E SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION zF x INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY CRLSSI PUBLICATION NO. 4 CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA by FELIX WEBSTER McBRYDE Prepared in Cooperation with the United States Departinent of State as a Project of the Interdepartmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation TOPO a ia Tay en bd ‘ ss) Ms Lae thy © re a “ei a ne ! ry man; “ han i. . ~ OR a [ ‘A ‘i i - ¥ i a aos hie be . m : i aaa i é 7 ma : _ ‘_ & ¥ , d NF : 2 i. - 7 7 pie : a [aa a ; : i vy u } ; : i a aes ah, Pa) =) - CnLees it ha mb : aa ree ay ha > a / nN a wv t ar ae _ 7 : , i Py ie TP, aie J a : : ee Vien, 7 ti hat ee : . © - : oe | Af J “. aie et ° ee . ie 4" i ee 7 ei A, he i a ar nt _ a ba et : md ‘+ wl, i" “ ol ee a r asvuy : uw iooeP »'” eee Ps a ang Ae oy. > ve » - a ii "LT, Y n id ae us iy | oan aT, ‘ee . 7 ‘a 7 " : A tan vi , a ae) oa v . ca F - 7 7 : 7 wh ipl i aaa w ares bie a 1) ey - ' ms DA hay 7 iy 7 na a Sve T ra Oe io ae i i - ee ae ee 4 7 oe er ea) rt) i r f ta i an pes : ‘ V7 iF fm i rn r va he 1 ; - 7 i 4 ey rin as a eu) oa ee t : oO mq 7 - - | ne al ~ oe : sh a ‘* 7 i oy ™ “ aay : ier) on - on > q at i u 7 \ ay, na 7 = or" The 7 Pe bx is ih : H oa : Mr i ro ia pay Na WwLe fi 7“ Ae a yee . : a ’ (Rew i ik 7 ; -_ ; Te iy a a a ah eu = : oa : 7 "ys ey ; . ; 7 ' hy ' : be ee oe Tk ase of he ne) 1h Pe a : my re oe ,. i - Wits a eee 5 ive Lar if a - i TA) a : 7 : : it a > A ; , yy a ma re ry i 7] Cnn. tuy, a cy ee Ye i Fee Pe he | oe ee) Met) : , fase is ae Fis ON ys Von G a " vw! nai Ard ma ne a rs Atte Ave? 8 i i | Me a a) tis a Oy Fetes 7 7 mit >” eee q i a TY ae ’ : a a a ye. : : i 7 y - Eg Tey 7 5 7 i * ' ao 4 7 1 Way oy : | wi - a ‘i Peek ri ve 7 Va au a7 i a : \ 7. oe ye ee): af ae 5 ee | um ie : 7 7 i eet - eee oe 7 ay ae i ye iS ye : An \ ‘hh i 8 Lk : k he oe ie aT al 7 J r pee, ad 7 ee, ne 1s : - : i COR bes el wed) oy de : y i 7 "ar an | eau \ ne ry 4, ; 4, re | ‘wae Wee i en ee. at ye a ae acto) a or \ ad iy a - wel ; Ba i f sem hy 7 (ar 2 7 ; j oe - Tha net % gle Aa ivy ‘~ tae 7 ae a : lal a : iz = ' rh, Wn a y a hs A a 5 . i ' os Ae ¥ a a , tie > a : ' : fra | | a : 2 : ao 7a 4 y My : i as _ : ”y : oUt 7 ¥ i‘’ Salt fi mes Py err La ne ; eee UAL Ly 4 a” mn iv, 2 ie ee? He. 8 , Sree d i op TELS ae 2 ff i Mi Jaa -_— : Lv ge iy : : au - ae | ram Wy ts ve ra ‘i i ’ - Ai f To a \ inte i, i‘, Sa re tr * _ as -7 7 _ os fae Ps ; ; a te iy a 7 y a ; . et r " 7 : 7 i i bi ivi ‘ Wai , Y 7 . = i = en. ¥ ’ 4 rn _ a? » A é 7 . { ; 7 7 ; 7 : 7. - : 4 : F yy 6 Awe ony mid : oy (uch Sl eee . r Leth se oa ea - 7 A 7 wy ; ’ , Mea - 7. ‘ : : | 1 es ae we cn ry he : 7 oo a a aA ee ee - Pit ar ir ven “ne ( =) 8) A1g{aJ\ 9[ul \\ uRBA dUBI {q Y19y9) JOYIVU OVWY |e Odst UR uvy ayy ul asueys Joy SuUlQUNnOS IOPUdA deos uPrIpuy [NIN S$ PUY ures V TOATASTLNOW J Y SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 4 CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA by FELIX WEBSTER McBRYDE , Prepared in Cooperation with the United States Department of State as a Project of the Interdepartmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S., Government Printing Office Washington 25, D. C. LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, INSTITUTE OF SocIAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Washington 25, D. C., June 21, 1945. Str: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled “Cultural and Historical Geogra- phy of Southwest Guatemala,” by Felix Webster McBryde, and to recommend that it be published as Publication Number 4 of the Institute of Social Anthropology, which has been established by the Smithsonian Institution as an autonomous unit of the Bureau of American Ethnology to carry out coopera- tive work in social anthropology with the American Republics as part of the program of the Inter- departmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation. Very respectfully yours, Jutran H. Strewarp, Director. Dr. ALEXANDER WETMORE, Secretary of the Sinithsonian Institution. Il TERETE OIG. > Satan ed Oe HEED h Oant Seen ea Om aOG ORG ID SEY ep actoen JACO GARERERS tc 0 Ee Rene A Haman hare MELO CUGEIOM eis es esis es = olertestele srevsis aiels shere-siersvevetorereys fEsiel UeSttiGieSiesevsias ois s-21c.s aitaqeterefovsiels ausie s) exevekeusjeherel oracle Lasueanye Wp eStheoameeres oocceocentmndinarouuaces M@herGoastalvPlain (la costa)... .qsun. se are as = The piedmont (Ja boca costa) ........00050500:5 Mhe recent volcanoes ....%sj. 60.06. ee Eyon Genes The Cordillera (Los Altos) and Continental MD) Ye Le Waa csat sve lave: inl eateteteseet ai ovstas tee) etoporenocerauet erste Interior valleys: Rio Cuilco, Rio Negro, and Rio IMO ta ge Ula sicrayaiessio\s/esercieterverelets) sisievetslertetesieretcuetavcre”= The limestone massif: Los Altos Cuchumatanes BMD ETTORE PLY! stay 21a 585 e+4s5jZpesekoraeretetets see ota ct scst vey oPavets) sve-aro\s:s Population) ‘c.c.<.2 cis eevee eels cus « eloeivocistereictstese sys Ethnographic elements in the modern population Mg AVATIS) grove sere fetenokel peetereretescics” ister eketeistele esa os I BEYo belo de ertrG Atco ciniio CE err io. enor Ci tereeect NER TOES mds re areroernyeeiele sree ciclo RIPPERS s)=ncs8 8h. Population densities and centers ................ Physical factors affecting population density Cultural factors affecting population density MRownsjand villagesmeayercn i iatelestalete cteteloce arc iessie,s Wericulture.and food Supply ce cre. oye. eele\e visee ce cies Maizeicultivation(: thesmilpai ic epee seicioe’- = «10:06 ighland smilpas premiere teteccrite sit cic ccc see WowlandMimilpas.\tverrcta clots st etelsielelersieleiels cie.s:3 New World crops other than maize grown in the Pdi ghilands slacscva ls are cncmretcretsrereieteters cisions id sive wie = IBEarSiy cel chs ers icas yee eherbonete arse cher clots erc ror IMANILOC) -asaiccces Scheer sheers wcictere: BTROMATOES cso scesctch MOTTO a elo ensaeT Leto) esi euececs IPOtALOES yea osa:s:s:a14 suse eee eres inateten atese.s aaa Old World crops of post-Conquest introduction Highlandihield' cropspeptsjecis tele cjecices cess e's Highland irutts \ssemerresys a seistasc’« <4 stern « Howland}crops: assert erie sialon elneeicisis A MOne yA COPS: :..seretcstarereleleroierecieracioierre. vis © cielo Vegetable-garden culture .............. Solola-Panajachel area ............ Almolongawteeiicteew-nce cine = selteierse Aguacatan'p asta scciersciatisieein ries cece Plantation’ cultunemea.cs saeco. Seer . (Gacaoy sane einen ioe seers oe aiesies Coffee Soper eitcbss snes ns a bialelele s GCattlemeeh meee meee ee erent ane ciatesie DAG SE ss duasater stave aroratcrer tetertere etetoon eclectic tains Caymans i eee eee OD! A CONTENTS FE GUSESteteies rte niclevee House plans: dw Construction ... IROOLS™ cates Pitch: .,. Structures other Indian costumes .... Early types... Modern costumes Men’s dress Elling Stata rsaemae a careen ne See than dwellings: ©. oso¢.. osec. de. Womenis, Costumes, a. acecs02 one seine ate Crafts and industries Botterys sacie. PS Basketry <=.:)... Tree calabashes Foodstuffs ..... Weimer ae snared cis (pearas) Savio te Sea. owe MetatesWi(grinding Stones) lca aeeiowsteeeisece aie Mextiles; tease. Stick-loom w' CAVANIEY Stare chorata vie sicceteneiercisiererne ar ‘Treadle=loomt weaving. sjs cine sis cies Sided ers ott Cotton Wool .. Wool dy Cantel electri ELOY patqneroety om atepioce eer feushers excottonmanille (outs ecteneue fee eee Palm-leaf raincapes (suyacales) ..........+-++. Palmithatss cies. Mats! itasatsvscene.s Mumber cas c2 sie Ropes). :icjrsiieveste Soap ise sccmerae Gandles!) 252. Sa. Gharcoall sj. -ctesrc [incense isevest Commerce’ andlmarkets! aajsoe cites cre isl se crerescle ce eiee Ancient trade .. Wocalsspecializa tions te cijetereje iet-csie tala oicire!aie e7o cele Mineral and Agricultural products and associated goods Fish, reptiles FOTEStPPROGUCESS steiciey-aieieeerpe sie) « mand) Wildtpatner atcliae rs sieracsters Potterytepnin recite roses cece suas aes Mextilesi pen reeteieeac sion ele cielo vsiatalee ns acfersteucr te Goarse fiber eoodsasjmaniscecins cen serie ceiesee Miscellaneous products: ....ic% .c.,cjeosi crete e's Markets: eyes dtie crete othe) sisia ase cou siafoss wiciorelansiecetieres ticle Factors underlying markets ................ Vendors and Market days theimarket place; (cc eeiecie si ni- 74 80 PAGE Commerce and markets—Continued Markets—Continued Selling: and! taxatiOrie cise cttese sve aici -ve\sven sieyeetiere 83 Fairs and pilgrimages’ ....../...:-.2-.-+220- St Settlements and settlement patterns ................ 85 Sizéi ‘and :COMPOSIHOM Gees vanes eiiaie os. oe emis 85 The Spanish town pattern’ a2c.cccjavers ciciereysererornseie.a 86 TOW AMES) so xree eS ieiars over e «Neo meisintleciensiene o 88 PHewtataniel P10: je vsstsiaysies ses aieiatevalreneists wleleletehs iolale ssi 88 General feattres 3.25.00- ents ste cene mere aoe oe 88 Cultural unity of municipios «0%... ccs. 20500 89 Santiago Atitlan: municipio boundary changes 91 Tear temiir Ors renee ore: exact va toss vapepaiGieceha (svete) sra%ere, oie 95 Clustered and dispersed settlements ......... 96 Nucleating factors in settlements around Lake A Ulatie secrete cera tata aetna nom eimiecr entrees 97 Salitiago eotitlanh cer econ aee ere ate 97 San Lucas, San Pedro, and San Juan ...... 101 North shore villages: sis00.05202000csisserse > 102 Ropemaking centers: San Pedro and San IPA DIO Sec erayeearere are oie cisterns tect ete nee 103 San ManCOS sisi a dtiads-e,sehags ard oo yuealelets 120 Santa (Gruzrand) Ezununad! vis cealenea--.4 4 121 Garden villages) (ii ccs csectowaeice oes seis 121 Santa Gataritia: PalopOitie wc cases chennai 123 San Antonio Palopor versace eis dsj seis 124 Granaries of the eastern Lake region....... 125 Environmental basis of settlements away from Draken Atitlam o)s,e:cisie caterers diaydisiie syerens eqs ale asians 126 Quezaltenango-Totonicapan Valley region... 126 Summeany and: conclusions: 6 ./jsc<.0005.s.0e sesrseieie acts oe 128 Appendix 1. Summary notes on the physical environ- STLCIIL emenayatatera axaverarcterafsapsteravetala c}-satoietais) areiersvayereriaye severe 131 Geologic foundation of the landscape ............ 131 @limate and ‘weather s2. saj122% omec es pense. 131 Soll Mty Pes? sys.a bse ene vine ype aleemi onaaiare sioeriae. sass 132 Nattinaloveretation: sa natieumaoereeas eerie " 148 9 Plants used for roofing, furniture, etc. ...... 148 Minor plants: ..ccc 12.5 <2 dteninen eee werent 149 Glossary” iinctewres «caucasian aaa ac ammuetes fala sisvee staloletats 150 Bibliography 5.00% cece doce es bon nce eee die eeeens 157 Bxplanationcor plates: 5. Cai. s en oe pemeeiaeete Py staat 161 Index of place names and geographical regions ...... 181 Frontispiece. counting her change in the San Francisco el Alto market. 1. Pacific Littoral. ILLUSTRATIONS PEATES (All plates at end of book) A San Andrés Xectl Indian soap vendor (Sketch by Frances Van Winkle McBryde.) a, Dugout canoes at Tahuesco. |, Fresh-water well in the high sand barrier beach of Tahuesco. c, Washing clothes with well water carried d, Salt extraction from playa de- e, Sun-evaporated salt at Puerto in a gasoline can. posits at Tahuesco. San José. Pacific Coastal Lowlands and piedmont. a, Corozo palm (Orbignya*® cohune) forest about 5 miles inland from Tahuesco. b, Sewing a suyacal (corozo’ palm-leaf rain- cape) at San Sebastian Retalhuleu. c, San Sebastian suyacales for sale at Solola by San Sebastian merchant. d, San Sebastian girl of 16 years carrying a water jar (tinaja). e, Anvil top of an intense coastal thunderhead near Mazatenango looking southwest from Highland Panajachel. jf, General view of San Pedro Cutzan. g, San Pedro Cutzan dwellings. . Pacific Coastal Lowlands and piedmont. a, Cartload of hoja de sal (Calathea) leaves for thatch. b, Thatch- ing a house with hoja de sal at San Pablo Jocopilas. c, Dwelling at Santo Domingo Suchitepequez. d, Clear- ing weeds for planting milpa at San Bernardino. e, Load of Aguacatan (Highland) baskets near Pueblo Nuevo, headed for San Felipe market. f, Mazatenango, looking north from railway station. Pacific Coastal Lowlands and piedmont. a, Ladino fisherman making a net at Dolores Apulo, on Lake Ilopango, El Salvador. b, Men fishing with small hand nets in the Tarro River, San Pedro Cutzan. c, Load of Totonicapan tinware near Chicacao carried by an itinerant merchant. d, Young cattle from eastern Guatemala sold at Santo Tomas la Union by an Indian of Santiago Atitlan. e, Chicacao market scene. Guatemala Lowlands and piedmont. a, Market of San Antonio Husita (Department of Huehuetenango). b, Atitlan volcano viewed from Finca Moca, elevation about 1,000 m. c, Heavy vegetation in the rainy mon- soon area of the Pacific versant. d, Finca Helvetia, coffee drying in foreground. e, Cutting bananas at Finca Santa Adela, just east of Mazatenango. f, In- dians loading bananas on freight cars for rail shipment to east-coast Puerto Barrios. . Lake Atitlan region map and index of costumes worn in Lake municipios. Costumes of Lake Atitlan region (from water colors by Frances Van Winkle McBryde). a, Solola man (Sololateco). 6, Solola man wearing coat. c, Solola woman (Sololateca). d, Panajachel man (Panajach- elefio), new style. e, Panajachel man, old style. f, Santa Catarina Palopé6 man (Catarineco). g, Santa ‘Catarina Palop6 woman (Catarineca). h, San Andrés 10. 13. Semetebaj woman (Sanandresana). 7%, San Pedro la Laguna man (Pedrano). 7, Santiago Atitlan man (Atiteco) old style. k&, Santiago Atitlan woman (Atiteca), old style. /, Santiago Atitlan man, new style. m, Santiago Atitlan woman, new style. , Cerro de Oro woman. 0, San Antonio Palop6 man (Antonero). Indian types in the Lake Atitlan region. a, Nahuala woman (Nahaulefa, Xancatal). 6, Santo Tomas Chichicastenango man (maxefio). c, Santo Tomas Chichicastenango woman (Maxefa). d, Tecpan woman (Tecpaneca). ¢, San Juan Comalapa woman (Comala- peta), in Tecpan market. Stick-loom weaving and spinning. a, Panajachel woman weaving: lifting heddle and pushing batten through. 5, Panajachel woman weaving: packing down weft thread with batten. c, San Antonio Palop6 woman weaving: lifting heddle and pushing up reeds which maintain warp cross. d, San Pedro la Laguna girl spinning white cotton. Solola and vicinity. a, Solola seen from steep slope to north, looking due south. 6b, Adobe and thatch Indian dwelling in east central Solola. c, Lower course and delta of Quixcap River, flowing into Lake Atitlan. d, Looking south along a Solola street. e, Cornfield about 4 miles north of Solola; elevation about 2500 m. f, Father and son making adobe blocks in the lower part (south) of Solola, looking northwest. g, Northwest edge of Solola (Quixcap River valley). March 1932. Indians going to Solola market. Ancient trail to Con- cepcion just east of Solola. Indians going to the Solola market. a, Adjusting a muleload of onions at Panajachel. 6, Selling honey from Antigua at Solola during the Semana de Dolores fair. c, Santiago Atitlan men arriving at Solola with Lowland cargoes in carrying frames (cacastes). d, San Jorge (Solola) man climbing trail to Solol4 market with a gasoline-box load of panela. e, Load of iguanas from Chicacao passing through Panajachel en route to the Highlands. Animals to market. a, Two iguanas, a parrot, and trop- ical fruit on the trail just below Solola (from a water color by the author). 6, Solola women in their Friday market with a turkey and two chickens for sale. , Chichicastenango and Quiché (extreme left) men sell- ing young pigs from Chiché at Solola. Inset shows manner of driving pigs. Solola market and vendors. a, Argueta (Totonicapan) pottery vendors, headed for Guatemala City, pause for lunch on the central square. 0, Santo Tomas Chichi- castenango merchants selling miscellaneous “ten-cent- store” items. c, Totonicapan man selling maize to a Solola woman. d, Argueta woman, left, selling vege- table pears (giiisquiles); two Chichicastenango men Vv 20. ZAG 23: with roast cayman (center) from near Tahuesco and plantains from Mazatenango; San Antonio Palopé man (right) selling aniseed. e, Patanatic (Chichicastenan- go) men selling quicklime. f, Local onion vendors. g, In front of the hot-lunch booths during the Semana de Dolores fair, 1932. Solola Easter procession. “El Sefior de las tres caidas” (image of Christ carrying His cross) moving down east side of central park on hooded men’s shoulders. Patron-saint’s day procession at San Jorge, below Solola. Ceremonial scenes. a, Maize-planting mass inside a leaf- covered shelter near San José Chacaya. 0b, Close-up of an altar for a planting ceremony, with corn ears c, Solola chirimia player and his drummer son during a fiesta. d, Solola marimba players at a small modern instrument. e, Chichicastenango man playing old-type marimba with gourd sound-boxes. f, Ceremonial dance masks at Solola, en route to a fiesta. g, Conquistador masked dance at San Andrés Seme- tabaj. dressed as saints. Panajachel. a, Panajachel River delta and_ village. b, Tzanjuytt (Panajachel) terminal pier and motor launch in 1932. c, Former mouth of Panajachel River, flooded by rising lake water. d, Tzanjuyt pier in March 1936, when water was about 15 feet higher than in 1932. Panajachel and vicinity. a, Mosaic panorama of Panajachel as seen from a 200-foot cliff at the northern edge of the village. b, Indian laborer beside a 3-year-old coffee bush (at his right) and shade trees at Finca Jaibal, west of Panajachel. c, Jocote varieties grown at Panajachel. d, Zacaulpa Indian youth on his way to work on a Lowland coffee plantation, spinning black wool while waiting for a motor launch. e, Large gully, caused by a flood in 1933, just east of the Panajachel delta, below San Andrés Semetabaj. /f, Foot of the gully shown in e. Panajachel vegetable gardens. a, Preparing flat plots (tablones). 6, General view of gardens in southwestern Panajachel (upper right in plate 19, a). c, Panajachel man watering onions, using a pan to throw water from an irrigation ditch. d, Panajachel women watering hills (montones) of pepinos as in c. Panajachel and vicinity. a, Local products, mostly jocotes, sold by women in the Panajachel market. )}, The mountain road from Panajachel to Solola, blocked by a landslide during the rainy season. c, Fine Chinautla water jars (tinajas) sold by an Argueta (Totonicapan) merchant. d, Typical wattle-and-daub, grass-thatched house in northern Panajachel (on road just off section shown at bottom of plate 19, a). Santa Catarina Palopo. a, The village viewed from a slope to the west. b, The village from a higher point at a greater distance. c, Onion tablénes at the lakeshore. d, Indian men with fishing equipment. e, Small fish on bunchgrass stems, sold by Santa Catarina men in the Solola market. f, Santa Catarina crabs as they are sold in the market. g, The 1935 intendente (Indian political chief) of Santa Catarina with crabbing equipment. San Antonio Palopd. a, General view of the village, looking northwest. b, View of the village looking south- VI 24. 7A fe 28. Santo Tomas Chichicastenango. 29. 30. 31. west. c, Threshing wheat with horses’ hoofs just south of Godines, about 500 m. immediately above San An- tonio Palopé. d, Santiago Atitlan men on a trail near the scene of c, headed for the Tecpan market with Lowland fruit. Boats on Lake Atitlan. a, Santiago mail canoe about to land at San Pedro. 6, Disembarking and beaching a Santiago canoe at Panajachel. c, Large dug-out from San Pedro landing at Santiago. d, Motor launch at Santander pier, ‘Panajachel, loading for a regular trip to San Lucas. e, Passengers disembarking from a San- tiago canoe at Panajachel. f, Same as d, to show a line of pottery merchants about to get aboard. Santiago Atitlan. a, Thatching a house. 6, Arrange- ments of houses at the southern edge of the village. c, Southern portion of the village, from a lava terrace to the east. d, Northern portion of the village (over- lapping c).. e, Scene of the Santiago market. f, Local woman carrying a tinaja of water from the Lake to her home. = San Pedro volcano and village. a, Summit of the volcano as seen from a Pan American transport plane flying westward over the village of San Juan. b, Spin- ning agave (maguey) strand from raw fiber. c, Com- pleting the spinning of three-strand rope at the forked stick. d, Scraping flesh from a maguey leaf that has been soaked in water. e, Spinning rope. Santa Cruz and Tzununa (on Lake Atitlan). a, Setting of Santa Cruz on a ridge top on the north central Lake shore. 6, Santa Cruz as viewed from a high slope to the northwest. c, Santa Cruz man and woman catching small fish with a trap made of burlap coffee sacks. d, Tzununa (Santa Cruz) men seine-fishing. e, Santa Cruz (Tzununa) men, with old-style dress (three in center) and new (ends). /, Santa Cruz men selling limas in the Chicacao market. A portion of the market as viewed from the top of the church. Chichicastenango and vicinity. a, The market seen from the pottery section, with the church in the background. b, Indian church official ministers to vendors in the market. c, Gullying of an overgrazed hillside just west of Chiché; San Pedro Jocopilas pottery, foreground, going to the Chiché market. Maize, cornfields (milpas), and erosion. a, Clearing high bunchgrass with a hoe, in the Cuchumatanes Mountains between San Pedro Soloma and Santa Eulalia. 6, Cornfield and rural dwellings just south of Momostenango. c, Digging deep furrows of a cornfield between San Pedro Jocopilas and Sacapulas. d, Maize ears from Santa Cruz (Lake Atitlan). e, Head of a deep, gullied ravine (barranca) by the main road just south of Santa Cruz del Quiché. f, Pinnacled erosion features, locally termed “los riscos,’ at Momostenango. Huchuetenango region. a, Todos Santos father (right) and son. b, Men of San Juan Atitan. c, Ladino plow- ing on the outskirts of Huehuetenango, d, Close-up of guitar making by Ladino of Huehuetenango. e, Church and market at San Juan Atitan, showing outside cross | typical of the Cuchumatanes region. f, Todos Santos Indian man plowing while his wife, with baby, leads the © oxen. g, Todos Santos dwelling, showing “scissors” sticks commonly used here to weight down roof crest. — we. 33. 34. 38. Highland sheep pastures. a, Rolling alpine meadows in the summit country, above 3,000 m., about 8 miles east of Totonicapan. b, Meadows at nearly the same eleva- tion 2 or 3 miles farther west, with afternoon clouds closing in. c, Sheep in high bunchgrass country at about 3,000 m., a mile or so north of San Juan Atitan. d, Field between San Cristébal Totonicapan and San Andrés Xectil, showing a sheep pen which is shifted every few days to fertilize the soil. e, Field showing similar sheep pen between Quezaltenango and Cantel. Wool weaving in Momostenango. a, Weaver spinning “black” (natural brown) wool. 6b, Weaver and_ his grandsons carding and spinning white wool. c, Spooling black wool thread from a reel. d, Spooling thread (right) and setting warping frame (left) from the creel (right). e, Three generations of weavers twisting fringe ends of a finished blanket. Wool weaving in Momostenango. a, Hot springs by the stream just north of the village, where men, women and children soak and bathe, and men felt blankets (inset: see also d and e). b, Indian family carding, spinning, and weaving. c, Dyewoods, mostly from Coban, sold in the Momostenango market. d, Momos- tenango men felting a blanket by stretching and snap- ping it. e, Treading blankets with bare feet; part of the felting process. f, Long rows of vendors of woolen goods in the market as seen from a church tower. 4g, Heavy figured “muneca”’ (lit., “doll’) blanket of the finest type made at Momostenango. (Inset shows close- up figures of deer-mask dancers, important in local re- ligious ceremonies.) San Francisco el Alto. a, View from church roof show- ing a section of the Momostenango market where new blankets are drying in the sun. 6, Indian worshippers inside the church on market day (Friday). c, View from the church roof on market day, showing the main market in the square (left) and the animal market on higher ground (right) behind the municipal building. d, Scene in the animal market, overlooking the church and square. San Francisco el Alto market in the central square, as viewed from the roof of the church. San Sebastian Coatan and the weaving of shaggy wool rugs (peyones), a, Home and surroundings of one of three related families of weavers, above San Sebastian Coatan, at about 2,600 m. elevation in the Cuchumatanes “Mountains. 6, Spinning and weaving beside the house at left in a. c, Summit (2,800 m.) meadow and forest of pine and cedar shrouded in fog, and five wooden crosses over a wayfarers’ shrine (right) between Santa Eulalia and San Sebastian Coatan. d, Close-up of weaver twisting weft loops in bunches to be cut later, leaving loose ends 3 to 4 inches long. e, Pulling weft thread through the loom. Upper Samala valley. a, Panoramic mosaic of the valley, looking east (left), southeast, and south (right) from a slope immediately above Olintepeque (fore- ground). 6, Chile vendor in the Quezaltenango market. c, Pié de Volcan women in front of the Quezaltenango market enclosure, selling firewood from the slopes of Cerro Quemado and Santa Maria volcano. d, Santa Maria volcano viewed from the north base, near the 39. 41. 42. settlement of Pié de Volcan. e, Watering place (pila) on the central square at San Andrés Xecul. f, Pano- ramic mosaic of San Andrés Xectl from a ridge im- mediately west of the village. Western Guatemala Highlands. a, San Andrés Xectl women selling soap in the Salcajé market. b, Party of about 30 men thatching a house at San Martin Saca- tepequez. c, Three men and a woman of San Martin Sacatepequez. d, Electric power dam at Santa Maria, on the Samala River below Quezaltenango. e, Aban- doned electric railway track just above Santa Maria, now used only as a trail by itinerant Indian merchants. f, Corozo palm spathes and palm leaves from San Sebastian Retalhuleu sold in Quezaltenango. g, San Juan Ixcoy women selling blocks of brown cane sugar (panela). Brocading and foot-loom cotton weaving in the Upper Samala valley. a, Ladino weavers at Salcaja, arranging strands of jaspe (tie-dyed) yarn with a wooden comb to keep a pattern, for winding on the loom as warp thread. b, Indian girl of San Andrés Xeciil brocading a wine- colored, figured collar on a white machine-made cotton huipil such as the one she is wearing. c, Totonicapan Indian man and his wife weaving bright-colored, figured cotton head bands on special treadle looms. d, Trans- ferring a strand of white yarn from a number of spools on a creel, preparatory to tying and dyeing it with indigo. e, Strands of cotton jaspe yarn which has been bound with cord at regular intervals so as to form a white pattern on indigo blue. Pottery in western Guatemala. a, Common types of pottery for cooking and washing, made in San Cristdbal Totonicapan and sold in the local market. 6, Ladino potter using a wheel at Huehuetenango. c, Open-air firing of pottery with twigs and bunchgrass at San Cristébal Totonicapan, while a Totonicapan pottery merchant, having bought a load here (right), prepares to set out for a Lowland plaza. d, Three Totonicapan merchants with assorted pottery bought in the San Francisco el Alto market, head for Lowland Maza- tenango via Quezaltenango. e, San Miguel Ixtahuacan pottery sold in the San Juan Ostuncalco market. f, Small, figured ceramic ware from Totonicapan sold in the Chicacao market. g, Assorted pottery, bought in the San Francisco el Alto market, sold by merchants in the Mazatenango market. Inland salt, pottery, and other products. a, Two loads of San Pedro Jocopilas jars arriving in Santa Cruz del Quiché, brought by San Pedro merchants. 6, Water jars (tinajas) from Chinautla, the finest of this type vessel made in Guatemala, sold by an Argueta mer- chant in the Santiago Atitlan market. c, Chinautla women arriving barefoot with cargoes of water jars carried by tumpline (mecapal) from their homes to the Guatemala City market. d, Sandals made of discarded automobile tires for sale in the San Salvador market; commonly seen also in Guatemala. e, Sacapulas viewed from the northeast, showing broad salt playa (light areas left of center) just east of the town. f, Sacapulas woman pour- ing thick brine, leached from playa (e) dirt, filtered and boiled down, into molds. g, Part of a textile woven on a stick loom at Concepcién Chiquirichapa (left) VIT 43. 44. 1, a el compared with a modern Italian textile piece to show design similarity. Rabinal tree-calabash (jicara) industry. a, Preparing a pitch pine smudge for soot accumulation in a special stone oven. b, Smearing soot on a tree calabash which has been smoothed with an alder leaf and smeared with yellowish wax boiled out of the scale insect Llavea axin, c, Cutting traceries on a blackened tree calabash by turn- ing it against a sharp carving tool. d, Female Llavea axin and eggs, enlarged 3 diameters. e¢, Finished jicara reduced about 3 diameters. f, Calabash tree (Crescentia alata) in a dry valley of eastern Guatemala, near San Pedro Pinula. Scenes in the Guatemala Highlands. a, Antigua market, in the ruins of a colonial church. b, View of the Guate- mala Highlands from northwest of Tecpan (fore- ground). c, San Antonio ‘Aguascalientes man near ' Antigua with a load of rushes for mats. d, Antigua and volcanoes Fuego (left) and Acatenango, as seen from an air transport in the northeast. e, Oxcart in eastern Guatemala, near the El Salvador border. f, Selected ears of maize for seed, hanging up by a dwelling in San Pedro la Laguna. Lake Atitlan shore, northwest sector. (All photographs overlap except dande.) a, San Pedro (center) ; looking west. b, San Pablo (center) and San Marcos (right) ; FIGURES PAGE Selected Guatemala climographs (see map 6): 1, Quezaltenango; 2, Panajachel; 3, El Rosario Tumbador; 4, Las Mercedes; 5, Helvetia; 6, Buena Vista; 7, San Sebastian; 8, Santa Cecilia 8 MAPS FACING PAGE South Guatemalan aca sach cacenm were ace mare acre x 13: South Guatemala, relief shading ............... xiv Southwest Guatemala ..y.nceccewes eae suirtie wnat « 2 14. Limits of first-hand observation in Southwest 15. (enatemi ala seer a ee nocealto deat meter pelecon Nee oes 4 16. Major geological regions of South Guatemala .... 6 17. Climatic regions of Southwest Guatemala ....... 8 Natural vegetation of Southwest Guatemala (gen: Bralizedy ey cuvacscsurs mancueti Manatee Oy te Population density of Southwest Guatemala (gen- ELALIZER I) (ercarectave kevsnandragelarc tases She, fuaneray tla bueareeetedoe 14 19 Agriculture: major producing centers and zones of Southwest Guatemala based on elevation 18 20. Agriculture: truck-gardening centers and trade vA of Southwest Guatemala ..................55 30 22 Agriculture: cacao-producing region of South- a west Guatemala in the 16th century .......... ae 23. Agriculture: modern coffee-producing region of 24. Southwest Guatemala and migrant labor ...... 34 25: VIIT 46. 47. 2. Explanation of symbols used in map 14 looking west-northwest. c, San Pablo (extreme left), San Marcos (left center) and Tzununa (right) ; look- ing northwest. d, Tzununa (left) and Jaibalito (extreme right), municipio of Santa Cruz; looking northwest. e, Santa Cruz (left center); looking northwest. f, Solola (right center, middle distance) ; Rio Quixcap delta and Finca Jaibal (right foreground); San Jorge (extreme right, above Jaibal) ; looking almost due north. (Photo- graphs courtesy of U. S. Army Air Forces.) Lake Atitlan shore, eastern half. a, Rio Quixcap delta and Finca Jaibal (left); Finca San Buenaventura center); Rio Panajachel delta and Panajachel village (right) ; Solola (upper left); looking north-northwest. b, Panajachel (left) ; Santa Catarina Palopéd (extreme right); San Andrés Semetabaj (upper right center) ; looking northeast. c, San Antonio Palopé, extreme right; looking east-northeast. d, San Lucas Toliman, village and bay; looking almost due south. e, San Lucas Toliman (extreme left); coffee groves (left half); Tzanguacal Peninsula (right); Atitlan and Toliman (right) volcanoes in background; looking south-south- west. f, Cerro de Oro, parasitic cone (left) on north base of Toliman volcano; looking southeast. (Photo- graphs courtesy of U. S. Army Air Forces.) Southwestern Lake Atitlan, Santiago Bay and village; a / looking south-southwest. (Photograph courtesy U. S. — Army Air Forces.) FACING PAGE Livestock, wild animals for food, and animal by- products of South Guatemala, !..2)..:.00.0sss 38 Houses of Southwest Guatemala ............... 40 Pottery centers and trade of Southwest Guatemala 54 Textile crafts of Southwest Guatemala ........ ; 62 Basketry, matting, cordage, and other coarse fiber products of Southwest Guatemala ............ 68 Mineral and forest products of Southwest Guate- ET Rea levy aperye retary vend caranw 6a is. :10 ate ate revere eet 72 Indian markets and trade streams in Southwest Guatermal dine criss. yates .avo-sn a dteetacietata eels token tare 84 Take Atitlan regioni.as.6%. oc .d doeeec eerste 98 Sololavand “vicinity: j.'s «2c ste cele bnetelaseiere 100 Sololatmatketats cinco. «cis. se sleeuseeeeernte eee 104 Panajachel re neie octets to a gis-ssais. svececatereterntetessterdete 122 Quezaltenangosmarkety\:....... .'. sceceiteweme stan 124 Santo Tomas Chichicastenango market .......... 