of the conditions of stability and the factors
upon which the time of swing depends.

The figure gives an elevation of the two cylinders looked at in
the direction of the axis of the fixed cylinder. MN shows a portion
of the balanced cylinder in its horizontal position and MN; shows it
when the cylinder is tilted.

Let O be the centre of the cross-section of the fixed cylinder, G
the position of the centre of gravity of the balanced cylinder when in
the horizontal position, G the position of the centre of gravity when
the balanced cylinder is depressed on one side to make a small angle 6
with the horizontal. |

To get the position of G, let A and B be the points of contact
between the cylinders in the two positions. Measure off BA, equal
to the arc BA and draw A,G; at right angles to and meeting the axis
of the cylinder in G1.

Join OAG. Draw OB to meet the axis of the balancing cylinder
inC. Join CG. Draw a vertical line BD through B, a vertical line
G,E through G;, and a horizontal line CDE to cut these verticals in
D and E respectively. Draw BF at right angles to OA.

Let a=radius of cross-section of fixed cylinder.

Let m, 1, b=mass, length and radius of balancing cylinder.

86 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Let J=moment of inertia of balancing cylinder about an axis through
its centre of gravity at right angles to the plane of vibration.

Let J:=moment of inertia of balancing cylinder about an axis at
right angles to the plane of vibration passing through the point
of contact of the two cylinders. J, will vary in value as vibration
occurs.

Let 6=angle of inclination of balancing cylinder to the horizontal.
8 is always small.

CONDITION OF STABILITY

When the cylinder moves from the horizontal position to the
inclined position the point on the balancing cylinder which was in
contact with the fixed cylinder at A moves to A1.

GC —A,b —ate up —ap.

The equilibrium will be stable if the vertical through G, lies
between A and B. Therefore for stability CE must be greater than
CD, 1.e., a cos 8 must be greater than b sin 6.

[SATTERLY] NEW VIBRATION EXPERIMENT 87

THE, Pons nt must be > 1
b sin 6
or = must be > Fee
: tan 0 , .
When @ is very small ; = |] very nearly. As @ increases
tan @ increases at a greater rate than 4. For an angle as large as 5°
eye US Te 1.002
.0873
For 10° tamed jo tel iO) 2 1.01
6 .1745

: : a
so that for all angles that are likely to occur in the experiment =

must be greater than unity or the arrangement will be unstable.

CALCULATION OF THE PERIOD OF VIBRATION BY THE ‘ FORCE AND
MoMENT’’ METHOD

The moment of the weight of the balancing cylinder about B
=mgX DE=mg (CE— CD) =mg (a8 cos 6—b sin 6).
Also J, =I-+m G,B?=I-+m (b?+a? 6).
By the ordinary formula in mechanics
_ + mg (a6 cos 6 — b sin 4) = 0 ?

whence if the angle @ is so small that squares and higher powers of 8
may be neglected we get

A

(I+ mb?) a + mg (a—b)0=0

whence we see that the motion is simple harmonic and of period

Re DA mb e, (1)
mg (a—b)

CALCULATION OF THE PERIOD OF VIBRATION BY THE ‘‘ENERGY
METHOD

The height of G above O=a+0.

Let a=angle of extreme tilt of balancing cylinder. The height
of the centre of gravity of balancing cylinder above O is now OF
+BD+ EG,

88 THE ROYAL SOCIETY) OF (CANADA

1.e., a cos a+b cos a+aa sin a,
or (a+b) cos a+aa sin a.

The decrease in potential energy when the tilt has decreased to 6
=meg} (a+b) (cos a—cos 8)+a(a sin a—@ sin 6) Ms

This must be equal to the gain of kinetic energy of the cylinder

1.e. to ly I, (=
dt

L I (=) = mg! (a+b) (cos a— cos 8)+a(a sin a—6 sin 6) I,

Differentiating both sides with respect to the time and substituting
. dé
we get, by neglecting @ and higher powers of 8, and also 8 (=)

2
d

ae
(I+ mb?) ns +mg (a—b) 6=0,

whence as before
He # T1 + mb? |
mg (a —b)

APPLICATION OF THE FORMULA

For a solid cylinder

æ va : 5 12
Pap ve oe a (2)
LA g(a —b)

If a rod of rectangular cross-section is used as a vibrator instead
of a cylinder and bis its half depth

PAR PTE M
i Jf wt ap
IP = Pe v7 12 3 (3)
14 g(a —b)

If b is small in comparison with J the equation reduces in both cases
to

com: ae eae (4

tae 12 g(a—b) Pr 6 g(A—B) )

where À and B are the diameters of the cylinders (B=thickness in

[SA TTERLY] NEW VIBRATION EXPERIMENT 89

case of rod), and we see that the period now depends only on the
difference between A and B and not on their absolute values.

The same formule can be used for tubes having the same / and b
as long as b is small in comparison with /.
DEDUCTIONS

(z) For balancing cylinders and rods of the same length (A —B)7?
is a constant.

(2) For balancing cylinders and rods having the same B and resting
on the same fixed cylinder the period is proportional to the length.

ERROR PRODUCED By NEGLECTING THE RADIUS TERM IN THE
NUMERATOR OF THE FORMULA FOR THE PERIOD

For the cylinder

: P Ro
pate a (142),
14 g(a —b) |
he she 150? .
0 / 12 ( au =) approximately.
124 g (a —b) À

: 1
So that if b + as / the error will not exceed one per cent.

-_

EXPERIMENT

The experiment has been tried with cylinders of glass, brass and
steel and with brass rods. Two brass saddles (see Figure) about
4 cms. high with a V-notch about 1% cms. wide were made and
screwed to the table about 3 to 4 inches apart to receive the fixed
cylinder.

The balancing cylinders were then placed in position, set in
gentle vibration and timed with a stopwatch. Usually five or ten
vibrations were timed and the observations were repeated several
times to get a good mean. Individual readings are apt to vary
considerably due to roughness at the points of contact. This was
very noticeable with the brass cylinders vibrating on a brass cylinder.
The steel cylinders were found to be troublesome to keep on the
balance, perhaps because they are so smooth.

90 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The diameter of the balancing cylinder must always be less than
that of the fixed cylinder in order to get stability.

Results—(These were taken with about the same degree of
precaution that an ordinary student would take in class.)

I.—G.Lass Rops AND TUBES

(A) A set of six inch rods and tubes were first tried.

Diameter of Fixed glass cylinder 1.29 cms.

Balancing Cylinder

AB \ Period T? (A—B)

Length | Diameter T

cms. cms. cms. seconds

15225 .47 .82 1.36 1252
15225 .65 .64 1.48 1.40
1525 .80 49 1.76 sit
1525 .85 44 1.84 1.50
1525 .97 32 2.09 1.40

Mean 1.47

(B) Next a set of three inch glass rods and tubes was tried.

Diameter of Fixed Glass Cylinder 1.29 cms. (Same cylinder as before).

Balancing Cylinder

A —B Period T? (A —B)
Length | Diameter ‘AD
cms cms cms. seconds
7.63 AT . 82 70 40
7.65 .61 .68 72 39
7.63 US) . 54 84 38
7.63 . 82 47 92 40
7.63 .98 ail 1.06 35
Mean .38
Note
6 P
Since T=27 wh 6
V g(A —B)
: ee Ari?
TA spy SET
6g

Therefore 7? (A —B) is proportional to À.

[SATTERLY] NEW VIBRATION EXPERIMENT 91

The long cylinders quoted in A are twice as long as the short
cylinders quoted in B and one quarter of 1:47 is nearly .38.

The moments of inertia of the glass cylinders could not be
quickly calculated as some were rods and others tubes of different
wall thicknesses.

II.—Solid brass cylinders were tried next. They were balanced
on a fixed glass cylinder. The results were as follows:

II.—Soiip Brass CYLINDERS

Diameter of Fixed Glass Cylinder 2.51 cms.

Balancing Cylinders
— A—B i T? (A—B)

Length | Diameter

cms. cms. cms. seconds
15.3 .47 2.04 .87 1.65
1523 .63 1.88 .93 1.63
15.3 .79 1:72 .98 1.66
15.3 .95 1.56 1.02 1.66
15.3 155 1.36 1.09 1.62
15.3 1.27 1.24 1.16 1.66

Mean 1.65

Check by calculation for No. 6 of the above table. Substituting
in Equation (2) we get

Le, Tee —
yA alien MGs)? 7 9.5+.5
T=29 12 4 = — =1.13 sec
4 = ayy EX 262
| 4 gX .62
For No. 1 above
Wy, cee ol ee
Ue ee Aa ne ON
T=2n 12 4 ue — = .87 sec
ey ee
ae gX1.02

9

Neglecting the — correction for the thick cylinder would lower

the calculated period about 1 per cent., with the thin cylinder the
error is negligible.

92 THE ROYAL SOCIETY )OFICANADA

IIJ.—Brass Rops were now tried. Breadth of Rods=1.94 cms.
Fixed Glass Cylinder of diameter 2.51 cms. used.

Balancing Rods

a ——— A —B Ta T? (A —B)
Length | Thickness
B
cms. cms. cms. seconds
15.25 .64 1.87 .92 1.58
102 .64 1.87 .46 .40

One quarter of 1.58 = .40 nearly.

The experiment is interesting inasmuch as it gives the student
an example of a vibrating body with a movable point of support.
Its likeness to a see-saw will give it familiarity, and he can now go
on to study the effect of loading up the ends and so improving the
likeness.

NOTE ADDED OCTOBER, 1921,

Just about two months ago the author saw an experiment similar to the above
in use in the classes of Dr. G. F. C. Searle at the Cavendish Laboratory, University
of Cambridge. Dr. Searle works on a larger scale using a rod about one metre long
and one centimetre thick resting on a vertical wheel of diameter about twenty
centimetres. The value of g is deduced from the readings. An account of this
experiment is given in Searle’s “Experimental Harmonic Motion”. The author
was not aware of Dr. Searle’s work when he wrote the above paper. Using the
readings for the longer brass rod of the above table in Eq. 4. the value obtained for
g is 970 cms. per sec. per sec.

SECTION III, 1921 [93] TRANS VRS,

Automatic Mercury Pump
By D. F. STEDMAN
Presented by PRorEessor E. H. ARCHIBALD, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

This pump was designed primarily to use as small an amount of
mercury as possible, and thus have none of the troublesome 76 cm.
connections except in the gauge.

The whole pump is operated by an ordinary water pump which
should produce a vacuum of at least 1.5—2 cms. of mercury. When
a little air enters through ‘“‘a’’ it breaks the column of mercury here, :
raises the section to ‘‘b,’’ and drops it into one side of a U-tube.
This displaces mercury on the other side which runs down the spiral
fall tube ‘‘c,”’ pushing the air in front of it through the mercury pool
in bulb “‘d.’’ As soon as the mercury is out of the top of tube “a”
the diminished pressure allows the mercury to rise in tube to level in
‘“‘d’’ and the process is repeated.

AUTOMATIC MERCURY PUMP
TO WATER PUMP

70
MLEOD
GAUGE, ETC.

NS FALL SPIRAL’

94 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

As at present developed several points must be noticed in the
construction. The spiral ‘“‘c’’ should be as smooth as possible, and
free from joints, or the mercury will break and let air pass, which will
also happen if tube is much steeper than 1:5 (11—%°), or of greater
internal diameter than 3 mm. (slope must be rather accurately ad-
justed as at 10° it may stop, and at 13° it will break at the slightest
kink). In constructing the top of fall tube care should be taken to
have a rather sharp smooth bend, with connecting tube ‘‘e’’ very
slightly below highest point. This is necessary as under a vacuum
the mercury has a great tendency to break into drops. The drawing
represents conditions about as they should be. The capillary ‘‘d”’
should be about .5 mm. internal diameter, and should be made by
first thickening the fall tube, heating arather short part of the
thickened tube till quite soft, and not drawing out too quickly (to
shorten constricting portion and strengthen capillary). The first side
of the U-tube should be wide enough to prevent air bubbles being
carried over. The length of mercury column carried up in “‘a”’ does
not need to be longer than 4—4.5 cm., using 3 mm. tube; if much
longer the shock at the bottom of the spiral will be considerable.
There should be a slight constriction at ‘“‘a’’ (to % internal diameter);
this makes a slightly greater pressure below it than that represented
by the column of mercury being lifted, permitting length of column
being regulated by tap at bottom. The bulbs between pump and
gauge, etc., prevent mercury being carried over on stopping pump
(which should be done by clamping rubber connection to water pump
and allowing air to enter slowly through ‘‘a’’). The bottom of fall
tube should taper a little before the bend and be quite thin where it
enters the wax seal. This construction makes a sudden jet of mercury
through capillary which will effectually carry quite a small bubble
of air through. (Wax seal is used to permit capillary to be perfectly
straight and smooth, which would be difficult if a glass seal were
used.)

This pump (spiral 27 cms. high, 18 cm. diameter), when tested
with only a McLeod gauge attached (total volume to be evacuated
app. 50 c.c.), took 17 hour to reach .001 mm. of mercury and with a
250 c.c. flask attached reached .0008 mm. in 2% hours, and then
stopped pumping, but the flask was connected to the pump with
sealing wax, which may have leaked a very little.

I desire to acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. W. F. Seyer for
many helpful suggestions regarding the construction of this pump.
Chemical Laboratory,

University of British Columbia,

Vancouver, B.C.

SECTION III, 1921 [95] Trans. R.S.C.

The Effect of Thermo-luminescence on Electrical Conductivity
By C. A. Mackay, M.A.
Presented by PRoFEssor H. L. Bronson, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

Our present knowledge of the physical changes which occur
during photo- and thermo-luminescence of solids is very incomplete.
In order to arrive at any satisfactory theory as to the nature of this
type of luminescence, it is essential that as much data as possible be
obtained concerning the variation in the properties of solids when
emitting light of this sort.

On the basis of the commonly accepted theories as to the
mechanism of photo-luminescence it might be expected that the
electrical conductivity of matter is greater during the emission of
light than in its normal state. However, it has been shown by
Nichols and Merritt! that the conductivity of eosin is unchanged
when this substance emits fluorescent light, under the action of ultra-
violet light.

It was suggested that the writer investigate the electrical con-
ductivity of various substances, which, under suitable conditions, are
thermo-luminescent. Three crystals, calcite, fluorite and feldspar,
were examined. All showed thermo-luminescence when gently
heated over a Bunsen burner.

APPARATUS AND METHOD OF MEASUREMENT

The crystals, after being carefully cleaned with pure alcohol,
were mounted as shown in Figure 1. The brass electrodes were
cemented to the parallel faces of the crystal by means of a metallic
preparation named ‘‘Smooth-On.”’

! Publication 152, Washington Carnegie Institution.

96 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Pug oh:

A.—Crystal of calcite.

B.—Brass electrodes.

C.—Glass tubes filled with sulphur.
D.—Calcium Chloride.

E.—Tin container.

The currents through the crystals, which varied from 5X10"
to 2.510% amperes, were measured by a Dolazalek electrometer
with a subdivided mica condenser in parallel with a pair of quadrants.

To produce luminescence the calcite was cooled to —80°C and
then placed in a thermostat at 92°C. Inotherexperiments the change
of temperature was from 22°C to 100°C:

EFFECT OF TIME AND TEMPERATURE ON CONDUCTIVITY
During certain preliminary measurements it was noticed that

the current gradually decreased after the potential was first applied
to the crystal. Table 1 shows a characteristic set of readings.

[MacKay] THERMO-LUMINESCENCE 97

TABLE 1
No. of secs. per 100 scale 1
Time divisions Current = Const. X —
T ap
0 74secs. .0135 K
6 111 secs. . 0090 Ik
12 131 secs. .0076 Ik
31 147 secs. .0068 Ik
61 152 secs. . 0066 K

It is seen that the above effect resembled polarization, but took
much longer to reach a maximum. To make sure that this factor
was eliminated the potential was applied at least 4 hours before any
readings were taken.

Table 2 shows a typical set of readings to show the effect of
temperature on the conductivity. The calcite was maintained at
each temperature for at least 114 hours so that any possible effect
of thermo-luminescence might disappear.

TABLE 2

1

Temperature Current =' Const. x T
22° SC .0061 K
27.5°C .0110 K
SAT CE .0210 K
SU E .0284 K
45.4°C .0680 K

EFFECT OF THERMO-LUMINESCENCE
Table 3 shows the effect of thermo-luminescence on the con-
ductivity of the calcite when it was suddenly heated from — 80°C to
DAL Coe

TABLE 3

No. of secs. per 100 scale 1

Time division Current = Const. X —

T I
1 22.0 secs. .045 K

4

19 Bol) Mee 13330
31 1a DIRES .065 K
36 181600 .054 K
42 PAV). Se .048 K
De DS .031 K
où DAS pie .031 K

98 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Values for the second and third readings are not given since 1
was too small to measure. This data is plotted in Figure 2, curve À.
The conductivity increased rapidly to a maximum followed by a
gradual decrease until the normal value of the current at 22°C was
reached. This variation in current cannot be attributed solely to
the temperature effect. Table 3 shows that the magnitude of the
increase in the current above the normal value is over 1,000 per cent.

Fie 2

[MACKAY] THERMO-LUMINESCENCE 99

When the whole process was repeated the change in the current
was smaller. A third repetition gave a still smaller effect, for which
the data is plotted in Curve B, Fig. 2. Since the change in conductiv-
ity depends on the thermo-luminescence, the latter effect must also
have decreased.

The same procedure was used for the higher range of temperature
22°C to 100°C. Suitable precautions were taken to keep the crystal
and insulation dry. The results were similar to those obtained
previously, but it was noticed that successive excitations decreased
the thermo-luminescence more quickly at the higher temperatures
than at the lower.

EFFECT OF X-RAYS

It is known that exposure to X-rays will restore the property
of luminescence.! A preliminary trial of the effect of X-rays was
made on a small pieceof calcite. It was heated over a Bunsen burner
until no luminescence could be detected by the eye in a dark room.
It was then exposed to X-rays from a coolidge tube and again heated.
The luminescence, though not as intense as originally, was partially
restored.

When the original crystal of calcite was exposed to X-rays it
was found that the conductivity was increased, but the effect lasted
not more than 1 hour. The exposure to the X-rays was 50 milli-
ampere minutes at 60 kilovolts through 8 inches of air. After an
interval of 2 hours the crystal was excited to luminescence using the
temperature range —80°C to 22°C. The results plotted in Curve C,
Fig. 2, show that the calcite was partially restored to its original
condition by the X-rays. At the higher range of temperature the
restoration was not so complete.

Two other substances, fluorite and feldspar, were also examined.
The data shown in Tables 4 and 5 is very similar to that obtained for
calcite.

TABLE 4—FLUORITE

Time Current

7 mins. .185 K
il ei .048 K
1», € COPAIN
BE tt .021 K
Bi) © .006 K
GR} 004 K

1 Wiedemann and Schmidt, Wied. Ann. 56 p., 177, 1895.
—29

100 THE ROYAL SOCIETY (OF CANADA

TABLE 5—FELDSPAR

Time Current
1 min. PAE IK
Shee .800 K
Geer .007 K
On nae .003 K

15 “ .003 K

Both substances gave a smaller effect when excited a second time.

This investigation vielded three results.

1. Thermo-luminescence of calcite, fluorite and feldspar caused
an increase in the electrical conductivity of these substances.

2. When calcite was excited to thermo-luminescence more than
once, successive excitations produced smaller increases in the electrical
conductivity.

3. Exposure to X-rays partially restored the crystal of calcite
to its original condition, so that the electrical effect of thermo-
luminescence was nearly as great as initially.

For their valuable suggestions the writer thanks Drs. Bronson
and Johnstone.

SECTION III, 1921 [101] TRANS: REC:

On the Variation of the ‘‘Emanating Power" of Certain Uranium
Minerals with Temperature and a New Secondary Radium Emana-
tion Standard !

By |. Hak: Jonnsrone, NB EE.) Ph.D.
Presented by PROFESSOR H. L. BRonson, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)
INTRODUCTION

The usual method for the determination of small quantities of
radium depends upon the separation and collection of the radium
emanation which is in equilibrium with the radium present in the
material under examination. The activity of this emanation is
determined in a suitable electroscope or other testing device and is
compared with the activity of the emanation in equilibrium with a
known quantity of radium. A similar method is used for determining
the radioactivity of natural waters.

In the type of measurement referred to, the amounts of radium
which can be conveniently estimated are of the order of 10-° gram.
The preparation of a suitable “standard” radium solution is attended
with considerable difficulty since the accurate measurement of a
quantity of radium less than 10-* gram by means of the gamma
radiation is practically impossible? Amounts of radium of the order
of 10-? gram must, therefore, be used and the solution must be diluted
to a considerable volume in order to attain the strength necessary
for this purpose. Another difficulty in the case of dilute radium
solutions is the belief expressed in many quarters that such solutions
are not permanent but tend, on standing, to deposit a portion of the
contained radium.? Moreover, when a standard solution is used for
the calibration of the electroscope, the process of boiling off the
emanation, collecting it, drying the gas, and introducing it into the
electroscope is necessarily a somewhat complicated and troublesome

1 The experimental work which is reported in this paper was carried out in the
Sloane Physical Laboratory of Yale University in 1916. The chief reason for the
delay in publication was the author's entry into active service with H. M. forces.
The author expresses his thanks to Prof. B. B. Boltwood of Yale University for
suggesting this problem and for his kind advice and interest.

2 W. Bothe, Phys. Zeit. 2, P. 33, 1915

3 Professor Boltwood has found that the addition of hydrochloric acid to the
radium solution prevents this deposition.

102 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

operation. In some laboratoriest the emanation from the standard
solution is introduced by drawing into the electroscope a current of
air which is allowed to bubble through the solution. This method
has certain disadvantages which need not be considered here. Another
method of calibrating an electroscope in terms of radium has been
suggested ® which consists in collecting the total amount of radium
emanation in equilibrium with the radium contained in a known
weight of suitable uranium mineral whose uranium content is known.
This may be accomplished in two ways. Either the mineral is dis-
solved under suitable conditions and the emanation set free is collected,
or® a solution of the mineral is prepared, sealed up, and allowed to
stand until the equilibrium amount of emanation has accumulated.
In the former case it is only necessary to determine the proportion
of emanation’? which spontaneously escapes from the powdered mineral
used as a specimen, thus involving two determinations, with the ~
consequent possibility of considerable error. The second method is
open to objection since there is-usually a lack of assurance that the
radium salts remain in solution, an essential requirement if the results
are to be trustworthy. Either of these methods is inconvenient and
somewhat troublesome, especially in the hands of those who are not
particularly experienced.

In any series of experiments involving the frequent determination
of radium it is important to calibrate the electroscope from time to
time as its sensibility is subject to occasional and unavoidable varia-
tions. For calibration the use of a specimen of primary uranium
mineral in which the proportion of uranium present is determined by
analysis has the additional drawback that the accurate quantitative
determination of uranium is, from the analytical standpoint, a some-
what difficult operation. The use of such a mineral involves also, as
has already been mentioned, the determination of the ‘emanating
power’”’ of the mineral and the assumption that this emanating power
is a constant under the general conditions of experiment. It has been
observed 5 by a number of experimenters that solid substances con-

4 This method is used in the laboratory of Madame Curie.
5 Boltwood, B. B., Am. Jour. Sc. 18, 381, 1904; Phil. Mag. 9, 599, 1905.
5 Heimann und Marckwald, Phys. Zeit. 14, 303, 1913.
7 Boltwood, B. B., Phil. Mag. 9, 599, 1905.
8 Boltwood, B. B., Am. Jour. Sc. X XV, 294, Ap. 1908, also Phil. Mag. 9, 599, 05.
Dorn, Abh. der Naturforsch, Ges. fur Halle -a-s, 1900.
Rutherford, Phys. Zeit. 2, 249, 1901.
P. Curie, Theses presentee a la Faculte des Sciences de Paris, 1903, p. 129.
Strutt, Proc. Roy, Soc. LX XIII, 191, 1904.
Kolowrat, Le Radium, 4, 317, 1907; 6. 321, 1909; 7, 266, 1910.

[JOHNSTONE] EMANATING POWER OF MINERALS 103

taining thorium and radium compounds show a marked variation in
the proportions of emanation which escape from them, and that these
variations are influenced by changes in temperature and the amount
of moisture present. It will be shown in the course of this paper
that the emanating power of powdered uranium minerals is subject
to similar variations from the same causes.

For calibration purposes the use of some solid material containing
radium having an emanating power, which would not be appreciably
affected by the changes in temperature and atmospheric humidity
under the usual conditions of experiment, would obviously possess a
great advantage over other methods now in use. This material could
be sealed up in a glass tube and the radium emanation allowed to
collect for a definite, known period and would furnish a convenient
source from which, as desired, a definite quantity of radium emanation
could be obtained. After having once been calibrated by comparison
with a standard radium solution or standard uranium mineral it
would thereafter be available for the convenient calibration of an
electroscope. On account of the variation in the emanating power
of a uranium mineral, such minerals in their natural state are not
suitable for the purpose which has just been considered. However,
it is known that by heating a uranium mineral to a comparatively
high temperature, its emanating is greatly reduced. It was thought
possible that simultaneously with the reduction of the emanating
power other changes might take place in the heated mineral which
would cause the rate of escape of emanation to be less susceptible
to variations in temperature and humidity of the air coming in contact
with the material. In the course of the work described in this paper
evidence has been obtained that the anticipated changes in the
properties of the mineral actually do occur so far as the temperature
effect is concerned, and if the humidity of the air coming in contact
with the mineral be kept constant it will be shown that the heated
uranium mineral furnishes a sufficiently constant source of radium
emanation to satisfy the requirements which have been already
outlined.

APPARAT US AND METHOD

The measurement of the ionization currents were made in an air-
tight, emanation electroscope,! which had a capacity of about 3 liters.
The ionization chamber was fitted with two side tubes which could
be opened or closed by means of stopcocks. The charged electrode

‘Previously designed and used by Professor Boltwood.

104 THE ROYALE SOCIETY OF CANADA

was a brass rod 3 mm. in diameter and 20 cm. long. The rod passed
through a plug of sealing wax, and carried on its upper end a strip of
brass on which was fastened a gold-leaf five centimeters long. The
sealing wax was surrounded by a guard ring and both were fastened
in a threaded ebonite plug which completely closed the ionization
chamber. The gold-leaf was protected by a felt-covered metal case,
which contained two small mica windows, through which the move-
ment of the leaf was observed. The electrode was charged by touching
the back of the brass strip carrying the gold-leaf with a wire which
passed through a glass tube in the case. The charging wire and the
guard ring (the latter permanently) were connected to the negative
pole of a battery of 480 volts. The positive pole of the battery and
the ionization chamber were permanently earthed. The movement
of the gold-leaf was observed through a fixed telemicroscope with a
scale in the eye-piece.

To calibrate the electroscope the emanation was separated by
the Boltwood method ? from a weighed amount of a standard specimen
of uraninite, which had a uranium content of 73 per cent. and possessed
an emanating power at 18°C of 11 per cent. It was immediately
transferred through a calcium chloride drying tube to the electroscope :
and the rate of movement of the gold-leaf in divisions per minute
measured at the end of three hours. Taking the value of the ratio
of radium to uranium in primary uranium minerals as 3.35 x 10-75
a movement of one division per minute of the gold-leaf was found to
correspond to the presence in the ionization chamber of the emanation
in equilibrium with 2.84 x 10-g. radium.

As the heating of a uranium mineral greatly reduces the emanat-
ing power it was desirable that the material used for the experiments
to be described should have a high uranium content and, what is
more important, a large emanating power, otherwise the weight of
mineral which would have to be taken for a practical standard would
be inconventiently large. A specimen of carnotite and one of uraninite
were selected for the purpose, and both, when finely powdered,
satisfied the requirements mentioned. The carnotite, obtained
from Colorado, had a uranium content of 7.6 per cent. It was quite
porous in structure and was easily ground to a powder. The emanat-
ing power, measured at 18°C, was 16.2 per cent. The uraninite used
was a specimen of primary uraninite, supposed to have come from

*Am. Jour. Sc. 18, 379, 1904; Phil. Mag. 9, 599, 1905.
’Boltwood’s value (Am. Jour. Sc. 25, 296, 1908) in terms of the International
Standard.

[JOHNSTONE] EMANATING POWER OF MINERALS 105

India. It had a uranium content of 67.5 per cent. and possessed an
emanating power of 8.4 per cent. at 18°C.

In order to collect the emanation which was evolved from a
definite weight of the powdered mineral under the particular condi-
tions of experiment the following method was used: One end of a
piece of glass tubing (bore 0.75 cm. and length 15 cm.) was tapered to
a point and sealed off in a flame. A small plug of cotton wadding
was then stuffed through the tube into the sealed-off end. A weighed
amount of mineral (2 gms.) was placed in the tube and on top of this
another plug of wadding. The remaining end of the tube was then
tapered out and sealed. To maintain the tubes at definite tempera-
tures for any given time, they were placed in a self-regulating, gas
thermostat in which temperatures twenty degrees above room tem-
peratures were obtainable. For temperatures higher than this an
electrically heated oven was utilized. To transfer the collected
emanation from the tube to the electroscope the latter was first
exhausted by a water pump. Both stopcocks were then closed. The
emanation tube was attached to the upper exit tube of the electroscope
by a short piece of thick-walled rubber tubing. The stopcock was
opened and closed again, then the tip of the emanation tube was
broken off inside the rubber tubing. The stopcock was opened
slowly and again closed. The other tip of the emanation tube was
then broken off, the stopcock opened gradually and air was drawn into
the electroscope through the emanation tube for about five minutes
when the stopcock was closed. The pressure of the air within the
electroscope was still considerably below that of the outside air, and
thus, if there were any tendency to leakage, it would be from the
outside to the inside. At the end of three hours the inside pressure
was raised to that of the outside air by allowing air to enter the
electroscope from the exterior and then closing the stopcocks. The
time taken for the gold-leaf to pass over a definite interval of the scale
was measured with a stopwatch. Both stopcocks were finally opened
and air was drawn through the electroscope for a half hour. In this
way the emanation was completely removed from the electroscope,
and when the active deposit had decayed and the natural leak was
determined, the instrument was ready for a new series of measure-
ments.

A number of preliminary experiments were made which demon-
strated that by increasing the humidity of the air in the sealed tubes
the emanating power of the mineral was increased. In order to
eliminate any variations due to changes in the content of moisture

106 THE ROYAL, SOCIETY OF CANADA

in the air a large tube was prepared which contained a considerable
quantity of ammonium nitrate crystals held between plugs of cotton
wool. Preparatory to sealing up the tubes containing the minerals
air was drawn through the ammonium nitrate tube and then through
the tube containing the mineral. A fairly constant humidity of the
air in contact with the mineral could, therefore, be assured.

The emanation tubes were sealed and kept at definite tempera-
tures for times varying from one to thirty days. Having partially
exhausted the electroscope the emanation tube was connected with it,
the tips broken and air was sucked through carrying with it into the
electroscope the emanation, which had accumulated in a known time
under the particular conditions. At the end of three hours the
activity of the emanation was determined. The activity determined
in this manner is a measure of the emanation which has accumulated
during the time and under the given conditions. Assuming that the
emanation continues to be evolved at the same rate for a prolonged
period then the maximum or equilibrium value which would be
ultimately attained is given by the expression

I,

Na
where J, is the equilibrium value and J, is the value of the activity
measured.

RESULTS

The value of the equilibrium quantity of emanation evolved
from the carnotite at different temperatures is shown graphically by
curve 1, the abscissae representing temperatures centigrade and the
ordinates divisions per minute movement of the gold-leaf. In this
case different tubes* were maintained at the definite temperatures for
periods of approximately twenty hours, and from the values of the
activity measured, the equilibrium quantity was calculated. It was
found that when the tubes were heated for more than twenty hours,
at the higher temperatures especially, the value of the equilibrium
quantity of emanation as calculated by the above expression was
smaller the longer the tube was heated. This means that the emana-
tion is evolved at a rate which depends on the time the tube has been
heated. The amount of emanation evolved was found to depend on
the previous history of the mineral as Kolowrat® found to be the case.
If the tube was heated to a fairly high temperature and the emanation

“The activities of the different tubes of carnotit maintained at the same temper-
ature for the same length of time did not vary by more than 2 per cent. at the most,
which indicates that the material was quite homogeneous.

_ [JOHNSTONE] EMANATING POWER OF MINERALS 107

evolved measured, a subsequent heating at the same temperature
produced a value which was smaller, the higher the temperature of
the first heating.

Po Tey LIT
Pee eh Ac
LEU ee eee

ie meee TS

ACTIVITY
8

ae eS
MASE

2
nent EC Er

JO 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 H0 120
TEMPERATURE

It should be noted here that the emanating powers were calculated
on the assumption that the emanation escaped at the same rate for
thirty days as it did for the first 20 hours of heating. But, as was
pointed out, the rate of escape rapidly decreases with the time of
heating and, therefore, the values calculated have only a relative
significance.

g

The uraninite tubes were examined in the same way and similar
results found, which are plotted in curve 2. In the calculation of the

5Loc. cit.

108 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

numbers plotted the uraninite was reduced to the same uranium basis
as the carnotite.

The fact that the temperature coefficient of the emanating power
was so much decreased by a previous heating of the mineral was
suggestive. It was thought possible that by a more drastic treatment
of this sort a product might be produced whose emanating power
would have a very small and permanent temperature coefficient.
Two grams of the carnotite were heated to a temperature of approxi-
mately 400°C in a crucible for half an hour and the material was
sealed up as described. The emanating power at 18°C was reduced by
this treatment from 16.2 percent. to 5.4 percent. Curve 3 graphically
indicates the result of a series of measurements made for this tube and
shows that the temperature coefficient has been reduced toa very small
value. To find how the emanating power of this tube was affected
by increasing the humidity of the air contained in it, a tube filled with
cotton wool was attached to one end of the emanation tube and air
was sucked over the wet wool through the emanation tube for about
five minutes. The latter was then sealed and measurements of the
activity of the evolved emanation, made at the end of a few days,
showed that the emanating power was increased by 15 per cent.
However, if the air which enters the emanation tube is always passed
through the ammonium nitrate tube, any variations in the emanating
power due to the moisture effect were found to be eliminated. The
following determinations of the equilibrium amount of emanation
evolved by eight grams of this material which has been strongly
heated indicate its constancy over considerable ranges of laboratory
temperature.

Temperature Time sealed Equilibrium Be
(arbitrary units)
15 Id (0) | loves 26.5
21 2500 26.6
20 DO ANT 26.6

By treating the uraninite in the same manner, similar results
were obtained. This shows that by heating the minerals for a short
time to a temperature above 400°C the temperature coefficient of the
emanating power is reduced to such a small value that for ordinary
ranges of laboratory temperature it may be neglected. Therefore if
the equilibrium amount of emanation evolved from a tube of carnotite,

[JOHNSTONE] EMANATING POWER OF MINERALS 109

treated in the manner described in this paper is once measured in
terms of some standard of radium, it may thereafter be used as a
standard of radium emanation. The value of the activity of the
equilibrium amount of emanation evolved will be practically inde-
pendent of the usual variations in laboratory temperature and it will
remain practically constant, provided the humidity of the air con-
tained in and passing through the tube is always maintained at the
value it possessed when it was standardized.

SUMMARY

1. The variation with the temperature of the emanating power
of certain specimens of carnotite and uraninite has been determined.

2. By heating the minerals to a high temperature, the temperature
coefficient of the emanating power is greatly decreased so that for
ordinary ranges of laboratory temperature it may be assumed to be
negligible.

3. A secondary emanation standard has been suggested which
can be easily and simply prepared, which is not subject to appreciable
variations under ordinary conditions and which is more convenient
to use, particularly in the field, than either the customary standard
radium solution or a uranium mineral of known composition.

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SECTION III, 1921 [111] TRANS. R.S.C.

Destructive Distillation Vields from British Columbia Fir and Alder
Wood

By WILLIAM AGEE Harpy, BSc.
Presented by E. H. ARCHIBALD

Although British Columbia is one of the most important lumber-
ing districts in the world it is not an appreciable factor in the wood
distillation industry at the present time. Several attempts have been
made to establish commercial plants both in this Province and in the
States of Washington and Oregon, but none of these is now in opera-
tion. Pit burning for charcoal, however, has been found profitable
to a limited extent during the last few years.

In this Province the wood distillation industry has the choice
of two main sources of raw material: first, the waste from the saw
mills, and second, a cut of alder or other second growth wood. There
are several places in British Columbia, especially in the Fraser River
valley, where large quantities of alder are easily obtained near the
banks of navigable water. The yields of acetic acid, methyl alcohol,
turpentine and tar which may be expected from Douglas Fir mill
waste have been determined by Benson and Darrin (Jour. Ind. and
Eng. Chem.7, 916, 1915) on a semi-commercial scale. As to the second
source no data is available as to the yields which may be expected
from the alder wood of the Pacific Slope. With the mild winters and
heavy rainfall it is to be expected that the yields will be somewhat
different from those obtained from Eastern woods. It was with a
view of obtaining information on this subject that the following
investigation was undertaken.

SELECTION OF SAMPLES
(Alder Wood)

Alder wood trees from six to eight inches in diameter were
selected from several localities within a few miles of the University.
In all cases an average sample of the trunk was obtained by cutting
sections at different heights. No branches or limbs were used.

Samples 1 and 2 are different trees cut in September, 1920, from
a tract in South Vancouver, allowed to lie outside in the weather
until April and then distilled without additional drying.

112 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Samples 3 and 4 are different trees cut sometime in the Autumn,
allowed to lie outside in the weather until April and then cut to size
and dried at a temperature of from 20 to 30 deg. centigrade for three
weeks and then distilled. Sample number 4 contained a portion of
slightly rotten wood. Difficulty in settling out the tar and a low
yield of acetic acid was noticed in this case.

Samples 5, 6, 7 and 8 are from trees cut in the Point Grey district,
weathered outside for five months, and then cut to size and dried at
a temperature of from 20 to 30 deg. C. for five or six days. Samples 5,
6 and 7 are from separate trees and number 8 is a mixture of the three.

(Fir Mill Waste)

Samples 9 and 10 are Douglas Fir taken from a pile of slabs
purchased by the University in August, 1920, and piled outside until
April. The wood selected represents, as nearly as possible, an average
sample of this lot of five cords. However, neither bark nor pitchy
pieces were selected. Sample 9 was distilled as it came from the
uncovered pile while sample 10 was thoroughly dried at a temperature
of from 20 to 30 deg. C. for ten days.

Samples 11 and 12 are from a two cord lot of mill waste sold in
Vancouver after it had been well seasoned in a wood yard. These
two samples represent well-seasoned fir mill waste and not water-
soaked slabs. Pitchy pieces and bark were avoided in preparing the
samples.

EXPERIMENTAL WOOD DISTILLATION _RETOR?7

THERMOMETER

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[HARDY] DESTRUCTIVE DISTILLATION YIELDS 113

APPARATUS AND METHODS

A retort (Fig. 1) was constructed of a 24-inch length of 6-inch
steel pipe fitted with standard flanges on the ends and a one-half
inch delivery pipe in the top and a gland in the end for the pyromete:
element. This retort was heated by two coils of twenty turns each
+ x .010 Nichrome tape on a 110volt circuit. The retort was
horizontal and blank flanges were fitted at the ends with asbestos
gaskets. The whole was well insulated by 85 per cent. magnesia
lagging and sheet asbestos wrappings. The distillate was condensed
by two large Liebig condensers in series with a trap between. The
gases were not measured. A study of the yield and composition of
the gases from Douglas fir has been made by Tremper (Jour. Ind. and
Eng. Chem. 7, 926, 1915).

DISTILLATION

The retort was charged with wood cut to the size of kindling in
eleven inch lengths. The distillation usually required from six to
eight hours and a final temperature around 700°F. was reached.
The rate of heating and the temperature varied somewhat with the
amount of moisture in the various samples.

TREATMENT OF DISTILLATE

The entire distillate was allowed to stand for several days in a
large graduate until most of the tar had settled. A 400 c.c. sample
of the clear liquid was distilled until a boiling point of 130°C. was
reached. The volumes of the distillate and residue were measured.
A sample of the distillate was titrated with half-normal sodium
hydroxide and a second larger sample (250 c.c.) was neutralized with
lime and fractionally distilled. The gravity of this second distillate
was obtained by means of a Westphal balance.

NoTEs ON METHODS OF CALCULATION

The weights of wood and charcoal were obtained by direct
weighing and need no explanation.

The volume of tar reported is the sum of the tar which separated
on first standing and the tar as obtained by a redistillation of the
clear liquid.

114 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The grams of acetic acid are calculated from the titration of the
distillate after the removal of the tar and before neutralization for
the removal of the methyl alcohol. By this method all volatile acids
with a boiling point under 130°C. are calculated as acetic acid. The
extent of the error due to this cause was not determined.

The methyl alcohol was determined by observing the gravity of
the distillate after neutralization and a careful fractionation with a
good distilling column. By this method the acetone is estimated as
methyl alcohol as their gravities are similar. It has been shown by
Benson and Darrin (loc. cit.) that the acetone may be as high as
twenty per cent. in the case of Douglas fir.

EXPERIMENTAL DATA

Methyl

Run No. | Wood | Weight | Charcoal | Distillate | Acetic Acid | Ajcohol| Tar
grams | grams CC: grams. grams. ec

1 Alder 2600 700 1700 108 9
2 + 2800 800 1600 130 1 RS
3 à 2200 900 850 93 9 140
4 Se 1600 | 650 650 76 19 EE
5 vt 2200 700 1150 108 Dik 130
6 RS 2200 700 1150 108 29 125
7 a 2200 720 1050 102 30 140
8 a 2200 780 1040 109 27 140
Avg. a 2250 744 1149 104 21 135
9 Fir 3600 1100 1100 61 9 180
10 . 2800 1200 850 50 7 150
11 cs 2600 1000 1200 39 12 180
12 be 2700 1100 1100 45 12 250
Avg. FF 2925 1100 1237 49 10 190

RESULTS CALCULATED TO A Corp Basis

Alder wood | Douglas fir

Pounds of acetate lime permcordeseeeeen eae en ee 181. 69.
Gallons (Imperial) of 85% methyl alcohol per cord... .. 4.0 (5
Gallons offtampen Code RE Er PR CET 17% 19.
Pounds oh CHArCOA PEER RER RE aon se ce 992. 1200.

RESULTS

The accompanying table shows the detailed results of the different
runs with the additional table giving the results as calculated for a
cord of 3,000 pounds in the case of alder and 3,200 pounds in the case

[HARDY] DESTRUCTIVE DISTILLATION YIELDS 115

of Douglas fir. This is approximately correct for fir, but the assumed
3,000 pound weight for a cord of dry alder is somewhat in doubt.

The turpentine and rosin in the distillate from the fir were not
determined as the quantity was small with the wood used. No
investigation of the tar and light oils was made as it is expected that
these will be examined in detail at a future date. The possibility of
influencing the composition of the tar, especially the fir by very low
distillation temperatures is apparent and suggests an interesting
research.

The runs on fir were made primarily to give a comparison of the
yields as obtained from the experimental retort and from the larger
half-cord retort used by Benson and Darrin (loc. cit.). It is seen
that the results for acetate of lime agree very closely while the methyl
alcohol yield is lower in the smaller retort. It is to be expected that
there would be a difference due to the use of different samples, but,
on the whole, the results check as closely as could be expected.

In considering the distillation of alder on a conmercial scale,
the high percentage of moisture in the green wood and the difficulty
which would be experienced in seasoning it in this damp climate
should be given careful thought. As the wood will not retort properly
when green and will not season when exposed to the winter rain
without rotting to some extent, drying under cover or artificial drying
must be resorted to.

CONCLUSIONS

1. Existing data as to the yields from the destructive distillation
of Douglas fir have been checked.

2. Pacific Coast alder was found. to yield about 990 pounds of
charcoal, about 181 pounds of acetate of lime, and 4 Imperial gallons
of 85 per cent. methyl alcohol per cord.

3. It is considered that this low yield of methyl alcohol is due
to the moist yet warm winters which this part of the Pacific Slope
experiences.

4. The alder charcoal is even grained and appears to be of high
quality.

Chemical Laboratory,
University of British Columbia.

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SECTION IIT, 1921 [117] TRANS. RUS

The Coefficient of Viscosity of a Gas. An Elementary Laboratory
Experiment

EVA SAEDERLY, MA DD Sex ARC Sc.) FRSC;
(Read May Meeting, 1920)

The volume of a liquid which flows per second through a
horizontal uniform capillary tube is given by the formula

EAN ee OS (1)
l 8n
where p, =the pressure at the inlet end of the tube.
pb. =the pressure at the outlet end.
a =the radius of the bore of the tube.
1 =the length of the tube.
n =the coefficient of viscosity of the liquid.
This statement is known as Poiseuille’s Law.
If instead of a liquid a gas is flowing through the tube (the
conditions being isothermal and the gas one that obeys Boyle’s
Law) the formula is

pr—p? Ta‘
peer a SAPS Aa Ane? NT Q (2)
where pi, ps, a, 1, n have the meanings described above and V,; is the
volume of gas (at pressure p;) entering the tube and JV, is the volume
of gas (at pressure p:) leaving the tube. If p, is only slightly greater
than po, say pp =pi—p where p is small, we may write

a (Pith) (bi— pe) rat

1 Vi= (pi —p) V2 = 9 8n
from which
Ph SLAP. Se Es AR SR (3)
Obi. Daniel Re Rand. OR sc vase (4)

the same formula that was used in the case of liquids. Hence we
see that in order that Poiseuille’s formula may be applied to the flow
of gases through a capillary tube the difference of the pressures must
be small in comparison with either the inlet or outlet pressures.
The volume may then be measured indifferently at either of these
pressures.

If for example we have $;=atmospheric pressure =, say, 1,030
cms. of water and p,=say, 1,025 cms. of water, we make an error of
only 23 in 1,030, which is negligible in an elementary experiment.

THE, ROYAL SOCIETY OF ‘CANADA

118

ASPIRATOR

(mess
N | MMMM MUM Te

=

TSIEN

TABLE

C4

[SATTERLY] VISCOSITY EXPERIMENT 119

In the apparatus used for some years in my elementary laboratory
in Toronto to find the coefficient of viscosity of air a uniform
capillary tube AB (Fig. 1) about 30 cms. long and 15 mm. in bore is
selected and two short tubes of about the same bore are carefully sealed
on at right angles at two points C, D, about 6 cms. from the ends, and

to these are sealed a length UT of three-eighths inch glass tubing
bent as shown in the diagram. This tube serves as a pressure gauge
and the arms just enclose a wooden millimetre scale SS graduated
alike on the two edges. The tube is mounted by brass clips on a
wooden stand L, a strip of white paper being placed as a backing to
the tube. In some forms a tube runs from the bottom of the U-tube
back under the upturned V notch in the stand and communicates
by a rubber tube to a funnel supported in a bracket at the back.
This tube may be clipped tight with a screw clamp.

By means of the funnel and tube water is supplied to the mano-
meter. Sometimes by accident a large current of air is sent through
the viscosity tube and the water in the gauge is blown out. It is not
an easy matter to replace the water without some device as mentioned
above. |

The complete apparatus for the experiment is arranged as shown
in Fig. 1, which is self-explanatory.

For a given position of the screw clamp X the water flow soon
gets steady and consequently the position of the water in the gauge
UT. When this stage has been reached the water from N is collected
in a 500 c.c. graduated cylinder. The time of collection of 500 c.c.
is noted and the gauge readings. The volume per second is obtained
by dividing 500 c.c. by this time. If two students work at this
experiment the times are noted by an ordinary watch, and the experi-
ment repeated until constant results are obtained. If only one student
works at it a stopwatch is supplied.

