LAN: eng

<2048404> *OCLC* Form:mono 2 lnput:FMD

008 ENT: 971120 TYP: s DT1: 1824 DT2:

035 (OCoLC)37928306

037 PSt SNPaAg028.1 $bPreservation Office, The Pennsylvania State

University, Pattee Library, University Parl<, PA 16802-1805
090 20 Microfilm D344 reel 28.1 $cmc+(service copy, print master, archival

master)

100 1 Carey, Mathew$d1 760-1 839.

245 10 Address delivered before the Philadelphia Society for Promoting

Agriculture at its meeting $bon the twentieth of July, 1 824.
260 Philadelphia $bPrinted by Joseph R. A. Skerrett $c1 824.
300 xii, 80 p. $c23 cm.
533 Microfilm $bUniversity Park, Pa. : $cPennsylvania State University

$d1997. $e1 microfilm reel ; 35 mm. $f(USAIN state and local literature

preservation project. Pennsylvania) $f(Pennsylvania agricultural

literature on microfilm).
590 Archival master stored at National Underground Storage, Boyers, PA.

print master stored at remote facility.
590 This item is temporarily out of the library during the filming process.

If you wish to be notified when it returns, please fill out a Personal

Reserve slip. The slips are available in the Rare Books Room, in the

Microforms Room, and at the Circulation desk.
650 0 Agriculture.

710 2 Philadelphia Society for Promoting Agriculture.
830 0 USAIN state and local literature preservation project. $pPennsylvania
830 0 Pennsylvania agricultural literature on microfilm.

FILMED WHOLE OR IN
PART FROM A COPY
BORROWED FROM:

UNIVERSITY OF
MINNESOTA

Microfilmed By

Challenge Industries

402 E. State St

P.O. Box 599

Ithaca NY 14851-0599

phone (607)272-8990

fax (607)277-7865

www.lightlink.com/challind/micro1.htm

IMRGE EVPLUflTION
TEST TARGET Qfi-3

1.0

I.I

1.25

|5j0

■ 63

1 71

■ •0

■ 90

■:&

*^ u

[2.8

m

4.0

1.4

III—

[2.2
2.0

1.8

1.6

150mm

//

y^PPLIED ^

sliVMGE.Inc

1653 East Main Street
_^' Rochester, NY 14609 USA
= Phone: 716/482-0300
Fax: 716/288-5989

<

DELIVERED BEFORE THE

FHII.ADELPHIA SOCIETY

FOB

PROMOTING AGRICULTURE.

AT ITS MEETING,
OX THE

TWENTIETH OF JULY, 1824.

MX

i

MA^^MW ©AEMTa

%

^* WTiatever tends to diminish in any country the number of artificers and manu-
*'facturers, tends to diminish the home market, the most important of all markets
♦* for the rude produce of the land ; and thereby still further to discourage agricul-
"ture." — Smithes Wealth of JVations.

** If Europe will not take from us the products of our soil on terms consistent with
'< our interest, the natural remedy is to contract as fast as possible^ our wants of
** her." — ^. Hamilton.

** The uniform appearance of an abundance of specie, as the concomitant of a
'* flourishing state of manufactures, and of the reverse, where they do not prevail,
** afford a strong presumption of their favourable operation on the wealth of a coun-
« try."— /c/em.

** The effect of multiplying the opportunities of employment, to those who imrai-
** grate, may be an increase of the number and extent of valuable acquisitions to
*' the population, arts, and industry of tlie country." — Idem,

■ r

PRINTED BT ORDER OF THE SOCIETT.

PHILADELPHIA:
PRINTED BY JOSEPH R. A. SKERRETT.

182*.

W-W .. -^^■W*'•ffl

/ •

» ••

T^ 5^.

»•

,>-<

I s ^

• #

/ >

.>i

H

A

At a meeting of the "Philadelphia Society for
promoting Agriculture," held July 20th, 1824 :

The annual address was delivered by Mathew
Carey, Esquire; ..

On motion, Resolved, that the thanks of the
Society be presented to Mathew Carey, Esq. for
Iiis address, and that he be requested to furnish
a copy for publication.
^^ W. S. WARDER,

'Assistant Sec^ry.

■T

S

4

0

U f

0 :^

s

I

1182796

^ 1

I.- '

• %.

« .

^;*'- .

•. *

• %

-l,

< 4,

f

To the Farmers and Planters of the United States.

Feixow Citizens,

THE following pages, involving a subject of the utmost
importance to your dearest interests, are respectfully sub-
mitted to you. To insure the doctrines they contain a calm
and candid investigation, it will, I hope, be sufficient to state
that they are in accordance with the practice of all the pros-
perous nations of the old world— that the prosperity of those
nations has been and is in proportion to the extent to which
these doctrines are carried into practice— and that they are
adopted generally, in a greater or less degree, in the codes
of nearly all the newly-formed governments of the western
hemisphere, which have had the sagacity either absolutely
to prohibit, or to impose prohibitory duties on, such articles
as would interfere with or crush the national industry.

Independent of the practice oHhosa nations, these doctrines
are founded on the clear and explicit maxims of the wisest
statesmen the world lias ever produced — the Edwards, Wal-
singhams, Colberts, Sullys, and Frederics, beyond the At-
lantic— and on this side, the Franklins, JefTersons, and
Hamiltons, a powerful host z*^ •_ •-

The soundness of these doctrines receives further corro-
boration, from the melancholy experience of those countries
where they have been disregarded— Spain, Portugal, Italy,
Poland, and Ireland, often quoted, but quoted in vain. Our
own experience, subsequently to our two wars, also sheds
strong light on the subject. Russia tried the elTcct of the sys-
tem we pursue, for two years, 1820 and 1821, which in that
short time blighted and blasted the national prosperity as
much as a war of ten years duration could have done. A cir-
cular of the emperor Alexander, draws the following strong
picture of the national suffering : — .

" In proportion as the prohibitory system is extended and rendered perfect
** in other countries, that state ivldch pursues the contrary system, makes from

For a few of the maxims of those great statesmen, see page 7o,

1#

( vi )

*' day to day sacrifices more extensive and more considerable, • • • It offers a
** continual encouragement to the manufactures of other countries — and its own
** manufactures perish in the struggle xvhich they are as yet unable to maintain.

"It is with the most lively feelings of reg^ret we acknowledge it is our
« own proper experience which enables us to trace this picture. AGRI-
« CULTURE WITHOUT A MARKET, INDUSTRY WITHOUT PROTEC-
"TION, LANGUISH AND DECLINE. SPECIE IS EXPORTED, AND
"THE MOST SOLID COMMERCIAL HOUSES ARE SHAKEN.

*^ Events have proved that our AGRICULTURE and our COMMERCE, as
**well as our MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY, are not only paralyzed, BUT
« BROUGHT TO THE BRINK OF RUIN."

In consequence of this calamitous state of affairs, a new
tariff was adopted in Russia, in 1822, wliich contains about
340 prohibitions.

Among the difficulties attendant on the discussion of sub-
jects of deep interest, one of the most serious is, the errors
in point of fact, into which partizans fall, whereby it
is scarcely possible for the community at large to avoid
erroneous deductions. Facts are the pivots on which sound
judgments depend, on practical subjects; and where they are
mistaken or misstated, theories erected on them, are as unsafe
as edifices erected on sandy foundations.

No subject has ever been discussed in this country, on
which so many and such glaring errors in point of fact have
been promulgated, as on the protection of manufactures, in the
late discussions in and out of congress. It were endless to
enumerate them. Some are commented on in the body of
this address— -1 shall here briefly touch on four of the most
striking, out of fifty, which might justly claim refutation.

I. It was asserted that the bill would prohibit the importatioa
of goods, wares, and merchandise, to the amount of 830,000,000 ! ! !

*• What, in the aggregate, is the measure proposed ? To prohibit the impor-
^'tation of manufactures and other articles, to the amount 0/ g 30,000,000 ! It is
« true, we are told, that a certain portion, but that small, will not be prohi-
"bited for some time to come " — Mr. Cambreleng's Speech, Feb. 18, 1824.

II. That it would impair the revenue to the amount of g7,000,-
000, or " nearly so" ! !

"The effect of this Bill would be to prohibit, or nearly so, the importation
"of goods, the duties on which, from a statement laid on our table, amount
"to S 7,000.000."-.JIfr. Rankin's Speech, p. 19. » , .

III. That the cotton, woollen, and hardware manufactures had re-
ceived no protection by duty in Great Britain.

" Mr. Rankin read a passage from page 168 of Mr. Lowe's work, to show,
« that of the whole manufactured productions of England, consumed at

( vii )

"home and abroad, estimated at L. 123,000,000, the cottons, woollens and
"hardware, which are the most considerable portion of them, and «Ahich
" received no protection from the government by duty!!' amounted to L 80 000-
"000."— A/em, p. 26.

IV. That England, far from owing her prosperity to her system
of protection, " has grown rich in spite of her restrictions on
trade .'"

" England has grown rich in spite of her restrictions upon trade, and not by
"tneans of them. Her wisest statesmen are desirous of removing them, and
"can trace with unerring certainty to their operation, a large part of the
"oppression under which the fundamental interest of that nation languishes,
"and is doomed to hnsnlsh. "---Memorial of the Philadelphia Chamber of
Commerce.

On the two first items I shall simply observe, that some
leading members of congress who used those arguments,
not only abandoned them at the close of the debates, but even
asserted, that far from reducing the revenue, the tariff bill
would increase it 2 or 3,000,000 dollars!!

I shall discuss the third and fourth points in connexion.
It is obvious to the most superficial reader, that the fourth
is a vital one, and ought to decide the question at issue. For
if the restrictive system, which has been carried to a greater
extent in Great Britain, than in any other country, has im-
peded her prosperity, it irresistibly follows, that every prin-
ciple of sound policy dictates that we should avoid its baleful
consequences. If, on the contrary, it has been, as contended
by the friends of the protection of manufactures, the main
source of her prosperity, then it is undoubtedly worthy of
our adoption, so far as suits our situation and circumstances.

When it is considered that the object of the British « re-
strictive system'* is to sedulously watch over, and guard the
interests and industry of all the subjects of Great Britain—
to secure the freights of the British trade at home and abroad
to British merchants— to secure to British farmers, mecha-
nics, and manufacturers, as far as practicable, the exclusive
supply of the domestic market with the products of their in-
dustry—to purchase articles in as rude, and to sell them in
as elaborated a state as possible, so as to provide profitable
employment for the working population— and by every
means to force the products of the national industry on all
other nations— it appears just as rational to assert that ves-
sols make speedy voyages « in spite'' of favourable winds—

• >

♦ I

( viii )

that the Missouri and Mississippi have swelled to their pre-
sent magnitude <^ in spite^^ of their tributary streams — that
heat is produced <« in spite^^ of fire — congelation « in spite^^
of frost — or that the earth produces copious harvests « in
*f spite^^ of salutary alternations of refreshing rains and
glowing sunshine, as that Great Britain has grown rich «m
<< spite*^ of a system so admirably and infallibly calculated to
enrich a nation.

I shall consider the restrictive system of Great Britain in
its operation upon her navigation — woollen — leather — sillc —
and cotton manufactures.

When Cromw^ell assumed the reins of government in Eng-
land, the navigation of that country was at a very low ebb,
while that of the Dutch was at the highest pinnacle of great-
ness. Atoneperiod, they built 1000 vessels per annum. ^ Above
100 vessels entered the port of Amsterdam in a day. The
Dutch had as many ships as eleven kingdoms, including Eng-
land.f They enjoyed the chief part of the carrying trade for
most of the maritime powers of Europe. They engrossed the
freights between England and her colonies, and even the
major part of the coasting trade of England. They sup-
plied her with the productions of a large portion of the globe,
and in return carried away her produce and manufactures
to all other nations. While the Dutch were thus aggran-
dizing themselves, and increasing the national << wealth,
power, and resources," English vessels were rotting in port.
Under these circumstances, distracted as were the affairs
of England, tlic rump parliament passed the navigation act,
whereby the trade to the English colonies was interdict-
ed to foreigners — and foreign vessels were prohibited from
importing into England any articles not the production
or manufacture of the nations to which they respectively
belonged. I'his produced an immense change in the affairs
of both nations. It laid the foundation of the naval ascen-
dency of England, and inilicted a mortal wound on that of
the Dutch.:}: ; . i^ . •

Here is « restriction" in the fullest sense of the word--'

• Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. II. page 237. | Ibid,

t "This law grievously affected the Dutch, who, till now, bad been almost
the sole carriers of merchandise from one country to another." Idem, p. 443.

( ix )

and here the principle has been fairly tested. Is there to
be found a man of character in Europe or America, who will
venture to assert, that the navigation of Great Britain, the
corner stone of her greatness and power, has prospered ^< in
« spite of the restrictions'' of this act, and so many others, ex-
tending its provisions ? I trust not one.

To what I have stated in the address, on the subject of the
woollen trade of Great Britain I shall barely add, that accord-
ing to Pope's British Customs, woollen cloths, of all descrip-
tions, were subject in 1818 to a duty of 1/. 14s.Od.ov S7.33

per yard. The permanent duty was 1^. Is. 6d to which,

during the war, were added one-third and one-fourth, both
of which were then in full force. So much for woollen goods
receiving « no protection by duty.''^ By the existing tariff, en-
acted in 1819, the duty is 50 per cent.

The original duty on all articles made of leather, or of
which leather is the most valuable part, was 90 per cent.
.The war duties increased it to 142|. By the new tariff, it is
75 per cent.

Silk is not the produce of Great Britain. It is indigenous
in countries, where labour is not above half the price it bears
in England. The manufacture had, therefore, great dif-
ficulties to encounter. But by bounties and drawbacks, and
protections and prohibitions, it has been fostered to «uch an
extent, that although but 40,000 families are engaged in it,
they produce nearly as much as the domestic exports of the
United States, which domestic exports, let it be observed,
are the means we possess to pay for our imports of every
kind from Europe, Asia, the West Indies, and South Ame-
rica. The proceeds of the British silk manufacture in 1822,
were 10,000,000/.t equal to about 845,000,000. Our whole
domestic exports for that year were only 849,874,079 ! ! !
. ^•'. • -

• I cheerfully do Mr. Rankin the justice to believe, that his error was un-
intentional. Lowe's idea, as may be seen on consulting his text, is, that the
three manufactures are brought to such perfection in Great Britain, that
they could not be affected by any foreign competition, and therefore do not
require any protecting duties. The fact of the existence of protecting
duties on all, and even prohibitory duties on some of the particular articles
of those branches, was too wcU known to have escaped such a profound
writer as Lowe. ' ' * -

t Holt's Administration of the affairs of Great Britain and Ireland, p. 115,

« •

r

( X )

The raw material of the silk manufacture, in 1822, cost
1,000,000/.* or 84,500,000, leaving a clear national gain, on
the labour of 40,000 persons, of 841,500,000, to be divided
among the government, the capitalists, and the work people.
Thus the surplus of the labours of 40,000 silk manufacturers
would pay for above four-fifths of the surplus of the labours
of 10,500,000 persons in the United States, and, deducting
cotton from our exports, fifty per cent, more than the sur-
plus of the labours of 9,850,000 ! Was this great national
benefit produced "in spite of the restrictive system?"

I now come to the most magnificent result of profound
policy that the world has ever exhibited, which, if strong
facts and fair deductions were allowed to have their duo
weight, would set this question at rest forever — I mean the
cotton manufacture of Great Britain. Of cotton, like silk,
England does not produce a pound.

Although we are gravely informed that the « cotton ma-
nufacture received no protection by duty," it is a fact that
printed calicoes: from beyond the Cape of Good Hope have
been prohibited altogether in Great Britain for more than a
century. The prohibition remains in the existing tariff, and
is enforced by a heavy penalty :— •

«* Calicoes, painted, stained, or dyed, in Persia, China, or East India, shall
"not be worn or used in this kingdom." And further: " All such goods,
" whether mixed, sewed, or made up together for sale with any other goods,
" shall be forfeited, and the person in whose custody, knowing thereof, the
" same shall be found, or that shall dispose thereof, shall forfeit 200/.'*

In the tariff which was in operation in 1818, the duty on
cotton goods, not otherwise enumerated, was 85A per cent.

The duty on such printed cottons, as are not prohibited, is at
present 75^ and on plain white cottons 67 per cent.

The cotton manufacture, protected by bounties, prohibi-
tions, and proliibitory duties, or " restrictions on trade^^^ has,
within the last 25 years, made wonderful progress. The
average mpor/a^i07i of cotton, for 10 years, from 1799 to 1808,
inclusive, was - - - . - ^6s. 56,780,950
From 1809 to 1816 - ^ -^ . >• •- ■, r 86,019,540
In 1821 . - . .' . . . 129,013,000

Of the quantity imported^ a considerable portion was re-ex-

, • Holt's Administration, p. 98.

( « )

ported, probably 10 per cent. But 1 have no means of ar-
riving at prerision.

The consumption in 182S, was 533,420 bales, ,

at about 275 lbs. to the bale, equal to lbs. 144,290,000

In 1811, according to Colquhoun, the amount of the ma-
nufacture was 29,000,000/.— or S 130,500,000. In the year
1823, it amounted, according to a statement in parliament
by Mr. Huskisson, to 54,000,000/. or S 243,000.000.

Thus has this important matiufarture been nearly trebled
in about twenty years— and increased 50 per cent, in less
than ten years. Has this noble industry arrived at its pre-
sent state, « in spite of the restrictions on trade I" The an
swer is unequivocally in the negative. When it was first in-
troduced into Great Britain, the East India article could be
afforded for less than a third of the price of the domestic ,• and,
had Its importation been permitted, the British manufacturer
could never have competed with the Asiatic.

It remains to present a synopsis of the actual state of this
mighty branch of industry, which affords more solid wealth
to Great Britain than any nation ever derived from one
source — •

I. It employs 500,000 families, averaging four persons
to each, or a seventh part of the population of the nation.

II. The export of the manufacture is about 22,000,000/
equal to about 899,000,000. . . • ^ , .

III. The domestic consumption is about 32,000,000/. eaual
to 8144,000,000. ■ • • ^

IV. It employs a capital of above 30,000,000/. or S 135
000,000. 1 ^ V ... '"

I fondly hope, that, a calm review of these facts, will satisfy
every candid reader, that it is scarcely possible to conceive
of a more radical or enormous error, than the one so confi-
dently promulgated in the Philadelphia Memorial, of the in-
jurious effects, produced on the prosperity of Great Britain,
by the restrictive system, and that her transcendent power
and greatness can be as fairly traced to that system as the
cheering light that illumines our globe can be traced to the
Jcneficent operation of the resplendent orb of day rising in all
his glory. , .?■

In this question I never had, nor have I now, any per-

\ 4 -'

* /

•■(

< ■

ri

1

( xii )

sonal interest. I am neither farmer, planter, mechanic,
manufacturer, merchant, nor trader. I never was affected,
except in common with the community at large, by the
pernicious effects of our withering policy— and, having arriv-
ed at that period of existence, when

« Life can little more supply,

" Than just to look about us, and to die,"

I fondly hope, that, duly weighing those circumstances, I can-
not be suspected of any sinister motive.

I am reckless of the criticisms, however severe, and how-
ever merited, which may be passed on the style, or manner,
or arrangement of this little work, of which it may be truly
said : res negat ornarij contenta doceri. In discussions of such
important subjects, those are considerations wholly unim-
portant. Errors in point of fact, may perhaps have escaped
me — but none intentional, and I hope, if any, none important.
Some of my deductions may be perhaps strained too far—
as frequently occurs with those who enter ardently into the
defence of a cause. The reader will therefore do well to
subject them to a severe ordeal.