128 eS ee FOREWORD By Juuian H. StEwarp Director, Institute of Social Anthropology In its studies of native American communities, the Institute of Social Anthropology not only seeks to present cultural descriptions and analyses that will constitute valuable data for a practical understanding of the peoples, but it strives to contribute to the formulation of the scientific problems involved and to the development of a methodology for their solu- tion. The most important fact about these peoples is that they have always been and are today intensive horticulturists, despite many changes since the Span- ish Conquest. Consequently, if their potentialities for future change under the stream of national influ- ences are to be appraised, it is of the utmost impor- tance to understand their agrarian basis of life and the behavior patterns influenced by it. Anthropology in general has paid very inadequate attention to land use and to the complex of socio- economic activities revolving around it. An obvious explanation of this is that studies of environments and their exploitation lie beyond an anthropologist’s technical skills and require the special knowledge of a cultural geographer. A more fundamental reason, however, is that the problem of environmental con- _ditioning of culture has not been properly formu- lated and that anthropologists approach it with some trepidation. They tend to think of the problem as one of production and consumption, that is, of eco- nomics. But to avoid the suspicion of advocating economic determinism, little effort is made to relate exploitative activities to social structure and social behavior, and cultural determinants are sought in other directions. Another reason for the slight con- sideration given economic factors is that the concepts are taken from Euro-American civilization. In this culture, technology is so advanced that essential sub- sistence needs are quite secondary in importance, and man’s adaptation to his environment is cushioned by thousands of technical processes and scores of socio- economic institutions. Economics has become a series of specialized considerations dealing with the production and consumption of goods, and if any thought is given its limitations on social and political structure it is mainly intuitive or philosophical. In more primitive cultures, every exploitative activity requires the adaptation of many other activities that are not ordinarily thought of as economic. In stating the problem, therefore, the term “human ecology” is preferable to “economics.” This term has the advan- tage of implying that the problem is not one of demonstrating that certain institutions which are eco- nomic in the narrow sense directly cause certain social institutions, but that a series of modes of behavior and institutions are connected through vari- ous kinds and degrees of interdependency. The main problem of human ecology is to ascertain the limitations which each set of exploitative activi- ties places on other modes of behavior. To meet its essential wants of food, clothing, housing, and manu- factured goods, any society exploits its particular environment by means of its special technology. There are only a limited number of ways in which seeds of different kinds can be gathered, game hunted, or the soil cultivated. Each set of subsistence activities in turn somewhat restricts the manner in which individuals may associate with one another, live together in social groups, and carry on certain group activities. In some cases, the limits of varia- tion in socioeconomic patterns are so narrow that a change in the social structure could be effected only through a revolution in technology. In other cases, considerable latitude is possible, and purely historical factors can be seen to have a definitive role. Certain very primitive peoples, such as the seed- gathering Paiute and Western Shoshoni, had a soci- ety that was predetermined within narrow limits by ecological factors. To survive, these people had to disperse in family units during the greater part of the year. Large and permanent villages were pre- cluded for want of ability to acquire and transport sufficient stores of food to central points where IX FOREWORD people could remain together. Life revolved around the individual family, which was only in temporary association with other families, and strong political controls and various sociopolitical features depend- ent upon prolonged and intimate contacts between persons were lacking. The only variations were in such patterns as shamanism or preferential marriage, the origin of which is therefore a historical problem. In the case of the more advanced horticultural peoples of America, a recognition of the ecological limitations is fundamental to an understanding of their present patterns and of their potentialities for change. In aboriginal times, the environment was exploited through fairly intensive hand cultivation of farm crops. Surplus production allowed leisure for developed handicrafts in which there was some local specialization. Under the aboriginal type of land utilization, various socioeconomic patterns were logically possible. People might have been scattered in individual families, each owning and living on its own land, as in the modern United States. Actually, however, the rural community became the prevalent pattern, and in many cases it appears that the sur- rounding lands were communally owned, being assigned annually to families. Despite a great popu- lation density, the size of these communities was limited by primitive transportational devices. Towns never exceeded a few thousand, and cities in the modern sense were unknown. Production was pre- dominantly for family consumption, and essential social and religious activities, the precise patterns of which varied widely in each region, were community affairs. The Spanish Conquest introduced new exploitative devices that greatly widened the latitude of possible ecological patterns. The plough, steel tools, new crops, and domesticated animals increased farm out- put, while beasts of burden and in some places wheeled vehicles made it possible for larger popula- tion centers to develop and for goods to be exchanged over greater distances. Presumably, these new factors permitted several possible social and eco- nomic arrangements, the choice of which was deter- mined by historical factors. Where the Indian was left comparatively unmolested, he could and evidently sometimes did continue more or less in the aboriginal patterns, the greater productivity serving mainly to increase his wealth. But in large areas, the hacienda system, an entirely new socioeconomic pattern, was introduced by the conquistadors, Under this system x a single Spaniard came to own a large estate, on which he produced a limited number of cash crops in great quantity for sale on an outside market. He hired Indians, whose lives he strictly regimented, to do the farm labor. Whether or not Indians came under the hacienda system depended above all on whether the crops that were in demand in the national or world market could be grown in and transported from the region in question. In most areas where the Indian came under the hacienda system, he rapidly lost not only his basic economic patterns but the essential social structure and behavior depending on them. Only residues of native attitudes and fragments of surreptitiously prac- ticed native religion remain. Under haciendas, acculturation was sudden, drastic, and undoubtedly traumatic, and at first it was imposed by force. But there is no reason to assume that ecological changes which slowly infiltrated without compulsive adoption were any the less compelling for being more gradual. Where Indians have had environmental potential- ities for surplus production, an accessible market, and opportunity to learn the cash system, acculturation has already taken them far toward assimilation to national culture. Crop specialization and cash sales have led to individual land ownership which in turn has disrupted the aboriginal family structure and community work habits. When the Indian comes to rely predominantly on a cash crop, his ignorance of improved farm techniques, together with his lack of capital for improved equipment, so handicaps him competitively that the process of acculturation com- monly terminates in his selling his land and becoming either a farm laborer or a worker in manufactures. Meanwhile, exposure to outside influences gradually eradicates his Indian characteristics. It appears that in many respects Indian accultura- tion throughout the area of aboriginal intensive horticulture has been very similar, but it would be hazardous in the present stage of knowledge to gen- eralize too broadly. The particular need is to estab- lish more precisely the limitations on land use in each locality. Then only will the role of historical and personality factors be clear. For Southwest Guate- mala, McBryde has clearly set forth the land-use factors which caused widely different acculturational trends in nearby areas. In the Lowlands and lower mountain slopes where sugarcane, bananas, cacao, coffee, and other crops could be grown in abundance for export, the hacienda system was implanted and L ri) oa > SOUTH GUATEMALA ‘=< be lange” % e ah LB Asal pint Hf a Voip ® Kilometers C > Guatemala * leagues (leguos) Scale 1:500,000 Recess ——e : ; : rs ——— : ; : 7 (One inch to 8 miles, approximately) Contour interval 500 meters (100-meter line excepted) Elevation in meters above mean sea level Roilroad: stondord uot ——— Railroad: narrow guage . '—+-—t——e Mood. 2 2... . eee . Mule trail or footpath Boat route _—— = Internotionol boundory + + + » Departmental limit - e%,; Finca (plontotion, usually coffee) = Archaeological site - Department capitals (“cabeceras*) underlined National Capital (Unser 'eindiey Co sist.) ye Miles > eA, Vr IE WV a, Gs Ww) f (Population data bosed largely upon GYSlemolo census 1921 - classification not oeces Vd @ sorily numerical, usually so) { s Composition of population Large town Small town Lorge village WV Small village Rural Community = - KD: Ladinos and Indians ver 10,000 Lad, 1,000-5,000 Lad. Total Pop. Total Pop. Total Pop. Principal source of physical data: American Geographical Society “Ciudad Guatemalar q _ Ts (rather evenly mixed) ver 10,000 Ind. ® 1,000-5,000 Ind. © 1,000-2,000 © under 1,000 sheet, 1935) International Railway Commission maps (1891-2); and original surveys, = wit Pi i I i ie A jource. Cult Ae tn Malay Laetacs @ °2 5:000 tod. i onctennga? aang cae especially Lake Atitlan region, 1932 and 1935-26, 1940, Urrutia minor sour, Cultural wt 4 1,000-5,000 Ind. Oe sd Ortigia dota from above sources and others; largely revised from personal observations, LS 7, tm yndar SOO inc. Bnelae ABO) tide Solola-Quezaltenango-Mazatenango area emphosized IS ‘ Y - Mainly Indians © °%v27 5,000 Ind. gover 5,000 Ind. | _1,000-5,000 Ind. under 1,000 SSSS2s, * 500-1,500 Lad. under 500 Lad. under 500 Lad. © (under 100 Lod.) Mar L.—South Guatemals (seo map 2). 4 0-0 (Pare » XD : _, x a 1. a whist = Pe ao iiete oe tte 4 - * >) ore on™ tg FG - Seah oe Ret | a, = "| ind omaha ir a) tv) nee inva a erste: aealia® ete atten, (9 rer dull ts preps Venere a" "Tes ee tanhoaet — al ‘ Ri] i ¥ me 7 e FOREWORD the natives ceased to be “Indians.” In the High- lands, which are unsuited to these cash crops and which lack important mines and other resources of interest to Europeans, the Indians have retained a large number of their aboriginal ecological patterns, while their inaccessibility has spared them many acculturating influences. And here, local cultural variation is more or less commensurate with geo- graphical variation from one locality to another. Clarification of the ecological limitations on cul- tural variability clears the ground for identification of the precise historical factors that bring about acculturation. When the ecological and historical factors have been identified, it is of value to examine the processes of acculturation in detail, focusing attention on the individual through recording case histories, analyzing personality structure, and re- vealing attitudes that expedite or inhibit change. Such analyses are important in two respects. First, individual conflicts and resistance to new patterns of behavior affect the rate of change. Second, psycho- logical orientations determine the direction of change where ecological patterns allow a choice of alterna- tives. The general trends of acculturation in the New World, however, have had little reference to the Indians’ feeling about them. While new ecological adaptations have broadened the range of socio- economic possibilities, persistent acculturational forces have actually narrowed the choice. Economic, social, and even religious influences have all been fairly compulsive. But so long as the Indian remains agrarian, the primary need is to understand the potentialities of his land-use systems. This means that cultural studies must be made in conjunction with analyses of the type that McBryde so well presents in the present monograph. a" / < he @« es {éese8 — PREFACE The present monograph, based primarily upon a thesis completed at the University of California for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in geography in 1940, is the result of field research which extended over many years. The work was made possible by the assistance and cooperation of a number of institu- tions and persons both in the United States and in Guatemala and several other American republics. Experience in this field began in 1927-28, when I accompanied Mr. Frans Blom on a trip of archeolog- . ical reconnaissance for Tulane University through the almost uninhabited Maya country of Chiapas, Guatemala, British Honduras, and Yucatan. This expedition was a memorial to John Geddings Gray, of Lake Charles, La., and was financed by the Gray family. In 1932, as a Fellow at Clark University, I took part in the program of Maya research of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, and made an in- tensive field study of Solola, Guatemala, a major mar- ket center in a region of diversified and active native commerce. This work, supported by both Clark University and the Carnegie Institution, projected into the modern period historical studies of Mayan trade which I began the previous year while a Fellow at the University of Colorado. The field notes were prepared for publication at Tulane University during the following year. It is hoped that many of the errors in that preliminary report (McBryde, 1933) are corrected in the present monograph. From October 1935 to November 1936, as a Pre- Doctoral Fellow of the Social Science Research Council, I conducted a study of regional economic specializations among the present-day Maya of Guate- mala. My wife, Frances Van Winkle McBryde, ac- companied me and made water-color sketches of the Indians. I am indebted to the Department of Middle American Research of Tulane University, the United Fruit Company, and the International Railways of Central America for helpful cooperation, and to Captain and Mrs. Richard B. McConnell, of New Orleans, for financial assistance on this trip. Between 1937 and 1940, on periods of leave from Ohio State University, I supplemented field informa- tion with further historical material from the Bancroft Library and from the Sauer Collection of photo- copies of Spanish Colonial manuscripts made in Madrid by Dr. Sanford Mosk. The historical and field data formed the basis of the doctoral disserta- tion, ‘““Native Economy of Southwest Guatemala, and its Natural Background,” which is deposited in the University of California Library. The thesis was augmented and revised in the light of material gathered in 1940-1941 in Guatemala, Oaxaca, and Chiapas, when I made field studies pri- marily of native crops, agriculture and ethnobotany, and collected seeds of economic plants, especially species of Phaseolus. This trip was made possible by a National Research Council Fellowship in the Natural Sciences supplemented by a grant from the Graduate Division of Ohio State University, in the form of a graduate assistantship for my wife. Other material assistance and courtesies were ac- corded by the Institute of International Education in administering a Pan American Airways Travel Fellowship; the United Fruit Company; Tulane University ; the Carnegie Institution; the Bureau of Plant Industry of the United States Department of Agriculture; the Botanical Museum of Harvard Uni- versity ; Mrs. R. Maury Sims, of Berkeley, California, who accompanied us into the field; Mr. Robert D. Feild, director of the Art School of Newcomb Col- lege; and Mr. Giles Healy, of New York. During the research periods outlined above, Dr. Carl O. Sauer, Chairman of the Department of Geog- raphy, University of California, has been my main source of inspiration and guidance. Mr. Frans Blom, a veteran of jungle archeology and exploration, has also been extremely helpful and encouraging. Others who have taken an active part in furthering my field excursions are Dean Alpheus Smith and Dr. Eugene Van Cleef, of Ohio State University; President Samuel Zemurray, of the United Fruit Company ; Dean Robert Redfield, of the University of Chicago; Prof. W. W. Mackie, of the University of California, who experimented with the beans collected in Guate- mala; Prof. J. W. Gilmore, University of California ; Dr. P. C. Mangelsdorf, curator of the Botanical Mu- seum of Harvard University, who studied my maize collections from Guatemala; and President W. W. Atwood, of Clark University. In all my field seasons in Guatemala, the mem- bers of the Carnegie Institution of Washington have been extremely cooperative and helpful. These in- XIII PREFACE cluded, besides Dr. Redfield, Drs. A. V. Kidder, Oliver Ricketson, Sol Tax, and Robert and Ledyard Smith. During 1935-36 we worked in the Lake Atitlan area at the same time as the Taxes and I was able to get the ethnologist’s point of view and observe his field methods. The importance of the ethnological approach in cultural geography cannot be overemphasized. All too frequently the geographer is prone to regard the inhabitants of a region as just so many clusters of dots on the map, and to discuss them as he would the plant cover. Dr. Tax lent me several of his preliminary field reports and critically read my manuscript. Dr. Kidder likewise read certain cultural portions of the dissertation. I am grateful for their helpful suggestions. Dr. Lila M. O’Neale, chairman of the Department of Decorative Art, University of California, and a leading expert on the native textiles of Peru and Guatemala, read the sections of the report dealing with weaving and textiles. She accompanied us on many of our field trips in Guatemala in 1936, when she was making a study for the Carnegie Institution, and provided valuable technical information concern- ing weaving and related crafts. During 1940 and 1941, in Huehuetenango and Quezaltenango, we spent several weeks at the same pension with Dr. Paul C. Standley, of the Field Museum of Natural History. Having written stand- ard reference books on the flora of nearly every other Central American country, he was making collections and observations for his work on the plants of Guate- mala. Dr. Standley’s suggestions both in conversa- tions and in connection with reading the sections of my manuscript dealing with useful plants were most valuable. Mr. B. Y. Morrison, of the United States Department of Agriculture, read the sections concerning crops and agriculture, and I am grateful for his comments and criticisms. In the preparation of base maps, I found the American Geographical Society Millionth Map, Ciudad Guatemala Sheet, especially useful. In 1937 I made a pantograph enlargement of it on a scale of 1: 500,000, incorporating a few revisions and cor- rections based on field observations, especially for the Lake Atitlan region, and adding symbols to show the approximate numbers of Ladinos and Indians in each community according to the 1921 census. For certain items of equipment, including a 1: 48,000 scale, essential to my work of mapping Lake Atitlan with a Brunton compass in August XIV 1936, I am indebted to American members of the Guatemala-Honduras Boundary Survey Commis- sion (Comisién Tecnica de Demarcacién de la - Frontera entre Guatemala y Honduras). These included especially Mr. Sidney H. Birdseye, director, and Mr. David Lindquist, who were mapping the boundary by means of aerial photography. Sefor Don Moisés Rivera, of Panajachel, owner of Hotel Tzanjuytit and several fincas and other properties on Lake Atitlan, gave us ample quarters for our own housekeeping in his large coffee planta- tion house at San Buenaventura, Panajachel. We made our headquarters and operational base here for several months during 1936. He furnished us - with a small outboard motorboat in which I was able to traverse nearly every part of the deep and treacherous lake. Without this assistance it would have been impossible for me to make a satis- factory map of the entire area in the short time available. Senor Rivera also provided us with rooms in his rum warehouse at Santiago Atitlan, where we lived for 16 days during September 1936. Other coffee planters who were especially hos- pitable and helpful were Mr. and Mrs. Gordon Smith, Finca Moca, the Donald Hodgsdons, Finca Pacayal, and Mr. and Mrs. A. H. Buxton, Finca Santa Adela, where we made headquarters for several weeks during our sojourn in the Lowlands in 1936. In the Indian country of the Highlands, we en- joyed the kind hospitality and friendly cooperation of the late Padre Ildefonso Rossbach, of Chichicaste- nango, the late Padre Carlos Knittel and his late sister, Maria, of San Francisco al Alto, and Padre Francisco Knittel, of Momostenango. Through the courtesy of Dr. Rudolph Matas, noted New Orleans surgeon, who wrote letters for us to his good friends in Guatemala City, we had the privilege and pleasure of meeting Drs. Mario J. Wunderlich and J. M. Fiallos and their families. To them we are indebted for many kindnesses; they did much toward making us feel so completely at home in Guatemala. Other special friends in Guatemala City who went out of their way in our behalf were Mr. Deane Wells, formerly of the United States Consulate, Mrs. Lilly de Jongh Osborne, and Mr. Peter Clark Wilson. Several Government officials in Guatemala proved to be almost indispensable to the success of our field work. As Director of Roads, General Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes in 1940 gave us information, maps, GUATEMALA {One inch to 8 miles, opproximotely) Contour intervol 500 meters (100-meter line excepted) Elevation in meters above meon sea level Roilrood: stondord Ques Railroad: narrow guage. +++» Internationol boundary « + + Finca (plantotion, usually coffee)= Department capitals (“cobecoras”) underlined Noationol Capital (noer tending sit) ** Kilometers ‘\ Guotemol leagues ty Miles | | 4 +. (Population dato based largely upon Guotemala census 1921 - classification not neces erical, usually so) ; Composition of population Lorge town Small town Large village MV small villoge 5 9 Ladinos and Indions ® over 10,000 Lod. 1,000-5,000 tod. Total Pop. Total Pop. Total Pop. Principal source of physical datos Americon Geogrophical Society Soe (rather evenly mixed) ‘over 10,000 Ind, ® 5,000-5,000 Ind. © 1,000-2,000 © under 1,000 , sheet, 1935) International Roilway Commission maps (1891-2); and one ena i especially Loke Atitlan region, 1932 and 1935-36, 1940; Urrutia minor soure?: Cultural Mainly Lodinos @ et 5,000 Lod. @ _ 1,000-5000 Lad, 3 += + og wader 1,000 . ‘ data from above sources and others; largely revised from personal observations. 1,000-5,000 Ind, under 500 Ind. ‘ : under 150 Ind. Solola-Quezolfenango-Mozatenango area emphasized Mainly Indians ; © 25,000 Ind. gover 5,000 Ind. 1,000-5,000 Ind, under 1, $00-1,500 Lod. under 500 Lad. under 500 Lad. © (under 100 Led.) Mar 2.—South Guatemala, relief shading: 24188 O47 (Pace 1. XIV) e-> oe : = etter ? y 7 - = - © aw plone 7 nn a SS —— 1s te ‘ ate 7 ; - “Osher een a 3 Gan oid] : ecu, os O04) Hegm 5.8 inevcat Vege ‘sys > 2 AegePsviets = 0. opalenydl See ose he 6 hurril os. Oo ne tem ayous Wea ow Pian. @ fiz, o — ——— Soha oo 7 oe - +e ebro smal onaty _ 4 at! Vestn ow Pexevas ign ieiyiie'. .: oil Payee Seanese os lth, Siaydisieine< opie : a 7 22S SO eye tea on tm ac cet “es i _ ; pres olf PM. 9 son pant] a On oie Ae ; a pai ui ve = ' u PREFACE and a letter to highway employees, which were of inestimable value to us on a great many occasions. As Jefe Politico of San Marcos in 1935-36, he had performed similar services for us. In 1944 he ob- tained under difficulties some rare plant material which was essential to certain bean identifications. Our cordial friend, Senor Don Manuel Tejada Llerena, Director of Customs in Guatemala during the years when we were there, personally arranged for exemptions from duties on our equipment, in- cluding our car in 1935, Sefior Don Delfino Sanchez Latour, of the Foreign Office, facilitated diplomatic negotiations for us on a number of occasions. Dr. Erwin Deger, of the Instituto Quimico-Agricola Nacional, made tests of soil samples for me. Prof. J. Joaquin Pardo, director of the National Archives, assisted in my search for historical sources, and has faithfully provided me . with his quarterly Bulletin for many years. The jefes politicos (governors) of all the depart- ments in which we worked extensively were most cooperative in writing letters to local town and village authorities. This was done in Solola, Totoni- capan, Quezaltenango, Huehuetenango, San Marcos, Retalhuleu, Escuintla, and Suchitepequez. Almost without exception the local officials went far beyond the requests in extending courtesies and genuine hos- pitality as well as routine assistance. Indian guides, informants, interpreters, and carriers helped us on innumerable occasions. Empty schoolrooms or municipal headquarters were furnished us as places to sleep if no other facilities were available, as was often the case when we circled the Cuchumatanes region on muleback in 1940, It has been upon the friendly attitude of thousands of individual Indians throughout the regions where we worked that the completion of our studies has de- pended. Their willingness to answer hundreds of apparently nonsensical questions, often with giggling and obvious embarrassment, regarding their farm- ing and crafts and trading activities, even to provid- ing seeds and samples of their workmanship, has made it possible for us to wander among them at will and obtain almost any information we needed at first hand and with a minimum of distortion. To my father, Dr. John M. McBryde, Dean of the Graduate School and Professor of English Emeritus of Tulane University, I am indebted for assistance in preparing the manuscript and in reading the proof. Dr. Julian H. Steward, Director of the Institute of Social Anthropology, made valuable suggestions and editorial criticisms concerning the organization, context, and wording of the monograph. The final phase in the preparation of the manuscript was completed in the Institute. Parts of this study have been presented as illus- trated papers and map exhibits at the annual meetings of the Ohio Academy of Science: geography and botany sections, in 1938, 1939, and 1940, and in 1942 botany, zoology, geography, and anthropology sections. In 1941 my illustrated paper and map ex- hibit at the New York meeting of the Association of American Geographers was based on material now incorporated in this monograph. An exhibit of photographs and my wife’s water colors of Indian types, arranged around the Lake Atitlan map, was on display at the Golden Gate In- ternational Exposition, San Francisco, during 1939 and 1940. Except for plates 45-47, all photographs, maps, and diagrams in this report were made by the author. Permission to use the aerial photographs in plates 45-47 was granted by the United States Army Air Forces. I am grateful to my wife for her excellent water-color sketches and for assistance with lettering. Miss Edna Kelley, cartographic draftsman in the Topographic Branch, Military Intelligence Service, rendered important aid in the mounting of photo- graphs and the preparation of legends and overlays on several of the maps, especially Nos. 3, 8, and 23. XV 7 ie Gane = 3 shh dete i rw i‘ r acy teat Ts oe te +o 4 Pp ey 7*t “d ” 7. aaa) | yr & lites 78 fe an) “i : — @ § Pees fi ai - F ; , ‘se 7 ‘t 0 unk ae vines é ' ; a + — : ec A ws " SL itt in : alli Oaks =) ¢ =~ te. or ret ‘« emae - | ingens h ue aie elertz: J ala > Dalit, 7 me 7 - af - ¢ : 7) 7¥ 2A) =a ly : = 5 cal vy a. equa 7 .e@ 7 ¥ a ie " vi n ail go 7 ay 7 oad , » 7 aire r 5 ‘& i p wigay He hee aM L & a : i be Xs =, a au a 7 = f = ; — me ene ee _ = i sitet ¥ ’ | = 7 Wloy fh it avi eke uy a. ve fa i, = —,* a ae + see SiG, 7 a em od ‘f aay ee “ae 0 TH) —- : ’ _ - - o ' ” Dalaagrny - ?€ OP @ fi ae uf yi a : f : ; ee a ; ned gies sad iy 4p a7... ss Oo a aes , - - ia : on ns {is - Tou i j Haftieay uN 7 - eo othe - ; Cai HAF > ee 7 : 7 ie. waa ai, iy ww, Mi ae ". = oP fT Berns 7 ee lea ai : as sy ' : : ag <. mere ipa - t 7 ‘ _ : a - 15 * OSES i hoy ~ ¥ ie alt Pc a ww a iy - - - : 7 t “f us a boo it { eta ie - : - - ‘ comes ti see meer ey ‘ial E 7 oe ee sypirteny ahs : 1 ‘ _ a dwg Pew hey, Ome - . : a Y od aire —— ; : - ee: © omnigt 59) _ be * > > | oRlaly alti Pe = 7 a We 1 ” valet aly u if = ' 7 int ~pt : ‘ oy ” aha 7 = coe =<-/s Waite ie Biya Honk Oy. { an” el ro , ' 7 y * re % eating, \--a% wry 7 ' i= - _ doe > a ta tfh ; ‘4 ee , re’: a pe le te athe» re i a) call 1 Sone veri) ‘bes tg = - : 7 : + ‘ ie - _ Ls a — ‘ty ve - = . hal a , Ae 2 4 . a Cultural and Historical Geography of Southwest Guatemala By Ferix Wesster McBryve Geographer, Military Intelligence Service, War Department* INTRODUCTION Without risk of being justifiably branded an en- vironmental determinist, a geographer may point out direct and striking relationships between man and his habitat in Southwest Guatemala. In such a moun- tainous region within the Tropics, to understand the culture it is essential to have a good knowledge of the physical elements, especially those which most strongly affect human activities. High, rugged mountains, some mostly of limestone, others, lava and ash with many volcanic cones; deep sharp-cut gorges; low-lying plains; and lofty but ‘limited plateaus: these contrasted relief regions largely determine the major patterns of drainage, climate, vegetation, and soils. The physical complex is closely reflected in the distribution of population and human activities. These general facts are evident in a measure even from a casual perusal of maps of the region, and they may be observed in similar settings in other parts of the world. It has been my purpose, in ad- dition to studying cultural manifestations, to attempt an analytical description of the physical landscape, especially in terms of those elements which are critical to the native economy. The economic scene and the material adjustments of man to his milieu constitute the core of the research upon which this report is based. It is hoped that the extreme diversity and complexity of the cultural landscape will be MtelQnvlesve from Ohio State University. Since manuscript went to press, Cultural Geographer, Institute of Social Anthropology, Smith- sonian Institution. 654162—47 2 demonstrated and explained in part, at least, by de- picting the extent of coincidence of human and natural phenomena. In view of an almost complete lack of preexisting data detailed enough for the study which I was undertaking, it was necessary from the start to col- lect almost all information by direct field observation. This meant not only original base maps, plans, and photographs, but also endless “cabbage counting” for which geographers are sometimes mildly ridiculed, and not always without some justification. Only the most general and obvious statements may be made without being accurately qualified, unless the field observer checks his conclusions constantly with counts and measurements. If these are not intelli- gently synthesized, correlated, and shaped into signifi- cant generalizations, they lack geographically even the merits of a good stamp collection. But any counting and measuring will result in truer pictures than many of those contained in some of our leading reference books on Latin America. It is commonly believed, for example, that the native markets of Central America and Mexico, and else- where in Latin America where there are simple cul- tures, are mainly social gathering places, of little economic significance. This is based upon the false assumption that every community is self-sufficient, producing all of its own goods with no real de- pendence upon other communities for anything. If this statement were reversed for Guatemala it would come nearer to the truth. bo There is probably no region in the New World that surpasses western Guatemala for illustrating direct relationships between culture and nature. Here is one of the largest concentrations of individualistic Indian populations, preserving much of its Maya background. This important cradle of pre-Columbian American Indian civilization, which is well docu- mented historically and archeologically, is centered in Guatemala and Southern Mexico. A great number of important New World domesticated food plants appear to have originated in this region. The maize- beans-squash complex was probably developed to a high degree by the Maya in the Guatemala-Chiapas Highlands before they expanded northward into Yucatan. There the civilization advanced, a unique example in the Americas of a high culture based on maize in the Lowlands. The explanation lies prob- ably in the long dry season (too dry for manioc) and the lack of streams for irrigation in the Yucatan Peninsula. With the invasion of the Spaniards in the early 16th century and of European and North American industrial adventurers after the mid-19th century, new elements of blood and culture were injected, providing an excellent field for the study of accul- turation in its historical stages. In view of the great range of physical and cultural variables which enter the scene, the only adequate FIELD For purposes of comparison, to bring out various human relationships in diverse environments, three interrelated areas, each having quite distinct physical and cultural characteristics, were selected, one in each of the so-called ‘‘zones,” tierra caliente, tierra tem- plada, and tierra fria. These, which are treated in more detail in Appendix 1, are summarized as fol- lows: (1) low Piedmont—Coastal Plain (Patulul to Retalhuleu), (2) intermediate Lake Atitlan Basin, and (3) high Valley of Quezaltenango (San Juan Ostuncalco to Totonicapan). Piedmont—Coastal Plain.