By tightening up the screw clamp to various degrees a set of
corresponding values of pressures and volumes is obtained. When
the bottle has run out a piece of tubing R connected to a cold water
tap O serves to fill the bottle again and meanwhile it is safer to dis-
connect the tube F from the viscosity tube. The experiments can
then be repeated. ©

To get the radius of the bore of the tube an accurate travelling
microscope may be used. In Toronto we use instruments with
verniers reading to one-hundredths of a millimetre. The microscopes
are sighted straight at the end of the tube and the cross wire carried
from one tangential position to the bore to the opposite position.
This is done for horizontal and vertical diameters at both ends of

120 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

the tube and the average taken as the average radius in the portion
of the tube CD. The length CD is measured to the nearest millimetre
from junction to junction, making a careful estimate of the position
where the effective length of the capillary tube begins and ends.

The readings for three tubes A, B, C, in use in my laboratory and
made up without any special selection of the tubing are shown in
Table I. The readings were taken by the author with a stopwatch
and were not duplicated.

TABLE
Tube Difference in readings on Time for 500 c.c. of water Volume per
two sides of gauge to flow through second
pressure in cms. of water secs. c.cs. per sec.
1.8 50.6 9.9
3.0 30.6 16.3
| 3.6 | 26.0 19.2
A | 4.0 23.6 21.2
| 5.8 17.2 29.1
1 13.8 36.3
9.3 121 41.3
1e 66.2 7.6
2.9 30.0 16.7
35) 23.6 21,2
4.5 19.0 26.3
55 16.0 31.3
B 5.9 14.8 33.8
6.9 | 13.4 37.3
7.2 | 12.8 39.1
8.0 1285 40.0
10.2 11.8 42.4
1247 10.4 48.1
1) 76.0 6.5
1.5 52.6 9:5
2.8 27.5 18.2
3.8 20.0 25.0
C Dal 15.6 32.1
5.3 15.4 32.5
6.5 13.2 37.9
Tig! 12.5 40.0
10.0 10.4 48.0
10.6 10.2 49.0

The dimensions of the tubes (taken by the author without
duplication) are as given in Table II.

[SATTERLY] VISCOSITY EXPERIMENT 121
TABLE II
ny Diameter
Tube ae Left end | Right end Average
ti
Horizontal Vertical Horizontal Vertical
cm. cm. cm. cm. cm.

A 14.1 .164 .150 MS .158 .156

183 115 2 .155 .161 .165 .167 .162

G 1564 1142 .163 ral BALA: .170

The best way of getting the average from the flow results is to
plot a graph between the pressure head (in cms. of water) and the
volume of air passing per second. The graphs for the three tubes
are shown in Fig. 2. It is noticed that at the lower end of the graphs
the curves are straight showing the direct proportionality between
bp and V, but at the higher end the graphs turn towards the axis of
pressure showing that an increase in pressure at this stage does not
send through a proportional volume of air.

Therefore to get the coefficient of viscosity the best straight line
is drawn through the first part of the graph and the slope of this
line obtained.

From Fig. 2 we see that for a tube A
p/V=.190 in appropriate units.

Substituting in equation (4) we get
.078)4
14.1

For tubes b and c we get in the same way

Tube (B) p/V = .173

v= : X (.190 X 980) x = 00019 C.G.S. units.

and n = .00019 C.G.S. units
Tube (C) p/V= .158
and 4. = 100020 C:G:S: units.

The results are in close agreement and with the correct value of
n given in books of tables. This value is about .00018+at 20°C.

Osborne Reynolds! showed that the formula quoted above in
equation (1) was true as long as the motion was “‘stream-line”’
motion but that once a critical velocity: was exceeded eddies were
set up and a more than proportionate increase of pressure was required
to send through a given volume of fluid. He and others have shown

10sborne Reynolds, Phil. Trans. 1883, Poynting and Thomson, Properties of
Matter, ch. XVIII.

122 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Bee 7s
imme (27d
SME

(a) 3) 10 15 LOMME?) 30° 3540 45 40

VOLUMES FER YSECOWVD i COUPER «SEC
F/G. 2

that for liquids and gases this critical velocity is about
10007

= ems per second,
pa

where p is the density of the fluid (liquid or air) and the other letters
have the meanings given above, all being expressed in C.G.S. units.
For tube (A) this velocity is for air about

1000 X .00018

00125 X .078

[SATTERLY] VISCOSITY EXPERIMENT | 123

or 1800 cms. per second,
which corresponds to a flow of about 35 c.cs. per second. Reference
to curve (a) in Fig. 2 will show that at the point corresponding to
this flow the graph changes from the straight line to the curve. In
this way the student is able to verify an interesting fact.

Objections to this method of getting the viscosity of air are:

(1) The volume of air drawn through the tube CD. is not quite
the same as the volume of water which runs out at the nozzle N.

(2) The mean radius of the effective portion from the tube viz.,
CD, is got from measurements at the ends A and B. This may
introduce a considerable error, especially as in the calculation the
radius is raised to the fourth power.

Advantages of the method are:

(1) Simplicity.

(2) It serves to show the student how the viscosity of air may
be used in the design of a meter to measure the flow of a stream of
air.

From 1908 to 1910? the author used such a meter when collecting
the radium emanation from the air by passing an air stream through
coco-nut charcoal tubes where the emanation is absorbed. In that
instance the capillary tube was a narrow copper tube and connections
to the pressure gauge were made by soldered joints and india-rubber
tubing. A detailed study of such meters has been made by A. H.
Benton, of the Gas Mask Research Bureau of U.S.A.’, and there is
no doubt that gas-flow meters designed on the basis of viscosity
resistance will prove of great value in many experiments where the
flow is too small to allow of the use of any other cheap form of meter.

Another and easier way of performing the experiment is to use
a gas meter instead of aspirator and graduated cylinder. It would
be poor teaching, however, to use an expensive gas meter in an
experiment designed with a view to simplicity of apparatus. In
some experiments with a gas meter reading to thousandths of a cubic
foot, measurements were taken when compressed air at a steady
pressure passed firstly through the gas meter and then the viscosity
gauge and secondly when meter and gauge were interchanged. For
tube B the two graphs coincided up to a pressure difference of about
six cms. of water and then separated, going along two practically

*Satterly, Phil. Mag., Oct., 1908, and July, 1910.
3Benton, Journal of Industrial and Engineering Chemistry, July, 1919.

124 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

parallel lines, the line for “meter before gauge”’ lying above the line
for ‘‘gauge before meter.’’ The difference is perhaps due to the fact
that the gas meter registers correctly only when its outlet pipe is
open to the air. More work may be done on this point, using a
capillary tube without the projecting ends AC, DB, so that the whole
of the pressure fall may lie in the capillary tube CD under test.

University of Toronto, 1920.

SECTION ITI, 1921 [125] TRANS. RSC

| 4

A Reversible Pendulum

By H. F. Dawes, M.A., Ph.D., Professor of Physics, McMaster
University, Toronto

(Presented by John Patterson, F.R.S.C.)
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

1. In the accurate determination of ‘‘g’’ by means of a Reversible
Pendulum there must be taken into account the following physical
properties of the motion requiring corrections or compensation which
vary with the design of the pendulum.

(a) Temperature.

(b) Buoyancy of Air. This force acts through the Centre of the
Geometrical Figure of the pendulum so that its moments about the
axes of rotation will be unequal unless the external form is symmetrical
about a Centre of Figure and, of course, all cavities are air tight.
In the Kater form the pendulum is not symmetrical so that observa-
tions must be corrected for this effect or the error eliminated by using
the pendulum in a vacuum. In Repsold’s pendulum the figure is
symmetrical.

(c) Flow of Air. The net effect of the flow of air past the moving
pendulum is to increase its equivalent mass and Moment of Inertia
as shown by Stokes, Du Buat, Bessel. For a symmetrical pendulum
this increase is the same for both axes.

(d) Viscous Resistance of Air. For a pendulum of symmetrical
figure the viscosity of the air will produce equal damping for the
two axes. When, therefore, the actual damped periods are equal
the undamped periods will also be equal and it will be necessary to
make only a single correction for damping, viz., the equality period
from which ‘‘g”” is to be calculated.

(e) Determination of Equality Period. Water’s method consisted
in making successive trials until very exact equality of the periods
about the two knife edges was attained. Bessel showed that approxi-
mate equality only is required, the common period being calculated
from observed periods which are nearly equal.

Several methods may be used to vary the period of the pendulum:
(1) By altering the positions of the knife edges, (2) By changing the
moment of inertia about the axes by means of movable weights. In
order to determine the Equality Period one may make a series of

126 f THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

determinations of the period corresponding to variations in either of
these adjustments and then plot curves, one for each knife edge,
showing relation between the period and the varied item. The
point of intersection of these curves corresponds to the position of
the variable for equal periods and the value of the common period
may be read off from the curve or obtained from the observed values
by the calculation corresponding to the determination of the said
point of intersection. Unless the periods are nearly equal these
curves are usually not rectilinear so that the calculation is complicated
or a large number of observations are necessary in order to obtain
an accurately drawn curve.

2. In the pendulum to be described an attempt is made to com-
bine a number of the desiderata indicated in the foregoing discussion.
The pendulum is symmetrical in figure as required for considerations
(b) and (c). Its construction is shown diagramatically in Figure 1

FIGURE 71

and its dimensions are given in the following table. CB is solid brass
rod and AB is aluminium tubing of the same external diameter as
the rod. In order to avoid correction for expansion by change of
temperature I should prefer that the whole be constructed of an Invar
of which the coefficient of expansion is a minimum at the tempera-
tures of ordinary use; the dimensions of the solid rod and the thickness |
of the tubing could easily be chosen to fit into the further require-
ments indicated below. .

The knife edges are inserted rigidly at F, F. The ends are closed
and the joints made air tight. Each end carries platinum tips to

[DAWEs] A REVERSIBLE PENDULUM 127

make electrical contact in order to use a coincidence method of
evaluating the period. The bar carries two sliding weights Æ, Æ,
by which the period may be altered. These weights are accurately
equal in dimensions and weight and are intended to be used at equal
distances from the centre thereby maintaining the symmetry of
figure. By this construction the Centre of Gravity of the pendulum
remains unaltered as the weights are moved since the Centre of Gravity
of the two weights is always the fixed point midway between the Centres
of Gravity of the individual weights. On account of this property of
the construction the relation between the squares of the periods about
either knife edge and the squares of the corresponding distances between
the centres of the weights is rectilinear, as will be shown below (Section 4).
The determination of the equality period from two pairs of observa-
tions is therefore a simple one.

3. DIMENSIONS OF PENDULUM.

Aluminium Tubing Length 124-54. Cm:
Walls el Zi verse OWBiGes:)
Mass 307.5. gm.
Brass Rod Length 38.8 cm.
Mass 1477 gm.
Diameter of Bar 1.90 cm.
Movable Weights (each) Mass 104 gm.
Diameter 4 cm.
Thickness 12751cm:
Distance between Knife Edges 99.295 cm. at 19° C.

The dimensions were chosen so as to give a distance of 40 cm.
between centres of adjustable weights for equality of period. On
account, however, of the uncertain values of the weights of the knife
‘edges and their mountings, end caps, and cuttings in the making it was
not possible to calculate the exact position very accurately in the
designing stage. It turns out to be about 34 cm. as will be seen from
the records given below.

4. THEORY.

m is the mass of each sliding weight, mk? its moment of inertia
about axis through its centre of gravity parallel to the knife edges.
If x is the distance from the C. G. of the weight to the Centre of
Symmetry of the pendulum, m(k?+x?) is its moment of inertia about
parallel axis through the C. S. and 2m(k?-+-x*) the moment of inertia
of the twoïsliding weights about this axis.

Since the C. S. of the pendulum is also the C. G. of the pair of
weights and this point is distant L/2 from either knife edge (L being

128 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF. CANADA

the distance between the knife edges), it follows that the moment of
inertia of the pair of weights about either knife edge is 2m(k?+ x?
+ L?/4).

I, I’, are the moments of inertia of the remaining parts of the
pendulum about the respective knife edges. M is the mass of the
whole pendulum and h, L—h the distances of the knife edges from
the centre of gravity of the whole. J, J’, and h are thus independent
of the position of the sliding weights and therefore of x.

The periods for any setting of the adjustable weights are therefore:

T =2rV {I +2m(k2+22+L2/4) }/Moh

and T’=2rv { I’+2m(k?+-x2+L2/4) | /Mg(L—h)
and hence the curves 7? against x”, 7’? against x? are rectilinear.
The equality period may therefore be found from four observations
of period, two with the sliding weights at a position x; and two at a
position x, either by setting out the points on coordinate paper,
joining the corresponding pairs of points by straight lines and finding
the period corresponding to the point of intersection, or by d'rect
calculation. If 7:, 7;’, are the periods for the position +, and 7»,
T2’, for the position x, it may be readily shown that the formula
for calculating the required period is .

T= { (Bere 1 Be | if { i= 2) si (T= TE) \

5. REDUCTION FACTORS.
In order to obtain the value of any 7? from the observed value

the square of the period, P, the value of P? must be multiplied by the
following factors :—

G-£). on account of the finite amplitude, a, of the

angle of swing,
if

G- us ii to correct for damping for which X is the logar-

9
T<

ithmic decrement,
G-+), where 2/1 is the moment of inertia of the hydro-

dynamic mass of the air set in motion by the pendulum compared
with the moment of inertia of the pendulum itself,

Cc el on account of the buoyancy of the mass m of
2Mh

air displaced.

[DAWES] A REVERSIBLE PENDULUM 129

The product of P? into these factors is equal to (P?— A) to small
quantities of a second order where
he ONE mL
A= € + 7+ - —+ Ti
8 T° 2Mh
The T°, x?, curve is therefore parallel to the P?, x?, curve and
below it at a distance A.
For oscillations about the second knife edge the 7”, x”, curve is
similarly parallel to the P”, x?, curve and below it at the distance

he ae mL
We (: ++ + = JT?
Free HUE eae

Solving the equations of the 7°, 7’? curves for the value of 74° and
taking account of the fact that h/L for this particular design of
pendulum is small or nearly unity according to the knife-edge from
which / is measured, the value of 7%? is shown to be less than Po?

by (= =e Ms = : re the correction for the buoyancy of the air
a

disappearing.
6. SET OF VALUES.
The following is a set of values (C. G. S. Units)

x, 933.664 ei 113323 %2 2.262 oe Eu Lies,
Tapez 016 big 4.064 T, 1.994 T,? 3.976
T’, 2.060 i Rest 4.244 14078 2 3.912

These values give the curves of Figure 2. The (Period)? coordinate
of the point of intersection is Po? = 3.999.

In making these observations the amplitude of swing at no time
exceeded 1/100 and scarcely fell to half value in one thousand oscil-
lations so that the values of the first two terms of the reduction
factor, a?/8 and \?/7, were extremely small.

Taking the value of the added mass on account of the motion of
the air surrounding the pendulum as one half the mass of air equal to
the pendulum in volume 2/J=.00015.

The value of 7)? is therefore 3.999 X (1 —.00015) and the value of
‘“‘¢”’ calculated therefrom is 980.41 as compared with the accepted
value at Toronto, viz. 980.46.

130

“p*

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

ET

pei tt TONER
BEE EEE

AIS

oe ne TT Eee

FIGURE *2.

SECTION III, 1921 [131] TRANS WRG:

Selected Radiations Emitted by Specially Excited Mercury Atoms
By EH. J.C. IrEton,~ MA.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)*

I. INTRODUCTION

Investigation of the relationships among the frequencies of the
spectra of the elements has shown that the members of a spectral
series are given by an equation of the form

y=(X, S)—(Y%P)
and the form of this equation suggests, in the light of the quantum
theory, that the frequencies of the members of the series are pro-
portional to differences in the energy possessed by the entity which is
radiating the wave lengths in question.

If we suppose that those radiations emitted by an atom which
constitute spectral series arise from the displacement of electrons.
in atoms, it would follow from the form of the equation given above
that (X, S) and (Y, P) may be taken to be proportional to the energy
possessed by the atom with the electron in the two positions or states
between which the displacement takes place. We have then in the
series frequency formulae for the atoms of any element, values for
the energy which correspond to the various states in which those
electrons in the atoms may be which contribute by their displacement
to the radiation emitted. The values of (X, S) and (Y, P) taken from
the frequency formulae of the spectrum of an element can be arranged
in order of magnitude, and in this way be used to throw some light
on the question of the configuration of the extra nuclear electrons of
an atom emitting radiation.

This method has been suggested by Birge and has been applied
by Foote and Meggers' to the Caesium atom. An application of
the method to the atom of mercury, involving the use of data from
known spectral series for this element, is shown in Fig. 1. According
to this diagram, it will be seen that the wavelength À = 1849.6 ALU.
may arise from electrons passing from the position of (2, P) energy
to that of (1.5, S) energy. The second member of this principal
single line series may be represented by electrons passing from the
(3, P) position to the (1.5, S) one. The series (2, P)—(m, S) where

* Communicated by Professor J. C. McLennan, F.R.S.
1 Scientific Papers No. 386. Bureau of Standards.
—31

pi
Q9
bo

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

m=2.5, 3.5, etc., having the wavelength \=10140 A.U. as its first

member, may be represented by electrons passing from the (m, S)
positions into the (2, P) position. The lines of the second subordinate
series of triplets are represented by electrons passing from the (m, s)
positions into the (2, p1), (2, pe) and (2, 3) positions; the lines of

‘
Mercury Series Tae ay
rt GG “RBS.
TS “abe las / Tic ene cae E ET rar coll
|lrrmcrpa DE LEE À
LSS |84178 |//43. Serge S SEES oa |
» LS are PANS IS
| SE Nr
rl RS TS LR
BK
Ei
pe
wo
1
Mie

NC Frequency = No of wove S.1n / Cr.

D - Voveys ATEN

the (1.5, S)—(m, pe) series, a combination series, by electrons passing
from the (m, p2) position into the (1.5, S) position. By this dia-
grammatic representation of series frequencies, one can see at a
glance, not only how the various members of principal and subordinate
series arise, but also how the members of the various combination
series may be obtained.

On the basis of the Bohr atomic theory, we have a central
nucleus surrounded by ring orbits in which electrons revolve. As
long as an electron remains in the same orbit there is no radiation.
According to Bohr, radiation is due to the loss of atomic energy caused
by the passing of electrons from an outer to an inner orbit, this loss
occurring in integral multiples of the quantum of the monochromatic
radiation concerned.

[IRETON| SELECTED RADIATIONS 133

In Fig. 2 this process of radiation has been illustrated diagram-
matically for certain series lines. The circles represent stationary
orbits for the revolving electrons, that is, when an electron is revolving
in one or other of these orbits it is supposed not to radiate. Radiation
is emitted according to the theory when an electron passes from an
outer orbit to an inner one and when radiation is absorbed an electron
is lifted from an inner to an outer orbit. For example, the wave
lengths \=5460.97 A.U., \=4358.66 A.U., and \=4046.78 A.U. may
be represented by electrons passing from the (1.5, s) orbit to the
(2, pi), (2, p.), and (2, ps) orbits; the wave length \= 2536.72 NU:
by an electron passing from the (2, 2) orbit to the (1.5, S) orbit, the
wavelength \=10141 A.U. by an electron passing from the (2.5, S)
orbit to the (2, P) orbit.

ELECTRONIC OPHITS - MERCURY ATOM
Fic. 2.

134 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

From an examination of the diagram it will be seen that before
electrons are in a position to emit by their return to stable orbits
radiation corresponding to certain wave lengths, they must be lifted
out to definite orbits by the absorption of radiant energy or by colliding
electrons of proper velocity. The electron may now return to its
original orbit emitting radiation of wave length equivalent to the
energy absorbed. If the temporary orbit in which a displaced elec-
tron may be situated is more than one orbit removed from the stable
one, the return of the electron may possibly take place by intermediate
stages. Again, if the electron has been lifted from its stable position
to an outer orbit by the absorption of energy, it is then in a position
to absorb more energy, suitably quantized, so as to be lifted to a more
distant orbit. From this one it may be possible for it to return to
its original position by a variety of transitions. For example, where
an atom of mercury absorbs light of the wave length \= 1849.6 A.U.
the electron is lifted to the (2, P) orbit. If, when it is in the (2, P)
orbit, it absorbs energy of the wave length \=10141 A.U. it is still
further lifted to the (2.5, S) orbit. According to the diagram this
electron is now in a position to return to the stable orbit in at least
two ways. It may return along the same path emitting the wave
lengths \=10141 A.U. and À =1849.6 A.U. or it may pass from the
(2.5, S) orbit to the (2, p.) orbit emitting the wave length \=4078.05
A.U. and from the (2, #2) orbit to the stable orbit (1.5, S) emitting
the wave length À = 2536.72 A.U.

On this basis it will be seen that when mercury atoms absorb
light of the wave length \= 2536.72 A.U. electrons are lifted to the
(2, p2) orbit. These atoms are then in a condition to absorb the light
of all wave lengths for which the orbit (2, po) is the initial orbit of
an absorption process, that is, they are able to absorb light of the
wave length \=4358.66 A.U.—[y=(2, p>)—(1.5 s)]—or of the wave
length \=4078.05 A.U.—[p=(2, p>)—(2.5, S)]. On the return to
the stable orbit (1.5, S) the electron may pass into one of the (2, p)
orbits giving rise to the emission of the wave lengths \=5460.97 A.U.

\=4358.66 À.U. or \=4046.78 A.U. On the other hand on the
absorption of the wave length \=4078.05 A.U. the electron is lifted to
the (2.5, S) orbit. Now it may return to the (2, P) orbit giving rise
to the emission of \=10141 A.U.—[vy=(2, P)—(2.5 S)], ete. Fig. 3
is an alternative method of illustrating the same process.

If the wave lengths corresponding to the return to the (1.5, S)
orbit from one of the (2, p) or the (2, P) orbits are not all known, it
may perhaps be explained by the fact that they have been too faint
to be recorded photographically.

[IRETON] SELECTED RADIATIONS 135

Some experiments have been made by the writer to test out
experimentally the ideas set forth above. In particular an attempt
was made to see whether it was possible for mercury atoms to em't
radiation of the wave lengths À =5460.97 A.U. and }=4046.78 A.U.

3D
F79)
2P
2-55 fo! 155
L 4
©
—

AE

Absorption

2h
NA
2 fe Fmiss/on
5 2 ;

ORIGIN OF MERCURY RESONANCE SPECTRA.
FES.

when they had previously been made to absorb successively light of
the wave lengths \=2536.72 A.U. and \=4358.66 A.U. Experi-
mental results were obtained which lend support to the idea. Some
experiments were also made in which it was found that mercury atoms
which had absorbed radiation of the wave length À =2536.72 ALU.
were in the condition to absorb and subsequently re-emit the wave
length \= 4358.66 A.U. while ordinary unstimulated atoms of mercury
were not.

An account of the investigation follows.
II. APPARATUS AND EXPERIMENTS.

A specially constructed mercury arc lamp, as shown in Fig. 4
was used. It consisted of a pyrex tube of about 4.5 cms. bore, closed
at the ends by plugs cemented into the tube. Supported inside this
were two small tubes, one of glass, the other of quartz of about 8 mm.
bore and having walls of equal thickness. These tubes were per-
manently closed at the left hand end. At the right hand their open
ends passed through and projected equal distances beyond the end
of the lamp. A quartz plate was cemented on to close the open ends
of these inner tubes. These were placed as symmetrically as possible

156 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

within the lamp, so as to receive equal illumination. Short side arms
allowed the two inner tubes to be connected by a U tube arrange-
ment, so that when mercury was placed in them, the vapour pressure
would be the same in both. Various currents from 6 to 20 amperes
at 220 volts were used in operating the arc.

Metal Tube
Ÿ
ù

Lien TE |

Close up to the window, which covered the projecting end of
the inner tubes, a monochromatic filter and an automatically timed
shutter and plate holder were placed. By the use of this arrange-
ment photographic comparisons could be made of the intensities of
light of the same wave length issuing from the two tubes. With a
few minutes’ exposure, results illustrated in Plate I (a) were obtained,
when the inner tubes contained no mercury and were open to the
air. In one set of experiments a filter was used that allowed light
of wave length À =5460.97 A.U. only to pass out. It will be seen
that the spot from the glass tube is the stronger.. Numerous photo-
graphs were taken and this result was invariably obtained. Equal
quantities of mercury were introduced into the tubes so as to make
as certain as possible that in the two the density of the mercury
vapour was the same. This was also ensured by the connection
between the two tubes referred to already. The tubes were then
thoroughly exhausted and sealed off. The lamp was set in operation
and photographs were again taken of the radiation of wave length
\=5460.97 A.U. issuing from the two tubes under these circum-
stances. It was invariably found that the light of the wave length
\=5460.97 A.U. issuing from the inner tube of quartz was stronger
than the radiation of the same wave length issuing from the glass one.
An illustration obtained from one of a number of photographs taken
in this way is shown in Plate I (0).

Some photographs were also taken of the radiation of wave
length \=4358.66 A.U. issuing from both tubes when they were

Spois obfiined wiih
A= 5460-97 AU.

Viilhows vapour in tubes With vapour in lubes
(a) (2)

Spols plane Wii
À= 435866 AU.

Wilhout vapour ir lubes VVith vapour in lubes
(C) (a)

Note — /n each tlusiration The lett hand Spor was
produced by light /ssving from the quartz ibe.
—the right hand spot by hight 1ssving From the
glass Tube.

Hate J.

[IRETON] SELECTED RADIATIONS 137

empty and when filled with mercury vapour in the manner just
described. In this case also it was invariably found that with the
empty tubes the radiation of wave length \= 4358.66 A.U. issuing
from the glass tube was stronger than the radiation of the same
wave length issuing from the quartz one. When, however, the tubes
were filled with the mercury vapour it was always found that the
radiation of wave length }=4358.66 A.U. which issued from the
quartz tube was of stronger intensity than that which issued from
the glass one.

Photographs illustrating the results obtained with radiation of
this wave length are shown in Plate 1 (c) and (d).

In this case the radiation of wave length \=4358.66 A.U. was
isolated by a combination of numbers 45, 36, 50 and 48 Wratten
Light filters.

Attempts were also made to apply this method to obtain a com-
parison of the intensities of the radiation of wave length \=4046.78
A.U. issuing from the tubes when empty and when filled with mercury
vapour. It was found, however, impossible to isolate satisfactorily
the radiation of this wave length, either by the use of filters or by
other means, and consequently no information was obtained about
the emission of this radiation by mercury atoms stimulated by the
successive absorption of light of wave length \=2536.72 A.U. and
= 4358.66 À.U.

III. DiscussION OF RESULTS.

With the arrangements adopted in the experiments described
above, it will be seen that when the inner tubes were empty, the
radiation of wave lengths \=5460.97 A.U. and \=4358.66 A.U.,
which issued from the tubes, came after entering the tubes either
directly to the windows or was reflected to the windows from the
inner surfaces of the tubes.

When the tubes contained the mercury vapour, the radiation of
the wave lengths mentioned which issued from the windows came

I. in part direct from the arc or by reflection from the walls of
the tubes
II. in part after being scattered by the mercury vapour and

III. in part from those mercury atoms which had received the

special and specific stimulation, corresponding to the

successive absorptions of the radiations \ = 2536.72 A.U.
and \ = 4358.66 A.U.

138 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

As every precaution was taken to maintain uniform conditions
throughout the experiments, 1t seems reasonable to suppose that in
so far as I and II are concerned the ratio of the intensity of the radia-
tion of wave lengths \=5460.97 A.U. and \=4358.66 A.U. that
issued from the quartz tube to the intensity of the radiation of these
wave lengths issuing from the glass tube was the same when both
tubes contained mercury vapour as when they were empty. It seems
fair then to draw the inference that the increase invariably observed
in the intensity of the radiation of wave lengths \=5460.97 A.U. and
\=4358.66 A.U. issuing from the quartz tube when the tubes con-
tained mercury vapour was due to some cause other than those
referred to in I and II. As glass is opaque to all radiations shorter
than À =3000 A.U. while quartz is transparent to radiations with
wave lengths as short as À = 1800 A.U. one is forced to the conclusion
that the observed increase in the intensity of the wave lengths À =
5460.97 A.U. and \=4358.66 A.U. was due in some way to wave
lengths shorter than À = 3000 AU

It is known that mercury vapour strongly absorbs radiations of
wave lengths at or near \ = 2536.72 A.U. and at or near \= 1849.6 A.U.
On this account one would naturally seek to associate the observed
increased emission of the radiations in question with the absorption
by the mercury vapour in the quartz tube of radiations of the wave
lengths \=2536.72 A.U. and X=1849.6 A.U. From the work of
R. W. Wood!, Steubing? and others, it is known that mercury vapour
exhibits strong fluorescence when light of the wave lengths \ = 2536.72
A.U. and \= 1849.6 A.U. is allowed to fall on it and that the fluores-
cence spectrum produced under these circumstances includes a
symmetrical structureless band extending from the red down to the
wave length \=3700 A.U. with its maximum at 4850 ING,

It was therefore thought at first that the observed increased
intensity of the radiation of wave lengths \=5460.97 A.U. and
\=4358.66 A.U. might have been due to the fluorescence of the
mercury vapour produced by either or both of the wave lengths
\=2536.72 AU. and \=1849.6 A.U. Numerous trials showed
however, that in order to obtain distinct photographs of the \=4850
A.U. fluorescent band from mercury vapour, which was made to
fluoresce as strongly as possible, exposures of long duration extending
from 3 to 5 hours were required when the fluorescent light was focussed
directly on the slit of the spectrograph and when no absorption
screen was inserted in the path of the light. Even with such exposures

1R. W. Wood, Physik. Zeit. X. 425 u. 466, 1909. FER.

2 Steubing, Physik. Zeit. X. p. 787, 1909.

[IRETON] SELECTED RADIATIONS 139

the fluorescent band obtained was not at all comparable in intensity
with the photographs of the spots obtained from the light, issuing
from the tubes, which, as mentioned above, passed through absorption
screens to isolate the waves concerned. To obtain the fluorescent
band with intensities comparable to those of the spots, exposures
would have been required of from 7 to 10 hours duration.

It should be stated that in the case of the wave length \=5460.97
A.U. the filter used cut down the intensity of the light approximately
by 30%, while in the case of the wave length \=4358.66 A.U. the
combination of filters used allowed only about 50% of the light issuing
from the tubes to pass through.

When the light issuing from the tubes was examined with a
quartz spectrograph the spectrograms of the light issuing from the
quartz tube showed no trace of the fluorescent band for exposures
even much longer than those made in the experiments in which the
spots shown in Plate I were obtained.

In view of the above results it seems correct to attribute
the increase in intensity of the light issuing from the quartz tube as ©
being due to some other phenomenon than that of fluorescence of
the mercury vapour produced by the wave length \=2536.72 ALU
and \= 1849.6 A.U. From the series relationships which hold among
the wave lengths in the spectrum of mercury it does not seem possible
that the absorption by the mercury vapour of radiation of the wave
length \= 1849.6 A.U. could to any appreciable extent contribute
to an emission by the mercury vapour of wave lengths \=5460.97 A.U.
and À=4358.66 A.U. One is forced, therefore, to the conclusion that
the increased emission of the wave lengths \=5460.97 A.U. and \=
4358.66 A.U. originated in the absorption by the mercury vapour
in the quartz tube of the radiation of wave length \=2536.72 À.U.
From the diagrams given it is easily seen that mercury atoms which
absorbed this radiation were in the condition to absorb and therefore
re-emit the radiation of wave length \=4358.66 A.U. Such atoms
must have been present in the mercury vapour in the quartz tube
but there could be none in this condition in the vapour in the glass
tube as radiation of wave length \= 2536.72 A.U. could not enter it
to produce the necessary change in the atoms. This would explain
therefore the increased emission from the vapour in the quartz tube
observed with the wave length \=4358.66 À.U.

As regards the increased emission of the wave length x = 5460.97
A.U. it is clear, as already stated, that atoms which absorbed radiation
of wave length } = 2536.72 A.U. would be in the condition to absorb
radiation of wave length \=4358.66 A.U. The successive absorption

140 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

of these two radiations would result in electrons being lifted from their
stable orbit to the (1.5, s) orbit. They would therefore be in the
condition to return to their stable orbits either by emission of radia-
tion of wave lengths \=5460.97 A.U. and \=4046.78 A.U. followed
by the emission of radiations where frequencies are given by » = (1.5, S)
—(2, p), and v=(1.5, S)—(2, p3). This would seem to account
satisfactorily from the observed increased emission of the radiation
of the wave length À=5460.97 A.U. from the quartz tube.

It would have been of interest to see whether there was also
an increased emission of radiation of the wave length \ = 4046.78 A.U.
from the quartz tube, but as indicated above, this was not found to be
practicable.

During the course of the investigation the attention of the
writer was drawn to a paper by Fuchtbauer* dealing with the same
subject. In Fuchtbauer’s experiments a tube of quartz containing
mercury vapour was exposed to the light issuing from a quartz mercury
vapour arc lamp of special design. It was so arranged that by cooling
when desired, one end of the tube with ether and carbon dioxide
snow, all the mercury vapour could be taken from the part of the
tube exposed to the light from the lamp. With this arrangement it
was found that when the tube was filled with mercury vapour the
radiation of wavelengths \=4046.18 A.U., \=4358.66 A.U. and
\=5460.97 A.U. which issued from the free end of the tube was
very much greater than when the exposed part of the tube was deprived
of mercury vapour. These experiments, it will be seen, confirm the
results obtained in the present investigation but in them the part
played by the ordinary scattering of light by atoms was not eliminated
as it was in the present investigation by the use of the two tubes.

It should be pointed out, however, that in Fuchtbauer’s experi-
ments wavelengths which belonged to the enhanced series did not ex-
hibit the strengthening shewn in the case of the arc lines À = 5460.97
A.U. and À = 4358.66 AU. |

In conclusion the writer wishes to express his indebtedness to
Professor J. C. McLennan, F.R.S., for suggesting the problem and
for continuous assistance during the investigation.

The Physical Laboratory,
University of Toronto.
May 1, 1921.

®Fuchtbauer, Physik. Zeitschr XXI. P. 635, 1920.

SECTION III, 1921 [141] TRANS. R:S:C:

The Radial Velocities of 504 Stars
By J. S. PLASKETT, W. E. HARPER, R. K. YounG, H. H. PLASKETT

This work, which will appear as Vol. II No. 1, Publication of the
Dominion Astrophysical Observatory, has been the main work of the
observatory since actual observing commenced in May, 1918.

The stars were selected, in co-operation with the Mt. Wilson
Observatory, from those in Boss’s Preliminary General Catalogue
north of the equator, which had not been previously observed for
radial velocity. The programme, as prepared for this observatory,
consisted of 770 stars in the alternate (even) minutes of right ascen-
sion. Of these 770 stars 50 around the eighth photographic magnitude
or fainter were postponed for lower dispersion, leaving 720 stars to
be observed. As 183 of these 720 stars proved to be spectroscopic
binaries or otherwise unsuitable, there were left 537 constant velocity
stars, of which 3,287 plates were obtained and measured, for the
main list. In addition a list of the “gamma” velocities of 22 spectro-
scopic binaries, whose orbits have been determined here from 544
plates, and a table of the estimated velocities of 35 binaries from
206 plates are given, making a total of 594 stars.

The observations were all made with single prism dispersion,
34 A to the millimetre at Hy until Aug. 12, 1919, and 29 A after that
date when a larger angle prism was substituted. All the stars whose
spectral type is F0 or later, provided the lines are sharp, were measured
on the spectro-comparator, and the earlier type spectra on micro-
meter engines. Inter-comparison of computed and measured values
of the standards on the spectro-comparator gives confidence that the
resulting velocities, with this instrument, are free from appreciable
systematic error, which has been confirmed by the agreement of the
velocities of some stars obtained in common here and at other ob-
servatories. For the micrometer measures, the wave-lengths of the
lines used have been obtained from the best known values and, as
the same wave-lengths have been used throughout, any future change
in wave-length can readily be applied to the velocities.

As the average number of spectra obtained and measured per
star is 6.1, and as the accordance in these well defined stellar spectra
is generally excellent, the mean velocities should be reliable. Some
measure of the accuracy is given by the probable errors as determined
in the usual way from the residuals, from the mean velocity, of the
individual plates. An idea of their general magnitude may best be

142 THE, ROYAL, SOGIETY OF (CANADA

obtained by dividing the stars into three main groups according to
the method of measurement and the number and quality of the
spectral lines. All the stars of type FO to M, with the exception of a
few fuzzy lined F’s, have been measured on the spectro-comparator
and form the first group with probable errors of the mean ranging
“between +0.1 and about +1.0 and of a single plate between +0.2
and +2.5 km. per second, with average errors of +0.5 and +1.2
respectively. The second group includes the A and B type stars
with fairly sharp and numerous lines, measured on micrometer engines,
the probable errors ranging from about +0.5 to +1.5 for the mean
velocity and from +1.2 to +3.5 for the single plate. The third
group includes those stars, mostly of the A type in which the few
lines present are broad, diffuse and frequently lacking in contrast.
In many of these only broad Hy and Hô were measurable and the
accidental errors are high, ranging from about +1.0 to +4.0 for the
mean and +2.5 to +10.0 for the single plate. To compensate
partly for the unavoidably high accidental error of this group, a
larger number of plates, up to 8 or 10, were made of many of these
stars. For single prism dispersion the accuracy of these velocities
may be considered quite satisfactory and the number of plates ob-
tained increases the confidence in the reliability of the results.

The complete publication will contain, besides descriptive matter,
tables of the individual velocities of 3,493 plates of 572 stars. These
velocities are summarized in tables of the mean velocities of 537
constant velocity stars and of the estimated velocities of the centre
of mass of 35 spectroscopic binaries. In addition a table of the
‘“gamma’’ velocities of 22 spectroscopic binaries, whose orbits have
been determined here, is given.

SECTION ITI, 1921 [143] Trans. R.S.C.

1. On Some New Formulae for the Direct Numerical Calculation of the
Coefficient of Mutual Induction of Coaxial Circles

By Louris: V..KinG), DiSey ERS: C:

A formula based on the computation of arithmetico-geometrical
means by calculating machine was discussed by the writer some years
ago ina former paper. The present paper deals with a new property
of the arithmetico-geometrical scale which leads to an extremely
convergent expression for the inductance of coaxial circles lying close
to one another.

2. On a New High Frequency Vibration Galvanometer
By Lows, Vo King, DSc. PRC.

By means of a mechanical device, the vibrations of the reed of a
Brown telephone receiver are optically magnified to such an extent
that 1,000-cycle alternating currents of a few micro-amperes may be
easily measured. In combination with vacuum amplifiers, currents
several thousand times smaller may also be measured.

3. On the Photographic Recording and Measurement of Radio-telegraph
Signals

By Louis V. Kine, D.Sc., F.R.S.C.

In modern methods of heterodyne reception, the incoming radio-
frequency current in the aerial is caused to ‘‘beat’’ with the oscillations
of a local circuit, the frequency of the resulting musical note being
adjustable by the tuning condenser. The high frequency vibration
galvanometer above referred to will give visible signals which are just
audible in the telephone receiver. Owing to the sharpness of re-
sonance of the vibration galvanometer, visual or photographic
reception by this means is remarkably free from static interference.
Various applications to practical wireless problems are discussed.

144 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ‘CANADA

4. On a New Lecture Room Illustration of Atomic Models
By ours’ VARING DSC BeRS- ©.

The essential feature of this form of atomic model is the use of a
powerful alternating field, in which steel spheres or needles repel one
another with forces which are remarkably uniform. Attraction to
some fixed centre can easily be arranged for in a number of ways.
Under this system of forces the spheres or needles arrange them-
selves in concentric rings, resembling some of the atomic models

which have been proposed.

The Transmission of Heat Through Thin Boundary Films of Air or of
Water at the Surface of Glass.

By A. NorMAN SHAw, D.Sc., and L. A. Smits, B.A.
Presented by A. S. Eve; F.R:S.C.

The following points were discussed in the paper:

1. The immediate need and the practical application for further
physical data of this type.

2. The experimental determination of normal surface con-
ductivities.

3. The results obtained by the writers for the equivalent thermal
conductivities of thin films of water or of air at the surface of glass.

4. Comparisons of the thermal conductivities and also of the
temperature gradients for the different parts of a double window.

5. Observations on single-frame double windows.

1N.B.—As part of this work has been reported in the Journal of the American
Society of Heating and Ventilating Engineers for December, 1920, and as a full
account is to be published later, this paper was not submitted Jor further publication

here.

Transactions of The Royal Society of Canada
SECTIONAL,

SERIES III MAY, 1921 Vor: Sev

Camsellite, a New Borate Mineral from British Columbia, Canada

By H. V. ELLSWORTH and E. POITEVIN

(Published by permission of the Deputy Minister of Mines)
Presented by R. A. A. JOHNSTON, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

Early this year (1921) Mr. W. Thomlinson, Collector in British
Columbia for the Department of Mines, sent in some specimens of a
fibrous vein material, asbestos-like in appearance, but characterized
by an almost pure white colour unusual in chrysotile. The specimens
were obtained from a serpentine mass near Douglas Lake in the
Nicola Mining Division, where the mineral is said to occur in con-
siderable abundance filling shear zones in the serpentine. In heating
the white mineral before the blowpipe R. A. A. Johnston detected
the boron flame colour and further chemical examination confirmed
the presence of large amounts of B:0;.

The samples so far examined are fragments of vein-like material
varying from one quarter inch to three inches in width and consist
of an intimate mixture of the new mineral with yellowish to greenish
chrysotile and white dolomite. There are no fibres crossing from
wall to wall as is commonly characteristic of chrysotile veins. The
trend of the fibrous structure is in a plane parallel to the extension
of the vein, though the fibres run in all directions within this plane,
giving the impression that many shearing movements have occurred
in various directions parallel to the veins. The vein material as a
whole, is also more or less crumpled and wavy and the whole effect
is suggestive of severe deformation.

While the three minerals are all very intimately associated so
that it has been impossible so far to obtain them individually pure
there are, nevertheless, layers varying from a quarter of an inch in
thickness to paper thinness, in which one or other of the minerals
predominates. By selecting a layer of the white material which

2 THE ROYAL!SOCIETY OF CANADA

showed apparently the greatest freedom from the associated minerals
and carefully scratching away the fibres with a steel point, one could
feel and avoid the harder, gritty dolomitic portions. The areas
showing a yellowish or greenish colour due to chrysotile were also
rejected. In this way the sample for Analysis I (Borate) was obtained.

The purest layer of dolomite in the specimen from which the
borate sample I was obtained was broken out, crushed, and as much
as possible of the fibrous material removed under the binocular.
It was then crushed fine and sifted on a 200 mesh sieve. Most
of the remaining fibrous material was left on the sieve and the dolo-
mite powder which passed through was used as the material for
Analysis IT.

The sample of chrysotile analyzed (III) was obtained from a
layer in the same specimen from which the borate and dolomite were
taken. It was carefully worked over under the binocular and appeared
to be quite free from borate, but contained a little dolomite.

The three samples were carefully analyzed in duplicate, direct
determinations being employed for all constituents, with the following
results:

I Il III

BORATE % DoLoMITE % M CHRYSOTILE NS
Sie 7.65 Ca0 29.05 SIMON RTC A 39.95
Fe20:.… 0.86 Me er 9.55 20.98 MD SEE rpe der ett 41.43
HERO ER 0.95 ReOneein ste: 0.29 Fe); 1.44
Mn0.. 0.85 IMO le ced ye 0.66 REQ kate eee 0.13
Al:05. . 0.26 JNU Rens 0.09 Al OS ea eee 0.32
CHORE ee: 3.69 Cll ens aa aaa 46.10 MAO ANR INR 0.06
NTS OL Tee CN 41.72 EDS RUES 0.69 Ca0 se SiS
ED atte ee 29.07 FO 1 107 se. 0.03 COL Gels IDR ON
Na:0| 0 03 ne CO it SA Stour co Oe bub 115
a PORN A UE Sil) ka ee 1.15 ÉD ÉD RER 13.04
NOR RS Ace NDR 66 abe & 1.01 FLD TION 1.80
sr | B:0;. trace Ni0 |
Sr0 Ê — K,0
Bad Not 100 05 Na0 SC Se OP ITTACES
P20; detected B,0; |
Zn0 | ===
ÉCOLOS 9.88 100.08
M3010 eee eee 0.52
GORE Cee Ae Er 5.64

[ELLSWORTH-POITEVIN|

CAMSELLITE 3

MOLECULE RATIOS

Mg0. ADN Me Usa t
Fe.03 0. 85 ARR, Laser
FeO. EADS tee EF adie
MnO eo te A ke
Al0; OL EC) FER RARES
BAD Wipe tae EUR VO HORDE LEE a
EGG Sar ae Whe. UE HONTE ru
H20 —110° 0.26
K20
A RE ET Met 2 0.04

100. 00

0058] «1633
0154 2
00287

0.5788....

.5858....

1220
0053

= 0.5816 — 1.998 or 2

0.5788 i
=0.5788—0.994 or 1

1
0.5858
BE = 0.5858 — 1.006 or 1

Average. .0.5821

aA aa Ran wit A sala theta ais 2Mg0. B>03. H,0. A

DE FT pO RT NRE alg AN Oe ea ese 47.87

[BST Nie Eee VA EE SPP PNA CEA 41.44

PDOs orth ANS US CU tr 10.69

100.00

2A 3 A

CE NR ELS: BU ae ae A 29.77 Si 2 tye artes see deere 40.80
Apt LS Eee hits ease tee dls, Sait su 21.50 Mode sara anaes Dre 41.90
FeO. 0.30 Fe:03 TS OT OO No Lo CUTER EMEN ee NE Ae 1.48
Mn0 0.68 Bet exch: M ES EN Et RU 0.13
Al0; 0.09 AOR OS EMEA RUE 0.33
C20 47.25 MO: UMR RER TE 0.06
H:0 re Cats tante ane TOUS Ped ‘opal MURS el ea eee ot 0. 41 Cro0; SE CAD RP NO EU TTl A0 ES AQU ec de 0. 01
ee ÉOLIEN he See 13.35
100. 00 LOE 10 ee dae hearer ne it 84
100. 00

Considering first the dolomite analysis II we may deduct Si0,
Mg0 and H,0 to form chrysotile, assuming the true percentage of
water in chrysotile to be 14.84, as shown in III, and neglecting the
minor constituents of the latter (Fe.0;, FeO, Al,.03;, Mn0) which would

in no case contribute more than 0.01% to the results.

In making

the analysis the dolomite was dissolved in the smallest possible
amount of dilute hydrochloric acid added in small portions till action
ceased. The chrysotile thus set free was filtered off and treated
separately for magnesia and silica with results indicated in the analysis.

—32

4 THE ROYAL SOGIEDRVYIOR CANADA

Evidently the chrysotile was only slightly, if at all, affected by the
treatment.

The result of the recalculation for the dolomite after making
these deductions is shown in Table ITA.

In the case of the chrysotile (III) we may deduct all the CaO and
CO: and the necessary amount of Mg0 to form dolomite. After
recalculation this gives results as in Table IITA indicating the presence
of about 2.41% of dolomite in the chrysotile sample as prepared for
analysis.

We are now in a position to correct the borate analysis I for the
dolomite and chrysotile present. If we deduct all the Ca0 and C0,
along with the necessary Mg0, H.0 and minor constituents using the
Ca0 and CO as the bases of calculation we obtain for the dolomite
present in the borate mixture approximately 11.95% as indicated
below:

(OE) MEME (RE Sin REA re MRR Uneaten bacon EE 00)
Dee ee ES ES MNT Re © oe coer <a ys ce ee: 2.45
INV Oy PE ER EN OC EE RE ER ee 0.08
COR RMS RAR te ne Pele 0.04
ONE RS TR TARN end Se ete ee 0.05

095

From the calculation the ratio of Mg0: CaO in the dolomite
mixed with the borate is as 1:1.5 while in the dolomite sample IT it
was 1:1.385. The slight excess of lime in this case, if not due to
analytical error, may indicate that a little of the CaO replaces some
Mg0 of the borate.