There is one point adverted to in the body of the address,
on which I wish to bestow a few lines here. It is the repe-
tition of arguments heretofore frequently adduced. This is
unavoidable. The arguments opposed to the protection of
manufactures, viz. the danger of smuggling — the demorali-
zation of manufacturing establishments — the destruction of
commerce and navigation, &c. &c. &c. have been brought
forward repeatedly from day to day in speeches, paragraphs,
essays, resolutions and memorials. Some of them, during
the last session of congress, have been placed before the pub-
lic eye one hundred and fifty times. Of about twenty me-
morials, forty speeches, and above a hundred essays and
paragraphs on this subject, there was scarcely one that did
not contain a denunciation of the horrors of smuggling — the
oppression of •< taxing the many for the benefit of few," &c.
&c. When old arguments are thus unceasingly reiterated to
satiety on one side, can the other be justly debarred from re-
butting them by old replies? -/ •

ADDRESS, ^c.

Jvly 26ih, 1824.

M. C.

Friends and Fellow Citizens^

WHEN I undertook to deliver this address, it was not
with an idea of suggesting any improvements in agricultural •
implements— any new species of manures— any rules for

the time or manner of sowing, ploughing, or mowing or

for the cultivation of any exotics likely to benefit the farmer.
On all these points, I freely confess myself incompetent to
descant. My experience and skill in farming are both very
limited. Moreover, such details are rendered less essential
by the learned and elaborate discourses of some of my -
predecessors in this career, who have united deep research
and long experience with sound and rational theories, the
only sure grounds in the enquiry after truth.

But I deceive myself greatly, if the points to which I wish
to direct your attention be not of paramount importance to
those subjects of investigation, however deeply interesting
to the agriculturist. Their object is to lighten his labours
and increase his crops — mine, to secure certain markets
for what he does raise. Abstracted from the latter, the
former greatly sinks in importance and value. Nature
empties her cornucopia in vain, if, after the farmer has
gone through his painful labours, he has to depend for a
remuneration on a precarious market, liable to the fluctua-
tions of demand and the ruinous reductions of price which
have been experienced in this country three or four times
within the last nine years.

Before I proceed any further, let me observe, that I do
not flatter myself, that I shall offer much novelty on
this subject. It has been too frequently and too labori-
ously investigated for some years past, to afford much
hope of that kind of entertainment. Few novel ideas can
be gleaned up on a subject which has occupied so much
attention. But I am, nevertheless, not without a hope, thaf
I shall be able to place it in some new and interesting points

,1' '

I i

( 10 ) . -

of light, and to add some facts to the mass already elicited
on this topic. At all events, steeringclear of those theories,
the result of lively imaginations, which, wholly unsupported
by experience, only

« Lead to bewilder— and dazzle to blind/'

I shall support every position I advance by solid, incon-
trovertible facts, on which I challenge the most rigorous

scrutiny.

The grand object of this address is, to establish an iden-
tity of interests between agriculture and manufactures —
and the impossibility of inflicting a deep or lasting injury
on the latter, without the former suffering severely. Hence
I shall endeavour to prove —

I. That the farming interest has not experienced its
due share of protection from the government.

II. That the domestic market for the productions of our
agriculture is greatly superior to the foreign.

III. That, with the exception of cotton, the exports of our
staples have generally diminished in quantity as well as in
value since the infancy of our government, notwithstanding
the unprecedented increase of our population. , . , .

IV. That the flattering accounts so confidently published
to the world, of our very extraordinary prosperity, are
wholly erroneous ; as intense distress pervades large and im-
portant sections of the country.

V. That our present policy operates most destructively
on our farmers, by diminishing the number of their cus-
tomers, and increasing that of their competitors, and to an
extent, which, without careful examination, appears incredi-
ble. '

VI. That nothing can be more fallacious in point of rea-
soning, or more pernicious in its effects, when adopted as
a system, than the idea so confidently held out, that the
protection of manufactures would operate injuriously on
the farmers.

VII. That the protection of manufactures would be bene-
ficial not only to agriculture but to the commercial interest,
and even to the British merchants and manufacturers.

I shall then endeavour to obviate some of the most pre-

valent and popular objections to the legislative protection
of manufactures.

I. Neglect of protecting the farming' interest of the United

States,

My first position is, that the interests of the farming
portion of the community have not received from the go-
vernment that degree of attention and protection, to which,
from their importance, and the great number of that des-
cription of our citizens, they are entitled.

Bread-stuffs, the chief articles produced by this class, have
been for about seven years excluded from domestic con-
sumption by nearly all the nations of Europe. During all
this time, our government, on which they have a valid and
indefeasible claim for protection and support, has never
made the slightest eflfort, by retaliation or otherwise, to
force those nations to abandon this system, and to receive
in payment for their manufactures those articles which con-
stitute the main dependence of one-half of our entire po-
pulation, whose interests are thus sacrificed by the ex-
isting policy, which operates as the bane of the grain-
growing states. Nor has the government made any eflfort
to create a domestic market for the produce thus rejected
abroad, a most imperious duty, of which the dereliction is
unsusceptible of justification. On the contrary, the opera-
tion of our system, as shall appear under its proper head,
has been uniformly and steadily to circumscribe the do-
mestic market.

The deleterious eflfect of the exclusion of our bread-stuflfs
on the farming interest may be perceived by the following
statement. The British ports were closed against them in
Nov. 1817. The occlusion reduced the value and the quan-
tity of our exports of flour most ruinously.

( 12 )

Exports of flour from the United States,

i<i'

Value.
Sir,751,3r6
11,576,917
6,005,280
5,296,664
4,298,043
5,103,280
5,057,195

Flour.

1817 - barrels 1,479,198

1818 . 1,157,697

1819 - 750,660 . -

1820 • 1,177,036

1821 - 1,056,119

1822 - 827,265

1823 - 756,246
Let it be observed, that the reduction of price affects the

whole quantity purchased for home consumption, amount-
ing to about 4,800,000 barrels per annum.

Alarming prospects now present themselves to the grain
growing states. By recent accounts, which appear deserv-
ing of credit, we learn, that flour can be delivered on board
ship at Dantzic, at four dollars per barrel — and that ar-
rangements are made there for supplying the West India
islands on a large scale, which will greatly impair the chief
market of our farmers. This is all that was wanting to
cap the climax of their suffering.

The pernicious inroad on the prosperity of the farming
interest has not, I repeat, attracted the least attention on
the part of our government. To this neglect, the fostering
care bestowed on the navigating interest, of which I annex
two examples, out of scores which might be adduced, forms
a striking contrast.

By the navigation laws of Great Britain, in force for
nearly two centuries, foreign vessels were prohibited from
entering the ports of her colonies generally. The mercan-
tile interest of the United States regarded this exclusion
as unjust and oppressive, and called on the government to
interfere to procure its abrogation. The government did
not hesitate to place itself '' in an armour and an attitude'*
of defiance — to brave the power of Great Britain — and to
exclude from our ports vessels coming from her West In-
dia and North American colonies, unless those ancient re-
strictions were abrogated in our favour. An act for this
purpose was passed, April 18, 1818. There was then no
alarm about the danger of provoking the vengeance of G,

, ( 13 )

Britain, on which such an outcry has been recently raised.
Notwithstanding the parade which is made of " the libera-
lity of the present times" — the reprobation by " the most
"celebrated British statesmen" of "the exploded re-
" strictive system" — the determination to " cut the cords
"that tie commerce to the earth," and all those other '
sounding phrases about which we have had so many " flou-
rishes of trumpets," Great Britain strenuously resisted this
measure, resolved to risk all the consequences, in support of •
her restrictions, and thereby inflicted severe distress and
wretchedness on her colonies, which made the most earnest
applications to parliament for a repeal of the obnoxious laws.
To afford them some relief, and to counteract the energetic
measure of our government, free ports were opened in New-
Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Bermuda, where it was sup-
posed our citizens would gladly convey our produce for the
supply of the interdicted British islands. Congress — deter-
mined not to allow its measures to be defeated in this indi-
rect mode ; and also to force Great Britain to abandon her
restrictive system — passed a supplementary act on the 15th
of May, 1820, by which the intercourse with those free
ports, was placed on the same footing as that with the other
colonies. Thus defeated, the British government had no al-
ternative but to devote its colonies to ruin, or to abandon
a system which had been regarded with as much reverence
as a faithful Moslem regards the Koran. It was a bitter pill
to swallow. She, however, submitted, and repealed the sys-
tem, by an act passed June 24, 1822.* The corresponding
repeal on our part, took place on the 24th of the following
August. * •• • . .

This struggle, which lasted above four years, inflicted on
the farming interest, engaged in the culture or production

• • • * • ^

»It is remarkable, that this repeal, thus wrung with so much difficulty
from, and adopted with so ill a grace by, the British government, has
been adduced in our newspapers and in congress, as one of the striking
proofs of the liberality of the times2 and of the abandonment of her re-
strictive system by Great Britain ! So erroneous are the views presented
to the American nation by our political economists. .-

2 See note A. ^ . . . » .

. /

tr

( 14 )

of those articles calculated for the British West Indies, the
most severe injury, by depriving them of a most impor-
tant market. The suffering fell with peculiar weight on
some of the ports of Virginia and North Carolina, which
greatly depended on this trade. Many persons, thus sud-
denly cut off from their resources, were actually ruined.

These were efforts and sacrifices solely for the benefit of
the navigating, at the expense of the farming interest.
They were cheerfully borne without murmur for above
three years. At length, towards the close of 1821, the
people of Virginia, writhing under the suffering inflicted by
those measures, began to memorialize and remonstrate
with congress, against a continuance of the system, which,
they believed, would prove unavailing, as it was apprehend-
ed the British government would never abandon its re-
strictions. The following extract from a set of reso-
lutions adopted by a meeting of the citizens of Norfolk,
Dec. 21, 1821, affords some idea of the extent of the injury
sustained in Virginia by those retaliatory measures, ,.

" Resolvedy That the act of congress, entitled " an act concerning na-
"vigatjon," passed on the 18th of April, 1818; the act of congress, entitled
an act supplementary to an act entitled ** an act concerning navigation,"
passed the 15th of May, 1820, so far as they establish the restrictive sys-
•* tem, by which British vessels are prohibited from bringing the productions
«*ofthe British colonies into our ports, and taking away those of our country
*' in return ; are highly pernicious to this Borough and District, destroying our
*' commerce and injuring all classes of our citizens ; ivhile at the same time, they
are contrary to the true policy of the United States, operatifig most unequally
and partially upon different sections and portions of the Union, burdening the
products of agriculture in a fruitless attempt to promote the shipfnng interest,
" diminishing the revenue, and threatening, in the issue, to produce many great
•* and lasting evils to the whole nationJ'^ ,

To the Virginia memorials and representations, the
mercantile interest throughout the United States made the
most decided opposition. The whole subject was refer-
red to a committee of congress, which, after an elabo-
rate investigation, made a report recommending a perseve-
rance in the system ; choosing, on national grounds, to endure
temporary sufferings, however severe, for the sake of per-
manent advantages. The report was adopted.

It remains to ascertain the extent of the tonnage, for the

( 15 )

/•

J,

» •'.

«

((

<c

it

((

sake of which these measures, so pernicious to our farmers,
particularly those of the southern states, were adopted.
Our vessels have free access to the British West India
Islands at present, and have had for nearly two years.
And the American tonnage entered inwards from those
islands during the year 1823 was only 73,366 tons, and out-
wards only 68,350. To secure the freight of this tonnage
to our merchants, we sacrificed for above four years the
sale of a large portion of our produce, and gave encourage-
ment to the farmers of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New
Brunswick, to extend the cultivation of rival articles, which
will permanently interfere with the interests of our own
farmers.

Again. France, to encourage her navigation laid extra
duties on produce imported in foreign vessels. In this case,
as in the former, the energies of our government were
arrayed in defence of the navigating interest. An act was
passed, May 15, 1820, imposing a countervailing duty of
eighteen dollars per ton on French vessels entering the
ports of the United States. This act remained in force for
above two years, and greatly circumscribed the sales of our
produce in France; as a large portion of the direct inter-
course between the two countries was suspended. After
an arduous struggle, and considerable negociations, the
French government was finally obliged, though with great
reluctance, to repeal her discriminatorv duties, which of
course produced a repeal of our retaliatory system.

Let this course of measures be compared with the ne-
gleet of the interests of the farming portion of the nation,
and there will be found an incalculable difference between
them. On the one side the most paternal solicitude— on the
other, a sovereign indifference.

A comparison between this disregard of the interests
of the farmers, and the sensibility displayed respecting
those of the cotton and tobacco planters, would be equally
striking. Among the reasons recently urged with most force
against the protection of manufactures, was the dap-er
of provoking the wrath of Great Britain, and inducing her
to avenge herself, by encouraging the culture of cotton in
Egypt, the Brazils, and South America, and of tobacco in

( 16 )

the Crimea,^ so as to narrow the market for our exports of
those staples, one of which, at least, that is, cotton, is as es-
sential to her, as food for her subjects. And of the other
she consumes only 14,000 hhds. per annum. All the sur-
plus she takes, beyond that quantity, is for exportation.

II. Great superiority of the domestic over the foreign market.

Of the population of the United States at present, the
agriculturists of all descriptions, comprise about 8,500,-
000, of whom I assume that about 1,500,000 are tobacco,
sugar, and cotton planters, and 7,000,000 farmers. There are
about 1,500,000 persons engaged in manufactures and the
mechanic arts, and 500,000 in the learned professions, in com-
merce, in shopkeeping, and living on their means, &c. The
chief of these calculations are predicated on the late census.

The consumption of food and drink by the
2,000,000 who purchase those necessaries from .
the farmers, may be estimated at an average . "^

of about 45 dollars per annum, which at once / ^ * '
affords a market to that interest, of, 90,000,000

It is difficult to estimate the proportion of
those depending on manufactures and the me-
chanic arts, who actually work at them. One
half of the number, or 750,000, are males, of
whom nearly two-thirds are above 13 years of ' '

age, when they generally commence their ap-
prenticeship. This would leave 500,000 male
workers, and it is well known, that a very large
number, probably 100,000 females, are employ-
ed in cotton and some other manufactures, and '
that very many persons, male and female, be- -
longing to the farming class, are employed by
manufacturers. But I will only assume 500,-
000 work people, male and female, and that
they consume of timber, hemp, flax, cotton,
hides, skins, tallow, fuel, &c. &c. an ave-
rage of 66| cents per day, or four dollars per
week, which amounts to - - - - 104,000,000

Making a total of the domestic market, of jS 194,000,000
•' • . 3 See noteB.

( *7 )

Now what have we to set against this, of the foreign mar-
ket, which, by some of our statesmen, is regarded as almost
alone worthy of attention, and which costs us an enormous
expense for fleets, for foreign ministers, &c. and which in-
volved us in an expensive and alarming warfare ? The do-
mestic exports of the last year, were as follow :

Z^'T'' ' " • ' • • ■ - $20,445,520

1°^""'^ ,. ■ - - ■ - • 6,282,672

Proceeds of the forest, skins, and furs, naval stores, $

pot and pearl ashes, lumber, &c. - - 4,498,911

Veg-etable and animal food - * 10 513*855

Other agricultural productions, viz. indigo, flaxseed,

^^PS>^c 404,679

Manufactures
Proceeds of the sea
Uncertain

Total

■ 15,4ir,445

2,357,527

« 1,658,224

994,020

$47,155,408

Thus the following facts appear :

1. That the foreign is not one-fourth of the domestic
market.

2. That three-fifths of our exports are raw materials, im-
penously necessary for the employment of the subjects of
the nations by which they are received.

3. That the farmers, properly so called, (in contradistinc
tion to the cotton and tobacco planters,) who comprise
about r,000,000 of our population, have little or no interest
in our foreign markets, beyond S 15,41 r,445, or about
S 2.20 per head— whereas they are interested in the do-
mestic market to the amount of above jg 190,000 000 or
about 827 per head. > > '

These calculations do not pretend to critical exactness
vyhich in this case is unattainable— but that they are substan*
tially correct, and that no modification or alteration of which
they may be susceptible, can materially affect the deduc
tions from them, I feel perfect confidence. ,

- — ^

III. Diminution of our exports.
The period for fourteen years immediately preceding the
year 1789, had paralized the industry of the nation, exhaust-

¥**^

( 18 )

ed its resources, and arrested it in its career to prosperity.
From 1775 to 1782, hostilities had overspread the land,
with all the usual characteristics of horror and devasta-
tion which accompany civil wars. From 1782 to 1789,
when the new constitution went into operation, a peace,
more deleterious, if possible, than war itself, succeeded.
Immense importations, far beyond the value of the surplus
produce of the country, had taken place, and spread impo-
verishment and distress throughout the nation. The specie,
of which immense sums had been imported during the war,
in the shape of foreign loans, and funds to pay the armies of
G. Britain and France, was exported in 1 783, 4, and 5, to pay
for the manufactures of Europe and Asia.^ Our own manu-
factures were crushed, and our manufacturers ruined. The
importers and merchants generally underwent the same
fate, and the farmers followed in their train. The major
part of our citizens were in debt, and few had the means
of payment.* To rescue them from impending destruction,
paper money was emitted — tender and instalment laws
enacted — the proceedings of the Courts of Common Pleas
arrested — and the pillars of society shaken ; for a most se-
rious insurrection, the consequence of general distress,
succeeded, which, by the want of talent and energy on the
part of the insurgents, and the promptitude and patriot-
ism of the friends of order, was prevented from overthrow-
ing the government, and giving the reins to anarchy and
despotism. Such were the bitter fruits of uncontrolled im-
portations at an early period of our history.

This is a brief sketch of the melancholy state of affairs,
previous to the year 1790, which I propose to compare with
the year 1823. In the former year, the nation was in its in-
fancy, recovering from the calamities of the preceding period
of fourteen years. Peace reigned in Europe and the West
Indies. We enjoyed none of those dazzling, but delu-
sive advantages which the subsequent revolutionary wars
conferred on us. The year 1 823 was preceded by eight years
of profound peace, superabundant harvests, and the enjoy-

: ( 19 )

ment of every natural, moral, and political advantage,
which a great statesman, in the widest range of his fancy,
could require, to insure the highest degree of prosperity
and happiness, national and individual, of which, in this
sublunary state, we are susceptible. The latter year, there-
fore, ought to exhibit a transcendent superiority over the
former. How lamentably errone v ; ich a calculation
would be, will appear from the foUowiL^ appalling picture.

Exports of our chief staples, except cotton, in the years 1790

and 1823.

1790.

182o.

Increase.

Decrease. 1

Flour -
Wheat .
Indian Corn -
Rice
Shing-les
Tobacco
Tar and Pitch
Staves & heading
Indigfo -

barrels
bushels
busliels
tierces

No.
hhds.
barrels
feet
lbs.

724,623

1,124,456

2,102,137

100,845

67,331,115

118,460

93,942

36,402,301

612,119

756,702

4,272

749,034

101,365

40,383,000

99,009

45.032

18,677,000

2.990

32,079

520

• •
t

•

1,120,184
1,353,103

26,948,115

19.451

48,910

17,725,301

609,129

^■'^

-1» f

-^Sce note C. ^sce note D.

In the year 1790 our population was 3,929,326. It is at
present about 10,500,000— being an increase of about 165
per cent. According to all rational calculations, there ought
to be a great increase in the exportable surpluses of our
great staples ; as a family of ten persons ought to produce
150 per cent, more than one of four. But it appears, on the
contrary, that far from advancing, we have greatly re-
trograded, having exported in 1823, far less wheat. In-
dian corn, shingles, pitch and tar, staves and heading,
and indigo — and also less tobacco than we did in 1790.
There is a small increase in the export of flour and rice.
This is a truly mortifying view, and contrasts strongly with
the florid descriptions of our great and growing prosperity,
on which, to serve the purposes of the moment, our orators
descant so eloquently. As there was no discrimination made
between our foreign and domestic exports at that period, I
cannot state the diminution in value of the latter — but it
must obviously be very considerable. The discrimination

^z±

( so )

( SI )

begin in 1796, when our population was about 4,750,000.
Our domestic exports in that year were $ 40,764,097, or
about $ 8.50 per head. Last year they were g 47,155,408,
or about 4.60 per head of our whole population. Here
is a most lamentable falling off. But this is not the whole
of the evil. In 1796, we exported only 6,108,729 lbs. of
cotton, value about g 1,500,000 — whereas in 1823 we
exported 173,723,270 lbs. value 820,445,520. The culti-
vators of cotton in 1796, were probably about 20,000. They
are now about 650,000. Deducting these numbers from the
population, and the value of cotton from the exports, it will
exhibit a falling off, which probably no nation has ever
exceeded in the same space of time.