—The east-west extent of my survey here during the months of February and March, 1936, was approximately 35 miles (56 km.), from Patulul to Retalhuleu. This was extended in 1941 westward to Coatepeque and eastward to Escuintla. Most time and effort were concentrated in the western portion of this section, between Chica- INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 geography is microgeography. In this monograph an attempt is made to describe in some detail the material culture of Southwest Guatemala and to point out the variations and distributions in terms of the physical setting. Food, shelter, and clothing are examined as to their nature, sources of raw materials, methods and places of production, and their movement in trade. Native and exotic agricul- tural products and crafts are listed and described also with reference to the areas and communities which produce them, and to the smaller groups within the communities. Possible physical reasons for spe- cializations are suggested, and products are traced from producing areas to markets and consumers, by the routes followed and by the transportation means employed. Though ancient traditions are often the only factors which can explain economic localizations (and the almost invariable answer the Indians give to the question, “Why?’), emphasis in the field work was placed upon observable physical factors.) With these we may block out environmental limits within which human activities are subject to choice and once established, are maintained through tradition. Distributions of population, land tenure, culture areas, and settlement patterns are considered as related to relief, water supply, and other environ- mental elements, as well as historical background, in an effort.to explain the complex and varied cultural landscape. STUDIES cao and Retalhuleu, from as low as 200 m. (656 ft.), at Santo Domingo Suchitepequez, to as high as 1,000 m. (3,280 ft.), at Santo Tomas la Union. I traversed the Lowlands by road along the Rio Tulate to Tahuesco, on the shore of the Pacific Ocean, in 1936, and to Puerto San José in 1941. In all, 24 towns, settlements, and fincas were visited and studied in more or less detail, including analyses of 12 markets, and a diagram of that of Chicacao. The largest is the market of Mazatenango, having well over 1,000 vendors per week. This region includes the physical provinces of the Coastal Plain and a portion of the boca costa, up to 1,000 m. Geologically and edaphically, it is mostly unconsolidated volcanic material, young eruptives 1Two ethnologists, Sol Tax and Robert Redfield, have concerned themselves especially with social aspects in their studies of communi- ties in Guatemala, made as a part of the Carnegie Institution program. pic MaTADO_ | . ee am Vane ay lte aie =~ “3s jouny a8oj)14 ows B0j1)4 0610) Uaol ows umol #810) vouoinded jo uoyitodwo> ~~ (28 Ajjonsn "jooawnu Ayu0sse>0u you VONOIYINO!2 - (261 tHUe? OJOWeOND UOdn d}aBs0) Pet0q S10p voWoindogy ws WIVNALVND Sits peice S 0 weOUDId SPIED \ bee ‘uptime 2 spIIdo30| o\qng uBg' = upniednz costoumy upg we \ Saenz, ‘Youn DI sQWOL O1UDS Dqwojog fend ye Dt pone Ounys : a o DI @50| 2 y, ( = 0 eas t (~ wunzy VIdvN WLNVS 'A . DDI, Pion] Dun. i Me enyoixy \ H q PICA *P.eld 1) Nee. es DULIDID DIUDSN. ' pbugjowy 47 _ a) eu 4 <.. 0007, 0 eens us? oavw3nd “2 a7} pee eos ee) ee sonbadajosbg unzyy ug NOONVOWT/A ATE iy (N(0K y y ==/ OONWNALTVZANO f ®odoysunbyp 0 uoideoucs ae o91DWi uDs' @rccsey S upn| uDS A. AVOIN LOLO * ea PUpIIUO}O] [OqoIsUD UDS ° mbed wi, —> pnb Inpex sgspuy ung «= C-Fanbiyy uns, / ¢ a < {oBupue)snory>y fo, ay . (ee 8 ~ Olly [9 CostuDy ups’ Ne ~ ett DmaIS, UDNEDges UPS » Beg N $ es ree ° cy “upnoin eae pjnuMbiysy DuDyy OYUDS ‘ ‘| Si oN /; 7 TN ~—"N ¢ znud vinys } \\, cei es Nie bi th « ahh eat’ momar renee af Sedoniny ugrdesucc \ al, ee, ‘. ~ ‘-#eer-—. wpiyyspeqo ‘ { pnts AHN sie: aoe (ee CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE ro) and alluvium, the piedmont of the cone chain, with numerous small rapid streams entrenched across it, flowing from north to south. The climate is mainly “tierra caliente” : tropical monsoon (short dry period in winter) with annual rainfall between 300 cm. (118 in.) and 425 cm. (165 in.) and a southern margin of savanna (long dry period in winter). Natural vegetation consists of monsoon forest, and deciduous park-savanna at lower levels (map 7). The most important economic fauna, of no great significance, includes large fish and shrimp in the ocean and lower rivers near the ocean; small fish and large shrimp (genus Macrobrachium) in the moun- tain streams, though not in merchantable quantities ; iguanas, in abundance, and caymans, now becoming scarce, in the outer Coastal Plain. The last two named are particularly important Lenten commodi- ties. Iguanas appear in quantity in the markets, alive, only during laying season (December to March, inclusive). I was told at Pueblo Nuevo that deer hunting was a common sport. There is easy access to all the area by roads and trails. Lake Atitlan Basin.—In all, there are about 23 settlements, villages, and towns, close to the lake. During a total of approximately 6 months (a portion of every month of the year, so as to observe seasonal aspects) on the lake in 1935-36, I visited all but one village. In 1932, I spent nearly 3 months at Solola (McBryde, 1933), and returned many times in 1935- 36 and 1940-41. In 1936 and again in 1940, the related outlying centers of Tecpan, Patzum, and Chichicastenango were also visited. Market lists were made for 7 centers and diagrams for 2. Fourteen villages have been built close to the Lake shore, but high enough to avoid inundation. The highest degree of microgeographic diversifica- tion anywhere in Guatemala is to be found here; it is probably not exceeded elsewhere in the world. Many of the villages may be separated from their neighbors by 2 miles or less, and yet, being isolated by physical barriers such as precipitous headlands, cliff shores, and a dangerous lake surface, they may have distinct economies, dress, and even vocabularies. (See pp. 97-126). At one point on the Lake shore, villages are not even connected by trail; at others, there is only a tortuous path skirting a precipice. High altitude range brings about climatic contrasts, from hot tropical conditions at the lower levels, to cold mountain summits, with vegetation from heavy monsoon forest conditions, as behind San Buena- ventura, to markedly deciduous, scrubby oak-pine woods and chaparral interspersed with areas of open bunchgrass and meadows. Within an almost vertical 600 m. (1,968 ft.) elevation zone, crops range from sugarcane to wheat and potatoes; fruits, from papayas to peaches. Add to this the convergence of three linguistic areas, also the recent injection of several small com- munities from remote regions in different directions, and the picture of complexity is fairly complete. It is in marked contrast to the more populous and homogeneous areas of the Pacific Piedmont and the Quezaltenango Valley. Valley of Quezaltenango.—Extending east-west about 18 miles, between San Juan Ostuncalco and Totonicapan, the more thickly settled portion of this almost level, open valley ranges in elevation from 2,350 m. (7,710 ft.) at Quezaltenango to 2,500 m. (8,202 ft.) at Totonicapan. I concentrated upon this valley and its surroundings during April and portions of May, July, and August, 1936, going down the canyon of the Samala as far as Santa Maria (1,650 m. or 5,413 ft.) and up on the northern wall as high as San Francisco el Alto (2,600 m. or 8,530 ft.), one of the most elevated Indian villages in the coun- try. During this time I visited San Marcos in the west, and Momostenango and Huehuetenango in the north, the first two having about the same elevation as Quezaltenango, the latter somewhat lower (1,900 m. or 6,234 ft.). Of these, Momostenango is the only one having close commercial connections with the Quezaltenango Valley. In this Highland region, I studied 25 Indian com- munities, and analyzed 12 markets, making a dia- gram of that of Quezaltenango, probably the largest Indian market in the entire Republic, with the pos- sible exception of the capital. There are two others in the valley region that each have over 1,000 vendors a week, namely, those of Totonicapan and San Fran- cisco, the latter meeting but once a week (map 19). Physically the Quezaltenango Valley region is entirely Quaternary volcanic (Sapper, 1925, p. 2). Forming the northern watershed of the valley is the high Continental Divide range, mainly striking north- west to southeast, with elevations between 2,800 m. (9,186 ft.) and 3,300 m. (10, 827 ft.), and belonging to the older period of volcanism. The young cones of Santo Tomas, Zunil, Cerro Quemado, and Santa Maria constitute the south wall. The northern con- tinuation of the first two encloses the valley along the east, near Totonicapan, while in the west it is shut 4 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 in largely by the range of the Continental Divide, which swings southward near San Juan Ostuncalco. Thermal springs are fairly numerous. There are at least seven important ones: two near Quezaltenango, two near Momostenango, and three near Totonicapan (which gets its name therefrom). All are utilized for washing clothes and bathing, often for therapeutic purposes. Near Momostenango, hot water is essen- tial in the felting of blankets and woolen cloth, which represent the chief basis of the local economy. One thermal spring below Zunil has the characteristics of a small geyser. The floor of the open valley is so level as to re- semble an old lake bottom, though there are no beach lines, lacustrine deposits, or other apparent evidences to indicate the former existence of a lake here. Strat- ified pumice beds, though probably wind-laid in places have the appearance of having been sorted and de- posited by water. Undoubtedly, thick strata of yel- lowish to cream-colored ash, ejected from the four adjacent cones, filled up a former canyon which may have been cut to a considerable depth. This pyro- clastic material, along with alluvial and colluvial detritus of volcanic origin washed down from the steep slopes, is the chief constituent of the deep and fertile soil of the valley. The tributaries of the Samala River curve and zig-zag through rather narrow entrenchments 10 to 15 m. (33 to 49 ft.) deep, with a gentle gradient that averages about 150 ft. per mile (about 28 m. per km.). The climate of the only station for which data are available, namely, Quezaltenango, is cool, with light annual rainfall concentrated almost entirely in summer. The rainfall is probably somewhat heavier along the north side of the valley, which is less sheltered from moist south winds. The area, almost treeless (pl. 38, a and f), is mainly planted to corn, vetch, wheat, potatoes, and beans, though short-grass pasture is considerable, mostly fallow crop land. It is grazed almost en- tirely by sheep; by systematically shifting their pens, soil fertilization is accomplished. This practice is very widespread in the Highlands (pl. 32, d and e). Bunchgrass and pine border the valley higher up along the slopes, the latter being particularly abun- dant toward Totonicapan. An examination of map 1 will reveal a network of trails and roads across the Upper Samala Valley, in the region around Quezaltenango. There are many more, almost innumerable footpaths leading out from the numerous centers of population to the rural dwell- ings and crop lands of this densely settled basin. It is so level and open that intercommunication is free and markedly developed. This is apparently reflected in a far greater cultural uniformity here than in the Lake Atitlan region, where communities are isolated. LANDSCAPE TYPES THE COASTAL PLAIN (LA COSTA) Along the Pacific shore there are high barrier beaches (pl. 1, b and c) and, especially at the mouths of the numerous rivers, hooks, spits, and sand bars. These enclose inlets and lagoons, of various degrees of brackishness, some of them estuarine—narrow, coastwise embayments, which in Louisiana would be called “bayous.” They extend along almost the en- tire littoral, generally referred to by the natives as “orillas del mar,” to distinguish it from the greater costa, or Pacific Lowland. A number of widely separated Ladino (non-Indian; see p. 12) shore settlements have been established, two of them ports with rail connections; but for the most part they are tiny hamlets clustered on the sand as at Tahuesco, shaded by graceful coco palms. The inhabitants here take full advantage of the quiet, black waters of these lagoons, where canoe navigation is safe (pl. 1, a). They live by seine fishing and by evaporating salt from sea water, or “cooking” it from salt-crusted silt (pl. 1, d). Back from the beach, mainly along the lower river banks and inner margins of the lagoons, areas of massive mangrove swamp alternate with jungles of low-growing fan palms where the ground is drier. Farther inland, groves of magnificent corozo palms (pl. 2, a) are scattered through the Coastal Plain, relics of more extensive and luxuriant forests of former times. For the most part, however, the flat alluvial Lowland is covered with rather open vege- tation (pl. 3, a, b, d); large, grassy pastures and sporadic cornfields and canebrakes, shaded in patches by tall, spreading trees, the branches of which are draped with the sprays of orchids, bromeliads, and other epiphytes. Large fleet-footed, gray-green and brownish iguanas, like miniature ghosts of prehistoric monsters, may be glimpsed, especially during the dry season, sprinting across the trail on tiptoes, their long tails held well above the ground as they scurry to the safety of giant tree trunks. Sparseness and a seared aspect of the vegetation are especially apparent during the long dry season (pd aoBg) LI-O ZOTKSD p]809 D909 10 yuourpard) spu : Bee ene sptiyinn yo : [rejep Ul UMoYs Ceti ite phoney 1 UBINIV ABT (Z) ‘uorsor Atle A Sema ais cateutont . rang: ete ve ISBU, 1 4 a}eoIpur (apoio yaed pus) safotI “B[BUAyBNs) JsaMyINOS UT sliBiceln: coieeiy ps Sy. 1 Basasqo puBy-jsig JO syruIy— fa T— fF dv KS —— AAS = i: ~ r tity: 7 P2.4rm9 . = - ef — ae , = > hi i a: i i = = = s wi. 7 —_—— + a : . a a ew _ > = a ha - &s 7 a _ rs 5 -— ae oe ais » 7 es = ¢ — ie ea of : -« §eae re iit <7 - _ 7 a — ~~ tt a i > | : - S te, _ pic ri 7 %, — a a ~~ *) EXPLANATION OF SYMBOLS Ls.—Limestones, Cretaceous and Tertiary. ae “Ia TANE >) ; / , SKE rps Pr K 9a tok Z en a Cr.—Ancient crystallines, igneous and metamorphic rocks. Granites mostly west of Huehuetenango. Mica schists mostly south and east of Huehuetenango. tContinental Divide (Northern limit of cones) GUATEMALA ~ = Scale 1:1000,000 2 J V’—Volcanics, lava and ash; geologically recent, but older than V; )Old volcanic cone (probable) *Hot spring. ives Ld eat er ee Kilometers ee AA 2 SO)! atenls. lenses Ceeins) aeeee SE ‘ cy 7 ee Miles (One inch te 16 mites, approximately) Contour interval 500 meters (100- meter. line Numbers refer te elevation in meter. 3 shove mean see level excepted) fe ics; mo tive cones, lava and ash. +Young volcanics; most recent and act » lay ; M evolcauc (active: Santiaguito, Fuego; geyser: Zunil). © Pejfion (basal dome). LE G EN D (Prpulation date based largely Upon Guatemale census, (92) - Railroad: standard gauge Re arrow qiuge . oe ap aah Memwrical usually sol Town, mix uistion - 0 inte enh ind Road ---—- ; Mule-! . 0,00- §,000 L rd + Mule-trail or fost-path FBet'reity —— Te onsioty Lode Bi ittinon, rinhsly Uasnea ta = Internations| boundary + + +; Basiioanta (ict she N00"5000 Lines, under $08 Liens) (Cher Spowimiiany 980-1800 Lainey) PO matwe isenate = - : Large village, mixed population -© Large Indien vi Department capitals (csbecoray underlined ; National Canrat aa Seas eee es ; Final sane physical ide American Geographical Society Ciudad Gustemals ahest, 1935; Ta natead s Aare vom las een, (Talal pep. inden L005, Ledines ond indian) 00 S000 Indismcrcae soe ieaings, Rut #ite se Mtwny Survey raps GWM); and original sucyays, especelly Lake Atitlén region, 1932 and 1935-36 {ae Se pod pear Inbar) (Ow Sooe Calvan Lane ies ty ‘Somall village, mainly Ledine ~ el mame Fras Raitt) = = Urrutia miner S88. Cultural Ideta frm sere sources and ethers; Largely revised from personel observations. f Wed (Ttal ponder yes, under ine nds) (Total pop wnae-\ eon, ender 100 Ladines) SOLoLk-QuazALTONAMGO-MazATeHANes ANZA EMPHASIZED V.A1.—Alluvium, chiefly of voleanic origin. — Webster McBryde, del, 1938. Mar 5.— Major geological regi 654162 O-47 (Face p. 6) s 0 rm : Seonosical regions of south Guatemala, generalized. (Geology after Sapper, Termer, Intercontinental Railway Commission Survey, Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, and original observations, 1932-41.) OCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Ss “eYIII) Pues ‘g sueyseqas ues ‘7 feystA euang ‘9: eNaAyopy ‘¢ ‘sapao1aqy sey p { 1opequiny, Ollesoy [yf ‘¢ + Joyovfeueg ‘7 ‘oBueuajezan() ‘T : (9 deur aas) sydersounypo vpewuoyeny payojag—T cts eta} as | T Loe — 0 nO se ae wh uy xv } of Ql ) ! _ . 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S : seo fae: | VIAL YAD a 2 iy} P4427, z ¥ Wy PVF 491.995 'So Perduay pint | ~ ie ¥ 4 ae Y a rrr pee wpeyday m148)7 eo y Pe eee ss at at IaISSV1O NAaddQy 3HL AS VIVW3ALYNS NYSLSAMHLNOS 4O — “STAB ICED 98 | - — | = ie CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 9 DEMOGRAPHY POPULATION ‘An estimated (1936) 2,450,000% inhabitants of Guatemala, some 60 percent of them Indians, and most of the rest Ladinos (middle and lower-class native-born inhabitants of white, mixed, or even Indian blood, but culturally Spanish),* live in an area of about 108,000 sq. km. (about 43,000 sq. miles). The percentage of Indians varies widely, from approximately 14 percent in coastal Amatitlan to 97 percent in highland Totonicapan. ETHNOGRAPHIC ELEMENTS IN THE MODERN POPULATION INDIANS The Indians of Southwest Guatemala are short (men about 5 ft. or 152.4 cm., women 4 ft. 8 in. or 142.3 cm.),° slight of bone, of medium musculature, and for the most part, dark reddish brown in color. Marked prognathism, large mouths with thick lips, and poor teeth are common facial characteristics, as are Mongoloid eyes; hair is black, straight, and copious, and baldness is rare. Variations in skin color are numerous, the dark shade of the Xanka- tales (Nahuala—Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan) suggest- ing an admixture of Negro blood; Santa Cruz la Laguna natives also appear quite dark; while Pedranos are noted for their lighter skin color and relatively handsome appearance. Various legends tell of a band of white settlers, pirates according to one common version, who came in and intermarried at a very early date. Physical traits are often found to characterize entire municipios or larger groups wherein relationships are close. Meédel wrote that Indians of the Tropics were darker than those of extratropical regions, who appeared but little different from the Spaniards (Médel, Ms., p. 193, t5216)). 3 My estimate is close to that of the Foreign Commerce Yearbook for 1937 (2,420,273). (See U. S. Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, 1938.) The 1939 Statesman’s Yearbook gives an estimate for 1937 of over 3,000,000, while the official Guatemala Government figure for 1941 is 3,283,209. When this is compared with the 1921 total of 2,004,900, the growth of over 60 percent seems phenomenal. I estimated an increase of approximately 30 percent, or 2,600,000, for 1940, on the basis of past rate of population growth. 4For a fuller definition of “Ladino,” see p. 12. Ladinos and upper- class whites of Spanish descent (the aristocracy of Guatemala are not called ‘‘Ladinos’” except in the census) are politically, socially, and economically superior to the Indians, who generally occupy a position almost comparable with that of Negroes in the South of the United States. ® According to measurements listed by Strong (1934, p. 32), the average height of 251 men, from 5 different villages was 154.1 cm. (5 ft., % in.); 121 women, 141.4 cm. (4 ft., 7% in.). Chichicaste- nango men and women were shorter than those farther north. Musculature is unbalanced, particularly among the men, who generally have tremendously developed necks and legs, yet slight, almost frail arms. Since they travel long distances at frequent intervals with heavy loads on their backs, and climb steep trails much of the time, such a condition is not difficult to understand. However, even canoemen on the lake show little better development, despite frequent use of paddles. Their lifting power in back and arms is not great; I have found that two or three men will struggle painstakingly to beach a small dugout that, judged by American standards, requires no great effort for one (McBryde, 1938, p. 14). Traders carry loads commonly weighing 100 pounds (45.36 kg.) or more, but one may observe that they do nearly all the work of lifting with their legs. The loads are generally set up on some object (cacastes or carrying frames have legs to aid in this purpose), the cargador squats very low, adjusts the tumpline across his fore- head, then lifts the load from the ground by straightening up with a powerful push. (For illustra- tions of cacastes, which are made in Totonicapan, see pls. 12, c; 13, a; 23, d; 39, e.) The back plays little part in this process, though often there is some aid with the arms in “shoving off,” by using the long pointed staff (5 or 6 ft. or somewhat less than 2 m., long, with sharp metal tip) frequently carried by merchants (pls. 4, c; 12, c; 13, a; 23, d; 39, e). Women seem to have arms as well muscled as those of men, for they spend much of their time grinding. corn and washing clothes, operations that not infrequently are performed with a sizable baby slung on behind. In many regions, especially along the lake shore, they derive considerable exercise also from climbing 2,000 feet up a steep trail to market with such a burden, then adding a large basketload of produce, balanced on the head, during the return trip. Better than words can describe, the sketches and photographs show characteristic native types seen in various villages, particularly those around the Lake (pls. 6, 7, 8, 9), bringing out their physical type as well as their dress. Whereas in Mexico and in El Salvador a great proportion of the Indians have dropped their native languages and speak only Spanish (which makes the linguistic census classification unsatisfactory), this is not true to the same extent in Guatemala. Except in 10 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 the eastern departments, where Ladinos predominate, most Indians of the region under consideration in this report still speak varieties of Maya known as Quiché, Cakchiquel, Zutuhil, and Mam. These are mutually unintelligible, for the most part. Even within one linguistic region, there are local expres- sions and idioms which are used only in certain municipios. As a consequence of these linguistic differences, Spanish is the trade language largely de- pended upon in markets where diverse tongues converge. The present inhabitants of Guatemala, especially the Indians, are essentially vegetarians. Maize sup- plies perhaps as high as 80 percent of the total food consumed. It is eaten mainly in the form of tortillas (thin, unseasoned griddle cakes) and tamales, though gruels, hot (atol) or cold (posol), and pinol (ground, toasted maize and spice drink; see p. 148) are com- monly made from maize, and the ears in milk stage (elotes) are often roasted and eaten during the season of their immaturity. An extensive survey throughout the area indicated that tortillas are eaten more than tamales only where firewood is abundant. This is because much more fuel is required to heat a griddle with a few flat cakes on it than to boil enough water in a deep jar to cook a large number of closely packed tamales. Consequently, in an open area where fire- wood is at a premium, as in the high Valley of Quezaltenango, nearly all maize is eaten in the form of tamales, and tortillas are rare. Toasted tortillas (totoposies), the only ones that are sometimes salted, are taken on long journeys, for they do not become sour. Nearly dry paste of black beans is also a com- mon food for the trail. Beans, especially black kidney varieties from bush and vine, are second in importance to maize in the diet, and they supply a large proportion of the pro- tein requirements. A variety of fruits and vegetables, mostly native and including many wild greens (as chipilin, pp. 142, 147) that are gathered, provide much of the rest of the food. Special beans have been devel- oped for eating in the pod (ejotes). Little wheat bread and meat are eaten, and then nearly all on festive occasions, as both are relatively expensive. Ladinos eat more of these introduced foods, along with European vegetables, than do Indians (see De o/) Coffee is the common drink. Water is almost al- ways heated before it is drunk by the Indians, as cold water is considered ‘“‘bad for the stomach.” Thus, unknowingly they check dysentery, typhoid, and other water-borne diseases. Chicha, widely made ferment of maize (usually black), is also boiled in the process. Native Indian population is especially concentrated in the Guatemala Highlands as it apparently was also before the Conquest. Most of the archeological sites of Southwest Guatemala are in the Highlands and along the piedmont,® while they are almost lacking on the low Pacific Coastal Plain. Kroeber (1939, p. 161) has concluded that “. in general, prehistoric, historic, and modern populations in Mexico and Central America tend to be dense and sparse in the same areas.’ Population figures in Spanish Colonial records are vague and unreliable, so that we can, at best, only approximate the numbers of Indians living in the region even during historic time. For this reason, estimates must be only expert guesses, and authorities vary widely in their tabulations. Whereas Sapper (1924, p. 100) arrived at a total of 5 or 6 million inhabitants for Central America (including Chiapas) in 1500, Kroeber’s more moderate and care- fully thought-out estimate is only 3,300,000 for all of Mexico and Central America (ibid., p. 160). The temporary impact of the Conquest, with con- sequent reductions and eventual recovery of native populations, has been summarized by Kroeber as follows: The Conquest no doubt did cause shrinkage in numbers; but in the well-settled regions this effect seems to have been transient, and probably began soon to be made good by an increase attendant on the new experience of internal peace under Spanish Colonial government. . .. If our 3,000,000 [for areas of high culture in Mexico and Central America (Guatemala and El Salvador)] be accepted as anywhere near the truth, there has been a definite increase not only of total population, but also of Indian population in Mexico, [and Guatemala and El Salvador] since aboriginal time [idem]. Kroeber’s estimate of 12,000,000 Indians (including half of the Mestizos) in Mexico and Guatemala in 6 It was here that Alvarado encountered the greatest resistance during his invasion of Guatemala in 1524. Of this, Bernal Diaz writes that, after passing through (friendly) Soconusco, ‘‘which was in that time very populous with over 15,000 inhabitants,” (archeological and his- torical evidences, especially Ponce, 1873, indicate that this was mainly in the piedmont), they met resistance at Zapotitlan, where ‘‘many squadrons of warriors” defended a bad river (Samala?) pass. They were “not only from the ‘poblaciones’ of Zapotitlan, but from other neighboring towns” as well—the account indicates that these were piedmont centers—and were so numerous that the Spanish forces could hardly “get by the injured.’ Continuing toward Quezaltenango (Xelajui), they were met on the open plain by “all the forces of those neighboring towns” (around and including Quezaltenango), which amounted to more than 16,000 (‘‘dos xiquipiles’). If we may base an estimate upon such a report, it will be concluded that there were considerably fewer Indians in that valley just after the Conquest than there are today. *sediun{-sseidA0-8Uld—MOQVAW ANId1v (01 *d aoe) LF-O ZOIK9 . *(pezteioueds) B[BUIE}BNY JSOMYJNOG Jo UorBjeHaA [BINyeN —y dv Wie eeu S271 ° wo Hears: PS V7. y j ” ot PINAL 71 ¢) A ey 7 Fr | 12g sealed e ‘ 93124Ky oO MaT9RE sig, 7 snobs aes q4egis ° *4edjun[-ssesdh°-8Uld-—MOQV3W 3NIdI1V¥ CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE a) 1930 indicates a fourfold increase in the number of Indians in these two countries since the time of the Conquest. On the same basis, his 1930 calculation for Guatemala is 2,000,000 Indians. This country contains by far the greatest concentration of “pure” Indians to be found anywhere in Central America today. Factors in the post-Conquest decline of the Indian population.—For the southwestern piedmont of Guatemala specifically, the 1579 description of Capotitlan lists the following causes of reported pop- ulation decline immediately following the Conquest : (1) Polygamy, practiced in pre-Columbian times, was forbidden by the Spanish. (2) Former living conditions of scattered populations were healthier than in insanitary towns into which Indians were forced by reducciones. (3) Indians have imitated the Spanish in going on long-distance trade and labor journeys, in which the “change of airs and waters” seems harmful; also, bathing after sweating from such labors. Indian numbers were much reduced by the Con- quest through battle casualties, executions, and exces- sive exploitations in quests for high-value resources, especially gold.* In those sections of Central America where gold was lacking there were disastrous results of exploita- tions of other ready sources of wealth. In the area of the modern Republic of El Salvador, where there has been much oppression of natives, the “gold” was cacao, as indicated by a letter from officials of the Audiencia de Guatemala to the Spanish King, April 8, 1584, in which extraordinary depredations of the Indians of El Salvador (especially the Izalcos) are described in detail. With Spanish recognition of Aztec demands for cacao, the value of this com- modity more than trebled (as I calculated the new price, $13.50 to $15.00 per load of 24,000 beans), and certain Spanish planters near Sonsonate began intensive exploitation of the Indians. “They began to put pressure upon their Indians and to make them plant great groves [milpas] of cacao, making them work in them day and night they became very sick because of the humid and hot country thus many died and they went on dying because of. this new work” (Anon., Ms. 1584, p. 12). Palacio (1866, p. 15) says in 1576 of cacao production in El Salvador that “in the four places of the Izalcos alone’ more than 50,000 cargoes of cacao beans, worth 50,000 gold *See Brinton (1885, pp. 177, 181, 183, 187, 189), regarding the futile search for gold in the volcanic Highlands of Guatemala. pesos on the market, were produced. The cultivated area was estimated at “2 leagues [8 km.] square,” or about 25 square miles. A cargo was three viguipiles, or 24,000 beans (a viquipil was 20 contles of 400 each, or 8,000). If this estimate is accurate, 1,200,000,000 cacao beans were produced annually on an area of not over 30 square miles (p. 33). In the “Relacién de la Provincia i tierra de la Vera Paz” (Anon., Ms. 1574 b, pp. 8-9, f. 96) there is an account of the losses through sickness and deaths among the Vera Paz Indians who went into the Pacific Lowlands. It is stated that Highland Indians could not go into the Lowlands beyond Tucurub toward the Golfo Dulce, because they would “quickly get sick and die.” Owing to this and to the deserted or “heathen”-infested lands in the vicinity, these Vera Paz Indians went to rent lands in Sonsonate, Soconusco, Chiquimula, and Zapotitlan, 8 to 12 days walking distance away. Here, too, many became sick and died. Velasco (1894, p. 302) says of Soconusco, about ASV Ale Although on the plain in the lower part of this province there are very good town-sites, the Indians inhabit the wooded slopes through their love of cacao, which yields best in country that is hilly, hot, and humid. The Indians of this province have declined greatly in number, due to the trials and tribulations associated with cacao cultivation: the 2,000 Indians of this province produce 400 loads (24,000 beans each) of cacao a year. Fray Alonso Ponce’s companions, in 1586, refer to the Soconusco lowlands as “el Despoblado,” a region of well-watered cattle pastures where there are no towns (Ponce, 1873, p. 294). (See maps 8 and 15.) Pineda (1908), writing about 1570, says of Istapa: The town of Ystapan is next to the Pacific ocean, half a league from the shore . . .; this town is very rich in cacao, there being many groves [munchas myllpas], with so much cacao that the Indians cannot process it, for, though it used to be a large town, it has declined greatly because of the numerous deaths, so that many groves had to be abandoned without anyone to harvest and process it. Diseases.—The ravages of diseases were extremely disastrous in Guatemala. Shattuck (1938) has described these in some detail, though he said little concerning the three great decimating epidemics of the 16th century, which were described in the Cakchiquel history (Brinton, 1885). The first of these occurred in 1523 (an oft-repeated accompani- ment of or prelude to the European impact, which here occurred in 1524), the second in 1559, the third in 1576. Though smallpox, the early occurrence of which in Mexico is well known (Carter, 1931, Ds 09; 12 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 ftn. 5), and measles have been much blamed for epi- demic reductions of native populations at the Con- quest, the symptoms enumerated in the Annals of the Cakchiquels (Brinton, 1885) regarding these three major 16th-century epidemics strongly suggest influ- enza of the virulent (autumn) 1918 type in the United States and elsewhere. This diagnosis was tentatively made after consultation with Dr. K. F. Meyer, University of California bacteriologist. Brasseur’s suggestion of spyhilis can hardly be con- sidered, because of the symptoms; also, syphilis was probably endemic, while this epidemic came with the Spanish. Shattuck’s suggestion that it was smallpox is little more acceptable in view of the nature of the disease and the fact that smallpox was known as “viruelas.’ Nor is Brinton’s idea that it was measles (ibid., p. 207) in keeping with the symptoms, which were fever, coughing, sore, swollen throat and nose, accompanied by nosebleed. There were a “lesser” and a “greater” pestilence, the latter of which may have been the pneumonic type (ibid., p. 194). The sud- denness of seizure, rapidity of spread, and great num- bers infected (ibid., p. 171) as well as relative immunity of children (ibid., p. 173) and high adult mortality (ibid., p. 171) are also in keeping with the characteristics of influenza. Most convincing of all, however, is the fact that, prior to the 1559 epidemic, which was said to have come “from a distance,” “six months after the arrival of” a President Royal from Spain (ibid., p. 194), there was a 1557 influenza epidemic that ravaged “all of Europe,” occurring in Madrid in August (Vaughan, 1921, table 1, p. 7; Hirsch, 1883-86, vol. 1, p. 8, dates the disease in Sicily, July, and Spain, October). The Thomson monograph (1933, p. 5) mentions the same epidemic (from Hirsch, 1883-86, vol. 1), characterizing it as “mild,” and “from Asia,” and quotes Stowe’s “Annales” to the effect that an epidemic raged in England during the harvest of 1558. The 1559 outbreak in Guatemala was said to have been of the same type as that of 1523 (Brinton, 1885, p. 194). An epidemic of influenza was “‘widespread over all of Europe” in 1510 (Vaughan, ibid., whose data were apparently from Hirsch, 1883-86, vol. 1, p. 8; for a fuller discussion of this subject, see Mc- Bryde, 1940; for reference to other diseases, see Shattuck, 1939). LADINOS Because of the importance of the term “Ladino” in Guatemala, and the common misinterpretation of it by foreigners, it is well to consider the significance of the word. The greatest differences between an Indian and a Ladino are in culture rather than in blood. The latter speaks Spanish as a native tongue, though he may know an Indian dialect as well; he probably wears a necktie, shoes, and any other ele- ments of European dress that he can afford; usually, though not always, he lives in town, and his house is ordinarily more elaborate than an Indian hut. The possession of a significant number of these traits makes one a Ladino (pls. 40, a, d, e, and 41, b). Only Indians have “cofradias’” (religious brother- hoods) and “brujos” (medicine men), and speak Indian dialects when conversing among themselves. The distinction is sometimes so hard to draw that illustrations will be necessary for clarification. In the Chicacao market during 1936 I frequently saw a large blonde woman with reddish hair and ruddy complexion, dressed like her Indian mother, in full Atitlan costume. Her father was French, yet she lived like an Indian, and was so regarded by every- one, despite the fact that her European traits were unmistakable. Ladinos on the other hand may have pure Indian blood, and it is only their mode of life which puts them into the presumably physical cate- gory of “Ladino.” This must be borne in mind in considering the 1921 Guatemala census figures. Census takers were instructed merely to note “dis- creetly,” on the basis of “easily recognized” charac- teristics, whether a person is Indian or Ladino, with no embarrassing questions asked. “The character- istics of each race are clearly marked. Note them in a discreet manner. ... The race of each person shall be written without asking questions. ...” (Mini- sterio de Fomento, 1926, vol. 1, p. 82.) Simply wearing shoes and speaking fluent Spanish does not make an Indian a Ladino. The Atitlan butcher in the Panajachel Indian market certainly qualified in at least these two respects, and seemed to want to be a Ladino. But no native ever con- sidered him one. If he moved to another community and opened a store, however, he could pass for a Ladino. Though the etymology of the word “Ladino” is obscure and somewhat confusing, the definition given by Velazquez de la Cadena (Dictionary, 1868 edi- tion) is enlightening: “1. Versed in an idiom, speak- ing various languages fluently. 2. Sagacious, cun- ning, crafty. 3. ‘Negro ladino’ (Am.). A negro who speaks Spanish so as to be understood.” All but the third meaning were given also in the Dictionary of CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE ale the Spanish Royal Academy, 1791 edition. Fuentes y Guzman (late 17th century) refers to “Mestizos and Spanish Ladinos” (1932-33, p. 409). _ A late 18th-century manuscript relating to Chiapa, in the Museo Naval, Madrid, reads as follows: “, . they are called ladinos, because they speak Spanish, they are mulattoes, zambos, and other castes which are not Indian .. .” (Anon:, Ms. 1783(?), p. 44). The early significance, then, was usually linguistic. Juarros defined a Ladino as an Indian who “professed Christianity” (Baily translation, 1823, p. 24). The opposing factors of isolation and acculturation are of primary significance in the matter of speech. The Spanish language, like the wearing of shoes or the putting of full-sized windows in a house, is adopted by the Indian as he becomes “Ladinized,” and it may well be taken as an index of this process. Accordingly, where the two racial types are in close contact, there will be more Spanish spoken by Indians than where they live apart. Such, for example, is the case in the Quezaltenango area, where many Ladinos live, and in the Totonicapan and Momo- stenango areas, where, though there are few people of European culture, many Indians are long-range merchants, and travel often as far as Salvador. They must speak fluent Spanish, as it is the trade language. ‘A large proportion even of women (usually last to learn it) speak the national tongue in such areas as Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, etc. Since Indians rarely settle permanently below the lower limit of the coffee belt, Spanish is consequently the language of the outer Lowlands, especially under 200 m. (656 it.). The percentage of Indians in shore towns ranges from 0 (Tahuesco) to about 10 (Champerico) ; the proportion is usually about 2 percent. The few Indians here speak the European tongue almost exclusively. This was not considered, apparently, by Stoll (1884) when he drew his lin- guistic map. Sapper, however, made the correction (1897, Map 5), and it has been followed by others since. In the mixed villages of the piedmont most Indians, including women, have a good knowledge of Spanish, and many speak it well. In remote areas, on the other hand, a considerable number of men may even be found who cannot speak enough Spanish to carry on an intelligent conversa- tion. Native “intendentes” are chosen largely for their ability to speak Spanish, and usually in isolated settlements there are very few men to choose from. This is especially true of the villages of the more secluded northwest shore of Lake Atitlan—San Pablo, San Marcos, Tzununa, and Santa Cruz— where there are practically no Ladinos; there is a 1,000-m. wall at their backs, and a wave-furrowed, wind-swept lake before them; nor do they have more than a very few canoes to traverse it. Those of the south-shore villages (and to a much lesser degree, those of the northeast), traveling frequently to the Lowlands, for the most part speak Spanish fairly well. It is almost the rule that Indian women of the Lake region lack knowledge of the national tongue, except for the most frequent vendors in the markets ; and even there, in the plaza of Santiago Atitlan, many women do not even understand Spanish nu- merals. That is distinctly a local market, however, and there are few Ladinos, most of whom know a little Zutuhil. In the mountains behind Solola it will be found that most of the Indian women and many of the men are equally inarticulate in Spanish. On the other hand, there appear to be more Ladinos about the Lake than elsewhere in the southwest, except in the case of merchants dealing largely with Indians, who could speak one or more of the Maya dialects. Many of the non-Indian residents, even of a town with as many Ladinos as Solola, can carry on conversations in Cakchiquel; for it is often a necessity. That Ladinos have long been established in the towns and villages of western Guatemala is indicated by Dollfus and Mont-Serrat through their population figures. Santa Cruz del Quiché, e. g., is said to have 3,000 Mestizos and only 1,500 Indians (Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, 1868, p. 524). NEGROES The first appearance of Negroes in Guatemala dates back almost to the Conquest of that area. Garcia Pelaez discusses this rather fully, citing an edict of Guatemala in 1553, a cedula of 1540, and testimony of Alvarado (recorded by Remesal, 1932, bk. 1, ch. 15) to the effect that African slaves were men- tioned among the servants, characterized as “indus- trious workers,” and were forbidden to bathe in rivers and springs where there were white women and girls. A ship in 1543 brought 150 Negroes, and a 1547 edict offered 3 to 6 pesos for the return of runaway slaves. Garcia Pelaez concluded, however, that the early Spaniards would rather marry Negroes than Indians (Garcia Pelaez, 1851-52, vol. 1, p. 63). This may in part explain the disappearance of 14 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Negroes here, for they are rarely seen in Southwest Guatemala today; mulattoes along the’ littoral and elsewhere in the Lowlands represent perhaps the modern vestiges of this miscegenation. Most of Guatemala’s small Negro population live in the east- ern Lowlands, in Livingston and Puerto Barrios, where they are employed as stevedores. Pineda, later in the 16th century, tells of certain Indians in Soconusco who had “male and female negroes as servants” (Pineda, 1908, p. 442). Alonso Ponce in 1586, when near Grionda, a place at the fork of the Camino Real where it branched to Chiapas and to Soconusco, passed ‘‘some negro women and others” (Ponce, 1873, vol. 1, p. 291). Later, at Quetzalapa, near Tonala, in Soconusco, his party was given a calf and some salt, to make jerked beef, for “that uninhabited road which had to be traversed, by a negro estanciero”’ (ibid., p. 298). Ponce also mentions (1873, vol. 1, p. 403) the appearance of “many Negroes” near Sonsonate (in modern El Salvador), a few near Los Esclavos, in eastern Guatemala (ibid., vol. 1, p. 406), and Negro laborers in Chiapas, (ibid., vol. 1, p. 437). From this widespread distribution before the end of the 16th century, mentioned quite casually, we see that Ne- groes were fairly numerous, and that their principal concentration was apparently in the Pacific area of Guatemala. There may be some implication of Indian-Negro cross (zambo) in the same Santiago Zambo, the early village of the piedmont which today is Finca Zambo, in Suchitepequez. It is not far from the coastal lands of the Xankatales (Highland Nahuala- Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan Indians), who are among the darkest-skinned of the Guatemala Indians, possi- bly because they may have absorbed some of the early Negro blood. Although Negroes as such apparently fade from history after the 17th century, it may be noted that even today, in various parts of the Low- lands, particularly in the shore towns, mulattoes and zambos can be recognized. I saw them in Tahuesco, and had reports of them also in other littoral centers. In the story of Los Esclavos as told by Dollfus and Mont-Serrat (1868, p. 33) it is stated that “almost all of the inhabitants are zambos. .” The ac- count of Negro slaves does not agree with that of Ponce’s companion, who said that a former president had released 10,000 Mexican Indian slaves, and even in 1586 the place was called Los Esclavos (Ponce, 1873, vol. 1, p. 318). POPULATION DENSITIES AND CENTERS The great, forested plain of Guatemala’s largest de- partment, El Petén, comprising over one-third of the Nation’s land area, is in large part almost uninhabited, having an average density of about one-half per sq. km. (1% per sq. mile) if we exclude Flores, a town of 1,500, wherein a fifth of the district’s people reside. Three-fourths of the total are clustered in miserable little villages and chicle camps, scattered over this low, fever-ridden region. By contrast, the High- lands farther south present the other extreme, with thickly settled agricultural communities occupying the more favorable valleys and basins. Exclusive of El Petén, the Guatemala density of population is about 35 per sq. km. (87.5 per sq. mile). PHYSICAL FACTORS AFFECTING POPULATION DENSITY Distribution of population is extremely spotty, with limited favorable areas having densities well over 100 per sq. km. (250 per sq. mile), adjacent to unpeopled volcanic slopes or deep barrancas (map 8). The line of demarcation is often sharp in the Valley of Quezal- tenango, where the municipio of that name has a rural density of 127 per sq. km. (317.5 per sq. mile), while the adjacent volcanic mountains of El Baul, Cerro Quemado, and Santa Maria are virtually uninhabited above about 2,700 m. (8,858 ft.). Water supply is a determining factor of the first magnitude here; dur- ing the half-year dry season, springs cease to flow on the higher volcanic slopes. The steepness here is, furthermore, unsuited to house construction. Along the precipitous shores of Lake Atitlan (pls. 45 and 46), villages are crowded upon low ridges and ter- races above high-water lines of both lake and streams (map 20). Only in the piedmont are terrain and water supply alike usually favorable, except on the sides of small ravines and secondary volcanic cones. Climatic advantages favor the Highlands, and often outweigh such detrimental factors as rugged terrain, remote water supply, and isolation. It is in the Highlands, then, that population is primarily concentrated (map 8). Most Indian villages are between elevations of 1,500 m. (4,921 ft.) and 2,800 m. (9,186 ft.) ; plantation settlements be- tween 350 m. (1,148 ft.) and 1,500 m. There is a distinct alinement of villages and towns, chiefly finca markets, along the lower isohyps (350 m.), with 14 major ones (over 1,000 population) and 11 minor ones, between about 250 m. (820 ft.) and 400 m. (pezt[si9ue3) vpemayeny jsaayynog jo A}1suep uoysindog-—g avy ; SU1IW : GL Wey) ezour ans | | soar [_] = ‘WH “OS Hdd SNOSUad ) (~~~ 000k Ses tet - : any - 7 <_< * LA. 3 —_ Y ; : \ “ ‘i tk ' ; nos — —_ 4 OS |G Soe ge. a | , ee biee ’ 4 3 - - in >. - , 7 77 a 2 = anne i Lee a - a * 7 rs a ee * = ee 7 a Bere e =i ¢ 2 5 : 7 7 7 - : i Rs - i Da i - —- 7 pi, Laie Ais \- i eh has + { — - i : oe ,” A — ad tv ake bio — ro a i. 9 " ie ad i lore ae : o Ben a A 7 ae a Pe, a ; ; a Mgmnt , sy ie a Wee J Ree oo . ; kg ; ep ON * ae ; *& t > 7 7 * oe T a. : _ ¥ a . 1 mo) a 4 M _— - _ ot a 7 S _ a : a ¢ = on 7 : a ait — 7 +. Las {= ae er a yt Pe 4) - dé > ' -— = es. a ee ied i 7 7 f~ - ny y ee A ety. we i “s Sh ee a 3h * : - <= - - o y = y ? - 4 : 7 t. re — Te Co) es = ’ : oe tl ae . 7 jad ; nn | : a a — - a i : 7 © oT] : iy ny et. "is j ~ ¥ 7 © mg is, : _ st. - aw ‘ fi a a a oe — ye 7 os a = oe ' 5 7 > “ of hs ee, CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 15 (1,312 it.), in the 80-mile stretch from Coatepeque to Chiquimulilla.§ Only nine of these are on the rail- road, which winds above and below the 250-m. isohyps. Lower than this there are virtually no towns except the ports, which are small, open road- steads, and most of the land is in large cattle ranches ; above, the few centers are mainly concentrated along trade routes that lead between volcanoes to the High- land centers of San Marcos, Quezaltenango, Totoni- capan, Solola, Chimaltenango, Antigua, and Guate- mala City. The 1,400-m. (4,593 ft.) to 1,500-m. (4,921 ft.) dividing zone between independent farming and plantation concentrations is strikingly coincident with the upper limit of the orographically conditioned zone of tropical monsoon climate (K6ppen defini- tion, hot and extremely rainy, except for a short winter-dry season, here December to March; map 6). This climatic region is essentially the same as the settled portion of the coffee belt (map 14), cultiva- tion usually extending somewhat higher in elevation than settlements of coffee planters. The upper limit of coffee growth is about 1,650 m. (5,413 ft.) on slopes bordering Lake Atitlan. Above a variable ele- vation zone, the center averaging about 1,450 m. (4,757 ft.), climates are cool to cold, and below it, warm to hot; there is but one annual corn harvest above, and two below; the independent subsistence Indians live mainly higher, their plantation kins- men lower than this level. At low elevations there are a few Indian villages, such as San Sebastian Retalhuleu, whereas in the mountains there are oc- casional small plantations, as of wheat. Yet, in broad terms, the generalization of Highland-village and Lowland-plantation holds true for Indian settlements. In pre-Columbian times, just as today, there were Highland and piedmont concentrations, the latter for cacao and, to some extent, for maize plantation settlements, colonized from the Highlands. The centers of population were strung along the pied- mont as they are now; but the mid-19th century shift from cacao to coffee here put the settlements at the base of the present plantation belt, instead of near the top, as in the case of lower-level cacao (maps 11 and 12). The only outer coastal cacao settlement to which I have found reference is that of 16th-century Ixtapa (Pineda, 1908, p. 429). 8 These are, from west to east (italicized if over 1,000 population), Coatepeque, Genova, Flores, Nuevo San Carlos, Retalhuleu, San Se- bastidn, Mulud, San Andrés, Cuyotenango, Mazatenango, San Ber- nardino, San Antonio, San Miguel, Chicacao, San Pedro Cutzan, Santa Barbara, Patulul, Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa, Siquinala, Guachipilin, Escuintla, Guanagazapa, Taxiscd, Guasacapdn, Chiquimulilla. Pineda’s statements tend to exaggerate the Indians’ wealth, however (see p. 91). CULTURAL FACTORS AFFECTING POPULATION DENSITY A distinction may be made in the Highlands be- tween certain almost purely agricultural areas of dense population and those where industrial pursuits have an important supplementary place in the re- gional economy. Since agriculture and trade are important in some measure to nearly all, these per- haps should be called, respectively, “agricu!tural- commercial” and “‘industrial-agricultural-commer- cial.” In the southwestern Guatemala “Altos” (Highlands west of Patzicia and south of Huehue- tenango) all the major areas of dense population fall into the latter category, with the exception of the Lake Atitlan Basin. Here some of the Lake villages have minor industries, such as the making of rush mats, or even fairly large-scale craft production, as in the fabrication of rope. Yet, generally speaking, it is an area without industries (nearly all artisans are imported), there being in their stead, as in the case of Solola and Panajachel, specialized, intensive vegetable culture, or, as at Santa Catarina Palopo, fishing, until a law was passed prohibiting it. Such substitutions seem to account for this exception to the general rule that Highland Indians are mainly craft Indians, having areal specializations, with goods produced by specialists among their communities. Of all the well-peopled regions, that of Momosten- ango is perhaps the one in which more of the inhabi- tants are craftsmen and the population as a whole is less dependent upon agriculture than elsewhere. They market their woolen goods in large quantities as far as El Salvador and Honduras. It seems significant that here soil erosion has completely ruined more land than almost anywhere else in the Southwest. Areas around Santa Cruz Quiché and Chiché and between Patzité and Totonicapan offer the only comparable examples of destruction with which I am familiar, and these are not so far advanced as are the rilled red clay lands and the famous pinnacled riscos of Momo- stenango (pl. 30, f).. Here Indians from far-off Todos Santos Cuchumatan bring maize to sell in large quantities in April, when it is usually still plentiful in most Highland communities, but is very scarce in Momostenango. Much maize also comes from Quiché. TOWNS AND VILLAGES Maps 1 and 3 show by symbols the relative abun- dance of Indians and Ladinos in all the towns and villages which are included in the present study, as 16 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 well as a number of others. Figures are based usually upon the 1921 census, except where reason has been found to revise them, e.g., for boundary changes. From the maps it will be observed that the seashore centers are mostly villages of less than 1,000 popula- tion (under 150 Indians), in every case predomi- nantly Ladino. Beyond the thinly settled park- savanna of the lower Coastal Plain, villages and towns lined up along the piedmont are for the most part rather evenly divided between Ladino and Indian inhabitants, and they contain, on the average, populations of around 1,000 (about half have more, and half less; see p. 15, ftn. 8). Where they are larger, Ladinos usually predominate, as in the instances of Mazatenango and Retalhuleu, having over 5,000 Ladinos and from 1,000 to 5,000 Indians. Only one sizable Lowland village, namely, Santo Tomas la Union, is predominantly Indian (1,000- 5,000 Indians; under 500 Ladinos). The major con- centration of Lowland Indians is in the monsoon cof- fee belt, where they have settled permanently in great numbers on the fincas. This is not to be thought of as a dispersed rural population. The laborers are housed in small, compact settlements, much like our factory- labor districts or, even more, like the slave quarters of the Old South. The tiny, simple dwellings are built usually in close, even rows, near the administrative center, for convenience. Since many of the colonos or rancheros (permanent colonists) as well as the temporadistas or jornaleros (migrants) are from va- rious parts of the Highlands (map 12), often repre- senting several dialects, a finca-belt map of languages would look in places like a patchwork quilt. Above the elevation of the coffee fincas, predomi- nantly Indian villages appear in great numbers. Only Santiago Atitlan and Comalapa have over 5,000 In- dians and under 500 Ladinos (see p. 85). It will be noted that Indian villages are particularly common around Lake Atitlan, where every shore settlement is of this general type except Panajachel, a tourist cen- ter, and the only one having a main highway connec- tion (San Lucas has a secondary one). Though the tourist trade is fairly recent, the route significance here is centuries old. Often Indian villages occur mar- ginal to large areas of dense population; e.g., around the Quezaltenango Valley there are nine fringing vil- lages, consisting almost entirely of Indians. The Ladi- nos, on the other hand, live mostly in the larger towns, such as Quezaltenango and Salcaja. They prefer this habitat, and the company of their fellows, just as most of the Indians prefer rural surroundings in their own communities. From certain sections Ladinos are virtually excluded (except for a small official staff, including teacher, garrison commander, etc.) ; e.g., Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan and Nahuala Indians, though they drink as much rum as any of their neighbors, have decreed prohibition of the sale or manufacture of intoxicating liquor, apparently to keep out the Ladinos who would control its production, which is regimented by national law (McBryde, 1933, p. 103, ftn. 52; see also Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, 1868, p. 71). Ladinos feel that their lives would not be safe among these ‘‘Xankatales” ; probably they are right. Certainly, life would be neither prosperous nor pleasant for them. Many exceptions will be seen, of course, to both generalizations (Ladinos as town- dwellers; Indians as rural) but particularly in the industrial Indian towns of Totonicapan and Momoste- nango. These are the only two which have the char- acter of towns, with over 5,000 Indians, and yet with only 500-1,500 Ladinos; the latter, town-building element being at a minimum. In every other case, centers that have been classed as towns have at least as many Ladinos as Indians (p. 86). An arrangement of concentric circles has been — used on the base maps to indicate towns (as dis- — tinguished from villages) of various sizes and ethnic — compositions. Most Highland towns, usually De-— partment seats, or administrative centers in large municipios, are rather evenly divided between Indian and Ladino elements. The commonest town tvpe on the map is that having 1,000 to 5,000 Indians and 1,000 to 5,000 Ladinos. Patzim, Solola, and San Pedro Sacatepequez (San Marcos) may be cited as good illustrations of this type. Salcaja, Zaragoza, and the Port of San José are the only towns in which the Indian element is almost negligible (under 500). In all Guatemala, Quezaltenango is the only town besides Guatemala City having more than 10,000 of both elements. A map that classifies centers of population merely by numbers of inhabitants gives little idea of settlement types in Guatemala, for it ignores the all-important element of ethnic compo- sition of the population. AGRICULTURE AND FOOD SUPPLY (See also Appendix 2) MAIZE CULTIVATION: THE MILPA The widely accepted term “milpa agriculture” used by O. F. Cook, of the United States Depart- ment of Agriculture, retired, to characterize native CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE IW Central American farming (‘‘the planting of crops in temporary clearings,’ Cook, 1909, p. 308) is quite misleading as far as most of the southwestern Guate- mala Highland region is concerned. So thoroughly worked is the soil, and so deeply furrowed with the broad hoe, that such a paradoxical term as “hoe plow- ing” is necessary to describe it (pl. 30, b, c). The hand implements of the Indians of this region are used with even greater effectiveness than a plow in prepar- ing “contour” furrows. Yet fields so laboriously worked are “milpa’”’ to them, and to anyone who visits the area; and hardly fitting the definition implied by the statements that “milpa agriculture appears well adapted to the needs of very primitive peoples, since only a minimum of labor and equipment is required. The ax or the cutlass is the only tool that is neces- sary” (Cook, 1909, p. 308). That this definition of milpa is not fully applicable as far as the southwest Highlands are concerned is clear from the following comparison: “The word that corresponds to milpa in Peru and neighboring countries of South America is ‘chacra,’ but this is applied also to lands that are terraced and tilled continuously in the higher valleys” (ibid., p. 308, ftn. 2). The implication here is that if land is cultivated continuously it is not “‘milpa agriculture.” Though Highland milpa land in Guate- mala today is not elaborately terraced,® it is contour- furrowed, and much of it is tilled as continuously as that of Peru. “Chacra”’ in Peru is applied to any cultivated field, not necessarily maize, and the term is also applied to a small farm; sometimes even to the amount of land included:in a family subsistence farm. There is not an individual in the entire area who would not call his cornfield “milpa” 2° (except when speaking in his own dialect), as that is the one universal word for it, there being no general syno- nym. If a writer wishes to refer to “digging-stick culture,” it would be preferable that it be done in those terms to avoid confusion. That the word “milpa” was applied in colonial times to other than cornfields has already been brought out. Many 16th-century chroniclers wrote of “myllpas de cacao,’ though perhaps more com- monly they were called “heredades.” Whether the Indians themselves used “‘milpa” in connection with cacaotales (cacao groves) is open to question. The ® Distinct terraces, 3 or 4 feet wide, are to be seen near Totonicapan, in fields cultivated at the present time; ancient, stone-faced terraces are common in parts of Chiapas, notably near Ocosingo. 10“‘Milpa’’ is also used to designate individual maize plants, or the maize considered collectively; often even “‘milpas” is heard as a plural when the plants are referred to. 654162—47_3 Indians of Atitlan in their letter to the King (Anon., Ms. 1584) spoke of “heredades de cacao,” yet even for maize, “milpa” was not mentioned, but rather “sementeras de maiz.” The Spaniards so often took names and words just as used by the Indians that their terminology presents fairly good evidence of native parlance. Today, any cornfield is a milpa, but in order to be a milpa it must have maize, and not some other field crop such as wheat, beans, or barley. It may have extraneous crops interplanted, however, especially beans, vetch, squashes, rice, sweetpotatoes, garlic, and sometimes maguey. Pure field plots of other crops than maize are generally referred to as surco or de suelo (e. g., beans: frijoles de suelo). HIGHLAND MILPAS Clearing and rotation.—A 16th-century Vera Paz report states that new clearings were made in the forest every 2 years (limit of yield in one place), after which the land was abandoned for 10 or 15 years (Anon., Ms. 1574 b, p. 8, f. 94). In the Highlands today the roza, as the process of clearing and burning is termed, is generally confined to new fields prepared on land which has been idle long enough for a regrowth oi bushes or trees. The same field is usually under cultivation for a number of years, until the yield declines excessively, then the plot is left fallow for 5 or 10 years or more, depend- ing upon edaphic conditions. At San Andrés Semetabaj, where there is good ash soil, though not so good as the decomposed lavas of Santiago, 5 years was said to be the limit of good yield, with virtual exhaustion and poor harvest at the end of 15 or 20 years. At nearby Panajachel, 5 years was also given as the limit of good yield; land is left then to go back to “bush” for 5 or more years. In that area, beans are sometimes interplanted," and annual alternation of beans and maize is common. At Santiago it was stated that about half the natives interplant beans with maize (and some pole beans). In the higher milpas there, beans are not planted, and good maize yields are said to be limited to 3 or 4 years,’ after which the land may be left fallow for 15 or 20 years, when vegetation returns. Lower down, land (much of it alluvial) is reported to be good for annual planting for 10 or 15 years, after which beans are Bo ens ve 1 ‘This practice was said to be objectionable at San Andrés, because the vine-burdened cornstalk offers more wind resistance and falls more easily. Beans are usually planted in special fields at San Andrés. 13 This discrepancy as compared with north-side estimates of 5 years, even on poorer soil, may reflect the fact that Atitecos, having more good land per capita, can afford to shift milpas oftener. 18 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Agriculture: major producing centers and zones of Southwest Guatemala based on elevation. Zone No. Elevation Meters Feet Zone 1: Outer Lowlands (EOStL), “stew cs ata ake tatet bates 0-100 0-328 Zone 2: Inner Lowlands and piedmont (costa and boca costa) Zone 3: Highlands (Los Altos) Sh Northern valleys (Rio Negro and Rio Se- lezua) Zone 4: Summits of moun- tains 100-1,350 328-4,429 1,350-1,500 1,500-2,250 2,250-2,500 2,500-2,750 2,750-3,100 1,500-2,000 4,429-4,921 4,921-7,382 7,382-8,202 8,202-9,022 9,022-10,171 4,921-6,562 1,200-2,000 3,937-6,562 Over 3,100 Over 10,171 Elevation Meters Feet 200-1,700 656-5,577 2,000-3,100 6,561-10,17 2 At Santa Atitlan and San Bartolmé, there is also an earlier planting, in February, with harvesting in August; vegetative period 7 months. Average planting and harvesting period Native American crops and (if annual) length of vegetative period Planting Harvesting Maize: r First, or main planting (pri- mero, fuego); 3-4 months...| May ...............- July-August. Second (segundo); 3-4 months | August ............. October-November. Irrigated; in humid depressions (chahutte, or de riego, or de < WAMMedGA ie “sisideso ace os sesso All year around ..... 3 months. First (primero, fuego, or tem- porada); 4-5 months ....... March-April ........ July-August. Second (segundo), 5 months...| September—October February. Cuarentenio (quick-growing) ; | 2-3 months June | (CHIVES Vereieyarete ca ttieetass: ois sce. ave: Sis.aca; eras] lovesesevace 0: tye'daceuesehacet aveMnastieras | heat ede Ne tts ieee etek WET SRG An Reanim rene Lone errnrentemr ac rniad coo conn ogo orc. Pineapples (5) cai aiss sie g.8:50e 8) 405-5Ghe womrexeia| soe sidva%evateva oo ond alas eravaueusyeve|h Sie aderetlepeitess eRegatebersl ae Maize: 6-7 months (roasting ears, 4 BTUOMLEHS |) oe sscie, = ae wm ard,sie ei oh, (ATrili ge centerre cesta September. ASU INONTUS§ Nsta/eistaisiessis a's ste avers 1 ES OSH AE OC Toe December. A Omdt irr OM Ss vatinyoyere:n'e: ass a:6\e'e March’ cient stems none December. Tamt2" SOT th: We ese. oi010.01018:8,4. 008 February, ae cise eis January. 