Deducting in a similar way the Si0, Mg0 and H:0 and small
amounts of the minor constituents to form chrysotile we obtain for
the chrysotile present with the borate approximately 18.69% as
below:

GON See et PS Go ih ok 2 7.65
MON CR nr à Rs CEA à 7.84
D CE coh TOR AU a Lin iat 0427
EQN AR LT did er itis TE al 0.02
AVOIR Std die RI, Ar de à 0.06
MAO RIRE QU a BATE PRE annee. topo) 0.01
EL OURS UP art des ud ete ok 2.50
ÉCOLOS DO ena hectare el 0.34

18.69

ELLSWORTH-POITEVIN | CAMSELLITE

On

¢. x ;
Deducting the dolomite and chrysotile from the borate mixture
and recalculating we obtain the results given in JA.

The formula indicated for the mineral is, therefore, 2Mg0. B.0;.
H:0 with ferrous and ferric oxide, manganous oxide and alumina in
small amounts apparently replacing Mg0. It is comparable to
Sussexite, which has the same general formula, but in which mangan-
ous oxide is much in excess of magnesia.

Sussexite (Penfield, Am. Jour. Sci., 36, 323, 1888.)

MIO ARR ELU ec RARE Fee 38.08
AVI (Depa eA NE DR AE gis RG 15.92
PROS MES TR PRR a (RE à 3.24
1 BIAUE AS ONE OS RD RER RS ER OR 33.91
LE EDP PETER Rigen SR MR AT SERRE Sa ei 1 9.43

99.98

The water present is certainly chemically combined since only
relatively small amounts are lost below a red heat. A one gram
sample was heated in a platinum crucible at various temperatures
with results as indicated below:

TIME TEMPERATURE Loss IN %
SAME cinta AP MONS RU Me nn... LTO ie ca sn 0.52
Eee OPE Te CC A Sale Sin AO. ESS Re 0.02
D te EE tn SE Le | 18010 mme 0.07
housses) if hee nt Mini: 300 ‘i 0.08
EWA AIRE A RUE ae ae cs esd rey Fe ove BOOM per 0:15
GT ESS RAR PE DNT LT EN PIE ih oh chp CR 400 « 0.12
CR et ed des Ade AR AO nike 0.05
re A Le ei as see RE BOO!) si 0.43
RL Te. La 2 sm OO bi

dotbhlosup:to5504es #% eyes PONS 2.95
Hotalrateran est Che nn ne ONE 10.40

It thus appears to be a mineral of sufficient stability to admit
of its having been produced at the range of temperature commonly
ascribed to pneumatolytic action.

6 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

PYROGNOSTICS, ETC. a
Before the blowpipe the mineral, though mixed with some
chrysotile serpentine and dolomite fuses readily with little or no
intumescence or exfoliation, imparting a. green colour to the flame.
The fused material is brownish black and opaque. It is soluble in
HCl, H.S0, and HNO;. The hardness is less than 3. It is readily
distinguishable from sussexite by the smaller manganese content.

PREPARATION OF THIN SECTIONS

Owing to the softness of the borate and the crumbly character
of the whole mixture it was quite impossible to prepare sections in
the ordinary way. An account of the procedure by which excellent
sections were prepared, therefore, may be of interest.

The masses of borate mixture were sawn into pieces about two
inches square, which were immersed in a not too concentrated solution
of Canada Balsam in benzol. The Canada Balsam previous to
solution in benzol had been heated to drive off the more volatile
constituents until on cooling it had the correct degree of hardness for
grinding. The beaker containing the squares immersed in the solution
was then placed in a strong glass vessel and subjected to vacuum.
There was for two or three hours abundant evolution of air from the
squares, and when this finally ceased, normal atmospheric pressure
was restored. The solution was then allowed to evaporate over-
night until it had reached a syrupy consistency, when the squares
were removed and placed in an electric oven at 50°C. After about
24 hours the squares were dry and could be worked in the usual way
by sawing and grinding.

The heating in the oven, an undesirable feature which was
adopted merely to save time, caused oxidation of the iron and man-
ganese of the borate, which became darker in colour, no doubt accentu-
ating the ‘Absorption observed in sections in polarized light.

It is likely that an ether solution of balsam would be better than
the benzol solution for the preliminary soaking process owing to its
lower boiling point.

OPTICAL PROPERTIES

The sample prepared for analysis when examined under the
microscope was seen to consist chiefly of minute fibres of camsellite
showing parallel extinction and high birefringence. There were
minor amounts of dolomite and chrysotile present, the former readily

[ELLSWORTH-POITEVIN] CAMSELLITE 7

distinguishable by its characteristic cleavages, the latter by its low
birefringence. The fibres of camsellite are always flattened parailel
to the axial plane. The extinction is parallel and suggests that the
mineral is orthorhombic. Its elongation is negative while that of
chrysotile is positive. The habit of the mineral does not allow the
emergence of an optic axis and for that reason 8 could not be deter-
mined. No attempt was made to measure 2V, but this angle Is
probably very large. a and y were determined by the oil immersion
method.

CAMSELLITE CHRYSOTILE SERPENTINE
Elongation. ........;Negative Elongation: PP" Positive
a=1.575+0.005 B=1.544+0.003

y= 1.649 +0.005
Birefringence very strong

(y — a) =0.074 (y — a) =0.013
Pleochroism weak.

PARAGENESIS AND GEOLOGICAL RELATIONSHIPS

According to the description of Wm. McNeill of Merritt, B.C.,
on whose claim the mineral occurs, it is located in an area of serpentine
14 mile wide by a mile long, about 30 miles east on a waggon road
Nicola station, which would bring it near the eastern end of Douglas
Lake in an area mapped by G. M. Dawson (Ann. Rep., G.S.C., 1894,
vol. VII) as Lower Cache Creek formation of carboniferous age. Map
556 (B.C. Sheet No. 12, Kamloops Sheet) shows a mass of plutonic
rock, probably granite, about four miles in diameter occupying the
centre of this Cache Creek area, north of Douglas Lake, and probably
‘ not more than a mile or two from the camsellite occurrence. Dawson
states that the rocks mapped as plutonic are chiefly granites and
syenites with some associated gabbro in places and are always in-
trusive, being chiefly of late Triassic age, while according to others
they are Jurassic. The Cache Creek formation, according to Dawson,
is made up.of limestone or marble as the upper members, with argil-
lites, cherty quartzites and contemporaneous volcanics in great
variety, as the lower part. Beds of nearly pure serpentine are associ-
ated with the volcanics. Dawson further states that ‘‘the rocks of
this formation are almost invariably shattered and dislocated in an
extreme degree.” This fact is well evidenced in the camsellite, which
shows the effect of extreme shearing and crumpling actions which

8 ' THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ‘CANADA

must have taken place during or following its formation. The
camsellite and also the dolomite are so intimately associated with the
chrysotile that they appear to be but little later in order of formation
and probably are contemporaneous, geologically speaking. It may
be noted, however, that Mn0 is low in chrysotile, higher in the dolomite
and still higher in the borate apparently indicating that the borate
was the latest. This conclusion is supported by the evidence of
structures observed in thin sections which leave little doubt that the
order of deposition is as indicated, chrysotile first followed by dolomite
and finally borate. The camsellite was, no doubt, formed by replace-
ment of the silicic acid of the serpentine by boric acid. The boric
acid may have come either from volcanic action or from the granite
intrusion. Geological evidence would appear to rule out the Miocene
volcanics as the source of the boric acid of camsellite, and we must
ascribe its origin either to contemporaneous volcanic action during
the Cache Creek period, to the volcanics of the Nicola formation or to
pneumatolytic action from the granite intrusion.

At the suggestion of R. A. A. Johnston the mineral has been
named in honour of Chas. Camsell of the Geological Survey in recogni-
tion of his valuable contributions to our knowledge of the geology of
British Columbia. |

RirGewles

18 diameters. Thin section across vein showing Camsellite as dark, wavy
material interbanded with and penetrating lighter chrysotile. There are two cracks
in the section which are pure white.

as dark fibrous material with prom-

ht) and broken off band of rough fibrous dolomite (gra

llite

Thin section of Camse

chrysotile (lig

Ss.

18 diameter
inent band of
at right.

y)

ht hand corner.

ry evident in lower rig

1 deformation is ve

ing anc

Fractur

Fic. III.

18 diameters. Section parallel to banding of vein, showing fibrous Camsellite
penetrating dolomite (with rough surface).

Pte i te

SECTION IV, 1921 [9] Trainer RS: ©:

Pleistocene Oscillations of Sea-level in the Vancouver Region, British
Columbia

By W. A. Jounston, M.A., B.Sc.
Presented by R. A. A. JOHNSTON, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)
INTRODUCTION

The occurrence in the Vancouver region, British Columbia, of
two Pleistocene boulder clays, separated by stratified sands and
clays, has long been known and has beendescribed by several geologists.
It was referred to by G. M. Dawson, who stated? that it was doubtful
whether the two boulder clays corresponded to the two periods of
glaciation, evidences of which he had found in the interior of British
Columbia, but that there may have been several climatic oscillations
during the Pleistocene. O.E. LeRoy, who examined the area in 1907,
describes briefly? the Pleistocene deposits and states that the stratified
deposits overlain by till were formed by sub-glacial streams and also
by streams issuing from the front of the glacier at a period of recession,
but failed to find sufficient evidence to indicate an interglacial period.
This view is apparently also held by R. A. Daly‘, who examined the
area along the International boundary and by C. Camsell.° In a
report® published in 1918 E. M. J. Burwash describes somewhat fully
the Pleistocene deposits of the area and gives evidence to show that
during the Pleistocene there was at least one interglacial period of long
duration. There is, therefore, a difference of opinion as to whether
extensive retreats of the ice-sheet took place in this region during
Pleistocene time, but there is no doubt that at least one retreat and
readvance of the ice-sheet occurred, the only point in dispute being
the extent of the retreat and its significance as indicating an inter-
glacial period. : This question is not here, considered but attention

1 Published by permission of the Director, Geol. Surv. Can.

2 Geol. Surv. Canada, Ann. Rep. Vol. VII, 1894, p. 253B.

3 Geol. Surv. Canada, Publication 996, 1908, p. 27. Preliminary Report on a
portion of the main coast of British Columbia and adjacent islands, included in the
New Westminster and Nanaimo Districts.

4 Geol. Surv. Canada, Memoir No. 38, Part 2, p. 596.

5 Geol. Surv. Canada, Guide Book No. 18, Part 11, 1913, p. 272.

6 The Geology of Vancouver and Vicinity, The Univ. of Chicago Press, 1918.

10 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

is directed to the character and extent of the oscillations of sea-level
relatively to the land, which took place during the Pleistocene, and
to whether they were associated with the advances and retreats of
the ice-sheet. The Vancouver region is one of the few known areas
where conditions are favourable for determining this question, for in
this region the stratified deposits interbedded with till are in part
marine and hence should furnish some evidence regarding the position
of sea-level during the times of formation of the sediments. The
character and magnitude of Pleistocene and post-Pleistocene changes
in level of the coast of British Columbia and adjacent regions were
first described by G. M. Dawson in a paper published in the Canadian
Naturalist in 1878. The well-known post-glacial uplift of the coast
region of British Columbia has been referred to by several writers.
The Pleistocene and post-Pleistocene changes of level in the Vancouver
region have been described by Burwash in his report on the area and
in the Puget Sound region to the south by J. H. Bretz.7 Field work
by the writer during parts of 1919 and 1920 in the Vancouver region
and in the lower part of the Fraser delta showed that a previously
unknown marine horizon occurs in the Pleistocene deposits of the
region. The marine deposits appear to indicate that a third but
probably local advance of the ice-sheet occurred and furnished some
definite evidence regarding the position of sea-level relatively to the land,
during a period of retreat of the ice, previously to the last advance.

TOPOGRAPHY

The Vancouver region includes a part of the Fraser delta, which
is bounded on the north by the Coast Range, on the east by the
Cascades and has its southern limits in the State of Washington.
The delta is composite in structure and was built up at different times.
The oldest part is Eocene in age, is consolidated and forms the bed-
rock of the greater part of the area. The bed-rock is overlain and
very largely concealed by Pleistocene and Recent deposits having a
maximum thickness as shown by borings of about 1,000 feet.

The topography of the delta region is in the main low but here
and there island-like hills rise to various heights up to 1,000 feet
above the sea. The lowest part of the area is occupied by the Recent
or modern delta of the Fraser, which is nearly all below the level of
high tide and is dyked to exclude the flood-tidal and freshet waters.
It extends inland for 19 miles from the Strait of Georgia to the City

7 Glaciation of the Puget Sound region; Washington Geological Survey, Bulletin
No. 8, 1913.

[JOHNSTON | PLEISTOCENE OSCILLATIONS 11

of New Westminster and across its seaward front is 14 miles wide.
The Recent delta is bounded on the north by an upland areaextending
east to New Westminster and north for 5 miles to Burrard Inlet, at
the seaward entrance of which the city of Vancouver is situated.
The inlet extends east for 14 miles and is bounded on the north by
the Coast Range and on the south by an escarpment in the Eocene
rocks, which at one place near the eastern end of the inlet rises to
1,125 feet above the sea. The upland area between Burrard inlet
and the recent delta of the Fraser has a general elevation of 200 to
300 feet above the sea and consists in the southern part largely of
drift deposits and in the northern part of rock ridges veneered with
drift. At New Westminster the Fraser flows in a comparatively
narrow valley 172 miles wide between two upland drift areas. The
area south of the river has a general elevation of 200 to 300 feet above
the sea and extends for 7 miles southeast to the Nicomekl-Serpentine
valley. This valley is continuous through to the Fraser river at
Fort Langlely, 15 miles above New Westminster, and represents a
post-glacial outlet channel of the Fraser which was abandoned during
the period of post-glacial uplift when the land was about 50 feet lower
than it is at present. Since that time the Fraser has occupied its
present main channel past New Westminster. South of the
Nicomeckl-Serpentine valley and extending to the International
Boundary is another upland drift area 200 to 400 feet above the sea.
In the seaward part of the Recent delta, at the International Boundary
the highland area of Point Roberts has been joined to the mainland
by the construction of the delta. It has a fairly even upper surface
and a general elevation of about 200 feet above the sea. This upland
area, as well as parts of those extending south from New Westminster
to the International Boundary, were considered by Daly and LeRoy
as remnants of the late Pleistocene Fraser delta which was dissected
by the present stream as the result of post-glacial elevation. Bur-
wash, however, holds that the flat-topped upland areas are composed
largely of stratified deposits, which are interglacial in age and which
were much eroded previous to the deposition of the till sheet overlying
them.

THE PLEISTOCENE AND RECENT DEPOsITS

The Pleistocene deposits of the region are remarkably thick and
complex in character. The succession of deposits, as pointed out
by Burwash,! is in the main similar to that in the Puget Sound region

1 Ibid., p. 80.

12 THE (ROYAL SOCIETY OF iGANADA:

as described by Willis and Bretz. Two till sheets have been recognized
in both regions—the lower till known as the Admiralty till and the
upper as the Vashon till. Separating the two tills are thick deposits
of stratified sand and gravel, silts and clays, known as the Admiralty
sediments. Stratified silts, which are probably of Pleistocene age,
occur in places below the lower till but no evidence of till older than
the silts has been found. Stratigraphically above the upper till, but
covering it only in places, are the outwash and delta sands and gravels
and stratified clays deposited during the final retreat of the ice-sheet
and the Recent delta and alluvial deposits.

Although the Admiralty sediments are probably in part at least
marine because of their position near sea-level and on the coast, and
because they consist in part of stratified clays, upwards of 100 feet
of which are exposed in the sea cliffs near the International Boundary,
they have yielded no marine fossils in the Fraser delta region. A
single occurrence of fossil marine shells in the drift deposits near
Central Park, between Vancouver and New Westminster, was reported
by Burwash,? who thought that the fossils were from the Admiralty
sediments but investigation by the writer of the occurrence appeared
to show that they were in till, or at least that the mode of occurrence
was doubtful, for the shells were found in an excavation for a well
in which no good section was exposed. Fossil marine shells in the
Pleistocene deposits were, however, found by the writer at a number
of widely separated localities in the Fraser delta region. The marine
horizon appears to be younger than the Admiralty sediments and
older than the latest glacial deposits.

The fossil marine shells occur at a definite horizon in the drift
deposits exposed in the sea cliff extending along the coast for several
miles west of White Rock, near the International Boundary. The
marine horizon was found at several places in these sections for a
distance of about two miles along the coast. It lies at a nearly
uniform height in the sections of about 100 feet above sea-level.
The shells occur in stony, unstratified clay in a zone a few feet thick
near the middle of what appears to be a single till sheet 40 to 50 feet
thick. The shelly zone, however, is more clayey and less stony
than the till in general; many of the shells are well preserved, and
barnacles and worm-shells occur attached to the stones. It is, there-
fore, probable that it represents an old sea-bottom ploughed by the
advancing ice, which deposited the till. It is not impossible, how-
ever, that the shelly till was transported some distance and hence

2bid per

[JOHNSTON] PLEISTOCENE OSCILLATIONS 13

does not represent the actual position of the old sea-bottom. The till
below the marine zone overlies stratified sands, silts and clays varying
from a few feet to nearly 100 feet in thickness which are again under-
lain by till. These stratified deposits and lower till are evidently to
be referred to the Admiralty sediments and Admiralty till and, there-
fore, the marine horizon is probably later than a till which overlies
these deposits.

An excavation 26 feet deep for a sewer along 16th Avenue West
in Kitsilano, Vancouver, exposed near the base of the cutting, a shell
bed which was continuous in the section for a distance of nearly
1,000 feet. The shells occur in the upper 1 or 2 feet of blue stony
unstratified clay, 6 to 8 feet of which are exposed at the base of the
section, and in a sandy layer, a few inches thick overlying the clay.
The shell beds are overlain by 3 to 6 feet of sand without definite
stratification and stony in places. The sand is overlain by 12 to
16 feet of faintly stratified silt and clay, barren of fossils and containing
numerous large glaciated boulders. The shell bed occurs at this
locality at a height of 50 feet above the sea. No true till overlies the
shell bed but the presence of glaciated boulders in the overlying clays
and the unfossiliferous character of the clays shows that glacial
conditions followed the formation of the shell beds. The till exposed
at the bottom of the section probably overlies the stratified (Ad-
miralty) sediments but this relation was not directly observed.

Fossil marine shells were also found in a section exposed by the
construction of the Pacific highway along the side of the hill on
the south side of Fraser river 114 miles above New Westminster.
The hill rises somewhat steeply from the level of the river up to about
200 feet. At the base of the section in the road cutting which rises
gradually along the side of the hill blue stony till is exposed. The
shells occur in the upper 1 to 3 feet of the stony clay and in a sandy
bed a few inches thick overlying the clay. The shell beds are over-
lain directly by 6 to 10 feet of stratified sand and clay barren of
fossils, and immediately to the east the till and the fossiliferous beds
pass beneath a thick deposit of stratified sand and gravel in which a
large excavation for a gravel pit has been made. The gravels are
at least 50 feet thick and occur in the form of a ridge or dome with
marked stratification dipping down on either side in the form of an
anticline. They are, therefore, probably fluvio-glacial in origin and
show that glacial conditions followed the deposition of the shell beds.
The shell beds at this locality are 40 to 50 feet above the sea. The
occurrence of the marine beds at this locality on the north slope of
the hill and only 40 to 50 feet above the level of the river shows that

14 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

the valley between the drift ridges at New Westminster, now occupied
by the Fraser river existed at the time of the marine incursion. It
is probable, therefore, that considerable erosion of the drift deposits
had taken place prior to the deposition of the shell beds.

The fossil shells, as determined by E. J. Whittaker of the Canadian
Geological Survey, are of 20 species. He states: ‘‘The fauna is quite
comparable with the inshore fauna of the British Columbia coast at
the present time. Most of the species range from Behring Sea to
Puget Sound. The assemblage represents a typical mixture of inter-
tidal and shallow water forms.” At the two localities mentioned —
Kitsilano and near New Westminster—numerous well preserved
molluscan shells occur. Several specimens with both valves attached
and closed and filled with sand were dug out of the stony clay. This
mode of occurrence and the fact that they occur only in the upper
part of the clayey till and not scattered through it shows that they
have not been transported but lived nearly in the position in which
they are found. They show that at the time of their deposition the
sea stood 50 to 100 feet higher than it does at present.

Fossil shells have been found also in wells in the drift near
Central Park and as far up the Fraser valley as Murrayville, 2 miles
east of Langley Prairie. At these places the surface material is till
and the shells are reported at various depths, from 15 to 30 feet and
at various heights up to 350 feet above sea-level. : It is not certain in
what material the shells occur and it is possible that at these localities
the shells are not in place.

Although it is not possible to trace the marine horizon definitely
throughout the district it is probable, because of the general similarity
of the mode of occurrence of the fossils, that the horizon is a single
one and extends over a considerable area in the Fraser valley. The
marine deposits show that some time during the Pleistocene period
the sea entered the Fraser valley following a retreat of the ice-sheet,
and the till which overlies the marine beds shows that a readvance
of the ice-sheet took place. The position of the marine horizon in
the upper part of the Pleistocene series, the fact that in places the
marine beds are overlain not by till but by stratified deposits only,
and the evidence that the valley in the drift deposits above New
Westminster existed at the time of the marine invasion, appear to
show that the readvance of the ice-sheet occurred late in the Pleisto-
cene and was more or less local in character.

The occurrence is a remarkable one when it is considered in
connection with the character in general of the Pleistocene deposits in
the region. It is the only marine horizon known in the Pleistocene

[JOHNSTON] PLEISTOCENE OSCILLATIONS 15

of the Fraser valley. It is underlain in places by 50 to 100 feet of
stratified silts and clays (part of the Admiralty sediments) which,
because of their position near the coast and in the wide open part of
the valley, are probably marine, yet so far as is known they contain
no marine fossils. The shell beds are overlain in places by an observed
thickness of 15 to 20 feet of stratified silt and clay and, stratigraphic-
ally, by the post-glacial clays, 100 feet or more in thickness, which
are also probably marine, but contain no marine fossils nor have
marine fossils been found in even the lowest of the raised beaches of
the district. The apparent absence of marine life in the waters
occupying the Fraser valley during the time of deposition of the
Admiralty clays and later during the deposition of the post-glacial
clays was probably due to the low salinity of the water occasioned
by the great inflow of frésh water from the melting ice-sheets. During
‘a part of late Pleistocene time, however, marine life was, as has been
shown, abundant in the waters occupying the valley.

THE OSCILLATIONS OF SEA-LEVEL

The pre-glacial position of sea-level relatively to the land in the
Vancouver region is not definitely known and is not easily determined
because it is difficult to estimate the amounts of glacial over-deepening
of the mountain valleys and fiords and to distinguish between valleys |
formed by normal stream erosion and those of structural origin.
It is generally held that, during the Pliocene, the land in this general
region stood much higher relatively to sea-level than it does at present,
and the absence of marine Pliocene on this part of the coast bears
this out. A boring made at Steveston, near the mouth of Fraser
river, showed that the Pleistocene and Recent deposits have a thick-
ness of about 860 feet below sea-level. This part of the Fraser
valley is so wide that ice erosion could scarcely have had much effect
in over-deepening the valley. It is possible, therefore, that, pre-
glacially, the land stood about 900 feet higher than it does at present—
as was held by G. M. Dawson.! On the other hand it is possible that
the lower part of the Fraser valley is mainly structural in origin and
the relationships of the small valleys tributary to the main valley and
those tributary to Barrard Inlet suggest that the position of sea-level
was not greatly different from what it is at present, but it was prob-
ably somewhat lower.

During the deposition of the Admiralty sediments the land was
probably lower relatively to sea-level than it is at present for, as

1 Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, 1890, Vol. VIII, Sect. IV, p. 17.

16 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

pointed out by Burwash,! there is a transition upwards from the till to
the stratified clays which overlie it, and these clays, although they
contain no marine fossils in this region are, because of their position,
probably marine. The amount of depression of the land relatively to
sea-level during this period is not definitely known but as evidenced
by the clays it was at least 200 feet and probably higher. The
occurrence of stratified clays overlain by till at high altitudes—up to
1,200 feet above the sea—in the Capilano valley tributary to Burrard
Inlet led Burwash? to conclude that the sea stood about 1,300 feet
higher than at present, but it is possible that the clays in this valley
and the sands over 200 feet in thickness, overlain by a few feet of
till which form the seaward part of Point Grey, west of Vancouver,
belong to a later, probably local, period of glaciation; for they are
unweathered, whereas the older clays are in places weathered, and it
is improbable that stratified clays would be left in a mountain valley
like the Capilano, following an extensive advance of the glaciers.
This occurrence of the stratified clays at such high levels is not easily
explained. They are possibly marine but the absence of other
evidence of submergence to this height does not favour this view.

The deposition of the Admiralty sediments was followed by uplift

of the land and dissection of the drift deposits. Bretz* holds that in
Puget Sound region the land stood about 1,000 feet higher than at

_ present-and that extensive valleys in the drift deposits were formed
during this period of erosion. Burwash‘ holds that in the Vancouver
region there is nothing that would necessitate a level much higher
than at present, unless ice erosion be neglected. Erosion of the drift
deposits took place during this period or at some time previous to the
latest deposits of till, for the valley occupied by the Fraser at New
Westminster is cut in drift deposits and was formed in part at least
prior to the last advance of the ice, and the upland area of Point
Roberts composed largely of stratified sands and silts overlain by
till can not be a remnant of the late glacial delta for it is separated
from the mainland by the Recent delta deposits. It is probably a
remannt of a more extensive mass of sediments eroded by streams
during a period of retreat of the ice-sheet or by the ice-sheet again
advancing. In the upper part of the Nicomekl-Serpentine valley,
cut in drift deposits, borings have shown that the post-glacial clays

Ibid) pred.
2 Tbid., p. 85.
PMDId peor.
4 Tbid., p. 91.

[JOHNSTON] PEE ISTOCENE* OSCILLATIONS 17

have a maximum thickness of at least 300 feet below sea-level. The
valley appears to have been formed by stream erosion rather than by
ice because of its narrowness. It is, therefore, probable that the land
stood considerably higher than now, during this period of retreat of
the ice-sheet.

The second advance of the ice-sheet was followed by a period of
partial retreat of the ice, during which period, for a time at least,
the sea stood 50 to 100 feet higher than it does at present, as is shown
by the occurrences of marine fossils already described. <A third
advance of the ice-sheet took place but probably did not extend much
beyond the Fraser valley. Depression of the land relatively to sea-
level followed the third advance of the ice, but was at first of small
amount, as is shown by the occurrence near New Westminster of the
glacial outwash fan 50 to 100 feet above sea-level. At the time of
final retreat of the ice-sheet the depression of the land was much
greater.

The post-glacial marine submergence in the Vancouver region is
well established. It is held by Burwash! that the sea stood at least
760 feet and perhaps 800 feet higher than now. There is no doubt
that it stood at least 650 feet higher, for well-terraced delta deposits
occur at the mouths of the valleys tributary to Burrard Inlet on the
north side: at various elevations up to this height and it is possible,
as stated by Burwash, that it was much higher. The beaches and
terraces formed during the period of post-glacial uplift are in places
numerous and fairly well-developed but individual terraces or beaches
cannot be traced for any great distance and the upper limit of marine
submergence is not definitely marked. Hence it is difficult to deter-
mine in this region the character of the uplift, whether differential or
not. The fact, however, that in the vicinity of Victoria, on Vancouver
Island, the upper limit of marine submergence is only about 250 feet?
and near Nanaimo only about 400 feet shows that the amount of
uplift increases in the direction of retreat of the ice-sheet or towards
the centre of ice accumulation. The great number and comparatively
weak character of the raised beaches show that uplift was somewhat
rapid and nearly continuous. It was probably, therefore, associated
with deglaciation and is isostatic in character. The post-glacial
oscillation of sea-level must have been in part the result of the general
rise of sea-level due to the return to the sea of the water bound up in
the ice-sheets, but the magnitude of the oscillation shows that it

1 Tbid., p. 98.
2 Charles H. Clapp., Geol. Surv. Canada, Guide Book No. 8, Part 3, p. 286, 1913.

18 THE ROYAL’ SOCIETY OF CANADA

could only have been in part due to this cause. No evidence as to
what extent the apparent rise of sea-level was due to this cause was
found in the Vancouver region. Bretz? has pointed out that the
existence in the Puget Sound region of outwash gravels near sea-level
and the occurrence of post-glacial marine shells at higher altitudes
shows that crustal movement was downward after the retreat of the
ice, and that this does not bear out the conception of isostatic adjust-
ment, consequent on deglaciation. It is possible, however, that the
marine shells are not post-glacial in age but belong to an earlier period
of marine submergence, indicated by the occurrences in the Fraser
valley, and that thg third advance of the ice in the Vancouver region
did not reach the Puget Sound region.

No evidence was found in the Vancouver or Fraser delta region to
support R. A. Daly’s‘ view that a general lowering of sea-level of about
20 feet occurred during post-glacial time, for there is no marked
raised beach or any large extent of delta deposits at about 20 feet
above sea-level. The lower beaches are somewhat stronger than the
higher beaches, indicating a slowing down in the rate of uplift, but
even the lowest raised beaches are not exceptionally strong and are
difficult to trace. They suggest almost continuous uplift but at
varying rates. The upper limit of marine submergence is not well
marked although the sea must have stood at a high level for a con-
siderable length of time, for the stratified clays occur in places in the
Fraser valley at various altitudes up to over 400 feet above the sea
and must have been in large part formed when the sea stood at a high
level. The absence of well-marked beaches at high levels is probably
due to the occupancy of parts of the region by the ice-sheet and to
the comparatively rapid uplift of the land, and the thickness of the
clays at high levels is probably due to the source of supply of the
materials—the melting ice-sheet—being near at hand and the supply
being most abundant at that time.

SUMMARY

The evidence regarding Pleistocene and post-Pleistocene oscilla-
tions of sea-level in the Vancouver region, although incomplete and
unsatisfactory in some respects, strongly suggests that the oscillations
of sea-level were chiefly due to uplift and depression of the land and
that two main periods of depression and uplift occurred, corresponding
in time to two main advances and retreats of the ice-sheet. The

3 Ibid., p. 236.
4 Geol. Mag., Vol. 57, p. 246, 1920.

[JOHNSTON] PLEISTOCENE OSCILLATIONS 19

second period of advance of the ice-sheet was interrupted by a partial
retreat of the ice followed by a readvance, and depression of the land
during the second period took place mainly after the last advance
of the ice, but during the time of occupancy of the region by the ice.
The amount of uplift increases in the direction of the maximum
accumulation of the ice; and the uplift took place comparatively
rapidly and at a fairly uniform rate. It is, therefore, probably
isostatic in character. The coincidence of depression and uplift with
the advance and retreat of ice during the first period of glaciation
suggests that these crustal movements were also isostatic in character.
The fact, however, that during the second period of glaciation de-
pression of the land took place mainly during the latest stage of
glaciation, is difficult of explanation under the theory of isostasy.

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SECTION IV, 1921 [21] ‘TRansR.S.G.

The Distribution of Stringocephalus Burtont in Canada’
By E. M. Kinpte, A.B., M.Sc., Ph.D., F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

INTRODUCTION

Stringocephalus burtoni is one of the index or guide fossils of the
Middle Devonian in Europe and the British Isles. Thirty-one years
ago the late Dr. J. F. Whiteaves? read a paper before this Society in
which he announced for the first time the occurrence of this species
in North America. Billings,* as early as 1875, had noted in a collection
of fossils from Lake Winnipegosis ‘‘a brachiopod resembling Stringo-
cephalus’’ but Whiteaves first definitely identified this genus and
species on this side of the Atlantic.

Dr. Whiteaves’ description of this fossil was based on two
collections. One was made on the shore of Lake Winnipegosis in
Manitoba by J. B. Tyrrell and J. F. Whiteaves in 1888. The other
was made at the Ramparts of the Mackenzie during the same season
by R. G. McConnell.

These two finds of Stringocephalus at points 1,300 miles apart
representing the first discovery of the genus in America were made
curiously enough during the same year within a month of each other.
For 29 years no additions were made to our knowledge of the dis-
tribution of this fossil as represented by the collections of McConnell,
Tyrrell, Dowling and Whiteaves at the Ramparts and in Manitoba.

RECENT WORK

In 1917 the writer found Stringocephalus burtoni on the south
shore of Great Slave lake occurring abundantly in a magnesian lime-
stone. This locality is about midway between the only two previ-
ously known North American localities for this fossil. The extension
of field work to the lower Mackenzie in 1919 led to the discovery by
the writer of S. burtoni in the mountain region below Norman. This
fossil was found in three different mountain ranges on the lower

1 Published by permission of the Deputy Minister of Mines.

2J. F. Whiteaves: Descriptions of Some New and Previously Unrecorded
Species of fossils from the Devonian Rocks of Manitoba, Proc. and Tran’s. Roy.
Soc. Can., Vol. VIII, 1890 (1891) pp. 93-110, Pl. IV to X.

3 Rept. of Progress, Geol. Surv. of Canada for 1874-75, p. 68.

bo
bo

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Mackenzie by the writer and the geologists of the Imperial Oil Co.
Mr. Theodore Link found it in the Bat Hills and on Beaver Tail Mt.,
the writer in the Carcajou Mt. section. On the Clearwater River
E. J. Whittaker secured at the base of the Devonian a fauna which
is believed to represent the S. burtoni fauna, although S. burtoni was
not found. A loose specimen of S. burtont was found on the Atha-
basca by the writer 20 miles above McKay, which, doubtless,
originated in the eastern part of the Athabasca basin.

STRATIGRAPHIC POSITION

With the extension of our knowledge of the distribution of S.
burtont has come a pretty clear understanding of the stratigraphic
position of this fossil and its associated fauna (Fig. 1).

Dr. Whiteaves discussed the age and stratigraphic position of
S. burtoni in three different papers published in the years 1891 and
1892. Inthe latest of these, which dealt with the Manitoba Devonian
faunas,‘ he states that ‘‘the Middle Devonian appears to be repre-
sented in this region (Lakes Manitoba and Winnipegosis) by the
Stringocephalus zone and the hundred feet or more of fossiliferous
dolomite immediately beneath it, and the Upper Devonian by all the
beds above the Stringocephalus zone and beneath the Cretaceous.”’ ®
In this paper the Stringocephalus zone of Manitoba is stated. to
occupy much the same stratigraphic position as the Stringocephalus
limestone of Germany and England. No reference is made in it,
however, to the S. burtoni found by McConnell at the Ramparts of
the Mackenzie. In his report on the Mackenzie river Devonian the
specimens of S. burtoni from the Ramparts had been referred to the
Cuboides zone or the horizon which, according to Whiteaves, followed
the Stringocephalus fauna in Manitoba. Whiteaves was evidently
led to place the Mackenzie and Manitoba specimens of S. burtoni
at different horizons through accepting McConnell’s opinion that all
of his Mackenzie river fossils were ‘from the upper part of the middle
division’’ of the Mackenzie river section. The whole of the Mackenzie
fauna was treated by Whiteaves as representing ‘‘practically the same
geological horizon.” 5

4J.F. Whiteaves: The Fossils of the Devonian Rocks of the Islands, Shores or
Immediate Vicinity of Lakes Manitoba and Winnipegosis. Contr. Can. Pal.
Vol. I, Part IV, 1892.

5 Ibid, p. 357.

6 The Fossils of the Devonian Rocks of the Mackenzie River Basin. Contr.
Can. Pal), Vol. 1} PET p.250.

[KINDLE] STRINGOCEPHALUS BURTONI 23

The rocks from which McConnell’s fossils came have now been
divided into six formations representing in the Norman district more
than 2,000 feet of Devonian sediments.’ It is not surprising that the
attempt to treat the faunas from these different formations as a
single fauna made it difficult to place the S. burtoni fauna of Manitoba
and the Ramparts in the same horizon. Present information makes
it clear that S. burtont represents essentially the same geological
horizon throughout its known distribution.

The most important lots of McConnell’s fossils came from Hay
river falls and from the Ramparts, localities 600 miles apart. At
both localities the upper part of the Devonian section consists of
limestones. It was not discovered during McConnell’s reconnaissance
survey that the Hay river limestone which carries an Upper Devonian
fauna, changes in going north to a shale and sandstone, and disappears
altogether 65 miles south of the Ramparts. The limestone, which at
the Ramparts is the uppermost formation of the Devonian, lies 1,500
feet or more lower in the section than the Hay river limestone and
holds a Middle Devonian fauna. The sections shown in Fig. 1
indicate the relative positions held by these limestones in the Mac-
kenzie Valley Devonian section.

PossIBLE OCCURRENCE IN THE UNITED STATES

Prof. Chas. Schuchert’ has recorded the finding of a loose speci-
men of S. burtoni in southern Minnesota and has expressed verbally
the opinion that this fossil would probably be found in the Minnesota
Devonian. Prof. C. R. Stauffer, who has been recently working on
the Devonian of that State, read at the last meeting of the Palaeonto-
logical Society of America a paper on his results. His account of the
Devonian faunas which he has found in that State does not appear to
lend any support to the theory that the S. burtoni fauna extends
southward into the United States. So far as present knowledge goes,
it may be considered to be in North America a strictly Canadian
fauna.

7E. M. Kindle and T. O. Bosworth: Oil-bearing rocks of Lower Mackenzie
River Valley. Can. Geol. Surv. Summ. Rept., 1920, Pt. B.
8 Bull. U.S.G.S., No. 87, 1897, p. 417.

24 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

st 600 miles kr
Hay River and Great Carcajou Mountam Ramparts
Slave Lake Section Section. ion :
Cretaceous Shale Æ Cretaceous Shal Cretaceous Shal
Hay River | | ie Stangoceplalus
mee, 5 Dey fauna
Hare River
Sprnier me |
whitney | / Cc
Hay Raver ee [|
Se | i
Bosworth / |
(covered. Sandstone | /
_ and Shale | |
+ ait
one Buchiola [|
eG retriostriata / /
e fauna /

:
/
D

|
4

Slave Point) SE

Limestone ==

Fresque Isle es | Stringocephalus

Dolomite cas /
auna

Pine Point

Limestone 1 E

Fort Creek

Shale Scale 100 f= ys in.

Limestone

Fic. I
Generalized sections showing the stratigraphic relations of the Stringocephalus
bearing limes'one in the Mackenzie valley.

SECTION IV, 1921 [25] TRANS: | R:SiG

Mesozoic Clays and Sands in Northern Ontario
By JosEPH KEELE!
Presented by R. A. A. JOHNSTON, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)
INTRODUCTION

In the autumn of 1918 several samples of clay were sent for
examination to the clay testing laboratory of the Mines Branch,
Department of Mines of Canada. These samples were collected on
the bank of Mattagami river by Mr. C. M. McCarthy of Elk Lake
from outcrops just north of the lower end of Long Portage.

An examination of the samples convinced the writer that they
represented highly refractory clays of rare occurrence in Canada and
were undoubtedly of pre-Glacial age.

Small samples from other high grade clays known to occur on
Missinaibi river were procured from the owners, and these likewise
proved to be pre-Glacial clays similar to those on Mattagami river,
40 miles distant.

It appeared, then, to the writer that there were remnants of a
group of sediments in this region which were probably of Tertiary
age, or perhaps older, and that it was advisable to visit the localities
and examine the deposits.

Two short journeys were made in 1919 and 1920, and evidence
was secured which proved not only that the clays were pre-Glacial
but also that they were probably of Lower Cretaceous age.

The clays and sands on Missinaibi river, where the most con-
spicuous outcrops occur, attracted the attention of several previous
explorers, who attributed their origin to glacial transport and deposi-
tion, some calling them inter-Glacial.

Most of the explorers, however, were chiefly concerned with
metallic minerals, and soft deposits like these were not very closely
scrutinized. Furthermore, it was inconceivable to them that such
soft deposits'could have survived the destructive effects of glaciation.

The composition and physical characters of these materials
show that they have no relation whatever to glacial products. Sedi-
ments like these could not have been laid down in any region sub-

1 Published by the permission of the Deputy Minister of Mines.

26 THE, ROYAL SOCIETY: OF CANADA

sequent to its glaciation until all the former products of the glaciation
had been carried out of the drainage basins and a prolonged era of
subaereal weathering of bedrock had set in and to accomplish this
would require more time than the whole period assigned to the
Pleistocene.

Glaciation and Tertiary erosions have almost destroyed the
Lower Cretaceous formation in northern Ontario, leaving only
vestiges of it like the deposits under consideration.

The view has hitherto been held that no pre-Glacial rocks later
than Upper Devonian were ever laid down in northern Ontario;
therefore the discovery of Mesozoic rocks and possibly of Tertiary
adds a new chapter to the geology of that province.

PREvVIOUS HISTORY

The first notice we have of these deposits was recorded by Dr.
Robert Bell. The locality given was Coal brook, a small tributary
of Missinaibi river, and the material exposed was a 3-foot bed of
lignite, underlain by sticky blue clay, and overlain by late glacial
dant:

In 1880 Mr. E. B. Borron discovered an extensive deposit of
white sand and clay on the east side of Missinaibi river, about 5 miles
below the mouth of Coal brook.’

In 1882 Mr. Borron found an outcrop of what he called yellow
ochre with some fine white clay on the eastern bank of Mattagami
river, about a quarter of a mile below the north end of Long Portage.
This is the outcrop from which Mr. McCarthy obtained the samples
he sent to the Mines Branch in 1918.

During the same journey Mr. Borron saw a thin seam of lignite
on Mattagami river, about 5 miles below Long Portage. These two
localities are given on page 30 of his report for 1882.

In 1890 Mr. Borron went out, equipped with apparatus, for the
purpose of testing the lignite seams discovered by Dr. Bell and
himself on Missinaibi river.

He devoted most of his attention to borings on the lignite out-
crop on Coal brook. A plan of a portion of Coal brook, with the
positions and numbers of the holes bored, is given in his report. *

Mr. Borron recognized the fact that the clays at tHis point were
quite distinct from the widespread glacial clays of the region, and

1 Geol. Sur. Can. Rep. Prog., 1877-1878, p. 4C.
2 Report by E. B. Borron on Part of the Basin of Hudson Bay, Toronto
8 Report on the Basin of Moose River, E. B. Borron, Toronto, 1890, pp. 65 to 69.

[KEELE] MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS 27

mentions in his report that they might be used for the manufacture
of firebrick if ever any metallurgical operations were undertaken in
the region.

Other lignite seams which occur farther north on Missinaibi
river were examined during the same season, but these appear to be
merely beds of indurated peat lying amongst inter-Glacial materials.

In 1904 Mr. J. M. Bell, while engaged in exploration for minerals
of economic value in northern Ontario, discovered a bed of white clay
on Wabiskagami river, a tributary of Missinaibi river.! This deposit
is situated about 2 miles west of the one discovered by Mr. Borron
in 1880.

In 1908 considerable attention was attracted to the possibilities
of the occurrence of merchantable coal in this region, and most of the
outcrops of lignite described by Messrs. Bell and Borron were staked
by prospectors.

In 1910 Professor M. B. Baker investigated the lignite and iron
ore deposits on Mattagami river,? and made borings on the lignite
seam discovered by Mr. Borron in 1882.

In 1913 Messrs. Tees Curran and H. A. Calkins staked claims
and did assessment work on the deposits on Missinaibi and Wabis-
kagami rivers. The result of their work showed that the clays and
sands at that point were over 70 feet thick.

TOPOGRAPHY

A wide belt of lowland plain, underlain chiefly by Palaeozoic
rock, encircles the southern and western portion of Hudson bay, in
northern Ontario. A great area of Pre-Cambrian rocks, standing at
a somewhat higher elevation, lies south of the Palaeozoic plain. The
rocks of both the plain and the upland are generally concealed by a
thick sheet of glacial drift, principally boulder clay.

A considerable portion of the drainage from the Pre-Cambrian
upland flows northward, and the streams which carry it have cut
down through the glacial drift, reaching in some places the underlying
bedrock.

The Abitibi, Mattagami, and. Missinaibi, with their numerous
tributaries, are the principal streams of the region. Albany river and
its branches drain the country to the west of these streams, but no
undoubted occurrence of Cretaceous or Tertiary deposits has, so far,
been discovered in the basin of this stream.

1 Bureau of Mines, Ontario, 1904, Vol. LXIII, p. 160.
? Ontario Bureau of Mines, Vol. XX, part I, p. 236.

28 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The most conspicuous feature of the region is the northern margin
of the Pre-Cambrian rocks, which rises from 150 to 200 feet above the
southern fringe of the Palaeozoic plain.

The rivers have cut post-glacial gorges or canyons in this margin, :
which are generally longer and steeper than those in any other part
of their courses.

The surface of the drift is a gently undulating plain, of the swell
and sag type of topography. The depressions are generally shallow
marshes or muskegs supporting little or no tree growth, but the higher
portions are thickly wooded.

Lakes are almost absent over the greater part of the plain under-
lain by thick drift, but are numerous farther south, where the drift
cover on the rocks is thinner.

The deposits of clay, sand, and lignite, which are described in
this paper, lie below the glacial drift, near the northern margin of the
Pre-Cambrian rocks. Their distance from the nearest points on the
National Transcontinental railway line is 40 to 50 miles.

GEOLOGICAL OUTLINE

The surface of the crystalline rocks of the great Pre-Cambrian
upland slopes steeply to the north, and at Long Portage on the
Missinaibi and Mattagami and at Coral Portage on Abitibi river
they finally disappear beneath younger deposits. Sedimentary
formations—shale, limestone, sandstone, and gypsum—then appear
wherever bedrock is exposed on the rivers. Most of the sedimentary
rocks here are of Palaeozoic age, and include Devonian, Silurian and,
perhaps, Ordovician sediments.

The Palaeozoic rocks for the most part are flat-lying and show
no indication whatever of metamorphism. Some of the clay layers
included in the Upper Devonian rocks are as soft and plastic as many
recent clays.

At certain isolated localities along the rivers north of the border
of Pre-Cambrian rocks bright coloured clays and sands with lignite
seams occur below the universal covering of glacial drift. These
rocks are the subject of this paper, and are supposed to be of Lower
Cretaceous age. The basal beds of these deposits have not been seen,
but presumably they lie unconformably upon black and green shales
of the Portage formation, because these rocks are found outcropping
a few miles below the Cretaceous beds on Mattagami river.

1 Palaeozoic Rocks in Northern Ontario, M. Y. Williams, Summaty Report
Geol. Surv., 1919, Part G.

.

[KEELE] MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS 29

Masses of yellow and orange sands covered by glacial drift occur
on Abitibi and Mattagami rivers. These sands are presumably of
Tertiary origin.

There were at least two periods of glaciation over the region in
Pleistocene times. Remnants of inter-Glacial deposits are found at
intervals in the region, underlain by Palaeozoic rocks, but none are
found in the Pre-Cambrian upland. The grey till, a product of the
last glaciation, is spread everywhere and forms the surface of the
greater part of the region.

GLACIATION

Glaciation has not only profoundly affected the Cretaceous
formation in northern Ontario, but has entirely changed the appear-
ance of the pre-Glacial land surface of the region.

At the present day we catch glimpses only of the ruins of the
Cretaceous formation at isolated spots on the river banks; and instead
of the uneven, rocky topography of pre-Glacial times we see a nearly
uniformly level surface underlain by glacial drift.

There were at least two distinct periods during which the land
surface was occupied by ice. In the interval between these periods
conditions favourable to erosion, weathering, leaching, deposition of
sediments, and plant growth, were restored. wie

The inter-Glacial deposits which were then laid down suffered
severely from the subsequent glaciation, but the inter-Glacial remnants
are more numerous and much more imposing than are the vestiges of
the Cretaceous formation. The last glaciation moved from north
to south, carrying with it a huge cargo of till which was deposited in
a sheet not only over the Palaeozoic plain, but over the Pre-Cambrian
upland for a distance of 100 miles.

This till is very bouldery in places, and is of a uniformly lead-
grey colour in the lower part, but the upper portion is weathered to a
yellowish grey.

The banks of the rivers are almost entirely composed of this till,
and the beds of all the rivers are strewn with boulders derived from it.
The Cretaceous beds on Mattagami river are overlain by about
75 feet of the late glacial till.