1796.

Total population - 4,750,000
Engaged in cotton culture 20,000

Remain

4,730,000

Total exports
Export of cotton

$ 40,764,097
1,500,000

All other exports $ 39,264,097

1823.

Total population • 10,500,000
Engaged in cotton culture 650,000

Remain

9,850,000

Total exports
Export of cotton

$ 47,155,408
20,445,520

All other exports $ 26,709,888

,•^

Thus, that part of our population not engaged in the cul-
ture of cotton, exported in 1796 at the rate of g 8-^%% per
head — whereas last year, they exported only S 2yV^.
Ponder well, my fellow citizens, on this astounding fact,
which, alone, would be sufficient to seal the condemnation
of the withering system we pursue. .,

. To add to the distress and mortification arising from this
view of our affairs, it is to be observed, that reduced as is the
quantity of our exports, the foreign markets are almost every
where glutted with them. The accounts received from
the West Indies, South America, and Gibraltar, state that
our flour is often sold for the mere cost, losing all the charges.
The quantity of our tobacco in Europe at the close of the last
year was 75,000 hhds. being 10,000 more than one year's

consumption.* In Great Britain there were about 31,000
hhds. although the annual consumption is only 14,000.
The stock in Amsterdam was 14,186 hhds. whereas the
last year's consumption was only 10,353. The stock of Uni*
ted States cotton on hands in London, Liverpool, and Glas-
gow, at the close of last year was 199,745 bales, whereas the
consumption of the year, was only 331,800 — thus there was
on hands nearly eight months consumption. It is not
therefore wonderful, that the prices of those staples are so
perniciously reduced, as the production so constantly
keeps ahead of the consumption. It is worthy of notice
that though the annual consumption of our tobacco in Eu-
rope, is only about 65,000 hhds. our export last year was
no less than 99,009 I^ How immensely different our policy
from that of the Dutch in " olden time !" Whenever the
crop of spices was too abundant for the demand, they de-
stroyed the surplus, to prevent reduction of prices .^ Where-
as the uniform tendency of our policy is to increase pro-
duction, without any chance of increasing consumption.

This important subject cannot be too minutely investi-
gated, as a correct view of it cannot fail to have a powerful
bearing on the welfare and happiness of this nation. I will
therefore submit a comparison of the relative situation of
the United States and Great Britain as regards population
and domestic exports. . ^

/ DOMESTIC EXPORTS. - *'V« ' v ^

British. ' American.

1796. Z. 19,102,220 = $85,954,990- - - . $40,764,097

• .- . $48,492,658

• 7i '

1822. i. 43,558,490 = $196,013,925 -

POPULATION.

British, American, * • '

1796. 11,000,000 4,750,000 '•*

1822. 14,000,000 10,500,000 . ^

EXPORTS PER HEAD.

British. ;,, .\ ^ Jmerican.

1796. $7.75 -' . . ^ : * . ^8.58

1822. 14 45Q

' See note E. ' See note F. • See note G.

M'^:

( SS )

It is impossible to avoid being struck with this appalling
view of our affairs, which must make the heart ache of e very-
man possessed of true American feeling. Our domestic ex-
ports in 1796 were 10 per cent, more per head than those of
Great Britain. They are now 66 per cent, less! The
amount of exports, ("notwithstanding the wonderful aug-
mentation in the article of cotton,) has not increased
20 per cent, although our population has increased 120
per cent.! Our system is an incubus, which, squatting
over the bounties and blessings of nature, paralizes and
smothers the national energies. While Great Britain,
after an exhausting warfare, of unexampled expendi-
ture, and labouring under immense disadvantages, has
nearly doubled her exports per head, we have decreased
ours, to little more than fifty percent, of what'they were in
1796! And let it be observed, that the diminution is as
well in the quantity as in the market value !

Having compared the domestic exports and population
of the United States with those of Great Britain, I shall
add a comparison with those of Ireland, one of the most ill-
governed and wretched countries in Europe. In the year
ending Jan. 5, 1823, with a population of 7,000,000, her
domestic exports were no less than the value of ;^6,771,796
Irish, equal to §27,128,900, being more than the domestic
exports, during last year, of Maine, New Hampshire, Mas-
sachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Ohio,
Kentucky, Tennessee, and all those parts of the other states
not engaged in the culture of cotton, containing at least
9,850,000 people, wholly free from tithes, and almost from
taxes and rents, with land in fee simple in many places for
less than the tithes in Ireland ! Her exports were at the
rate of S 3.87 per head— while those of the states specified
were, as we have seen, only S 2.71 ! Her export of linen,
almost wholly the production of Ulster, containing only
about 2,000,000 of souls, was 811,900,050, being very near-
ly half that of those states, and more than a fourth part of
our total exports. *

Again. In 1818, the manufacture of cottons in the citv

( 23 )

and neighbourhood of Glasgow, with a population of about
200,000 mhabitants, was ^5,200,000, equal to g 23,000,000,
one-half of which was exported.^ Thus the exports of 200 -

000 people in Scotland, of the single article of cotton goods
exclusive of all the rest of their productions, were above
two-fifths of those of 9,850,000 people in the United States •
And there is not the least doubt but they have greatly in-
creased since the year 1818.

IV. State of the Nation.
We have been stunned with reiterated assertions of the
very extraordinary and unparalleled prosperity of this coun-

Z '' A '7''"' °^.^ ''^^ ^^"'■^"S opposing facts, there are
thousands of our c.t.zens who implicitly believe those asser-

l^' ? t f"^ *"■"'•" ^°*^""S '^ '"^r*^ pernicious to a
patient, whether a nation or an individual, when labouring

ro\r/rT.' ^^''T^'r' *^"" " ^^"•^^ °^ *he existence of
robust health-and the more morbid the state, the greater
the danger of the error This point, therefore, demands a
severe scrutiny, which, although an ungracious office I
venture to undertake, because a serious conviction of dis-
rTmedie? """"^'"^ preliminary to the application of any

I do not pretend that distress'or suffering is universal
In no country, even in Turkey, Poland, or Ireland, is that
the case. And with the immense advantages the 'un ted
States enjoy, the worst form of government ever devised
and the most grinding administration, could not nre'
vent large portions of our citizens from being prosperous.
All I contend for is, that entire sections of the country, and
entire classes of our citizens, suffer intense distress-ldis-
tress which, under our very favourable circumstances, no-
thing but an unwise policy could inflict. '

1 shall call in as evidences, gentlemen hostile to the po-
cy I advocate, to whom, of course, its enemies cannot ob-

JCLl— —

Mr. Tatnall, in his never-to-be-forgotten tirade against

^ See note H.

»^See note I.

*rtt'

ill'

1 I

(I

(C

( g4 )

the tariff, stated that ^^ poverty was wearing Georgia to the
''bone:'

Mr. Garnet, in drawing a picture of the situation of Vir-
ginia, stated that " its population is driven into distant lands j
*' and reduced to beggary^^and that desolation is spread over
'' the country :'

Mr. Macon in congress stated the distress of North Ca-
rolina, as not unlike that of Virginia.

A memorial of the citizens of Charleston, lately present-
ed to congress, gives a most melancholy picture of the si-
tuation of South Carolina—

** The effects produced'* [by the reduction of the price of cotton] " are
deplorable in the extreme. Property of all kinds is depreciated beyond example,
A feeling of gloomy despondence is beginning to prevail every "where in the
"lower country. ESTATES ARE SACRIFICED TO PAY THE LAST
«« INSTALMENTS ON THE BONDS GIVEN FOR THE PURCHASE
•* MONEY. J^obody seems disposed to buy, -what evei^ body is anxious to sell,
" at any price.^'

There is no part of the world which enjoys greater na-
tural advantages than Louisiana. Yet she undergoes her full
portion of the distress and suffering inflicted on her sister
states, by our mistaken policy. According to the declaration
in congress of J. S. Johnson, Esq. one of her representa-
tives, she is " struggling with her debts — loss of crops — -Jail
of prices — and depreciation of property ^^ To relieve her
citizens from their intense distresses, she has recently in-
corporated a bank, with a capital of S 4,000,000. It has
five branches, each with a capital of 8200,000 dollars. A
large portion of the loans are understood to be intended for
the accommodation of planters as well as merchants.

It may be said, that " the loss of crops ^^ has no connexion
with the policy of our government. This I admit. But
" the loss ofcrops^' would have raised, instead " of reducing
prices," but for the excess of production over demand,
which is the obvious consequence of that policy.

I might here close the account as regards the southern
section of the union. These statements settle the question
beyond cavil. But I cannot refrain from citing one more
unimpeachable authority respecting the state of that por-
tion of the nation.

Mr. Carter, one of the representatives of the state of

( 25 )

South Carolina, drew the following heart-rending portrait
of the situation of the six most southern states :—

-The prostration of their foreign markets has spread over the face of
^^ the south a general pervading gloom. In all that region -which stretches it.
^^ self from the shores of the Potomac to the Gulf of Mexico, where all the arts of
^^ ctviltzed life once triumphed, the arm of industry is no-w paralized. Large and
^^ ample estates, once the seats of opulence, which supported their proprietors in
affluence and comfort, are now thrown out to waste and decay.**

Here we are on the horns of a dilemma. Either those
gentlemen, whose names are given, have been guilty, in
the face of the world, of stating downright falsehoods, to
deceive congress and the entire nation— which cannot for a
moment be supposed— or else the assertions of the great
prosperity of the country are utterly destitute of founda-
tion. The states embraced in Mr. Carter's declaration,
with Kentucky and Tennessee, both in nearly the same
situation, embraced in 1820 about 3,500,000 souls, being '
above one-third of the entire population of the nation. •
And I presume it would not be more preposterous to assert
that an individual, who laboured under a pulmonary con-
sumption, a cancer in his breast, or a desperate liver com- •
plaint, was in a high state of health, than that a nation en-
joyed a state of solid prosperity, of which one-third was
m the deplorable condition depicted by Mr. Carter, even if
no distress or suffering existed elsewhere, which is very far
indeed from being the case, as I am prepared to prove.

There are in the city of Philadelphia about rooo females,
many of them widows and orphans of persons formerly in
a high degree of prosperity, who are obliged to work as
seamstresses and tayloresses, of whom the most skilful,
unencumbered with children, cannot earn more than a
quarter dollar per day, and those with children, or unskilful,
not more than from 75 cents to one dollar per week.^^ There
are in the same city about 3800 paupers, 1500 in the alms-
house, and 2300 supported at their dwellings, of whom one- .
third are able and willing to work, but cannot procure em-
ployment. In the city of New York, there are, according
to a report recently laid before the legislature 9,500 pau-

" See note K.
4

, *i .■■

I

•

%

J

( 26 )

pers, of whom one-sixth are permanent. It is more than
probable that above one-third of the whole, particularly
of the females, are able and willing to work, if they could
procure employment. In the state, there are 22,111 paupers,
of whom 6,896 are permanent.

For the suffering state of navigation and commerce, I re-
fer to the speech of Mr. Webster, as originally reported**—
to the statement in the Memorial of the Chamber of Com-
merce of Philadelphia^^— and to the Memorial of the Direc-
tors of the Philadelphia Bank.**

Manufactures, except those of coarse yarns and cotton, are
greatly depressed. One-half of the establishments for the
manufacture of woollen goods, throughout Massachusetts,
Rhode Island, and Pennsylvania are closed — and many of
the proprietors ruined.^*

For the situation of a large portion of the farming inte-
rest, I refer to the following statement, extracted from a
memorial of the farmers of Rensselaer County, N. Y.

« There is, at this time, and there has been for several years, an over-sup-
**ply of the products of agncuUure-^they have glutted the markets of the ivorld.
« This want of a foreign market has not been supplied at hornet for our own
« producers have increased in a far greater ratio than our consumers, and
"the consequences have been, in this part of the country, a universal de^
^'pression of prices, depreciation of the value of land, a sluggish circulation, gene-
"ral embarrassment, frequent sheriffs^ sales, and nan."

Mr. Clay has stated the melancholy and indubitable fact,
that " farmers have successive unthrashed crops of grain^
'''perishing in their barns for want of a market:'

Mr. Carter, of South Carolina, drew an appalling picture
of the situation of the farming interest in the middle states,
with which I shall close these melancholy views :—

"The farmer of the grain-growing states will tell you, that he has large
• annual surpluses of grain, -rohich I^ is doomed year after year to see rot and
J^sh on his hands; that it is to no purpose that he applies himself to the
dihgent cultivation of a fruitful soil; that each return of autumn finds his
barns filled, to overflowing, with abundance, but that it is all useless, nay.
worse than useless to him : for his well-stored barns stand continually be-
fore h.s eyes as tormenting memorials of his labours fn^strated, andthe boun-

« n J it'tf rrr'"''''^ ""'''^- "' ""'^ ^^P^^^^"^ ^''' ^^b°"^« ^« equal,
ing, in their fertility and vexatious disappointment, the fabled toUs of Sy.

»2 See note L.

> disappoi
'3 See note M. " See note N.

Sy.
" See note 0.

«. ••

( S7 )

« sJphus himself. TH£ DEPLORABLE ACCURACY OF SUCH A PIC
" TURR WILL NOT BE DISPUTED.'*

Who can reflect on such a horrible state of affairs in a
country so transcendently blest as this is, without sigh-
mg over the impolicy of our national councils— which,
from a blind and illiberal jealousy of the manufactu'
rers and mechanics, comprising one-seventh part of our
entire population, and one-fourth part of the population of
the states from Maine to Maryland inclusive, withers and
blights and blasts the choicest bounties of nature ! It
may be fairly questioned, whether there ever was a na-
tion, possessed of half the advantages we enjoy, that ex-
hibited such scenes as are here depicted by Mr. Tatnall,
Mr. Garnet, and Mr. Carter, without war, famine, or pes-'
tilence. It is to be hoped that until a radical change takes
place in the affairs of the country, we shall never again
be mocked with the very erroneous statements of na-
tional prosperity, which, in the broad, unqualified sense
assumed by our writers and orators, are mere " waking
•* dreams^"' calculated, by throwing a veil over the disor*
dered state of our affairs, to prevent any attempt at relief.

Few of our statesmen take an enlarged and comprehen-
sive view of the state of the country. They cast their eyes
on particular spots, from which they undertake to infer the
situation of the whole. One sees a high degree of pros-
perity in New York— another in Boston— and a third in
Rhode Island — and hence they pronounce with confidence
on the whole of the United States. A member of the se-
nate, deeply interested in the Waltham Factory, and know-
ing that it has divided 25 per cent, per annum, hence as-
serted that the manufacturers were " the most thriving and
"prosperous part of the community." Whereas, in his own
neighbourhood, bankruptcy had swallowed up a large por-
tion of the woollen manufacturers, and the remainder were
in the most depressed state. It is needless to com-
ment on the radical errors of such a mode of reasoning, -
and the ruinous consequences that must arise from predi-
cating on it a scheme of policy for a great and rising nation.
Among the melancholy facts with which our annals

> .

r I

)l '

i

( S8 )

abound, proving the paralizing and destructive tendency of
our policy, there is none speaks in plainer language, than
the records of the land office. Immense sales had been
made of the western lands, on credit. The balance due on
the 30th of March, 1820, was no less than §21,908,099,
above one-fifth part of the national debt. Such were the
impoverishment and distress of the western country, that
, the purchasers were wholly unable to pay the instalments,
• as they became due. It would have been dangerous in the
suffering state of that country, to have attempted to en-
force payment. To relieve the delinquents, an act was
passed, bearing the above date, which repealed the clause
of the original act, whereby a failure of the payment of any
instalment, as it became due, incurred a forfeiture of the
previous instalments. This act was to be in force for one
year, at the expiration of which time, the purchasers la-
boured under equal difficulty. There being no prospect of
a change in the affairs of the western world, an act was
passed, March 2, 1821, authorizing the delinquent pur-
chasers to surrender such portions of the land as they
might judge proper — relinquishing all claim to the interest
that had accrued — and reducing the price of public lands
in future, from two dollars on credit, to one dollar twenty-
five cents cash. For those who did not choose to relin-
quish their lands, the periods of payment were prolonged
to four, six, and eight years. The sum, of which the pay-
ment is thus postponed till 1829, is no less than g 6,257,480 !
There were 2,132,881 acres relinquished, on which was due,
S 7,981,940, being above eighteen months interest on the na-
tional debt! It is easy to calculate the extent of the injury
sustained by the government by these operations, the ob-
vious result of our system. The loss by the reduction of
the price of the lands alone, is equal to the whole of our
national debt. And this reduction has proportionably di-
minished the value of all the lands in the western country.

V. Pernicious operation of our present policy upon the agri-
cultural interest.

Excessive importations ofmanufactures, sold at auction at
reduced prices, whereby our markets are glutted, and our

( S9 )

citizens deprived of sale for their productions, or obliged to
sell them at or below cost, are circumstances of frequent oc-
currence, and have been from the commencement of our go-
vernment. That in consequence great numbers of our manu-
facturers have been bankrupted, and have therefore betaken
themselves to farming, is too well known to require detail.

This operates as a two-edged sword on agriculture, which
is thereby not only deprived of so many customers, for
food, drink, and raw materials— but finds those customers
converted into rivals, who increase the quantity of pro-
duce, diminish the number of purchasers, and of course
lower the prices.

A favourite doctrine with our statesmen for thirty-five
years, has been to buy abroad what could be had cheaper than
at home, regardless of the ruin thus entailed on the manufac-
turers. Whenever this class made application to congress
for relief, they were told to " go back;' meaning to the west-
ern wilds. This was a panacea for all their evils.

In consequence of this system, thus forcing our citizens
to abandon their regular avocations and devote themselves
to the culture of the soil, there is probably a greater pro-
portion of our citizens agriculturists, than of any other
nation in the civilized world. This is the root of all the
evils of the country, as it destroys the proper distribution of
labour, the grand secret to promote national prosperity. Ac-
cording to the late census, 83 per cent, of our population
is engaged in agriculture. Whereas in Great Britain there
are but Z3. About fifty years since, the proportion in
that country was 50 per cent.

Were all the markets in the world open to our produce,
as ours are to the manufactures of all the world, we should
not feel the injury of this system very seriously— although
even in that case we should carry on a disadvantageous com-
merce ; as we should give the labour of 5, 6, 7, and in some
instances 10 agriculturists for that of 2 or 3 men or wo-
men, and in some cases of boys or girls, as will appear in the
sequel. But under the limitations and restrictions to which
our commerce is at present subjected, the system is destruc-
tive to individual prosperity and happiness, and to national
wealth, power, and resources."

r>

/»

y ••

( 30 )

Although the pernicious effect on agriculture, of thus dimi-
nishing the number of its customers and increasing that of
its rivals, is too plain and self evident, to require to be
bolstered up by any great names, yet it may not be impro-
per to support it by an authority to which neither Mr.
Barbour, Mr. Garnet, Mr. Webster, nor Col. Taylor can
object — an authority on which our leading politicians
place the most implicit reliance. I mean Adam Smith, who
pronounces as strong a sentence of condemnation on our
policy as Dr. Franklin or Alexander Hamilton : —

" Whatever tends to diminish in any country the number of artificers and ma-
" nufacturers, tends to diminish the home maket, the most important of all markets
**for the rude produce of the land; and thereby still further to discourage agri-
'* culture!'*

This maxim, which, for this country, is worth all the rest
of the doctor's work — but which, by the way, is diametri-
cally opposed to nearly all its other leading maxims, is not
adduced here because it is the dictum of Adam Smith
— nor to turn the tables on the opposers of the doctrines
herein advocated, who, I repeat, regard that writer as
oracular — but because it is founded in reason and com-
mon sense, and consonant with the universal practice
of mankind, except that of the agriculturists of the United
States, who alone pursue a system calculated to diminish
the number of their customers. Among all other classes and
descriptions of men, an increase of the number of rivals
and a decrease of supporters, are dreaded as severe evils. A
lawyer, a doctor, a merchant, or a tradesman, who pursued
a system calculated to produce this effect, would be regard-
ed as insane. Why should a procedure, partaking in this
case, of folly and madness, be wisdom as applied to the
great class of agriculturists?