12-13 months ......seeseeees ClOie S SoRe Maree ATT ate February. Kidney beans and tomatoes ...... IM ay a:sat'sosayovava atofetorsiava December. (1) Verano, January— | August-September. ; Mebrigary jsre'o.sjea/sce ate November— Maize, 2 plantings; 6-7 months ..] (2) Invierno, June— NUL isi otactersraee tone December. No plantings (only sheep pastures) Exotic crops Bananas Coffee (see map 12) Sugar (panela to Highlands in trucks) Rice Habas (broadbeans) Potatoes: Small, Large Wheat native “American” 11}) Average planting and harvesting period (if annual) Planting , ayalavetenehetetsteterstersle eis eteiae els. March-April’ 25.600 ccclsemecies eies2 =|) )UNe—july. RR NOGTTLOG COC aenee April=May. ssc. «se de,sisrelersisie ea ss «l]| December. (lana) eaten eto tene toyota Piece e151 oie Jantiary=Febritary: sj. /sia)sjsistsjerets sin ieiessis July-August. » Soleterateteetetetateteer sales or cfar Miarchiogitiesccsays.s ois ¢ vateendiretetemte mernel he) Lines Pintuvcteletotersinie is ore tiara sless oe aie Vo lisiedeioeic tes bse eeeteen slstesr || Decempers Blakararaarcierausvaiers October-November ................] June-July. Harvesting ‘ =o3ue) | (81 “d oon) Lt-0 Zo1Ke9 ‘ Si d ‘seyoved—7 ‘sajdde—y ‘(susaqpwoiq) svqoy—jzy ‘sa0ie\0 : Boats nay Suryeq puslysiy soley —g -uonBasya uo paseq ‘eyeum (svad yaryo) SBZUBqIEY a7BNT) JsaMy NOs Jo sau 2 (81 ‘d ‘uon8ings aag) “‘Qey1BW ozIeu Jofem =1848 ‘19}U90 Zulonporg 0% pus siaqua0 Zuronpoid Jofey :aingjnowsy —6 avy S211 Mes be Le = = ‘ Fy — a wv iis Sa . = 4 [ie ° Taal} v2 % aan, ohm 4 oe © ~ ; q ee, - 7 f -_ Pe (a ) j sy _ a a ,f § A _ \ 7 _ x » , > ee ; \ a7 7 a re - : - | | oo by 2 : ae Bader yb) lm < a ba %.. at 3 is 7 i Ah - ‘ are <5 ta * -? CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 19 planted for a year; thereafter beans are planted every second or third year, until the bean yield declines notably, which may begin after the second rotation. The field may then be abandoned for 4 or 5 years, and beans planted again, followed by maize. Such repeated plantings, even with rotation, inter- spersed by short periods of rest, result in the ex- tremely high proportion of cleared land that is so characteristic of the Highland landscape. The state- ment sometimes made, however, that the forest is never permitted to return (Kempton and Popenoe, 1937, p. 213), is widely refuted by observations Average planting date In much of the Highlands, there are monthly weed- ings for the first 3 months of growth. Where newly cleared brush or woodland, felled by ax and machete (pl. 31, >) is to be disposed of, it is usually burned after a period of drying, a month or less before planting. In wooded areas, there are often a few large trees left standing in the milpa (pl. 10, 9). The time of planting and length of vegetative period are chiefly a matter of elevation (map 9). The fol- lowing tabulation summarizes my observations in this regard: Average major harvest period Elevation Meters Feet WES 00=2;250) oic's s.disie.vieie AOZIR7- 32. is.2 cho. Seeks 2,290°2,500) nv e ee acces 7382-83202 | cine. cies ZS00=2,750) Si. cyeche cies 8202-91022 oo Servers Apr. 15-May 15 (wet season) ............. Mar: 15-30: (dry Season)! oie sesees eae sere Bebs 15=s0n (dry season); aoncccees sews as eco December—January. November—December. January-February. around Solola, Totonicapan, and other areas, where furrows are clearly visible under pine forests. It is nevertheless true that some areas, as in the Quezal- tenango-Totonicapan Valley, are largely deforested, and have been so since before the Conquest. Here there is little burning, and the roza is virtually re- stricted to weed cutting; for, even where there is a bit of brush or forest, it is conserved for firewood. Planting.—Preparing the field and planting maize is usually men’s work, as seems to have been the case since ancient times. Neither Oviedo nor Médel refers to planting by women. In part this division of labor is probably due to the heavy work involved, especially in felling trees and hoeing, but it seems to have also a symbolic significance, with the man regarded as the logical sower of the seed. Of the early writers which I have consulted, only Torquemada (1723, vol. 1, p. 328) refers to planting by women, which undoubtedly was exceptional. That women today plant other crops than maize, and aid in the harvest, will be brought out later. The various steps in the preparation of a milpa (not new land) were outlined and named by Santiago Atitlan Indian informants as follows (lands near the village, elevations not over 1,700 m.): In September, October, and November the corn- stalks are gathered for fuel, temporary fences, and a number of other uses. The leaves (the only fertilizer used) are cut and dug under. Weeds are cleared 2 weeks before planting. Any burning of stumps, roots, and brush is done 1 week before planting, which takes place usually during the first 2 weeks of February. Highland planting at elevations below about 2,250 m. (7,382 ft.) is, for the most part, begun after the first two or three heavy rains (sometimes called sembradores for this reason, especially in the Low- lands). Above that, colder conditions make it neces- sary because of the long growing period (nearly a full year) to plant as soon as possible following the month of frost hazard (January). Low temperatures, cloudi- ness, and fog retard the evaporation of moisture from the soil at these levels, compensating somewhat for the lack of rain. Planting before the rains is to be found at San Bartolomé Aguascalientes (2,500 m. or 8,202 ft.) and Santiago Atitlan (1,660—1,700 m. or 5,446-5,577 ft.), an exception to the general rule at this level. In both these regions, planting is begun during the first half of February and harvesting from the middle of August to December. For this early planting before the rains, the soil is said to be hoed deeper (as in dry- season planting in general), for better moisture con- ditions, than in plantings after rains, and hoed early, right after the previous harvest (Santiago Atitlan). In both of the above-mentioned localities, there is an- other planting in May with the rains, apparently a short-growing season variety, for it is harvested along with the earlier planted maize, beginning in August and September. Fertilizers.—Throughout the Highlands above about 1,500 m. (4,921 ft.), fertilizing of the land is common and widespread, for climatic and soil condi- tions are less favorable there than in the Lowlands, where it is seldom practiced. The fertilizer consists in 20 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO.. 4 some regions merely of old leaves of maize and other plants where the soil is good (Santiago Atitlan, Pana- jachel), or animal manure, which may be bought or gathered from the stables by the Indians, as at Solola. It is mainly obtained from their own animals (espe- cially cattle; Cajola, Chiquilaja, San Andrés Xecul) and mixed half-and-half with leaf litter. Estimates at Solola and at San Juan Ostuncalco agreed that about 10 or 12 sacks (80-100 Ib. each) of this mixed leaf and manure fertilizer are used per cuerda (about 30 yd. sq.). A small amount is generally applied to each hill. The commonest and most important manuring practice of the Highlands in the sheep country, above 2,000 m. (6,562 ft.), is that of keeping the sheep at night in small movable pens, each about 10 to 15 yards square, made up of broad, vertical boards. These pens are shifted every fourth to seventh day, depend- ing upon the number of sheep, each time to a new spot contiguous to the previous one. In this manner, a few dozen sheep may enrich a field of considerable size during a year. Special benefits to soil fertility are at- tributed to sheep urine. I have observed this prac- tice at Solola, Cantel, San Francisco el Alto, San Juan Ostuncalco, San Andrés Xecul, Pié de Volcan, and all through the Cuchumatanes Mountains, and have been informed of it in many other parts of the high sheep country. In many cases one may observe these enclosures, next to rows of adjacent squares of uniform size, the darker ones nearer to the pen obvi- ously being those recently occupied (pl. 32, d, e). Pigs furnish fertilizer at San Francisco el Alto. Chicken manure is often saved (observed especially at Santa Cruz la Laguna), and human refuse was re- portedly used at many localities, notably San Andrés Semetabaj. Tilling of the soil.—Before planting milpa in the Highlands of the southwest, the Indians do as good and often even a better job of furrowing with a hoe than they could do with a plow and animals, though the labor involved is enormously greater. Furrows as deep as 12 to 18 inches (30.5 to 45.5 cm.), about 3 feet (91.4 cm.) apart, extremely even and straight (and, on irregular slopes,}? always “‘contoured”) are made with a giant, heavy hoe about a foot wide and almost square, having about a 5-foot handle, and used like a mattock, cutting deeply (pl. 30, a, b,c). Probably this was a Spanish Colonial introduction to replace pre-Columbian types, doubtless of bone and wood. ise tiremendous |) steep slopes are cultivated. The angle of slope of a milpa on a lava terrace at San Pedro was 40°, or nearly the limit at which man can stand upright. Only in one Highland locality of the southwest _ was the digging stick reported for tillage. That was in Momostenango, canton of Tunayac, according to ~ Don Ernesto Lang, an intelligent German store- keeper who has long lived in that town, and who is steele to a native Indian woman. He said that “prior to about 50 years ago (1886)”’ all Indians used hardwood digging sticks of the Tunayac type, | 6 feet (nearly 2m.) long, with a wedge point. In rows along each side of these freshly turned furrows, several grains (usually 5)!4 are planted in each hole, a few inches deep. The holes, about 2 feet (60 cm.) apart, are made in some sections by sticks but often they are made by the hoe blade. They are usually made to alternate in adjoining rows so that the transverse space between the holes is the width of two rows. As the maize grows, earth is hilled up around each group of plants, sometimes into mounds 2 feet or more in height, probably a defense against the frequent high winds of the plateau and mountain regions (pl. 10, ¢). Ox-drawn plows are not uncommon in the western Highlands. I have seen a few on the nearly level terrain near Quezaltenango, notably at — San Mateo, and many near Huehuetenango, where they are used mostly by Ladinos (pl. 31, c). In the Cuchumatanes Mountains many Indians as well as — Ladinos plow. This is especially true at Todos Santos Cuchumatan (pl. 31, f). Though plowing is usually confined to fairly level terrain, it is some- times practiced on remarkably steep slopes, following contours as nearly horizontally as possible. In Huehuetenango farmers said that, for the rainy- season planting, they plowed once, early in May, after two or three rains. The furrows were about 5 inches deep. Often some animal manure was added. For the dry-season planting, during January and February, there were three plowings—the first about November 1, some 10 inches (25 cm.) deep; the second about November 20, 5 inches (12.5 cm.) deep, and crossing the furrows of the first at right angles; and the third about December 10, the same direction and depth as the first. The growing period during both wet and dry seasons is 7 or 8 months. 14 Information as to the number in each hole runs as follows: San Pedro Laguna and Santiago Atitlan, 5; San Andrés Semetebaj, 5 aver- age, 4 good land; San Francisco el Alto, 5-7; San Cristébal Totonica- pan, 5; San Andrés Xecul, 7; Cajola, 6-8. This varies with soil fertility; apparently, more seeds are used in poorer soil. 15 Usually 4-6 in. (10-15 cm.) except in dry-season planting, where it is deeper (8 in. or more); at Santiago Atitlan 6-8 in. (15-20 cm.) seemed usual, as also at San Juan Ostuncalco in the high valley. CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 21 The harvest.—Various preharvest practices such as the doblando, bending over the top of the maize stalks, leaving the ears pointing downward, or cutting off the top of the plant a month or two before the maize is gathered, are commonly though not univer- sally employed to facilitate ripening. The harvest is often protracted, with net loads of maize ears being brought in as needed, and stored; when storage facilities are inadequate, the maize must be left in the field and gathered a few loads at atime. Various animal pests, however, discourage this practice. At Santiago Atitlan the maize is harvested as soon as possible, and is kept in the owner’s yard. Women do a large share of the work of harvesting in many parts of the region, sometimes even carrying home heavy loads of maize, in addition to gathering it in the field.1® Maize is ordinarily shelled with the hand, as needed, being stored on the ear, sometimes in part of the house and sometimes in outside cribs (trojes). Maize colors.—It is almost universal practice to plant maize according to color, keeping each separate insofar as is possible. The common colors in descending order of importance and abundance are yellow, white, black (actually, dark purple and, to a lesser extent, blue), red, “calico,” and mottled (pl. 30, d). The first is most common throughout the entire region. Observations and informants’ state- ments at 15 widely distributed centers from Low- lands to Continental Divide showed that yellow was first in quantity and was preferred for eating in all but one locality, where white seemed to have equal rank; white is a close second throughout the area, with black (purples and blues) and reds far less abundant. At San Andrés Semetebaj a good in- formant stated that the dark-colored maize thrives on poor soil, where the others do not grow well. All different colors are eaten immature (elote), roasted, but much less than ripe, as tortillas and tamales. Red and especially black are preferred, as in Peru, for making chicha, a fermented drink. Along the north shore of the Lake at both Pana- jachel and Santa Catarina Palops, it was said that yellow maize was planted exclusively near the shore, mainly on alluvial land, whereas white (and a little black) was grown up on the steep slopes.17 One ex- planation for this was as follows: Yellow maize rip- ened earlier and if anyone put in a patch of yellow among the white, up where it could not be watched, it is For 16th-century notes regarding harvest methods in Vera Paz, see p. 24. 17 None of these reports could be personally verified, but they checked in different localities. They are recorded with reservations. would become a special prey to pests, particularly the tepeizcuinte (probably Cuniculus paca). There was no explanation as to why the slopes were not sown entirely to yellow, which should also nearly all ripen at once. Perhaps the yellow is more exacting as to soil, and, being preferred, it is planted on the best alluvial land. Cuarenteno (“40-day” maize) is generally limited to elevations below 1,500 m. (4,921 ft.) and occurs in the three common colors, yellow, white, and black. It has a growing season of about 2 months. Yield.—Average Highland yields, based upon a number of estimates made in various parts of the region, range from about 1 quintal (about 101% Ib.) to 2 quintals per cuerdat® (32 varas of 33 in., squared, or somewhat less than one-fifth acre). This is roughly from 550 to 1,100 pounds (or about 10 to 20 bu.) to the acre.® Tax (1937) and Stadelman (1940) have recorded average yields near the higher figure. Kempton and Popenoe (1937) give 10 bushels as the usual maximum yield for high corn- fields, with 20 bushels the probable top yield lower down. Médel gave 16th-century yields as averaging 60— to 80-fold (ratio between amount of grain har- vested and amount planted) in Guatemala and Tlax- cala on good maize lands; 200-fold, exceptional; yet for Nuevo Reino 25- to 30-fold was good (Médel, Ms., p. 140, f. 190). The probable average yield in highland Guatemala today is about 100 to 1, as in the fertile valleys of coastal Peru. In the United States Corn Belt the yield is commonly 200 to 1. Secondary milpa crops.—The principal crops other than maize that go into the milpa are usually beans and squashes of various sorts. These depend upon the individual locality, where taste and often climatic conditions are the determining factors. They can best be illustrated by citing several ex- amples of actual practice in different sections. A large percentage, perhaps half, of the Atitecos (Santiago, 1,600 m. or 5,249 ft.) plant beans, along with maize, four to each hill at the same time as the maize. Near the Lake shore, back to about 100 m. (328 ft.), almost all milpa is interplanted with squash (some report gilicoy, a form of Cucurbita pepo, higher up), manioc, and sweetpotatoes, all be- ing about 7 or 8 varas (of 33 in.) apart except the manioc, which is planted by each maize hill. Chila- 7a8'One quiitall per cuerda is the estimate determined by Termer for the Cuchumatanes region, and quoted by La Farge and Byers (1931, p. 71), who reported similar yields. 1 By miscalculating the size of a cuerda, I gave the correct cuerda yield at Solola in 1932, but estimated it as 2 tons per acre (McBryde, 1933, p. 107). It should be about 10 bushels (550 Ib.) per acre. a 22 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 ; cayote (Cucurbita ficifolia) is planted in the milpa at higher elevations. At San Andrés Semetebaj (1,900 m., 6,234 ft.) beans are sometimes planted along with maize, one bean to a hill. Squash and chilacayote are often planted in the milpa, usually about 20 feet apart, the vines running widely across the intervening spaces. Habas (Vicia faba L., the European broadbean; p. 28) are planted by a few, always in the milpa, usually 1 to 2 weeks later, at the time of the replanting of maize to fill gaps left by sterile grains. At San Juan Ostuncalco (2,400 m. or 7,874 ft.) habas are planted in the milpa, always two to a hill (as is the case throughout this entire region), from 1 to 3 weeks after maize is planted, and when it has grown to about 4 to 8 inches (10-20 cm.). Sometimes both are planted together, but it is better to put the habas in later so that they will not shade the maize. Beans (usually black) are little planted, then always in the milpa; there is some piloy (Phaseolus vulgaris macrocarpa), but it is not planted annually and it appears adventive in the milpa, coming up before the maize. Large chilacayotes that look like water- melons, but have white flesh and black seeds, are also planted in considerable numbers in the cornfields. Habas are the most planted of the intramilpa crops at San Francisco el Alto (2,600 m. or 8,530 ft.). Two grains by each mata (hill, or cluster of plants) of maize, are put in the ground usually § days later, both being harvested at about the same time. Beans are planted as are habas, but in far lesser quantities. Many people plant a small, globu- lar squash, one to every 15th or 20th maize mata.?° Chilacayote is far commoner in the milpa than is squash, however, and perhaps twice as abundant,”* it being better adapted to lower temperatures. Religious beliefs and superstitions connected with agriculture.—At several localities, notably San Andrés Semetebaj and San Francisco el Alto, it was said that planting was done with the waxing moon. At the latter place an unusually intelligent Indian in- formant specified the time as between the first quarter and full moon. Usually there are religious ceremonies associated both with planting and harvestiag, particularly the former, and primarily in the Highlands (pl. 17, a, b). Any detailed elaboration of these is beyond the scope of this study. Planting ceremonies in the Solola region have previously been described, and parallel " 20Tt servesias a vegetable when immature, and confection when ripe; the flowers and greens are sometimes eaten also. "1 Green, it is put into soups; ripe, it is cooked with sugar (p. 137). practices in Chiapas and Yucatan cited (McBryde, 1933, pp. 77-81). Planting time is often locally stated as beginning on a specific date, probably a day in the native calendar. Lang of . Momostenango, said that only within recent years (suggested 1920- 25) have some Indians learned to disregard such | . : days in favor of suitable weather conditions. Though maize in the Lowlands is inferior and less important as a basic crop than it is in the Highlands, it is far from being rare, as some authorities have indicated.?* From the literature one would judge j that the Coastal Plain is terra incognita. Even the 16th-century chroniclers who trod the length and breadth of the land usually said only that maize was grown in the Lowlands, where there were two or three harvests (the growing season here being 4 or 5 months), as well as in the Highlands, where there was but one (Médel, Ms., p. 140, f. 190). Maize is little grown in the outer, lower Coastal Plain, owing to flooding, short rainy period (May—October), and sparse population. An informant at Tahuesco, a Pa- cific shore settlement, said that probably less than half the inhabitants there planted maize, and, of those, many went somewhat “higher up” for plant- i ing. Much of the outer plain is flooded during the rainy season. Some of this lack of interest in agri- culture is, however, due to the almost universal par- ticipation of the populace in saltmaking and fishing, activities which occupy much of their time. Planting and harvesting months around San Pedro Cutzan, in the inner Coastal Plain near the j piedmont, are shown in table 1. At Finca Pacayal, — LOWLAND MILPAS Se Taste 1.—Planting and harvesting months in the region — around San Pedro Cutzdn (1,000-1,300 m. or 3,280-4,265 ft.) Native names Planting Harvest Spanish names (Quiche?) month month Primero, fuego, tem- porada.. cjsisccs-0 sis N’acatic xinjop April August. } (“burn? of the rainy a season’’), Segundo .......... N’acatic xin sak’ij October February. (“burn? of the dry Cuarenteno season’’), ((40-day?? corn) a ||meietene avais/s otartpeeienerateetet April June. 22 “Maize is seldom planted by the Indians below 1,200 meters . . .” ‘ (3,937 ft.) (Kempton and Popenoe, 1937, p. 213). On the contrary, there are three harvests, and truckloads go to the Highlands, with surplus above the needs of thousands of mozos in Highlands and Low- _ lands alike. CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 23 above the upper edge of the double-harvest region, about 1,300 m. elevation, maize is planted in March and harvested in September (one harvest). The degree to which these practices are attuned to the seasonal rhythm of rainfall is seen in the fact that the first planting in the piedmont is done follow- ing the initial heavy rains (sembradores or “planter” rains) of late March and April, while the harvest comes during the relatively dry interval, the canicula or veranillo of July and August. The second plant- ing, often in the same field, follows the rainiest month (September), with the ground well soaked and an- other month of good rain ahead, yet with the dangers of excessive flooding and washing mainly past. For the ripening there are several dry months (January and February have minimum rainfall). In the outer Coastal Plain, where there is much less rain than in the piedmont, and the rainy season is shorter (May—October) the first two crops are planted and harvested during the rainy period (maps 6 and 9). At the port of San José the dates are as follows: Fuego (best yield, biggest ears), plant May, harvest end of July (canicula, minor dry period) ; segundo (minor yield, yetcommonly practiced ), plant August, harvest late October (end of rains). A third planting, chahuite, or de humedad, may be made in November, but only in low spots where the soil is wet; harvest is in February, and yield is generally good; cuarentejio is planted little if at all, as it is said to be unsuited to the climatic conditions here. The growing season for all corn is very short anyway. Methods of cultivation.—For the most part, cul- tivation along the Coastal Plain and piedmont is prac- ticed with implements of the type depicted by Bukasov (1930, p. 157, fig. 83, from Kaerger) for Michoacan, Mexico. Instead of the spearlike coa for piercing the ground, a long, pointed, fire-hardened pole (macana), held vertically in both hands, is employed. The machete de escarda or weed-hook of Mexico, is also used along the Guatemala Pacific Lowlands, where it is generally called garavito. It isa simple L-shaped stick, held in the left hand, pointing outward. Following each stroke of the machete, wielded with the right hand, the stick is rhythmically swung in its wake, flinging aside the severed weeds (pl. 3,d). The hoe plays an insignificant role in this region if, indeed, it appears at all. Thus, we might call this Lowland cultivation “dibble” or “planting-stick” culture. The various steps in Lowland cultivation were out- lined by an informant at Santo Tomas la Unién (850 m. or 2,789 ft.) as follows: The clearing and burning (roza) take place during the first 2 weeks of March, before the rains have begun. The planting is then done, beginning on the dia de San José (March 19)? and continuing through April, the final day being the dia de la Cruz (May 10), though most planting is completed before the end of April. In the latter part of May, when the maize is about 2 feet (60 cm.) high, the first weeding (tamegud) is performed, the fast-growing Lowland weeds being removed from active com- petition with the aid of machetes. During July there is a second clearing (peinado), and then comes the harvest in August. For the segundo or second (October) planting,?# the ground is cleared off in September. As in the first case, weeding is practiced twice, during November and December; the harvest isin February. In addition to having two harvests of maize, this municipio is well supplied with other basic starches. Cassavas, sweetpotatoes, bananas, and plantains are produced in abundance. Coffee is the chief money crop. In at least one piedmont locality (San Pablo Jocopilas, 625 m. or 2,050 ft.) there was no first planting, but only the segundo. A good explanation for this is that a notorious insect pest, a large white grub (gorgojo) called “gallina ciega” (Lechnosterna sp.),2° attacks the roots. The secretario of the municipio said he knew of no other place where this grub was so numerous as to discourage an entire planting. The grubs do not survive the heavy rains of summer, however, so that the “second” planting can proceed with impunity. My impression is that there is less harvest labor performed by women in the Lowlands. Highland—Lowland maize exchange.—With Highland and Lowland harvests coming at different times of the year, price fluctuations result in inter- regional movements of maize. Between the first and second harvests of the Lowlands, especially in November and December, when thousands of High- land Indians are down for the coffee harvest, High- land grain is taken to the Lowlands in quantity. At Chicacao it was said that Highland vendors, especially Atitecos, bring maize down in November, and sell mostly to finqueros. Highland maize also goes to the Lowlands from May to July, when 23 This same date was given independently at San Pedro Cutzan as the day when the first planting begins. * The second planting was said at San Pedro Cutzan to be divided into two parts: early variety, September 15-30; late, ‘‘60-day”’ variety, October 1-18 (dia de San Lucas). * Anuario del Servicio Tecnico, 1932, p. 90. gorgojos in 16th-century Vera Paz, see p. 24. For reference to 24 Coatepeque, for example, imports approximately 8 tons a month. Maize goes up into the mountains between August and October (harvest of primero), even as late as December upon occasions, and again to some extent, after the harvest of the segundo (Feb- ruary), probably mostly in March, for the month of plenty in the Highlands is January, continuing into February. It is for this reason that the sequido goes less into the mountains than the prinero.?6 There appear to be numerous instances of High- land Indians who rent milpa land in the Lowlands (or have coastal colonies) and thereby supplement their maize supply. This was particularly in evidence in the small northwest Lake Atitlan municipios. It was well illustrated at Tzununa (aldea of Santa Cruz) on Christmas Day, 1935, when a man arrived from the Lowlands with a cacaste load of large- grained yellow flint, most of it badly perforated by weevils, from his August harvest, on rented land at Finca Mercedes (on the railroad, near Nahualate). He had planted about an acre (4 cuerdas of 40 varas square) ; there are perhaps 10 men at Tzununa who do this. They plant both primero and segundo, har- vesting the grain all at once and storing it in Low- land cribs, going for it as it is needed. Supplemen- tary maize has doubtless been an important incentive for migration to and colonization in the Lowlands since pre-Columbian times. Such procedure seems to throw new light upon certain migratory agricultural practices in Central America which have been explained by other pre- sumed conditions, such as soil exhaustion, whereas climatic conditions may well account for them. Cook, for example, calls attention (1921, p. 315) to the custom of Indians from San Pedro Carcha near Coban, who “may plant milpas in the district from Senahti and Cajabén and carry maize home on their backs 50 or 60 miles” (80-97 km.). Sapper’s climatic map (which is apparently most accurate for Vera Paz) shows that the Coban area has con- stantly humid (Cf) climate; Senaht tropical mon- soon (Amw), with a distinct, though short, dry period in winter (Sapper, 1932, vol. 2, pt. H, p. 59, fig. 13). (For Képpen climatic symbols, see map 6 and Appendix 1, p. 131.) Cook, in an earlier para- graph, writes of the detrimental effects of the ex- cessive and prolonged rainfall of the Coban area, but makes no comment upon the possibility of this affect- ing migrations. * These data are sketchy and the dates of maize movement have not been widely checked. INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Not to lose a possible chance that dry weather may come late in the season the Indians plant their milpas and burn them afterward, if possible. In moist ground the seeds or young seedling are not killed by the fire sweeping over them, but usually only a partial crop is secured. . . . In wet years the coffee planters find it necessary to import maize from New Orleans to feed the native population... . [Cook, 1921, p. 313.] That Lowland planting in the monsoon area was an expedient for offsetting climatic difficulties, and that such planting was ancient practice in the Vera Paz area is brought out in the Relacién of 1574 (Anon., Ms. 1574 b). The two Lowland harvests described in that manuscript correspond roughly with those of the Pacific Lowlands today ; the dates in Vera Paz being as follows: April planting—October, major harvest; November planting—May, minor harvest. For the April planting, the difficulty of the burning process is evident from the statement that it must be done during the “20 dry days” (Anon., Ms. 1574 b, p. 7, £. 94). Though Lowland maize was secondary, it must have served at times an essential supple- mentary role (as maize from New Orleans and else- where does today) during wet or otherwise unfavor- able years in higher regions. The 1574 manuscript states also that “they go to plant in the Lowlands two or three days’ walk distant” (ibid., p. 8), specifically referring to chile (aji) but implying maize planting as well. Harvest methods to offset difficulties attendant upon excessive humidity in Vera Paz included smok- ing and storage in underground vaults: . .. the maize is fumigated to preserve it; it is put in pits with fire under it for 10 or 15 days and that which is not smoked is bad for bread; and also it will be attacked by weevils within two or three months. To preserve maize all year, it is put below ground in vaults or silos, where it may be kept not over four months in the Lowlands or a year in the Highlands [ibid.]. Other plants in Lowland milpas.—Several vari- eties of beans (especially the small, black kidney; p. 136, table 6) and squashes are planted in the Low- land milpa, usually at the same time as maize.27_ The commonest squash is apparently ayote blanco (tama- layote), which it was said at Santo Domingo was planted in amounts not exceeding four or five vines per cuerda (about 25 to the acre). It appears that in the Lowlands, however, Indians usually plant separate gardens for crops other than maize, rather than mix- ing them in with the milpa; this is a more common — 27 Since my work in the Lowlands was confined to the dry season, — first-hand details of planting methods are lacking for this region. CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE He practice than in most of the Highlands (not even ex- cepting the Lake shores). More different crops will grow with greater luxuriance and rapidity in the warmer, more humid climate, and richer soils. Hence we see at such a Lowland colony as San Pedro Cutzan small separate patches of pineapple, especially white ‘‘coco” (sometimes interspersed with maguey), squash, chile (Santo Domingo, verde, and chiltepe), beans, sugarcane, gilisquil (in enclosures), tomatoes, rice, manioc, besides the groves of cacao and coffee (the two sometimes interspersed). There are also bananas, mixed clusters of such trees as breadfruit, achiote, corozo, and other minor plants. The Pedranos in their Lake village often mix maize and other plants, native and exotic, annual and perennial, to an extraordinary degree. One milpa which I ex- amined near the Lake, just southeast of San Pedro, contained some squash and maguey interspersed with maize, and near it, separated by one of the many stone walls, a plot without maize, but rank with maguey, cotton, manioc, squash, milfomate, tomatoes,”* chile, and coffee, in addition to scattered trees of mango, anona, and guava. Chickpeas (garbanzos),.the chief money crop, are planted in separate fields. * In one locality in the Lowlands (San Bernardino, 400 m. or 1,312 ft.) rice was said to be interplanted with maize, both crops being planted with the macana (dibble) .*° : NEW WORLD CROPS OTHER THAN MAIZE GROWN IN THE HIGHLANDS Several major American field crops, other than maize, are planted in the Highlands, above 1,500 m. (4,921 ft.). Outstanding among these are beans and cucurbits. BEANS The commonest frijoles are small, black ones (Phaseolus vulgaris), though some red and white varieties are also planted. Asa rule, beans are much more commonly planted in special fields than they are mixed in with the milpa. The three major bean centers of the Lake region are San Andrés Semetebaj, Santiago, and San Pedro, with Santa Catarina and San Antonio also of importance. At the first locality, bean fields are often alternated with maize in annual 283 These were not the regular garden tomatoes, which are carefully cultivated by the shore, planted each in a neat mound with a round hole about 15 in. (38 cm.) across, and watered from the lake by hand. (See pl. 20, d.) This was not verified by first-hand observation, but was described by a reliable informant. rotation, “to fertilize the milpa,” according to Indian planters. Three beans are planted to a hole, the “width of a hoe blade” (actually about 15 in.) apart, “to facilitate clearing.” These frijoles de suelo, al- ways superior to frijoles de mulpa, or cornfield beans, are planted in June and harvested in December. At Santiago three specific dates of planting were given: May 20, June 29, and August 1 to 5, with special significance attached to August 2 as the “eighth after the day of Santiago” (July 25). Preparation of the soil consists in clearing weeds and trenching; the growing season is 3 or 4 months. At San Pedro planting is mostly done in May, with the harvest in August, so as to make way for garbanzos, the main money crop, which is planted a week after beans are out and is harvested from January to March. Ejotes (string beans) are gathered in some mea- sure, but by far the major part of the bean harvest comes after the seeds are well dried in the field. Good quality frijoles de suelo are mainly limited to eleva- tions between about 1,500 and 1,900 m. (4,921 and 6,234 ft.) ; they are virtually lacking in such a high region as the Quezaltenango-Totonicapan Valley (2,250-2,400 m. or 7,382-7,874 ft.), and even Solola (2,150 m. or 7,054 ft). Though planted on the Coastal Plain, as low as 300 m. (984 ft.), they are of inferior grade in the Lowlands. It is for this reason that beans from around the Lake are at a premium, and go in trade both to Highlands and Lowlands, bringing a better price than local products. CUCURBITS Squashes.