The till or boulder clay at the base of the inter-Glacial beds is
reddish in colour, and, although it contains a good deal of grit as well
as boulders, it also contains a fair percentage of plastic clay. The
red colour and plastic properties of this till may be due in part to its
derivation by erosion from the highly coloured clay beds of the
Cretaceous, or, as is more likely, from erosion of the red Salina shales

30 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

of the Silurian which form part of the bedrock in the region near
James Bay.

No inter-Glacial beds have been found on the Pre-Cambrian
upland, but a pre-Glacial valley on the east side of Missinaibi river,
just below the end of Long Portage, is filled with a very dark coloured,
stratified, peaty clay deposit, which is undoubtedly of inter-Glacial
age and bears a strong resemblance to the Toronto formation! in the
inter-Glacial beds at Toronto, Ontario.

TERTIARY EROSION AND DEPOSITION

It is probable that the Cretaceous deposits were uplifted and
wasted by stream erosion and weathering during Tertiary times.
It is not definitely known that any Tertiary deposits occur in the
region, but certain beds of yellow and orange sands on Mattagami
and Abitibi rivers are probably pre-Glacial in origin and may be
Tertiary. The most extensive yellow sand deposit on Mattagami
river occupies about a quarter of a mile of the east bank, between the
mouth of Pike creek and the iron ore deposit at the head of Grand
Rapids.

These sands extend below water level and vary in thickness from
10 to 25 feet. hey are overlain by only a foot or two of stratified
silts from which they are separated by a thin layer of rusty pebbles.
The sands are composed entirely of coarse quartz grains often with a
cross-bedded arrangement interbanded occasionally with streaks of
pea-sized gravel composed mostly of quartz, although pebbles of the
harder parts of pre-Cambrian rocks are also present. Occasionally
pockets and streaks of micaceous clay are included, as well as rusty
and disintegrated cobble stones.

The materials are coarser at the northern end of the deposit,
where they finally pass into yellow gravels with pebbles of cobble
stone size, and end abruptly against boulder clay.

The sands are compact enough to retain a fairly vertical face,
but there are no cemented beds.

The colour of the beds varies from yellow to orange and reddish
brown, and appears to be mainly due to a coating on the quartz
grains and not to fine material intermixed with the sands.

A similar deposit on the opposite bank of the river evidently
formed part of the beds above referred to before the river cut through
them.

1 Inter-Glacial Period in Canada, Compte-Rendu, Cong. Geol. Intern., Mexico,
1906.

[KEELE] MESOZIC CLAYS AND SANDS 31

À smaller deposit of the same type of sands occurs a short distance
below the foot of Long Portage on Mattagami river, in the bank over-
lying the fire-clay beds. The deposit, which is enclosed in boulder
clay, is limited in width but is about 40 feet thick. The sands are
arranged in beds sloping down stream and contain a band of grey and
yellow clay about a foot thick. Above the clay bed the materials
are yellow gravels and cobble stones. The orange sand and gravels are
overlaid by grey fluvio-glacial gravels with included lenses of boulder
. Clay. A solid mass of hard, grey, gritty till carrying unusually large
boulders, caps the bank.

The largest deposit of orange sands in the region occurs on the
east ‘bank of Abitibi river between Sextant Portage and the head
of Long Rapid.

The sands here are about 30 feet thick and extend for a mile along
the banks under a capping of boulder clay. The sands are composed
almost exclusively of coarse, angular to round quartz grains, some-
times running as coarse as fine gravel. Angular fragments of dis-
integrated pre-Cambrian schist are mixed with the sand toward its
base. The bottom of the deposit lies below water level and was not
seen.

The place in the geological sequence to which these sands should
be assigned cannot be easily fixed. It is difficult to regard them as
pre-Glacial in view of the accepted theories regarding the scouring
action of a continental glacier like that which passed over this region.
Friable, unconsolidated deposits like these sands would seem to have
small chance of surviving such a glaciation. On the other hand,
we are confronted with the strongly oxidized and residual character
of the materials in the deposits, and their freedom from glacial dirt
of any kind. If it is urged that the lack of cementing material would
indicate a recent origin it may be pointed out that there are sandstones
of Silurian age on Abitibi river with no greater measure of cementing
material present.

It would appear that their comparative freedom from materials
other than quartz would give these sands economic value as a source
of silica. It is probable that they contain too high a percentage of
iron to be used in glass manufacture although washing would no
doubt reduce this. As the texture of the sands is about right for glass
making purposes a few washing trials and chemical analyses would
settle the question. There are no sands so pure as these in the Glacial
series.

32 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The non-Glacial character of these sands indicates that they have
been formed from debris carried by streams from the pre-Cambrian
upland and deposited as deltas on the Palaeozoic plain.

It is probable that a long period of weathering caused the accumu-
lation of a considerable amount of coarse disintegrated rock material
as well as clay, the transport of the coarser materials having been
made possible by an uplift of the land surface in late Tertiary times
which would increase the carrying power of the streams.

The scouring of the residual mantle from the pre-Cambrian
upland appears to have been fairly complete before glaciation set in.
There is very little true boulder clay in the glacial drift upon the pre-
Cambrian surfaces except on parts so situated that the ice had previ-
ously passed over adjacent Palaeozoic rocks. When the supply of
clay collected from the Palaeozoic rocks had been deposited and the
ice had extended over the pre-Cambrian surfaces there was apparently
no more clay to be obtained.

The purely pre-Cambrian drift is a thin sheet, consisting mostly
of silt, sand, gravel, and stones, including a surprisingly small amount
of real clay substance.

CHARACTER AND THICKNESS OF THE CRETACEOUS DEPOSITS

The Cretaceous deposits in northern Ontario occur in isolated
outcrops at certain points on Missinaibi and Mattagami rivers, north
of the pre-Cambrian rock boundary.

The deposits consist of white sands; pink, white, yellow, black
and grey to almost black clays; and lignite.

Few of the outcrops seen above water level along the river banks
give a clue to the character of the deposits, and it is mainly from
borings that the information is obtained.

The first borings were made in 1890 by Mr. Borron at the lignite
outcrop on Coal brook. The following record, selected from his list
of borings, illustrates the character of the materials found at this
point, from the surface downwards:

Drab and variegated clays:.........:..... 5S feet
Black carbonaceous clays and lignite....... atin
Drabsclayi oy cof ences! sempre meee eds olla die
Black clay and lignite.................... 1 foot
Variegated clays 2)! 22. aye ee VS HONIEEL
Sn AGEN AS DA a. einen oer SOUL

Tipiitel ii ers cs ele er eee eek nat acti PES

[KEELE] MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS 33

SemSecwlintessanid hi}: 200 MSN atl 2 feet
Wanesa Lecfelay….::.. 410 NS FOREST 1 foot
Due Ghats co. tnd CRI UP 9 feet

30 feet

The clays and sands found in this boring are apparently identical
in character to those found by the writer when boring on the Matta-
gami deposit near the foot of Long Portage, except that no lignite
seams were found at the latter locality.

The most extensive remnant of Cretaceous deposits at present
known in northern Ontario occurs on the east bank of Missinaibi
river, about 45 miles north of the Canadian National railway line
and about 4 miles above the mouth of Wabiskagami river. The pre-
Cambrian rock escarpment is about 6 miles to the south of these
deposits.

The Cretaceous beds are exposed for a distance of half a mile
along the lower part of the river bank, and in places rise to a
height of 30 feet above the low water level. The greater part of the
deposit is made up of quartz sand, the particles of which are coated
with white clay, but the sand is stained in places to a pink or yellow
colour.

The clay is of various colours—white, pink, grey and yellow,
but the bulk of the exposed part is mottled pink and white in colour.

The whole deposit is overlain by the late glacial stony clay, and
some of this clay is pressed into and intermixed with the Cretaceous
clay for a depth of several feet. Two small streams have cut down
through the overlying glacial drift, exposing the lower clay and pro-
viding convenient points for the examination of the deposit. In one
of the sections thus exposed the glacial drift is seen to rest directly
on the white sand. The glacial clay has a high content of lime, and
some of the lime leached from it has been redeposited in the white
sands and has cemented the upper 3 or 4 feet so as to forma protective
capping.

The Cretaceous material is found in irregular arrangement and
although the sands are stratified in places they generally form lens-
like masses. The clay likewise occurs in lenses, some of which are
banded in different colours. This banding does not appear to be
related to bedding, except that it is due to the varying quantity of
iron oxide that accompanied the sediments during their deposition
and in that sense may be bedding. In the great masses of mottled

34 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

clay, however, the discoloured portion and the white clay are mixed
without any banding.

Mr. J. M. Bell found material on Wabiskagami river at a point
_ about eight miles above its junction with the Missinaibi, which he
describes as follows: “The deposit lies on the right or southern bank
of the stream, along which it is traceable for about 400 feet, rising
above the summer level to a height of at least about 10 feet. It is
overlain by a talus of soft boulder clay which in places entirely
obscures the underlying material. The kaolinic clay is soft, plastic,
and unctuous, generally almost white in colour, but sometimes stained
deep hematite red or yellow ochre by impregnation of iron oxide.
Much of it is remarkably free from sand, but other parts contain
lenses and small pocket-like areas, composed of grains of clear, glassy
quartz sand mixed with pure white kaolin.”

The deposit thus described by Mr. Bell lies about 2 miles west
of the large body of similar material on the east bank of the Missinaibi.
No other deposits of this character are known to occur on Missinaibi
river or its tributaries. No lignite was seen in connection with the
clays and sands at either of the above localities.

The most extensive outcrops of Cretaceous beds known on
Mattagami river occurs on the eastern bank, about a quarter of a mile
below the north end of Long Portage. At this point the bright
coloured Cretaceous clays outcrop at intervals from beneath the
river wash, along the strip of sloping bank between high and low water
levels, the greatest vertical height to which the clays rise being about
8 feet. Above this level banks of glacial clay rise to a height of 75
feet.

A number of holes were bored with an auger by the writer at
various places along the strip of clay outcrops in order to ascertain
the thickness of the clays and the variation of the beds. None of the
holes went down very deep owing to the fact that in every case a bed
of white or pale yellowish sand was encountered which invariably
let water into the hole and put an end to boring operations.

The following three examples summarize the results of the
borings:

(1) Bright red and grey mottled clay........ 2’-0"
Yellow and grey mottled clay...........2’-0”
Black clay. jerks. ake eee ee tee 3/-0”
White clay ete sat. sue ete a 1’-0”
Sand ont (au h eee ee ee CES 1’-0”

[KEELE] MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS

ive)
On

Care orey, highly plastic clay... ceu).7) 3/-0"
ICU ASE a les in de DART eh eS ee 3-0”
WV httesand with-clay bende: a. 41020

Water bearing sand

CP WWAItE: clars he steel eins NAN NET ns 3/-0”
Mottled pink and yellow clay.......... 2’-0/
Reddish: pink Clay vn). Ween ae eR eee Oe
Siltyaeneycclay. 2 iw weiss dees Mote 3’-6/
White. Samd...a9! :. 2ijcport See Weld, Ee dae 1-07

An effort was made to find the clay at higher levels by boring
through the glacial drift in the high banks. Five holes were started
on terraces at different levels on the boulder clay, but none of them
succeeded in getting down very far owing to the stones scattered
through the clay. There are no surface indications of the fire-clays
in the slopes of the higher part of the bank, but the constant slumping
of the glacial clay and the thick forest and plant growth are sufficient
to conceal any outcrops. The bottom of a small creek which enters
the river not far from the fire-clay outcrop was followed up, but,
although the little stream had cut deeply into the glacial clays, it
did not reveal any fire-clays beneath them.

About six miles below the foot of Long Portage, at the big bend
on the Mattagami, another outcrop of fire-clays occurs in the lower
part of the bank of the river. The following beds were seen between
the overburden of glacial clay and the river level.

Sith pase DIS NCA ER ES MER NUE i eee ee 4-0”
Well indurated, yellowish sandstone, with abundant
fossiltplamt remraime si | eae NIMES PE eee 2’-0”
Might piie-sneyaclay AMENER ete Oe 2’-0”
Laminated bluish-grey, silty clay. te ae Een A EU

Massive bed of dark grey micaceous ener: LS

A little farther down the stream a bed of hard, black lignite with
a woody structure, accompanied by white and black plastic clays,
outcrops at intervals near the river level for a distance of 100 vards.

Only about 2 or 3 feet of these beds are exposed below the glacial
drift, and from the upturned attitude of the lignite seam they seem
to have slumped from a higher level. It is possible that the lignite
and the white and black clays properly overlie the section given above.

—34

36 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The three-foot, massive bed of micaceous clay at the bottom of
the above section was the only one sampled for testing, as it looked
the least promising from a refractory point of view. It, however,
proved to be a fire-clay. It was assumed that all the upper beds were
fire-clays as well as the ones accompanying the lignite which are
similar to those occurring just below Long Portage.

Borings made in this locality in 1910 by Prof. M. B. Baker show
that the fire-clays reach a depth below the river of 16 feet, but no
lignite appears to have been encountered below the seam which out-
crops on the river bank.! The bottom of the clay was not reached in
the borings so that the material underlying it is unknown.

The greatest thickness of Cretaceous deposits recorded was that
reported on by Mr. H. A. Calkins, C.E., who examined the large
deposit on Missinaibi river in 1913 for the Montreal syndicate that
staked the claims upon it. Mr. Calkins made a series of borings
with a Standard earth auger equipment, and in the hole farthest
removed from the river bank he found red and white clay below the
glacial drift at a height of 74 feet above the river level. As the white
and red clay can be seen in the bed of the river at this point a con-
siderable amount would have to be added in order to obtain the entire
thickness so that it is probable that there is in the neighbourhood of
100 feet of Cretaceous measures intact in this region. The above
data were taken from Mr. Calkins’ report, a copy of which was sent
to the Department of Mines.

DISTRIBUTION OF CRETACEOUS DEPOSITS

It is quite probable that Mesozoic clays, sands, and lignites were
formerly widespread in northern Ontario, but a long period of pre-
Glacial erosion, inter-Glacial erosion, and two distinct periods of
glaciation in Pleistocene times have well nigh obliterated them, and
now only small detached patches are found at certain points where
the rivers have cut down through the overlying glacial debris deeply
enough to expose them. Outcrops of these rocks are known at present
at five places on the well travelled river routes, and there may be
many others on smaller and less travelled streams.

The known outcrops are all situated, with one exception, from
one to eight miles north of the northern border of the pre-Cambrian
upland. The distance from the outcrops on the Mattagami to those
on Missinaibi river is 40 miles, and it is quite possible that Cretaceous
deposits were formerly continuous over the intervening area.

1 Ontario Bureau of Mines, Vol. XX, Part I, p. 236.

[KEELE] "* MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS 37

The beds on Wabiskagami river are about two miles west of the
Missinaibi outcrops. The materials in both localities are alike, and
the deposits are very probably continuous, but the stony character
of the glacial drift overburden rendered it impossible to prove this
by boring.

Sink holes and solution channels in limestone on Mattagami river
at Grand Rapids are partially filled with iron ore and clay and a small
quantity of lignite. The clays of some of the beds in the limestone
cavities are refractory enough to be classed as fire-clays, and it is
quite possible that the beds belong to the same period of deposition
as the clays and lignite farther south. These clays are 20 miles north
of the pre-Cambrian rock boundary.

The known scattered remnants indicate that the Cretaceous clays
were once spread over an area at least 40 miles long and 20 miles
wide, and it is certain that they originally had a much larger extent
of country.

The Cretaceous clays seem to be confined to the northern Palae-
ozoic plain, as no remnants have yet been found on the pre-Cambrian
upland to the south. It is probable, therefore, either that these
clays were not laid down at as high a level as that of the upland or
that the pre-Cambrian surface was swept bare of Cretaceous sediments
before Pleistocene times.

AGE AND CORRELATION OF THE DEPOSITS

As these clays occur in a remote region, isolated from all other
known deposits of a similar kind, it is of interest to compare them
with clays of a similar character which are used in the clay working
industry at accessible localities.

The northern Ontario fire-clays, as far as known, are all situated
on the low rather flat area of Palaeozoic rocks which lie between the
great central complex of pre-Cambrian rocks and Hudson bay. The
bottom of the fire-clay beds was not seen at any point where they were
examined as the basal beds lie below water level, and were not reached
by borings.

The Palaeozoic rocks found nearest to the clays are sediments of
Upper Devonian age, and it is very likely that the fire-clay beds rest
directly on these.

The fire-clays are all transported, fine-grained sediments and, as
the name implies, they are fairly pure materials, free from an excess
of fluxing impurities such as iron, lime, magnesia, and alkalies. Thin

38 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

seams of well indurated, woody lignite accompany the clays, but
none of the seams seen was thick enough to be of economic value. A
bed of pure, coarse-grained, quartz sand, in which is intermingled a
small amount of white clay, accompanies the fire-clays at one locality.

These materials are undoubtedly of pre-Glacial age, but of more
recent origin than Upper Devonian. Their age is approximately
fixed by certain fossil plant remains in a bed of sandstone included
in the clay beds at a point about 6 miles below the foot of Long Rapid,
on Mattagami river.

Through the courtesy of Mr. David White a collection of these
fossils was examined by the palaeobotanists of the United States
Geological Survey, who stated that “the material you transmitted is
so fragmentary that with the few specimens in hand it is impossible
to determine even the genera with certainty.- However, most of the
large fragments belong to a leaf of Taeniopteroid aspect. The nerva-
tion suggests some of the later types, such as are found in the older
Mesozoic. .

It is almost certain that the beds are not younger than Kootenay
and they are surely not older than Permian.”’

As previously stated, no lignite beds were seen in the section
containing the fossils, but there is very little doubt that the lignite
and its associated clays, which occur about 200 feet farther down-
stream, belong to the same deposit.

Clays of this type are extremely rare in eastern Canada, the
only other known occurrence being one in the Musquodoboit valley
-in Nova Scotia. The Musquodoboit clays are covered by glacial
drift and overlie Lower Carboniferous rocks, but no fossils have yet
been found in them. They are very similar to the Lower Cretaceous
clays which occur extensively on the Atlantic coastal plain in the
state of New Jersey. Certain portions of the clay deposit on the
Mattagami correspond in all their physical properties to some of the
Musquodoboit clays.

The nearest point in western Canada where such materials occur
is at Swan river,! Manitoba. At this locality there are lead-grey
clays containing a thin layer of lignite and overlain by soft white
sandstone. These beds are of Cretaceous age and are generally
referred to as Dakota.

Cretaceous sediments of Dakota age occur also in a narrow belt
along the southern margin of the pre-Cambrian rocks in the province
of Saskatchewan and are evidently the western extension of the
Manitoba beds. The Dakota beds in Saskatchewan, as observed by

1 Summary Report, Geol. Surv. Can., 1917, Part D, page 37D.

[KEELE] MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS 39

MclInnes,! are made up principally of soft, white sandstone and thin
lignite seams, and the clay content appears to be very small.

The most extensive clay beds of Lower Cretaceous age occur in
northern Alberta on Athabaska river and its tributaries north of Fort
McMurray.?

The Athabaska clays overlie Devonian limestone and were
deposited near the western margin of the Pre-Cambrian area, where
they are associated with incoherent white sands which have become
impregnated with bitumen and hence are often referred to as tar
sands. Although many of the clay beds in this region yield refractory
materials of fairly high grade none of them was found to equal the
best of the Mattagami clays.

The exact position of these sediments in the Cretaceous is only
approximately known at present, but it seems probable that the
Manitoba and Saskatchewan beds are more recent than the Athabaska
and northern Ontario series, the latter being probably the oldest of all.

PHYSICAL PROPERTIES AND CHEMICAL COMPOSITION OF CLAYS
AND SANDS

The clays contained in the Cretaceous deposits in northern
Ontario are of high grade and of a class quite rare in Canada. If
they were situated close to transportation and easily mined they
would have great industrial value owing to their good working qualities
and their refractoriness. Samples taken from the borings on Matta-
gami river were tested by the writer in the laboratories of the Mines
Branch, with the following results

Mattagami River

The clays are smooth and free from coarse grit with good plasticity
and working qualities. Only sample No. 10 contained a quantity
of coarse quartz grains which had to be separated by washing. The
contrast in colour and texture of these materials to the ordinary
glacial clays of the region is very striking.

The following table shows the character of the various clays
when burned in a commercial stoneware kiln to cone 7.

A portion of each sample was dipped in Albany slip glaze before
firing. The glaze was found to be fully matured when the samples
were drawn from the kiln.

‘ Geol. Surv. Can., Mem. 30, p. 65. :
? Mines Branch, Ottawa, Bull. No. 10, ‘‘ Notes on Clay Deposits near McMurray,
Alberta.”

40 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OFRICANADA

Cone 7—1270°C.—2318°F.

Number of sample | Raw colour | Burned colour ene Percentage

Shrinkage absorption
1 Pink Buff 16 2
2 Pink Cream 15 2
4 Buff Pink 16 3
5 Orange Red 13 13
6 Orange Red 12 12
ff Black White 9 15
8 Drab Cream 12 8
10 White White 12 12
11 Light grey Cream 13 6
12 White Cream 10

These clays fall into two groups: those that are high in iron and
those that have a low iron content. The iron has an effect on the
colour, particularly in the burned state, and also on the refractoriness.
The first group, however, are fire-clays, with the exception of No. 5,
which begins to soften at cone 20—1,530°C., and is the least refractory
of the group. The others do not begin to soften until the deformation
points of cones 26 and 27—1,650 to 1,670°C.—are reached.

Samples 7 to 12 are highly refractory, 10 and 12 being No. 1 fire-
clays as they do not deform at cone 33—1,790°C. This is the first
record of the occurrence of No. 1 fireclays in Canada.

Owing to their variety of character these clays are suitable for
the manufacture of quite a wide range of clay products. Nos. 1, 2
and 4 are vitrified at the temperature indicated, but have a very
high shrinkage which would require to be corrected by mixing. They
are suitable for the manufacture of stoneware goods and sewer pipe
or other vitrified products as well as firebrick. Clays 7 to 11 are high
grade materials, which would be suitable for retorts, crucibles or fire-
brick, in the crude state, and, if washed, for the manufacture of
electric and sanitary porcelain as well as floor and wall tiles.

Only one bed of clay was sampled from the Cretaceous outcrops
which occur 6 miles below the foot of Long Portage. This was the
massive bed of dark grey, micaceous clay at the bottom of the section;
and, although it looked the least promising in the field from a re-
fractory point of view, it turned out to bea No. 3 fireclay that would
make a good commercial firebrick.

[KEELE] MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS 41

Glass Sand

The white sands which underlie the clay beds are composed
almost entirely of sub-angular and rounded quartz grains, with which
is intermingled a small quantity of white clay.

A washing test made upon an average sample of 10 feet in depth
of this sand showed that it contained 15 per cent. of white clay.

The sand, when freed from the clay, was found to be of the
proper texture for glass making, and the chemical determination
indicating 99.8 per cent. silica shows it to be of exceptional purity.

The white clay washed from the sand is very plastic and highly
refractory while it burns to a whiter colour than any clay in the over-
lying beds.

The sand in its natural state contains enough plastic fire-clay to
act as a bond when the material is moistened and pressed into brick
shapes. A brick of this description is known as gannister brick, its
use being principally confined to lining steel furnaces. The test
bricks were subjected to frequent burnings up to a temperature of
3,000 degrees F., but they remained soft and friable, as the materials
appeared to be too refractory to produce a fused bond. The addition
of a little iron and lime oxide would be required in order to produce
the necessary bond in firing.

MIsSINAIBI RIVER

Sands

The sand which comprises the greater portion of the deposit
exposed on Missinaibi river is made up almost wholly of rather coarse
angular quartz particles coated with white clay.

An average sample representing about 15 feet in thickness of
the deposit was submitted to a washing test, and was found to yield
5 per cent. of fine white clay. An analysis of the grain size of the
washed sand gave the following figures:

Retained.on.. 10: meshiscreen. |. 2: mu 8.27 per cent.
= ee ES 4 pede es MT DAT ASE LE TN ii:
dt ds Dit des tt raie HER 38.0450."
“ TOUR 1. ed ce dose DATE Ce: One
+ SAO ho “ol arte ms 138804:
Through 7.3 116 Ne sb Mie SET PRES AO Re

A chemical analysis of the washed sand, made by Mr. A. Sadler
of the Mines Branch, resulted as follows:

42 THE ROYAL) SOCIETY (OF (CANADA

Siler ees Shia are eae lee RES EE 407 (2) per cent:
ANA PRE lal ne eae TRS MD a
OM OI Garth. te Cater eg Sed a eee Syd we F3
MOS cA fr ARENA ARR CR PAT EN CREER Le DE an ;
INDE GIES Tae ies ce AIRE Ait ea Mn e AL tee EME EEE ANS 2221100 ni
LOS oignon LES TER PRINCE TRS PE
99.07 ‘ ;

The iron content of the washed sand is probably too high to
permit of its use in the manufacture of white glass, but it would be
suitable for green bottle glass. The alumina content is also higher
than is desirable, as alumina has the effect of making the glass batch
more difficult to melt. The grain size or texture of the sand is right
for glass-making as most of it is included between the 20 and 100 mesh
screens.

The unwashed sand should be suitable for steel moudling foundry
use, as there is just enough clay present to act as a binder but not too
much. The clay content is greater than 5 per cent. in some parts of
the sand deposit, and quite an appreciable amount of fine white clay
could be obtained by washing. There are also lenses of pink and
yellowish sand as well as white sand, but the colour in this case appears
to be easily washed out in water and a white sand obtained.

It should be noted that there are no sands of this description
either in the Glacial or inter-Glacial deposits of the region.

Clays

It would be difficult to mine any of the special parts of the
deposit separately, as the white clay, which is the most valuable part,
merges into pink, yellow, or grey clay, so that no great quantity of it
could be extracted alone.

The mottled pink and white clay, which makes up the greater
part of the clay portion of the deposit, was sampled for testing pur-
poses. It is fairly plastic, but gritty, has good working and drying
qualities, and burns to a pink, dense body at 1,100°C. When burned
to 1,300°C.—the temperature at which firebricks are generally burned
—the body is steel-hard and has a greyish-pink colour. The total
shrinkage at this temperature is 10 per cent. and the absorption
13 per cent. This material is a fire-clay, as it does not begin to soften
until subjected to a temperature of 1,670°C., and could be used to
make a good commercial grade of fire-brick or other refractory wares.

[KEELE] MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS 43

This clay could be used also for the manufacture of stoneware
pottery, but for this purpose it would have to be washed and screened
in order to free it from coarse grit.

The white clay is somewhat more refractory than the mottled
clay, and when washed would probably be suitable for the manu-
facture of white, floor and wall tile and for sanitary ware.

CHEMICAL ANALYSES OF THE VARIOUS CLAYS

I IT III IV
SCA AR ee 58.90 ne LL? 53.78 Domo
ANluminaeeesse ere seer 26.63 28.06 29.58 31.92
Rerrcoxide er 007 1.40 5.36 5.09 152
tanicoxide. «a. 1.25 | not determined | not determined | not determined
LÉ ERA REA 0.56 025 .44 0.51
Malone Siaemnaecs CIO TC .16 trace trace
Manganese..........| 0.01 | not determined | not determined | not determined
POLAS NA EE RER Onell .26 trace 0.28
Sodas EUR EL ye OSA? .03 trace 0.54
VAT D PNR eee 10.30 9.13 LAO 12:35

I. White clay, Missinaibi river. Analyst, M. F. Connor.

II. Mottled clay, Missinaibi river. Analyst, A. Sadler.
III. Mottled clay, Wabiskagami river. Ontario Bureau of Mines.
IV. White clay, Mattagami river. Ontario Bureau of Mines.

The almost complete absence of lime, magnesia and alkalies in
these clays shows that they are very different materials from the
Glacial or inter-Glacial clays, in which the sum of these active fluxes
ranges from 15 to 30 per cent., and makes them easily fusible.

No. IV is an exceptionally high grade clay as regards refractori-
ness, as it stands as high a temperature as English china clay before
deforming, and is the only example of a No. 1 fire-clay so far found in
Canada.

ORIGIN OF CLAYS

The Cretaceous clays and sands, found at intervals near the
margin of the great pre-Cambrian area in Canada, are derived from
the weathering and decay of the older crystalline rocks. The clays
have been derived chiefly through superficial weathering and kaolin-
ization of the feldspar in these rocks, while the residual quartz has
gone to the formation of the sands. A climate favourable to weather-
ing and leaching, a long period of stability of the region with regard

44 THE ROYAL’ SOCIETY OF ‘CANADA

to sea level, abundant plant growth, and leisurely drainage are the
conditions which govern the formation, transportation, and accumu-
lation of high grade clays and sands.

Superficial kaolinization was probably general in Cretaceous and
Jurassic times over many parts of the area of pre-Cambrian rocks,
but the effects of kaolinization do not appear to have extended to any
great depth. There was a dearth of residual clay on the pre-Cambrian
upland during the period immediately preceding the Pleistocene
glaciation, as shown by the almost complete lack of clay in the com-
position of glacial drift which has been derived solely from pre-
Cambrian rock surfaces.

Mr. J. G. Cross made an examination of the pre-Cambrian rocks
on Mattagami and Abitibi rivers for the Ontario Bureau of Mines in
1919. He reported the occurrence of kaolinized garnet gneiss on
Mattagami river in the vicinity of Long Portage. The kaolinized
zone is about 400 feet wide, and is of a whitish colour. The feldspars
are entirely altered to kaolin, but unaltered garnet and mica still
remain. A pegmatite dike which cuts the gneiss at this point is also
semi-kaolinized.

A sample of the material, submitted for examination, is rather
too hard to be called a residual clay, but it probably represents a zone
of gradation between the unaltered rock and the overlying residual
clay, which has been removed. It is precisely the kind of material
which, worked over by water, would produce high grade plastic clays
such as those found a few miles farther down the river.

This is the only remnant of kaolin resulting from weathering,
known to the writer, in the pre-Cambrian area of Canada, but it is
not unlikely that other similar deposits are concealed beneath the
widespread glacial drift.

The rocks exposed on Missinaibi river, north of the railway,
belong principally to the pre-Cambrian schist complex. The pre-
vailing kind of rock is a stratiform, biotite gneiss which, while not
necessarily the exact equivalent of the Marshall lake series, bears a
strong resemblance to it in appearance and geological relations.
Well-foliated, hornblende gneisses of igneous origin are also exposed
at intervals. The greatest interest from the point of view of the
present investigation lies in the bedrock exposed along the canyon
walls at Long Portage. This rock is a binary granite, and probably
is an acid differentiate on a large scale from an igneous mass. It is
exposed for about a quarter of a mile along the canyon, and is flanked
on the north and south by foliated hornblende gneisses. The granite
is friable and appears to be softened by incipient kaolinization, and

[KEELE] MESOZOIC CLAYS AND SANDS 45

in all probability represents the lower and less altered portion of a
mass of more or less completely kaolinized rock. It is this kaolinized
part of the rock that has furnished the clay and quartz sand for the
Cretaceous deposits farther north. On Mattagami river a wide band
of highly kaolinized garnet gneiss occupies a similar position south
of the Cretaceous deposits exposed on that river.!

There may be other bands of kaolinized rock similar to the
above in this region which have escaped observation, for it must be
borne in mind that kaolinized rock surfaces are comparatively soft
and therefore wear down quickly while the surrounding harder rocks
stand up as ridges.

The hard rock ridges are the first to be revealed when the river
cuts down through the universal covering of glacial drift, and as these
ridges control the down-cutting process, the more deeply buried, softer
rocks are seldom brought into view.

It is not known whether the basin in which the clays settled
contained salt water or fresh water. A lowering of the land by
300 feet would cause the sea from Hudson bay to cover the Palaeozoic
coastal plain and change the shore line to the northern margin of the
pre-Cambrian rocks, a distance of 70 miles south of the present limit
of tidal water. This limit corresponds approximately with the
encroachment of the sea in late Pleistocene times.

Folding of the Palaeozoic rocks with uplift might block the north-
ward flowing drainage from the pre-Cambrian upland and cause
temporary fresh water lakes to exist in a depression between the
upland and the folded zones. The Silurian rocks on Moose river have
been gently folded, while the Devonian rocks which lie between them
and the pre-Cambrian escarpment are quite flat and apparently
undisturbed, and it is on this area that the Mesozoic clays have been
found.

It is simpler, however, to account for the presence of the sedi-
ments as the result of marine submergence in Mesozoic times.

1 Ontario Bureau of Mines, 1920, Vol. 29, Part 2, p. 17.

46 THE

ROVAL ‘SOCIETY OF CANADA

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| @ | Outcrops of pre glacial clay —probably Cretaceous)
Scale of Miles |
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Mines Branch. Ottawa

Drainage map of part of Northern Ontario

SECTION IV, 1921 [47] TRANS. R.S.C.

On Triarthrus canadensis, Triarthrus glaber, and Triarthrus
spinosus

By WA. Parks, Ph. Di FE: R.S:C:
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

Triarthrus canadensis was described by J. F. Smith, Jr., in a
paper read before the Canadian Institute on January 26, 1861, and
published in the Canadian Journal, Volume VI, page 275. Billings
mentions the species in his account of 7'riarthrus fischeri (Palaeozoic
Fossils, Vol. I, page 291) and includes it in a list of Utica fossils on
page 953 of the Report of Progress of the Geological Survey of Canada
for 1863. Barrande refers to 7. canadensis in Systéme Silurien de la
Bohême, Vol. I, Supplement, page 429. In the Canadian Record of
Science, Volume V, page 175, Ami says: “‘ Triarithrus canadensis, with
its peculiar genal angle produced into a prominent spine on each side
of the head, is most abundant in the Utica shales of the islands in
the northern portion of Lake Huron, such as the islands north of
Maple Cape, etc.’’ Bassler lists the species as a Collingwood fossil
in ‘American Ordovician and Silurian Fossils.”

The holotype, obtained by Smith at Whitby, Ontario, consists
of the head only, with both free cheeks preserved but with the axial
portion imperfect. The author refers, also, to a single free cheek
of larger size but of indifferent preservation. The essential char-
acteristic of the species is the possession of stout genal spines directed
backwards and outwards. “The only other species having long
spines is Triarthrus spinosus (Billings). By reference to Mr. Billings’
description the difference in 7. canadensis will become at once ap-
parent. The horns of the former are slender and cylindrical and
point with a slight curve, almost directly downwards to the eighth
pair of pleurae. In 7. canadensis they are flattish and rather thick,
with a groove running down the centre, and they extend at an angle
of about 40°, evidently not farther than the fourth pair of pleurae.”’

The above description is accompanied by a rather poor wood-
cut of the head. No description is given of the rest of the animal
nor do any of the references given above contain additional informa-
tion as to the morphology of the species. As far as I can ascertain a
whole specimen has not hitherto been described.

On the Rouge river, about fifteen miles east of Toronto, are three
exposures of shale filled with detached cranidia and pygidia of two

48 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

distinct species of 7Tviarthrus. One whole specimen and many free
cheeks of a variety of 7. spinosus were obtained; also, one good
specimen and a number of free cheeks of 7. canadensis. It is a
reasonable inference that the numerous cranidia and pygidia belong
to these two species. Slabs of shale from Craigleith, Ontario, a
classic locality for Utica and Collingwood fossils also contain numerous
free cheeks of 7. canadensis.

The almost perfect specimen of 7. canadensis (Figure 2) is
18 mm. long, but the largest free cheek found indicates a length of
43 mm. The measurements are as follows:

mm
Lotalilengih.)\. ssl beh MAMA AE aoe 1845
lensthooiheadiedian)£: ost aise See eee ete ee 5.0
NVidith: of head sae nisi Fad ls see ee ee AE 15.0
Kenethiol thorae ni sei Re CLIC Ans EP ENTER A 140
MaxinümiWwidth ‘of thoraxguscodie RNA ie 10.5
Lenetiobpyadinmee Na des bt eee eee 2:5
MadtihofipreidiumnisAmge sees rae ee ee 5.9

The axial portion is rather more than one-third the total width
and the axial furrows are well defined. The body is distinctly arcuate
in the thoracic region with the three lobes sharply differentiated.
While the cast of the inside of the dorsal crust, with some very thin
shell adhering, seems to be quite smooth the mould of the upper
surface indicates a minute tuberculation which is most pronounced
in the pleural regions.

The head is strikingly like that of 7. glaber in its general outline
and in the proportions of its various parts; in fact, it differs only
in the prolongation of the genal angles into spines. The glabella is
well defined, narrowing slightly forwards, and rounding abruptly
into the rather straight anterior margin. The occipital furrow is
conspicuous, concave anteriorly, and with a rather sharp anterior
direction near the.axial furrows. The two anterior glabellar furrows
are convex anteriorly with the two halves well separated at the centre.

The facial suture begins well within the genal angle on the
posterior margin, turns slightly outwards, then concavely inward at
the marginal furrow, slightly outwards below the eye and rather
sharply inwards immediately behind the eye, convexly outwards along
the margin of the palpebral lobe, and apparently terminates on the
anterior margin but the course of the suture forward from the eye is
not clearly revealed.

While this course of the facial suture is distinctly shown on the
cast the mould indicates quite as clearly a more simple sigmoidal

[PARKS] TRIARTHRUS-CANADENSIS, GLABER, SPINOSUS 49

line from the posterior margin to the rear of the eye. All the free
cheeks found conform to this latter pattern leading to the conclusion
that it is the normal course of the suture. The explanation seems to
be that the suture was an overlapping one which would give a different
course on the cast of the interior and the mould of the exterior.

The marginal furrow arises at the point where the axial furrow
crosses the line between head and thorax, sweeps outwards and for-
wards with increasing width and follows the margin of the head to
the front; it becomes much narrower in front of the glabella.

The palpebral lobe is close to the glabella, long, and but slightly
curved; it is accentuated by a depression internally.

The free sheek is wide in front as in 7. glaber but the genal angle
is drawn out into the spine characteristic of the species. In this
specimen the spine could not have been more than two or three
millimetres long but it is broken on both sides. There is no indication
of the median furrow referred to by Smith.

The occipital ring of the glabella carries a small but distinct
tubercle.

The thorax consists of thirteen rings. The axial part of each
segment is smooth and rounded, but where decorticated a faint
crescentric indentation is seen in the matrix. The pleurae are
strongly furrowed and there is a secondary short furrow extending
outwards from the axial furrow immediately in front of the posterior
margin.

The pygidium is relatively small and seems to have been formed
from six primary segments. The axial portion is well defined and the
individual rings are narrower and sharper than those of the posterior
thoracic segments. The pleural grooves are symmetrical with those
of the thorax; the anterior four are well marked but do not reach the
margin of the pygidium; the posterior two are ill defined.

As already stated, many free cheeks were found which un.
doubtedly belong to this species; they indicate specimens of much
greater size and show the groove on the spine referred to by Smith
(Figure 3). Very similar are the free cheeks from Craiglieth
(Figure 1). In both instances I am of the opinion that no signifi-
cance attaches to the groove; it is probably the result of the
flattening of a hollow structure and is observed in spines of 7°. spinosus
and other species.

All the detached cranidia found on the Rouge fall distinctly into
two series. Those with a glabella narrowing anteriorly, eyes forward
and well in, squarish front, and occipital tubercle are ascribed to

50 THE ROYAL: SOCIETY OF CANADA

T. canadensis. Except for the tubercle they could as well be ascribed
to T. glaber (Figure 4).

The great resemblance of 7. canadensis to T. glaber has already
been referred to. In order to carry the comparison further three
of Billings’ cotypes of 7. glaber were obtained from Ottawa through
the kindness of Dr. E. M. Kindle. One of these cotypes which
Billings evidently used for the head of 7. glaber is very imperfectly
preserved with the free cheeks pushed inwards on both sides and
forward on the right. There is no indication of a genal spine, but, in
view of the state of preservation, it cannot confidently be stated that
there was no spine. This specimen, No. 1939h, Geol. Sur. Canada, is
shown in Figure 5.

The two other cotypes, Nos. 1939 and 1939e, Geol. Sur. Can.,
were evidently used for the description of the body and show nothing
as to the character of the genal angle. In the collections of the Royal
Ontario Museum, however, is a specimen, No. 205 U, which is ab-
solutely identical with these two cotypes but which reveals the
character of the genal angle on one side. There is a distinct short
spine, outwardly directed as in 7. canadensis; it is, however, less
developed and arises a short distance anterior to the genal angle
proper. Figure 6.

The conclusion seems to be justified, therefore, that we may
expect to find eventually a whole series of specimens showing a gradual
transition from typical spineless 7. glaber to the strongly spined
T. canadensis. Itis probable, also, that this series will be an ascending
one geologically, as the Rouge exposures with typical 7. canadensis
are undoubtedly very near the top of the Utica.

Triarthrus spinosus was described by Billings in the Report of the
Geological Survey of Canada for 1853-56. The species is characterized
by a spine on the occipital segment of the head reaching to the third
or fourth thoracic ring, a spine on the eighth thoracic ring reaching
beyond the pygidium, and genal spines reaching to the seventh or
eighth pleurae.

Ami drew attention to the many variations in this species observed
by him on specimens from Cummings’ bridge near Ottawa—the
occurrence of a spine on the ninth instead of on the eighth segment of
the thorax; spines on segments eight, nine, and ten; anda tubercle in
front of the origin of the spine on the neck segment.!

A great many free cheeks undoubtedly belonging to 7. spinosus
occur in the exposures on the Rouge. With these are associated

1 Ottawa Naturalist, Vol. I, No. 3, p. 64, 1882. Jbid, No. 4, p. 88, Pl. I, 1883

[PARKS] TRIARTHRUS-CANADENSIS, GLABER, SPINOSUS ol

numerous cranidia all remarkably alike and all differing distinctly
from the cranidia of 7. canadensis. Further, a single rather imperfect
specimen of 7. spinosus was found in which the cranidium agrees
almost exactly with those referred to above. I am forced to the
conclusion that the single specimen and the detached cranidia repre-
sent a variety of 7. spinosus which is described below as T°. spinosus
rougensts. .

The striking feature of the variety is the absence of a spine on the
neck segment and the occurrence of a very strong spine on the ninth
thoracic ring. The genal spines are normal. The failure of the
occipital spine on the single whole specimen might be attributed to loss
were it not for the fact that no trace of a spine is found on any of the
numerous detached cranidia.

The single specimen referred to is shown with considerable
restoration in Figure 8. The general proportions are correct but
the pleural margins in the anterior thoracic region have been
restored. The posterior part of the facial suture is somewhat doubt-
ful; judging from the detached free cheeks the suture does not cut
the posterior margin immediately within the base of the spine as
shown. The narrow first thoracic ring is possibly due to displace-
ment.

The detached cranidia ascribed to this species and variety are
shown by a typical example in Figure 7, and a typical cranidium
of T°. spinosus from Cummings Bridge, Ottawa, in Figure 9.

The Rouge exposures show, also, two types of detached pygidia.
There is little doubt that Figure10 represents the pygidium of Triarthrus
canadensis and Figure 11 that of Triarthrus spinosus rougensis.

The strata exposed on the Rouge river consist of dark and light
silty shales, in some places arenaceous, and in others presenting the
greyish appearance of typical Lorraine shale. There can be little
doubt that, petrographically, these beds show a transition from Utica
to Lorraine.

Associated with the two species of Triarthrus are vast numbers of
flattened orthoceratites, large and small, and the following recognizable
species:

Clidophorus cf. foerstei, Ruedemann.

Prolobella trentonensis, Conrad.

Leptobolus insignis, Hall.

Ctenodonta cf. pulchella, Emmons.

Cryptolithus tessellatus, Green.

Cf. Trocholites ammonius, Conrad.

Diplograptus sp.

—35

pe eel er)
oa aa ©

Fig.
Fig.

=
om

Fig.

0 08” de OR
ee
©

SS eS mG ER

PLATE

Triarthrus canadensis, free cheek from Craigleith, Ont., X 2.
Triarthrus canadensis, specimen from Rouge river, X 2.
Triarthrus canadensis, free cheek from Rouge river, X 2.
Triarthrus canadensis, cranidium from Rouge river, X 2.
Triarthrus glaber, Billings’ type of head, natural size.
Triarthrus glaber, variety with spine, Whitby, Ont., natural size.
Triarthrus spinosus rougensis, cranidium from Rouge river, X 2.
Triarthrus spinosus rougensis, type specimen, Rouge river, X 2.
Triarthrus spinosus, typical cranidium from Ottawa, X 2.
Triarthrus canadensis, pygidium from Rouge river, X 2.
Triarthrus spinosus rougensis, pygidium from Rouge river, X 2.

SECTION IV, 1921 [53] TRANS, R-S.€.

The Head and Fore Limb of a Specimen of Centrosarus apertus
By WW. AT PARKS, Pir Der Resi:
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

Monoclonius dawsoni was established by Lambe on a fragmentary
skull and part of a squamoso-parietal crest from the Belly River beds
of Alberta! At a later date he recognized that the crest did not
belong to the same individual as the skull and redescribed it as the
type of a new genus and species, Centrosaurus apertus.?

In his monograph on the Ceratopsia, Hatcher quotes Lambe’s
description of Centrosaurus apertus in a footnote and in the text
expresses the opinion that the crest does not belong to Monoclonius
dawson.

In 1914 Barnum Brown described a complete skull from the
Belly River beds of Alberta as Monoclonius flexus and in his pre-
liminary statements returns to the original idea that both. the skull
and frill first described by Lambe belong to the same species, Mono-
clonitus dawsont. If this view is correct Centrosaurus apertus becomes
a synonym.+

The following year Lambe again returned to the discussion and
stoutly maintained the validity of Centrosaurus apertus and its dis-
tinctness from Monoclonius dawsont. He further maintained that
Monoclounis flexus of Brown is a synonym for Centrosaurus apertus.
This opinion is based on two skulls in the Victoria Memorial Museum
which reveal the entire anatomy of the head and which, in Lambe’s
opinion, show the full type of frill described by him for Centrosaurus
apertus.5

Two years later, in 1917, Brown described a complete skeleton
of a ceratopsian as Monoclonius nasicornis and an incomplete skeleton
as M. cutleri.

From the above summary it is apparent that both the generic
and the specific names of Centrosaurus apertus are in doubt. Without

1 Cont. Can. Palaeontology, vol. 3, pt. 2, 1902, pp. 57-63.

2 Ottawa Naturalist, vol. XVIII, No. 4, July, 1904. Trans. Royal Soc. Canada,
2nd Series, Vol. X, Sec. IV, pp. 3-9, 1904.

8 U.S. Geol. Sur., Mon. XLIX, 1907, p. 93.

4 Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. XX XIII, 1914, pp. 549-558.

5 Geol. Sur. Can., Mus. Bull. XII, May, 1915.

6 Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. XX XVII, 1917, pp. 281-306.

54 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

access to all the type material it would be impossible for the present
writer to express a definite opinion; nor is the discussion of the
question the object of the present paper.

The genus Centrosaurus, as established by Lambe, is applied to
those horned dinosaurs in which the fontanelle of the frill lies wholly
within the parietals (?), in which epoccipitals are developed, and in
which a pair of hook-like processes extend backwards and inwards
from the posterior border of the frill. The genus Monoclonius, with
Monoclonius crassus, Cope, as the type, fails to conform with this
definition, particularly in that the backwardly directed processes have
not been found in the species. Whether this feature is of generic
value or whether Brown was justified in reading it into his re-definition
of the genus Monoclonius need not be discussed here. The present
writer prefers to retain the genus Centrosaurus until definite evidence
is forthcoming that it is identical with Monoclonius. He is also
prepared to accept Lambe’s contention that Monoclonius flexus is a
synonym for Centrosaurus apertus.

The specimen now mounted in the Royal Ontario Museum,
Toronto, was found by the museum expedition of 1919 in the bad
lands of the Belly River formation on the Red Deer river, Alberta,
at a point about a mile south of the river and two and a half miles
above Happy Jack ferry, at an elevation of 116 feet (aneroid) above
the water.