It is difficult, indeed impossible, to ascertain the number
of persons originally brought up to the various branches
of manufactures and the mechanic arts, who have been re-
luctantly driven to the cultivation of the soil, by the want
of a market for their productions. But as the system has
been steadily in operation for about thirty-five years, it
cannot be extravagant to assume that there are 70,000
families, manufacturers or descendants of manufacturers,

( 31 )

natives and immigrants, thus circumstanced, averagine
three to each, or above 200,000 persons.

That this calculation is not materially wrong, will satis-
factonly appear from the fact, that in%he single ci rof
Philadelphia, u was ascertained in 1819, that in thirty,^ou

been r" T'f ° manufactures, 772, work-peop L had
been deprived of employment from the year 1816. In the
remaining twenty-six, there were probably as many-but
say only half_it would amount in that short space of time
and n one city, to above 11,000, many of them with laT.e
families. At the same period, thousands were thrown out of

eretrrrv^h '°.':/^''"'' ^"^^ ^^^^ -""^-^ - -^ot

every part of the middle and eastern states. Of these a very
large portion devoted themselves to field labour, as afford^
mg the only opening for their industry.

It will shed some light on the effect produced by thus
converting manufacturers into farmers, to state th!!
which would be produced by the contrary' operat on i c
recalling back to manufactures some of those who hav; been
driven from those pursuits to agriculture .

.inT/*/*"- "^ ?''?°"''' representative from the state of Vir-
ginia during the last session of congress, supposed a case
on^wh.h_he predicated what he regarded as^a' triumphal;

" BER afford to the asricuUuri>t, ?» ' ™'^ ^^^^ ^UM-

That Mr. Barbour must have considered the effect tri-
fl.ng and unimportant, is obvious. His question was re

duced from the pernicious consequences said to result fmm
compeihng manufacturers to become agriculturists td a"

hit d! ""';?"'""' ^^'''^""' '"^^^ '"^^ possession of

as well h^ V ""' '''^"'^' """'•^^ '« 'his gentleman,

as well by his opponents as his supporters, does not neces

°Uing s tatt ' " ' --agement of the affairs of a

.f

I

( 33 )

Instead of 100,000 farmers, converted into manufactu-
rers, according to the supposition of Mr. Barbour, I shall
only assume 25,000, and, confining myself to the culture of
wheat and corn, investigate the effect it would produce on
our agricultural surpluses.

By an estimate, carefully made, which I lately pub-
lished, it appears that ten men employed in field labour, can
cultivate 300 acres of land, half in wheat and half in
corn. At 24 bushels of the latter, and 12 of the former,
per acre, they produce 1800 bushels of the one, and 3600
of the other. Deducting for their own consumption, for
«eed, and for horse feed, 225 bushels of wheat, and 1600
bushels of corn, leaves a surplus of 15T5 bushels of wheat
and 2000 bushels of corn —

To ascertain the proceeds of the labours of 25,000 per-
sons, according to this rate, requires only a simple arith-
metical process —

As 10 • • S ^^''^ bushels of wheat") . «,. ^^^ c 3,937,500 bushels of wheat
A^^^'- i 2000 corn j ' ^5,000 : ^ 5^000,000 corn

The wheat is equivalent to 787,500 barrels of flour.

The average export of corn and flour for the last two
years, was, 629,066 bushels of the former, and 792,288 bar-
rels of the latter. Thus we see that the proceeds of the la-
bour of 25,000 men, (not 100,000, as stated by Mr. Bar-
bour,) are nearly equal to the average export of our flour,
and eight times as much as that of our Indian corn. A little
reflection will satisfy every reader that the conversion of 25,-
000, or even 15,000 of those farmers into manufacturers, who
have quitted manufactures for the culture of the soil, would,
by diminishing the surplus for exportation, and increasing
the domestic market, materially improve the condition of
our farmers. And by a parity of reasoning, it is equally
clear, that much of their sufferings must have been caused
by the contrary process, which has been so long in opera-
tion.

The distress to the south, among the cotton and tobacco
planters, may be traced to this source. By the undue in-
crease of the class of farmers, and the consequent depres-
sion of farming, many of them in various parts of the Uni-

( 33 )

ted States have been driven to tobacco planting—and, wher^
ever the climate is favourable for the culture of cotton far-
mers have from year to year engaged in it. There is probably
five times as much cotton raised in Virginia and North
Carolina as there was six or seven years ago— and our sys-
tem cannot fail to extend the cultivation. From this state
of things, I repeat, arises the excess of production over
consumption, of both those staples, and the consequent '
glut of the foreign markets, and reduction of prices.

VI. J?adical error of the opinion that a full and complete pro-
tection of manufactures would be injurious to the agricul-
turists, by " taxing the many for the benefit of the few P

As the preceding views sufficiently establish the perni-
cious consequences to agriculture, of the depression of "
manufactures, the subject might be dismissed as set-
tled. But as lures have been held out to the agriculturists
of great advantages resulting from the purchase of cheap
foreign goods, it is well worth while to investigate this
point, in order to dispel the mass of error with which the
subject is enveloped. , ,

There is scarcely an opinion more generally prevalent,
than this, that protecting or prohibitory duties on manu-
factures operate as a " tax on the many," the agriculturists,

for the benefit of the few," the manufacturers. Hence a
large portion of the farmers, probably one-half, and nearly
the whole of the cotton and tobacco planters, have been uni- '
formly opposed to them.

That the advantage of purchasing cheap foreign goods'
quality considered, is insignificant, and at all events only tem-
porary, is capable of full demonstration: but if it were per-
manent, it produces a great balance of evil. The question
put in Its naked and correct form, stripped of the glare with
which It IS surrounded, is, whether a large portion of one
class of our citizens shall be ruined, and their workmen de-
prived of employment, that another class may purchase
certain articles a little cheaper than they otherwise would.

To Illustrate this position, I take the case of the woollen
manufacturers at present. Many of them, as I have stated,

! I

r

( 34 )

have been ruined, and their establishments closed, in con-
sequence of the importation of immense quantities of infe-
rior goods, sacrificed at auction below cost, whereby our
citizens were deprived of a market, or obliged to make si-
milar sacrifices. Suppose by the reduction of the prices,
that each individual in the community who consumed the
foreign cloth, had saved five or even ten dollars, would it
not be almost Herodian cruelty, to put the ruin of fellow
citizens in one scale, and this paltry advantage in the
other ?

But even supposing the low prices to continue perma-
nently, the advantage is all ideal. Of this, a comparison
between the situation of the farming interest throughout
the United States in 1814, and in 1819-20, affords full

proof. In. the first year, manufactured articles were high

but the farmers were generally prosperous, as they had
proportionate prices for their produce — and were then better
able to purchase than in the latter period, when manufac-
tures were in many cases reduced one-half, but when the
farmers throughout the middle states suffered the most
intense distress, in consequence of the general impover-
ishment, arising from the enormous importations of the
preceding years.

Throughout the world, with scarcely an exception,
poverty and wretchedness are universal attendants on low
prices. China, Italy, Poland, Spain, and ill-fated Ireland,
are cases in point. In Ireland, labour and every article
produced by it, are at the lowest possible rates. Labourers
are hired for six, seven, and eight pence per day, equal to 12,
13, and 14 cents. Potatoes are about 5d, per 14 lb. Other
articles are in the same proportion. Yet cheap as are pro-
visions, clothing, &c. the people are more wretched there than
in any other part of Europe. The United States and Great
Britain are illustrations of a contrary character. Labour
and its productions are high in both countries. But no
man will deny the superiority of the mass of the population
in point of comfort and happiness, over those of the other
nations specified.
I shall now endeavour to prove, that throughout a large

( 35 )

portion of our existence as a nation, our system made \
wanton sacrifice of the interests of the class for whose par-
ticular benefit it was devised, and that it" taxed the many"
domestic consumers, " for the benefit of the few" foreign
manufacturers.

The government was organized in 1789, from which
time till 1810, a period of twenty-one years, the manufac-
ture of cottons and woollens, and iron wares generally, was
almost unknown in this country. Of course we depended
upon foreign supplies almost altogether. There was no
competition to check exorbitant prices. It is therefore
highly probable that all the cotton and woollen goods and
iron ware consumed in that period, to the amount of from
15 to S 20,000,000 per annum, cost the American consumer
from 15 to 25 per cent, more than they would have done,
had those manufactures been established here, and a proper
competition preserved between the foreign and domestic
manufacturer.

The case of coarse cottons affords a powerful corroboration
of this theory. The East India article was paltry and compa-
ratively worthless. Yet it generally sold at about 25, 26, or 27
cents per yard, while there was no American competition.
Prohibitory duties were enacted in 1816, and the prices, in
consequence of competition, have fallen to 12, 13, and 14
cents, for an excellent article, twice as serviceable as the
East India trash. Had the protection been extended to
the manufacture in 1/89, the same result would have taken
place at that time, which would have produced an immense
saving to the farming interest. The annual importation
was about 84,000,000. Of course the consumers paid about
S 2,000,000 more than they otherwise would have done,
had the manufacture been properly protected. These ob^
servations apply to all other manufactures, not established
in the country, in which there is no rivalship.

I have another strong case to present to my auditors,
to prove the advantage to the agriculturists, of the success,
and consequently of the protection, of manufactures. In the
year 1821, the manufacture of cotton bagging was prostra-
ted in Kentucky. The imported article was sold at New

•/

i

:H»ii

I

( 36 )

Orleans throughout the year 1822, at from 40 to 50
cents per yard, or an average of 45 cents, although the
price in Dundee was only 9d, a lOd, sterling. Towards
the close of the year 1822, the manufacture was revived in
Kentucky, and considerable supplies were forwarded to
New Orleans. The competition reduced the price to little
more than half In three prices current, now before me, of
Dec. 27, 1823, and Jan. 31 and Feb. 7, 1824, the Scotch
bagging is quoted at 22 a 26 cents, and Kentucky at 20 to 22,
or an average for the former of 24 cents, being a reduction of
about 21 cents per yard. Let it be distinctly observed, as
having an important bearing on the subject, that the price
in Dundee had not undergone any material alteration with-
in the time embraced in these statements, and that, there-
fore, the reduction of the price of the foreign article is solely
owing to the competition of the domestic one.

The quantity of cotton bagging used in the United States
is about 3,300,000 yards per annum, which, during the year
1822, at 45 cents per yard, cost about S 1,485,000. The cost
in 1823, at 24 cents, was about jg 792,000, making a differ-
ence in favour of the cotton planters, in the latter year, of
above g 690,000, arising, beyond the possibility of doubt,
from the revival of the manufacture in Kentucky. Yet,
strange and impolitic as it really is, every cotton planter in
congress was violently opposed to the protection of manu-
factures generally, and in a most especial manner to that
of cotton bagging!!!

From a full consideration of the effect of competition in
the case of coarse cottons and cotton bagging, and in every
case where any of our manufactures have been adequately
protected, it may be pronounced as a general maxim, with
scarcely an exception, that prohibitory duties, or even ab-
solute prohibitions, provided their operation be prospec-
tive, far from " taxing the many for the benefit of the few,"
by raising prices, never fail to produce reductions of price
and constant supplies. On this subject, I shall call in the
aid of Alexander Hamilton —

« When a domestic manufacture has attained to perfection, and has en-
"gaged in the prosecuUon of it, a competent number of persons, it iiiva-
" riabUj becomes cheaper.^ • • The internal competition which takes place,

( 37 )

^'soon does away every thing like monopoly; and by degrees veduceB th6
''price of the article to the minimum of a reasonable profit on the capital employed
'^ This accords with the reason of the thing, and with experience."

I shall conclude this head with one more case of the in-
jury inflicted by our policy on agriculture.

In consequence of the commotions in Spain, great
numbers of full-blooded Merinos were imported into this
country in 1810, 1811, and 1812, and purchased by our far-
mers at exorbitant prices. The breed was propagated to a
great extent— and an adequate protection of the woollen
manufacture would have rendered this speculation high-
ly advantageous to the farmers. But, to avoid " tax-
"ing the many for the benefit of the i^^,'' the woollen ma-
nufacture was allowed to be prostrated in 18ir, 1818, and
1819, and thus not only the large capital, probably g 1,500,-
000, invested in Merinos, and half and quarter breeds, was
nearly all sacrificed, but the farmers were deprived of a
steady, increasing market for wool, which would have en-
abled them to employ to advantage a portion of their lands,
rendered useless by the prohibition of our bread-stuffs in
nearly all parts of Europe, and produced them an annual
income of probably from 2 to S 3,000,000.

1 • ,

- t

VII.

My seventh point is to prove that the protection of ma-
nufactures would be beneficial not only to our merchants,
but to the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain/

On this point I shall be very brief, and barely sketch the
outlines of the arguments, leaving the details to be filled up
by my auditors.

That our commerce is, and has been from the organization
of the government, overdone, that is to say, that there
have been at all times too many merchants for the com-
merce of the country, is a truth of which no man of ob-
servation or candour can for a moment doubt. This has
arisen obviously from the non-establishment of a variety
of manufactures, those, for instance, of cottons, woollens,
iron ware, glass, china, &c. &c. in which, for want of ade-
quate protection, our citizens were for a series of years un-

II I

( 38 )

able to compete with foreign rivals ; and many of which, even
at present, are in a sickly and drooping state, and some of
the most important almost wholly unessayed in this country.
Hundreds of young men, in every stage of our career, who
would have been devoted to those branches, had they been ex-
tensively carried on, have been placed in counting-houses,
and become merchants, without the necessary friends, capi-
tal, or talents for the profession. Hence there are probably
as many shipping merchants in the United States as in Great
Britain : scarcely a port in the country that has not a num-
ber of them— and hence competition has almost always
raised our staples too high in our markets— reduced them
too low abroad by glutting the foreign markets— raised the
prices of the return cargoes in the West Indies and else-
where— and reduced the prices of those cargoes on their
arrival in the United States. To these combined causes
may be fairly ascribed the misfortunes and shipwreck of so
large a portion of the merchants of this country, particu-
larly during the wars of the French revolution, when, to
speak within bounds, three-fourths of them became bank-
rupts, notwithstanding we enjoyed a commerce without
precedent in the annals of neutral nations. Adequate pro-
tection of manufactures at present, would not only prevent
a continuance of this inordinate increase, but induce some
of our merchants to devote themselves to those branches,
and thus reduce the number within bounds more commen-
surate with our commerce— it would of course furnish em-
ployment to some of the capital, which the limitation of
that commerce stagnates— and, in addition, would afford
an opening for the younger branches of the families of our
merchants, whose parents at present find it extremely diffi-
cult to devise occupations for them by which they may be
enabled at a future day to support themselves.

When I assert that the protection of manufactures would
be beneficial to the manufacturers and merchants of Great
Britain, it is not with a view of sporting a paradox. It is
a position founded on the most mature consideration I can
give the subject.

( 39 )

I trust I have proved that this country, generally speak-
ing, IS in an impoverished state-and that its impoverish-
ment arises from the impolicy of allowing our manufactures
to be depressed, and the manufacturers to be driven to the'
culture of the soil, whereby the production of our great sta-
ples IS increased beyond the demand at home and abroad
so as to depress the prices below a fair remuneration for the
time, talent, and capital employed.

An impoverished nation must curtail its expenses, and
of course Us importations, within narrow limits. Luxiiries

ZIZ thf'' "'r"'' ""°"°"d, except by the few who

escape the general pressure. Many conveniences are in

.ke manner given up; and, with the prudent, expenses are

Z.L^f u'"'"' '°"'^°''^ '" °«"saries. The pay-
ments of such a nation moreover must always be irregular
and uncertain. Large losses will inevitably accrue ^ b'ank-

«nfl*^t '°f '^'^ "^ prosperous nation purchases freely,
no^merely of necessaries and conveniences, but, on a larg'l'
scde, of luxuries, on which the profits of an exportiL
nation are greater than on mere necessaries. If 0^0,-
on woollen, and iron manufactures were adequately "l
tected, so that we should import less of them, and keep our
population profitably employed, circulation ^ould be bTk

pTate"nirr°"''^ ''''''"'''''^ ^"^ °- ""Po^ation oj
plate, plated ware, laces, merino shawls, girandoles, china

Brussels carpets, &c. &c. would be doubled or treble^-
and thus our total importations be greatly increased

ween the present scale of expense of the citizens of the
southern states, when. I repeat, according to Mr. Carter

lye and ample estates, once the seats of opulence which
^PPor^e, their proprietors in affluence and coLfortX not
thrown out to waste and decay r^^r.^ the scale former^

• and tobacco at Sl50 per hhd. and he will fully appre-
ciate the soundness of these opinions.
The proof of this theory is at hand-and is conclusive, bv

•/-' ,

* s.

» ' s

\ < '

( 40 )

a comparison of our consumption of fbfeign goods at two
several periods.

The imports of the United States in six years, from 1796
to 1801 inclusive, were - - . §507,052,69/

Re-exportations .... 217,596,598

Six years consumption
Average -

S 289,456,099^^
S 48,242,683

r Our population during that period averaged about
4,750,000. Of course our consumption of foreign goods,
wares, and merchandise, averaged about ten dollars per
head. Mark the contrast.

Our imports for 1821, 1822, and 1823, were 8223,406,532
Re-exportations - - . . 71,132,312

Three years consumption
Average

S 152,274,220"
S 50,758,073

Our population during the last period, probably averaged
about 10,200,000. Our consumption of foreign articles,
therefore, has been below five dollars per head, but little
more than half what it was in the former period. Some re-
duction, it must be allowed, has taken place of late in
the prices of our imports, from what they commanded
during the chief part of the wars of the French revolu-
tion, when they rose extravagantly, in consequence of the
excessive issues of paper money in Great Britain. But the
great rise was subsequent to the first period from 1796 to
1801, in which years it was inconsiderable. But at all
events, it bears no proportion to the very great reduction of
the amount of our imports per capita.

There is, however, another point of view in which to
consider our relations with Great Britain, that is, as re-'

»« Scybert, page 266.

»7 Treasury returns.

( 41 )

8jrds her goverament. On this I wish to offer a single
observation If such a mighty power could regard this
country with sentiments of jealousy, as likely at a future
day to d.spute with her the trident of Neptune, as some of
our enthusiastic citizens fondly believe, then the policy we
pursue IS highly promotive of her views, and ought to be
advocated by all her friends with zeal; as it wastes our re-
sources, and impoverishes our citizens-and will in the
same degree, at all future times, enfeeble us. But " self-
poised as she is, with resources such as no nation ever
before possessed and those resources likely, from the pro-
found wisdom of her policy, to continue permanently, such
leehngs and views are not supposable.

I now proceed to reply to some of the most plausible and

popular objections to the legislative protection of manufac
tures. - »>.