— (See pp. —.) Giiisquiles, or vegetable pears.—As a rule, al- most all parts of the gilisquil are eaten—fruit, greens, and root (echintal). From San Andrés Semetebaj entire cargoes of echintal are taken to Chicacao and other Lowland markets. The light-green fruit (pl. 14, d) appeared in greatest relative abundance and variety (large spiny, and egg-size, smooth)*° at San Andrés Semetebaj, as did the root; greens seemed to be sold on a particularly large scale at Santiago. Gitisquiles, which have a wide elevation range, are ordinarily planted in small enclosures, usually about 2 by 2 feet (60 by 60 cm.) square and 3 feet (91 cm.) deep and made of sticks or canes (pl. 22, d). The plants are cultivated in abundance up to about 2,200 m. (7,218 ft.), above which elevation they are less 20 According to Bukasov (1930), ‘‘smooth chayotes without prickles are found very rarely . . . In Vera Paz a chayote with exceedingly small fruits, the size of a chicken egg, is depicted (primitive form).” 26 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO, 4 in evidence. In the Quezaltenango-Totonicapan Valley area, for example, they are little planted, and almost never appear in the markets of that region. Only at Santiago Atitlan have I seen field plant- ings of gilisquiles. The entire fruit is planted, one or two in a hole, separated from the next by as much as 4 or 5 yards (3.7 to 4.6 m.), the vines climbing widely over the great lava blocks. Most of the field plantings of giiisquil are to be found on the large alluvial plain (El Plan) south of Santiago. I was told at Santiago that the principal harvest of giiisquiles was in November. Greens were gath- ered in particular abundance in September. The plant is perennial, and a large vine gives a copious annual harvest. Tax reported 150 fruits a year at Panajachel (Tax, 1936, Ms. Panajachel). Bukasov gives 100 a year as the average number of fruits from a mature vine in Mexico (total of 200 to 500 during a 4- to 6-year lifetime), where the root crop (cut annually) materializes after the second or third year. Roots of 22 pounds are recorded after many years in the ground (Bukasov, 1930). I have seen “wild giiisquil’*! (chimachéj}) roots of this size sold in markets between Quezaltenango and Momoste- nango, in the region where it is widely used as a soap for washing wool, in preference to all others for this special purpose. MANIOC Along many of the alluvial fans that border Lake Atitlan, sweet manioc, or cassava, is planted in limited plots. This altitude (1,600 m. or 5,249 it.) is about the upper limit of the cultivation of manioc, which is grown typically and almost exclusively in such sites as the one herein described. The small alluvial area (not over 2 or 3 acres) below Santa Cruz, as it appeared on December 21, 1935, will serve as an illustration. In addition to a bit of milpa 30 paces (meters) square, containing a few squashes and bottle gourds (tecomates), and bordered by such fruit trees as oranges (7), limas (5), jocotes (12 chicha, 6 petapa, 6 corona) (pl. 19, c), mangoes (6), matasanos, injertos, and bananas (“majunche” var.), was a bed of manioc 15 paces square. The plants, a little over a year old, were from 7 to 9 feet (2.1 to 2.7 m.) high, and were spaced about 5 feet apart. %1 Bukasov stated that Chayota edulis is ‘‘apparently not known in wild state,’ and reported a wild relative only in Costa Rica (Bukasov, 1930, p. 319). I have been unable to identify the chimachdéj which is so widespread both in growth (apparently to high altitudes) and use in the Totonicapan region, But probably it is either C. edulis “in wild state” or a wild relative, as the natives say. Giitsquil is chima in Kekchi (Standley, 1930, p. 437), and I recorded at Santiago Atitlan “ch’imaiy” (Zutuhil) and at San Andrés Xecul ‘‘ch’ima” (Quiché). Just above the manioc was a plot of miltomates, 15 by 30 paces, and a single row of sugarcane, for home consumption. A large area then flooded by the Lake had formerly been planted to tomatoes, squash, maize, sweetpotato, and especially manioc. At Panajachel, rows of manioc, the plants spaced about 10 feet apart, are often planted between vege- table tablones. TOMATOES In nearly all of the Lake-shore villages, tomatoes are planted in special gardens bordering the water so as to facilitate hand irrigation. They are particu- larly abundant and important at Santiago, San Antonio, and San Lucas, with San Pedro, Santa Cruz, and San Marcos secondary. Tomatoes from all five of these towns reach Highland markets as far west as Quezaltenango, taken by Lake villagers and by Totonicapan middlemen. Fewest tomatoes are grown at Panajachel and San Pablo (dry-season planting at both). Very small culebra**? medium criollo (1 to 2 in.) and large “American” (U. S.) varieties (San Pedro) are grown. At Santiago, which is taken as an illustration, mostly tomatoes “del pais” or criollo are cultivated. The major plant- ing is done between August and October. After the rains stop, around the end of October, watering is necessary every third day, morning and afternoon, and is usually performed by the entire family. The growing season is 7 months. The usual practice with dry-season tomatoes is to plant. them about 4 feet (1.2 m.) apart, in large mounds of soft, rich alluvial sandy loams (to which fertilizer is added in many cases), with a round hollow over a foot across in each hill, for retaining water (pl. 20, d). Almost all are within 100 yards (91 m.) of the Lake shore. Water- ing is usually done with water jars (tinajas), or- dinarily women’s vessels (pl. 25, f), but here used by men and women alike. Gourde are also sometimes employed. At Santiago, large lava rocks that cover the slopes are painted with round whitewash spots 6 or 8 inches (15 to 20 cm.) in diameter, “for frightening blackbirds, skunks, and other pests,” according to one inhabitant. Tomatoes are less abundantly grown during the rainy season, when they seem to be inferior and are most expensive, often costing 10 cents a pound dur- ing the late months. During Holy Week, they are cheapest, one-fifth of a cent a pound. 23 Planted in June and harvested during the dry season, mainly at San Antonio. *3 Growing season usually entire dry period (October—-May). CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—MCcBRYDE 27 Lake Atitlan is near the upper limit of tomato culti- vation which averages about 1,800 m. (5,900 ft.). POTATOES The several types of potatoes, both “native” and “American,” are discussed in Appendix 2. Many fields in regions above about 1,900 to 2,000 m. (6,234 to 6.562 ft.) are planted to this tuber, and particularly those higher than 2,200 m. C218 i:),; preferably those having light soils. Manuring was reported at San Juan Ostuncalco, Almolonga, and elsewhere. The premium potato areas in the high Quezaltenango region are, besides Almolonga, Con- cepcidn Chiquirichapa (also nearby San Martin Sacatepequez, almost all inhabitants of which plant potatoes as well as maize), where pumice-nodular soil, recent ejecta from Santa Maria volcano, is widespread. Big white “American” varieties are planted here annually, in February and March, and are harvested in June. This is the season also at Almolonga. The little red criollo (“native”) variety goes in the ground usually in December and January and is dug in July and August. In several sections it was reported that little “native” potatoes (white and red) have a “perennial” habit; that they are harvested only in part, with many leit in the ground, and are not planted, but reappear annually in the field.84 They were said to have been planted much more a generation ago (1900-1910) than now. This primitive method argues for the antiquity of the potato in Guatemala. It was reported at San Cristébal Totonicapan and in the Momostenango area (cantons of Santa Ana, Tunayac, and to some degree in Buenabaj, according to Don Ernesto Lang). In the latter region there was said to be also some annual planting in April with yield in 5 months. % Brigham, in 1887, wrote of his observations between Argueta and Totonicapan: ‘ . on the hill-sides were ancient potato-fields only cultivated by digging the tubers; and this process has gone on for years—the Indians digging at the bottom of the slope as potatoes are wanted, leaving enough for seed, and arriving at the top by the time the rains begin . . The indios declared the potatoes had never been planted, but their ancestors had dug them from remotest time.” (Brigham, 1887, pp. 136-137.) The Russians, their efforts trained upon the potato more than any other plant, derived great interest from this passage. Their finding of a potato at Quezaltenango which was “certainly not S. tuberosum, the common cultivated potato of Europe or the U. S. A., but belonged to another Andean cultivated variety S. andigenum Juz. et Buk.” was re- garded as possibly verifying Brigham’s suggestion that the potato near Argueta “was undoubtedly not the common cultivated potato.’”? (Buka- sov, 1930.) The Russian collection from Guatemala included also S. tuberosum; they seem to have overlooked the current practice of leav- ing the potatoes in the ground, though they described it as widespread in Colombia. ‘The cropping of the potato is in places very primitive 7 The harvesting is done-yearly without planting again” (ibid., p. 198). OLD WORLD CROPS OF POST-CONQUEST INTRODUCTION HIGHLAND FIELD CROPS Wheat.—A 16th-century report (Médel, Ms., p. 145, f. 192) states that the first wheat cultivated in the Western Hemisphere was brought from Spain and planted by a Negro in Mexico, whence it spread elsewhere in the New World. It was said to have been brought by a slave who had stored a few grains in his master’s coin box. The Vera Paz Relacién (Anon., Ms. 1574 b, p. 4, f. 93), tells of repeated unsuccessful attempts at planting wheat in that region, where it grew only at San Cristébal and Tactic, was badly rotted by excessive moisture, would not make bread, and soon was given up. Ponce (1873, vol. 1, p. 392) saw wheat as early as 1586, and as far equatorward as southeast ‘Salvador (San Miguel volcano, lat. 13°30" N:)< The wheat planted in Southwest Guatemala is summer wheat, being planted in May and early June after the beginning of the rains, and harvested in December and January, with sickles. In the Cuchumatanes Mountains, however, most wheat is planted in October and November, and harvested in June and July. The land is hoed much as it is for maize, but not so deeply—usually 6- or 8-inch (15- 20 cm.) furrows, some 20 inches (51 cm.) apart. At intervals of about every 15 or 20 feet (4.6-6 m.) little earthern dikes are constructed across the bottom of each furrow. This was observed everywhere in Southwest Guatemala. It was assertedly (at Cajola) “to retain the water and to prevent gullying.”” The grain is sown by the handful, and covered with about an inch of dirt. Wheat is not manured, as that re- portedly tends to make it run to excessive leaf, with poor grain development. A Ladino on the Lake said he tried planting wheat on the fertile saddle between volcanoes Atitlan and Toliman, and that it grew 4 or 5 feet (1.2-1.5 m.) high, with such a reduced grain yield as to make the harvest insignificant. Varietal names of wheats given at San Juan Ostuncalco are as follows: Colorado (commonest), White Italian (very little), and a large “foreign” wheat called trisco (planted in July and August, harvested in January) ; at San Francisco el Alto the criollo is a small, long-grained variety, in addition to which there is a diminutive, round type said to have been introduced from California about 1933. Colima wheat was said to be planted at Salcaja. 28 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 In some higher sections (San Francisco el Alto) almost as much wheat as maize is planted. Often, broadbeans (habas) are put in between the rows of wheat, though considerably less than half of the fields are so mixed, even where this is practiced (e.g., Chiquilaja). Habas do not climb, being erect and straight, but they are much branched and grow to a height of 3 feet (91 cm.) or more, so they would shade shoots of other plants if the latter were not started 2 weeks or so in advance to meet the comi- petition. ' North of Solola, especially above about 2,500 m. (8,202 ft.), in the vicinity of Los Encuentros, wheat acreage appears to be almost as great as maize. The threshing method in the southwest Highlands is primitive, consisting of driving several horses around ina circular corral about 30 feet (9 m.) in diameter (pl. 23, ¢). Winnowing is usually made easy by the strong winds that characterize this re- gion. Dollfus and Mont-Serrat (1868, p. 522) com- mented upon the abundance of wheat in this area in 1866. The wheat grown in Guatemala is sold to large flour mills that are located in most of the principal towns (e.g., Solola,®® San Juan Ostuncalco, Quezal- tenango, Totonicapan). It seems to make good bread, though the glutin content is probably not high.** Large (% in. thick, 15 in. in diameter) “wheat tortillas” were said to be eaten at San Francisco el Alto. When maize becomes scarce, just prior to the harvest, in some regions wheat, plantains, and green bananas are assertedly mixed with maize in the tamales and tortillas.27 At San Juan Ostuncalco it was stated that at least half the inhabitants mix wheat with maize in the masa (unsalted ground-maize mash } for tortillas and tamales, posol, etc.) through prefer- ence, rather than necessity or abundance of wheat. Broadbeans (habas).—The large broadbean is usually planted between rows of maize, or, less often, 35 In 1932, two grades of flour were being milled at Solola, one selling for 290 pesos ($4.83) a quintal (100 Ib.), the other for 220 pesos ($3.66). Wheat was bought from the Indians (mainly those from near Los Encuentros) for about 180 pesos ($3.00) per 100 Ib. 36 According to the findings of Prof. John W. Gilmore, of the Uni- versity of California Agronomy Department, a prolonged ripening period, moist and cool, may favor high weight and yield and good quality, but results in low glutin. Conversely, a short, dry, warm ripening period is conducive to high glutin content, but yield that ordinarily is less than in the first instance. (From a conversation with Professor Gilmore in 1939.) For an enumeration of important baking centers and the principal types of bread made, see p. 57 and also map 15. 37 Tamales are eaten most in this section, according to every inform- ant, for tortillas require more firewood, a scarcity in the open valley region. wheat, in much of the higher regions (some above about 1,900 m. or 6,234 ft., but mainly above 2,200 m. or 7,218 ft.). Sometimes habas are grown alone in fields, as at Nepéc, a little colony of Lucianos (from Sta. Lucia Utatlan) above Santa Catarina Palopé and in that municipio. Here maize, wheat, beans, and habas are planted, for the most part, separately, and rotated annually. Two miles away, at San Andrés Semetebaj, broadbeans are usually planted in the milpa. Varietal names given at San Juan Ostuncalco are: blanco (white, which is commonest), morado (purple), asalporado (floury?), and amarillo (yel- low), the last three said to be planted mainly by Ladinos. ; Many ways of eating habas were reported at San Francisco el Alto. They may be cooked in soup; or they may be boiled, ground, then boiled again, and made into a layered cake (op’en tayuyo), thin layers of maize and habas mash alternating, the whole then being rolled into a tamale and cooked as one.’ The latter is reportedly a luxury for special occasions. Besides being boiled in various ways, habas are toasted in the outer skin to a dark brown, in which form they commonly appear in markets (more often thus than fresh). Indians buy these extremely hard delicacies, which have a flavor resembling that of chestnuts, and munch them in the plaza with great cracking noises, a feat proving that many sound teeth may be belied by their miserable appearance. Anise.—Anise is a specialty crop of San Antonio Palopo and, more recently, Ladinos of San Andrés Semetebaj. It is planted in August and September, in separate fields, its growing season of about 5 months being mainly in the dry season, when it ripens (January). Chickpeas.—Garbanzos (chickpeas) are grown almost exclusively at San Pedro la Laguna (and toa lesser extent at San Juan) where they have been a speciality since early Colonial times, as is also true of San Antonio anise. Chickpeas, planted during August in special fields of about 4 or 5 cuerdas a family, have a growing season similar to that of aniseed, the harvest taking place from January to March. The yield was usually given as 150 pounds acuerda, At that time Pedranos take sackfuls, trans- ported mainly by mules, to the larger markets of the Lowlands and Highlands, going in numbers as far as Retalhuleu and Quezaltenango (see p. 76). The making of sweets from garbanzos is a Lenten spe- CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 29 cialty, which factor probably has acted as a stimulus to this crop since its introduction. The two prin- cipal sorts are jalea (sirupy jelly) and mermelada (preserves). Sold widely in great quantities but almost exclusively during Lent, garbanzos are har- vested at a period that coincides with the religious fast. Barley and oats.—Barley and oats are raised on a small scale in some sections. The commonest type of the former is a large species of Nepal barley,** which is sold in the markets especially by itinerant Maxefios along with a dozen or more miscellaneous seeds, roots, and herbs, each in a separate little sack or package (pl. 14, b). Barley is consumed on a small scale as a “medicinal” plant, usually in broth (atole). For oats I have had only vague reports, and no specific data. HIGHLAND FRUITS The only fruit trees of Old World origin that are grown on a large scale in the Highlands of South- western Guatemala are apples and peaches. Both were grown in Guatemala at an early date, as attested by the Ponce account (1873, vol. 1, p. 441) which mentions them in 1586. Totonicapan was particu- larly cited for the abundance of apples, and “some” peaches. The latter were noted especially at Coma- lapa, though they were said to be abundant even on the low-lying Lake village of Panajachel (1,575 m.). They are not to be found in the latter locality today, however. Almost invariably, these fruits are of very poor quality; they are small, green, hard, and generally must be cooked in order to be made appetizing. Both fruits are especially abundant in the vicinity of Toto- nicapan and Argueta. Peach trees are quite numer- ous in Solola, and even bear as low as Santiago Atitlan, yet the chief source of supply is Argueta, as many as 50 women from there commonly selling apples, peaches, and jiabas in the Solola market on Friday (map 22), during the height of the fruit harvest (September). A few regions in the southwest produce high-grade apples, Chichicastenango, for example. Here, large red fruits resembling winesaps are produced on a small scale, along with the ordinary apples and peaches. The desultory manner of cultivating fruit trees merely by planting seeds without grafting largely ex- plains the low quality of the fruit. Gradual degenera- 38 Specimens identified by Prof. J. W. Gilmore. tion has probably been continuous since Colonial times, with seeds planted for generation after genera- tion, and little if any new stock brought in. LOWLAND CROPS Rice.—Rice is commonly grown in small inde- pendent Indian fields and in fincas along the pied- mont, mainly, it seemed, between about 300 and 750 m. (984 and 2,461 ft.). I was told that “upland” rice (not flooded) was the usual type. Four varieties were listed at Santo Domingo Suchi- tepequez: criollo, cimarron, perlas, and colima. Rice is marketed, dry and polished, in small quan- tity by itinerant merchants °° in the plaza, and by stores. It is often prepared in a thick, pasty, steam- ing hot broth, with milk, and sold usually by local women in the market. Sugar.—* Sugarcane is grown and processed al- most entirely in plantations along the piedmont, many of them low coffee fincas, where cane is planted in stream bottoms between coffee-covered ridges. Lake Atitlan alluvial “shores, at 1,560-1,600 m. (5,118- 5,249 ft.), are about on the upper limits of sugarcane growth. The labor of cutting and grinding cane is done mostly between January and May. Nearly all of the sugar consumed in Guatemala, especially that used by the Indians, is in the form of crude, dark- brown cakes (panela), common throughout Mexico and Central America (pl. 39, g). The cooked cane juice is poured into wooden molds where it crystallizes and hardens into compact blocks of a pound or two each. Shapes vary, there being hemispherical, square and flat, and ‘“‘flower-pot” (truncated-cone)- forms. The hemispherical ones are generally packed together as spheres (pantes), wrapped in dried banana leaves, usually two pantes to a package. They are largely trucked into the Highlands, wholesale, by shippers who are usually also storekeepers, and are redis- tributed among Indian merchants for retail, as at Solola, Quezaltenango, San Cristébal Totonicapan, and other towns. White sugar appears in markets in small quantity among mixed cargoes of itinerant merchants (q. Vv. under “Rice”, this page, ftn. 39). 39 Usually by Maxenos, who have small sacks of it, often along with salt, panela, sugar, coffee (oro or unroasted bean), spices (especially chile), cigars, dried shrimp, trinkets, etc. (pl. 14, b). + Oviedo (1851-55, vol. 1, pp. 118-123) mentions the introduction of sugar into the West Indies, and the first lucrative mills there, early in the 16th century. Toward the end of the 16th century, however, sugar was not yet being produced in quantity in the environmentally favorable Pacific Lowlands of Guatemala, for it was doubtful whether there was a good market for this product (Anon., Ms. 1579, p. 18). The west coast was isolated from Europe at that time. 30 © INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Cane grown by Indians is often sold in its raw state. In the Lake region, Santa Cruz and Tzununa especially grow cane along the alluvial flats, and sell sections of it in neighboring markets, especially that of Solola. Sugar was formerly produced on a com- mercial scale on Lake Atitlan, at the finca Jaibal, situated on the east side of the Rio Quixcap delta (map 20; pl. 45, f). The big flood of October 1881, however, wiped it all out, including three large mills.* Melons.—Various watermelons are cultivated on the Coastal Plain. There were two types of seed at Santo Domingo Suchitepequez, one red and one black, that were said to be “native,” in careful con- tradistinction to a “North American” (U. S.) yellowish-colored one. That all may be Old World is implied by’ the fact that they are called indis- criminately sandia (Citrullus vulgaris). A canta- loup (melén, Cucumis melo) is grown also along the Coastal Plain but in small quantity.*? These fruits are fairly abundant in Lowland markets, as at Mazatenango, but apparently they do not appear in the Highlands. Melons of good quality in the outer Lowlands were described during the 16th century. That these may have been thought of as native is implied by the mention, in the same sentence, of other crops that were definitely pre-Columbian, such as sweet- potatoes (camotes or vatatas), manioc (yuca), beans (frisoles), and squashes (calavazas or ayotes, which were “very nourishing’) ; then the writer speaks of calavazas de Espaiia in some places, and certain other Spanish plants grown “as curiosities” (Anon., Ms}, 1579; p. 18). MONEY CROPS VEGETABLE-GARDEN CULTURE 4% SOLOLA-PANAJACHEL AREA The distribution of this culture in the Lake Atitlan region, to the north between Panajachel and Los Encuentros, San José and Concepcion, is elaborated 41 Data furnished by Don Domingo Fuentes, of Solol4. Coffee was replanted on the delta land by the Fuentes family, but it, too, was washed away by a flood (October 1923). This vulnerable area has since been occupied only by a few cows, whose existence is insecure during September and October. 42 Collected by me at Santo Domingo Suchitepequez. Standley com- ments upon the rarity with which cantaloups are grown in Central America, either through dislike of the taste or difficulty of propagation (Standley, 1938, p. 1390). I am inclined to favor the latter explanation, since both Indians and Ladinos seem to enjoy eating them when they can get them. See McBryde, 1933, pp. 108-109. Sol Tax, of the Carnegie Institution, has made a detailed economic analysis of the culture at Panajachel (1936), though his results are as yet in manuscript form. They include the hours of labor and dollars of profit per man per crop. in a later section (pp. 121-123). There are other centers, notably Almolonga and secondarily Agua- catan, where garlic is the chief crop, but since my familiarity is greatest with the Lake center, illustra- tions will be drawn primarily from there. The tablon as a garden unit.—The basic unit of this garden culture, as observed at Solola and Pana- jachel, is the tablén, a vegetable bed of highly fer- tilized, dark loamy soil, usually of uniform width (3 varas of 33 in., or about 8 ft.) and somewhat variable length (average, about 30 varas, often slightly more, sometimes only half that, depending largely upon the space available). Indian gardeners at Solola in 1932 almost without exception stated that they commonly used 500 to 600 pounds of manure (horse and cattle), costing from 50 to 60 cents, on an average-size tablén (about 9 by 80 ft.; pl. 20), before each planting. Less fertilizer is needed on the rich alluvium of the Panajachel delta, though all planters use some. A consensus of my informants was that everyone used manure, but it was mostly leaf litter from the cafetales (coffee groves), with much less horse manure. The bed is neatly squared with great precision by skilled hoemen, so that it well suits its name (tablon —a thick board), being as flat on top and as square- sided, indeed, as a plank (pl. 20). A retaining rim of dirt several inches high is often built along tablon edges. Between tablénes and around them are dug trenches 15 to 20 inches (38 to 51 cm.) in depth, a foot or more wide at the bottom, having a profile that is between a V and a U, into which water is diverted when desired, to be thrown over the seeds or growing plants, with shallow tin bowls or gourds (pl. 20, c). This is done every third day during the dry season. Flooding is controlled by simple gates and dams that often consist merely of piled-up dirt. On slopes, tablénes are arranged in steps, and appear as distinct terraces about 3 yards (2.7 m.) wide. Irrigation.—The primary need of this culture is an abundance of available irrigation water. At Solola there are many small streams and springs, all of which are intensively utilized, with gardens of many tablénes clustered along their courses (map 21). Much of the diverted water supply of Solola is used for this purpose, and below the town, water courses that have passed through the settlement continue their usefulness for irrigation. At Panajachel, on the delta, about one-third of which is covered with gardens, an intricate, fanlike network of diversion ditches fur- | cygaeray is five agL) SEE ERED Teeny — a lenaigacoe anon. oaenant. : rie ‘S * 7 “at caeecteeeiseee, Coaw’tsg nem ‘ 0} yobs ———— OGS- 80! Axe tecaae wRtel Gh~ 1 alacrataond) daondinos ie ubetd bas Lehunay te OFT 3o.19 (ouies ofa DT) to vpoboess aniwebyte Jsuat mon sbitneg OOF to aot suite te N} (og "d oon) LF-O Z9TK9 : > +(uol#ed w1e}80M) YONI} 10 anu TRADE STREAM, COTTON GOODS ——-—-> TRADE STREAM, WOOLEN GOODS MAIN DYE-WOCDS MARKET: MOMOSTENANGO TREADLE-LOOM WEAVING Manufacture of cloth on the large loom of Colonial Spanish introduction, on which the heddles are raised and lowered by treadles, is a commercial-scale in- dustry. It differs from stick-loom work not only in this respect but in being carried on almost entirely by men, often Ladinos, and in employing wool yarn on a scale comparable with that of cotton. COTTON From the standpoint of native garments, the most important cotton cloths woven on foot looms are skirt-lengths (cortes). These are made according to a standard, specified length, width, weight, and pat- pOXTTNTS > ee : Curieumyany Soyuws sopoy Se Bere WioJO> ospag ues QO @ M ‘ey@)nZ ByURS Uryedy ianbyyurg “Go O71xe SI, seurjeuntony f° sadoys py buoje burarom yoom wn) € ol) on a Che (go ‘d 0084) LE-O Z9IK9 (2g ‘d ‘sjoquids jo uoyeurdxe vag) -Byewayeny SIMYINOG JO sw X92, —gT avy X Leas = aw = Cupieumyon> soques sopoy eMC] O4peg Ves vrwoy nb weg “Coo = FAI FAMETEM OMIM yo sedois “H SUOIE BuARIm Joon nw) @21xaW | O RE) = a) ———,- - => aoe - 7 '¢ - 4 ~otild remetsmcasud te teqele iM geet palvmese fom, tsi h4} ary : mpissh wuglft wae 22 2 y , foxiyvalt adlud aSna2. bro ie okaet ans Cab isnces 2D tele? tobel ~< ayes \ CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—MCcBRYDE 63 tern, depending upon the usage in the municipio where they are worn. In general, however, more skirts are dark blue than any other color; °* the average width of the material is about 30 inches, and the length of the material is 6 to 7 varas (about 18 ft.). The cloth beam on a skirt loom generally has a capacity of 30 skirt-lengths (about 500 ft.). The chief skirt-weaving region in Southwest Guatemala is that of Quezaltenango—Totonicapan, including not only those two major centers but also Salcaja (relative to size, perhaps, the most important single producer), San Cristobal, and Olintepeque. Other major skirt centers which supply a large ter- ritory around them are La Union (San Marcos), Huehuetenango, Chichicastenango, and Solola (map 16). Indians and Ladinos both produce large quanti- ties of skirts at San Cristébal, Totonicapan, Que- zaltenango, and La Union. Elsewhere the skirt- makers are primarily Ladinos.®® At Salcaja, a Ladino town, a great amount of yarn is dyed, probably more than at any other center. Dark blue, particularly in jaspes, is the chief color, being used in perhaps 95 percent of all yarn dyed. Indigo in cakes from El Salvador is blended with cheaper German aniline dyes, then this mixture is added to about 8 or 10 times (by weight) the amount of sacatinta leaves (see p. 143). A mordant is pre- pared by leaching water through a mixture of wood ashes (3 parts) from Cajola and lime (1 part) from San Francisco el Alto; then adding this solution to 20 parts of water, in large cement bins.1° The majority of the Salcaja weavers also dye, apparently, but many who do not, buy dyed thread from others. Some weavers even tie up strands of yarn to get their own desired jaspe patterns, then pay a dyer for dipping them into his color vat. The jaspe tech- nique is practiced almost exclusively at Salcaja, though it is probably done on a small scale at Hue- huetenango, San Cristébal, and a few other centers. Strands of yarn, in which the threads are counted, are bound up at intervals with cotton string, so tightly wound that the dye does not penetrate to the yarn, provided it is not left too long in the vat. ies mrapaninvaircecit of the greater cheapness and abundance of indigo than of other dyes, so much so that for other colors the yarn is bought already dyed. 9 Tt was reported that Ladino weavers in Chichicastenango are some- times hired by Indian textile merchants to make skirts. The Indians were said to buy the thread and pay for the work by the corte. Weavers and their families often retail the skirts they make, sometimes taking them to distant markets and fairs. 