The animal had fallen on its right side on a bed of blue clay and
had been rapidly entombed in sand. At the time of discovery erosion
had destroyed the rear of the body, leaving only the head, 17 verte-
brae, the scapula, coracoid, and humerus of both sides, the radius
and ulna and the manus of the left side, and both sternal bones.
The head has the mandible in place and is remarkably perfect through-
out.

The skeleton merits a brief description as it shows for the first
time any portion of the body of the species and reveals the nature
of the coronoid bone and the character of the thyrohyals. That the
skeleton belonged to a comparatively young animal is indicated by
the distinctness of the sutures, the separation of the epoccipitals and
epijugals, and by the fact that its dimensions are somewhat less than
those of the type.

Unfortunately Lambe has not published a description of the
skulls which he identifies as belonging to Centrosaurus apertus but
has contented himself with a photographic reproduction. Brown,
however, has given a somewhat detailed description of Monoclonius
flexus with measurements.

[PARKS] CENTROSARUS APERTUS 55

The two skulls at Ottawa differ considerably in detail but the
relation of the bones seems to be identical. The chief difference is
that the forwardly directed processes over the fontanelles are in one
case fairly straight, as in the type, but in the other are much more
hook-like, as in the present example. Both these skulls are larger
and more robust in all their parts than the specimen under review.
Assuming the identity of Monoclonius flecus and Centrosaurus apertus
a comparison will be made with the measurements given by Brown
for the former and with those of the skull figured by Lambe for the
latter. In ascribing the present specimen to either of these species
it is at once admitted that certain differences exist. The nasal horn-
core is not so distinctly curved forward, the frill is relatively narrower,
the fontanelles smaller, and the forwardly directed processes over
the fontanelles much less robust. The uppermost sinuosity of the
frill margin is not drawn out to a prominent point. The epoccipital
ossifications are more distinct and a separate marginal bone between
the parietal (?) and squamosal is only faintly indicated. The orbit
is less circular and its greatest diameter differently disposed. The
suture between the jugal and the squamosal is less vertical, and the
lateral temporal fossa has its longer diameter much nearer vertical
in position. The lachrymal is higher than that shown in Lambe’s
figure and there is no distinct indication of the suture with the post-
frontal. None of these differences seem to be of sufficient importance
to justify a new species and may easily be accounted for by the less
advanced age of our skeleton. In fact, there is sufficient difference
in the two sides of the frill to equal in importance the differences
observed above. The parietal part of the frill on the left side shows ~
a peculiar overlap in the bone outside the fontanelle and this orifice
is itself much smaller than on the other side. Whether this is a mere
variation in growth or whether it is due to an injury during the life
of the animal it is difficult to say.

Measurements indicate that the cranium of our specimen is
slightly more than four-fifths the size of that of Monoclonius flexus,
as the following table will indicate.

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

56

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[PARKS] | CENTROSARUS APERTUS 57

A faithful drawing of the skull is given herewith (Plate I);
it would be superfluous to redescribe the cranial elements as
they seem to correspond accurately with those of the specimens
. previously referred to. It is to be observed, however, that the present
specimen has both supra-orbital horn cores well preserved and that it
has both the processes hanging over the fontanelles of the frill. The
type of Monoclonius flexus has only the left and that originally figured
by Lambe only the right. Lambe’s later figure, however, shows both
processes.

The alveolus of the maxillary is 280 mm. long and contains 29
teeth of the character described by Brown for M. flexus. The mouth
is very narrow, the width between the cutting edges of the teeth in
the rear being only 122 mm. and much less anteriorly.

The nasal horn core is very narrow, being 155 mm. antero-
posteriorly and only 57 mm. laterally near the base; it is perhaps
somewhat flattened. The general direction of this horn core is for-
ward but the tip is turned slightly back, probably by distortion.

The epoccipitals occur on each sinuosity of the frill and increase
in size from the front backwards. On the border of the frill, between
the parietal and the squamosal, Lambe’s figure shows a separate
ossification of considerable size while Brown’s shows an emargination
with broken edges, suggesting the loss of this element. In our
specimen this bone is little more than an enlarged epoccipital which ,
probably increases in size with the growth of the animal.

Thyrohyals (Plate IV) are known in certain dinosaurs but, as
far as I am aware, these have not hitherto been found in the
Ceratopsia. Both these elements were discovered in the present
specimen with their anterior ends touching the internal surface of
the maxillaries near their posterior extremities, and the posterior
ends almost meeting in the midline. The bones are long and slender,
the right measuring 168 mm. and the left (slightly broken anteriorly)
162 mm. in length. The anterior end is somewhat expanded, the
upper surface flattish and the posterior end inflected slightly outwards. —
The under surface is more convex in its anterior portion and this
convexity rises into a distinct ridge near the outer side of the bone less
than half way down. This ridge crosses the bone diagonally and
terminates on the inner edge at the posterior extremity, thus giving
a twisted appearance to the bone when viewed from the ventral side.
The width at midlength is 16 to 18 mm. and the thickness (dorso-
ventral) about 12 mm.

The mandible (Plates II and III) is worthy of especial mention
in that it shows a separate and distinct coronoid. This bone, as a sep-

58 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

arate element, has previously been observed in the Ceratopsia only in
Triceratops elatus, Marsh. In this connection Hatcher makes the fol-
Jowing comment: “The specimen under consideration (7 viceratops
elatus) furnishes the first example of a free coronoid yet observed in the
Ceratopsia, although this element is doubtless present in all the other
genera and species of the group, usually, however, being so completely
fused with the coronoid process of the dentary as to appear a portion
of that element, more especially in old individuals.’’!

The coronoid in the present specimen is much larger and more
prominent than that figured by Hatcher and Lull. It is applied to
the inner surface posteriorly of the coronoid process; it rises dis-
tinctly above the process and its posterior margin is as much as 20 mm.
to the rear. Viewed from the inner side its outline is rhomboidal
with the lower angle drawn out to a point and so twisted that the
internal surface becomes a sharp ridge directed intero-posteriorly.
Behind the ridge is a distinct concavity which slants forward inferiorly.
The extreme lower end where the bone joins the dentary is not clearly
shown; its total length may be as great as 170 mm. The upper edge
is corrugated for the attachment of muscles.

MEASUREMENTS OF CORONOID

A ieoy all (SlaVes en NE cated Sieh ae are Re Minti A as NN A eee 170 (?) mm.
Greatest width/hofzontally 2.82 eo Ahn ln oe RER ohare 54 mm.
Leneth of postero-suiperior edge: . 4: HAE RE hoe Ente es Ne Sora
ithicknessmeambase atileast ee see en ee Aer chic eine 10)

The surangular is a large and stout bone of irregular shape.
The upper portion is a vertical flange thinned anteriorly to fit like
a wedge between the coronoid and the coronoid process. The external
mandibular foramen is a prominent orifice directed down and back;
its boundary is formed in part by the posterior margin of the coronoid
process. The posterior margin of this flange-like portion of the
surangular turns inwards inferiorly, thus forming a concavity on the
inner surface of the bone into which the external mandibular foramen
opens. The external face of the flange passes gradually into a ridge
sloping down and back and becoming the superior margin of the
thickened lower part of the bone. The external face of this lower
portion is slightly concave. The surangular overlaps: the angular
both internally and externally. In addition to the external mandi-
bular foramen are four small foramina entering the surangular. The
relative size of these differs in the right and left bones; in fact, the

1U.S. Geol. Sur., Monograph XLIX, pp. 137.

[PARKS] CENTROSARUS APERTUS 59

uppermost is apparently absent on the right side. In the left bone it
is situated 32 mm. down and back from the lower edge of the external
mandibular foramen.

MEASUREMENTS OF SURANGULAR

pper point to, poastero-inferior point. 24.2 MEME a SOY ki ea 225 mm.
Oblique width of lower thickened portion: : 2.2... 2.0%. 2002 Fe tee 46055
Point between coronoid process and angular to posterior extremity...... 60
MHICRHESS OU Upper HAUTE. ke. PAUSE APR PARENT ENT Oe TE La
Menta erste tas ste Cake Stig Wet AR pe aah A ee RENE Li 15670

In lateral external view the angular is relatively high in front but
is just perceptible below the surangular in the rear. The external
face is slightly concave and the inferior face almost flat. The external
inferior angle is distinctly rugose. There are two small foramina
near the suture with the dentary and three near the centre (only two
on the left side).

MEASUREMENTS OF ANGULAR

Perens dongiextemal faces. e322 ales gases sete a NE NN a sr cake 77 mm.

SEE WEE LES LEA MAN EN DA D ie ot tetra Matar, Cot ee Ne EE ETON snes 20007
Suture with shplental.f tras Das AXE PAR EEE POLE EE Ps CR EEE + 108 *
Suture with surangular............ Ot Oe NEA ASE esc: PT a? 68."
RICO A0 à ee yes. Lots See RE od ct Od sc ALAS Vea EEE ES PURE 49 “
DROIT ICONS 20200. PAM t EURO DES Le HARAS RITPRRENN a aia LEO
Wit ih eintenionsa MAPS Was DEAN RTS LT AIN ONU PERLE ART QE RE 50e

The dentary conforms to the general pattern seen in the Cera-
topsia. The drawings (Plates II and III), together with the measure-
ments given below, will serve for its description. The internal dental
foramina are not well preserved but their presence is indicated by a
broken line. The foramina on the external face of the bone are as
indicated, but it is likely that more occur as the surface was somewhat
injured.

The coronoid process is very stout with a sharp hook forward
at the upper end and with a very pronounced outward bulge near the
base. Its thickness at this point, measured horizontally, is54mm. The
inner surface shows a sharp ridge running down and back against
which the coronoid is set. The upper edge is distinctly corrugated.

The sutures between the coronoid process and the coronoid and
surangular are clear and open. The posterior margin of the coronoid
process is irregular and is excavated at the point where the external
mandibular foramen enters the surangular.

60 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

MEASUREMENTS OF DENTARY

Total length externally...............:..........:................. 393 mm.
Height over coronoid process........................................ 195 en
Length of inferior margin........................ PRO Ou 68 00 TOR 300 “
Length of predentigerous portion.................................... 53 0
Height of predentigerous portion..................................... 114 “
Thickness at base of coronoid process................................ Si
Lenethiok alveoluss. . ce cs .cmeciee = - 2 eejoetieg tele ECO GENE 305 “
Height from summit of 13th tooth to inferior edge..................... 1500
Anterior edge of coronoid process horizontally to worn surface of teeth.. 54 “
Maximum horizontal width of coronoid process........................ Hl ee.
Oblique width of upper end of coronoid process........................ 5S ae
External height of 18th tooth....................................... JE Ye
Worn surface of 13th tooth, height.................................... 2a
Worn surface of 13th tooth, width ................................... i
Number Ok teethe 0 RE cto rete MR cc clin sie Seats fee HE Cabal 29

The predentary is of the usual type and is sufficiently defined by
the figure and the following measurements:

MEASUREMENTS OF PREDENTARY

Length in straight line from anterior end to posterior end of upper posterior

POEOCESS ieee mi creme lCcckerccie ti RE CRAN 238 mm.
Length in straight line from anterior end to posterior end of lower posterior

DOS ise Me I D TU cee re ee IE DAS DOS 0 de 280 *
Motal height, posteriorly... - 5). a) electra i epee 205
Depthiof posterior sulcus... 7... er PURE oe opie Oem CC ode 84 “
Oblique width from superior margin to lateral ridge.................... SN
Supero-posterior width between rami................................. 39 /

The sutures of the articular are very indistinct and the character
of the splenial is sufficiently indicated by the drawing.

GENERAL MEASUREMENTS OF MANDIBLE

Total length, tip of predentary to intero-posterior point of drtiCUlar: 0e 670 mm
Tip of predentary to anterior tooth.................................. 264 “
Width between external points of surangulars......................... 300 “
Width between intero-posterior points of articulars..................... 145) =
Width of mouth between external cutting edges of teeth, posteriorly. .... i
Width of mouth between external cutting edges of teeth, anteriorly...... 40 “
From externo-posterior point of surangular to intero-posterior point of

ALHCUIAT ets) teat ee LR ER RE St ER 1032

The anterior cervical vertebrae are similar in arrangement to
those figured by Lull for Triceratops prorsus (Monograph, page 47)
except that no trace is visible of the short anterior vertebra. There
seems to be only three co-ossified vertebrae as stated by Brown in his
Pescription of Monoclonius nasicornis.'

1 Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. XX XVII, Art. X, p. 288.

[PARKS] CENTROSARUS APERTUS 61

The only feature worthy of note is that the axis does not seem to
carry a cervical rib as in other forms. No trace of this rib was found
on either side although the parts are well preserved; it would be
premature, however, to state definitely that this element is lacking.
The individual features of the anterior cervicals are sufficiently
indicated by the accompanying figure (Plate V, Fig. 1).

The scapula (Plate V, Figs. 3 and 4) is of the general type. The
only feature worthy of note is that on the internal face of the lower
end anteriorly at the suture with the coracoid there was found a
well-developed ossified tendon firmly attached and directed inwards
and back. The following measurements indicate the relative size of
this element:

MEASUREMENTS OF SCAPULA

Centrosaurus | Monoclonius | Monoclonius

apertus crassus nasicornis
mm. mm. mm.
MEGS ee aise yah Severe si apa aoe aaah 683 660 700
Width of blade, maximum........... 155 220
Widthiof proximal end .2.5....5.5..- 230 260

The coracoids are both rather badly crushed; they are apparently
firmly united with the scapulae. The measurements of the right
bone are as follows: Length, median, 182 mm.; length, oblique, from
point to supero-posterior margin, 288 mm.; length from point to
margin of glenoid cavity, 90 mm.

The humerus (Plate V, Fig. 2) is massive with a heavy head
and stout radial crest. The bone is not well enough preserved to
render possible any detailed comparisons. The chief measurements
are as follows:

COMPARATIVE MEASUREMENTS OF HUMERUS

Centrosaurus M lon: M ee
ion 1
sprue onoclonius onoclonius

Right Left crassus nasicornis

mm. | mm. mm. mm.
Lena eisai aero ore 20e CAT PEL 543 540 560 600
MWidehatcondyles. £2)... 0). Begs eu 172
Width across radial crest............ 215

CL nA end da nu eae 233

The radius and ulna were found on the left side only. The
bones are very badly crushed and distorted, the olecranon process
of the ulna being entirely lost. The radius is 338 mm. long and has a

62 THE ‘ROYAL SOCIETY OR CANADA

minimum girth of 135 mm. The ulna is about 340 mm. between
articular surfaces; the minimum girth is 170 mm., the width distally
85 mm. and proximally about 160 mm.

The sternal bones are similar to those figured ha Brown for
Monoclonius nasicornis. The outline, however, is less quadrangular
and the thin inner edges do not seem to have been so continuously
in apposition. The bones are 340 mm. long, 120mm. wide posteriorly
and 80 mm. anteriorly. The maximum thickness of the outer edge is
20 mm. The sternals are slightly longer and distinctly narrower than
those of Monoclonius nasicornis.

The manus (Plate V, Fig. 5) conforms to the general type but
there are some differences in proportions, as shown by the following
table:

Mae

A FAT
PAT) Ni ko AY,
es ae

en | PAU LS '
oy? LOUE OMR NORME Fh ey eee NT

:
\ F ie à 7
joey ger ah AT À ye). "tb" MU ee
«

* My e fe 7
4 et Ore
1 LA

eae 3 La | Lied he i al ee 13 LAS var (ily

AU - ? ‘
“à PP: fr 4 oo tht nee STA

PLATE I
Centrosaurus apertus. Head, about one-tenth natural size.
Ang. angular; ant. p. anterior process of frill; art. articular; cp.1, corenoid; cp.2,
coronoid process; D dentary; e.p. epoccipitals; epi. epijugal; F frontal; J jugal;
L lachrymal; M maxilla; N nasal; n.h.c. nasal horn core; O orbit; P parietal;
post p. posterior process of frill; pre.d. predentary; pre.m. premaxilla; p.f.
prefrontal; po.f. postfrontal; Q quadrate; q.j. quadratojugal; ros. rostral;’S.ang.
surangular; s.h.c. supraorbital horn core; sp. splenial; sq. squamosal.

PLATE II

Centrosaurus apertus. Right mandible, external view, about one-fifth natural size.
Lettering as in Plate I.

PLATE III
Centrosaurus apertus. Part of left mandible, internal view, about .35 natural size.
Lettering as in Plate I.

PLATE TV

Centrosaurus apertus. Right thyrohyal, about five-sixths natural size; left figure,
upper view; right figure, lower view.

PEATE SV

Centrosaurus apertus.

Fig. 1. Anterior cervical vertebrae. Greatly reduced.

Fig. 2. Left humerus, external view, about one-eighth natural size.
Fig. 3. Left scapula and coracoid, about one-seventeenth natural size.
Fig. 4 Right scapula and coracoid, about one-twelfth natural size.
Fig. 5. Left manus, greatly reduced.

ve

BEMNEAI

Il ALW Id

ae

re

PLATE 1V

PLATE V

[PARKS| CENTROSARUS APERTUS 63

COMPARATIVE MEASUREMENTS OF MANUS

Centrosaurus | Monoclonius | Monoclonius

apertus nasicornis cutleri
mm. mm. mm.
Metacarpal I, length................ 80. 83 97
width, trans., prox..... 56
aa ‘« ant-post., prox.. 58
‘* Wis Temata ies ans. eectaveiers 110 127 140
se width, trans., prox..... 57
- Sr crcimsSes Ste 60
a QU A EF 1 CRETE Ce 122 130 143
si width, trans., prox..... 81
+ is trans IS. 65 |
fe DV lenatinsee tena. Soe 90 99 105
de width, trans., prox..... 65
a ORAN SE sera 50
x Vi tlengthise terne. 73 80
oh width, trans., prox..... 40
phalanx le lenothien eee) tee a 47 56 50
ne width, trans., prox..... 52
= 17, lengeh 425.00. AP 63 64 73
ik width, trans., prox., hoof 47
i ON EE ee a ee ee 41 46
= width, trans., prox..... 58
WA lets ctl CEE. 23 30
r width; trans., prox. ...: 48
= Pe enethn tt coast o> 55 55 61
ie width, trans., prox., hoof 55
a Tee ye Sey -vape yet asl os" 33 38 42
à width, trans., prox..... 61
a MP leet. NS ee 22 27
4 width trans: DrOX- =. 45
G4 de Sister 52
" IIS Ent 2 2 gas eee 20 20
+ width, trans., distal... .. 43
L MIS lenebn Re PACE 43 41
i width of {hote Vat. 1 45
a BD Wes lervert hiv: is, trates er iets oped 27 34 36
de width, trans., prox...... 47
as a See eCiStall yaa 46
4 DYER MEM EER ER ue de 54 18 21
6 width, trans., max...... 39
É IV Iensine eee... 12 18
à width, transverse....... 28
<i We length: 2589083700 37 43

width, trans., prox..... 40

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SECTION IV, 1921 [65] TRANS. R.S.C.

On Conularia rugosa from the Lockport Limestone at Hamilton,
Ontario

By W. S. Dyer, B.A.
Presented by W. A. Parks, Ph.D., F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

In the year 1884 Spencer described a species of Conularia from
the Niagara limestone at Hamilton, Ontario, which he named Conu-
laria rugosa. The specimen was very imperfect and apparently
consisted only of the internal cast. His figures are very poor and his
description is not at all clear. Fortunately a beautifully preserved
specimen has recently been added to the collections of the Royal
Ontario Museum and it is thought that a fresh description and new
figures of this species would make a desirable addition to the liter-
ature of the Conularidae.

GENUS CONULARIA, Miller
CONULARIA, Miller. Min. Conchology 3, 1821, p. 107.

Miller’s description of the genus is as follows:

“Shell, a four-sided, elongated pyramid, nearly always straight.
Cross-section, a square, long rhomb, rectangle, or rhomboid, or the
corresponding figures where the straight lines are replaced by curves.
Faces of the pyramid flat, convex or concaved; all equal or equal
only in opposite pairs. Angles of the pyramid marked by straight
grooves. Aperture partially closed by infolding lobes; apex sharply
tapering; apical part of the shell divided into a few compartments by
thin, convex, probably imperforate septa. Shell smooth or ornamented
with a series of ridges, sometimes longitudinal, more often transverse.
Shell very thin, formed of chitin, more or less impregnated by lime.”

CONULARIA RUGOSA, Spencer

CONULARIA RUGOSA, Spencer. Bull. Missouri State Mus.,
1, 1884, p. 57, pls. 8, 9, Figs. 2, 2a; Trans. Acad. Sci. St. Louis,
4, 1884, p. 608, pls. 8, 9, Figs. 2. 2a.

66 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

Spencer describes the species in the following terms:

“Shell large and broad, pyramidal; medial depression on side
scarcely apparent, but producing an abrupt bending of the striae.
Surface of shell removed, showing only the internal cast. Broad,
flattened, transverse ridges, separated by narrow deep channels,
cross the sides of the shell and bend abruptly at medial lines. These
are again traversed by shallow longitudinal striae situated closer
together than the transverse ridges, but which do not penetrate them
to a depth of the separating transverse grooves. But, where the
longitudinal striae cross the transverse channels there are punctures
in the grooves; and where they cross the ridges there is a depression
in the centre of the ridges.

‘TI have only seen one specimen, which is not entire. The fragment
is 13 centimetres long, with two sides partly remaining; the greatest
width at base of side (visible) is about five centimetres. In some
places the shell is crushed, bringing the ridges and grooves together
very closely in a wrinkled manner; and, where not crushed, the surface
presents a wrinkled appearance. There are ten transverse ridges and
furrows in one centimetre of length. The longitudinal striae and the
punctures in the transverse grooves are situated one-half millimetre
apart.”

The specimen in the possession of the Royal Ontario Museum
of Palaeontology was found in chert so flattened that its original
shape cannot be correctly determined. The surface ornamentation,
however, is well marked.

A description of this specimen follows:

Shell large, tapering uniformly, of moderate thickness. The two
edges of the flattened specimen represent the two opposite angles of
the original pyramidal shell and, therefore, two adjacent faces
are seen, which are divided by a slightly sulcate line. The apical
angle is 25 degrees.

The general character of the ornamentation is as follows: Each
face is marked by transverse ridges which have a forward inclination
from the lateral margins and meet at an angle of 145 degrees along
the median line of the face. These transverse ridges are separated
by grooves of about twice the width of the ridges. The floor of the
groove is not simple but is marked by low, rounded elevations at
right angles to its direction. These corrugations are separated by
somewhat sharper depressions; their spacing is about half that of the
main ridges; and they are not continuous from groove to groove over
the summits of the ridges.

[DYER] CONULARIA RUGOSA 67

Considerable variation in detail is observed in different parts of
the shell. - In the first place the spacing of the ridges and grooves
varies from ten in a centimetre near the aperture to twenty in the
same distance near the apex. Another variation is seen in the
character of the ridge; in some parts of the shell (PI. II, Fig. 1) it is
sharply defined, with square edges, and with a continuous depression
along its centre which expands at intervals to oval scars. In other
parts (PI. II, Fig. 2) the ridges are more rounded and are marked
by elevated papillae in place of the depressed scars. These papillae
are apparently hollow as minute apertures are observed at their
summits in some instances.

Beside the outside wall itself the impression of the outside wall
is also seen. This impression is clearly made by the type of orna-
mentation seen in Pl. II, Fig. 2. Wide, rounded, transverse ridges
are separated by narrow grooves. The ridges are marked by rounded,
longitudinal elevations and depressions. In the transverse grooves
deep punctures are found lying opposite the longitudinal depressions.

The greatest length of the shell is 95 millimetres and the greatest
width of one face is 42 millimetres.

Our specimen agrees with Spencer’s type in size and shape.
The apical angles are approximately the same in both specimens.
The angle made by the transverse ridges as they meet to form the
line in the middle of each face is also approximately the same. The
type of ornamentation which Spencer figures, and which is said by
him to characterize the internal cast of the shell, is very similar to the
ornamentation observed on the external impression of our shell. The
true surface of the shell, however, was not found by him and is de-
scribed in this article for the first time.

igs ult.

Fig, 2.

Fig. 3.

PAT Ee oF

Fig. 1. Conularia rugosa 4/3.

PLATE ET
Conularia rugosa. Ornamentation of a portion of the surface near the
apex, showing prominent tranverse ridges and small oval pits. X13.

Conularia rugosa. Ornamentation of a portion of the surface near the
aperture, showing the papillae and less prominent tranverse ridges.

X13

Conularia rugcsa. Impression of the surface. X 13.

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SECTION IV, 1921 [69] TRANS! RS. ©

The Annaheim Meteorite

By R. A. A. Jounston, F.R.S.C., and H. V. ELLSWORTEH,
M.A., ‘PhD:

(Read May Meeting, 1921)

While engaged in mowing hay on a meadow on his farm about
six miles to the north of Annaheim, Saskatchewan, on July 30, 1916,
Mr. William Huiras noticed a peculiar metallic ring when one of the
guards of his machine struck some hard substance lying in the grass.
On making an investigation to ascertain the cause he was surprised
to finda chunk of metallic material of unusual form resting on the
tough sod. He removed the specimen to his house and from it, with
the aid of hammer and chisel, cut off a small piece which he forwarded
to Mr. F. Bradshaw, Chief Game Guardian, Regina, Saskatchewan.
Mr. Bradshaw, noting its peculiar appearance, submitted the piece
to the Department of Mines for an opinion. The piece, which
measured 5 or 6 centimetres in diameter, was possessed of the saucer-
like depressions commonly found on meteorites and a qualitative
chemical examination showed it to consist mainly of metallic iron
with some nickel. Shortly after this negotiations were instituted on
the part of the Department of Mines and the specimen was acquired
from Mr. Huiras by purchase.

The locality where the meteorite was found may be more accur-
ately defined as a meadow traversed by a small creek on section 32,
township 39, range 20, west of the Second Meridian—or about 50° 21’
north latitude and 105° 50’ west longitude.

As received at the Department of Mines the specimen was intact
except for the small portion which had been detached by Mr. Huiras
as previously noted. It was roughly crescentic in outline and
measured 30 centimetres in length and 15 centimetres across at its
widest part. One face was flattish while the other was very uneven
and marked by two relatively high angular prominences, one on
each horn of the crescent and close to the inner curve; near this
curve the specimen varies in thickness from 5 centimetres at the
centre to 8 centimetres on one of the horns and 9 centimetres on the
other. Along curves of the crescent the thickness varies from 2 or

ei

3 millimetres to 3 or 4 centimetres. The weight of the specimen was

1 Communicated by permission of Deputy Minister of Mines.

70 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

11.84 kilogrammes. The surface showed the usual circular de-
pressions found on meteorites; these measured from 114 to 5 centi-
metres across and were relatively quite shallow.

Except on the summits of the prominences which have been noted
the colour was throughout of a dull iron black though the surface was
quite smooth to the touch. The summits of the prominences were
coated with a thin brownish incrustation in which impressions of
grass blades were well defined. This incrustation, which was alien
to the primary character of the specimen, was found to consist of
numbers of microscopic plates of selenite intermingled with hydrated
oxide of iron. On the slope of the smaller of the two prominences
there was exposed a nodular mass of iron sulphide measuring 3 to 5
centimetres in diameter. Apart from a slight tarnish this mass
showed no particular evidences of oxidation though it must have been
freely exposed to weathering influences.

When sectioned and rubbed down first with fine carborundum
and then with jeweller’s rouge this iron was found to take a moderately
bright polish generally, although a zone about 2 millimetres in width
extending all the way around the edge appeared much brighter than
did the central portions. Even previous to the employment of
etching solutions the Widmanstatten figures became distinctly visible
when the polished section was viewed obliquely; examined in this
way the field was marked by several series of fine parallel lines brighter
as to lustre than the general groundmass.

When the polished section was treated with a 2-per cent. solution
of picric acid in alcohol etching proceeded slowly; the major portion
of the plate was visibly acted upon, but the material giving rise to
the bright lines was to all appearances unaffected and remained in
the end as salient ridges lying between the kamacite bands and dis-
posed in such a way as to indicate an octohedral structure for the iron.
It was later found that a 10 per cent. solution of nitric or hydrochloric
acid had no appreciable action either on the material of these narrow
bands or on some minute acicular crystals found enclosed in the
kamacite bands—a condition of which full advantage was taken by
the junior author of this paper in separating the various mineralogic
constituents of the meteorite for analysis.

The kamacite bands were found to vary in width from 1 milli-
metre to 4 millimetres—the greater number from 214 to 3 millimetres
—so that the iron may be classed as a coarse octahedrite.

When a slightly etched plate is examined under a magnification
of 40 to 50 diameters the kamacite plates exhibit a minute octohedral
structure and an abundant development of small needles of schreiber-

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 71

site. With a somewhat coarsely etched plate and a magnification
of about 30 diameters the microcrystalline structure of the kamacite
bands may be readily studied; the octahedral crystals lie for the
greater part in parallel position imparting a beautiful lattice-like
appearance to the plate; here and there, however, beautifully defined
examples of twinning may be observed; the twinning takes place
parallel to the octahedral plane, producing so-called spinel twins.

In spite of its highly crystalline and complex character this iron
is quite malleable.

In studying the Annaheim meteorite some features presepted
themselves in connection with its position and condition at the time
of its discovery which point almost conclusively to its having been a
comparatively recent arrival and one circumstance at least would
indicate that it had fallen during the winter season.

The grass on which it was resting had not undergone complete
decay; the black coating was complete over the surface; the iron
sulphides so susceptible to oxidation showed only a tarnish as evidence
of weathering. These facts may be taken as certain proof that the
meteorite had not been lying for a long time where it was found.
It was resting on sod unaccompanied by evidences of sharp impact
with or excavation of the soil. It would appear to have come to rest
on the sod following a period of delay by some intervening medium
which had since disappeared; that this medium must have been soft
and of very mild abrasive properties is evidenced in the fact that the
surface of the specimen was free from marring. The only medium
which, under the particular circumstances, involved could comply
with these conditions is winter snow.

With these considerations before him the senior author instituted
inquiries with a view to ascertaining whether any meteoric phenomena
of special interest had been observed in the district about Annaheim
within a few years of the time when the metorite was discovered.
The result has been a large number of responses from various residents
of the district stating’ that meteoric phenomena of a startling nature
occurred there about half-past two o’clock in the afternoon of Wednes-
day, January 21,1914. The date is attested by the official record of
the substation of the Meteorological Service at Muenster and in a
meteorological record kept by Mr. Pius Mutter of Pilger. Further
confirmation of the date is furnished in an account of the occurrence
contained in the issue of St. Peter’s Bote for Thursday, January 29,
1914, published at Muenster by Reverend Peter Windschiegel, to
whom the senior author is indebted for his interest in obtaining
information. The phenomena in question were observed at Leofeld,

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

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[JOHNSTON-ELLSWoRTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 73

Dana, Bruno, Fulda, Middle Lake, Pilger, Dead Moose Lake, Hum-
boldt, Muenster, Annaheim, and also at Mr. Huiras’s farm on which
the Annaheim meteorite was found. The geographic relations of
these points may be clearly understood by reference to the diagram.

(1) Mr. J. Lapinski states in a letter dated at Leofeld, March 8,
1917, that on the day mentioned he heard a loud noise resembling
thunder, but much more intense, coming from the north-west and
travelling toward the south-east. Horses, cattle, sheep and pigs were
startled by it and the house dog manifested much uneasiness. Mr.
Lapinski did not see anything to account for the disturbance. Leofeld
lies about 25 miles from the Huiras farm on a line running a little to
the north of west.

(2) Mr. E. Ludwig, whose farm is situated on the north-east
quarter of section 4, township 39, range 24, west of the 2nd meridian
about 7 miles in a north-easterly direction from Bruno or about
4 miles west of Fulda, states in a letter dated March 2, 1917, that he
was standing about 20 yards from his house and that he first noticed
a ball of firé disappearing to the eastward and leaving in its trail a
cloud of smoke which remained visible for about half-an-hour. The
apparition was followed by a noise like thunder, but he was not
favourably situated for observing the effect of this upon animals.

(3) At Middle Lake, Rev. Peter Windschiegel is authority for
the statement that the meteor seemed to pass directly over the heads
of the people and that it was travelling in a south-easterly direction.
It will be noted by reference to the map that the Huiras farm lies
about 18 miles almost directly south-east from this point.

(4) Mr. Pius Mutter, writing from Pilger, March 17, 1917, makes
the following statement: “I was in my dwelling on N.E.6-40-22 W.
of 2nd at the time looking south the winter corral. With the approach
of the sound which was like distant thunder the cattle roused and
with tails in the air went helter skelter around the stack and then
lined up along the east side of the corral staring to the eastward in the
direction in which the rumbling seemed to me to have died away.

“Stepping outdoors I saw high above the faint haze in the air a
dark wide line of varying density undulating through the haze, and
corresponding in position with that in which the sounds appeared to
have originated. I judge the meteor to have passed from west to
east in an angle of about 10 or 12 degrees north of the vertical.”

(5) Mr. F. H. Strueby, writing from Dead Moose Lake on March
28, 1917, said that he was sitting in his house when the first sound
was heard; to him this resembled the humming or roaring of a chim-
ney; just then his daughter came running into the house saying that

74 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

some unusual sounds were coming from upper reaches of the atmo-
sphere. On going outside Mr. Strueby noticed a cloud well overhead
and heard a peal like thunder which lasted about a minute. Horses
and cattle were greatly agitated and the house dog manifested a
great deal of fear.

(6) Mr. Joseph Weiland, whose farm is situated on section 18,
township 39, range 21, west of 2nd meridian, nearly 5 miles to the
north-eastward of Dead Moose Lake and about 8 miles in a direct
south-westerly line from the Huiras farm, states that he saw the
meteor distinctly. To him it passed from westward to eastward
at a very high velocity leaving a long trail of white smoke behind.
Its passage was followed by a loud roaring noise like thunder lasting
about four minutes. The snowbirds and sparrows, which were con-
gregated in large flocks about his place, fluttered about in circular
flights as if bewildered at the same time giving voice to notes of alarm.
The house dog also showed plain signs of uneasiness. The trail of
smoke moved to the south although a contrary wind was noticed
at the ground level.

(7) Reverend Peter Windschiegel, writing from Muenster on
February 17, 1917, quotes from the official meteorological records for
the day in question to the effect that the sky was nearly clear and the
weather calm; the maximum and minimum temperatures recorded
for the day were +7°F. and —15°F., respectively. He, with others,
was indoors at the time and all were unaware of anything unusual,
but the Reverend Casimir Cismowski and the Reverend Leo Odjowski,
who were outdoors at the time, reported having seen a meteor to the
north of Muenster travelling at a very high velocity in an easterly
or probably a south-easterly direction; the meteor emitted smoke
much like that from a steam locomotive. The phenomenon was
followed by sounds like those of thunder, several detonations being
distinctly audible. It was estimated that the altitude at which the
meteor passed was about 25 miles above the general level of the
country.

(8) Mr. John Haas, writing from Annaheim on March 6, 1917,
states that on the day in question he and his two boys were hauling
wood and were near section 22, township 38, range 21, west of the
2nd meridian at about 2.30 in the afternoon, when their two teams
suddenly stopped, showed pronounced evidences of alarm and were
controlled only with very great difficulty. Next there came a
loud noise like heavy rolling thunder travelling from north-west to
south-east and lasting about a minute and a half. The ground shook
as it would from a passing train.

|JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 75

The day was cold and calm; the sun was shining brightly and
there appeared from the north-west a kind of bright cloud—apparently
about 50 feet in length—which faded away to the south-eastward
about 4 or 5 minutes afterward.

Mr. Haas pictured the cloud as having a serpentine aspect with
a broad expansion near the forward end.

(9) Mr. Wishart H. Poukse, writing from Beauchamp on March
14, 1917, stated that he was on the south-east quarter of section 4,
township 39, range 20, west of 2nd meridian at the time of the occur-
rence under consideration. He first heard a noise like that of a high
wind and then a report and on looking upward noticed clouds of
smoke, close together at first, but soon trailing out in long strings,
rapidly changing form and gradually disappearing without marked
change in general position. The cloud appeared to be somewhat
north of a point directly overhead and to him appeared to have come
from the south. Animals seemingly were undisturbed by the occur-
rence.

(10) Mr. William Huiras and Mr. Paul Lackmuth were together
on the the former’s farm at the time. The former describes the
phenomena as a roaring sound accompanied by intermittent detona-
tions lasting 2 or 3 minutes. He saw nothing but a cloud of smoke
in the air. Mr. Lackmuth likens the sound to a boiler explosion; the
smoke, he says, was visible for about half-an-hour.

The item in St. Peter’s Bote of January 29, 1914, a free translation
of a part of which has been kindly furnished by Reverend Dominic
Hofmann of Annaheim runs as follows: ‘‘In the afternoon of January
21, 1914, a peculiar phenomenon was witnessed by the people of St.
Peter’s Colony. Not only the people of Muenster, but also those
about Humboldt, Fulda, Dead Moose Lake, Pilger, Bruno and Dana,
saw in the heavens a smoking cloud which was moving with great
noise. Some even saw sparks issuing from it and heard detonations.
The noise was so great that even horses shied.”’

Although the proof can never be absolute that there is a direct
connection between the phenomena observed over the country
extending 30 miles or more westward from Annaheim on the 21st
January, 1914, and the meteorite discovered by Mr. Wm. Huiras on
nis farm on section 32, township 39, range 20, west of the 2nd meridian,
July 30, 1916, there is certainly much of a circumstantial nature to
lead one to this conclusion.

The meteorite had quite clearly not lain long where it was found;
it had evidently been cushioned against immediate impact with the
soil at the time of its fall; this could only happen through its descend-

76 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

ing upon snow; that is to say it must have fallen during the winter
season.

These are conditions which are entirely fulfilled in the case of
the phenomena which have been described.

The statements of eye witnesses generally show that the méteor’s
direction was north-west to south-east and if we project a line south-
easterly from Middle Lake at which position the meteor is stated to
have passed right overhead it will pass through the section where the
meteorite was found.

Again although observers at Muenster have not indicated the
data on which they based their conclusion they estimated the elevation
of the meteor as it passed north of there at 25 miles. And if we
accept Mr. Mutter’s estimate of the angle of elevation as it passed
Pilger as approximately correct and there does not seem any good
reason for doubting this as he is a good observer, we get an elevation
of somewhere between 30 and 37 miles for the meteor as it passed
through a point in the vertical plane projected through Middle Lake
and the Huiras farm.

Thus in traversing one half of the horizontal distance of 15 miles
between the two points it had probably fallen about the same distance
vertically. And as the trajectory curve would increase rapidly as
the meteorite advanced the latter might be expected to fall somewhere
about where the Annaheim iron was found.

Chemical Composition and Metallography
By H. V. ELLSWORTH

The sample used for the general analysis was taken from a slice
about one quarter of an inch thick which had been sawn from near
the middle of the meteorite. A rectangular section about one quarter
inch square was cut from this slice and drilled in two directions at
90 degrees. The borings, amounting to about 10 grams, were well
mixed and a five gram amount was dissolved in nitric acid and made
up to a litre. Aliquots of this solution were used for the determina-
tion of iron, nickel, cobalt, copper and phosphorus. The remaining
borings were used for the carbon determination. Two samples of
7 or 8 grams each for S and P and one of 10 grams for Cr, V, etc.,
were made up from the skeleton left by the drilling and from a section
cut from the same part of the:slice.

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE

~]
“I

ANALYTICAL METHODS

Copper was separated by HS in dilute sulphuric acid solution,
the sulphide ignited and weighed as oxide, and finally checked by
weighing after reduction in hydrogen.

Iron was determined by titration with permanganate following
oxidation of organic matter and subsequent reduction.

Nickel and cobalt were separated from iron by four basic acetate
precipitations, including an initial and a final precipitation of the
iron by ammonia. After evaporating the filtrates and filtering off
the small amount of iron hydroxide thus recovered, the nickel and
cobalt were precipitated as sulphides, ignited to oxides in a silica
crucible, treated with a little HNO:, again ignited to oxides, and
finally weighed as metal after reduction in hydrogen. The nickel-
cobalt metal was then dissolved in HNO; and treated with ammonia
to separate the minute amount of iron which is usually present.
Nickel was then separated from cobalt by the dimethylglyoxime
method. The filtrate containing the cobalt was evaporated to dryness
several times with strong nitric acid and finally ignited to destroy
the remaining organic matter. The cobalt oxide thus obtained was
dissolved in hydrochloric acid, precipitated by nitroso-beta-naphthol,
ignited and weighed as metal, after reduction in hydrogen.

The nickel found was further checked by a direct precipitation
with dimethylglyoxime, the iron being held in ammoniacal citrate
solution. The nickel glyoxime thus obtained after solution in dilute
nitric acid along with a little citric acid, was reprecipitated by the
addition of ammonia and dimethylglyoxime solution. A considerable
amount of glyoxime solution is required to effect complete repre-
cipitation of the nickel salt, so much, in fact, that it would appear that
the glyoxime is partly decomposed by even dilute nitric acid. The
nickel glyoxime was evaporated to dryness several times with strong
nitric acid, ignited, reduced in hydrogen, and weighed.

Direct weighing of nickel glyoxime, after drying at 120°, gives
slightly high results, in the writer’s experience, probably owing to
occlusibn of the reagent. The determination as oxide is accurate
and in accord with the values obtained by reduction in hydrogen.

Sulphur was determined by the Bamber method on an 8 gram
sample, carbon by combustion in oxygen and absorption in barium
hydroxide, phosphorus and silicon on a 7 gram sample.

Chromium, vanadium, aluminium, titanium, and manganese were
sought and copper was determined in a 10 gram sample by the ether
separation method according to Blair and Ledebur.

78 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The results of the general analysis are as follows:

D

Fer MAS Me ae UE El EE 91.51
INTO Tr NS MES Ces tv a 7.84
CORRE Ee ores RE reat deem 0.46
PSS NLA hut EO PORE E CNE 0.219
Sid A) AD re TRS Deena res 05012
OUR ea MU AL A NP LE DUT SU SOUTIUE D Pane OnOS
SER ARO ea, Does der Lure EE tam 0.002
We Mota lie OR RME arid 20) Cree as 0.01
GER NE BA ay Cee} Rue CLEA ks 0.001
NA MIA SE E WEE terne Et Very minute trace
GWE AT ES eR ats ae EE TER Not detected
FSC AIN OMIS kG meee) Fee!) 0.003

100.12
S. G. of bar used for analysis. ....... 1.81 av 20"25© Inga

SEPARATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE CONSTITUENTS OF THE IRON

It was soon observed that the ground mass of the iron was
attacked by acids much more readily than the other constituents
which, by repeated treatment, could be obtained finally as a residue
free from ground mass. Accordingly a 68 gram slice was treated
with successive portions of 10 per cent. HCI and a residue of about
2 grams obtained consisting of some undissolved ground mass along
with lamellae of 38% nickel iron alloy (PV Miss 15 2s vale
Figs. 3, 4; Pl. VII, Figs. 5, 6, and analysis 2), irregular masses of
brittle fractured phosphide (PI. VIII, Figs. 7, 8; Pl. X, Fig. 12), and :
innumerable minute, brittle, long, slender crystals of phosphide
Chi XU ris, A PI ET, Fig. 15,16; PI XIIL Pigel7). Pherewas
also a very little black carbonaceous or graphitic matter. From this
residue, washed in alcohol and ether, samples of the various materials
were carefully selected under the binocular, quantities somewhat
exceeding one-tenth gram being obtained.

The specific gravity of the specimens was determined in a 10 c.c.
silica pycnometer with graduated capillary tube stopper in which
weighings can be made and repeated with an accuracy of 0.1 mg.
All samples were boiled in vacuo until apparently free from air. The
temperature was measured to 1/50°C. by a standard thermometer
immediately following the last weighing. The results are probably
accurate to the first decimal.

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWoRTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 79

METHOD OF ANALYSIS

The composition of the materials being unknown and the quanti-
ties small, it was necessary to use a scheme of analysis adapted to the
convenient identification and determination of as many elements as
possible on the one sample available.

The material was dissolved in aqua regia at room temperature.
Sufficient sulphuric acid to displace the aqua regia and leave 0.5 to
1 c.c. excess was added and the solution evaporated on the water
bath. It was then heated to fuming, cooled, diluted, and examined
for silica. In the presence of silica the evaporation and fuming with
sulphuric acid was repeated. Copper was then precipitated by HS
and weighed as oxide or metal. The solution after separating copper
was oxidized with bromine water, boiled with KOH in platinum and
filtered. The washed precipitate was ignited in a platinum crucible
and fused twice with sodium carbonate. The combined filtrates from
the treatment with KOH and the fusions were acidified with nitric
acid and P determined as magnesium phosphate or by the molybdate
method.

Fusion with alkali carbonate was adopted as providing a con-
venient test for Cr, Mn, Al and V in addition to removing most of the
P. The H:0 insoluble from the fusions was dissolved in HCl and
H:S04 and Pt precipitated from sulphate solution. After removal of
the Pt, Ni and Co were separated by an initial precipitation of the iron
by ammonia followed by five basic acetate precipitations. The iron,
with the small amount of P remaining, was tested for Ti and finally
precipitated by ammonia and weighed as Fe.0;+P.0;. The P20;,
remaining with the iron, was subsequently recovered by the molybdate
method and the necessary corrections applied to the values for Fe
and P.

In the above method no provision was made for the detection of
carbides, but the very minute amount of carbon found in analysis I
and its apparent occurrence as graphite locally disseminated in the
38% nickel alloy, as shown by metallographic examination indicated
that no important amount of carbide was to be expected.

Finally, it should be noted, that the highest accuracy is not to
be expected in the results from the above procedure, especially where
only fractions of a per cent. of a constituent are involved, in the first
place because of the small weight of sample used, and secondly
because of the numerous operations required for the determination of
all constituents in one small sample. However, the work was care-
fully performed and the results are believed to be reliable.

80 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

ANALYSIS 2—LAMELLAE OF HIGH NICKEL-IRON ALLOY

SENG aches 729. at 16/50 C'imair %

BCS. SiGe PR EE a a Ma, D eas 60.74

+ FA re Pi ANS AR ae rs 37.38

OL SRE EM APR on Oa eee AE 0.67

D CT RAINEN EUR ea eh Ab cet BAIS mast: 0.64

124 pen art ah A Nati DE RP RE aed 0.65

SP ee. i ie, Cee ae et cae tee Not detected

bso ruc antes

eta RE AS Wath. Sk NG A ee TE ER ae Minute amount probably

present

100.08

From metallographic and microscopic examination of the complex
lamellar structures it seems likely that the P found is due to the
presence of attached or partially resorbed microscopic crystals of
(FeNi)3P (Analysis 4). No doubt some were also included loose in
cavities. If the analysis be recalculated on this assumption using
the theoretical composition of (FeNi);P and calculating Co and Cu
as Ni we obtain the following values:

Pies coaahteasaereyty. PA. He 61.55
INDE ops Aye DSR NE EE 38.45
100.00

This is evidently the same alloy as the ‘‘ Taenite’’ isolated by Fletcher
from the Youndegin meteorite,! and it answers well as to structure
and mode of occurrence to the general description of ‘‘Taenite”’
according to Cohen.’

It would have been possible to, prepare a better sample of this
material by selecting only the single lamellae which are usually quite
pure, but unfortunately the complex forms with multiple lamellae
had to be included to make up sufficient weight, and these were very
apt to carry crystals of phosphide.

PHYSICAL PROPERTIES

The alloy has a brilliant tin-white colour with marked resistance
to oxidation. In samples heat tinted by the method of Stead it
shows up very beautifully with only a yellow tint even when the

‘Mineralogical Magazine, vol. XII, No. 56.
2Meteoritenkunde Heft I, page 99 er seq.