First objection— Demoralization.
Among the objections to the protection of manufactures,
their tendency to demoralization has held a conspicuous
place, and, for want of reflexion, has had a pernicious in-
fluence even on men of minds beyond the common level.
And hence, thousands of young people, who, under a cor-
rect po hey, might and would be profitablv employed for
themselves and the community, in manufacturing establish-
nients, are brought up in idleness, and exposed to the se-
ductions of vice and crime, which always follow in the
^a.n of Idleness. Of the persons employed in the cotton

0 150,000, whose numbers might be greatly increased, two-
hirds at least are young females, of whom half would be
Jso utely or nearly idle, but for this branch of business.
While thus employed, they contract habits of order, rcRu-
lamy, and industry, which lay a broad and deep foun- •
dation of public and private future usefulness. They
ecome, as they arrive at a marriageable age, eligible
partners for life for young men, to whom they will be able

f ,t- •'-.

. /

••<

( 43 )

t6 afford substantial aid in the support of families, a con-
sideration which cannot fail to have due weight with those
possessed of common prudence. Thus the inducements to
early marriages, and the prospects of comfort and indepen-
dence in that state, are greatly increased — the licentious-
ness to which a life of celibacy is exposed, proportionably
restrained— and immensely important effects produced on
the welfare of society. Hence it is obvious that this objec-
tion is wholly unfounded— and that the encouragement of
manufactures, by stimulating and rewarding industry, has,
on the contrary, a constant tendency to promote sound

morals.

It is the misfortune of this country, that most of our
maxims on this and some other vital subjects, are derived
from views of society and manners in Europe, wholly inap-
plicable to our situation. Those views are partial and con-
fined, even as they regard Europe, and are calculated to foster
preconceived prejudices; for a broad and liberal investi-
gation of the effect of manufactures in England, France,
or Germany, would prove, beyond controversy, that their
tendency is salutary even there, as they necessarily promote
industry, which is one of the greatest preservatives from
vice and crime throughout the world.

Fortunately I have means in my power to establish this
point as respects Great Britain, the greatest manufacturing
nation in the world, by a comparison of six counties, three
where manufactures and three where agriculture principally
prevail.

Population.

Families
engaged in
Manufac-
tures, trade,

&c.

Families
engaged in
Agricul-
ture.

Paupers.

o

3

5

•

371

245
91

707

163
109
144

416

Poor rates.

Lancaster
Yorkshire
Stafford

1,052,859

1,175,251

341,824

152,271

137,048

42.435

22,723
63,830
18,285

46,200
77,661
22,510

Z.249,585
453,461
133.701

2,569,934

331,754

104,838

146,371

836,747

Norfolk

Suffolk

Essex

343,368
270,542
289,424

26,201
17,418
17,160

36,368
30,745
33,206

42,707
36,110
38,337

L 256,014

240,384
254 837

903,334

60,779

100,319

117,154

L.751,235

( 43 )

SYNOPSIS.

Lancaster, York & Staff.
Norfolk, Suffolk & Essex

Manufac-
tures.

Per cent.
76
37

Agricul-
ture.

Percent

24
63

Paupers

Per cent.
5.68
12.9

Cnminals

Per cent
.027
.046

Poor
Rales.

Per head.
Ss. 6d.
16s. lOd.

Thus it appears that in the agricultural counties the pro-
portion of paupers is above 100, of criminals 60, and of
poor rates 150 per cent, more than in those where manu-
factures prevail.

These tables demand the most serious consideration,
not merely from our statesmen, but from our citizens at
large. They operate a complete refutation of the prevail-
ing error, on the subject of the demoralizing tendency of
manufactures, and prove that this objection, like all the
others so confidently relied on, when brought to the test of
fact, proves utterly fallacious.

The population is taken from Lowe's " Present state of
England" — the member of families engaged in manufac-
tures and in agriculture, as well as the poor rates, from
the Monthly Magazine for March, 1824, where they arc
derived from the late census — the enumeration of the pau-
pers and criminals from Colquhoun's Treatise on Indi-
gence. It is not necessary to corroborate the deductions
arising from these facts, by any authority whatever. They
carry conviction with them ; but, to remove all doubts
from the nflyiB of those who may be disposed to incredu-
lity, I quote^^lquhoun, whose opportunities were second
to those of no man in Europe, and who explicitly pronounces
a condemnation of the prevailing dogma:

" Contrary to the generally received opinion, the numbers of pauperf
[he might, as his own tables evince, have added— and of criminals,] in
those counties which are chiefly agricultural, greatly exceed those where
manufactures prevail." *

The citizens of the southern states, who are so very so-
licitous to preserve our morals from degenerating, by the
protection of manufactures, may therefore calm their ap-
prehensions, and spare themselves any uneasiness on the

• Colquhoun on Indigence, p. 272.

MUTILATED TEXT

( 44 )

subject. They are disposed to be wroth when any of our
citizens interfere with that portion of their population des-
tined to labour on their plantations, whom they deem
themselves fully competent to manage : and they may trust
the citizens of the other states with the management, and
care of the morals, of their free work people. Above all
things, if they condescend to watch over the morals of our
citizens, they are respectfully requested to devise some
other mode of preserving them than the one they have
hitherto pursued, of devoting so many of them to idleness
and pauperism.

Second objection — We are not ripe for manufactures »

Many of the opposers of the legislative protection of ma-
nufactures, make large professions of friendship for them,
but hold out the very fallacious idea, contradicted by almost
universal experience, that when a country is " ripe'*'* for

• them, they will arise spontaneously without protection — but

• that when a country is not thus " r?/?^," it is improper to
force them by what is termed hot-bed culture, that is, by
protecting or prohibitory duties.

The elements of this "ripeness," on which so much em-
phasis is laid, are, the raw material in abundance — sufficient
capital — and cheapness of labour. I hope to make it appear
as clear as the noon-day sun, that a nation may possess all
these, and yet be disabled by overwhelming foreign com-

. petition from availing herself of them. I will in the first
instance take the case of the cotton manufacture in the
United States.
So far as regarded the raw material, no country was ever

. more ripe for any manufacture than the United States, for
this one from 1795 to 1805, during which time capital was su-
perabundant here for every object of profitable specula-
tion. And the machinery employed in cotton spinning
and weaving, is managed chiefly by young females, who
were formerly able to weave twenty or twenty-five yards per
diem — and each of whom can at present attend two power
looms, which produce fifty yards per day. The labour, of
course, counts for little, being formerly less than two cents

( 45 )

per yard, and now less than one. We possessed, moreover^
mechanical talent for making machinery, not excelled in the
world — and a boundless extent of water power. Here
then is a case completely fulfilling all the conditions of
^^ ripeness'*' — and completely testing this theory, and either
fully establishing it, or proving it radically unsound, and
fraught with pernicious consequences to any nation which
acts on it. Unfortunately for our political economists, in
this instance, as in almost every other, fact puts down their
theory.

Mr. Gallatin, whose attention was called to manufactures
by an order of the house of Representatives, and who de- .
voted his penetrating mind fully to investigate their sitiia- ^
tion, informs us in his report on the subject, that in Rhode
Island, where the cotton manufacture was first established, ,.
and which has now become the chief seat of it, there was
#/2^ cotton mill erected in 1791 — in four years more^ another!
— and in 1803 and 1804, two more in Massachusetts! Dur-
ing the three succeeding years there were ten more erected
in Rhode Island, and one in Connecticut! making in all
fifteen, erected in those states before 1807, which employed
8000 spindles, and produced about 300,000 lbs. of yarn per
annum ! In the other states, particularly at Patterson in New
Jersey, and in the city of Philadelphia, several attempts were
made to establish the manufacture, which almost universally
failed, to the ruin of the undertakers. And, but for the re-
strictive system, the war, and the prohibitory square yard
duty, this manufacture, so peculiarly calculated for this
country, and for which we were so " ri/>^," would to this .
day have remained in a gfoveling state.

Let it be observed that the average of the ex-
port of cotton from the United Slates from 1795
to 1799 inclusive, was lbs. 7,012,745

From 1800 to 1806, also inclusive, 35,432,219

But according to a report of the committee of
commerce and manufactures in 1816, the con-
sumption in 1800 was only lbs. 150,000!

And in 1805 only 300,000!

Whereas, under the operation of the restrictive

■ ""HP*?

Dh '

11

( 4« )

system, the consumption in 1810, rose to Ih. 3,000,000
jmd in 1815, by the war, to 27,000,000

So much, fellow citizens, for the spontaneous growth
and maturity of manufactures, " when a nation is ripe for
them." This, then, appears one of those pretty phrases,
which mankind, through indolence and want of disposition
to take the pains to investigate, receive on trust as oracular,
but which are mere political ignes fatui, insuring the decay
of those nations which adopt them.

Further. We are now " ripe" for the manufacture of
fine muslins, so far as the raw material, machinery, capi-
tal, skill, and cheapness of labour are concerned. But we
cannot compete with the superior capitals of the British
manufacturers, for want of adequate protection.

As this is a favourite dogma with the supporters of the
present withering policy of the country, and as thousands
of our citizens labour under the delusion of receiving it
with implicit faith, I think it time well employed to cor-
roborate the refutation of it arising from our own experience
by strong examples derived from that of Europe.

England, previously to the reign of the third and fourth
Edward, was " ripe" for the woollen manufacture, so far as
cheapness of labour and superabundance of the raw material
were concerned — and there was no deficiency of capital for
the establishment. According to the theory of our political
economists, that branch should have arisen there sponta-
neously, centuries before the reigns of those monarchs. But
their predecessors, persuaded, it is to be presumed, that
the day of '' ripeness''^ had not arrived, took no pains to
foster this industry; and hence England shipped great
quantities of her wool to Flanders, as we do of our cotton
to Europe — received it back in a manufactured state at an
advance of two, three, four, and five fold — employed the
poor, and supported the government, of the Belgic provinces
•—kept thousands of her own people partly unemployed or
wholly so, as paupers — and withered and blasted the nation-
al prosperity. The Edwards, wiser than their predecessors,
eaw that the ripeness depended on protection — ^they wisely
afforded that protection — the manufacture in consequence

i ^ )

prospered — they clothed their people with their own cloth—-
saved large sums to the country — induced numbers of va-
luable manufacturers to immigrate into England, with their
talents, their capitals, and their industry — and thus enhanc-
ed the national wealth, power, and resources, at the ex-
pense of a rival nation.

Ireland affords another illustration of this theory. Her
pasturage is second to none in the world. She raises large
flocks of sheep, and could raise treble the number. La-
bour is cheap. Capital is not deficient; but, if it were, it
might be had to any extent in Great Britain. She is there-
fore admirably calculated for the woollen manufacture,
and ought to be able, not merely to clothe her own popu-
lation, but now, as she enjoys a free trade, to export im-
mense quantities of woollen goods to this and other coun-
tries, where the market is open to her. But by a statement
now before me, it appears that though she exported in the .
year 1822, wool to a very considerable amount, she exported
no woollen goods whatever, and the chief part of her con-
sumption of fine and superfine cloths is derived from Great
Britain. Her manufacture is confined almost altogether to
coarse goods.

Third objection — Capital not so projitably employed in manu-
factures as in agriculture.

«

We are assured by the opposers of the legislative pro-
tection of manufactures, that capital employed in them is
not productive of so much national advantage as what is
invested in agriculture. This is a vital error, as will ap-
pear from the following comparison between the culture
and the manufacture of cotton. This culture and manufac-
ture are fair subjects of comparison, as they are among the
most profitable of their respective genera of industry, and
their results are more readily reducible to rule.

A company of negroes, seventy-five, young and /

old, will furnish 45, but say 50 working hands,
who, under every advantage of season and soil, may
average per annum, about 1000 lbs. of cotton each-,
equal on the whole to 50,000 lbs. This, at 15 cents
per lb. amounts to ' - .^ - ,. • - jg r,500

h!

(48 )

Fifty females, attending each two power looms,
and manufacturing 50 yards per day, produce in
the year 750,000 yards, which, at 11 cents per yard,
amount to - - - - - S 82,500

At four yards and a half to the pound, these
weavers consume about 166,600 lbs. of yarn, pro- '
duced out of 190,000 lbs. of raw cotton, which, at
15 cents, amount to - - - - 28,500

Net national gain - • - - 54,000

166,600 lbs. of yarn, at 28 cents per lb. amount to 46,480

Fifty persons, engaged in weaving, require 100 persons,
male and female, young and old, to perform the various
operations of blowing, carding, drawing, roving, stretching,
spinning, spooling, warping, dressing, and jobbing.

Thus it appears that 150 persons, most of whom, but for
the cotton manufacture, would be either partially employ-
ed, or wholly idle, save to the nation g 54,000 per annum,
or S 360 each — whereas 50 working negroes, encumbered
with 25 non-labourers, bring into the country only S 7,500,
or 55150 per head — or, if we take into view, as is perfectly
right, the whole 75^ it is only g 100.

At the above rate, 21 females in' Manchester, pay for the
proceeds of the labour of 50 able-bodied negroes, encum-
bered with 25 incapable of work from superannuation or
infancy.

The wages of the 150 persons, say 50 at 250
cents per week, and 100 at 175 cents, amount
to .---.. 815,600

of which probably one-half goes to enrich the
neighbouring farmers.

Such an establishment, moreover, affords em-
ployment to probably an equal number of persons
engaged in various handicraft occupations — but say
only 75, who, with the 150, make up 225 customers
to the neighbouring farmers for provisions, drink,
and fuel, at say 45 dollars per head, which amounts
to per annum --.... g 11,125

Those handicraft people afford a market to the

( 49 )

farmers for timber, hides, skins, &c. &c. which can
scarcely amount to less than, per annum - g 12,000

The importance of this point, will warrant devoting
a few lines more to it. Alexander Hamilton's views on it,
as indeed on every subject connected with political econo-
my, were singularly correct. He says —

" Manufacturinjj establishments ajhrd occasional and extra employment to
*Undu8triou8 individuals and famiUes, who are willing to devote the leisure
"resulting from the intermissions of their ordinary pursuits, to collateral la-
« hours, as a resource for multiplying their acquisitions or their enjoy-
" ments. The husbandman himself experiences a new source of profit and
« support from the increased industry of his tvife and daughters, invited and
« stimulated by the demands of the neighbouring manufactories."

I trust that these statements, which challenge a rigorous
investigation, fully prove that the idea of the inferiority of
manufacturing labour, especially when aided by machinery,
is the reverse of truth— as are the opinions of those who
regard the complete protection of manufactures not mere-
ly as indifferent but pernicious to the agriculturists. It is
scarcely possible to conceive of an error more destructive
to their interests or to national prosperity.

This is the theory. Now to the fact in confirmation.

Mr. Gallatin, in his report on manufactures, dated April
17, 1810, informs us that a cotton manufactory in Provi-
dence, R. I. gave employment to 178 persons, of whom 24
males, and 29 females, were within the establishment— and
50 males and 75 females at their respective homes. It is
highly probable, that the whole of the latter, and half at
least of the former, belonged to the families of the neigh-
bouring farmers.

It is well worth while to ponder on the effects of our
present system in a national point of view, the grand view
in which it will be regarded by real statesmen.
The United States ship to Europe 60,000 lbs. of

cotton, which, at 15 cents per lb. amount to jg 9,000

They receive in return 72,000 yards of cotton

goods at, suppose, an average of 12| cents per

i:i^ ^ 9,000

ihese 72,000 yards are produced out of 18,000 lbs. of
cotton wool. Thus, in the exchange between the United

t »•

. '

I

. I

( 50 )

States and Europe, the latter makes a clear gain of 42,000
lbs. out of 60,000.

It will be observed that I have taken the coarse cottons
into consideration. Had I predicated the calculation on
fine goods at 15, 20, 25, or 30 cents per yard, as perhaps I
ought to have done, it would have added greatly to the
force of the argument.

Some politicians have asserted, and even in print, that it
is of no consequence to the cotton planter, whether he sells
his cotton to his fellow citizens in Rhode Island, or to the
subjects of the powers of Europe. He, to whom it is indif-
ferent whether he enriches his fellow citizens, embarked in
the same vessel of state with him, who braved the dangers
of war in defence of their common country, and on whom,
in case of future wars, he must rely, or a foreigner who has
been and may be again an enemy — he who is regardless
whether he adds to the wealth, power, and resources of his
own country, or to those of a foreign nation — has yet to
study the duties of a good citizen, and ought to have no in-
fluence in the national councils. But even on the most
selfish principles, it is surely far better to have three mar-
kets than two,

\

Fourth objection — Abstraction of capital from agriculture and

commerce.

It is asserted that it is unsound policy to abstract capi-
tal from commerce and agriculture, and employ it in manu-
factures.*^ #

This objection has been reiterated times without num-
ber, and has passed current with too many of our citizens,
who are disposed to believe that all the capital of the coun-
try is fully and profitably employed. Nothing can be more
unfounded. The want of employment for capital is
manifest from the prices of our stocks. This day the
three per cents, are at 88, which is only 3.40 per cent.
There is not a person who frequents any exchange in the
United States, or who is in the smallest degree conversant
with our commerce, who, if candid, will not acknowledge
that there is not half employment for the mercantile capital
of the country, notwithstanding the lamentable diminution it

18 See note P,

( 51 )

>

has undergone since the war. And so far as regards agricul-
ture, the case is equally striking. Our population engaged
in that pursuit, was at the last census 8,022,319— and is now
about 8,500,000, of whom about 550,000, but say 650,000
are engaged in the culture of cotton. The surplus exports
of the remaining 7,850,000, during the last year, were only
22,200,1 19 dollars, or at the rate of about 282 cents per head.
No man, surely, will pretend that the supply of themselves
and about 2,000,000 of their fellow citizens, together with
such a pitiful surplus as this, can find employment for the
agricultural capital of the country, which, if we had free
access to the markets of Europe, could produce a surplus
of from 75 to 100,000,000 dollars per annum. I have al-
ready shown that in the year 1796, our surplus agricultural
exports amounted to above eight dollars per head of our en-
tire population.

Fifth Objection — To impose duties for the protection ofmanU'^

factures is unconstitutional.

That the power of imposing duties is by the constitution
limited to the object of raising revenue, and that therefore
to impose them for the protection of manufactures is uncon-
stitutional, has been asserted, with great confidence, by
leading members of congress — and more particularly by
some from Virginia. Colonel Taylor, the patriarch of this
school of politicians, has gone the length of declaring that
a duty of 25 per cent, on 840,000,000 of manufactures, is
S 10,000,000 robbed from the pockets of the agriculturists !

It is difficult to discuss such assertions seriously, as they
are in direct hostility with the uniform practice of the go-
vernment from the time of its organization till the present
hour.

The first congress, comprising a considerable proportion
of the members of the federal convention by which the con-
stitution had been recently framed, must of course have
been thoroughly acquainted with the intent and meaning of
Us provisions. The act which imposed the duties on im-
ports, was the second passed by that congress, and dis-
tinctly recognizes the principle of protecting duties. The

r' '.

■'■~\

ill

« -■■

\ ( 53 )

*

preamble is in these words, " Whereas it is necessary for
** the support of government — for the discharge of the
'* debts of the United States, and for the encouragement and
*^ protection of manufactures^ that duties be laid on goods,
*' wares and merchandize." It cannot be for a moment sup-
posed that such a provision would have been admitted into
this act, had there been any foundation for the consti-
tutional objection.

This ought to be conclusive, and it is astonishing that
gentlemen bred up to the bar, who should be well acquaint-
ed with the laws of their country, could, in the face of this
strong fact, commit themselves by such an untenable ob-
jection.

But this is far from the whole of the case. By the above
act, duties amounting to from 70 to 90 per cent, were im-
posed on snufF and tobacco, intended to be prohibitory, and
operating as such, in order to secure the domestic consump-
tion of tobacco to the planters of Maryland, Virginia, and
North Carolina. Yet a large portion of the members for those
states maintain the constitutional objection. Unless, however,
they can prove that there is something sacred in the cha-
racter of tobacco planters or in tobacco, which guarantees
them and it from the operation of constitutional objec-
tions, which are to be enforced against manufactures and
manufacturers, they must abandon this ground.
- It is almost superfluous to adduce any further facts on so
plain a case. But I shall trespass with one more. The act
above referred to, imposed, for the protection of merchants
concerned in navigation, duties on teas imported in foreign
vessels, which averaged 27 cents per lb. whereas those im-
ported in American paid but 12, being a difference of 125
per cent. What becomes of the constitutional scruple here ?