100 Sacatinta leaves (usually 150 lb.) are put to soak in the 400 gallons of water in the vat; then the dyes (about 20 lb.) are added the next day. After 2 weeks, the solution becomes quite green and odoriferous, with bubbles of carbon dioxide rising to the surface. It is then ready for use. By prearranging the spacings between the bindings, and the widths of them, the intervals of alternating blue and white are made to form various patterns when the yarn is set up on the loom (pl. 40, e). Characteristic of the Salcaja street scene are the great lengths of jaspe yarn warp strands, stretched over a space of a hundred yards or more, and hung to dry on pegs projecting from holes made in the adobe walls that border the sidewalks (pl. 40, a). Jaspe patterns are more often worked into the warp thread than the weft, but they not infrequently appear in both. Other textile pieces, especially scarves, are made from jaspe threads, and are given patterns of striking white dashes upon a dark blue field. Because of the custom of resetting a loom with new warp thread by tying it on to the remaining ends of the old, the basic pattern of the warp is generally preserved on any given loom. This tends to encourage, on a mechanical basis, the strong con- servatism which is so characteristic of these people, Ladinos as well as Indians. Huipil cloth is woven on a large scale on foot looms in those regions from which stick-loom weav- ing has almost disappeared. This is particularly true of the Quezaltenango—Totonicapan—Momostenango region. All three of those towns are important pro- ducers of huipil cloth. The first two mentioned are noted for intricate all-over patterns, with various figures and colors, obtained from draw looms having great numbers of heddles. Dr. Lila O’Neale and I counted over 100 on one in Quezaltenango, In such cases, younger members of a weaving family generally assist by drawing up the complex groups of heddles, which have long strings attached to them for the purpose. Foot-loom cotton textiles other than skirts and huipils include belts, head bands, aprons, napkins, sutes, and sheets of cloth having miscellaneous uses. (For distribution of these manufactures, see map 16.) Small foot looms are employed in weaving belts and head bands, and these are sometimes operated by women as well as men (pl. 40, c). The chief vendors of cotton textiles of all sorts are the itinerant Chichicastenango merchants. In the Quezaltenango—Totonicapan region there are also many vendors, especially in Quezaltenango, Totonica- pan, San Cristébal, and San Francisco. WOOL Nearly all weaving of wool yarn is done on foot looms, of the type employed in weaving skirts, and, 64 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 like the latter, large enough to occupy the major portion of a room of average size. For these looms special houses or shelters are constructed, or else separate rooms or sections of rooms. Sometimes looms are unsheltered, as in parts of the Cuchuma- tanes region (pl. 37). They are operated by men, usually Indians, and they are more often rural than urban, except for the Huehuetenango Ladinos. Gen- erally, weavers and members of their families card and spin wool which they buy in bulk (pls. 33, a, b, d; 35, d). Foot-loom weaving of cotton goods differs, then, from wool weaving in that the latter is generally the work of rural Indian men using yarn spun by themselves or their families. Solid wooden spinning wheels are generally used, but spindle sticks are some- times employed, especially when the weavers are away from home (pls. 19, d; 33, 34, b; 37, b, d, e). Sources of raw wool are shown on map 16. Sheep are confined to the cool alpine meadows (especially in the fog belt), above an elevation of about 2,000 m. (p. 38 and pls. 32; 37, a), and more flocks are pre- dominantly “black” (dark brown) than otherwise. This is due to the heavy demand for the natural dark brown wool, which is widely used undyed. The greatest single center of foot-loom wool weaving in Central America is that of Momoste- nango. The extremely leached soil and badly eroded surfaces of this region have been alluded to earlier (pls. 29, c; 30, ce, f), with the suggestion that this may in part account for the emphasis upon weaving, for want of self-support from agriculture. The oc- currence of hot springs is also an environmental ad- vantage, important to the felting process. This con- sists in alternately soaking a blanket in hot water, (natural or artificial heat, with or without soap) and treading it, slapping it vigorously on a rock, pulling, “snapping,” and wringing it, there generally being two men involved in the process (pl. 34, a, d, ¢), which usually requires 2 hours or more. Other important wool-weaving municipios are Nahuala—Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan, Chichicaste- nango, San Francisco el Alto, Comitancillo, and numerous communities in and near the Cuchuma- tanes, including Huehuetenango, Santa Barbara, Chiantla, and Aguacatan, along the southern margin of that massif (see map 16, and note the central location of Momostenango—an advantage in obtain- ing raw wool). The most important and best-known products of Momostenango are blankets, made by sewing to- gether (with wool thread) two widths of cloth, ranging between 24 and 33 inches, the latter being usually a maximum for the standard-sized loom. Sometimes one-piece blankets are woven, as wide as 5 or 6 feet. An average blanket length is about 80 inches, and they are generally fringed with tassels 4 or 5 inches in length, formed by the loose, twisted ends of the warp (pl. 33, ¢). Checked and striped patterns predominate, with many blankets resembling Scotch plaids (pl. 35,a). Creative genius appears in some of the strange men and beasts that are some- times worked into a textile piece, which may depict ethnographic scenes. I once purchased a Momoste- nango blanket which was decorated with deer-dancers (Indians performing a ceremonial dance, wearing deer masks, as is commonly done in the Cuchumatanes region; see pl. 34, g, inset figures). It was said that the technique of weaving “doll” (mumfeca) and animal designs was an innovation, in practice only since about 1925. Dr. O’Neale observed a strong resem- blance in this to modern Peruvian wool weaving, and suggested that the ideas may have stemmed from a clever Momosteco who probably saw one of these imported pieces in a Guatemala City store. Local in- formants said doll blanket weaving began in the late 1920's, starting with one Indian who was regarded as “queer” and who is credited with having originated the idea. A “diamond” center commonly employed suggests Mexican influence. Some of the “doll” blankets are beautifully made, and are very heavy and finely felted (pl. 34, g). They are the most ex- pensive pieces woven in Momostenango, and they bring a high price. Virtually all of these are sold to tourists, who pay (1936) as much as $25 for them in the more extravagant shops of Guatemala City. From the makers they could be bought for as low as $5, which is still high when compared with the price range of ordinary blankets ($1.50-$3). Lengths of suit cloth (usually 26 in. wide and 19 ft. long) are made ona large scale at Momostenango (pl. 34, f), as are scarves (especially “bufanta,” with cotton warp, wool weft, an industry said to have be- gun in 1934) and rodilleras; the latter are black-and- white checked knee-length skirts worn by men in many parts of the Highlands. They are sold in quan- tity as far away as Tecpan. Heavy felt saddle blan- kets are made on a small scale. A “schedule” as given by a Momostenango family of blanket weavers follows: Sunday—(morning) market, sell cloth, buy wool and perhaps yarn, (afternoon) card and spin the wool and skein the CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 65 warp yarn (pl. 33, a, b, c), (night) wash the yarn, cutting the natural oil by boiling it in a solution of potassium bichromate (2 oz. in 5 gal. of water), and dye; Monday—dry dyed yarn, set up creel and’wrap drum, tie warp on loom (pl. 33, d); Tuesday—begin to weave, and, if necessary, continue spinning, carding, and dyeing of weft yarn (pl. 34, b) ; Wednesday—weaving, and possibly more card- ing and spinning of weft ; Thursday—(morning) fin- ish weaving ordinary blankets by noon (“auiieca” blankets require 2 weeks), (afternoon) take blanket (or blankets) off loom and felt them (see note above and pl. 34) ; Friday—sell blankets at San Francisco el Alto market (attended by most Momostecos; pl. 35), or continue weaving, if no blankets are ready; Saturday—prepare any unfinished blankets for Sun- day market at Momostenango. Washing, carding and spinning activities are performed by both men and women. Most of the wool consumed by the weaving indus- try of Momostenango comes from the great massifs to the north (especially from the Chiantla area of the Cuchumatanes) and west (largely from the Sierra Madre, near Tejutla). It is said that white wool is preferred by Momostenango weavers, for there are more possibilities in dyeing it than in the case of the “black,” which is very dark brown to start with. Each wool-weaving center tends to have special- ties, and such characteristic products as the black blankets, bordered with red and white checks, typical of Chichicastenango, or the heavy-checked natural black-and-white rodilleras of Nahaula. Both these centers produce also natural black woolen goods used for capixais and jackets in certain villages, and sold on a large scale at Solola. Many types of wool cloth are woven by Huehuetenango Ladinos. Peyones.—These shaggy wool rugs are so called probably from their resemblance to a sheepskin (old Spanish vellon). The manufacture of peyones is confined to the Aldea Obotén, at about 2,600 m. (8,530 ft.) elevation in the municipio of San Sebas- tian Coatan (pl. 37). Here, on top of a high, grassy ridge, usually shrouded in wind-driven mountain fog, three brothers and their families engage in this work. To my knowledge there are no other weavers of peyones in Guatemala. Miguel Sebastian B., aided by his younger brother, uncle, and father, is the chief producer, turning out 12 peyones per month in addi- tion to a few blankets and capixais. Their three treadle looms are like those of Momostenango, Hue- 654162—47. 6 huetenango, and other wool-weaving centers. One loom is under a porchlike shelter adjacent to the largest of the three dwellings; the other two are out in the open near the house (pl. 37, a). Their wool comes mainly from Santa Eulalia, though they have some sheep of their own. Miguel, about 24 years old, was taught by his father to make peyones, and recalls that his grandfather also made them. Peyones are woven in the same manner as any other wool cloth, except that the third weft thread is pulled out with the fingers into a loop about 6 inches long, between every 3 warp threads, as in'terry cloth. These loops are gathered and twisted in bunches of 10 or 12, then later, after the rug is all woven, the bunches are cut, one at a time with a pocket knife, so that loose ends, about 3 inches long, are left (pl. 37, b, d). Solid whites, solid black (natural brown), and other large patterns combining the two, are the usual colors. Elements of the simple designs are usually not under 1 foot square. The two other brothers of Miguel produce usually about 6 peyones per month. All three households are within about a quarter-mile of each other. WOOL DYEING “Black” (dark blue).—The most important black dye is logwood palo de campeche (or palo de tinte, Haematoxylum capechianum) which comes mainly from the Petén and British Honduras, generally bought by itinerant Momostenango blanket mer- chants in the market of San Pedro Carcha, near Coban, and often resold in the Momostenango plaza, along with other dyes (pl. 34, c). The wood, which becomes dark red upon exposure to air, is sold by the pound. Splintered and boiled in water to produce the dye, it is used chiefly on white wool, and sometimes also on natural black. Standley (1920-26, p. 419) states that it is “one of the few natural dyewoods which has not yet been replaced satisfactorily by syn- thetic dyess 52+ Copper sulfate, 1 ounce to 5 pounds of wool (5 ° pounds avoirdupois = 1 wool “pound”’), is some- times added to the solution in order to fix the color, and, according to some informants, to darken it. Sometimes, campeche and brasil wood are added in equal proportions; or campeche may be mixed with indigo. 101 The heartwood of ‘‘campeche’”’ is, according to Standley, the com- mercial logwood, which, with mahogany, was a major basis for British settlements in Central America. Standley (1930, p. 288). 66 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Light blue.—For lighter shades of blue, indigo is used, brought from El Salvador, in the form of irregu- lar cakes, by Momostenango merchants, who sell blan- kets there. There are said to be nine different grades of Salvador indigo, four or five of which come to Momostenango. Reported to have been used for- merly unadulterated, it is now generally mixed with sacatinta (Jacobinia spicigera; see p. 143), as is done by skirtweavers who dye cotton.1” Red.—Cochineal was used almost solely for red dye until about 1920,1°% according to several in- formants. Most of it came from Antigua. Since then, aniline dyes have been largely substituted or mixed with cochineal. Chinche negrita, or cinco nigritos, (Lantana camara), a small shrub growing in the woods in the Momostenango region, is gathered, and leaves, twigs, and flowers are boiled in water, along with cochineal. Limes, which act as a mordant, are cut in half or crushed and added to the dye mixture in the proportion of 40 or 50 limes to a wool “pound” (80 oz. avoirdupois, or, actually, 5 Ib.)1°* German aniline dyes were being used to a large extent before 1940 for red, as for other colors, though it was invariably said that these were not so fast as “natural” dye-stuffs. Some weavers mixed aniline and cochineal, half and half, getting a deeper red than with the insect alone. Yellow.—Palo amarillo (Chlorophora tinctoria) is a fairly common tree throughout Central America, and supplies of the yellowish wood, from which a similar color is obtained by boiling it in water, come from the Mexican border region of Huehuetenango and from the Petén—Vera Paz territory. Purple.—Brasil (Haematoxylum brasiletto) is a well-known dyewood, which, when variously treated, may be made a source of different shades of reds and purples (see Standley, 1920-26, p. 419). It is for the latter color that it is most used in Momostenango. 12 A wool weaver of Momostenango, José Barrera (pl. 33), explained that sacatinta is put in the water first, then, 2 days later, indigo, pow- dered on a metate, is added. It is left to stand, usually a week, some- times 2, until it becomes dark green and odoriferous, giving off bubbles of carbon dioxide. 103 The price of cochineal was said to have decreased since about 1920, from 17-25 cents an ounce to 10 or 12 cents for second-grade, and 20 cents for first-grade (whole insects). According to Ernesto Lang, prior to 1920, approximately 2,000 pounds was sold annually in the Momo- stenango market; now not over 100 pounds. Cochineal is still called “grana,” the name applied by the Spaniards after the Conquest, from the inferior predecessor, a related oak scale, kermes (hence, ‘‘crimson’’) originally thought to be seeds of plants. Dried cochineal (female scale insects) also resemble small grains or seeds. 204 Mrs. Osborne (1935, p. 54) gives 30 as the number used, but she refers to limes as “lemons,” and a wool “pound’’ as an avoirdupois pound. (Limes are called limones in Guatemala and most of Latin America). The low-growing tree is common from Mexico to Colombia, apparently having its major abundance along the Pacific side. It is from Huehuetenango that Momostecos said they obtained their greatest supply. Green.—A mixture of cempeche (6 or 7 oz.) and palo amarillo (4-7 oz. for 5 lb. of yarn) is the usual formula for green, with indigo occasionally added to lighten the blue. Brown.—Bark of alders (aliso, Alnus spp.) which grow in the Momostenango region serves to dye yarn a deep reddish brown. Tie dyeing.—Jaspe effects are not uncommonly obtained on wool yarns in Momostenango, the bind- ings being made with tightly wrapped cotton cord (see p. 63). CANTEL ELECTRIC COTTON MILL Because of its importance to Indians and Ladinos throughout Southwest Guatemala, in supplying great quantities of cotton cloth, thread, and yarn, certain basic data regarding this textile factory will be given here, although it is not a hand industry. The mill was established in 1885, with 15 water- power looms. At the time of my visit (July 1936) there were about 500 laborers employed, most of them Indian women of Cantel, operating looms driven by hydroelectric power developed from the nearby Samala River (pl. 39, d). The machinery was all of English make, and the foreman of the mill was from Manchester. Of the raw cotton used in the mill, about 50 percent was said to be of local origin, mainly from the Pacific Lowlands between Mazatenango and the Mexican border; 15 percent from the United States; and approximately 35 per- cent from Nicaragua, a source which had become important only within the previous 3 years. Most of the cotton used was white, but some was the natural brown, employed only in the weft, brown-dyed white cotton being substituted for it in the warp. (See p. 62, ftn. 96.) In those municipios where no characteristic cos- tumes are worn, practically all the basic white huipil cloth is Cantel material. Sometimes it is worn plain, sometimes elaborately embroidered, as at San Andrés Xectl and San Cristébal. Striped material is also produced on the Cantel looms, however. The manufacturers have made a careful study of native weaving patterns, and have imitated many of them with such success that much of their manufactured cloth was being sold to Indians in such municipios as Solola, to be made into costumes virtually in- CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 67 distinguishable from the native hand-woven ones. The only Cantel yarn sold was said to be unbleached white. The total production of the mill, all goods being sold within the country, was estimated to be only 10 percent of the total Guatemala consumption of manufactured cotton yarn and cloth goods. PALM-LEAF RAINCAPES (SUYACALES) All swyacales (palm-leaf raincapes) used in South- west Guatemala with the exception of the Cuchu- matanes margin and possibly parts of the Department of San Marcos, are supplied by the municipio of San Sebastian Retalhuleu, which specializes in this industry, almost to the exclusion of anything else. The habitat, distribution, and utility of the corozo palm are treated elsewhere in this study (see p. 145). Here, only the fabrication of swyacales will be de- scribed. .The process is as follows. Segments of the immense pinnate leaves of the corozo palm are stripped from the midrib and boiled for a half hour in large kettles of water to which a small amount of salt has been added. Then they are carefully spread out to dry and bleach in the sun for about 2 days, at the end of which time they are nearly white, and quite tough and pliant. They are sewn together with strong twine, locally spun from fitafloja fibers which are bought at stores,!® the leaf segments be- ing overlapped and joined by four rows of close transverse stitches, about 5 inches apart. Generally this is women’s work (pl. 2, b). There are two types of swyacales, one in which the ends of the leaf seg- ments are trimmed so that the edges of the cape are straight and parallel with one side hemmed; the other, fringed along one side, where the pointed ends of the leaf segments are left free and uncut. There is usually a difference in the wearing of the two, in that the first is thrown longitudinally over a man’s head so that it falls back over his shoulders and pro- tects his cargo, if he has any, as well as his body; whereas the fringed one is wrapped around, with the loose ends down, and the straight edge up about the shoulders. The latter is best suited to a man without a pack on his back. Generally, Indians on the trail, when caught in a heavy rain, are more interested in keeping their cargoes dry than in avoiding the water themselves. In a market place during a downpour, wares are protected by swyacales more often than by canvas or rubber sheets, for only wealthier merchants can afford the latter. 106 The price quoted in 1936 was 8 cents per pound, enough for 8 dozen suyacales. Adult-size suyacales are about 2 by 5 feet, and they sell for 10 to 15 cents. Children’s sizes are also made and marketed. The rush season for these gar- ments corresponds to the time of greatest rainfall, from April through October, in most of the High- lands. Merchants on trade journeys to the pied- mont carry their suyacales, rolled and attached ver- tically to the cargo packs, all the year round (pl. 13, a). Inthe mountains, however, where rains are con- fined to the summer half year, they usually carry them only during that season, and swyacales do not begin to appear in the Highland plazas until April (pl. 2, c). A woman seldom carries one, and when she does, it is rolled up and placed on top of her head basket to protect whatever goods there are in it. The suwyacal is strictly an Indian garment, though Ladinos, who generally wear rubber ponchos when it rains, may help cover pack-animal cargoes with palm capes. : It was reported in Chicacao (1936) that some suyacales are made in San Miguel Panan, but this was not verified. (See Sapper, 1905, pp. 24-25.) PALM HATS (Map 17) The center of hat production is Santa Cruz Quiché, which, with nearby San Sebastian Lemoa, supplies virtually all the hats worn in Southwest Guatemala, though some are made also in cantones of Chichicastenango, according to Sol Tax. The source of most of the palm leaves,1°* vendors of them say, is a place called Palmar, near San Miguel Uspan- tan, far to the northeast. Strips of the leaves are sold on a large scale in the plazas of Chiché, Quiché, and Lemoa, most of them to Indian’men who sew the strands into hats on sewing machines. Some few men are said to do this work by hand, but the ma- chine-sewn product is preferred. The chief hat merchants of the western region are the men of San Francisco el Alto, who, after buying them in their home market, retail them as far west as La Union, San Marcos. The Maxefos sell most of the Quiché hats in the region to the south, includ- ing the piedmont plazas of Chicacao and Patulul, and eastward as far as Guatemala City.1°* 106 A fan palm, the identification of which I was unable to ascertain. 107 Most hats sold in the Guatemala market, however, apparently come from Honduras (Santa Barbara was named as a major supply center), brought largely by itinerant merchants, particularly Quezaltecos. One of these, on one occasion, sold 10 dozen hats from Santa Barbara to a Ladina stall vendor. He had taken 500 pairs of Momostenango blankets, bought there, to Honduras, through El Salvador, and sold them for $2 each (100 percent profit, reduced by duties, he said, to 50 percent). 68 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 MATS (Map 17) There are three major fibers of which mats (petates) are made, namely, palm (probably of the type used in making hats), rush (tl), and alpine bunchgrass (Muhlenbergia sp.), in descending order of importance. The main center of production of palm mats was always stated to be San Andrés Sajcabaja, and they were said to come also from Rabinal, and occasionally from Nenton, near the Mexican border. Mats are made in various sizes, from 2 feet square up to 8 by 6 and 13 by 4 feet or more. They always seem to sell rapidly, even in areas where other types of mats are made, as at Solola, near the rush-mat supply center of Lake Atitlan. The uses of them are manifold, not only in the household, as floor covering, bed cushions, and screens, but also in providing itinerant merchants’ accoutrements, especially outer coverings for cacastes (cargo frames) among the Maxefios and Totoni- capefios, and beds, for which purpose one is usually carried rolled on top of each cargo pack, to spread upon the ground for sleeping beside the trail. The rush mat (petate tul) is an item of commerce that is made generally in lake-shore villages, or those situated near water bodies or marshes where rushes grow. Of the Lake Atitlan villages, Santa Catarina Palopo is the chief producing center, though the in- dustry has been retarded since 1932, owing to the ris- ing lake level (see pp. 123, 132). Rushes are gathered near the village (many being bought, in 1936, from San Antonio), dried, then soaked in water again in- doors to avoid the drying effects of sun and wind, before being worked into mats. Mats of various sizes are made, up to 4 by 6 feet or more. It was said that 200 rushes would suffice for three mats of the size mentioned. Other Lake Atitlan villages where some of the inhabitants make pefates are Cerro de Oro, Santiago, San Marcos, and Santa Cruz. Solola is their principal market. An important producing center in the Antigua region is San Antonio Aguas- calientes. Mats made of tough bunchgrass, generally about 3 feet square, are sometimes woven by shepherds in the lofty alpine meadows of the Totonicapan—San Francisco region, and perhaps in others as well. They are occasionally to be seen for sale in the markets, especially those of San Francisco el Alto and Quezaltenango. SANDALS AND OTHER LEATHERWORK Sandalmakers (caiteros) are most abundant in Totonicapan, and are strongly in evidence in many of the settlements which have been peopled by Totoni- capenos, such as Argueta and Patanatic. There are also some in Chichicastenango and Quezaltenango, who operate mainly within their local orbits. The Totonicapefios, on the other hand, cover a wide area. Some of them are itinerants who attend various dis- tant markets, working at their trade in the plaza. Surrounded by belts, straps, and sandals, they cut and hammer under canvas shelters lined up in the space allotted to them. On most Fridays about 20 sandal makers from Argueta (Totonicapan) may be seen in the Solola market (map 22). They separate at that point, and head for Sunday markets in the Lowlands, about half going to Chicacao and the other half to Patulul. On one occasion I saw a Quezaltenango sandalmaker at work in the Olintepeque market; in this case a woman, a rarity in such work. Sandals and leather belts are the chief items sold, though there is usually a good stock of muleteers’ (arrieros’) supplies, especially plaited whips and tapaojos (heavy leather straps for blindfolding mules during loading), as well as sheaths for machetes, knives, and the like. Leather sandals are in some measure being replaced by those made from sections of discarded automobile tires (see McBryde, 1933, p. 120, ftn. 57), as is done in many other parts of the world having econo- mies similar to that of Indian Guatemala. I noted a particular abundance of tire sandals in the market of San Salvador, much more so than in Guatemala , City (pl. 42, d). Though cheaper, they are heavier and hotter on the feet than leather, so that they are little worn in the Guatemala Lowlands. Mecapales (rawhide forehead straps, or tumplines) are a specialty of Sacapulas men, who plait them while sitting in the market (p. 58). DANCE REGALIA Gaudy and elaborate bejeweled silk, satin, and velvet costumes for men, designed after the finest raiment of the conquistadors, and wigs and masks, usually depicting bearded Spaniards, are made in Totonicapan and owned by a single Indian dealer. There is another small-scale costumemaker in San Cristobal Totonicapan and one in Chichicastenango. These costumes are not ordinarily sold, but are rented at good prices to members of certain village cofradias ate =Nogies, ail “a isan pests SS Ss. _ 7 METABO TH Tag hep Sees ty savty irislate adore yt wale (g9 “d 2084) LE-O 2919 COL deui aes ‘SMOIIB JO QOUBOYIUTIS OATBQUBND Joy) “BlBWE}BNy ySaMy}NOg jo sjyonpord seqy osiBod Joyjo pus ‘axepsoo ‘¥u4) vu ‘Arjayseg- —LI avy Ssv11W ae lye) Ob ST 0 » 1aqso Ssei2-youn: ee | ound Ide wyed-uey _Quesasd aacym Poorpur seTpuEY) SLANSVA ysny SLVA (Jeet-mTed) SLVH +P yeay-mpeg Vd scnvare ive Ga §)002 Sseaa-young ? SWOOHd SAAVAT WITVd Nva 4 (eaese) SAdON qm NV4 Wivd OZOHOD weed / oy /\ | HSS GAVDV em, «= (SOdeO uyer uped-oz0109) saTYOVANS wx... —r_ (2474218 pagyeyd wyed spursjs-3ey 0 ! 4> 8 / WY Mi 588 to, Kagey> \_/. Qe) ¥ i i ( \ (eeme omo yg IFO LA) ea / sados Ui 2) Ol Whe eee A ] Ex Ww a4 mF Aeujey wey po oe —~,; svdor 2 <——,, Wear urqo>) e . 58. 1 af 5 > ae : a. ink one - yy ae -- =~) - 7 ; _ f i ie = 6 CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 69 (religious societies) or other esoteric Indian organ- izations, for the dances which form a vital part of their fiesta celebrations (pl. 17, f). The conquistador dance, in which the participants dress like the Spanish conquerors and dance in the open, to the accompani- ment of drum, fife, and marimba, is the most wide- spread and best-known ceremonial (pl. 17, g). Since the fiestas come at different times for the various villages (the fiesta titular, for example, on the day of the patron saint after whom the settlement is named), the costumes and masks are taken to various parts of the country at different seasons, constituting color- ful cargoes on the trail, and bringing a handsome rev- enue to their owners. LUMBER (Map 18) It is common to see as many as 25 Totonicapenos and 8 Nahualefios!®§ in small groups on the road to Quezaltenango, carrying six white pine boards, usually about 1 by 10 inches and 8 feet long, or four beams, 3 by 3 inches and 12 feet long. Always loaded crosswise on the back, they make an unwieldy burden. Many of the Totonicapefios also have mules (often 15 or 20 in all) loaded with six boards on each side. This hewn lumber is sold mainly to Quezaltenango carpenters, who depend upon these sources for their construction wood. Good stands of large white pine are still to be found in the high mountains between Totonicapan and Nahuala. FURNITURE (Map 18) Carpenters of Totonicapan (Argueta in particular) fashion chests, chairs, tables, beds, carrying frames (cacastes) and other articles of furniture from the soft pine which abounds at those high altitudes. The chests are generally painted red and yellow (some- times black), and they may be covered with geometric designs made by scraping the wet red paint off the dried yellow surface underneath. (For diagram illus- trating this negative technique, see Lemos, 1941, p. 35). They appear in many markets throughout South- western Guatemala, especially during fiestas, and are essential to most Indian households. Textiles and clothing in particular are stored in them. Various items of furniture are generally to be seen for sale by Totonicapan merchants in Quezaltenango, San Fran- cisco el Alto, and often Solola and Chichicastenango. 1°8 Counts were made for most days between July 25 and August 15, 1936. The most widely disseminated articles are chairs, which are taken periodically by Totonicapan (espe- cially Argueta) merchants going as far as Guatemala City. Mules are frequently used to transport them, but men generally carry large loads themselves. ROPES (Map 17) The four principal sources of supply of maguey (agave or Furcraea sp.) fiber goods to South- west Guatemala are, in order of importance, the Coban area (San Cristobal), the western shores of Lake Atitlan (San Pedro—San Juan—Pablo), Comi- tancillo, and Colotenango (map 17). Though ropes are the most important and widely sold sisal products, cargo nets (especially for corn ears), cinches, halters, hammocks, carrying-bags (morrales), and other ar- ticles are also sold by rope workers. In San Juan, relatively more of these seem to be made. Merchants in the markets may sell rope work alone or combined with hats, baskets, or miscellaneous goods. My study of the rope industry was confined to San Pedro la Laguna, which may be taken as illustrative of Lake Atitlan techniques in general, though the notes here refer strictly only to San Pedro.1°® The large-sized ropes (sogas, usually about 54 of an inch in diameter and 22 ft. long) sold in great quantities, especially in grazing areas, for leading horses and cattle, are made in the following manner. Maguey leaves are cut from the abundant plants growing on the lava slopes and put to soak along the edge of the lake, weighted by large stones and protected from wave disturbance by stake enclosures. After 2 weeks in the water to soften the flesh, they are taken out, laid on a board, and one at a time rasped with flat, oarlike paddles, pressed down and forward (pl. 26, d). Sometimes the scraping process is preceded by pounding with a heavy wooden implement used like a pestle. The fleshy part of the leaf is thus removed, leaving only the tough, white fiber. Sometimes freshly cut leaves are scraped, but as a rule they are soaked first. The apparatus used in making ropes consists of a simple wooden spinner (usually of oak) made in two parts: (1) The flat rotary piece about 10 by 11%4 by % inch, tapered and notched at one end for attach- ment of the fiber, with a hole not over an inch in from the notch; and (2) a stick handle, about 10 inches long and one-half inch in diameter, which 10 For a brief description of ropemaking at San Pablo, see also Lothrop, 1929, p. 2. 70 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4— passes like an axle through the hole in the rotator (pl. 26, c, e). The great eccentricity of this device provides strong leverage, and makes it possible to spin even heavy rope with little effort. After the first simple strand is twisted (bits of hemp being fed gradually by a helper to the growing line as the spinner backs away; pl. 26, b), it is then doubled, and three double strands, each pair attached to a spinner, are spun with the ends of the rope attached to a large Y—post, driven into the ground so that the crotch projects upward to a height of 3 or 4 feet. When the double strands are tightly twisted, the Y-—post serves to keep a steady tension upon the main rope, which is then spun by another person at the other end, spinning in the opposite direction from that of the three strandspinners. The strands are drawn so that the two prongs of the fork keep them apart until the rope is tightly spun. Men and women both participate in most of the steps involved in ropemaking, with the exception of cutting and scraping the leaves, which is generally men’s work. As will be pointed out later (p. 95), the Ped- ranos have taken the ropemaking industry with them to their Lowland colony of Cutzan. Ordinarily, like most of the industries described in this chapter, maguey working is almost always a Highland trait. BROOMS (Map 17) The three principal types of brooms used in South- west Guatemala are: (1) Those resembling manu- factured types and made, according to inform- ants, of giant bunchgrass roots, mainly at Quezal- tenango; (2) fan-palm leaves with the tips trimmed off, said to come primarily from the Rabinal area; and (3) bunches of corozo-leaf veins, made in the Lowlands. The three are listed here in descend- ing order of quality and abundance in the market. The first go periodically in considerable quantity to the capital, usually being taken in large loads of 30 or 35, by groups of four or five Quezaltecos, while brooms of corozo-leaf veins are seldom seen in mar- kets, and often are made by people for their own use. Tax (Ms. 1935) reported a fine grade of broom made in San Andrés Sajcabaja and occasionally sold in Chichicastenango. 