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 81

surrounding ground mass has gone to purple or blue. It appears
to be quite unaffected by rust or discolouration under ordinary
atmospheric conditions, resembling in this respect, as well as in
composition the artificial alloy ‘‘Invar.’’ The content of copper may
add to its rust resistant qualities since small amounts added to
commercial iron and steel are said to decrease corrosion. Under the
binocular it was found to be scratched by orthoclase and apatite and
not scratched by fluorite. On polished surfaces it stands in slight
relief.. The lamellae are flexible, but only slightly if at all elastic.
Sound pieces could be bent through 180° and back three or four times
before fracturing. Measured by a B & S gauge single blades as
isolated varied from 0.005 to 0.010 inch in thickness. They are
attracted and held by a common horseshoe magnet.

The resemblance of this alloy to invar and its apparent role
along with schreibersite (Analysis 3) as a- eutectic enveloping the
kamacite areas may have a bearing on the physical chemistry of the
meteoric irons. Invar* is said to contain about 36% nickel and 0.5
per cent. each of manganese and carbon, with melting point 1425°C.
and density 8.0.

Analysis 3.—Uncrystallized fractured phosphide (schreibersite?)
(PIS MIM gs 7 8 UPI) X, Fig. 12).

Se = 2 at 20 10 ean air.

% Mo. RATIO
RENAN ARR el re (34 hep): OR UE RER 1.097
NE elk EOL RR CLEP Ut Kt + ONCE ANT Ex mer qu 0.437
Cote hui aan Matte Oil AL MAN 0.008
Cie) eae een ee aes DO NE PSAs eae 0.001
Plesai niece cae ae SOU, TOG) 226 AE ee 0.420
Mn, Si, ee sfc RTE Not detected
GeV) in = =

100.52

These results lead to no very definite formula though the ratios are
near Fe;(Ni, Co, Cu)2P2, as may be seen below.

Mou. RATIOS

1.097 1.097

IPC RES PME

5 CO. ANT

1U.S. Bureau of Standards, Circular 58.

82 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

co | ofa ape GEE en
ne D eee nea
P es ue tn LR ARR 2 eee Le 2
0.217
Average." 0.217

However, it appears that this massive phosphide is not homo-
geneous. In the first metallographic observations on surfaces only
plain polished or etched with bromine water, the phosphide had
seemed to be quite pure and uniform, but later it was seen on heat-
tinted surfaces that some, at least, of the phosphide areas consisted
of a mixture of two constituents, one, the more easily oxidized, of a
dark blue colour, the other of a yellow or reddish colour similar to
that of 38% nickel alloy or taenite. It may be a reasonable specula-
tion to suppose that the less easily oxidizable component actually is
‘“‘taenite’’ which has been included and perhaps partially digested
by the phosphide, since the taenite and phosphide occur in a similar
relationship as a dual eutectic surrounding the Kamacite areas. If
this supposition is correct it is likely that the phosphide is essentially
(FeNi):P or possibly (FeNi)2P with some included taenite. Stead,
in his exhaustive researches on iron and phosphorous, showed that
Fe;P is the usual form in which phosphorus appears as a compound
in iron, this and the compound Fe.P, which is formed only under
exceptional conditions, being the only definite compounds of iron and
phosphorus identified by him.

PHYSICAL PROPERTIES

The phosphide is a brilliant tin-white in colour and very brittle,
breaking with a somewhat conchoidal fracture. It has been much
fractured in situ (PI. VIII, Fig. 7; Pl. X, Fig. 12) and the particles as
isolated seem to be in a state of strain as they often crumble at the
merest touch. It is attracted and held by a common horseshoe
magnet. Owing to the extreme brittleness and the minute areas
available for testing, i't is difficult to determine the hardness. How-
ever, fragments as isolated, when rubbed on glass under the binocular
are seen to scratch though they crumble in the process. The glass
itself was just scratched by orthoclase, while the orthoclase was not
scratched when the phosphide was rubbed on it. The hardness is,
therefore, about 6 in Mohs scale. Though the phosphide is thus
apparently harder than the Kamacite ground mass it polishes lower,
forming depressions, owing to its extreme brittleness and its fractured
character.

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 83

Analysis 4.—Phosphide crystals (Rhabdite?). (PI. XII, Figs. 15,
iG PISTE ion 17.)
These were obtained by sifting the residue from the solution of the
68 gram slice on a 200 mesh sieve, the crystals passing through. A
little whitish silicious matter and some carbon or graphite were
visible under the microscope.

Mov. RATIOS %
(6)
IPS. oe Ee eo LE SPA ES BOVIS Gee EP RATES 0721 |
INT cok SEAT RSR CR Ail BGM FRET AU 0.705 (1.442 _ 9) 49)
(CON Me UP PORTA RON Mie ORS RIE Re Te 0.004 3
Cu Ae, fey rae Wie ST AO fds TE Rene Le ONO12
[2 AN ee À CR AR Be Beebe: RS Os EM teh 0.494 0.494 Una
Smee chs ME en 0.69 ee
AGP LEONE ee PRE heal oa ER Present
Creve Nine ie. En Not detected Average. .0.487
98.68
Moz. RATIOS
Fe
INRA AOC ee CLR EN Dy RE TS 1.442 _ 961
Co 0.487
Cu
0.494
eg ty, Mh dt NET LES ARTE PNEU 1 014

eRe tee AU AE PRE APS
IN ER RER ee es) AN 43 .4
PS EST SRE ea Ed. crie 155

The results indicate the composition to be (FeNiCoCu);P with
Fe and (NiCoCu) present in equimolecular proportions.

That the above analysis should yield results leading to so nearly
an exact formula is remarkable since it appears that two different
types of crystals are present (page 24). It may be that the phosphide
can crystallize in two different systems under different conditions, as
does FeS, in pyrite and marcasite.

The silica found here no doubt represents practically the total
amount in the 68 gram slice, occurring either as silicides or as decom-

posable silicates. The actual amount for the 68 g. slice is very small,
27

84 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

however, as the percentage given (0.69) is reckoned on a tenth gram
sample of the crystals. The deficiency in the analysis is due to the
presence of undetermined carbon.

The crystals are very long, slender and brittle. In the micro-
photographs they frequently show cross fractures (Pl. XII, Fig. 16)
and often have good sharp terminal faces (Pl. XI, Fig. 14; Pl. XII,
Pigs. 15,7165 PLEINS. 17).

They are attracted by a horseshoe magnet, but less strongly
than the massive phosphide.

Stead gives the melting point of Fe;P as 1060°C. (FeNi);P would
probably have an even lower melting point and it is difficult to under-
stand how crystals of this compound could be formed in the Kamacite
ground mass of much higher melting point. (Fe 1530° Ni 1452°
Co 1478°.)

Analysis 5.—Kamacite ground mass by fractional solution.

Since the ground mass of the iron dissolved readily in dilute
hydrochloric acid leaving the other constituents but little attacked,
it would appear that its composition might be determined approxi-
mately by analyzing the solution resulting from the action of the
acid during a short period. A 44 gram piece was roughly polished
on all sides and treated with 10% HC1 until about 0.7 gram had
dissolved. The solution was analyzed with the following results:

NOR RS MA ATEN ahr SEE à 93.10
INSEE RAT RU 6.39
COM SAN ROM LA RES 0.48
Cu 0.03

100.00

The amount of nickel and cobalt found is almost exactly one
per cent. less than the total for the iron as a whole (Analysis 1.)

PHYSICAL PROPERTIES

The Kamacite is soft (a polished surface is just scratched by
fluorite) and magnetic. In sections etched by bromine water it is
seen to occur as polygonal grains with definite boundaries (PI. XI,
Fig. 12) resembling the ferrite of ordinary iron. Under certain etching
conditions Naumaun lines appear.

Analysis 6.—Chromiferous troilite-graphite nodule.

On the edge of one slice about half a nodule remained attached
to the iron, the other half having been fused away. The nodule had
been between 1.5 and 2 cm. in diameter and globular in form. The

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE Si

~t

central part consisted of troilite while the outer portion consisted of
a mixture of troilite and graphite (Pl. XIV, Figs. 19, 20). The iron
near the nodule was unusually rich in the massive phosphide of
Analysis 3, a thin layer of the phosphide forming a lining between
the iron and the zone of troilite-graphite intergrowth, as shown in
diagram.

SAS:

Diagram of troilite—graphite nodule, about twice natural size.

Iron rich in phosphide.

Thin layer of phosphide.

Troilite-graphite intergrowth.

Chromiferous troilite.

. Indicating approximate position of grain of apatite.

Cr Sa a La

The central mass of troilite seemed to be pure except around the
outer edge where it gradually merged into the troilite-graphite mixture.
It exhibited one good cleavage or parting (PI. XIV, Fig. 19) and was
not attracted by a horseshoe magnet. Small pieces of the crushed
material to the amount of 0.5 gram were selected under the binocular
and on analysis yielded the following results:

S. G. =4.814 at 19.65° in air.

EN cay cock ee MO ee a one 62.91
Creek. ac tated pee 0.96
TN ie se dmlbed ahakcs tit OUR a pede 0.28
COCA ARE LASER SRE PME TER 0.16
HOME LT Lake) Bae ee Trace
SR Pe SA PER 35.45

86 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The detection of chromium is interesting as suggesting the
presence of Daubréeilte, but metallographic examination gave no
indications of any foreign material other than graphite. The low
values obtained for sulphur and the high values for the metals are
difficult to explain, as the sulphur was determined by the alkali
carbonate-nitrate fusion method. It is possible, but unlikely, that
the small amount of graphite present exercised a reducing action on
the melt, resulting in the formation of alkali sulphides and consequent
loss of sulphur as HS on acidifying with HC1. It is possible also
that inclusions of iron or phosphide may have been present. After
the analysis had been made it was found that some of the grains of
troilite were attracted by a magnet, while others were not. The
concentration of phosphide in the neighbourhood of the nodule would
lead one to suspect that some may have been mixed with the troilite.

Analysis 7.—Troilite-graphite intergrowth (Pl. XIV, Fig. 20).

It was thought that Daubréelite might be present in the mixture
or that at least a higher percentage of chromium might be found in
the troilite associated with the graphite. The results of a partial
analysis, as shown below, failed to confirm this suspicion.

Fe |

Nite EU EL LATE OOO

Co |

Sr ie, ANT EURO 0.68

SEE VRAI SEn 2 22.35 (Calculated equivalent to 38.94% Fe)
Criss at STE ER EE 38.71 (By difference after ignition in oxygen)

100.00
Analysis 8.—Apatite (?) embedded in Troilite-graphite nodule.

While selecting pieces of crushed troilite for analysis a small
grain of colourless to white material was found embedded partly in
the central mass of pure troilite and partly in the troilite graphite
mixture (see diagram, page 85). The grain was cylindrical in form,
about 3 mm. long and 1 mm. in diameter. Qualitative tests definitely
indicated lime and phosphoric acid as the most prominent constituents
with a little iron and alumina also. Beryllium was not detected.
The refractive indices were determined by E. Poitevin and found to
be 1.660 and 1.654. There is little doubt that this was apatite,
though perhaps slightly abnormal in composition.

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 87

METALLOGRAPHY

Metallographic study of polished surfaces of the Annaheim iron
reveals remarkable complexity of structure and composition. At
least four distinct constituents are seen to be present in appreciable
amounts, each having a definite arrangement with respect to the
others. Of these the most prominent and the most remarkable are
the structures shown in PI. V, Figs. 1, 2; PI. VI, Figs. 3, 4; Pl. VII,
Figs. 5, 6, which consist of an iron-nickel alloy containing 38% of
nickel, cobalt and copper (Analysis 2, page ). This alloy occurs
either as single lamellae (PI. V, Fig. 1; Pl. VI, Fig. 3; Pl. XI, Figs. 13,
14) or as complex lamellar structures somewhat resembling in appear-
ance the cementite-ferrite eutectic perlite. The complex structures
consist of alternate lamellae of 38% nickel alloy and 6.87% nickel-
cobalt ground mass, the whole surrounded by a layer of the high
nickel alloy (Pl. VI, Fig. 4; Pl. VII, Figs. 5,6). They have evidently
been built up by the high nickel alloy in its eutectic capacity envelop-
ing numerous relatively small areas of ground mass. When the 38%
nickel alloy occurs as thin single lamellae it appears to be very pure
and homogeneous, but the larger complex structures usually contain
minute inclusions, which in some cases resemble the ground mass
(best detected in heat-tinted specimens). Somtimes others that
appear to be partially resorbed crystals of (FeNiCoCu)3P are present
(Analysis 4, page 83). On etching with bromine water the larger
structures sometimes develop dark areas (PI. X, Fig. 11) which the
writer had at first taken to indicate the presence of carbon or minute
disseminated graphite particles. On reading Stead’s work, however,
it appears that the black deposit might be due to the presence of
dissolved phosphide (FeNi)3P so that it is uncertain which it is.

Occupying situations, like the 38% Ni alloy, between grains of
ground mass are irregular, elongated masses of uncrystallized phos-
phide (Analysis 3). This phosphide is usually, if not always, much
fractured (PI. VIII, Fig. 7; Pl. X, Fig. 12), showing its brittle char-
acter and indicating that forces of deformation either internal or
external have been at work subsequent to cooling. Certain masses
of this phosphide obtained by dissolving out the ground mass (page
13) showed some indications of what might be rough crystal faces,
but these surfaces probably have resulted from contact with fhe
grains of the ground mass.

This phosphide and the 38% Ni alloy together appear to play
the part of a eutectic, to the 6.87% nickel ground mass, each con-
tributing to the envelope which surrounds the areas of ground mass.

88 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

There is a general regularity in the distribution of the two, however,
as indicated in the diagram of a polished surface below, the lamellae
of 38% Ni alloy being arranged in groups in each of which a well-

Diagram showing parallel arrangement of lines of phosphide,
normal to parallel lamellae of 38% nickel alloy. Heavy black
lines indicate phosphide; light lines indicate «8% nickel alloy.

marked parallelism is usually evident. The phosphide in a similar
way appears as irregular, but roughly parallel wandering lines which
take a direction nearly normal to that of the lamellae of 38% Ni alloy,
and form a capping, as it were, to the spaces included between the
38% Ni alloy lamellae. The phosphide thus contributes about half
of the cell wall of eutectic enclosing the areas of ground mass.

For the study of the structure, as described above, a rectangular
section of the meteorite about 1 cm. in cross-section with all sides
polished was found to be very useful as the structure could be followed
completely in all three dimensions.

A slight qualification to the above statements is necessary, viz.,
that the lines of phosphide do not always appear to come into actual
contact with the lamellae of the high nickel alloy, but sometimes stop
short within a very small distance from them so that the cell walls of
high nickel alloy and phosphide are not absolutely continuous, though
very nearly so (PI. X, Figs. 11, 12).

The ground mass which forms the major portion of the metal is
seen on a polished surface in general as roughly rectangular areas

“enclosed by lines of phosphide and 38% nickel alloy. When etched
by bromine water each area of ground mass is seen to consist of a

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 89

number of polyhedral grains with well-defined boundaries, resembling
the structure of a iron or ferrite (PI. VIII, Fig. 8; Pl. XI, Fig. 13).

The areas enclosed by phosphide and high nickel alloy may
represent crystals which were stable only under conditions of high
temperature and pressure and which, on cooling, were transformed to
ordinary ferrite.

The experiment involving fractional solution of the ground mass
(Analysis 5, page ) indicates that it consists of an alloy of 93.10%
iron with 6.90% of nickel, cobalt and copper. In its present con-
dition it may be considered as nickel-cobalt ferrite.

Embedded in the ground mass are very numerous long slender
crystals of phosphide (FeNiCoCu)3P (PI. XI, Figs. 13, 14; Pl. XII,
Figs. 15, 16; PI. XIII, Fig. 17). These crystals usually have a
definite arrangement with long axes either parallel to or normal to
the lamellae of 38% nickel alloy. When cut more or less normal to
their long axes they appear sometimes square (Pl. XII, Fig. 15),
sometimes rhombic in section (Pl. XII, Figs. 15, 16; Pl. XIII, Fig. 17).
d produce a rhombic
J may give a square

ATA SECTION IV. :
AE vations whether the

Page 89 line 16, om ElE XIE Fig. 15, read PI. CINE the residue from the
Fig 17.

ders of these crystals,

Page 89, line 17, delete Pl. XIII., Fig. 17. er alee LR a Es

Page 91, EE Vals line 4, for Figs. 7 and 8, read Pl. IS ssfully mounted and

T4 Se. h re 0. j i i
Figs. 9 and 1 aps, a millimetre in

| differ somewhat in
colour and lustre. One, giving good reflections, was perfectly square
in section with angles of 90° and hence was probably tetragonal. The
other appeared to be rhombic though, owing to the vicinal character
of the faces, there might be a difference of 10° in readings by different
observers. This crystal was measured independently by E. Poitevin
and myself, the measurements indicating the presence of the front
and side pinacoids and a prism m near arsenopyrite.

The artificial phosphides of iron have been studied in great
detail by J. E. Stead., According to him, in melts of iron containing
over 10.2% P, which is the composition of the eutectic, crystals of
Fe;P are produced. In the microphotograph (Loc. cit. Plate IV,
No. 5) the crystals of Fe;P appear mostly rhombic in section, but
in the upper right hand quadrant may be seen one which is square in
outline. Stead considered that the crystals were rhombic, but it is

1Journal of the Iron and Steel Institute, Vol. LVIII, No. 11, 1900.

90 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

evident that what has been said regarding sections of the meteoric
crystals applies with equal force to Stead’s crystals of Fe;P. The
crystal forms in both cases must be considered still open to question.

PHYSICAL CHEMISTRY

The Annaheim meteorite presents interesting problems in
physical chemistry and the writer believes it would be well worthy
of study by iron and steel metallurgists. Certain outstanding
peculiarities of structure which seem to defy explanation may be
briefly noted. First of all we have the easily fusible phosphide
crystals (melting point about 1060° or less) embedded in the 6.87%
nickel iron ground mass of much higher melting point (iron 1530°,
nickel 1452°, cobalt 1478°), and containing little, if any, phosphorus.
Then, though the massive phosphide quite properly appears to
function as eutectic, the 38% nickel alloy, with presumably much
higher melting point (Invar 1425°), appears to play an equal part in
the eutectic partnership. If the structure is interpreted in other
ways difficulties still remain. Stead performed an experiment which
shows that rough but unquestionable crystals of Fe;P may be pro-
duced in iron containing 1.95% P by repeated long annealing at
900°C. and slow cooling (Loc. cit. Plate XII, No. 20). In this experi-
ment, however, the molecular rearrangement of the phosphide
into the crystal form was not complete as 1.06% of P still remained
in solid solution in the iron. It may be, then, that the meteoric
phosphide crystals represent the final result of a long continued
natural annealing process, perhaps under considerable pressure.
Stead’s crystals on heating to 1100°C. lost their form and coalesced
into rounded and elongated masses somewhat resembling the un-
crystallized phosphide of the Annaheim iron.

In endeavouring to account for the structures of the Annaheim
iron we must consider two factors which may have had a tremendous
effect, and which are seldom taken into account in researches on
ordinary iron and steel, viz., time and pressure. Enormous pressure
to which the iron may have been subjected when in its parent body,
according to the operation of Le Chatelier’s principle, might have had
a considerable effect on the melting points of the various constituents,
and a tendency might be expected for the elements to form such
combinations as would have the least volume at any particular
temperature. Slow cooling through an immense time period would
provide opportunity for complete molecular rearrangement and
segregation.

[JOHNSTON-ELLSWORTH] ANNAHEIM METEORITE 91

PLATE V

No. 1.—68 gram slice of meteorite after partial solution in 10% HCl. Lamellae
of 38% nickel alloy in original position unattacked. About twice natural size:

No. 2.—Same as No. 1. Side view.

PLATE VI

No. 3.—Etched by bromine water X125. Single lamella of 38% nickel alloy
with long slender crystals of (FeNi)3P in parallel position on the left and numerous
sections of the same visible in ground mass. Note minute inclusions of massive
phosphide on edges of high nickel alloy which are shown enlarged in Figs. 7 and 8.

No. 4.—Unetched 125. Part of lamellar structure of 38% nickel alloy, the
lamellae in the central part alternating with 6.87% nickel ground mass. Lamellae
parallel to elongation of structure. Note inclusion of massive phosphide on edge
of left hand projection of 38% nickel alloy structure. The slightly dark zone on
same projection of this #netched section may be due to minute disseminated particles
of graphitic carbon.

PLATE VII

No. 5.—Unetched X125. Part of lamellar structure of 38% nickel alloy,
lamellae transverse to elongation of structure. Black boundary lines due to relief
except at lower right where the dense black represents a broken out line of massive
phosphide. Sections of minute phosphide crystals visible in ground mass.

No. 6.—Slightly etched with bromine water 50. Complete rather simple
lamellar structure of 38% nickel alloy joined to lines of massive phosphide (upper
right and bottom), which are in such low relief as to be out of focus and show merely
as black areas.

PLATE VIII

No. 7.—Unetched X500. Massive phosphide showing fracturing in situ. The
slight projection at the upper side shows the tendency to penetrate between grains
of ground mass. Dark parts represent holes where fragments have broken out.

No. 8.—Etched with bromine water X125. Massive phosphide in characteristic
eutectic position at the junction of ground mass areas.

PLATE 1X

No. 9.—Etched with bromine water 500. Single lamella of 38% nickel
alloy (in relief) apparently moulded on an irregular mass of phosphide which has
subsequently been separated a short distance by movement and squeezing in of
plastic ground mass. This is a higher magnification of part of Fig. 1.

No. 10.—Etched with bromine water X500. Fragment of massive phosphide
included in lamellae of 38% nickel alloy and perhaps partially digested. What
appear to be partially resorbed phosphide crystals are visible in high nickel alloy
This is also a higher magnification of part of Fig. 1.

92 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

PLATE X

No. 11.—Etched with bromine water 125. Lamellar 38% nickel alloy in
characteristic eutectic position at junction of ground mass areas, joining with lines
of massive phosphide (black, in very low relief at bottom and left) which penetrate
between areas of ground mass. The 38% nickel alloy shows a black area as a result
of etching, which may be either graphite or the black phosphide decomposition
product destribed by Stead.

No. -12.—Etched with bromine water X125. 38% nickel alloy at top and
fractured phosphide at bottom apparently not quite in contact though a very
thin line of phosphide (black) may continue and join the high nickel alloy.

PLATE XI

No. 13.—Etched with bromine water X125. Lamella of 38% nickel alloy with
black boundary due to high relief in ground mass showing typical ferrite grain
boundaries. Flocks of phosphide crystals arranged parallel to lamella, some lying
across the boundary of adjacent grains.

No. 14.—Etched with bromine water 500. Lamella of 38% nickel alloy to
left showing projection on left side penetrating between grains. On the right
phosphide crystals in parallel and normal positions.

PLATE: Xil

No. 15.—Unetched 500. Sections of phosphide crystals.

No. 16.—Etched with bromine water 500. Sections of phosphide crystals
showing sharp crystal faces and cross fracturing. The long crystal is doubly termin-
ated with the base on one end, domes or pyramids on the other.

PLATE XIII

No. 17.—Etched with bromine water X1200. Phosphide crystals apparently
tetragonal in form with good terminal faces. The one in long section occurs at the
distorted junction of grains of ground mass represented by the dark vertical line.
The distorted grain boundary appears to be indicative of plastic movement in the
ground mass.

No. 18.—Deeply etched with 2 per cent. picric acid in alcohol. Indications
of crystalline structure developed in Kamacite ground mass by deep etching.

PLATE XIV

No. 19.—Unetched 125. Troilite showing parallel lines of cleavage or parting
at left. Graphite-troilite mixture at the right.

No. 20.—Unetched 125. Troilite-graphite mixture in outer zone of nodule
Troilite white, graphite black.

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No. 1

PLATE VI

PEATE VII

0:19

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No. 6

PLATE VIII

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No. 8

PEATE ix

PLATE X

PEARE XI

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PLATE XII

PLATE XITI

8

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No.

PLATE XIV

SEcTION IV, 1921 [93] TRANS. R.S.C.

A Supplementary Study of Panoplosaurus Mirus!
By CHARLES M. STERNBERG
Presented by W. McINnNEs, LL.D., F.R.S.C.

(Read May Meeting, 1921)

The genus and species Panoplosaurus mirus was founded by the
late Mr. L. M. Lambe, F.R.S.C., Vertebrate Palaeontologist of the
Geological Survey of Canada.? But at the time of his deathin 1919
he had completed only that portion of his descriptive work which
pertained to the skull and armature.

The present article is intended to supplement that of Mr. Lambe
by descriptions of other portions of the type specimen (No. 2759,
Victoria Memorial Museum) than those dealt with in his paper.

The writer is indebted to Mr. C. W. Gilmore, of the United
States National Museum, for reading and criticizing this paper.

Vertebrae.— The total number of cervical vertebrae cannot be
stated as the posterior cervicals in the specimen are covered by the
dermal armature which it is not considered advisable to disturb. The
six anterior cervicals are well shown.

The atlas and axis (Plate I, Figure 1) are fused, together and
resemble the corresponding elements in the Ceratopsia.*

The atlas is long, broad and comparatively low. It is composed
of the centrum and neurapophyses firmly co-ossified, as are the other
cervicals, and the centrum is the longest of the neck series. It is
similar to the atlas of Monoclonius,as shown by Brown‘, but differs from
that element in Scelidosaurus’ and Stegosaurus®. The anterior end
is deeply cupped and conforms to the shape of the occipital condyle.
The cup is sub-elliptical in outline with the greatest diameter trans-
verse. The anterior superior border is notched. Both superior and

! Published by permission of the Deputy Minister of Mines.

2 Transactions, Royal Society of Canada, 1919, Sec. IV, pp. 39-50, 12 plates.

3 Monograph of U.S. Geol. Surv., vol. XLIX, by Marsh, Hatcher and Lull,
Figure 50. Bull. Amer. Mus. of Nat. Hist., vol. XXXVII, 1917, p. 288, by B.
Brown.

4 Bull. Amer. Mus. of Nat. Hist., vol. XX XVII, 1917, p. 288, by B. Brown.

5A Monograph of the Fossil Reptilia of the Liassic Formation, by Owen,
Part II, Palaeontographical Soc., 1863.

6U.S, Nat. Mus. Bull. 89, 1914, p. 45, by C. W. Gilmore.

94 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

inferior surfaces are flat and broad and there is no inferior median
keel. The neurapophyses are weak. They are co-ossified with the
external, superior border of the centrum, slightly in advance of the
midlength. Most of the right neurapophysis is missing, but the left
one is perfect and admirably suited to study and descriptive purposes.
Just above its co-ossification with the centrum it is slightly constricted
and just above this flares out and sends off two thin processes. The
anterior of these runs inward and backward and, with its fellow,
formed the incomplete roof of the neural canal. The two were
evidently bound together by ligaments and there was no neural spine.
The posterior of these processes (the postzygapophysis) runs back-
ward and slightly inward. It is coalesced with the prezygapophysis
of the axis though the line of demarcation is faintly shown.

The parapophysis is on the lower posterior border of the external
surface of the centrum and bears a single-headed rib.

The neural canal is very broad and low, the width being twice
the height.

The axis is firmly co-ossified to the atlas but the line of union is
plainly seen. The centrum is short and broad, with the lateral
surfaces concave and the superior and inferior surfaces nearly flat.
The posterior face of the centrum is cupped.

The neural arch is low and massive. Interior to the prezygapo-
physes the two sides of the neural arch unite, forming a low ridge
which runs backward and upward, terminating above in a low, blunt
spine. The postzygapophyses are well developed and overhang the
posterior border of the axis. The diapophyses are well developed and
stand out, at nearly right angles, from the base of the neural arch.
They have well-defined, ovate, articular ends which face downward
and slightly outward and backward. The parapophyses are not
discernible.

Greatestlensth of atlas Centrum 14:5) o ee eee 84 mm.
Greatest length).oh axis Centiim ac ceo oe eee ee DA
Greatest heignt-or atlas, CERN PRO eae 48“
Greatest breadth of atlas,-at anterior edge 1 "0 72

The third, fourth, fifth and sixth cervicals are very similar in
size and proportions to the axis. The height of the centra increases
toward the back, but the neural canal retains its broad, low outline.
Both extremities of the centra are cupped. The facet for the articula-
tion of the head of the rib is well defined on the anterior border of the
centrum. It rises on the centra as they proceed backward. The
prezygapophyses look up and the postzygapophyses look down. Both

[STERNBERG] PANOPLOSAURUS MIRUS 95

are well developed and set well apart on the six cervicals seen. The
diapophyses are well developed and resemble those of the axis.
(Plate I, Fig. 1, d).

The dorsal vertebrae are very similar to those of Ankylosaurus
magniventrus, as far as seen, though none have ribs ankylosed’ to them.

The ilium was supported by no fewer than six vertebrae, of which
the anterior five are firmly coalesced (Plate I, Figure 2). Four of
these are regarded as true sacrals and of the remaining two one is
probably a modified dorsal vertebra and the other a caudal vertebra.

The centrum of the dorso-sacral has weathered away but the
neural arch and left rib are present. The neural arch and spine are
firmly coalesced with the first sacral. To the diapophysis is co-
ossified a long, slender rib, the distal end of which lies on the distal
end of the first sacral rib and gives support to the ilium.

The centra of the four sacral vertebrae are firmly coalesced, all
trace of separation being obliterated. The neural arches and spines
are also firmly united, except the neural spine of number four, which
is free above the zygapophyses.

The centra are very much modified, the anterior ones being
merely a broad, thick plate, almost flat on the inferior surface and
concave superiorly. Posteriorly they narrow transversely, thicken,
and become more convex inferiorly, making the shape of the posterior
centrum more nearly that of a normal centrum.

In Panoplosaurus true sacrals have been developed through the
modification of caudal vertebrae to a greater extent than in Stego-
saurus® and to a less extent than in Polacanthus. Two true sacrals
have been added in this way to the primitive number which, according
to Hatcher”, has been found to be two in the case of the Dinosaurs.

The sacral ribs are stout, horizontal processes, broadly expanded
at the ends and are composed of the true sacral ribs and the diapo-
physial laminae thoroughly coalesced throughout. The three anterior
ones spring each from two vertebrae and are broadly expanded and
thoroughly co-ossified at their distal extremities. The sacral rib of
the fourth vertebra differs from the others only in that it springs
from one vertebra only and is not united with the others distally.
The first two are much stouter throughout than the succeeding ones.

7The Ankylosauridae a New Family of Armored Dinosaurs from the Upper
Cretaceous, by Barnum Brown. Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. XXIV, 1908,
p. 194, Fig. 12.

8 Gilmore, U.S. National Museum, Bull. 89, 1914, pp. 54, 55, Figs. 22, 23.

9 Hulke, Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc., vol. 178 B, 1887, pl. 9.

10 Carnegie, Mus. Mem., vol. I, 1901, p. 32.

96 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The neural spines, except the fourth, are coalesced and form a
low, narrow plate.

The bases of the diapophysial laminae are so expanded fore and
aft as to overlap the preceding and succeeding ones and coalesce,
forming a broad base which roofs over the very broad neural canal.

The neural canal is very much enlarged as in Stegosaurus. It is
bordered above by the neural arches and below by the centra. It
has a breadth of 71 mm. and a height of 55 mm. in the first true
sacral. Asin Stegosaurus its anterior portion is largest. The posterior
portion is circular with a diameter of about 14 mm.

Large foramina bounded above by the diapophysial laminae and
below by the expanded bases of the sacral ribs furnished exits from
the chamber for the nerves. They lead into the large sacral foramina
which are not connected with one another by openings through the
laminae.

The caudo-sacral is short, broad, and low, with well-developed
lateral processes which are expanded distally for articulation with
the ilium. It is not coalesced to the true sacrals. The neural spine

‘is partly broken away but seems to have been low. The zygapophyses
are small.

The caudal vertebrae are short and broad, indicating a short |
stout tail. There is one nearly perfect centrum which very closely
resembles the one figured by Brown!" as the ninth caudal of Ankylo-
saurus magniventris (Brown). The anterior face is flat and the
posterior face slightly cupped. The bases of the neural arch, lateral

_processes, and chevron are thoroughly coalesced to the centrum. All

of the chevrons, however, were not coalesced to the centra, as shown
by one well preserved, free chevron which, judging from its size, is
anterior to the one above mentioned.

Ribs.—The first two cervical ribs on the right side are in the rock
and articulated to the atlas and axis. The second cervical rib of the
left side (Plate I, Figure 3) is free while the first is coalesced with the
centrum (Plate I, Figure 1).

The first cervical rib is short and stubby. The proximal end is
broadly expanded and from this end it narrows and thickens toward
the distal end which is obtuse. Like the first cervical rib of Stego-
saurus, Ankylosaurus and the crocodile, it is articulated by a single
head to the lower posterior border of the centrum.

The second cervical rib is a tri-radiate bone formed by a long,
stout, tubercular process, a short capitular process, and a pointed
posterior branch. The proximal end of the tubercular process is
"1 Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. XXIV, Feb., 1908, p. 195, Fig. 13.

[STERNBERG] PANOPLOSAURUS MIRUS 97

roughly oval in cross-section and has a well-defined articular face,
which conforms to the articular face of the diapophysis of the axis.
Contrary to the arrangement of the second rib of Stegosaurus the
main articulation is with the diapophysis and the articulation with
the parapophysis was by ligament or cartilage. The distal end of the
rib is convex on the outer side and flat on the inner.

Eencbhitor inch cervical rie kites. ee tet art L'an ERUE 70 mm.
Proximal: breadth of first .cenvicaltnib. 225572. 8S
Lengthioh secondicervical mbit Me Ne AR Nr a ir Sa re

All the larger ribs preserved were found disarticulated and
scattered, so it is not possible to definitely place them, though it is
thought that all pertain to the anterior dorsal region. None of those
present show any indication of ankylosing with the vertebrae as in
the posterior dorsals of Ankylosaurus. The ribs are long and moder-
ately stout, with well-developed capitulum and tuberculum placed
well apart.

The tuberculum is sessile, with the articular face looking inward
at about the same angle as the curvature of the upper part of the rib.
The capitular process does not form a sharp angle but is the con-
tinuation of the gently rounded curve of the upper part of the rib.
This would throw the rib, when articulated, well up, making a flat
back and broad body cavity as in Ankylosaurus. The distal end,
where preserved, shows a thickened, rounded end, rather than a
spatulate extremity.

Coraco-scapula.—The coracoid and scapula (Plate II, Figure 1)
are firmly co-ossified, the suture being indicated only by a slight
thickening of the bone.

The scapula is moderately short and small except where it unites
with the coracoid and contributes in part to the formation of the
glenoid cavity, where it is greatly expanded and thickened. It is
thickest and broadest at the superior border of the glenoid cavity.

The blade curves strongly downward proximo-distally and the
inner face is strongly concave. Both the downward curvature and the
inner concavity are continued throughout the length of the coracoid.
This curvature would throw the coracoid in the articulated skeleton
well in front of the chest as in Stegosaurus, Triceratops and Hadro-
saurus. The thickness of the blade is approximately the same
throughout the upper half of its length, but from midlength to its
union with the coracoid it gradually thickens. The expansion at the
proximal end is only slightly greater than at midlength. The upper
end is gently rounded as in Ankylosaurus and has a very slightly

98 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

thickened and rugose border. Both the external and internal faces
of the shaft are flat near the proximal end, but the median external
portion is gently rounded dorso-ventrally, while internally it is
concave in the same direction.

About three-fifths of the distance from the proximal end the
superior border of the shaft diverges, forming a prominent ridge on
the external surface for about 130 mm. and terminates in a well-
developed acromion process (Plate II, Fig. 1a.p.) which points obliquely
outward. The presence of an acromion process is a marked point of
difference from Ankylosaurus®? and Stegosaurus®. This ridge is,
doubtless, homologous with the spine of the mammalian scapula
though it does not divide the upper half of the scapula nor does it
reach the distal end of that bone.

Directly below the acromion process there is a large rugose area
which probably served for the attachment of the deltoid muscles
(Plate II, Figure 1).

At the point where the superior border begins to diverge the edge
is thickened and slightly flattened toward the inner side. From this
point the internal superior border starts at a lower level than does
the outer border and ascends very rapidly to its highest point, which
is near its union with the coracoid. At the distal end the scapula is
very broad and massive. Its thickness in the glenoid cavity is
85 mm.

The glenoid cavity is large and is an almost perfect semicircle in
outline measuring 110 mm. from lip to lip of the external border.
The scapula does not contribute as much to its formation as does the
coracoid.

enethyof SCA arse eevee ee ee ee 410 mm.
Greatest breadth of scapula (just above glenoid cavity) 195 ‘

The coracoid is large and massive. In outline it more nearly
approaches the coracoid of Triceratops than that of Stegosaurus though
the anterior portion is longer than in Triceratops and not so high.
The superior border is relatively thin and the inner face is concave.
The external surface is moderately flat except the proximal inferior
portion, which is greatly thickened to contribute to the formation of
the glenoid cavity. The inferior border is thick and the anterior end
is thickened and roughened for the attachment of ligaments.

The coracoid foramen (Plate II, Figure 1) is large and elliptical
and runs from the external surface diagonally backward emerging on

2 Bull. Amer. Museum of Nat. Hist., vol. XX XVII, 1917, p. 196.
13U.S. Nat. Mus. Bull. 89, 1914, p. 67.

[STERNBERG] PANOPLOSAURUS MIRUS 99

the inner side slightly in advance of the coraco-scapular union. It is
situated considerably below the centre and is completely within the
coracoid.
Pencthoncoracoid'at midheight: 4. Se 255 mm.
Hefeht at coraco-scapular union) ve. oy. oo, ee Oe

Humerus.—The humerus (Plate II, Figure 2), as in Stegosaurus,
is short and massive with the extremities greatly expanded and without
medullary cavity. The shaft is greatly constricted below the mid-
line, the greatest constriction being at about three-fifths the distance
down. The radial crest (Plate II, Figure 2) is well-developed though
not so long, relatively, as in Sfegosaurus."

The radial crest is more clearly defined than in the last-named
genus, there being a decided depression between its superior border
and the head.

The round, well-defined head is somewhat internal to the centre
of the proximal end and is produced backward so as to overhang the
posterior border of the shaft. It is large and round to conform to the
glenoid cavity. When the bone is erect the articular face of the head
looks obliquely downward and the faces of distal condyles obliquely
upward. The position of the head and condyles, together with the
strong radial crest, implies that in the articulated skeleton the limb
would be strongly flexed as in Stegosaurus and the Ceratopsia. Just
below the head, on the anterior internal border of the bone, is a rugose
area for the attachment of muscles.

The distal condyles are well differentiated, the external one being
the more pronounced.

Greatest lenpeh ot Nimes sso. sek eek sag eee 430 mm.
Greatest breadth (including radial crest)............. 240 “
east miamleten Of Shalit.) Aue ia) Re i kos Shae va er
Greateseihreadthatdistalend tt". 072 Sooke 186s.

Forefoot.—The left forefoot (Plate VIII, Vol. XIII, R.S.C., 1919)
is represented by Metacarpals I, II and III, and their complete digits.
They are articulated and in their relative positions though it is not
possible to say that these bones represent the complete foot. The
drawing shows the foot as it was found in the rock. Metacarpals I
and I1I—the distal and proximal ends are so rotated relatively to one
another as to throw the toes well apart, though the proximal ends of
the metacarpals are closely applied to each other. Pressure has been
exerted on the end of digit III so as to push the ungual over the second
phalanx and squeeze that bone back hiding it from the front view.

“U.S. Nat. Mus. Bull. No. 89, 1914, by C. W. Gilmore, Pl. 20, Fig. 2.
—38

100 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

However, there is no doubt as to the phalangial formula, which is,
digit 1=2, II=3,III=3. So far as the writer is aware this is the first
articulated forefoot of an armored dinosaur to be described.

The metacarpals resemble one another in general shape and
proportions. They are not nearly so robust as those of Stegosaurus
figured by Gilmore, nor are their extremities so much expanded. The
transverse expansion at the distal end is less than half the length.
They are only slightly constricted medially.

Metacarpal IJ is shorter and less expanded distally than either
of the others. The proximal end, which is flat and slightly rugose, is
subtriangular in outline, with the gently rounded apex of the triangle
pointing inward (toward the opposite foot). The broad base of the
triangle is applied to the broad inner face of the proximal end of meta-
carpal II. The distal end is convex antero-posteriorly and flat
transversely.

The proximal end of metacarpal II is rugose, slightly convex
and subquadrate in outline. The anterior face is longer than the
other three, which are about equal in length. The sides of the
proximal end are broad, forming a surface for contact with the meta-
carpal on either side. The distal end is convex antero-posteriorly and
flat transversely.

Metacarpal III does not differ greatly from metacarpal II,
except that the external surface of the proximal end is shorter than
the other three sides, and on the inner side of the proximal end is a
large rugose area, evidently for the attachment of ligaments which
bound the foot together.

The lengths of the three digits are approximately equal. The
proximal phalanx of digit I is moderately long and narrow as com-
pared with the other proximal phalanges. The proximal end is flat
and the distal end is slightly convex antero-posteriorly and flat
transversely.

The proximal phalanx of digit II is short and broad, the length
being but half the breadth. The proximal end is concave and the
distal end convex antero-posteriorly. The superior and inferior
surfaces are slightly concave and pitted with small foramina.

The proximal phalanx of digit III is much the same as that of
digit II both in size and shape. The second phalanges of digits II
and III differ only in being shorter.

The ungualar phalanx of digit I is moderately long and slender
and tapers from its proximal end, which is broadest, to a rounded apex.
The unguals are all flattened hoof-like bones which in life were doubt-
less incased in a horny nail.

[STERNBERG] PANOPLOSAURUS MIRUS 101

The unguals of digits II and III differ from that of digit I only in
being broader, especially at the distal extremity.

Above digit III on the sand rock is what seems to be the impres-
sion of a thick skin without scales. This is segmented to conform to
the number of phalanges and seems to indicate that the toes, though
separate from one another, were encased in a thick padding.

Length of metacarpal II through its middle.......... 105 mm.
Froximal ibreadth. of metacarpaloLly 2. ) set Soa ot 50 7°
Distal-breadtht qf metacarpal 5002201500. 2552208
TE a Mt) Sica break ED PE MIE RTE Wee ae Ae PP PO ess

The only parts of the hind foot preserved are one metatarsal,
probably the second of the right foot, one proximal phalanx, and two
unguals. The metatarsal is almost identical in shape, with meta-
carpal II described above, but is considerably larger, measuring
130 mm. in length. The phalanges resemble those of the front foot
but are larger.

Tibia and Fibula.—The right tibia and fibula were found together
and are complete except for part of the distal end of the tibia (Plate IT,
Figure 3). The information lost with the missing portion is partly
supplied by the left tibia. The tibia is short and stout, constricted
medially, and greatly expanded at the extremities. The proximal
end shows that there were two condyles for articulation with the
femur, though no detailed description can be given because of their
crushed condition. There is no cnemial crest discernible. The least
diameter of the shaft is just below the midlength.

Only the external one-third of the distal end is present. This
portion is quite thin antero-posteriorly. The inner portion, as shown
by the fragmentary left tibia, is broader and cupped for the articula-
tion of the astragalus.

The tibia is shorter than the humerus. It is evident that the
hind limb of Panoplosaurus was relatively much shorter than that of
Stegosaurus or Scelidosaurus in which genera the tibia is longer than
the humerus. Judging from this and Ankylosaurid remains seen in
the field it appears probable that the hind limbs of the Ankylosauridae
were little longer than the fore limbs.

The fibula is a long straight bone with slender shaft and expanded
extremities. The expanded ends are so rotated relatively to one
another that their longest diameters are nearly at right angles to
each other. The fibula articulates with the tibia much as in
Stegosaurus but is relatively shorter. On the posterior face of the

102 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

fibula near its midlength there is an ovate, rugose area 50 mm. in
length.

Greatest length fot tibia: 3:3 cutee ener eee cree ote 385 mm.
Greatest breadth of tibia at proximalend............ 16514
Breadth. of shaft at narrowest point "0e ne Tr
Lensth oftibula 0 Mec PEER 910 ae
Greatest breadthiof proximaliend 227 feuc2 eee. 2 58°" 3

Greatest breadth ofsdistal cand: ee RP (as

ve À.
neath

où

PLAGE 1
Panoplosaurus mirus

Fig. 1.—Atlas, axis and third cervical vertebrae. Left lateral view. + nat. size.
Fig. 2.—Sacrum with dorso-sacral and caudo-sacral vertebrae. Inferior view.

+ nat. size. :
Fig. 3.—Second cervical rib, left side. External and internal view, 3 natural

size.
a.—Atlas; ax.—axis; c’—third cervical; cr'—cervical rib No. 1; c-s—caudo-

sacral vertebra; d.—diapophysis; d-s—dorso sacral; n—neural spine; n.c.—neural
canal; n.s.—inferior neck scutes; p.—parapophysis; S—sacral vertebrae; t—

tuberculum.

BIENNE
Panoplosaurus mirus

Fig. 1.—Left coroco-scapula. External view. 4 nat. size.

Fig. 2.—Left humerus anterior view. 14 nat. size.

Fig. 3.—Right tibia and fibula anterior view. 14 nat. size.

a.p.—Acromian process; c.f.—coracoid foramen; d.—rugose area for attach-

ment of deltoid muscles: f.—fibula; r.c.—radial crest; t.—tibia.

PLATE. I

PLATE II

Section IV, 1921 [105] Trans. R.S.C.

On the Mispec Group (Devonian)
By G. F. MATTHEW, LL.D., F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

In arranging and naming the stratified rocks in and near St.
John, N.B., while their age was still to a great extent uncertain, and
fossils had been found in but a few places, they were divided into
several groups partly on the basis of the degree of metamorphism
which they exhibited and partly from other causes, as, for instance,
their apparent succession; they were found to lie in the following
order:

The Portland Group
The Coldbrook Group
The St. John Group
The Little River Group
The Mispec Group

The highest of these (viz., the ‘“Mispec’’) is that which forms the
subject of the following communication, but they all were character-
ized by slaty cleavage in the finer beds. The writer emphasizes the
slaty condition of the ‘‘Mispec’’ because in this it differs from the
overlying formations and resembles those below. But as the “ Mis-
pec’’ was sometimes found to rest on other rocks than those of the
Little River Group, it has evidently been formed independently of
that group and not with it as at first was supposed.

Most palaeobotanists will agree with Sir William Dawson and
Mr. David White that the plant beds of Perry in Maine are Upper
Devonian; therefore a knowledge of the facts bearing on the age of
the ‘‘Mispec’’ Group, which is the stratified formation that immedi-
ately underlies the Perry beds in their eastern extensions would be of
some importance in connection with the latter. So I propose to tell
what has been learned of the geological age of the “Mispec”
beds, since Sir William made his study of the strata around St. John.

The relations of other formations which have a bearing on the
age of this group may also be mentioned here. About thirty miles
to the northward of St. John are limestones whose Lower Carboni-
ferous brachiopods have long been known; these give us one horizon
of a fixed geological value. Just beyond and to the northward of
these (and above them) is the southern edge of the great Carboniferous

106 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

area along the south side of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, extending across
the northern shore of Nova Scotia, which includes the extensive coal
beds of that province.

But while the Lower Carboniferous marine forms fix with sufficient
exactitude the age of the Coal Measures above them, no marine species
are contained in the beds of the Little River Group near St. John, so
their geological age could not be determined by that means; and the
plant remains were not of such a nature as to settle the question. It
is true that Sir William Dawson pronounced them “‘ Middle Devonian’’
but his verdict as to their age has been questioned and by some
observers denied.

Another series of deposits which, though not occurring within
the corporate limits of St. John is well represented in other parts of
New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, is that which was first described in
this region as the New Red Sandstone. It presents the following
succession:

1. Bright red sandstone, uniform in colour and texture.

2. Grey (Pebble) conglomerate (holding the position of the
effusive or volcanic rocks in other places).

3. Red conglomerate and red shale in several repetitions.

This series is the Newark formation as seen in New Jersey and
elsewhere.