Sixth objection — Danger of Smuggling.

Among the objections to the legislative protection of ma-
nufactures by an increase of duties, the danger of smug-
gling and the consequent demoralization of our citizens, also
held a conspicuous place. On this subject the changes have
been rung from north to south, from east to west, and the

( 53 )

most serious alarm been excited among our citizens, many
of whom are too prone to receive confident assertions, as
equivalent to absolute proofs. Some of the arguments of the
members of congress, and many of those of pamphleteers
and newspaper writers, were well calculated to stimulate
our citizens to smuggling — and in every community there
are always individuals to be found, who rejoice in any plea
furnished them, to justify illicit proceedings, producing
undue gains. Who has forgotten the incitements and state-
ments of a similar character, during the prevalence of the
restrictive system and the war — and the advantage that
was taken by the unprincipled, of the encouragement thus
offered to them ?

In order to judge correctly on this subject, it is necessary
to examine the extent of the duties proposed by Mr. Tod's
bill, and to compare them with duties previously existing.
I shall confine myself to those on iron, iron wares, cottons,
woollens, cotton bagging, linens, and silks, being the prin- "
cipal articles, all the rest being comparatively unimportant.

The duties on ironmongery, in general, would average *
about 27 a 30 per cent. ; on iron in bars or bolts from Swe-
den, which supplies two-thirds of all we import, about 40
per cent. From their bulk there can be but little danger
of smuggling in those articles.

The only alteration proposed in the duties on cotton
goods, was on those below Z5 cents per square yard. All
above that price were to remain as formerly, subject to 25
per cent. Those below Z5 cents per square yard, were to
be rated at 35 cents, and to pay 25 per cent.'on that price.
The operation of this new duty would be confined almost
altogether to goods between 25 and :^5 cents per square
yard ; as the existing minimum square yard duty excluded
nearly the whole of those below the former price. It will be
readily admitted that this slight alteration afforded no
ground for the clamour on the subject of smuggling.

The additional duty on woollen goods, except those
worthless, low-priced articles, which it was proposed to
exclude altogether, was only five per cent.

Of the woollen goods intended to be excluded by the

i(

cc

(C

«

( 54 )

minimum square yard duty, Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, gave

the following accurate description to congress.

" During the last four years, manufactures have felt the evils of the sys-
"tem, under which agriculture and commerce had suffered for three years,
** under the accumulated pressure of hard times, and the burdens imposed
"on them, to sustain the manufacturing interest — but still more by the in-
** flux of foreign goods forced through your auctions. Yes, sir, by the impor-
« tations of fabrics of a very inferior qualiUj—W 001X.¥.^ GOODS M ANU-
"FACTURED LIKE SHEATHING PAPER, neither spim or -wove, but merely
*^ pasted together^ the remnants of old garments ^ picked up and manufactured ivith
«* as little expense as paper, and through the medium of your auctions brought into
competition xvith your manufactures, subject to no charges, except, perhaps, a
small ad valorem duty, and one fourth of one per cent, commissiofi to the auctioneer.
In this way the foreign manufacturer has been enabled to compete ivith your Ame^
rican manufacturers— and ALMOST ENTIRELY TO DESTROY THE
"MANUFACTURES OF COARSE WOOLLEN GOODS."

How far those members, whose votes prevented the ex-
clusion of this trash, consulted the national interests, I leave
to the world to decide. Let it be observed, that Mr. Foot
voted against the tariff.

The duty on cotton bagging at six cents per running
yard, would be about 38 per cent. The additional duty of
three cents per yard to countervail the British bounty,
would raise it to about 57 per cent.

The increase of duties on linens and East India silks,
was ten per cent, both recommended by the secretary of
the treasury, and the latter by the chamber of commerce
of New York.

Such are the duties generally, which were to entail on
the country a system of smuggling with all its demorali-
zation!! , . •

To a person unacquainted with the nature of the case, it
would appear, that our government, impressed with a hor-
ror of the dangers of smuggling, had cautiously avoided
high duties throughout its career — and that there was no
duty in the former tariff so high as those proposed in the
new one. For he would naturally conclude, that it would
be monstrous inconsistency, to raise such a clamour
against the imposition of duties, only equal to those
which had been in force for 15, 20, or 30 years. But what
would be his amazement to learn, that, with the excep-
tion of cottons between 25 and o5 cents per square yard;,

( 53 )

(those below 25 cents per square yard, I repeat, were al-
ready nearly excluded by the existing minimum square yard
duty) cotton bagging ; coarse woollens, which, on every prin-
ciple of justice and propriety, ought to be excluded ; and a
few other articles of little value j scarcely any of the duties
were one-third, and none of them one-half, of those im-
posed on Souchong tea, which pays a duty of 150 per
cent.? At such information he would be petrified with as-
tonishment—and say, what has been said one hundred
times before, that men in public bodies, will, without
hesitation, do things of which in their individual capaci-
ties they would be ashamed.

Brown sugar, bohea tea, and salt, necessaries of life, the ^
two first used almost wholly by the poor, are subject to du- '
ties respectively, 100, 120, and 180 per cent. The duty on
pepper is 50 per cent. — on wines from 75 to 100— and on spi-
rits, from 150 to 200. With such duties staring us in the
face, is it not, if possible, worse than " straining at gnats
and swallowing camels," to " make the welkin ring" with
. fearful outcries against the danger of smuggling from duties
25, 30, 35, or 40 per cent. — on cottons, woollens, iron, and
iron ware ? But it must not be disguised, and cannot be
denied, that the policy of our government from its organiza-
tion to the present time, has been so far unfriendly to the
manufacturers, that our duties have been almost uniformly
exorbitant on those articles not interfering with them, and,
with some exceptions, so light on manufactures, as to en-
courage importation, to the ruin from time to time of the
hopes of many hundreds of our valuable citizens.

While I am on this subject of high duties, I cannot re-
frain from noticing the deep solicitude in favour of the
poor, expressed by some of the members of congress, so far
as regards the duties on coarse cottons and woollens, used
chiefly by this class. Had these humane feelings led to
consistency of conduct, and to a proposition for a reduc-
tion of the duties on bohea tea, coarse brown sugar, and •
salt, they would be entitled to honour and applause. But .
lo and behold, the duties on bohea tea and salt were pass-
ed over without notice, and a motion to reduce the duty
on brown sugar to two cents per lb. (equal to about 66 per

( 56 )

cent, on the coarsest qualities) was " negatived" — and
" without a division ! ! ! !" Thus the poor cotton weaver
pays 100 per cent, on a bulky necessary of life, subject pro-
bably to 30 per cent, freight, for the protection of the
wealthy sugar planter, while he is refused a protection of
35 per cent, on a light fabric, subject to about 2 per cent*
freight !!!^9

Seventh Objection — The danger of provoking the wrath of
Great Britain^ so as to induce her to encourage the culture
of cotton in the Brazils^ in other parts of South America^
and in Egypt ^ and of tobacco in the Crimea,^''

Of all the objections to the protection of the manufac-
tures of the country, this is the most extraordinary and in-
defensible. It is an insult to the government of Great Bri-
tain as well as to the government of this country.

It is an insult to the British government to accuse it of
such impertinence and folly, as to attempt to intimidate our
government from making such internal regulations as it
may judge proper, to promote the national interest. And it is
surely a gross insult to our government, to suppose that it
could be deterred by such threats, if they were held out.

No nation ever carried on a more advantageous trade
with another than Great Britain does with us. She derives
more benefit from our commerce than Spain has ever done
from her colonies, rich as they are in gold and silver mines.
More than nine-tenths of all that Great Britain receives
from us are raw materials, for the employment of her sub*
jects. Notwithstanding her immense possessions in the
East and West Indies, which she supplies exclusively with
her manufactures ; and notwithstanding also her extensive
commerce with the continent of Europe, and with South
America ; our purchases are about a sixth part of her do-
mestic exports, which, in 1822, were 40,194,000/. or S 180,-
873,000, of which we received 832,914,971. Almost every
article we receive from her is elaborated to the highest de-
gree of perfection, labour constituting on the average pro-
bably two-thirds or three-fourths of the whole amount.

" See note Q.

st'See noteR.

( 67 )

Some idea may be formed of the nature of her trade bv

costs her but about 5,000,000/. or g 22.500,000-whereas
t^proceeds of the manufacture last year were g 243,000.-
000. Can we wonder, after due reflexion on these cir-
«nces, at the inordinate and increasing wealth of
Untd s"::;:?'"' ^'^ '""^^ depression throughout the

the?'f "r'"^ *'"' ^'" '^'"" '^^ '""^^'^^ "»ture of
the trade she carries on with us. ,

Imports into the United States from, and Exports to, Great

Britain^ for three years.

1821

1822
1823

Total

Imports.

S 24,400,954

32,914,971

23,031,440

S 80,347,365

Exports.
818,883,834
52,871,795
21,115,258

262,870,887

From the enormous losses on^rotton,' sustained in 1821
and 1822, u IS highly probable that the amount of our ex
port^nstead of 8 62,870,687, was not more than g 56,.
000,000 leaving a balance against us of S 24,000,000. Great
ITI ^/^^„!"^^^^7^> -^-ve a fifth part of our national
debt and millions of canal and other stocks, from which
she derives at least S 2,500,000 per annum.-

Let us examine this subject a little more narrowlv
Great Britain, as already stated, prohibits altogether ou;
bread-stuffs unless in danger of famine-^and even then sX
jects them to considerable duties. On the few articles she
condescends to receive from us, the duties are verv high-

Duty.

British
Sterling*,

Ashes, per cwt. . .

Rice, per cwt

Barrel staves, per M.
Pipe staves, per M. .
Hog-shead staves, per M
Tobacco, per lb. '.

I $ 6.00
$ 3.75
$ 24.00
$ 50.00
$ 36.00

[4 to 8 cents

• This article from Canada, pays only 1^. Sd.

/- Oil 2»=$ 2.48
L. 0 15 0 = $ 3.:^3
L. 3 16 8 =§^16.33
L. 10 00 0 =$44.44
L. 7 13 4 =^32.06
L. 4 =$00.88

8

2^ See note S,

, t

ler"

i

ii!

' t

( 58 )

Here is a curious state of things. Great Britain may and
does prohibit the staple on which half our population de-
pend—she may and does impose duties of 40, 68, 88, 90,
and 1480 per cent, on such of our productions as she receives
—and yet, American citizens, representing the United
States in the national legislature, are not ashamed to threat-
en their country with the resentment of Great Britain, if
she dare— what ? not retaliate prohibition by prohibition—
what then ? merely impose duties on British manufactures,
in common with the manufactures of all other nations, from
25 to 50 per cent. — the great mass of which are at or be-
low 30 per cent. ! ! ! On this subject comment is wholly un-
necessary.

The cultivation of cotton, do what we may, will advance
with gre^t rapidity, and overrun consumption, although the
latter is increasing. Low as the price is, it pays better at pre-
sent than most other agricultural productions — and can be
sold for cash. Peru, Chili, Buenos Ayres,the Colombian re-
public, and Egypt are entering the lists with our planters, and
will prove formidable competitors. Great Britain affords the
largest market and the surest money sales in the world ; and
therefore, without any effort on the part of her government
the article will seek that quarter, which will be constantly
glutted, and the prices as constantly depressed. Our sys-
tem absurdly and perniciously aids the depression by forc-
ing our farmers to become cotton planters, and thus in-
creasing the production. The case of tobacco, except the
very fine qualities, is still more unpromising. The con-
sumption does not materially increase — but the production
is extending far and wide. Canada has become a compe-
' titor.

How immensely different the conduct of the British go-
vernment from that of the United States ! With what un-
ceasing and parental solicitude it watches over the interests
and protects the industry of all its subjects ! It shuts out
every thing which could interfere with either. Of this
we have a most striking case at the present hour, as re-
gards its agricultural population. The importation of fo-

( 59 )

reign bread-stuffs for consumption in Great Britain is pro-
hibited, until the prices average as follows :

Wheat per quarter 70s. and rye, 46^.

Exclusive of large quantities of Hour, there are now stored
under bond in Great Britain 640,000 bushels of wheat, a con-
siderable part of which has lain there for above a year— not
one grain of which will be allowed to be consumed in the Bri-
tish dominions. The average of the six weeks immediately
preceding the 15th of May, was 64*. 7d. per quarter,
or 8*. Id. equal to gl 78^ cents per bushel. Wheat
in our markets is about Sl.05 to Si. 15 : so that had we
the privilege of supplying the British markets, it would .
make a difference, in favour of the consumer, of about 30 *
to 35 per cent: and, according to the principle of buying
where produce or manufactures can be had cheapest. Great
Britain ought to allow us to feed some of those manufac-
turers who labour for us. But she scouts this policy, and
extends the aegis of legislative protection to the agriculturist
equally with the manufacturer.

Let it be carefully noted, that even when the price of
wheat rises to 70s. or Si 5.33 per quarter, and when the im-
portation of our wheat is permitted, it is subject to a duty
of 17s. per quarter for the first three months, and 12*.
afterwards.

A fact respecting the British corn laws, which sheds
strong light on this subject, and reflects the highest credit
on the policy of Great Britain, deserves particular atten-
tion. Formerly the minimum average price of wheat for
six weeks, at which the importation of foreign wheat for
domestic consumption was allowed, was 80*. perj quarter.
From the appearance of the harvest in 1817, there was
every reason to believe, that the price would overrun this
average, and of course that the ports would be opened.
This idea was distinctly held out by the Liverpool mer-
chants. Accordingly great exportations took place to
Great Britain. Contrary, however, to all calculation, the
average was only 79*. 7d. In consequence the ports were
closed — a large portion of the shippers ruined — and the
prospects of our farmers blighted. So critically nice the

# •

r..',^

'W- ■'

«

( 60 )

calculations'—so parental the care of the British govern-
ment over the welfare of its subjects ! When shall we see
the same anxiety, the same solicitude, the same fostering
care displayed by the government of the United States !

In placing before you, fellow citizens, these important
features of British policy, so profound and so creditable to
her statesmen, and so certain a means of promoting na-
tional wealth, I have two objects in view. One, to show
the striking contrast between the system of Great Britain
and that of the United States, and the other, to prove what
erroneous opinions have been broached, in and out of
Congress, on the subject of " cutting the cords that tie
down commerce to the earth."

Four years have elapsed, since a public document, pre-
sented to Congress, very confidently stated, that

** The statesmen of the old world, in admiration of the success of our policy / are
relaxing the rigour of their own systems ! and yielding themselves to the ra-

** tional doctrine, that national wealth is best promoted by a free interchange

** of commodities J upon principles of perfect reciprocity /'*

The idea here held out, has been re-echoed in news-
papers and pamphlets, and speeches in Congress, and by
orators out of Congress, one hundred times. We are as-
sured, and by citizens of the highest respectability, that
Great Britain is repealing her restrictive system as fast and
as far as practicable — and that if we enact such a system,
we shall disgracefully adopt the discarded and reprobated
policy of Europe.

Now, however, extraordinary it may appear, it is indu-
bitably true, that these assertions are entirely destitute of
foundation. No such measures have been adopted. I do
not accuse the gentlemen in question of wilful errors. I
feel confident they believe what they state. But their
belief does not at all affect the question. They are called
upon to disprove, by substantial facts, the following aver-
ment— that so far as regards the internal consumption of fo-
reign produce^ raw materials excepted^ or foreign manufac-
tures^ no relaxation whatever worth notice has taken place in
Great Britain within the last ten years, I need not add that
this is all that concerns the question of the tariff. The re-
laxations of her colonial system, or of her navigation laws,
belong to a totally different subject.

( 64 )

In a preceding part of this address, I have stated the
high duties on the chief articles received from this coun-
try m Great Britain. I now annex a list of the duties that
are actually in force on other articles— duties enacted so
late as 1819.

JPer cent ^ »»

Hides .... 7«ii>PfK^'L • ■ • -17^'

JLeather. or manufactures whereof \ ^'"*^''°^'' P*-" «=*'• ^-S-S-C !•

leather is the principal part 7s\

Fifty or sixty enumerated, and all non-enumerated, articles. My t>er
cent. ! ! / ' jj a r^'

How can gentlemen, with these facts before them-facts

of public notoriety-how can they, I sav, descant on the

Jree interchange of commodities upon the principles of per-

feet reciprocity^ and on the discarding of the restrictions

of Great Britain ? Where are we to look for the " recipro-

" cjf J/" here ? , ^

But these examples were unnecessary for the disproof of
the assertions thus confidently made. The case of the ex-
elusion of our bread-stuffs, on which I have already fully
dilated, would be sufficient to set this question at rest for
ever. Great Britain never imported in any one year as
much flour as would supply her population for three weeks.
Consequently the whole amount she could receive from us
were her ports unlimitedly open to our bread-stuffs, would*
be unimportant, and could not materially affect her agricul-
turists. And if she were disposed toadmit " a free exchange
oj commodttzes upon principles of perfect reciprocity ," this
would be a favourable opportunity of making a commence-
ment. ■

She is, it is true, about to change her system with re-
spect to the silk manufacture. But the change does not
bear out our citizens in the statements which I have quot-
ed. By absolute prohibitions of silk goods of all descrip- .
tions, she has brought the manufacture to complete perfec- '

city for $S' *''"' '''''^"* *" * ^""'^ ''^'^'""' * ^^P'^ *=*'• " »°Win this

• .

'•

» »

( 63 )

tion, so as to be enabled to compete with the French and
Italians in their own markets. She therefore no longer re-
quires prohibitions, which are to be repealed, but not until
$he year 1826 — so cautious is she to guard the industry of
her citizens from foreign competition. And even when the
prohibition is abrogated, the duties are to be nearly prohi-
bitory— plain silk goods are to pay S2.88 — and figured
S4.44 per lb. All other silk goods and silk shoes are to pay
30 per cent, ad valorem. Such is the extent to which she
** cuts the cords which tie commerce to the earth," so far
as regards this species of goods, the only kind that has
been as yet brought into consideration. And in order to af-
ford adequate compensation to the manufacturers of silks,
she has reduced the duties as follows. Raw silk from the
East Indies in future, instead of 4$. per lb. is to pay only
^d.; from China and Italy, instead of 5$. 6d. to pay 6d.;
* and from the Brazils, instead of 14*. to pay 7s. 6d.

Friends and Fellow Citizens^
The subject I undertook to discuss is almost inexhausti-
ble, and is but slightly broached in this address. But it
is, I feel, time to draw to a close. I had written
much more — but fearing to trespass on your patience,
I omit the residue, and here conclude, hoping that I
have proved, that the policy pursued by this government
has the most withering influence on the prosperity of the
country — that there is an identity of interests between the
two great branches of human industry, the creation of the
rude produce of the soil, and the moulding and fashioning
. that produce for the comfort and convenience of mankind
, —that it is impossible to depress the latter, without inflict-
ing severe injury on the former — and that none but an ene-
my of both, will ever attempt to separate their interests, or
to excite jealousy or hostility between the great classes de-
voted to those all-important objects.

(End of the address as delivered.)

( 63 )

^ The extreme length of the address, as originally -written,
induced the speaker to omit the latter part of it, which, in or-
der to render it complete, and to lay the whole subject before
i the reader, is annexed in the shape of an

APPENDIX.