To revert to the other end of the geological scale as seen at St.
John one may say that the Portland Group was found to consist of
granitic and other intrusive and metamorphosed rocks as granite,
gniess, altered schists and limestones, in which last, however, only
the simplest forms of life were found. It forms a geological complex
upon which the later formations rested. Upon this complex with a
manifest discordance the Cambrian beds of the St. John Group rested.
Remains of trilobites were found in it (first by the late Rev. C. R.
Matthew), whose exact age as Primordeal was determined by the
late Professor C. F. Hartt, at that time a student at Harvard College
with the late Louis Agassiz.

Above the Cambrian, etc., at St. John there is an overlying series
of beds in which certain land plants were found, which were studied
by Sir J. William Dawson and by him determined to be of Middle
Devonian age. These Mrs. M. C. Stopes, Dr. H. M. Ami, Mr. David
White and others now say are Carboniferous. These plants have
been found in measures which Sir William personally studied and the
antiquity of these measures has been upheld by A. Gesner, L. W.
Bailey, G. F. Matthew, R. W. Ells, and others who have studied the
strata.

[MATTHEW] MISPEC GROUP 107

It is because the age of the Mispec Group may shed some light
upon this difficult question that the writer has made the Mispec
Group the subject of this article. The group was first observed at
the top of a synclinal fold of the strata between Little river and
Mispec river, on the eastern side of St. John Harbour. No determin-
able fossils were found in it, but the lower angle of dip and the distinct
change in the composition and source of the sediments showed the
diversity of this group from the rocks below. (Here also there was
a reduction in the dip of the measures from 20° or 15° to 5° which
further on was reduced to horizontality, and eventually to the re-
appearance of the grey shales with plant remains that had been
observed on the north side of the synclinal fold.)

Such was the evidence upon which the Mispec Group was separ-
ated from the beds below, and on tracing the latter further westward
this divergence was seen to be more marked.

The Mispec was found to recur to the south side of Lepreau
Basin near its head, extending thence westward where with the plant-
bearing beds below it extends beneath the Upper Devonian, which
dips westward and passes beneath the waters of the Bay of Fundy.
It is accompanied by a remnant of the pre-Cambrian complex ridge
which there shows itself for the last time. There is a group of small
islands in the Bay of Fundy called ‘‘The Wolves,’’ where these
portions of the complex reappear for the last time.

From this point westward the Mispec Group appears on the
north side of the Laurentian complex, showing in Bliss Island and
‘the headlands that project from the shore around the eastern entrance
to L’Etang harbour. At Beaver harbour the Mispec Group was also
observed on the road which leads westward from the head of the
harbour and on Black’s harbour it also appears. On this northern
side of the Laurentian complex the various exposures of the Mispec
rocks have beds at low angles dipping to the north and in this corre-
sponding to the Mascareen series (Silurian) further west. The
numerous beds of conglomerates which are found in the Mispec
Group of this district show the dip very clearly.

Fortunately the Geological Survey of the United States, when
undertaking the investigation of the Eastport quadrangle, placed the
fossils collected by Messrs. C. L. Berger and E. S. Bastin in the
hands of the late Prof. Henry S. Williams for determination. These
fossils have an important bearing on the age and condition of the
Upper Silurian measures in that part of Canada. The Canadian
surveyors had found a Silurian series in Passamaquoddy bay which
they called the Mascareen, dipping to the north at a low angle, and

108 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

another group of slates to the south of the Mascareen, dipping at a
high angle and much broken up by intrusives; in these last slates
they found no fossils, and for this reason did not include them in the
Silurian. In the extension of this group into the State of Maine,
though the rocks were largely of volcanic origin, some slates with
fossils were found. Hence it is now thought that these also should
be included in the Silurian strata, and that there is here a break in
the Silurian such as occurs at St. John in the upper part of the St.
John Group where Ordovician fossils are found.

The condition of the several groups of the Palaeozoic, etc., as
they show in and near St. John from this point of view may be pre-
sented in the following table:

ROCKS AT ST. JOHN

PORTLAND GROUP
Very great unconformity

Coldbrook Group and Base of Palaeozoic, including :

CHENE Etcheminian Series Cambrian and Base of Ordo- |

St. John Group vician

(3 divisions)

UNCONFORMITY
Ordovician (Middle and Upper wanting)
) Limit
Bloomsbury volcanics Quoddy oe E
1 m. thick at Quaco Dennys slate ne Or of

Silurian: 2. 6 3 = DES slaty

Little River Group Mascareen

Dadoxylon Sandstone Beaver Harbour cleavage

Cordaite slate and Eastport, etc., slates

Sandstone

UNCONFORMITY
Lower Mispec Group Unknown at Eastport
Devonian..... Conglom. and dark red
slates
GREAT UNCONFORMITY
Here eruption of Nerepis, St. George, etc., granite

Conglomerate Perry plants Upper Dev. fide J. W.
Upper (Red sandstone Dawson & David White,
Devonian..... Dark red shale Pocono beds.

Gray sandstone and shale

[MATTHEW] MISPEC GROUP 109

UNCONFORMITY
Bright red sandstone con- Newark
Mesozoic... | glomerate formation of N. Jersey,
Red shale and sandstone. Conn., etc.
RESUME

To sum up what the author has written in reference to the
“Mispec Group”’ it may be said that there is reason to think it has
an important bearing on the age of the plant beds above and below
it, geologically.

That it has yielded no determinable land plants may be due to
its continental origin and the coarseness of much of the material of
which it is composed. It appears to be Lower Devonian, being
younger than the land plants from the ‘“‘ Fern Ledges”’ near St. John
and older than those from Perry in Maine, both of which have been
described by Sir. J. William Dawson.

The group has been observed at various points from St. John to
L’Etang Harbour and on both sides of the Laurentian Complex,
which forms a ridge on the hills back of St. John, being in all cases
a distinct formation unconformable to the rocks above and below.

mor

f Bk

Transactions of The Royal Society of Canada
SECTION V

SERIES III MAY, 1921 VoL. XV
EE A Er eu ee ON

Significant Alterations in the Positions of Certain Neuroblast-Nuclei
of the Embryonic Retina: a Study in Bio-Dynamics

By Joan CAMERON, MD. D.Sc., EARS CE MERS TC:
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

The histological material upon which the present research is
founded was prepared by the writer in 1902 while engaged in a study
of the histogenesis of the amphibian retina in the laboratory of the
late Professor Wm. His at Leipzig. During 1905 three papers(1)
were published, dealing with the results of these researches, in which
attention was directed mainly to a study of the myelospongium net-
work and the visual elements. During this investigation some
peculiar phenomena manifested by the neuroblast-nuclei, particularly
of the ganglionic layer, were detected. However, the interpretation
of these threatened to carry the research so far beyond the limitations
originally imposed upon it that it was decided to postpone the pub-
lication of the nuclear changes to a later date. Meanwhile, in 1916
Dr. R. J. Gladstone and the writer (2) pointed out that in the cell-
elements of the blastoderm, the nascent endoplasm immediately
investing the nuclei was a derivative of nuclear metabolism. Further,
in 1917 the writer (3) published in these Transactions a paper in
which it was affirmed that in developing striated muscle the achro-
matic material which undergoes fibrillation was, partly at least, a
product of the metabolic activity of the nuclei of the myosyncytium.
With the publication of these later papers the writer feels that the
time is now ripe to make known the results of his observations on the
neuroblast-nuclei of the embryonic retina, more particularly as these
results are confirmatory of his earlier conclusions.

The material for this research was chosen from Amphibia, as the
comparatively large size of the nuclei in this vertebrate class makes
them ideal for cytological study. Avian and mammalian types were
likewise studied, but owing to exigencies of space the results of the
examination of the amphibian forms will be alone referred to.

An extensive amount of experimental research upon the adult
retina has been’ carried out, especially within recent years, and a

2 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

-

useful bibliography will be found in a, recent paper by Detwiler (4)
on this subject. The most elaborate study of the embryonic retina
within recent years is that by Bernard.(5) I wish that space would
permit me to do full justice to the work done by this observer. We
both chanced to be working on the embryology of the retina simul-
taneously and unknown to each other. It was, however, remarkable
to note how closely our results were in agreement. Bernard’s work
will, therefore, be found referred to in the course of this paper.

If the inner wall of the optic cup be examined by the higher
powers of the microscope it will be found to exhibit the same structural
arrangement as the wall of the neural tube. This is just as one would
expect seeing that the cup is a derivative of the latter. Thus, one
will observe next to the external limiting membrane’ the usual layer
of germinal nuclei in active karyokinesis. Now, if the direction of
separation of the daughter-nuclei be studied it will be ascertained
that this is usually the same, namely, parallel to the external limiting
membrane (see Fig. 1). Further, it should be noted that the long
axes of the daughter-nuclei lie always at right angles to the external
and internal limiting membranes, as shown in Fig. 1 and Fig. 2.

If the relationship of the germinal nuclei to the newly formed
neuroblast-nuclei be further studied several significant facts with
reference to the later phases of nuclear division manifest themselves.
For example, it will be found that when the metaphase of mitosis, as
exhibited in Fig. 1, gives place to the kataphase, the relative positions
assumed by the daughter chromosomes in the resting nucleus can
be readily elucidated. Thus the elongated nucleus in Fig. 1 has
probably been recently produced by mitosis, and it will be noted
how remarkably bipolar it is. Therefore the centrosome in relation
to it must have at first assumed a position somewhere near the centre
of one lateral margin. The neighbouring kataphase in Fig. 1 gives
the clue to this, for the daughter-nuclei to be derived from that mitotic
figure will take up a position alongside the elongated resting nucleus.
Further, it will be observed that the long axes of the daughter-nuclei
lie in a plane at right angles to the direction of separation of the
karyokinetic figure. We thus become confronted with a subtle
problem in bio-dynamics in relation to the phenomena of karyo-
kinesis.

During the early developmental stages the neuroblast-nuclei in
the outer layers of the retinal wall retain their radial arrangement,

EEE nr

10wing to the invagination of the optic vesicle its lining membrane becomes the
external limiting membrane of the retina.

[CAMERON | NEUROBLAST-NUCLEI 3

but those nearest to the internal limiting membrane become tilted
over more and more until their long axes ultimately lie parallel to
the internal limiting membrane. That is to say each of these nuclei
becomes rotated through an angle of approximately 90°. The writer
can find no record of this alteration in orientation having been pre-
viously observed. However, it can be detected without difficulty in
the frog-embryo nineteen days after fertilization. It is interesting
to watch these nuclei becoming gradually tilted over more and more
by some unseen force during the next few days. which certainly
exhibit great strides in the development of the amphibian retina.
This rapid advance is, of course, due to the fact that in the very early
stages of its career the frog-embryo becomes a free swimmer and
therefore the development of its optical apparatus has the full light
of day as nature’s stimulus to accelerate histogenesis. It is therefore
remarkable to note how much progress has been accomplished even
by the twenty-first day (see Fig. 4), though this particular embryo
proved to be a rather precocious example. The latter Fig. afforded
the clue as to the direction in which the neuroblast-nuclei were tilted,
for it was found that the overturned nuclear poles became directed
consistently towards the point of exit of the optic nerve fibres at
the optic disc (Fig. 4).

If these ganglionic nuclei be closely studied by means of the
highest powers of the microscope from the nineteenth day onwards
it will be ascertained that a portion at any rate of each primitive
axis-cylinder is discharged from its associated nucleus in the form of a
material which in the nascent condition is very resistant to staining
agents. In many cases this discharge is so active that the nuclear
pole is drawn out as a fine point into the commencement of the axis-
cylinder (see the nuclei marked with an X in Fig. 3). One of the most
remarkable facts’ regarding these amphibian neuroblast-nuclei is
that in the early stages they are practically devoid of a cytoplasmic
investment (Fig. 3). Even at the thirty-fifth day (see Fig. 5) the
perinuclear material is still of the scantiest. Indeed, it is only towards
the end of development that the cytoplasm of the ganglionic cells can
be detected as a distinctive investment.

This comparative nakedness of the retinal neuroblast-nuclei
during the early developmental stages compels one to look for another
source of the optic nerve axons since these make their appearance
as early as the nineteenth day. For example, the narrow band of
faintly stained material extending to the left from the nuclei marked X
in Fig. 3 represents the earliest rudiment of the retinal layer of optic
nerve fibres, which, as the Fig. shows, lie in their usual position next

4 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

to the internal limiting membrane. Note once more the intimate
relation of one of these primitive axons to the pole of the nucleus at X.
It is unfortunate that the axons do not stain well during the early
stages, which indeed represent the critical phases of their histogenesis.
On this account they are never displayed to advantage in micro-
photographs, and therefore the problem of their origin would be best
discussed in the laboratory over the microscopic field. Fortunately,
however, both Bernard and the author have been able to demonstrate
that the neuroblast-nuclei which later form the external nuclear layer
of the retina extrude their achromatic contents into the bases of the
developing rods and cones, while the writer (6) has also described this
discharge of material by neuroblast-nuclei in other parts of the develop-
ing nervous system. There is thus a growing belief in the fact that
the nuclei, of embryonic tissues at least, are great centres of metabolic
activity, the latter being manifested by the discharge at regular
intervals of a peculiar material which in the nascent condition is
practically achromatic in its reaction towards staining agents. The
production of this material has been previously demonstrated by the
writer (3) in embryonic striated muscle, and by Dr. R. J. Gladstone
and the writer (2) in the developing blastoderm.

From this viewpoint the causation of the overturning of the
neuroblast-nuclei that give rise to the ganglionic layer of the retina is
probably as follows:

1. The primitive axis cylinders of the amphibian optic
nerve are partly formed by the discharge of achromatic material
from the outer poles of these nuclei.

2. So far as the author can at present determine the axon is
always connected with the outer nuclear pole.

3. These axons become in due course directed towards the
point of exit of the optic nerve from the retina. :

4, They exert traction at a very early stage upon the nuclear
poles from which they have emerged, the result being that these
poles, which might appropriately be termed the ‘“‘axon (6),” are
rotated through an angle of approximately 90° and become in
every case directed towards the optic disc.

The question that next arises is, Why do the neuroblast-nuclei
that give rise to the external and internal nuclear layers of the retina
exhibit no evidences of this overturning movement. The answer to
this is not difficult. These nuclei discharge achromatic material
from both their outer and inner poles so that a condition of equilibrium
results. The description of the phenomena associated with these outer

Fic. 1 shows that the plane of separation of the
dividing germinal nuclei is at right angles to the
limiting membrane of the retina. 15th day frog
embryo 1500. — Early stages of mitosis exhibited
on the right.

Fic. 2 is a section of the retinal wall in a 19th
day frog-embryo. The neuroblast-nuclei will be ob-
served to lie for the most part with their long axes
at right angles to the limiting membranes.
p.c.l.—pigment cell layer.
i.1.m.—internal limiting membrane.

Fic, 3 is a magnified view of the portion of Fig. 2 next

to the internal limiting membrane. Two of the neuroblast-
nuclei at x have become tilted over to the extent of 90°,
while others in the vicinity show earlier stages of this dis-
placement. o..f.—rudiments of optic nerve fibres.

Oplic nerve
4

relinal
pigment cells ---—

rods and cones------

ganglionic layer .—-

optic nerve fibres ----

Fic. 4 The axon-poles of the tilted over nuclei in the
ganglionic layer are directed uniformly towards the point
of exit of the optic nerve fibres. Frog-embryo at the 21st day.

internal
molecular
layer

gangliontic —
laver

Fic. 5. The nuclei of the ganglionic layer of a 35th
day frog embryo. Note that their cytoplasmic investments
are still extremely scanty. Two fibres of Miiller are seen
traversing the internal melecular layer. 2250,

a

a
Cu
PRES,
oe Se

De !

[CAMERON] NEUROBLAST-NUCLEI D

nuclear layers, however, would prolong this paper unduly. It will,
therefore, have to be reserved for a future communication.

It is likewise interesting to note the alteration in the shape of all
the retinal neuroblast-nuclei during development. In the early
stages, as the Figs. show, these are consistently bipolar in character,
but by the thirty-fifth day they have assumed the rounded or spherical
shape of the adult (Fig. 5). The most satisfactory explanation of this
phenomenon appears to be that during the earlier developmental
stages, when the metabolic activity of these nuclei is probably at
its maximum, their achromatic contents are discharged from their
poles. This, by a simple problem in dynamics, would compel them
to assume a bipolar outline. During the later and probably less
active stages of histogenesis the nuclear metabolized material is
discharged at all points in the periphery of the nucleus, which would
render it physically incapable of assuming a shape other than that of
a sphere. At least this is the explanation which, in the light of our
present knowledge, suggests itself with most emphasis to the writer.

The biological problems involved in this research are so diverse
and far reaching in character that it is impossible to do full justice to
them in this short paper, which will, therefore, require to be regarded
as a preliminary communication.

LITERATURE CITED

(1) Cameron, John, The development of the retina in amphibia, Jour. of Anat., 1905

(2) Cameron, J., and Gladstone, R. J., The structure of the Blastoderm, Ibid. 1916.

(3) Cameron, John, The histogenesis of striated muscle, Trans. Royal Soc. Canada,
1917.

(4) Detwiler, S. R., Jour. of Experimental Zoology, Feb. 1916.

(5) Bernard, H. M., Studies in the retina, Quart. Jour. Micros. Science, Vols. 43 to 47.

(6) Cameron, John, The development of the vertebrate nerve cell, Brain, 1906.

is.

# \ on “4 a À

lial “owe LORS

SEcTION V, 1921 (7] TRANS. R.S.C.

Coloured Thinking and Allied Conditions
By PD? FRASER’ HARRIS,’ MD DSC FE RSETFR'SC:
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

When one sensation, say a sound, involuntarily calls up another
sensation, say that of light or colour, we say the percipient has linked
sensations, or one of the synaesthesiae. This particular form, coloured
hearing (audition colorée, farbiges Héren), is by far the commonest.

Musicians seem peculiarly liable to experience colours when
tones or voices are heard; thus we read of organ notes as being violet,
violin green, a human voice as brown or yellow, and so on. Some
coloured hearers always see dark colours along with notes of low
pitch, and pale or bright colours with those of high pitch. Such
linked sensations are called sound- or phono-photisms.

Much rarer are the cases where the other sensations produce
light or colour, but such are known; thus we can have—an odour
calling up a colour (an olfacto-photism); a taste calling up a colour
(a gusto-photism); heat or cold sensations calling up a colour (thermo-
photism); and lastly pain calling up a colour (an algeso-photism).
Specific examples of these are—smell of musk recalling scarlet and
gold; an acid taste being described as yellow; a cold sensation as
white, rheumatic pains grey, and toothache black.

Examples of Synaesthesiae are—‘‘Who is that speaking in a
dark-brown voice?’’; Schubert’s music calls up a sunny green; full-
toned speech is like a coloured picture, whispering is like a black and
white engraving, a musty smell is like grey and red, an acid taste calls
up yellow, something hot in the mouth gives a sense of whiteness.
‘The gorse in bloom is like a thousand silver trumpets’’; bright lights
arouse the sounds of high pitched notes; dim, or dull colours those of
low pitched. Schubert’s music calls up the smell of young pine trees.
“The sharp perfume had in it something provocative and exciting that
was like a sound.” “Scarlet was like the sound of a trumpet.”
“To remember some words is to touch a flower.”’

Beethoven said he would make the blind girl ‘‘hear moonlight.”’
“T can smell the sunset.”’

Distinct both from synaesthesia and from coloured thinking is the
thought-form or psychogram.

8 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

It is the faculty of seeing certain concepts—the numerals, days
of the week, months of the year, the alphabet and so forth—as occupy-
ing collectively some definite positions in space.

Thus certain seers always think of the numerals one to a hundred
as arranged in the form of a ladder stretching up into the sky to the
right or the left, as the case may be.

Other seers think of the days of the week as on a curve with
Wednesday at the apex, still others visualize the months as arranged
on a rainbow or other huge form dying away into space.

Thought-forms may be yet more irregular as when the alphabet
is exteriorized in the form of steps and stairs ascending or descending
from the observer.

Coloured thinking proper is the association of a colour with an
exteriorized concept. Certain persons find that they cannot atten-
tively think of anything, cannot visualize, without arousing or suggest-
ing colour. This may be called chromatic mentation, or psycho-
chromaesthesia, and such persons coloured thinkers or psycho-
chromaesthetes.

The concepts most commonly coloured are the hours of the day,
the days of the week, the months of the year, the letters of the al-
phabet, proper names and so forth.

To those who never experience this sort of thing’ it is unintel-
ligible. There is no kind of agreement between the colours associated
with any one thought on the part of a number of coloured thinkers.
Thus the vowel ‘‘u”’ is for eight different persons thought of as in
eight different colours—grey-white, yellow, black, brown, blue, green,
brown-yellow and dark grey respectively. To one person August is
white, to another crimson, to a third heliotrope. There is no attempt
at agreement.

The following are the characteristics of this curious capacity:

1. The very early age at which these associations were
fixed. ‘‘Ever since I can remember,” ‘‘Ever since childhood I
have always had,”’ “I do not remember the time when I had not,”
etc., are the phrases used by coloured thinkers asked when they
first noticed the phenomenon.

Children of only nine and ten years give most satisfactory and
definite accounts of their psychochromes. This feature was
recognized by Francis Galton in his classic examination of the
subject in 1883.1

1Inquiries into human faculty and its development: MacMillan, London, 1883

[HARRIS] COLOURED THINKING 9

2. The second characteristic of coloured thinking is the
unchangeableness of the colour thought of. Middle-aged people
tell us there has been no alteration in the colours or even in the
tints and shades of them ever since they can remember having
thought in colours at all. Galton’s remarks were, “They are
very little altered by the accident of education,” “they are
due to ‘Nature not nurture.’”’

Just as their origination is, apparently, not due to the
influence of the environment, so the environment exercises no
modifying influence on them during a long life.

3 The third characteristic of psychochromes is the extreme
definiteness in the minds of their possessors. Contrary to what
might reasonably be expected, the colours attached to concepts
are not vague or incapable of accurate verbal description. A
coloured thinker is most fastidious in the choice of terms to give
adequate expression to his mental imagery. One of these is not
content in speaking of September as grey, he must call it steel-
grey, another speaks of dull white, silvery white, the colour of
watered silk, and so on. One child speaks of March as “art
blue;’’ another of 6 p.m. as “pinkish.” The degree of chromatic
precision which can be given by coloured thinkers to their
visualizings is as extraordinary as any of the extraordinary things
connected with this curious subject.

4. The fourth characteristic is the complete non-agreement
between the various colours attached to the same concept in the
minds of different coloured thinkers. Thus nine persons think
of Tuesday thus—brown, purple, dark blue, brown, blue, white,
black, pink and blue. Again, September is thought of as pale
yellow, steel-grey and orange by three different coloured thinkers
respectively. Once more, the vowel “i” is thought of as black,
red-violet, yellow, white and red respectively by five persons
gifted with chromatic mentation; the colours are essentially
one’s own; these psychochromes are not shared.

5. The fifth characteristic is the hereditary nature of the
condition. Galton’s own phrase was “very hereditary.”” The
extremely early age at which coloured thinking reveals itself
would of itself indicate that this propensity was either hereditary
or congenital. Heredity from father to son is quite common.
In a case well known to myself, the brother, nephew and first
cousin of a coloured thinker are all coloured thinkers. In
common language, it “runs in families,” but there is no more
unanimity in the family in this obscure subject than there is

10 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

apt to be in many families in regard to subjects of much com-
moner experience. Three persons of the same family think of
March as brown, steel grey and orange respectively.

6. The sixth characteristic of coloured thinking is its un-
accountableness. “TI cannot account for it in any way’’ seems
the all but universal remark made by these seers. No line of
research seems to lead to any explanation of more than an
occasional psychochrome. Many persons, regarding it as a
childish survival, have not cared to confess to possessing it at
all or have never tried to trace it to a probable source. Possibly,
in some few cases, the impressions left by early picture books
and paint boxes may have been responsible for some of the
mental colours. In a very few instances, such an association as
the following may account for the colour of a thought—The
earliest February I can remember was snowy; through the white-
ness of snow the thought of February came to be coloured white.

But it is clear that if environmental influences are operative
in anything like a large number of cases, the colours for such
concepts as the months of the year ought to be far more uniform
than they are. No common origin of external source can make
one person think of August as white, another brown, another
yellow, a fourth crimson. If August is white to one person
because it is the month of white harvest, then it ought to be
white to all persons capable of receiving any impressions from
the colours of harvest. But to the vast majority of persons it is
perfectly absurd to think of August as having any colour at all;
and to the few who think it coloured, it has by no means the
same colour; all seems confusion.

A little light is thrown on coloured thinking by some consideration
like the following; psychochromaesthetes are liable to associate with
concepts of something pleasant the colours they like, and with things
unpleasant the colours they dislike. Ellen Thorneycroft Fowler, in
a private communication, was good enough to inform me that she has
always associated with herself, her birthday, the month of her birth-
day and the first letter of her name, the colour blue, because blue is
her favourite colour. But on the other hand, another person whose
favourite colour is heliotrope never associates this colour with any
concept whatever; all seems confusion.

The associating of a colour with a person is commoner than it
might be thought; it is known as “‘coloured individuation.”

[HARRIS] COLOURED THINKING il

There is here and there a little method in this chromatic madness;
thus, the colours of the words denoting colours themselves are appro-
priately coloured for most coloured thinkers; that is, white is white
black black, and so on.

Again, in most cases, the colour of the initial letter determines
the colour of the whole word; if ‘‘d”’ is black then decide will be black;
if the numeral I is white, then 10, 100, 1000, and so on, will all be
white.

It might be thought that the coloured thought of a word would
be the colour of the sum of the colours of the letters composing the
word; but this is not so; for in one case ‘‘Tuesday”’ is white, and the
component colours are blue-black, grey, brown, yellow, brown, white
and yellow; colours which, when mixed, could not possibly “make”
white.

The relative frequency of the colours met with on analyzing
100 psychochromes is: white 24%, brown 24%, black 17%, yellow
11%, green 7%, blue 5%, red 4%, pink 3%, cream 3%, orange 1%,
and purple 1%.

Coloured thinking is by no means confined to women, as some
persons have assumed; I have found it very nearly as frequent in
men.

It should be remarked that the colours are never present to
consciousness with the vividness of a hallucination, probably because

‘they are related to concepts and not to sensations. They are not all
the time present to the seer as he speaks or reads, but only when com-
pelled for some reason or another to visualize (exteriorize) his con-
cepts. He then finds he cannot visualize certain concepts as un-
coloured.

Galton believed that coloured thinkers were as a rule above
rather than below the intellectual average. He mentions a number
of well-known men to which I have been able to add some equally
distinguished names. It is certain that coloured thinkers are not
abnormal mentally; it would be more correct to describe them as in
this respect supra-normal after the same manner that geniuses are
supra-normal. Just as genius, if not inherited, cannot be acquired,
so neither can coloured thinking.

Dalhousie University,
Halifax, N.S.

SECTION V, 1921 [13] TRANS. R.S.C.

Further Experiments on Conditions Influencing the Life History of the
Frog

By A. T. CAMERON, F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

The following are the chief results outlined in a series of papers
by Cameron and Brownlee (Trans., 1913 to 1915):

1. Frogs (R. pipiens) freeze at a temperature of —0.44°+0.02°C.,
in a manner very similar to that of solutions isotonic with their body
fluids. The minimum body temperature which they will survive for
one hour is —1.25°+0.15 C.° The cause of death is probably a
specific temperature effect on the co-ordinating centres of the central
nervous system. Those controlling lung respiration may be specially
concerned. Exsected hearts will survive a temperature of —2.5° for
one hour, but are killed by a temperature of —3.0° for one hour.
Similarly, Brunow has shown that muscle tissue survives —2.9° but
is killed by —3.0° (R. fusca) and Garten and Sulze have shown that
nerve survives even lower temperatures (R. esculenta).

It is not improbable that longer exposures to low temperatures
would prove fatal to R. pipiens at temperatures higher than —1.25°.
There is no climatic adaptation, nor any periodic adaptation due to
hibernation. Frogs surviving degrees of cold such as those occurring
during a Manitoban winter (usual minimum about —40°C.) do so
below the surface, near the margins of, or submerged in the water of
springs, and are themselves never subjected to temperatures below
the freezing point of water.

There seems to be a slight variation in the death temperature
from cold of different species of frogs (R. pipiens, clamitans, spheno-
cephala) amounting to some tenths of a degree Centigrade.

2. The highest temperature at which R. pipiens can maintain
life continuously under such conditions that its own body temperature
cannot be lowered by evaporation of water, is about 18°C., while
continued subjection to a slightly higher temperature under these
conditions will prove fatal in a few days. The time of exposure
required to produce a fatal result decreases steadily with rise of
temperature, a few minutes at 40° proving fatal. (All the tempera-
tures refer to the actual body temperature of the frog.) The effect
appears to be specifically one of temperature. Recovery, when un-

14 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

consciousness supervenes, occurs within two or three hours, or not at
all. Somatic death occurs before the death of heart, brain, and
nervous system, and muscle. The actual cause of death has not been
ascertained. Similar results were obtained for R. clamitans. Babak
and Amerling’s results with R. fusca and esculenta indicate that
considerable variations exist in different species in the resistance
offered to high temperatures.

The same relationship between temperature and time of survival
exists for exsected muscle. At the lower temperatures (below 35°)
heat-rigor does not ensue.

3. Specimens of R. pipiens completely immersed in Winnipeg
tap-water (a very hard water) during late winter and spring (1914-15)
lived on the average 16 days, the extremes noted being 3 and 52 days.
The frogs remained perfectly normal for some time, but at a variable
period before death ensued—usually several days—they commenced
to swell. This was due in all cases to the absorption of water, which
in most cases was accompanied by retention of absorbed nitrogen
(dissolved in the tap-water) resulting in a degree of buoyancy which
tended to keep the frogs at the surface of the water. Such nitrogen
can be retained in large amounts, the maximum observed being in a
frog of initial weight 60.5 grams, which absorbed 16 grams of water,
and retained 22.5 cc. of gaseous nitrogen.

If the frogs were removed from water at any stage before death
occurred they: recovered completely in a few days. If allowed to
remain they ultimately died, death being presumably connected,
physically or chemically, with the distension.

In the intervening years I have made a number of observations
bearing on the above and similar facts dealt with in these papers.
These will now be described briefly.

Experiments at Maximal Temperatures.

Lord Lister states that frogs are killed by being held in the hand
for about a quarter of an hour. In an experiment with R. pipiens
already described I found that breathing ceased after 10 minutes, :
there were convulsive movements after 15 minutes, and the animal
was unconscious after 20 minutes, with rapid and strong heart-beat.
It recovered in 10 minutes. With this can be contrasted the following
observations:

R. temporaria (South of England). August 13th, 1915.

A full grown frog was held for 15 minutes in my hand. There were convulsive
struggles after 7 minutes. The animal was unconscious at the end of 15 minutes,

[CAMERON] HISTORY OF THE FROG 15

but with a strong heart-beat. It was left in contact with cold water and recovered
in 12 minutes. Three other frogs, only a quarter grown, treated in the same way,
were quite unconscious with no sign of heart-beat at the end of 15 minutes. They
were left in contact with cold water. Two showed hearts feebly beating 30 minutes
later, and recovered completely in less than one hour. The third had not recovered
in three hours.
R. esculenta (near St. Ouen, Picardy). May 11th, 1916. Small frogs, 10 to 15 grams.
Two frogs were held in my hand for 15 minutes, a thermometer in the hand
registering 36.4°C. In each case the heart was beating feebly when the frog was
removed, but the animal was unconscious, and did not recover. A third, held in the
hand of an R.A.M.C. sergeant, at a temperature of 36.3°C., gave precisely similar
results.

These experiments, though not very accurate, perhaps illustrate
the variations in resistance to temperature of different species of
frogs; but the difference in results is probably largely due to the
difference in size of the animals, and therefore the difference in time
of adaptation to the temperature of the hand.

It was also found that R. esculenta would survive a temperature
of 30°C. for one hour (thermometer through gullet in stomach), but
would not survive 34°, while tadpoles (presumably esculenta) would
survive for one hour at 31-32°, but even 15 minutes at 34°C. was
fatal.

Immersion Experiments.

The following experiments were carried out in Winnipeg in the
winter of 1919-20, advantage being taken of the fact that the Winnipeg
water supply had been changed in the interval to a very soft water
(lake source), containing (September) only 120 parts of solid per
million, as compared with 1,158 in the previous experiments. A rough
determination showed that one litre of this water contained 3.2 c.c.
of oxygen and 7.8 c.c. of nitrogen. During the winter the hardness
slightly increased (separation of ice in the lake supply), calcium and
magnesium salts showing a definite increase.

Experiment 1.—Commenced October 17th, 1919. Three male frogs (each 67
grams) and three females (each 90 grams) were submerged in running tap-water so
that they were retained permanently below the water surface. On the 18th the
water flow stopped for some time. One frog became slightly buoyant, but the
buoyancy had disappeared on the 19th. On the 26th the water temperature rose
to 16°, and two frogs were distinctly swollen. The temperature fell to 10°, and the
frogs became normal. The frogs remained quiescent for long periods as if hibernat-
ing. On November 7th and 14th, through cessation of water-flow (pressure changes),
one female frog breathed air for a short period. The results of the experiment are
summarized in the following table:

16 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA
Period of Periodof Approx. :
No.| Sex Date of immer- buoyancy initial Water Nitrogen Remarks
death : before : absorbed | retained
sion weight
death

days days gm. (ie Gc
1 Eel Nove22 |e o 0 67 ? 0 Red leg.
2. | F. |Nov. 26} 40 ? 90 20 ? Slight red leg.
3. | Mo, |Dec.2 4|), 48 0 — — 0 Red leg.
4.° 1 Mi. Dee. 611150 ? 67 23.5 0.5 |Red leg.
Gries Dyce lly 52 ? 90 30.5 0 Slightly buoyant

on Dec. 7.

6. | M. |May 5| 200 0 — — 0 No red leg.

It will be observed that the average life of these frogs is much
longer than in previous observations, while retention of nitrogen only
occurred to a slight extent in two cases. The death of the sixth frog
was probably due to temperature fluctuations, increased temperature
permitting oedema. The thumb swellings were very marked in this
frog previous to death.

Experiment 2.—Commenced December 15th. Four male frogs, weighing 58
to 60 grams, and four females, 51, 67, 68, 69 grams respectively, were immersed in
flowing water in a closed glass vessel, in such fashion that changes of water pressure
could not possibly cause entrance of air into the closed space. The initial tempera-
ture was 11°. It fell slowly to 4.4° on April 9th, and then slowly rose. The frogs
remained quiescent at the bottom of the vessel until buoyancy forced them towards
the surface. The results are summarized in the table.

3 Period of
Date of Period of/ buoyancy Ap PrOX-| Water | Nitrogen |
No.| Sex | death | 'MMEr- | before | initial | ob orbed| retained Remarks
sion death | weight
days | days gm. CC: Ce:

LA Mie | Decks 16 0 59 0 0 Red leg.

Dees IT ANS 21 2 68 1579 8.5 Cancer; red leg.

CA Lt Sie FE pe US 21 1 68 12,5 14.5 |Red leg.

ae Ne ane ur 25 3 59 9 20 Red leg.

Sen Bas pam. NOMME 2 68 SSD A Red leg.

Gi AVIS eae oe 34 13 59 TORS PPX tS) Removed before
death. Practic-
ally normal in 5
days. Remain-
ed so till May
bth.

A M. [May 14} 151 ? 59 ? ? Red leg. Slightly
swollen and
buoyant.

Se LIT 2 | Pane eda 151 — 51 3.5 0 Removed from

water.

[CAMERON] HISTORY OF THE FROG 17

The frog removed on May 14th, after complete immersion in water for 151
days, did not breathe for several seconds, then commenced to breathe feebly, trying
to touch the nareS with its forelegs, as if they were choked up. The breathing
continued to be feeble and irregular until, after three minutes, the frog commenced
to be active, when breathing became normal. On the 15th its weight has fallen to
51 grams, and on the 29th to 46 grams. It was then very active and quite normal.

(The actual absorption of water was therefore about 8 or 9 c.c.)

These experiments show that frogs can survive throughout the
winter submerged under water. Also, that with increasing hardness
of water there is a greater tendency to the retention of nitrogen gas.
In the first experiment, early in the winter, this only occurred slightly
in two out of six cases. In the second experiment most of the frogs
died earlier, and contained large amounts of gas. It is uncertain to
what extent red leg was a contributing factor in producing death of
these frogs.

It was noted in these and some preliminary experiments that
when the water in which the frogs were immersed rose above a certain
temperature absorption of water commenced. Further examination
indicated that a temperature above 16°C. produced a delayed ab-
sorption, the oedematous condition disappearing when the tempera-
ture fell distinctly below this figure. Even partial immersion of frogs
in one inch of water produced such effects, indicating that the pro-
duction of oedema is not due entirely to oxygen-deficiency. (The
rise of temperature was sometimes due to fall in water pressure in
the mains, so that the flow ceased, and the water in the immersion
vessel became stagnant and rose to room temperature.)

That want of oxygen can also produce an oedema is shown by
the following experiment.

A frog weighing 59.5 grams was immersed in a 350 c.c. conical flask, which
was completely filled with water, closed and kept at a temperature of 12°-14°. In
three hours about 3 c.c. of gas was given off, which was found to be nitrogen. After
14 hours the frog appeared to be dead. It was removed and weighed. The weight,
66 grams, indicated an absorption of 6.5 c.c. of water. It responded to all external
stimuli, even croaking. It recovered in five hours, in ten its weight had fallen to
63 grams, and in 33 hours to 61 grams.

It was noted during these experiments that frogs can croak
under water even after immersion for some days, indicating separation
of nitrogen (and perhaps some carbon dioxide) as gas in the lungs.
From time to time in such immersed frogs bubbles of gas are given

off from mouth and nares.

Freezing Experiment.
While the experiments at low temperatures indicate that under
experimental conditions frogs can only be frozen to about one degree

13 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

below the freezing point of their body-fluids for one hour without
being killed, the numerous observations of other investigators on
various insects quoted in earlier papers seem to indicate a possibility
that even in the case of the frog a very slow lowering of temperature
might produce a supercooling which would prevent death. A single
experiment was made to test this point.

Twelve frogs were immersed in water in a large pail on February 2nd, 1921.
This was immersed in a much larger tank, also containing water, and placed in the
open. The frogs were thus exposed to slow cooling in the centre of a water mass of
about 20 inch side, exposed to an external temperature varying between —10° and
—20°C. Immediately the frogs came in contact with the cold air at the water
surface they dived to the bottom of the pail, and as the temperature fell they gradu-
ally became completely motionless. A glass tube was immersed with the lower end
at the stratum of water in which the frogs lay, and a thermometer lowered into it
from time to time gave the approximate temperature to which they were submitted.
In 24 hours this fell to —1.5°, remained at about that point or slightly higher for
the next 30 hours and then sank to —3°. It remained between —2° and —4° for
three days, when it rose to freezing point, the external temperature having risen
to +2.5°. The pail was removed to room temperature, and the frogs allowed to
thaw gradually. They were all dead. Muscle failed to respond to electrical
stimulus.

This experiment is not conclusive. It indicates, however, that
even if marked supercooling can take place—a very doubtful hypo-
thesis—any cooling slow enough to produce no fatal result must take
place at a considerable depth below earth or water, and thus is not in
disagreement with the assumption that frogs pass the winter in such
cold climates as Manitoba below water.

The following observations by other investigators, not previously
mentioned in this series of papers, have a bearing on the problems
under consideration.

Knauthe (1891) found that frogs could survive a 12 hours’
exposure to temperatures of —1° to —5°, in which their body tempera-
tures sank from —0.2° to —0.8°C. Few recovered when the body-
temperature reached —0.9°.

Eleanor S. Brooks (1918) has made a series of observations
indicating that frogs can survive immersion in water for 75 minutes
at all temperatures between 0° and 35° without injurious effects.

Professor A. Willey (1918) states: ‘‘In the summer time frogs
can survive a moderate duration of immersion; in winter they volun-
tarily submerge themselves and hibernate under water, becoming
inactive. A male frog (Rana virescens) was placed in a shallow dish
covered with a perforated zinc plate weighted down securely, the
whole being completely submerged in an aquarium on December 31st

[CAMERON] HISTORY OF THE FROG 19

at a temperature of 19°C. On January 8th the cover was raised and
the frog remained motionless in the resting attitude. On being
stimulated with a glass rod it failed to react at first, but within a
minute it became aroused from its lethargy, raised its head above
water, came out of the dish and then swam vigorously away. The
next day it was perfectly normal and very active. The winter sub-
mergence of the frog (R. temporaria), as observed under laboratory
conditions, was described by G. Newport in 1851.”

Professor Philip Cox, of the Department of Biology of the
University of New Brunswick, Fredericton, has very kindly sent me
the following account of his observations:

‘“‘T have some rare advantages as regards a water supply at the
ordinary winter temperature of surface spring water.

“The aquaria, two in number, are in my lecture room on table
supports of the usual height. They are of glass and metal
about 32” x 18” x 16” in dimensions. The inflow and outflow are
by separate pipes, and the supply is from a spring on the ascending
ground, just behind the Arts building, and covered by a low shed.
These tanks were installed to keep fish, clams, crayfish, and frogs for
biological study and have admirably served the purpose.

“The frogs are principally R. virescens, with an odd R. clamiians,
and are collected about September 20th each year. They are put
into the tanks which remain filled with water to within three inches
of the top (cover).

‘At first I put in a few bits of board, which floated, and on
which the frogs were inclined to sit day and night, taking an occasional
plunge and returning to their forms; but as the temperature of the
room was seldom below 60°F., they persisted in sitting on their
perches until far into the winter and as a result fell off in condition.
A few very large ones would, however, dive to the bottom and remain
among the coarse algae and pebbles, seldom coming to the surface.
As the winter advanced they were joined by more from the surface
until about the middle of January few were left at the surface. The
R. clamitans were inclined to hang to the surface the longest.

“Two years ago I fitted shelves just far enough below the surface
to admit of the frogs resting there with their eyes and tips of the
snouts out of water. This resulted in helping to keep them in better
flesh and it was observed that the circulation of the blood was stronger
and more rapid than under the former conditions. These perches,
however, were later abandoned for forms on the bottom, where, if not
disturbed, they remained motionless for long periods. As the light
(the tanks are near a big window) must exercise a disturbing influence or

20 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

hibernation under these conditions, lamplanning to cut it off next winter.

“We rarely have over 20 individuals to a tank, generally fewer,
and sometimes we have a few to liberate in the spring.

‘About 12 per cent. sicken and die, the cause being apparently
a marked accumulation of gas under the skin, and a distension of the
veins on the under surfaces of the hinder parts of the body and limbs.
We rarely have a death before the middle of December, and none after
about the middle of March. Owing probably to increasing buoyancy
affected individuals rise to and remain at the surface, where they
die in a few days.

“The temperature of the tank water is the result of the tempera-
ture of the room and the rate of flow, and seldom drops below 54°F.
the first two months, but later may fall to 35°F. . . . Probably
death from gas accumulation is rare in nature.”

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The experimental data detailed in this series of papers, considered
along with the results of other observers which have been quoted,
lead to the following conclusions bearing on the life history of frogs
living in temperate and cold climates.

There appear to be slight variations in the temperature limits in
different species, though it is doubtful if the maximal temperatures
which such frogs can survive vary by more than a few degrees, and
the minimal by more than some tenths of a degree Centigrade.

R. pipiens cannot survive a permanent body temperature higher
than 18°C. and it is evident that such frogs as this species can only
survive a summer heat for such a time as evaporation of water from
their body fluids will permit the retaining of their own temperature
below this limit. A temperature of 30° is fatal in six hours, of 32° in
two hours, and such summer shade temperatures are often reached
in these latitudes.

R. pipiens and similar species cannot survive body temperatures
of —1.25°C. for more than one hour, under laboratory conditions.
During this period super-cooling ceases, and the body fluids and
tissues freeze. It is possible that under natural conditions a very
slow cooling may induce super-cooling at so slow a rate that death
does not occur. It seems almost certain that once tissue freezing
commences and lasts for more than the negligible period of one hour,
no recovery can take place. Such slow super-cooling could only take
place if the frogs were immersed deeply in earth, slime, or water.
There is no evidence that they can burrow in earth, or even do so
in thin slime. If they are below water the problem does not usually

[CAMERON] HISTORY OF THE FROG 2A)

arise. Undoubtedly large numbers do survive such winters as are
experienced in central Canada below water at the outlets of springs.
Others are probably immersed in slews and river water.

I have shown that R. pipiens can survive complete immersion in
fresh running water for a period of 150 to 200 days, and the survivors
show no ill effects, and relatively little loss of weight. It seems a
normal reflex for a frog, exposed to cold air, to dive beneath water,
and in the immersion experiments they take up such a quiescent
condition as must be considered to be actual hibernation.

Under experimental conditions, especially when a large number of
frogs are confined together below water in a relatively small vessel,
certain of these may become oedematous, and buoyant, nitrogen gas
being retained within the body of the frog, and death following from
the oedema and gas distension. Such nitrogen gas appears to be
normally got rid of in part through the lungs by the expiration from
time to time of small bubbles of gas. My experimental methods did
not entirely exclude the possibility of some carbon dioxide being also
present in small amount, though it could only amount to a very small
percentage of the retained gas. It is probable that this water-
absorption and gas-retention does not take place to a great extent
under natural conditions. The cause of it has not been ascertained.
The harder the water the more likely is it to occur, and it may perhaps
be induced by an increase in calcium or magnesium ions. It takes
place at low temperatures.

I have made some observations which appear to show that frogs
wholly or partially submerged in water which is allowed to rise in
temperature above 16°C., or wholly submerged in water in which there
is an oxygen deficiency, suffer some change leading to an upset of
osmotic regulation, with a resulting oedematous condition.

REFERENCES

The three papers, by Cameron and Brownlee, contain a fairly
complete list of references on the subjects dealt with.

Cameron, A. T., and Brownlee, T. I., Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, 1913,
wit sec. Ve 107: 1015, ixyrsec. IV, 51:* 67.’ [Aad Quart.’ J. Exp:
Physiol., 1915, vii, 115;. 1915, 1, 231; 247]

Cameron, A. T., zbid., 1914, viii, sec. IV, 261. [And Quart. J. Exp.
Physiol., 1915, viii, 341]

Brooks, Eleanor S., Amer. J. Physiol., 1918, xlvi, 498.

Knauthe, Zool. Anz., 1891, xiv, 109.

Willey, A., Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, 1918, xii, sec. IV, 100.
—40

1
I

ah D

SECTION V, 1921 [23] TRANS. R.S.C.

The Effect of Light on Growth in the Mussel
By A. G. Huntsman, B.A., F.R.S.C.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

At the Atlantic Biological Station a series of experiments was
carried through by Miss Mossop in 1919 in an effort to determine
the effect of varying natural conditions on the growth of the sea
mussel— Mytilus. These conditions were not varied enough to show
to what extent light is a determining factor in growth. In the summer
of 1920, therefore, I devised and carried through an experiment in
which it is believed that light was the only variable factor.

Two boxes (2514 in. long and 1134 in. square in cross section)
with partly open ends were so constructed that no light could directly
penetrate to a central compartment (see Figure 1), and the inner

Fic. 1
Longitudinal section of box used in experiment.

surfaces were coated with lampblack so as to prevent any light from
being reflected to that compartment. As the two partitions in each
box were incomplete, water could readily pass lengthwise through it.

In the top of each box an opening 113 in. long gave access to the
central compartment, and was closed in one case by a wooden cover
and in the other by a glass one. The boxes were fastened beside
each other to a floating breakwater, past which a moderately strong
tidal current almost constantly flowed.

After the lapse of nearly a month (Aug. 8 to Sept. 3) it was
found that an alga (Ectocarpus confervoides siliculosus, as kindly
identified by Mr. A. B. Klugh) was growing in the central compart-

24 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

ment of the “light” box, and two hydroids (Bougainvillia and Tubu-
laria) in that of the ‘‘dark”’ box. Small mussels from 7 to 8 mm. in
length were obtained from the fronds of rockweed (Ascophyllum)
growing in the intertidal zone near a large mussel bed. About
twenty of these were placed on galvanized wire screening in the
central compartment of each box.