• * '

In every stage of this investigation, we find a striking
contrast between our policy and that of all the celebrated
statesmen of Europe of past and present times, the Edwards
tfie Walsinghams, the Sullys, the Colberts, the Frederics, and
those who now rule the destinies of Great Britain, France,
and Russia, and are laying the foundations of their pros-
perity on the most solid basis. Either the whole mass of them
were and are utterly destitute of wisdom and sound policy*
or our system is radically and incurably unsound. There'
IS no other alternative. Those statesmen fostered and pro-
tected, and these still continue to foster and protect nascent
manufactures, by bounties, premiums, loans, immunities
and prohibitions of, or prohibitory duties on, rival arti'
cles. How different the conduct of our government! Many
of our manufactures have arisen to maturity, by the na-
tive energy of our citizens, unaided by bounties, premi-
ums, loans, or, except in the case of coarse cottons, and
two or three other articles, by prohibitory duties. But
alas! from time to time, our government, a republic, ema-
natmg from, responsible to, and paid by, the people, be- *
holds them prostrated, their proprietors bankrupted, and
the national wealth impaired, without the least interfer-
ence m their defence. Every effort to save them from
rum, is combated with as much zeal and ardour, as if it
were an attempt to rob the rest of the community. I shall "
produce but one or two out of a score of instances. In the '
depressed and ruinous state of the woollen manufacture, as .
already stated, every motive of justice, humanity, and sound
national pohcy, called upon congress to afford this import-

'.4'
J ■

I •

'i

( 64 ) ,

ant branch decisive and powerful protection. But what has
been done for it at the last session ? It is wholly unim-
portant, and will have scarcely any effect. After a long
struggle, an addition of five per cent, was made to the
existing dutj^, for one year, and three per cent, more af-
terwards ! ! at the same time, contrary to every principle
of sound policy, the raw material was burdened with an
additional duty of five per cent, and with progressive du-
ties from twenty to fifty per cent. \^^ '

To this let me add the case of pottery and stone ware.
Extensive manufactories of those articles were established
during the war, and were carried on successfully, to the
advantage of the country, and the emolument of the under-
takers. Produced from a raw material otherwise entirely
worthless, these manufactures were entitled to peculiar pro-
tection— and their bulk was a sufficient guard against smug-
gling, the bugbear so constantly held out to terrify the na-
tion from any increase of the duties on manufactures. Mr.
Dallas in his tariff reported a duty of 30 per cent, which
might have saved from ruin this branch of industry, which
costs the country about g 1,100,000 per annum. The duty
was reduced to 20 per cent.— -and in consequence, the ma-
nufacture was almost entirely ruined.

I proceed to consider the effects of our policy, as regards
immigrants and immigration. Wise governments have uni-
formly encouraged the immigration of talented foreigners
into their territories, as a source of wealth and power.
History is replete with instances of the immense advan-
tages which have been derived from this system. The
wicked and impolitic repeal of the edict of Nantes, drove
some hundreds of thousands of Hugonot artists, manufac-
turers, and mechanics, from France, to enjoy the precious
and inalienable right of worshipping God, according to the
dictates of their consciences. They were received with
open arms in every part of Europe to which they fled for
.refuge. They amply repaid the kindness and hospitality
they experienced, by imparting to England, Holland, and
Germany, various arts which had before been confined to

» See note T.

• ' ♦ * •

( 65 )

France. They either introduced or greatly improved some
ot those arts and manufactures, which have since mainly
contributed to elevate Great Britain to the towering height
where she stands, the wonder and envy of the world, so far
as substantial power and resources are concerned-and
recently the arbitress of its destinies.

If such has been the policy as regards immigration— if
such have been its salutary effects with nations thickly peo-
pled-how much more powerful the inducements, as appli-
cable to the United States, whose population bears so small a
proportion to its territory ? There is in fact no country in
the world, except perhaps Russia, which is so strongly im-
pelled by sound policy, to promote immigration as the
United States.

whf k'^ '';. moreover, no country in the civilized world, ,.
which could hold out such great inducements to foreigners '
to emigrate from their own country-none which might
so readily be rendered what it was once styled-" an asy-
lum for the oppressed of all nations"-none after which fo-
reigners yearn so ardently-and none to which they would
more readily transfer themselves.

Were manufactures adequately protected, and the coun- "
try prosperous, as it would be in that case, there cannot be
a doubt that every year would add at least 30,000 to our popu-
lation, with all their talents, their wealth, and their industry.

As this number will probably appear extravagant, it may
be proper to state the data on which it is predicated, which
1 trust, will remove all doubt on this point. '

From statements in the Weekly Register, the editor of
which IS remarkably attentive to such subjects, it appears
that in the week ending Aug. 16, 1816, between 12 and 1500
passengers arrived in New York, Philadelphia, and Balti-
more-and in the next week, ending August 23, there ar-
rived 1354, in 23 vessels, besides several in two vessels, of
Which the numbers were not stated. - " «

According .to Dr. Seybert, there arrived in ten ports of
the United States, in the year 1817, no less than 22,240
passengers, which number, however, included citizens, as
well a^_ foreigners. The number of citizens could not hav.

, V

«H

•

9

• •

^ . ^

'k;

( 66 )

been very considerable ; whereas of foreigners, great num-
bers, not registered, arrived by land and otherwise, from
the British North American colonies, far more, in all proba-
bility, than the number of citizens who were registered.

By a return made by the mayor of New York, it appears,
that, from the 2d of March, 1818, till December 11, 1819,
being little more than 21 months, there were entered at his
office 18,929 foreign passengers, of whom 16,093 were
British subjects. On close attention to the subject, he de-
clared his conviction, that these were but two-thirds of
those who had arrived within that time. According to this
calculation, the aggregate was about 28,500, or at the rate
of 16,000 per annum. Supposing that only an equal num-
ber arrived in all the other ports, it would make the num-
ber 32,000. But let it be observed, that, according to Dr.
Seybert's statement, above quoted, the number who arrived
in New York in 1817, was only one-third of the whole. Ac-
cording to which rate, I might assume 48,000 per annum
in 1818 and 1819.

Ten thousand immigrants lately arrived in Upper Cana-
da in one season—of whom, very probably, four-fifths
would have come to the United States, had they had a
prospect of advantageous employment.

These data will certainly bear me out in the assumption
of 30,000 per annum .

The number has been reduced of late vefy low; because
thousands who had arrived in this country, at a gr^at
sacrifice of time and money, found they had not bettered
their situation, and that it was difficult and scarcely possi-
ble for them to procure employment at their regular occu-
pations. Of those thus disappointed, such as had means to
pay their passage, returned home, and spread unfavourable
accounts of the country, whereby the spirit of emigration
was nearly annihilated. The National Journal states the
number of foreign passengers in 1823, from official docu-
ments, at only 6417, of whom it calculates that 1700 have
returned, reducing the number who remained to about
4,700. - .

It is a disheartening truth, th%t in a country capable of

( ey )

maintaining one hundred times its present population, there
are too many of almost every class-too many farmers-
too many planters— too many merchants-too many lawyers
-too many doctors-and too many of nearly every kind
of manufacturers and mechanics. Hence there is no en-
couragement whatever to immigration. This arises from our
atizens being wholly precluded by foreign supplies, from
so many branches of business and such various occupations,
that all the others are crowded. There can be no truth
more clear than this, that the greater the variety of occu-
pations m a community, the greater the scope for ingenuity
and talent, the greater the reward for industry, and the
higher the grade of individual and general prosperity.

I venture on an estimate of the advantages to be de-
rived from an immigration of 20,000 persons annually for
ten years, supposing their labour to add to the national
wealth only a quarter dollar per day, on an average-and
supposing them to bring into the country at the rate of 50
dollars each :—

First year
Second year
Third year
Fourth year -
Fifth year
Sixth year
Seventh year -
Eighth year
Ninth year
Tenth year

Total

No. of im-
migrants in
the country

20,000

40,000

60,000

80,000

100,000

120,000

140,000

160,000

180,000

200,000

VaUie of
labour.

1,560,000

3,120,000

4,680,000

6,240,000

7,800,000

9,360,000

10,920,000

12,480,000

14,040,000

15,600,000

Specie im-
ported.

$
1,000,000
1,000,000
1,000,000
1,000,000
1,000,000
1,000,000
1,000,000
1,000,000
1,000,000
1,000,000

_85,800,00U I 10,000,000

If we suppose each individual immigrant to be worth to
the state, 300 dollars, which is a low estimate, the whole
would amount to the sum of 860,000,000.

It has been very gravely asserted' that this country is
peculiarly calculated for agriculture, and that while it pos-
sesses so much vacant land, it is impolitic to take any mea-
sures to accelerate the growth of manufactures. There are
nevertheless reasons in favour of fostering manufactures here

, • ?

<•

( 68 )

which do not exist to the same extent in G. Britain or France.
Although the United States are as highly blest with the means
of carrying on an extensive internal communication as any
nation in the world, yet a very large portion of our terri-
tory is, and must for an age remain remote from the advan-
tages of navigation, and, without the encouragement of ma-

, nufactures, can never fully avail itself of the bounties of
nature, lavished with a liberal hand. Such is the situation
of extensive regions in Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee, and
the interior of Pennsylvania, and Virginia, which are 70,
80, 100 miles from any navigable stream, and 4 or 500
miles from the Atlantic. Whereas, there are few parts of
England more than 20, and of France more than 30 miles

' > from the means of communicating with that ocean.

On the 12th of June, the sale of flour at New Orleans was
dull at S 4.20 to 4.75. Deduct the expense of transportation
from parts of Kentucky remote from navigation, and this
price will not pay the expense of cultivation.

It is the part of wisdom to profit by the errors and mis-
fortunes of others — of the reverse of wisdom, not to profit
by one's own. We have had ample and dear-bought expe-
rience to warn us against the deleterious consequences of our
present policy — but it appears in vain. I have already touch-
ed on the consequences of our extravagant, uncontrolled im-
portations in 1 783 and 4. A bare glance at those produced by
a similar course in 1815 and 16 is enough. They are too
fresh in the memory of the many who suffered, and of the
few who profited by their sufferings, to require detail. But
I request your attention to the period from the orgamza-
• tion of our government to the close of the late war.

From the year 1789 till the year 1812, a period of 23 years,
this country enjoyed a peace interrupted only by the short
contest of a few months with France. During a large portion
of the time, our commerce flourished. Our farmers had
sure markets and high prices for their produce. Our states-
men, believing that we were not " rifyefor manufactures," be-
stowed no pains to foster or protect them. But the native en-
ergy of our citizens overcame all difficulties so far as regard-
ed most of the manufactures depending on manual labour,

( fi9 )

with which they supplied the home demand, as hats shoes
Buttl' carriages, books, types, and a vaHety of '^t !
to^,^ ''^V"-™P°"^"^ «"'-!" of clothing, woollens, cot-
tons, and Imens, we were bafiled completely. We were al-
most altogether clothed by Great Britain. Vhat wl the
consequence ? • Just previous to the commencement of the
bllnkT' *''f ."^*'°"-.°"^^d a tribute to the Indians of 6000
blankets, which she was unable to furnish. She was cut off
from Bntish supplies by the non-intercourse law: and by
her previous withering.policy, was rendered unable to ^ro^
duce them from her own resources ! The destitution of these

on the part of the secretary of war, to repeal the non-inter^

tain . . 1 his single fact is sufficient to determine the perni-
"ous character of the misguided policy which placed a
powerful enterprising, and industrious nation in such a

leasTroto^roT? r' ''' '"* '^'^ ^° ^°"^ ^ p--^' -^

least 10 000,000 of dollars annually for clothing, which our
own citizens could have furnished.

were^thelff '" 'T ''' "^°^' °' *'^ ^^'^- ^o intense
we e the sufferings of our soldiers in the war on the north-
western frontier, for want of adequate clothing, that it is
confidently asserted, and with every appearance of trutJ '
tha as many of them, in a certain stage of the war, feric- '
.ms^to^he inclemency of the weather, as by the arms of

a Jni! n^' '" ^^ '" ''^'""^ ^^"°" '^ «"«• statesmen,
gainst the danger and folly of trusting to foreign supplies

for the essential articles of clothing. But the fesson was

entirely lost upon them at the close of the war Thev

rnerfr'.' ''"'''"; °'^'°^^ ^^^^ ^^-^ embarked "their II

n establishments to furnish the nation with clothing during

the^war, to be ruined for want of protection on th! return'

the^^nltr'^T '7"' ''^''" ^''" '"^'•^ deplorable, as regards
the national safety, remains to be stated. Notwithstanding

o .

>■;- '

^'^See note V.

^ *•,

Ml

( 70 )

all our immense advantages, so long possessed, our trea-
sury was completely bankrupt in about two years ! And
the utmost the government was able to raise by imposts,
taxes and excises, during the whole war, of 30 months, was
. S 35,642,448 !— by loans, at usurious rates, 845,172,581!
— ^nd, to make up the balance of the expenses of the war,
recourse was had to the issue of exchequer bills, to the
amount of S 17,227,280, which depreciated in the hands of
the public creditors, 8, 10, and even 12 per cent. ! This was
the calamitous situation of a nation, in the vigour of its
youth, which in its infancy had maintained a struggle with
the power of Great Britain for seven years — a nation a
large portion of whose resources had been squandered to
support foreign industry for the preceding twenty-three
years. — The history of the world presents no instance of a
nation with so many and such transcendant blessings, ex-
hibiting such a state of financial decrepitude in the same
short space of time.

It is worth while to devote a few moments to the consi-
deration of our prospects in the event of being involved
in another war, a contingency of which a wise statesman
ought never to lose sight. As our government depends for
revenue almost altogether on impost, contrary to the uni-
versal practice of other nations, a war would at once cut
off the chief part of our resources. Thus this instrument
of finance, like a treacherous friend, will always desert us
in our greatest need. We should be obliged to recur to
direct taxes, excises, and loans. And it is a most melan-
choly truth, that our citizens, with the exception of a few
capitalists, are now far less able to support the necessary
burdens, being generally in much more depressed circum-
stances, than they were in 1812. Of this no doubt can re-
main, on a view of the statements of the situation of the
country, as given by various members of congress, and
quoted in a preceding part of this address. And if our trea-
sury became bankrupt in 1814, and the resources of the go-
vernment were exhausted in so short a space, what a me-
lancholy prospect presents itself to our view in the event of
a future war? . • . . ,^ . . , -.

( 71 )

In order duly to appreciate our policy and its unfortu-
nate effects, It may be proper to take a view of the result
of the Bntish policy, diametrically opposite to ours. Our
duties are, with few exceptions, calculated to encourage im-
portation of foreign manufactures, which depress and crush
our domestic industry. The duties of Great Britain are
regulated so as to exclude every thing with which she can
supply herself. I have shown the effect of ours in a war of
30 months. Now let us see the result of her's in a war of
above twenty years. " The tree is known by its fruit '»

«fn,T^"*^'° ™''''* '^"""S that war no less than

87,038,000,000, of which 84,653,000,000 were by impost

direct taxes and excises-and the remainder by loans. '

Her subjects felt this enormous taxation less than our

citizens did our very light taxes. Her subsidies to foreim

powers amounted to g 247,500,000.

If the contrast during the war was so striking, it is no

less so at present. She has remitted within the last two
years, taxes to the amount of 828,237,500; has an annual
surplus of 8 22,500,000, with wbich she has established an
efficient sinking fund; and has paid off a very large amount
of her national debt. She has been enabled to reduce
8697,500,000 of her debt from 5 to 4 per cent -and
8 310,000,000 of 4 per cents, to 3|. Her domestic exports
are annually increasing in amount. Her manufactures are
extending astonishingly. Her exports of cotton goods
which in 1820 were 8 74,750,000, were in 1823, 8 99,000,!
000 She draws wealth from every quarter of the world
with which she has intercourse, so that she has probably
at this hour more specie than half Europe and the whole
of the United States. Her merchants are the general
bankers of all the distressed governments of the nfw and
od world. Loans have been made, or instalments paid
d^ing the last year, in London, to the amount of ^50,-
000,000 or 8 225,000.000.- A loan of a fifth part of the saL
to any foreign nation would reduce all the banks in the
United States to bankruptcy.

Having already glanced at the actual situation of this

"* Sec note W,

.rt

(, 73 )

country^ I shall confine myself here to a brief retrospect. la
the sixth year of peace, our revenue having fallen short, it,
was proposed to have recourse to an excise. But it was
formally declared by a committee of the House of Represen-;-.

^ tatives of the United States, that " the imposition of an ex^
** cise in that season of extreme distress^ would be unwise^"^
and that " if imposed it would be difficult to collect^ and^ if coU ■
** lected^ it would^ in some parts of the union^ be in paper little a

- ^^ available y In the year 1822, our government made an
attempt to convert jg 8,000,000 of 7 per cents, and S 18,000- .
000 of 6 43er cents into fives, irredeemable for fifteen years

• — but were unable to effect it. Our sinking fund has been
absorbed and sunk into oblivion. And we have had, after
five years of peace, to borrow S 8,000,000 to meet the exi-
gencies of the government!

What a glorious triumph the preceding facts furnish for
the British policy, as regards national resources ! What a
heart-rending contrast our affairs exhibit !— Can a policy
producing such blighting consequences, be other than dele-
terious ? . /

I beg attention to one more strong and striking con-
trast between our policy and that of Great Britain. The
manufacturers of that country are constantly struggling
to engross the supply of foreign markets. In this they
are aided by the government and the merchants, the for-
mer of whom regard manufactures as the most certain basis
on which to erect the edifice of national prosperity. The
latter regard the interest and prosperity of the manufac-
turers as identified with their own. Our manufacturers
have to struggle— not for foreign markets, from nearly all
of which they are excluded. No. Their struggle is for
a share of the domestic market — for the supply of their
own fellow citizens — and this struggle they are obliged to
maintain with very unequal odds, not only with the foreign
manufacturers and merchants, but with their own govern-
ment and their own merchants— the latter of whom have,
from the commencement of the government to the present
hour, resisted every serious attempt to protect their fellow
citizens from the overwhelming competition of foreign

( 73 )

rivals— and the former has uniformly regarded them with
jealousy !

Whatever high degree of talents, individual members of
congress may possess, it is to be presumed that there scarcely
can be found a man among them, who, in those moments when
self love leads us to appreciate our intellectual powers, at their
utmost value, could fondly flatter himself that his opinions
should have more weight with this nation than those of
Franklin, Jefferson, and Hamilton, three of the most highly
gifted men who have figured in the American annals, whose
sentiments are clear and decisive on this subject, and who*
pronounce the strongest condemnation of the system we pur-
sue. Out of the numerous maxims of those illustrious men,
I shall quote a few, and trust that their cogency will set-
tle the minds of those who are wavering on this impor-
tant subject— confirm those who advocate a change in our
policy— and induce those who are opposed to that change,
to reconsider the subject, laying aside, as far as practicable^
inveterate prejudices.

I commence with Thomas JeflPerson, whose early opinions
on the subject have been often quoted against the protec-
tion of manufactures.

(C

it

Where a nation imposes high duties on our productions, or prohibits them
altogether, it may be proper for us to do the same by their s^Jirst burdening or
'* excluding those productions ivluch they bring here in competiHon -with our oian
" of the same kind ; selecting next such manufactures as ive take from them in
'* greatest quantity, and -which at the sametime we could the soonest furnish to our^
« selves, or obtain from other countries ; imposing on them duties hght at
«* first, but heavier and heavier afterwards, as other channels of suddIv
"open."24 ^^^

Next appears Alexander Hamilton, a tower of strength
on this subject.

" There appear strong reasons to regard the foreign demand for our surplus '
"produce as too uncertain a reliance, and to desire a substitute for it, in an
" extensive domestic market."26

" Manufacturers, who constitute the most numerous ciass, after the culti-

r » •

* • • ' f . ■ y. .

I

25 Jefferson's Report on the Privileges and Restrictions of the Commerce
of the United States in Foreign Countries.
2«Hamilton'sReport, p. 35. ^ \ .''■ v . ■

10

•' 'i

w

( 74 )

*' VJitors of land, are for that reason the principal consumer* of the surplus
« of their labour."27

♦* This idea of an extensive domestic market for the surplus produce of
"the soil is of the first consequence. // is, of all things, that -which most ef-
**fectually conduces to a fouriahing state of agriculture.**^^

" The establishment of manufactures is calculated not only to increase
** the general stock of useful and productive labour ; but even to improve
" the state of agriculture in particular; certainly to advance the interests of
•* those who are engaged in it."29

" Though last, not least in favour," Dr. Franklin : —

«' Foreign luxuries, and needless manufactures, imported and used in a
«* nation, increase the people of the nation that furnishes them, and diminish the
•* people of the nation that uses them."^

«* Laws, therefore, that prevent such importations, and, on the contrary,
** promote the exportation of manufactures to be consumed in foreign coun-
" tries, may be called, (with respect to the people that make them,) gene-
" rative laws, as, by increasing subsistence, they encourage marriage."^^

** Such laws, likewise, strengthen a nation doubly, by increasing its own
*^ people, and diminishing its neighbours. "32

I shall to these strong and pointed maxims, add the sen-
timents of one of the most able political economists of Eu-
rope, Anderson, who wrote a celebrated treatise on the pro-
motion of national industry.

" No earthly method remains for encouraging agriculture, where it has
«* not reared up its head, that can be considered in any way efficacious, but the
" establishing proper manufactures in those countries you wish to encourage **^^

« If a manufacture be established in any rich and fertile country by con-
evening a number of people into one place, who must all be fed by the farmei^,
" witliout interfering with any of his necessary operations, they estabUsh a
« ready market for the produce of Ju3 fai^i, and thus throw mo?iey into Iiis hands,
*• and give spint and energy to his culture."^

" Insurmountable obstacles lie in the way of a farmer in an unimproved
« country, who has nothing but commerce alone to depend upon for provid-
" ing a market for the produce of his farm.'*35 ' •

The case of Hamilton, as I have observed on various oc-
casions, is peculiarly strong and striking. He was the ac-
knowledged leader of a powerful party, and, as such, at-
tracted a ten-fold share of the hostility of its adversaries,
at a period when party spirit raged with extraordinary vio-
lence. Of the manufacturers throughout the United States,

27 Hamilton's Report, p 35.

30 Franklin, iv. p. 189. 3i i\y\^^

*3 Anderson on Industry, p. 70.

28 Ibid.

29 Ibid.

nine-tenths were jealous of him, and hostile to his politics.
His associations were chiefly among, and of course his
bias leaned towards, the mercantile corps. He could not
consequently be suspected for a moment of being led
astray to favour the views of his political enemies. His
maxims in favour of manufactures, are therefore entitled
to the highest degree of attention. Had he declared him-
self averse to their protection, there might be some reason
to suspect him of being biassed by resentment for the hos-
tihty of the manufacturers, and by his predilection in favour
of the commercial interest. This able statesman directed
all the energies of his powerful mind to this great subject,
m pursuance of a requisition of congress. He availed him-
self of the knowledge of all the writers who had gone be-
fore him, and embodied in a small volume the collected
wisdom of ages, one of the proudest monuments of practi-
cal policy which the world has ever produced. That this is
not extravagant panegyric, will not be controverted by any
man who reads it with due attention, and with a mind un-
trammelled by plausible but deleterious theories, fraught
with the ruin of those countries which are deluded into
their adoption. Tested by the experience of the prosperous
as well as the wretched nations of Europe, his maxims
stand the severest scrutiny.

I well know how unpopular many of those sentiments are
with a large portion of my hearers, and of this community—
as well as the odium that always attaches to those who en-
counter public prejudices. These considerations have
great weight, and would be sufficient to impose silence on
me in any cause of minor magnitude. But convinced that
the " wealth, power, and resources" of the nation, as well as
individual prosperity and happiness, are deeply interested
m the question, I could not for a moment hesitate to pur-
sue my course under all the responsibility with which it is
connected.

*- ^f ..

ri'

.. ..I

^

• I

• \ U

. r

32 Ibid.

« Idem, 37,

35 Ibid.

MUTILATED TEXT

NOTES.

Note A. page 13.
The statement in the text, however incredible, is borne out by the decla-
ration of Mr. P. P. Barbour, who ranks among the foremost opposers of the
protection of manufactures—" Within a few years Great Britain, after suc-
"cessively relaxing the rigour of her double colonial monopoly in her West
"India Islands, has extended the system of free-ports to almost all those
"islands; and the Uriited States are now enabled to import that colonial produce
** in their o-wn ships instead ofreceivins^ it imported in British ships only** Mr.
Barbour's speech, page 27. When such men as Mr. Barbour fall into such
egregious errors on so plain a subject, can we wonder at the mistakes of our
legislation P

Note B. page 16, and Note R. page 56.

" If we must not purchase the manufactures of Great Britain, the latter
•* will not purchase our cotton, rice, or tobacco."

" I appeal to men conversant with the subject, that she can Supply her-
"self m half a dozen or ten years elsewhere ; with rice from the East Indies,
" cotton from Brazil, and tobacco from the Crimea, She does not, because
** she purchases the raw material with the produce of her own warehouses :
" and the trade is mutually gainful."— /wd[§-e Cooper*s Tract on the Alteration
of the Tariff, p. 14.

" The United States must prepare to see the East Indies, the Brazils, the
•* Black Sea, every quarter of the habitable globe, stimulated by bounty to
" itself and by restrictions upon us, to take our place in the markets of Eu-
" rope and to leave those commodities [cotton and tobacco] upon our hands !"
— PhiladelpUa Memorial,

Note C. page 18.

" Goods ivere imported to a much greater amount than could be consutned or paid
*ifor** — Minot's History of the Insurrection in Massachusetts, p. 2.

" On opening their ports, an imme\'^9 quantity of foreign merchandise was
" introduced into the countinj, and they were tempted by the sudden cheapness of
'imported goods, and by their own wants, to purchase beyond their capacities
"for payment.'*— Jlfars/ifl/'s Life of Washington, V.p. 75.

" Silver and gold, which had circulated largely in the latter years of the war,
" were returning by the usual course of trade, to those com iries, whence large
" quantities of necessary and unnecessary commodities had been imported," Bel-
knap's History of New Hampshire, II. p. 356.

** The usual means of remittance by articles the growth of the country, was'
" almost annihilated, and little else than specie remained, to answer the demands
*« incwred by importations. The money, of course, was drawn off; afid this being
" inadequate to the purpose of discharging the whole amount of foreign contracts,
" tlui residue was chiefly sunk by the bankruptcies of the mjtor^er*."— Minot's
History of the Insurrection in Massachusetts, p. 13.

"Laws were passed, by which property of every kind was made a legal ten-
« der in the payment of debts, though payable according to contract in gold or
" silver. Other laws installed the debt, so that of sums already due, only a
" third, and afterwards only a fifth, was annually recoverable in the courts
" of lAW,"—Belknap*9 History ofJYew Hampshire, II. p. 352.

Note D. page 18. *

"The bonds of men whose competency to pay their debts was unques-
" tionable, could not be negociated but at a discount of thirty, forty, and
"ffiypcr cejitum: real property was scarcely vendible; and sales of any arti-
*' cles for ready money could be made only at a ruinous loss. The prospect

«(

$t

€S

«of extricating thecountry from thoseembamssments was by no means flat-

« T'"^\ f*'T' f"'"''"^ labour and national wealth, ^a. consequently
d.»mni,Ae</."— Marshal's Life of Washington. V. p. 88.

"Property, wA«, brou^At to, ale under execution, sold aUo lo^ a price a, /re.
^uly ruined the debtor without paying the creditor. A disposition to resist
the laws became common: assemblies were called oftener and earlier
than the constUufon or laws required»_iJa„,„^., S. Carolina, II. p. 428,
"In every part of these sUtes. the scarcity of money is so great, or the
d.fficulty of paying debts has been so common, that riots'^nd cZ»Z
Itom have been formed in many place,, and the operation, of civil ^otw«.
ment have been ,u,pended.»— Dr. Hugh Williamson.

Notes E. and F. page 21.
." Tobacco is ve^ unsaleable, and lower than we have ever before known
It. r/« export, from the United State, have ,o overclaimed every market in
Europe, that there i, absolutely no outlet for exportation from thi, country, ami

31.000 hogshead, in Britain and Ireland, ■u.hiUt the con,umption does not ex-
" cced 14,000 hogshead. ! The stock on the continent is estimated at 44 000
« making a total stock in Europe of 75,000 hogsheads, being 10.000 mor^
than one year's consumption! Under such circumstances, immediate im-
provement .n this article would appear impossible." Curwen ii Ha^eHy
Uverpool, Dec. 31. 1823. * "

« Tobacco i, uncommonly fat and l^avy, and the feu, sales effected are at very
Urn rates, even under my quotation,, -uihen pressed on the mar*e«."_Daniel
Buchanan. Liverpool, 14th February. 1824.

Note G. page 21.
«I remember one of their seamen, newly landed out of their East fodv
Fleet m the year 69. upon discourse in a boat between Delf and Leyden
said he had seen, before he came away, three heaps of nutmegs burnt ^
a t.me. each of which was more than a small church could hold, which he
pointed at m a village that was in sight.»-&V Wm. Temple', Obser^atiom
on the Provinces of the JVetherlands, page 219.

Note H. page 23. ■

«« Although no positive estimate can be made, of the amount of the cotton

"manufacture in Glasgow, it has been computed by those who are well

qualified to judge, that during the year 1818, there were 105.000,000

yards of cotton cloth manufactured in Glasgow and neighbourhood, the

value of which could not be less than i.5.200.000, and that nearly one-

half of these goods were exported. Connected with the city, there are

16 works for weaving by power, which contain 2,380 looms, producing

8 200 pieces of cloth weekly ; and it appears from a late investigation, that

"here are about 32.000 hand.looms.»-i?.-.a and Progress oftlu: City of

Glasgow, page 95. •'

Note I. page 23. ' •

• « Mr. Webster was so happy, as entirely to differ with the speaker in the
picture of intense distress which he had drawn, mere wa, this extensive
"misery? who has heard the groans of this interne distress ? He believed that
"THE COUNTRY WAS NEVER IN A HIGHER STATE OF SOLID
« PROSPERITY. Wa, there ever a time i„hen the fruits of the earth were cut.
ttvatedwith more success ? Tl^ere is no famine in tU land-no excesnve laxa-
hon. In aU the great essential, of human life, in the quality and quantity of
f"^»*'nce, in all the quality and quantity of clotling, there is abundance, and
"LABOUR IS SURE OF ITS REWARD. How ti.en can it beacountrv

<t

it

TEXT CUT OFF

<• of intense distress ? The picture is the result of a highly charged imagination,**
— Mr. Webster's speech, as originally reported.

Note K. page 25.
The following queries were sent to the Rev. Mr. Benjamin Allen, one of
the most active members of the Provident Society in Philadelphia, in order
to ascertain the number and state of the persons employed by them. His
answers are annexed.

1. How many persons were employed last winter by the society ? Answer.
About 1250 women, and 150 children.

2. What wages did they earn per week generally ? Answer. From 75
cents to a dollar.

3. Were there many of them widows and orphans of persons who had
seen prosperous times ? Answer. Numbers.

A similar application to the Female Hospitable Society, last autumn, pro-
duced the melancholy information, that there were 1500 females out of em-
ployment, and desirous to obtain work — and that the society employed
about 500 in the course of the year.

Note L. p. 26.

** The narjigation of the country is struggling for its breath. It is hanging by a
** hair. And if gentlemen wish to add burdens to the falling, to press down
" the oppressed, the way is open to them."

" He again depicted the present distress of the navigating interest. Our
** rivers are croroded -with ships seeking fir cargoes, and, ivhen freights are ob'
«« tained, THEY SCARCELY PAY THE LEAST POSSIBLE EXPENSE
** OF NAVIGATION. It is impossible that this interest can suffer any fur-
•* ther depression." — JWr. fVebster^s Speech as originally reported.

Note M. page 26.

<*How little manufactures partake of the evils under ivhich the commerce and
" agriculture of the country now suffer, need not be remarked.

** Commerce has confessedly suffered more than any other branch of industry,
** by the events of recent years. It has borne its disasters patiently. It is now
*^just creeping into life.** — Memorial of the Philadelphia Chamber of Com-
merce.

Note N. page 26.

" The mercantile embarrassments of the country for some years past, have been
" so seriously felt by persons of all ranks in society, and tlte miseries of poverty
" have invaded the fire-sides of so many of our respectable fellow citizens, that it
"could scarcely be expected that an institution whose prosperity isdepen-
" dent upon the punctuality of its customers, should be exempt from its por-
** tion of the calamities, which have been so sensibly felt by the whole com-
** munity." — Extract from a JMemorial presented by the Directors of the Phila*
delphia Bank, to the legislature of Pennsylvania, dated Feb. 20, 1823.

Note O. page 26.

A memorial of the Woollen Manufacturers of Providence, R. I. presented
to congress at its last session, stated —

" That large sums have been invested in mills and machinery for manu-
" facturing wool in the State of Rhode Island and its vicinity, and numerous
" workmen have derived employment from their operation. That during the
" late war with Great Britain, these manufactories were principally establish-
** ed, when they afforded, even in their infancy, great relief to the wants
" of the country — they have since, without protection, been gradually in-
" creasing, until EXCESSIVE IMPORTATIONS OF FOREIGN MANU-
"FACTURED WOOLLENS HAVE FINALLY DISCOURAGED FUR^

79 )

"THER INVESTMENT OF CAPITAI i.

-that THE OPERATION OP MORE TH^v !^'' "'""^ '' " "^^'^^^^d
"MILLS IS AT PRESENT sUSP?LT^"^^r^^""^^^ ^^ ^«^«^
"chineryfor wool has been laid aside .n/'.K '"""^ ^^^^tances the ma-
-place of it. Those, who, in the ^ot^t sorn f '""'"''^ employed in
-tinue the manufacture o^ wool HAVE rion^^^^^^ ^^"*<^«"-

. « THEM !- ' ^^^ GLOOMY PROSPECTS BEFORE

i. exact., ..u„ to ^^^'in^^n.Z:^:^^'''^^'''' ^^""^^'-'^
A 1 ^ote P. page 50

and commerce to manufactures ;as le„n ^"'""^ ^"P""^' ♦"'•'"» agriculture
niemorial "deprecates so vio Lt a divTrT'""''' °"- ''"''^ Charleston
"the channels in which they would 1, n" 1 '"'"''*' ''"'^ '"dustry from
"ing them into others in Scrtheir „ ^ °^' '"' '"' »""T'°»' -'f<"-
" ed and less efficient » " "P"™*'""^ '^«"''» >>« "«»-e emba4ss-

The annals of the civilized world cannot nl„ '
partial tariff, than that of the United C ^ '^ ' "'"'"^ oppressive or

ditable to the age and the „at.ol f '*"'. '"'«='^'^ '" »816. It U discre.
mer used whollyand .he !tter chieflvTT "' '=°"-"---. the for-
low rates of duty-and, 1 reneat n ^ ^- ^^'-''^^ ^^"^ ^<l">itted at
wholly by the poor, were slee; TTTT °' "'^' """"^ "^ «- -ed
synopsis of some of its lead S^-es n"' ''"""• ^^^ing short of,

oaious system could have bef„Xt,rtt::S^^^^^^^

Tariff of IS\6. '•

Bohea tea paid 12 cents per^lb "'"'^ »„ , percent

equal to . . P ' ."• 120 f ""' ^?'"'. ^*'''' P"-"'". and dTa
cC °r^ *«" 25 cents, equal to 150 Ts w'l T^^^^'. ""^^ ="' »«'■
r eqtlTo "^"■' ' "=""^ P" -si l^r ^ °' ""^"^ "f ^"•'J

100 I Watches, clocks, ,ime-pfeces.'tar- ''^ ■
i«0 I table cloths, silks, sattins, Can-
42 I &c" pTd""' ''"""^^''^ S»""^.

I doles, lustres, &c. /'S™"
' '''.., \ Superfine broad cloths, kersev

- • \ "J""' "Chintzes, calicoes. Cash.

\ ff* *!«1 merino shawls, Brus.
i sels and other carpets

m U^£irh1ftu^^l/^«° I '''^r-"' worth of silks, sat-

I50d:Lrs ;ort,;„f bJhe ." ''' I S ""' -'^''"'°" ''"•"'"',

180 dollar ronl'^ol'^cUTse ^«%^ ^^^^ '""--rth of china, gi.^^«^
__ brown sug^r . . "^gO ^ ^*^";^»'".'"stres.andplafed

i '='°*'''">enno and cashmere

I shawls, chmtzes, &c. . 300

; 3600 dollars. .~ZT~

Thus 550 dollars wortb of ♦ *

Jollars worth of silks, sat.insVc:;.:!;';;"^ "'^'/f '^ "^ "'"'^'^ '^^'r « ^W
""•oaacloths, cashmere and Merino :h::,\f^^^^ T'.r""' ^''""''°"=''

^> «c. &c. To the reader's good

lb. equal to . .

Sak 20 cents per bushel^ equal

Molasses, 5 cents "per gallon
equal to . . ^6«»iion,

20

25

y

TEXT CUT OFF

)l.

( 8(

sense I put the question, whether such an odious tariff, by which the poor
were oppressed, and the rich highly favoured, does not savour more of Ve-
netian aristocracy, than of a representative government, in which the elec-
tive franchise is more generally extended among the poorer classes of so-
ciety than in any other country in the world ? Yet this is the tariff, every altera-
tion of which has been resisted with as much zeal and ardour, as if the in-
dependence of the country was at stake.

Some trifling alterations were made, during the last session, in the tariff
of 1816, which increased the duties on plated ware, laces, European silks
and sattins, and some other articles of luxury, 5 per cent. But even now
100 dollars worth of salt, or 180 dollars worth of the coarsest brown sugar,
pays as much duty as 900 dollars worth of European silks, or as 600 dollars
worth of superfine broadcloth. Merino or Cashmere shawls, chintzes, Briwh

sels carpets, &c.

Note S. page 57.

« The New York canal from Buffalo, on Lake Erie, to Albany, according

"to statements recenUy laid before the New York legislature, will cost

« 7,597,271 dollars. The far greater part of the stock ia held by BriH»h capi-

« /!&•«<«."— Colonial Register and West India Journal, May, 1824, page 58.

Note T. page 64.
While our government has burdened the raw material of the important
but struggling woollen manufacture, with an immediate duty of 20 per
cent.-and prospective duties of 25 and 30, the British government has
wisely reduced the duty from six pence to one penny per lb.

Note V. page 69.
I have not been able, after a most diligent research, to procure the report
of the secretary at war, soliciting a repeal of the non-intercourse law— but
I annex the proceedings of congress on the subject, which arc equally con-
clusive—

House of Representatives, U. S. Jan. 2, 1812.

« A motion was made by Mr. M'Kee and seconded, that the House do
** come to the following resolution :

« Resolved, That the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures be m-
«« stmcted to inquire into the expediency of authorizing, by law, the intro-
« duction into the United States of such foreign goods as may be necessary
"for tl\e usual supplies of the Indian department, and that they have leave
•*to report by bill or otherwise.

"The said resolution was read and ordered to lie on the table.

" Mr. M'Kee laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of War,
« addressed to him as chairman of the committee on Indian aflfairs, stating
" the difficulty of procuring goods suitable for the Indian trade, which was also
« ordered to lie on the itibie." —Journals, 1811—12, p. 214.

Note W. page 71.
Extract from a late London paper.

" England may be denominated the " Great Banking House" of Europe.
AVithin the last year she has loaned to other states, over 50,000,000/. The
following is a list of loans paid or contracted to be paid, in 1824.

French

Dutch

Colombian

Brazil

Portuguese

Austrian

Peruvian -

Carried over

L, 19,900,000 i Brought over
* 2,000,000 : Buenos Ayres -
4,000,OOU I Greek
2,500,000 i Mexican -
500,000 I Spanish -
500,000 < Mines
2,720,000 ^ Neapolitan

Z.32,120,000 I Total

L. 32,120,000

1,000,000

892,000

8,800,000

5,000,000

500,000

500,000

X. 50,512,000'