After 24 days the mussels were taken out, measured, and re-
placed. After another period of 19 days they were again taken out,
measured, and then preserved in formaldehyde solution.

Even before they were measured it was quite evident that the
mussels in the dark had grown much more rapidly than those in the
light. There was also noticeable some difference in shape, the former
being somewhat thinner (see Figure 2). The results of the measure-
ments are given in averages in the accompanying graph (see Figure 3).
It is seen that the increase in length was over three times as great in
the dark as in the light.

Fic 2
Mussels at end of experiment; dorsal view, X23
A—from lighted box. B—from darkened box

The difference in shape between the two lots suggested the
possibility that the growth of the mussels was not correctly indicated
by the changes in length. Three mussels were taken from each lot
for the purpose of making a detailed study of the matter. The
average ratio of depth to length was found to be identical for the two
lots, namely 0.55, but the average ratio of the thickness to the length
was greater in those from the ‘‘light’’ box (0.46) than in those from
the “dark”’ box (0.42).

An attempt was then made to discover whether the increase in
weight had been greater in those that had been exposed to light than
was indicated by their dimensions. Considering the volume to be
the product of the three dimensions in mm. multiplied by a constant

[HUNTSMAN] EFFECT OF LIGHT ON MUSSEL 25

1 In dark |
- In light |

Length
in mm.

0 1 DR À
September October
Fic. 3

Average increase in length of the two lots of mussels in the experiment

K, the ratio of the volume to the weight of the shell in mgm. was
determined. The specimens from the ‘‘dark’’ box gave the following
results.

No. |Length x Depth x Thickness x K=Volume | Weight Volume to weight

1 85 X 6.4 X 5.6 XK K=428K | 47.6 mgm. 9.00 K to 1

2 | 14.35 X 8.2 X 5.9 X K=694K | 83.5 mgm. 8.32 K tol

3 2X 8.4 X 59 XK K=753K | 77.0 mgm. 9.78 K to 1
Average 9.03 K

The specimens from the “light” box gave the following results:

No. |Length x Depth x Thickness x K = Volume Weight Volume to weight
1 Ce eG 5.8 X 4.4 X K=257K | 37.8 mgm. 6.79 K tol ’
2 | 10.0 X 5.45 X 4.5 X K=245K | 46.6 mgm. 5.27 Kto 1
3 9.1 X 4.75 X 4.4 X K=190.5K | 35.0 mgm. 5.43 K to 1

Average 5.83 K

26 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The soft parts of these same specimens were then dried at approxi-
mately 100°C. until there was no further loss in weight and their
weights determined. The ratios of the volumes to these weights
were as follows:

“Dark” box | “Light” box
No. Volume to weight =ratio No. Volume to weight =ratio
428 Kto 9.9 =43.2K 257 Kto 6.8 =37.7K

il 1
2 694 K to 15.4 —=45.1 K 2 245 K to 11.1 =22.1K
3 753 K to 20.4 =37.0K 3 190.5 Kto 8.6 =22.2K

| Average =41.8K | | Average =27.3 K

It is clear from these results that the individuals grown in the
dark had a greater volume (to the amount of more than 50%) per
unit weight both of shell and of living matter than had those grown
in the light. This may be expressed in another way, namely, that
those exposed to the light had a greater mass of shell and living matter
per unit of volume that had those kept in the dark. As the actual
volume of the former was very much less than that of the latter,
it may be inferred that the increase in volume in those exposed to
light was retarded to a greater extent than was the increase in weight
as compared with those increases in specimens kept in the dark.

We have no data as to the weight of the shell and of the living
matter in these specimens at the time the experiment was started,
but we do know their lengths. They had been living under con-
ditions somewhat intermediate between the light and dark extremes
of the experiment. If we consider that they were intermediate in
ratio of thickness to length and of dry weight of living matter to
volume between the individuals from the “light’’ box and those from
the “dark’”’ box, we may calculate the ratio of the increase in mass in
the specimens kept in the dark to that in those exposed to light,
taking as a basis the increase in average length of the specimens.

The specimens kept in the dark increased in average length from
7.5 mm. to 14.4 mm., and those exposed to the light from 7.5 mm. to
9.5 mm. It can be shown that if the other dimensions increased
proportionately the former specimens increased in volume by an

9.58 —7.58
By correcting for the greater thickness and the greater relative dry
weight of the specimens exposed to light it has been calculated that

; | 14.45—7.53 :
amount 8.2 times as great as did the latter «—~—>—= =8.2(A

[HUNTSMAN] EFFECT OF LIGHT ON MUSSEL 27

the amount of the average increase in mass of the specimens kept in
the dark was 3.11 times as great as that of those exposed to light.

Weight to volume

Thickness to length
ickness to leng (aver. of shell and body)

“Dark” specimens........ 0.42 1.54 X

“Eight ’’ specimens........ 0.46 : MPG. 4
Original specimens......... 0.44 127%

NoTE.—X is a constant.

14.4 X 0.42 oo

he ya ee ee. RO PME
(= X 0.46 7.53 X 0.44
x PAT; Se

It may be asked what the significance is of the differences between
the two lots in regard to shape and relation of weight or mass to
volume. The light rays have doubtless hindered growth by injuring
some or all of the tissues of the mussel. The shell of the mussel is
quite opaque as it contains a large amount of black pigment. Indeed
it was expected that owing to this protective coat light would be
found not to have any effect upon the mussel’s growth. The shell
increases in length and depth by additions to the free margin, and
it is there that the living material is unprotected by shell or only
imperfectly protected by the thin growing edge. As it has been
found that the light retarded growth chiefly in respect to increase in
length and depth, it is fairly certain that the greatest injury has been
done to the more or less exposed growing edge of the mantle at the
margin of the shell. For this reason length and depth are not satis-
factory criteria of the rate of growth when differences of lighting
occur.

There were definite indications of the importance of light in
developing the full intensity of the black pigment in the shell. The
newly formed shell in the specimens kept in the dark was almost
invariably of a more or less light brown colour, in striking contrast
to the very black original shell. In the other lot the contrast was
slight or not at all evident.

There are very few accounts in the literature of the effect of
light upon the growth of animals. Higginbottom (1850, p. 435)
found that the tadpole of Rana temporaria ‘‘advances in growth
equally well in the dark and in the light.” Torrey and Martin (1910)

28 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

found that in a species of Obelia more hydranths regenerated in the
dark than in daylight during the same time, and in the regeneration
of single hydranths a larger number of annuli was produced in dark-
ness thanin daylight. It has long been known that so long as accumu-
lated foods material last the growth of plants is greatly accelerated
in the dark. Also Downes and Blunt (1877, p. 496) found that
“light is inimical to the development of bacteria and the microscopic
fungi associated with putrefaction and decay,” and that ‘under
favourable conditions it wholly prevents that development.” This
effect of light on plants is therefore observable in the case of the
mussel as well as in Obelia, and is doubtless very general among
marine animals. The occurrence of many attached marine animals
only on the lower surfaces of stones or in similarly protected situations
when in shallow water has been perhaps generally explained as due
to their avoidance of the light. In the experiment described the two
species of hydroids grew in the middle compartment of the “dark”
box only. The true explanation may be that in direct sunlight they
are not only retarded in growth, but actually killed off.

Downes, A. and Blunt, T. P.
1877. Researches on the effect of light upon bacteria and other
organisms. Proc. Roy. Soc., Vol. XXVI, pp. 488-500.
Higginbottom, J.
1850. Influence of physical agents on the development of the
tadpole of the triton and the frog. Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc.,
pp. 431-436.
Torrey, H. B. and Martin, A. L.
1910. The Effect of Light upon the Growth and Differentiation
of Obelia. Proc. 7th Int. Zool. Congr., Boston, p. 277.

SEcTION V, 1921 [29] Trans. R.S.C.

The Effect of Thyroid Feeding on Rats on a Vitamin-deficient Diet
By A. T. CAMERON, F.R.S.C., and ANDREW Moore, B.A., B.Sc.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

Cameron and Carmichael have proved that when young white
rats are fed desiccated thyroid tissue in daily amounts bearing a
constant ratio to their (changing) weights, there is definite retardation
in the rate of growth, and at the same time they have confirmed the
observations of Hoskins, Herring, and others, that such feeding
produces marked hypertrophy of certain of the body organs, especially
heart, kidneys, liver, and adrenals. They have also shown that this
action is due to thyroxin, the specific chemical compound secreted
by the thyroid, and isolated by Kendall.

In one of the early experiments of this series, by accident the
rats were fed a vitamin deficient diet (oatmeal and water) and it
appeared that thyroid accelerated the marked loss of weight which
this diet produced. We have therefore endeavoured to ascertain
whether the administration of thyroid along with a diet deficient
in vitamins gives simply additive effects, or whether the results
produced by either alone are increased or modified.

Experimental Results

We carried out a preliminary experiment on eight pigeons. Two
were used as controls, three fed on polished rice, and three on this
with daily doses of desiccated thyroid (0.38 per cent. iodine) in the
ratio of 1:5,000 of body-weight. The results were uncertain, but
the combined treatment produced a greater and more rapid fall
in body-weight and earlier death. It is doubtful if the onset of a
definite polyneuritis was accelerated. The pigeons were dissected
and the organs weighed, but the figures yielded no definite con-
clusions.

Four experiments have been carried out with young white rats.
In each, rats from the same litter and of the same sex were employed,
and were subjected to preliminary observation over several days on
an unlimited bread and milk diet until the growth-rate was normal.
In the first experiment a direct comparison was made between rats
on an unlimited bread and milk diet, and others on unlimited ground
oatmeal and water (growth promoting vitamin deficiency). After

30 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

eighteen days the animals were chloroformed, dissected, and the
organs weighed. In the remaining three experiments one or more
rats were used as controls (C, in the tables) and fed the bread and
milk diet, others were fed this with administration of thyroid (+7),
others fed the vitamin-deficient diet (—V), and others this, plus
thyroid in the same ratio (+7 —V). The thyroid was always fed
immediately after the animals were weighed in the morning, the dose
being based on the body-weight in a constant ratio; it was given
mixed with water and flour or oatmeal (according to the diet) to a
thin paste, in which form it was always completely eaten.

Experiment 1.—Seven females of a litter born January 8th, 1921.
Treatment commenced on the 80th day of age. On the 98th day
the animals were killed and dissected. At autopsy of Rat No. 6 the
lymph glands of the throat showed considerable development of pus.
This condition has been observed after feeding thyroid, and para-
thyroid, and does not, therefore, indicate any special result of the
treatment.

The body- and organ-weights are shown in Table I.

Experiment 2.—Eight females of a litter of twelve born September
30th, 1920. Treatment commenced on the 70th day of age. On the
84th day the animals were killed and dissected. The body- and organ-
weights are shown in Table IT.

Experiment 3.—Five male rats of a litter of eleven born February
Ist, 1921. Treatment commenced on the 39th day of age. On the
10th day of treatment the thyroid-fed rat developed typical tetany
and died in less than an hour. The others were killed and autopsied.
The body- and organ-weights are shown in Table III.

Experiment 4.—A litter of four males and five females born
January 30th, 1921. Feeding commenced on the 71st day of age.
On the 80th day a thyroid-fed female was found dead and the
remaining females were killed. The body- and organ-weights are
shown in Table IV. The thyroid-fed animal, No. 3, at autopsy
showed considerable drying out of surface tissues, and much de-
composition within the abdominal cavity. The percentage figures
for organ-weights are probably too low. The (+7—V) male rat
died on the afternoon of the 92nd day (21st of treatment), and the
others were immediately killed and autopsied. In these cases the
body-weights of that morning (before feeding) were used for calculating
the percentage organ-weights. The body-and organ-weights are
shown in Table V. The muscle used for comparison was the right

31

THYROID FEEDING OF RATS

[CAMERON-MOORE]

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Il HIAVL

[CAMERON-MOORE]| THYROID FEEDING OF RATS 33

tibialis anterior. The lymph glands dissected were all those micro-
scopically visible in the anterior triangles along the internal jugular
veins and above the level of the thyroid cartilage.

Discussion

Table VI summarises the results as far as the gross changes in
body-weight are concerned. When two animals were under similar
treatment in the same experiment the mean of the percentage figures
has been used. The percentage gains of weight of the controls have
been accepted as standards, and the amounts by which the treated
animals fell short of these standards have been considered as due to
the treatment and as representing the weight not gained. The last
two columns contrast the percentage loss of weight (weight not gained)

TABLE III
Age Rat 1 Rat 2 Rat 3 Rat 4 Rat 5
GC: +T (1:5000) —V —V+T —V+T
Days gm gm. gm gm gm
36 36 37 35.5 35 39.5
39 43 49 47 44.5 52.5
ep I SABRES EE TR eg 2 1e PE RER RENE RS PE QE
44 59.5 60.5 40.5 38 40
49 65.5 68.5 46 41 42
os : +22.5 10 90 —1 —3.5 —10.5
Gain in weight 4 + 5207 440% _29 _8% _20%
Weight of organs
Liver 4.4 5.0 3.2 3.5 3.6
Kidneys 0.74 0.99 0.57 0.69 0.69
Heart 0.36 0.52 0.26 0.30 0.30
Spleen 0.180 0.239 0.114 0.122 0.114
. Lymph glands 0.076 0.063 0.026 0.031 0.034
Testes 0.321 0.257 0.134 0.087 0.095
Adrenals 0.017 0.016 0.014 0.016 0.019
Thyroid 0.0053 0.0063 0.0037 0.0040 0.0034
per cent. per cent. per cents | percent. | percent.
Liver 6.5 18 6.6 8.4 8.2
Kidneys 1.10 1.54 1.16 1.64 = 1.58
Heart 0.54 0.81 0.53 0.71 0.69
Spleen 0.27 0.37 0.23 0.29 0.26
Lymph glands 0.113 0.098 0.053 0.074 0.078
Testes 0.48 0.40 0.27 0.21 0.21
Adrenals 0.025 0.025 0.028 0.038 0.043
Thyroid 0.0079 0.0098 0.0074 0.0116 0.0078

34 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

of an animal fed thyroid on a vitamin-deficient diet and the sum of
such losses produced by the thyroid treatment alone, and the deficient
diet alone, to animals of the same sex and litter. In such experiments
it is essential that rats of the same litter and sex be used and it is
difficult to secure many litters sufficiently large to permit averages
in one experiment. In the second experiment the thyroid dosage was
1:20,000, in the others, 1:5,000. The animals were treated at different
ages and for different lengths of time. The agreement between the
two columns is, therefore, surprisingly close, and we consider that it
indicates that as far as gross changes of body-weight are concerned
the thyroid and the deficient diet merely produce additive effects.

TABLE IV
FEMALE RATS
Age Rat 1 Rat 2 Rat 3 Rat 4 Rat 5
(Ce C: +T (1:5000) —V —V+T
Days gm. gm. gm. gm. gm.
68 65 82 69 ql 78.5
til 70 87 74 76 86
74 76 91 13 73 75
77 tal 94 67 64 64
80 \ 76 101 58 64 62
Gain i ‘oh +6 +14 —16 —12 —24
ain in weight +9% +16% —22% —~16% _28%
Weight of organs
Liver 4.9 6.8 3-9 4.8 4.3
Kidneys 0.95 1.04 0.91 0.75 0.82
Heart 0.38 0.46 0.36 0.31 0.35
Spleen 0.214 0.304 0.076 0.179 0.170
Lymph glands 0.105 0.091 0.059 0.087 0.081
Adrenals 0.023 0.029 0.027 0.022 0.025
Thyroid 0.0090 0.0093 0.0079 0.0080 0.0071
Muscle 0.155 0.178 0.121 0.134 0.109
per cent. per cent. per cent. per cent. | per cent.
Liver 6.5 6.7 6.0 Tal 6.9
Kidneys 125 1.03 1954 eur 1.32
Heart 0.50 0.46 0.62 0.48 0.56
Spleen 0.28 0.30 0.13 0.28 0.27
Lymph glands 0.14 0.09 0.10 0.14 0.13
Adrenals 0.030 0.029 0.046 0.034 0.040
Thyroid 0.0119 0.0092 0.0136 0.0125 0.0114

Muscle 0.204 0.176 0.209 0.209 0.176

{CAMERON-MOORE] THYROID FEEDING OF RATS 35

TABLE V
MALE Rats
Age Rat 5 Rat 2 Rat 3 Rat 4
c& +T (1:5000) = VER
Days gm. gm. gm. gm.
68 86 83 86 90
71 91 88 90 91
78 107 95 88 75
85 120 104 81 215
92 139 113 85 57
Gain i ‘oh +48 +25 =o — 34
ain in weight +53% 498% —~6% Tes
Weight of organs
Liver 7.8 10.3 5.3 4.0
Kidneys 1.22 ral 0.83 0.91
Heart 0.55 0.76 0.41 0.37
Testes 1.66 1.86 1.74 1.05
Spleen 0.358 0.442 0.201 0.139
Lymph glands 0.076 0.095 0.048 0.082
Adrenals 0.026 0.025 0.019 0.024
Thyroid 0.0111 0.0047 0.0069 0.0045
Muscle 0.271 0.184 0.180 0.091
per cent. per cent. per cent. per cent.
Liver 5.6 9° 6.3 7.0
Kidneys 0.88 1.50 0.97 1.59
Heart 0.40 0.67 0.48 0.65
Testes 10 1.65 2.05 1.84
Spleen 0.26 0.39 0.24 0.24
Lymph glands 0.055 0.084 0.056 0.144
Adrenals 0.019 0.022 0.022 0.042
Thyroid 0.0080 0.0042 0.0081 0.0079

Muscle 0.195 0.163 0.224 0.160

It is more difficult to draw definite conclusions from the figures
for organ-weights. The effect of thyroid has been established, but
not much is known definitely of the effect of vitamin-deficiency.
McCarrison has shown, and Vincent and Hollenberg have confirmed
that starvation produces adrenal enlargement, and McCarrison has
obtained this with vitamin deficiency (also a starvation). This has
been confirmed by Kellaway.

In considering our own figures it is obvious that in cases where
there has been a marked decrease in weight percentage figures are

36 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

misleading since a more marked wastage of certain tissues would
lead to apparent increases in others. The deficient diet appears to
produce an increase in liver, heart, and kidneys (the percentage
figures are higher than the controls, even when calculated on the
basis of body-weight prior to treatment), but it is doubtful if these
are more than the relative increases produced in starvation. The
adrenals show no actual enlargement on deficient diet only, though
the percentage figures are distinctly higher. No marked differences
are seen in the thyroid figures, and it was noted that on the deficient
diet the thyroid does not enter into the resting condition (as under
thyroid treatment, when the gland is noticeably pale at autopsy)
but is bright red in colour and apparently functioning actively.
This holds true also in the combined treatment. Both thyroid
treatment and diet deficiency produce marked loss of body-fat.

A much larger number of experiments are evidently necessary for
definite conclusions. Unfortunately the combined effects of the
thyroid and vitamin deficiency usually give such an early fatal result
that the changes in body organs cannot become very marked.

We wish to acknowledge the assistance of Mr. J. Carmichael in
carrying out some of the experiments.

TABLE VI
Percentage Gain or s f
Percentage Gain or Loss in Loss in Weight com- 2 g ?
Expt. Weight pared with control as Cr fas
Standard (iM
Cc: +T —V |4+T-V +T —V |+T-V
2 +46 |+22.5| —8.5 | —23 —23.5 | —54.5| —69 —78
3 602 NE UMR? —14 —12 —54 | —66 —66
4 (F) +12.5 |—22 | —16 | —28 —34.5 | —28.5| —40.5| —63
4 (M) ini OL en eo —37 —25 —59 | —90 — 84
REFERENCES

Cameron, A. T., and Carmichael, J., J. Biol. Chem., 1920, xlv, 69:
1921, xlvi, 35.

Herring, P. T:, Quart: J: Exp. Physiol, 1987, x1))2312

Hoskins, E. R., J. Exp. Zoël., 1916, xxi, 295.

Kellaway, C.:H., Proc. Roy.Soe:}"(B)) 1921 xcii, 16:

McCarrison, R., Proc. Roy. Soc., (B), 1920, xci, 108.

Vincent, Swale and Hollenberg, M. S., Endocrinology, 1920, iv, 408;
Proc. Physiol. Soc., Ixix, J. Physiol. 1921, liv.

SECTION V, 1921 [37] TRANS RSC

Glycogen in the Heart and Skeletal Muscles in Starved and Well-fed
Animals

By J. J. R. MAc eon, F:R.S.C., and D. J. PRENDERGAST
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

It is known that the heart muscle contains a relatively high
percentage of glycogen and that this substance is particularly abun-
dant in the conducting structures of the organ. (1) Itisalsoknown
that the percentage of glycogen in the heart remains at a high level
in diabetes whereas it diminishes considerably in skeletal muscles
in this disease. (2) These facts bear an interesting relationship
to the results recently obtained by one of us (J. J. R. M.), working in
association with L. G. Kilborn, concerning the distribution of glycogen
in the tissues of various marine animals. In these investigations it
was found that the primitive heart of the dog fish (Squalus sucklit)
contains much more glycogen than the skeletal muscles or even the
liver (3).

It seemed of interest, therefore, to investigate the behaviour of
the glycogen in the heart and muscles of rabbits and dogs after
periods of starvation or feeding with carbohydrate-rich food, and we
offer the results in the present communication. _

METHODS

The observations were made partly on rabbits and partly on
dogs, the animals being either starved or fed with abundance of
carbohydrate-rich food (oats, carrots and maize for rabbits, dog
biscuit for dogs) for three or four days preceding that on which they
were killed. Water was allowed during the starvation period. The
animals were killed by stunning, immediately bled, and the tissues to
be examined removed as quickly as possible and placed on ice so as to
diminish post-mortem glycogenolysis in the interval during which
the necessary weighings were being made. Portions of the tissues
were then cut into thin slices which were repeatedly pressed between
several layers of filter paper until this no longer became stained by
blood, the slices being then weighed and dropped into 60 per cent.
KOH solution, the volume of which was equal to that of the weighed
tissue. For a strictly accurate determination of the glycogen content
of the tissue several sources of error are incurred by the above pro-

—40a

38 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

cedure, but there appears to be no way of avoiding them. Two of
these errors are particularly important: (1) post-mortem glycogen-
olysis cannot be entirely stopped and it may proceed at different
rates in different tissues; (2) it is impossible to be certain that the
slices of tissues have been dried to the same degree. It might appear
as if these errors would be eliminated by dropping the tissues into
alcohol immediately after their excision and then drying them to
constant weight before digesting with the potash solution. Although
we have employed this method on several occasions we have not
thereby obtained results that would seem to justify its adoption, and
we have therefore endeavoured to eliminate the errors by repetition
of the observations on a sufficient number of animals. The glycogen
was determined by a slightly modified form of Pfliiger’s method and
all results were obtained in duplicate and none are recorded unless
the duplicates checked satisfactorily.

Results and Conclusions

The following conclusions appear to be warranted by the results:

1. The heart contains a decidedly higher percentage of glycogen
after starvation than after feeding with carbohydrate-rich food. In
order to demonstrate this in rabbits it was necessary. to take three
animals for each observation so as to obtain a sufficient amount of
heart for accurate determination of the glycogen.

In the hearts of three groups of three fed animals each, there was
0.150, 0.090, and 0.083 per cent. of glycogen; average 0.108. In the
hearts of three groups of three starved animals each, there was 0.160,
0.165 and 0.207 per cent. of glycogen; average 0.177.

The same results were obtained in dogs, in which case the heart
was large enough to permit, in each animal, of separate determinations
in auricle and ventricle.

Fed 3-4 days:
Ventricle: 0.497, 0.526*, 0.617; average, 0.547
Auricle: 0.50, 0.454*, 0.648; average, 0.534

Starved 3-4 days: y

Ventricle: 1.00, 0.583*, 1.05; average, 0.878

Auricle: 0.828, 0.428*, 0.542; average, 0.600
The ventricle is seen to contain, on an average, more glycogen than
the auricle but the result is of little value since a considerable pro-

*These animals were in an unusually poor condition of general nutrition.

[MACLEOD-PENDERGAST] GLYCOGEN 39

portion of the auricle consisted of blood vessels and other non-muscular
tissue. Considering the ventricle alone, much more glycogen was
found in every case in the starved animals than in those that were
well fed. The least difference occurs in the case of two animals that
were both in very poor general condition.

Taking the result as a whole, it is plain that glycogen is deposited
in the heart of rabbits and dogs during the first three days of starvation
to an extent that is greater than when carbohydrate-rich food is being
ingested. This accumulation is particularly evident in the ventricle.

2. The Skeletal muscles usually contain a higher percentage of
glycogen after feeding with carbohydrate-rich food than during starvation
and the difference is more evident in dogs than in rabbits. The observa-
tions were made on the same animals as were employed for those on
the heart and the results are given in the same order. In the case
of the rabbits red and pale muscles were separately investigated, the
soleus and semitendinosus being taken to represent red, and the
adductor magnus to represent pale muscle. In the case of the dogs,
the muscles used were the soleus and adductor magnus.

Rabbits Fed—-pale muscle 0.39, 0.225, 0.136; average, 0.325
red muscle 0.27, 0.46, 0.396; average, 0.375

Starved—pale muscle 0.23, 0.44, ..... ; average, 0.335
red muscle 0.34,0.34, .....; average, 0.340

Only in the case of the red muscle is there uncertain evidence of a
higher percentage of glycogen due to feeding. It is of interest to note
that the average of all estimations for red muscle is 0.361 per cent.
(min. 0.27, max. 0.396) and for pale muscle, 0.329 per cent. (min.
0.225, max. 0.440).

Dogs Fed—1.16, 0.98,* 0.735; average, 0.958
Starved—0.38, 0.436, 0.821; average, 0.546

There is very decided evidence that starvation reduces the percentage
of glycogen, although the degree to which the reduction occurs is not
equal in different animals. It is possible that the variability depends
on the amount of glycogen remaining in the liver but unfortunately
this was not controlled in these observations. The average percentage
of glycogen in the muscles of the starved dogs is 0.549 (min. 0.38,
max. 0.821) which is above that for all the observed muscles of both
fed and starved rabbits. This difference between the two species
becomes very distinct in the case of fed animals.

*See note on p. 38
—41

40 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

3. The percentage of glycogen in the heart 1s much higher in dogs
than in rabbits, both during starvation and after feeding. Thus, the
average of all the determinations for the whole heart in fed dogs is
0.540 per cent. and in starved dogs 0.739 per cent.; in fed rabbits
the average is 0.108 and in starved rabbits, 0.177 per cent.

4. In the rabbit the percentage of glycogen in the heart is always
less than that in the skeletal’muscles whereas in the dog the heart (ventricle)
contains a higher percentage than the skeletal muscles in starved animals
but a decidedly lower percentage in those that are fed. These facts are
best brought to light by comparison, not of averages but of determina-
tions made on the two tissues in individual animals. The following

figures will serve to illustrate these relationships:

(Per cent. Glycogen)

Animal Condition Skeletal Muscles | Heart

Rabbitwas .-picmienne sal a Suaved 0.23 (pale) 0.165
0.34 (red)

RENO Oe oe cee NET EE ve 0.44 (pale) 0.207
0.34 (red)

Rabbit AM See tke Fed 0.225 (pale) 0.090
0.460 (red)

Rabbit eee eee sh Ex. di 0.360 (pale) 0.083
0.396 (red)

Donne ES Star 0.38 1.00

IDC TIRER ER a 0.436 0.583

IDC RT ee SCRE ees cent Pe ‘ 0.821 1.05

DOCS A LEA AE SE Fed Ll 0.497

Dog 9 i 0.98 0.526

Dos HDI US ER AT os 0.735 0.617

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Pflüger, E. F. W.—Archiv für die Gesammte Physiologie, 1903,
XVI
Lewis, T.—The Mechanism and Graphic Registration of the Heart
Beat: MEondon 1020 PAIT:1608;
2. Cruickshank, E. W. H.—Journ. of Physiology, 1913, xlvii, 1.
3. Kilburn, L. G. and Macleod, J. J. R.—Quart. Jour. Exp. Physiol.,
1920; xit, p2317:

SECTION V, 1921 [41] Trans. R.S.C.

On Pentose Compounds in Tissues of Marine Animals
By Cyrit BERKELEY
Presented by EE. PRINCE, EE: D:, FR .S-G.
(Read May Meeting, 1921)

The presence of pentoses has been recorded in the tissues of a
large number of terrestial animals. The sugar has most commonly
been found combined with the purine base guanine and phosphoric
acid to form guanylic acid, which is the acid component of the 8.
nucleoproteins, and the wide distribution of pentoses in animal
tissues has usually been attributed to the presence of these com-
pounds. The only other pentose derivative whose presence has been
fully established is inosinic acid which occurs widely distributed in
muscle tissue and has a similar constitution to guanylic acid, but
contains hypoxanthine instead of guanine. In a recent paper the
writer brought forward evidence indicating that adenylic acid, the
corresponding compound containing adenine, should be added to the
list.

The physiological significance of these compounds is unknown,
but guanylic and adenylic acids have a very special physiological
interest since they have both been shown to be component parts of
plant nucleic acid. Doubt seems to exist as to whether they are to
be associated with nuclear substance in animal tissues. Certainly
no pentose has been found in animal nucleic acids whose composition
has been closely investigated. On the other hand statements suggest-
ing that the amount of pentose present in animal tissues is pro-
portional to their richness in nuclei are to be found in the text books.”

The only complete survey of the pentose content of the various
organs in one animal which might bear on this subject is that carried

‘Berkeley, C., Journ. Biol. Chem., 1921, XLV, 263.

Thus: Abderhalden, E., ‘‘Text-book of Physiological Chemistry,” first
edition, p. 22, ‘‘The quantity of pentoses contained in the separate organs varies
greatly and depends directly upon the amount of nucleic substances present,” and
Mathews, A. P., ‘“‘Physiological Chemistry,’’ second edition, p. 173, “It seems
probable, though there is really nothing known about it, that guanylic and inosinic
acid may be in the cytoplasm of the cells in which they occur, though they may
be in the nucleus.’’ On the other hand, Jones, W., ‘‘ Nucleic acids; their chemical
properties and physiological conduct,’ 1914, p. 8, ‘‘It should not be understood
that B. nucleoproteins are protein salts of nucleic acid, nor that they are constituents
of cell nuclei.”

42 THE ROYAL SOCIETY. OF CANADA

out by Grund* on the ox. The conclusion is drawn by this author
that the amount of pentose present is proportional to the richness of
the organ in nuclear substance. The present writer found that the
relation between the pentose content of various organs of the dog-
fish (Squalus sucklii) is similar to that found by Grund for the ox,
but that the absolute amounts present are somewhat greater in the
former case.*

For some time past determinations of pentose in various tissues
of marine animals have been made as opportunity offered. The
main object has been to find a suitable raw material from which to
prepare the pentose compounds for closer characterization, but the
results obtained seem worth considering in their bearing on the
question of the relation between the quantity of these compounds
present and the richness of the tissues in nuclei. They are also of
some interest from the general standpoint of comparative bio-chem-
istry since few determinations of pentose in the tissues of marine
animals have hitherto been published.

METHODS

The organs examined were taken from freshly killed animals.
In all cases except that of the mud shark, of which only one specimen
was available, they were ‘taken from several animals and samples
drawn from the mixed material for analysis. The organs were cut
into small pieces and brought rapidly into alcohol. After standing a
few days the material was finely minced and kept in alcohol, which
was changed at intervals, until dehydrated as far as possible. It was
then pressed, dried at air temperature, finely ground, sieved, ex-
haustively extracted with ether, and again air dried. In this way
material free from most of the connective tissue and containing about
10 per cent. of moisture was obtained. The figures quoted have been
calculated to the material dried to constant weight at 100°C.

The determinations were made on the air-dried material direct
by the method of Tollens and Krébe as modified by Grund and the
results calculated as xylose. They cannot, therefore, be taken as an
absolute measure of the amount of pentose present since this is
unquestionably mainly derived from nucleotides whose pentose con-
stituent has been shown by Levene and Jacobs’ to be d-ribose and,

3Grund, G., Zeit. Physiol. Chem., 1902, XXXV, 111.

‘Berkeley, C., Journ. Biol. Chem., 1920, XLI, p. liv. These determinations
have been requoted in this paper for comparison with the other figures given.

fLevene, P. A., and Jacobs, W. A., Ber. Chem. Ges., 1909, XLII, 3247.

; BERKELEY] PENTOSE COMPOUNDS 43

in the case of inosinic acid, these authors have shown that considerably
less than the theoretical amount of furfurol is obtained by distillation
with hydrochloric acid of specific gravity 1.06.5 In the absence of
knowledge of the furfurol equivalents of the pentoses present it
seemed best to calculate on the basis of a known relationship. The
results thereby obtained are comparable amongst themselves and
with those obtained by Grund.

The possibility of errors being: introduced into the method of
determination by substances other than pentoses which might be
present in animal tissues is discussed in some detail by Grund. The
conclusion is reached that glycogen is the only compound likely to
remain after exhaustive treatment with alcohol and ether which could
introduce an appreciable error, and this only in the case of the liver.
Of the tissues dealt with in this paper only the livers (digestive glands)
of the mollusks contained enough glycogen to effect the pentose
determinations. Samples of all the livers and many of the other
tissues were treated by Pfliiger’s method of glycogen determination.
The glycogen found was distilled with hydrochloric acid and the
distillate treated with phloroglucin according to the Tollens and
Krébe method of pentose determination, but only in case of the
molluskan livers was a weighable amount of precipitate obtained. In
these cases a corresponding correction has been applied to the pentose
determination. Small quantities of glycogen were found in a few
other tissues which are noted in the tables which follow.

Levene, P. A., and Jacobs, W. A., Ber. Chem. Ges., 1908, XLI, 2703, and 1909,
XLII, 1198.

THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

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[BERKELEY] PENTOSE COMPOUNDS 45

It is to be noted in the cases of the fishes that the organs which,
on general histological grounds, would be expected to be richest in
nuclei are not those which have the highest pentose content. The
testes, for instance, would be expected to consist almost entirely
of nuclear material and these are by no means the richest in pentose.
This is particularly noteworthy in the case of the Alaska cod and the
herring, which were spawning at the time the material was collected.
It is less marked in the cases of the two elasmobranchs examined,
but this might be connected with the fact that these fishes do not ripen
their sexual products all at one time and the testes were not ripe in
the same sense as those taken from the teleosts. Even in the case of
the elasmobranchs, however, the pentose content of the testis is
found considerably lower than that of the pancreas though it would
not be anticipated that the latter would be so highly nucleated.

These expectations have been confined by comparing sections of
some of the tissues, stained to demonstrate the nuclei.7 The sections
of the testes of the teleosts are found to be dense with nuclei whilst in
those of the elasmobranchs they are comparatively widely separated,
whilst the pancreas of the elasmobranchs is found to be considerably
poorer in nuclei than the testes. Another illustration of this point
is given by the separate pentose determinations in the soft tissue
and the connective tissue of the kidney of the dog-fish. The latter
yields very nearly as much as the former though it is very much less
densely nucleated.

The pancreas could only be examined in the elasmobranchs. It
was found so diffused in the teleosts that it was practically impossible
to collect enough material for analysis. It is interesting to note that
in all three of these cases it is the organ containing most pentose.
This is in accordance with such observations as have previously been
made on mammalian organs. So uniformly has this been found to be
the case that it would seem to be justifiable to look for some connection
between the pentose nucleotides and the physiological function of the
pancreas.

From the standpoint of comparative bio-chemistry the most
interesting thing about the results obtained from the fishes seems to
be the generally higher pentose content of the organs of the teleosts
than those of the elasmobranchs except in the case of the testes, of
which an explanation has already been suggested. More work is
required, however, before it can be concluded that this is invariably
the case.

7] am much indebted to Mr. H. Dunlop, of the University of British Columbia,
for preparing and mounting these sections.

46 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

The presence of pentose in the ova of the herring and its complete
absence in those of the dog-fish is also worth noting. It should be
mentioned, however, that in the former case the material examined
was fertilized spawn, whilst in the latter it was ripe ova taken from
the ovary.

The absence of glycogen in all but traces in the livers of the
fishes examined is in general agreement with the observations of Lang
and Macleod’, but does not support their suggestion that ‘the
glycogen content of fishes is very low in the summer months and high
in the winter,’’ since the fishes whose examination is here recorded
were all caught during the winter months. It would seem that in
these animals glycogen is very largely replaced by oil as a reserve
material.

In the case of the mollusks, pentose has been determined quanti-
tatively only in the digestive gland and gonad, though it has also
been found present in the siphon muscle. The complete separation
of the two organs was very difficult in the pelecypod Saxidomus
gigantea and the small gastropod Thais lamellosa. They were, there-
fore, analysed together in these cases. ‘In the large gastropod Poly-
nices lewisit it was comparatively easy after the material had been
hardened in alcohol. It is to be noted that in this case there is no
great difference between the pentose content of the two organs shone
the gonad contains much more nuclear material.

The figures quoted are corrected for the error introduced into
the pentose determinations by the glycogen present, as already
explained. The amount of glycogen is much greater in Saxidomus
gigantea than in the gastropods. The writer has found this to hold
in comparing other pelecypod and gastropod mollusks in connection
with other work.

In the light of the observations recorded by Starkenstein and
Henze * and others of the presence of pentosans in molluskan livers
it is worthy of note that no pentosan has been found in any of the
mollusks examined. It seems likely that 8. nucleoproteins have been
mistaken for pentosans in these instances.

The occurrence of furfurol-yielding substances in the tubes of the
polychæte worms Eudistylia gigantea and Mesochætopterus taylori was
quite unexpected and seems worth recording. The results have,
therefore, been included in the above table. The yield of furfurol
from the tube of Mesochetopterus taylori is very much higher than has
been obtained from any other marine animal material. The furfurol-

8Lang, R. S., and Macleod, J. J. R., Quart. J. Exp. Physiol., 1918-20, XII, 331.
%Starkenstein, E., and Henze, M., Zeits. Physiolog. Chem., 1912, LX XXII, 417.

[BERKELEY] PENTOSE COMPOUNDS 47

yielding substances present in these tubes seem, however, to be of an
entirely different nature to the others dealt within this paper. They
are insoluble in water and are not readily extracted. They are at
present under investigation.”

The work herein recorded was carried out at the Marine Biological
Station, Nanamio, B.C.

10The substance present in the tube of Mesochætopterus taylori has recently
been shown to be a compound of the nature of chondroitin sulphuric acid
(Berkeley, C., Journ. Biol. Chem., 1922, L, in the press), the furfurol-yielding
component of which is glucuronic acid.

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SECTION V, 1921 [49] PRANS RS:

Studies in Anoxaemia: Oxygen Unsaturation of the Arterial Blood
BAT INR: MAacrEeon, FR SC; and:SiU: Pace, M.A:
(From the Physiological Laboratory, University of Toronto)

The effects produced on animals by deficiency of oxygen in the
inspired air are widespread, the respiratory and circulatory functions
being amongst the first of the body to react through changes occurring
in the nerve centres which control them.(1) The numerous tests of
the reaction of man to decreasing percentages of oxygen, which
formed a part of the medical examination of candidates for the
aviation services during the war, have furnished us with most valuable
information of the objective and subjective symptoms of anoxaemia,
but they throw very little light on the exact nature of the physiological
changes which are responsible for these symptoms. There have been
in general, two views regarding this question, the one that a lowering
of free oxygen in the tissue fluids itself serves to account for the
symptoms, and the other, that the oxygen deficiency causes secondary,
incompletely oxidized substances to appear and that these act as
poisons.(2) The following investigations have been undertaken to
throw light on this aspect of the problem and although they are not
as yet completed it has been thought advisable to place certain of the
results on record.

Since the earliest effects of anoxaemia are observed most definitely
in the functions of the respiratory and circulatory systems, attention
has been paid mainly to these and since the controlling centres are
highly sensitive to anaesthetics the use of the latter has been avoided
by employing decerebrate animals for the experiments. The opera-
tion of decerebration was performed by the method described by
Sherrington only such animals as recovered entirely from the
shock of the operation and in which the breathing and blood pressure
were normal being used for the anoxaemia experiments.(3) To bring
about the anoxaemia the trachea was connected through a wide-bore
cannula with a pair of very sensitive valves, one of which (the in-
spiration valve) was connected with a large thin-walled rubber
balloon kept moderately full with a mixture of oxygen and nitrogen
which was delivered into it from a large (100 litre) gas meter. The
other (expiration) valve was connected with a Gad-Krogh registering
spirometer of a known capacity, the volume of respired air being
determined by measuring the time taken for this to fill. The arterial

50 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

blood pressure was recorded by the usual methods from one of the
femoral arteries and a cannula was inserted in the opposite artery for
the purpose of collecting samples of blood on which to measure the
degree of oxygen unsaturation. This was done by using Barcroft’s
differential blood gas manometer as follows: a narrow straight pipette,
graduated in 0.1 c.c.s., was connected with the artery and 2 quantities
of 0.2 c.c. each of the blood were delivered immediately, and without
coming in contact with air, under about 0.3 c.c. of a weak solution
of sodium carbonate, and saponin, contained in the two small “‘ bottles”’
of the apparatus. One of the bottles was rotated so as to lake the
blood and render it completely saturated with oxygen and both were
then attached to the manometer tubes and placed in a water bath at
room temperature until there was no further shrinkage of the fluid
in the manometer. On now shaking the manometer the blood in the
bottle that had not previously been shaken became laked and ab-
sorbed oxygen from the air of the bottle so that a slight negative
pressure resulted, the extent of which was indicated by the manometer.
Finally a solution of potassium ferricyanide was mixed with the laked
saturated blood on one side and the positive pressure created by the
oxygen thereby evolved also read on the manometer. From these
two values the percentage of unsaturation was calculated.

Samples of alveolar air were also collected by the method de-
scribed elsewhere, and analysed in the Haldane apparatus. In an
actual experiment the procedure was to measure the volume of air
breathed, to analyse samples of alveolar air during several short
periods of time while the animal was still breathing outside air, and
when the results were found to be tolerably constant to take
samples of blood. The inspiration valve was then connected with
the rubber bag and the volume of breathing measured and the alveolar
air analysed at regular intervals of 10 minutes, duplicate samples of
blood being also taken usually at the same periods, although some-
times it was necessary to omit one or more of these.

RESULTS

Although observations have been made over a wide range of
oxygen percentages the most important for our present purpose are
those in which alveolar air contained between 8.3 and 10.8 per cent.
of oxygen. From these experiments the following results are of
interest:

1. During the first ten minutes after causing the animal to
breathe oxygen-poor air, the respiratory volume becomes increased

[MACLEOD-PAGE] OXYGEN UNSATURATION OF BLOOD 51

and the arterial blood definitely unsaturated with oxygen. This is
shown in Table I. ;

TABLE I
Oxygen capacity Percentile Per cent. 0? in
No. of Experiment | of blood. Per cent. increase in alveolar air
of full saturation resp. volume (average)
41 ce 1225 9.05
43 90 9.5 8.85
45 92.1 19 9.55
47 89.7 14.2 8.3
49 90 21.5 8.8

It is probable that unsaturation of the blood realy occurs at higher
percentages of oxygen in the alveolar air than those recorded here,
but it is difficult to demonstrate it when this is above 10. In one
experiment in which the alveolar oxygen stood at 10.9, the respirations
were greatly excited over the normal (97 per cent. increase) and
the arterial blood was 96.0 per cent. saturated with oxygen (Expt. 42)
but we have discounted'this experiment because the cat was hyper-
excitable owing to the decerebration being decidedly in front of the
anterior corpora quadrigemina.

In a previous paper it was pointed out that a certain increase
in breathing usually occurs within a few seconds after connecting the
tracheal cannula through valves with a closed system of wide bore
tubing and that this increase is probably accounted for in some way
by the slight resistance to the movement of air since it cannot be
related to increase in C0: or deficiency of 0. in the air breathed.
In the present experiments this possible source of error has been
avoided by using the thin-walled rubber bag as described above.
When the bag contained air of normal composition its attachment to
the inspiration valve had no effect on the breathing.

2. During the subsequent ten minute intervals of anoxaemia the
volume of air breathed may either increase or decrease, although the
percentage of oxygen in the inspired air has remained unaltered. It
is, therefore, important to compare the behaviour of the oxygen
unsaturation of the blood with these changes in respiration. This
is done in Table II.

52 THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF CANADA

TABLE II
No. of Condition Ist 2nd ard 4th oth
Expt. 10 min. | 10 min | 10 min. | 10 min. | 10 min.
IE
49 1. Per cent. change in
resp. volume 21.5 18 12.3
2. Alveolar—0: (per cent.)| 8.8 7.9
3. Per cent. of O—satur-
ation of blood 90 DR: 87.1
43 1. Resp. 9.5 |—15.2 —6.3
2. Alv.—0: 8.85 10.0 10.35
3. Blood unsaturation 90 90 82.6
42 1. Resp. ‘ 97 76 38
2. Alv.—Os 10.9 10.8
3. Blood unsaturation 96 Ti
Vi!
48 1. Resp. ti 73 54
2. Alv. —O CAE LOSS 10.5
3. Blood unsaturation Boyt 91.4 93.5 hr. Me:
45 1. Resp. 12 38.5 Re 52E5 55
2. Alv. —02 9.55 10.15 1055
3. Blood unsaturation 92.1 9 96.7 96.7
47 1. Resp. 14.2 31.5
2. Alv.—02 8.3 9.65
3. Blood unsaturation 89.7 94.4
41 1. Resp. 1745) 30.4 IS
2. Alv.—0: 9.05 10.65 10.8
3. Blood unsaturation fins 92.5 94.9
90.5

The results grouped under ‘‘I’’ show a decrease and those under
‘TI’? show an increase in breathing. Considering first of all the
experiments of Group II it will be observed that the oxygen saturation
of the blood runs in the same direction as the change in breathing and
that the percentage of oxygen in the alveolar air increases as the
breathing increases. These results indicate that although relative
deficiency of oxygen in the blood, and presumably, therefore, a de-
creased tension of oxygen in the plasma, may be directly responsible
for the stimulation of respiration at the beginning of anoxaemia
(cf. Table I) such cannot be the cause of the still greater stimulation
which developes later. Since, as our results show, the blood becomes
more, and not less saturated with oxygen as the anoxaemia progresses,
we must conclude that some other respiratory stimulant has made its
appearance and the question arises as to its nature. The gradual
development of the hyperpnoea during the anoxaemia suggests that

[MACLEOD-PAGE] OXYGEN UNSATURATION OF BLOOD 53

it must depend on the appearance by incompletely oxidised acid
substances in the tissues and blood and that these stimulate the
respiratory centre by raising the H-ion concentration of the blood.
To test this hypothesis it will be necessary to make very careful
measurement of the H-ion concentration of the blood at various
stages in anoxaemia.

It will be observed that it is only about in one half of the animals
that increased breathing became developed during the later stages of
anoxaemia, and that in the others (Group J) the opposite occurred,
namely, a gradual decline. This decline in breathing was associated
with a decided decrease in the saturation of the blood with oxygen
and we believe that a gradual failure of the respiratory centre is
responsible for the result. It is significant that the animals of this
group did not recover from the anoxaemia, after being allowed to
breathe outside air, nearly so well as those of Group II. In No. 49
the breathing became very slow and the blood remained unsaturated
in one half hour after the anoxaemia; in No. 43 marked Traube-
Hering waves developed on the blood pressure tracing and the breath-
ing became markedly periodic; and in 42 the respirations suddenly
ceased shortly after disconnecting the animal.

REFERENCES

1. Fraser, Lang and Macleod—Amer. Jour. Physiol., 1921, lv, 159.

2. Douglas, Haldane, Henderson and Schneider—Phil. Trans. Roy.
Soc., 1912, ciii, B. |

3. Macleod, J. J. R.—Trans. Roy. Soc. Canada, 1919.

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