110 In the western Lake villages where ropemaking is an important in- dustry, these forked posts may be seen adjacent to many of the houses (pl. 26, b, c). SOAP (Map 13) Certain municipios specialize in soapmaking, in the Lowlands as well as in the Highlands. Important Highland producing centers include Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, San Andrés Xectl, Santa Lucia Utat- lan, San Pedro la Laguna, and Solola (map 13). At San Andrés Xecul, suet, especially that of beef, is the basic ingredient. It is treated with water which has been leached through a mixture of lime and ashes. The fat is heated in one pot, the alkali solution in another; then the two are mixed. The leaching is done in colander pots, which may be seen supported on three-prong forked sticks beside many houses of San Andrés. The little plaza of this village is usually well supplied with these vessels, brought for sale from Totonicapan, especially to meet the usual demands of soapmaking. About half of the families of San Andrés were reported to be engaged in the soap industry, their suet supply being drawn from the meat markets of the Quezaltenango Valley, upon the edge of which their village is situated. Pork fat is an important soap ingredient in the Lake Atitlan region, especially at Santa Lucia and Solola, where pork vendors also sell soap. Samayac is perhaps the principal soap-producing center of the southwestern piedmont. The inhabi- tants of this village depend largely upon pig fat for their industry, the chief source being nearby San Bernardino, where pig raising is a specialty, in con- junction with cheese making (the whey being fed to pigs). The characteristic form of Indian soap in Guate- mala is spherical, with a diameter ranging from 1%4 inches to nearly 3 inches, and color dark brownish with a blue-gray cast (pl. 39, a). CANDLES The material employed most widely in candlemak- ing in Southwest Guatemala is paraffin. Tallow is much used at such villages as San Andrés Xecul where suet is handled on a large scale for soapmaking. San Crist6bal Totonicapaén, a few miles away, pro- duces mainly paraffin candles.1!1_ Beeswax candles, much used in the churches in earlier days, seem now to be a rarity. The only municipio where I found 111 Tax (Ms., 1935) reports that several natives of San Cristébal now residing in Chichicastenango make candles for sale. They probably settled there for that special purpose, since there is a great demand for candles in religious ceremonies at Chichicastenango. ’ CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE fal them being made on a fairly large scale was Pueblo Nuevo. Hand-dipped candles, white and yellow, hanging in graceful clusters around the vendor, are commonly seen near the entrances to market places. Probably because the small Ladino storekeepers sell candles, only a few Indian merchants sell them in the plaza, except at Chichicastenango, where the Maxenos use great numbers of them. Inside their main church, lines of candles along aisles carpeted with rose petals are kept burning continuously (pl. 35, b). Outside, on the large, circular stone steps and along each side of the street leading to it, 15 or 20 candle vendors do a thriving business on market days (Thursdays and Sundays). Candles are used in great quantity not only in churches, but also for all sorts of magical rites, conducted by medicine men at crude altars hidden back in the pine-covered hills. (These prac- tices are common throughout most of Indian Guate- mala.) CHARCOAL (Map 18) In the municipios of San José Chacaya (Solola area) and Cajola, in the Quezaltenango region, charcoal making is an important industry. Truck- loads of charcoal from Tecpan may be seen en route to Guatemala City, and there are probably other centers about which no information was obtained. At Cajola it was said that charcoal was made by Indians living back in the cantons of the mountain slopes behind the village. Oak trees are purchased, informants said, in the municipios of San Carlos Sija and Sibilia. Thin, straight sections of select wood are cut out, the remainder being used or sold for firewood or for construction material.14* The burning of charcoal at Cajola is done in pits, bunch- grass and twigs serving as fuel, and air is excluded by dirt piled up in a big mound above each pit. Holes, usually four, are driven through to carry off the smoke. Burning is continous for 3 days, at the end of which time the oak is charred and ready for the market. Some charcoal is made in the neighbor- ing municipios of San Juan Ostuncalco and San Miguel Siguila. INCENSE (Map 18) Incense (copal, incienso) usually appears in the market in three forms, the commonest and least 112 Shingles are also a product of Cajola, expensive being granular estoraque, sold in several grades of quality and coarseness. Pom is the name of the disk form, consisting of wafers about 1% inches in diameter and usually put up in a cylindrical banana-fiber package 15 inches long containing about 2 dozen pieces. The finest grade is the so-called Cuilco, packed in small, circular loaves, two to a package. The last was said to come, prior to about 1930, only from Cuilco, and was regarded as the most fragrant of all incense, and of unique quality. More recently, however, it has come from Santa Maria Chiquimula, almost exclusively, according to several merchants. Men from that municipio sell most of the incense, in all forms, throughout the Quezaltenango-Totonicapan Valley area. Copal in the Solola-Chichicastenango region is brought mainly from Sacapulas. Chichicastenango is an especially good market for incense, because of the continual burning of it by Indians, who may be seen at almost any time swinging censers as they kneel on the circular stone steps of the church (pl. 29, a). Resin of trees (Icica spp., Elaphrium spp., and others) (Standley, 1920-26, p. 543) is used in mak- ing the various forms of incense, but no first-hand information was obtained regarding manufacture or identity of the tree. COMMERCE AND MARKETS (Map 19) ANCIENT TRADE The great significance of trade among the in- habitants of Central America, especially the Maya, dates from pre-Columbian time (Blom, 1932; Mc- Bryde, 1933, pp. 110-112). A well-developed com- merce, the channels of which extended for long dis- tances over the area and were even linked remotely with North and South America, is indicated by a wealth of archeological and historical evidence. Tur- quoise at Chichén Itza1* is thought to have come from Veracruz, the central Mexican highlands, or even New Mexico; beaten gold objects found in Guatemala (Rossbach collection, Chichicastenango) have been tentatively identified as Peruvian. It is probable that they reached the Maya area through a series of exchanges, involving several different Indian groups. Ceramic pieces from numerous archeological sites throughout the Central American region include 113 See Morris, Charlot, and Morris, 1931, vol. 1, p. 196; Thompson, 1945, p. 16. 2 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 quantities of exotic pottery, which is generally re- garded as having come in by trade from outside areas The ancient commercial significance of salt and cacao has been pointed out earlier. Another com- modity which was formerly of great value was feathers of the quetzal, which today, however, is protected, being Guatemala’s national emblem. The importance of the long, graceful green plumes of this trogon impressed most of the early chroniclers, who often referred to the methods of capturing the birds, as well as to the quantities of feathers handled by Aztec merchants. Of this industry in Vera Paz, Médel wrote, about the middle of the 16th century: “There is a kind of bird having very long and beauti- ful feathers, and adorned with many marvelous colors; which the native Indians of that province painstakingly capture alive with some little nets and other devices which they have for the purpose. They pull out three or four of the prettiest tail feathers and release the birds so that they may bear more of the same fruit the following year.”"° According to this author, traders from Mexico came to buy quetzal feathers in great quantities, to take them back that they might adorn idols worshipped by the Aztec. In addition to cacao, salt, pottery, turquoise, and feathers, the ancient Maya widely traded such things as foodstuffs, corn, beans, chile, honey, clothing, par- ticularly cotton textiles, and minerals, principally jade and obsidian. Toa lesser extent they dealt in gold in n4 See Lothrop, 1933, pp. 29, 45, 47, 57. Joyce summarizes Seler’s conclusions on this question as follows: ‘‘Seler has attempted to trace to some extent the wanderings of pottery from certain centers of manufacture; he calls attention to the finding in Guatemala of ware of Tarascan type; concludes that the ware of Huehuetenango and Chiquimula spread over the whole of south-western Guatemala and south-eastern Chiapas, while that of Jilotepec in the Guatemalan province of Jalapa was carried to south-eastern Guatemala and western El] Salvador’ (Joyce, 1914, p. 308). 5 Médel, Ms., p. 36, f. 138. A somewhat later description of Vera Paz, anonymous and undated (probably written about 1575) gives a remarkably detailed account of the quetzal traffic, as follows: ete the long [quetzal] feathers sell very well, and there are obtained in this province annually more than 10,000. From here they are taken to other provinces, and they are very much in demand. The manner of hunting them is by means of sticks or strings with birdlime which is put on the drinking-places or in the trees where the birds feed, on small fruit well known to the Indians. These trees and watering places are privately owned by Indians, and may be sold or managed by them. Sometimes ‘they catch the birds on the nest and pluck the feathers The birds make their nests in the highest trees, in holes in the trunk It is impossible to raise them. This collecting of feathers is very arduous and difficult, even dangerous for the Indians, because in addition to spending many days on the trail and waiting during the hunt, they often fall from the trees and may break legs and arms, or be killed . . . but these natives despoil one saint to adorn another which is no saint . 2”? (Anon., Ms. 1574a, pp. 16-17, f. 83). Pineda writes (about 1570) of the quetzales of Vera Paz, [the Indians] catch them at a certain season of the year, take off the feathers and turn them loose to grow more” (Pineda, 1908, p. 448). the form of dust (in quills) and figurines, and copper cast into small bells and ax blades. From rock quarries they produced lime and metates. LOCAL SPECIALIZATION Great diversity of small adjacent areas in Central America has led to regional specialization, which has stimulated trade development to.a high degree since ancient times. The immense ranges of altitude in the high, dissected mountains and plateaus are reflected in marked climatic contrasts (map 6). In addition to this, there are extreme slope, soil, and hydrographic differences that determine natural vegetation forms, flora and agricultural products. The geologic structure is likewise highly varied, there being granites and limestones in sharp contact, in places buried by superimposed ejecta of recent volcanism (map 5). MINERAL AND FOREST PRODUCTS . (Map 18) The scattered distribution of essential trade articles based upon products of mines and forests is evident from map 18. Metates.— Metates are made in only three centers : (1) Nahuala (and its sister municipio of Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan, culturally almost indistinguish- EXPLANATION OF SYMBOLS FOR MAP 18 OBSIDIAN FURNITURE CS LIME OCOTE PITCH PINE [) satt (c= Cookea; CC CHARCOAL (3 = Sun-evaporated) ——. TRIPOD GRINDING STONE PB LEAD (Metate) aeep LIMESTONE OUTCROPS S suLrur == LUMBER Arrows with cross bars indicate volume of trade, as in map 10 (bars same interval as barbs) . able from it), which supplies the eastern and south- eastern two-thirds of Southwest Guatemala; (2) Malacantancito, which supplies the Cuchumatanes Mountain villages and the region from Huehue- tenango southward through the town of Quezalte- nango (where Nahuala stones are also sold) and into the Lowlands as far east as Nuevo San Carlos; and (3) Tajumulco, which supplies the San Marcos re- gion, some metates reaching the town of Quezalte- (ZL “d ‘sjoquids jo uoyBuTdxe eag) “BBULE}EN yseMYInNOg Jo syonpord ysaz0j PuB [IOUT —SI av “es g 2° arg coo sibs pl £ “eS 4iety 6 7 : \ \ : 4) duo FW So ° | sor sg z h Sus =e 4 ps ; j => 6 ey *, : P S3 Q-v : leFofyd < 7a XS d J ? \ ? > OX... S 427.995 So IND 1% MOOT < gpeom 71 EAS ot 5) ¢ =" Tie » ef WoW g ry eS - 2 e 7 410 PeL"Pag'S 5 iy ate ved'so Jo oom DOD é . po S ay 4 tif ae . ee ieee Neate \ Pa Nee teed kes, an “a= Am > e Sen. \ o Miigie rh rg Keats : ae X* nA ~ I a, Pies VAN A an ‘ ro ae ; fi : iat ee Sa ‘. =) mn a Fr q iS wt \ Nets Rare aE ea - 7 CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 73 nango, and southward into the Pacific coastal low- lands. It will be noted that all of these centers are in the volcanic highlands where there are abundant sup- plies of fresh andesite and other types of volcanic lava of which metates are made. Because of the difficulties involved in quarrying and working the rock and in carrying the heavy stones long distances to sell them (generally from house to house and less frequently in markets, where the purchaser would be burdened by their great weight), very few communi- ties have specialized in this work. Nahuala men take usually 2 metates and 6 manos (handstones) at a time, a load of about 100 pounds. During July and August 1936 I saw six or eight of them daily going to Quezaltenango. Lime.—Map 18 also indicates the lime-producing centers, all in the Highlands near limestone outcrops. In the volcanic mountains there are six, most im- portant of which are Santa Apolonia, supplying the Lake Atitlan area; Santa Maria Chiquimula, pro- ducing for the Quiché district; San Francisco el Alto, for the Quezaltenango-Totonicapan region, with some lime going as far as Solola; San Carlos Sija, for Quezaltenango and Lowland towns; and Cabrican, for Quezaltenango, Momostenango, San Marcos, and parts of the Lowlands. In the Cuchumatanes Mountains, where limestone is extensive, lime is burned in many centers. Usually it is locally peddled from house to house and it may not appear in markets at all, or it may be taken short distances, as from Soloma to Santa Eulalia, to sup- plement lime which is locally produced. The main sources along the edge of the Cuchumatanes, as shown on map 18, are Ical, Torlon, and Chinaca. Lime from this region is generally handled in the form of spher- ical blocks, instead of irregular lumps or grains (sometimes this is slaked or air-slaked), as in the volcanic mountain centers. Sometimes, as at Santa Maria Chiquimula, the makers of lime also take it to sell in other markets. In San Francisco el Alto (see p. 60), a separate group living in the same canton as the makers (Paxixil) sell lime in the markets. Chichicaste- nango Indians (canton Panimaché) sell Santa Apo- lonia lime at the plazas of Panajachel, Patzim, Tec- pan, and Solola (pl. 14, ¢). Often lime is sold partly at houses, as in the Cuchumatanes, and partly in the market (Santa Cruz del Quiché about half each way). Santiago Atitlan men buy Santa Apolonia lime when they go to the nearby Tecpan market to sell lowland fruit from Chicacao (pl. 23, d). They return to Santiago with lime, some of which is retailed in small lots by the women who sell only locally. Men, who are the long-distance merchants, dispose of most of the rest of the lime in the Chicacao market, where they again buy tropical fruit for the return trip to the Highlands. Sijefios, tall, thin Ladinos of San Carlos Sija, take large mule-train loads of lime from their Sija kilns to Quezaltenango and into the Lowlands as far as Mazatenango and Retalhuleu, after return- ing with maize, coffee, or other Lowland products. Mule-shippers like those of Sija market some of the Santa Apolonia lime, especially in the Lowlands, at Patulul, and on the fincas. Lime is carefully packed for transport in skins inside of nets. Rain is avoided wherever possible, as the quicklime burns the skin when wet. : Salt.—Salt, made at various points along the Pacific coast (pp. 58, 59), especially Champerico, Tahuesco (pl. 1, d), Sipacate, and San José (pl. 1, e), and along the southern margin of the Cuchumatanes Mountains, notably at Sacapulas (pl. 42, e, f), is now handled in large quantities by trucks. This is par- ticularly true of granular salt moving from the Pacific shore to piedmont towns, such as Escuintla, Mazate- nango, Retalhuleu, and Coatepeque, for redistribu- tion to the fincas and to Highland villages. Much of it is trucked into the Highlands also, as in the case of the Gutierrez store at San Cristobal Totonicapan. In- dians buy it there and resell it in San Francisco el Alto and Momostenango. There are usually 35 vendors with 50 pounds each in the San Francisco market every Friday, and almost as many in Momo- stenango every Sunday. The salt sold in most of the Indian markets of the Lake Atitlan region is handled by itinerant Chichi- castenango Indian merchants, who buy it in the Low- lands, chiefly at Mazatenango, and sell it along with many other Lowland products, such as spices, coffee, rice, sugar, dried chile, peanuts, and cotton. Though Sacapulas salt occasionally appears in dis- tant markets at times of fiestas, it seems to be sold for the most part locally and in nearby markets, such as that of Aguacatan, where more Pacific than Saca- pulas salt is handled. In the Sacapulas market dur- ing 1940, I estimated an average of 75 vendors:‘a week each selling about 25 or 50 pounds of the little disk-shaped cakes of local salt. San Mateo Ixtatan supplies salt to the northern Cuchumatanes villages, and it is sold by San Mateo men and local merchants who go there to buy it. Ladino mule-shippers of Chiantla, much like the 74 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Sijefios, take Pacific salt to sell in most of the west- ern Cuchumatanes villages. Lumber and furniture.—Boards and beams of good size (see p. 69) are hewn from large white pine trunks in the high mountains between the village of Nahuala and the town of Totonicapan. Indians from the two municipios carry this lumber on their backs to Quezaltenango, where they sell it largely to carpenters, though some is sold in the street in front of the entrance to the big enclosed market place (pl. 38, c). Totonicapan (mostly Argueta) In- dians make simple unpainted pine furniture, espe- cially chairs and tables, and decorated chests. These go to markets from Quezaltenango to Guatemala City, and are much in demand. Pitch pine (ocote).—Pitch pines, probably chiefly Pinus teocote, which is rich in resin, are the source of the ocote (pitch pine splints) collected and sold by Indians of certain Highland municipios where suitable trees grow. Split to about 14-1 inch by Y%—'4 inch by 10-12 inches, pitch pine splints are usually taken only in small quantities from any one tree without cutting it down or killing it at once. Ocote is valued most for torches, though it is also much used for starting fires. Because of the limited distribution of pitch pine trees and the demand for torches, ocote is an important market commodity. The chief producing centers are: Momostenango (canton Xicamaya)-Santa Maria Chiquimula (ocote sold at San Francisco el Alto by about 10 or 15 vendors from each place every Friday, and resold in San Andrés Xectil, Salcaja, Olintepeque, and Quezaltenango, often in combination with Xicamaya limas) ; Nahuala, selling mainly in the Cantel market ; Chichicastenango, especially canton Panimaché, which supplies the Panajachel market, where at one time ocote was essential to the Santa Catarina Palopé crabbers (ocote in the Panajachel market is taxed in kind rather than by cash) ; and Chinique, where turpentine is also made (see map 18). Incense and charcoal.—Incense made from resin is a specialty of Indians of Santa Maria Chiquimula, who supply chiefly the Quezaltenango-Totonicapan region and Sacapulas, reaching the markets of the Lake Atitlan—Chichicastenango region. The village of Chichicastenango is one of the best markets for incense, owing to the active religious life there (pls. 28; 29, a, b). Santa Maria Chiquimula incense is sold on a large scale (by 20 men every Friday) at the San Francisco el Alto market (pls. 35, c; 36), where it is bought for resale by Indians of Huitan, Cabri- can, and especially Cajola. The latter sell the in- cense again at San Juan Ostuncalco, where there are 10 vendors every Sunday. For the distribution of charcoal, which is usually sold from house to house, see map 18 and page 71. Firewood.—Because so many parts of the High- lands have been cleared of forests in gathering fire- wood, construction materials, and boughs (especially pine, the needles of which are widely used on floors) for decoration, and in preparing the lands for plant- ing, firewood is now at a premium. Usually it is sold from house to house, as at Solola (pl. 10, d), where much of it comes from San José Chacaya. The basin in which the town of Quezaltenango is situated is so bare of tree growth that firewood must be brought from a considerable distance (pls. 36; 38, a, d, f). Indians of Totonicapan and San Cristobal Totonicapan get a supply from the wooded slopes south and southeast of them and take it to Quezaltenango. During July and August 1936 there were about 50 men and women (evenly divided) and over half as many mules on the road to Quezaltenan- go to sell firewood there. The other main source is the little Indian village of Pié de Volcan, just south- west of Quezaltenango, and at the base of Santa Maria volcano (pl. 38, c), as the name implies. The slopes of the volcano are wooded if one goes up far enough. Women from this village, usually 15 or 20 a day, sit in the street outside the entrance to the main enclosed market of Quezaltenango and sell large bundles of sticks (pl. 38, c). Quezaltenango and nearby Salcaja are among the few places in Guatemala where firewood is sold in the plaza. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS AND ASSOCIATED GOODS (Maps 9-13) » Maize.— Maize, the most important food in Guate- mala, is one of the main market commodities (pl. 14, c). Relatively few individuals or even com- munities are self-sufficient, however, with respect to this essential staple. The limited harvest period and the differences in growing seasons at various eleva- tions, as well as the insufficiency of acreages planted, account for the big movements of maize in trade. Highland milpas yield their greatest volume between December and February. Lowland maize is har- vested first from August to October, the heaviest crop; then secondarily in February and March (see CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 7) p. 22 and map 9). The grain moves in quantity between Highlands and Lowlands during periods of shortage in one zone and plenty in the other (see p. 23). Certain areas, where there is not enough arable land, or where climate or soil may be unfavorable, are notably deficient in maize; Momostenango, a wool-weaving center, is an illustration (see p. 64 and pl. 30, f). Much of the grain is trucked from the Lowlands. Six Todos Santos men were selling maize from large sacks, brought on muleback, in April 1936. Whether from the Lowlands or from Todos Santos, it was transported a great distance. Much maize is taken to Momostenango from Quiché. The Highlands just east of Lake Atitlan, around Tecpan, Patzim, and Patzicia, are especially im- portant for maize. Ladino mule-shippers take quan- tities of it from these regions into the Lowlands, and to Chichicastenango, Solola, and other parts of the Highlands, as far east as Guatemala City. At San Francisco el Alto during July two or three truck- loads of Tecpan maize are sold in the market every Friday. Santiago Atitlan is the main corn-producing municipio on the shores of Lake Atitlan (see p. 100). Indians from many of the other Lake-shore villages go there to buy maize, especially from August to December. During that period about one-fourth of the women in the Santiago market sell maize. San Pedro la Laguna Indians buy corn at Santiago from August through October, but sell it there from May through July. About 150 out of a total of 1,500 vendors at Colomba (Pacific piedmont) in February 1941 were selling maize, much of it from the High- lands. Chiché is an important market of the inner Highlands, north of the Lake. At one Saturday market there during August 1936, approximately one-tenth of the vendors, or about 100 men, from Chiché and Chichicastenango, were selling corn in grain by the almud (wooden box measure, about 12%4 Ib. of grain), as is commonly done in that region. The average sold by each was about 80 pounds. Much of this grain was said to have been produced on rented finca lands a few miles to the east. Huehuetenango, the biggest market in the Cuchumatanes region, is a most important maize center. As in the cast of many other commodities, maize is sold there in very large quantities, in whole- sale as well as retail lots. Early in January 1941 approximately 8 tons of corn was brought to the main Sunday market by a total of about 65 men (some 14 percent of all vendors), most of whom carried 80 to 100 pounds each on their backs, and 75 or 80 mules, with average loads of 150 to 180 pounds each. Besides the 6 regular daily Ladinos, each with 200 to 300 pounds in a stall, there were the following vendors from Cuchumatanes Mountain villages: A dozen Todos Santos Indians, with 4 or 5 mules each (total 7,000 pounds of corn) ; 10 In- dian men from San Juan Atitlan; 10 from San Juan Ixcoy; 5 from Santa Eulalia; and 4 from Barillas, across the Cuchumatanes. From the Trapichillo Valley region to the west there were 4 San Pedro Necta men, 4 from San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan, and 7, each with 2 or 3 mules, from La Democracia, a finca only a few miles from the Mexican border. Beans.—Beans are sold in quantity in many mar- kets, being probably second in importance to maize in most of the region. The best altitude zone for common kidney beans (mostly black) is between about 1,500 and 2,000 m. Lake Atitlan villages, especially San Pedro, San Antonio Palopé, and San Andrés Semetebaj, produce fine black beans which are sold in most of the neighboring markets, and in the Lowlands as well. Atitecos take Lake beans as far as Mazatenango (see p. 104). San Cruz del Quiché and Chiché black beans are sold in the San Francisco el Alto market in quantity from December through February. Maxefo merchants stock up with black beans at Chiché. The Quiché region is the ma- jor source of small black beans in the Quezaltenango market also, since the Quezaltenango—Totonicapan Valley is too high and cold for any but the big multi- colored butter beans (piloy, Phaseolus coccineus) and broadbeans (vetch). All three of these legumes are taken from La Unidn (San Marcos), Concepcion, and San Juan Ostuncalco to Low- land markets, particularly Coatepeque, and they go from Quezaltenango to Lowland Mazatenango, Re- talhuleu, Colomba, San Felipe, and other plazas. Farther east, these beans are taken in quantity to piedmont Santa Lucia Cotzumalguapa from the Highlands by men of San Pedro Yepocapa. Though beans are produced to some extent throughout the regions within their climatic limits, the centers men- tioned above are the only ones that supply them in such quantity and quality. Usually beans are sold in local markets on a small scale by many vendors selling their own surplus. An Indian woman may have an open, shallow basket containing 10 or 15 pounds of beans with a few eggs on top, and perhaps =p (6 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 a chicken and a squash along with it. Much maize is sold locally in the same manner. Most kinds of beans may be grown in the Low- lands, but the quality is poor and insect pests are numerous. Lima beans, most of which are red and black, and may be flat or round, are rare in any market, usually being confined to the Lowlands where they are grown. I have seen two or three vendors in the smaller markets of Guatemala City with 20 to 50 pounds of lima beans from San Rai- mundo and San Pedro Ayamptc; generally they are kept in baskets behind the counter in an obscure place. Green beans like most perishable green plant foods, are generally sold in local markets only. Large, colored butter beans and broadbeans are grown in quantity in the zone above the ordinary kidney beans, between 2,000 and 3,000 m. The main producing area for broadbeans is the Quezaltenango— Totonicapan Valley, which supplies most of the western Lowlands. Broadbeans are generally sold toasted in small quantities, along with other produce, especially eggs. In one Friday market at Solola, in May 1936, there were 50 Totonicapan (mostly Argueta) women selling more toasted broadbeans than anything else. An almost identical observation had been made there in 1932 (see map 22). Chickpeas.—Chickpeas (garbanzos) are of ex- tremely limited seasonal as well as regional distribu- tion in trade. The only places where they are grown in quantity is San Pedro la Laguna and San Juan see pp. 28, 101). The harvest is from January through March. Pedranos, seldom over 10 at a time, take quantities of chickpeas on mules to many markets, from February through May. March and April are peak months, for garbanzos are made into special Lenten fare. They are in greatest demand during Holy Week, when they are used for festive sweets. San Pedro men in their distinctive dress (pl. 7, 7) station themselves separately to sell chickpeas at prominent corners of the plaza in Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, San Cristobal Totonicapan, and other Highland towns, and in Mazatenango, Retalhuleu, Cuyotenango, and elsewhere in the Lowlands. Potatoes.—Potatoes are a specialty of certain Highland regions, mostly above about 2,000 m. (6,562 ft.) (map 9). Large white and red “Irish” potatoes of imported stock (North American) are produced in Totonicapan, Chiantla, Concepcion Chi- quirichapa, San Martin Sacatepequez, and are sold in markets of Highlands and Lowlands. Some of these localities also produce for the market small red “native” potatoes (probably originally South Ameri- can, possibly of pre-Conquest introduction; see p. 140). The small potatoes are grown for local consump- Todos Santos is the only community which produces then in quantity, however, for distant markets. Though little red pota- toes, ranging in size from that of marbles to that of walnuts, are seldom eaten by Ladinos, they are much in demand by Indians, owing in part to their low price. Packed in large grass-lined cargo nets, about 75 pounds in each, they are transported on mules. Crowds of Indian women gather round the Todos Santeros with their large netloads of potatoes, so that they become the center of attention, and sometimes police have to maintain order (see p. 140). From April through June and November, Todos Santos men, usually 10 every Friday, sell potatoes at San Francisco el Alto. A few of them also sell in the other markets of that vicinity. Huehuetenango is a potato market of special importance. Mostly from November to March, potatoes are handled there in wholesale quantities. On Sunday there may be over 200 vendors, 40 or 50 of whom come from Chiantla and 10 or 15 from Todos Santos, bringing 400 to 600 pounds each on mules. Local merchants of Huehuetenango buy most of these potatoes to resell elsewhere. Truckloads of them are shipped to Guate- mala City, Quezaltenango, and Lowland markets. Wheat.—Wheat, producing best above 2,000 m., is generally sold to flour mills, in the larger towns (see p. 28), and reaches the plazas in the form of bread (for Highland baking centers, see p. 57, map 9). Occasionally it is sold in markets for the making of large wheat tortillas, as in Aguacatan, San Fran- cisco el Alto, and elsewhere in the western Highlands. Anise.—Aniseed, a specialty of San Andrés Seme- tebaj Ladinos and San Antonio Palopé Indians, reaches the markets almost solely from those two municipios. Fruits.—Apples and peaches are exotic Highland fruits grown in abundance in Argueta and Chichicas- tenango (map 9). Important native fruits which enter the markets in quantity from special centers are avocados and jocotes (pl. 19, c). Though varieties of both of these grow also in the Lowlands, they are of inferior quality. Optimum elevations for these fruits range between 1,500 and 2,000 m. (4,921 and 6,562 ft.). Lake Atitlan villages, especially those of the north shore, supply the markets with both, Lake avocados going into the Lowlands as far as Maza- tenango. tion in many Highland municipios. Concepcion, east of Solola, is especially CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 4( noted for avocados. Momostenango is the chief source of this fruit in the markets of the Quezalte- nango—Totonicapan Valley region. The best citrus fruits are grown between about 1,500 and 1,800 m. ‘(4,921 and 5,905 ft.) elevations, near the upper limits of their yield. The Lake Atitlan region, especially Tzununa and Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan, produces a surplus of fine oranges and other citrus fruits, which go in trade both to Highland and Lowland markets (pl. 27, f). (For types of fruit, centers of produc- tion, environmental requirements, and movement in trade, see pp. 144, 146, 147.) Vegetables.—Vegetables, early introduced from Europe, illustrate particularly well a high degree of specialization. Only three areas in the entire region produce vegetables in large quantities. These are Solola, Almolonga, and Aguacatan. Solola (2,150 m. or 7,054 ft.) and Almolonga (2,200 m. or 7,218 ft.) produce more onions than anything else; no garlic at all is grown, as these elevations are too high and cold. In Aguacatan (1,700 m. or 5,577 ft.) with a warmer climate, garlic is dominant, and in Pana- jachel (1,550 m. or 5,085 it.) garlic and onions, equally important, are the two leading crops. (For lists of crops and their production, see pp. 30, 31, 32; for trade movement, see map 10.) Unlike those of other garden municipios, Aguacatan Indians trans- port most of their vegetables and flowers by truck. Since Ladinos are the principal consumers of these goods, they are sold primarily in the larger towns, where Ladinos are most numerous. Lowland products to Highlands.—The out- standing Lowland and piedmont commodities sold in Highland markets are coffee en oro (raw ‘“‘bean’”’), panela (unrefined sugar blocks), salt, and dried chile. These are transported in large quantities by truck. In San Francisco el Alto as many as three trucks loaded with panela from the Colomba and San Felipe areas appeared in the market during 1936 (pl. 36). This was said to be the first year panela was sold in the market from a truck, but most of it was still handled by the 50 to 60 individual Indian vendors who appear every Friday. Mules are also used to transport much of the panela and coffee. Though panela is generally marketed separately, a lesser amount of coffee is often sold with it, as in the case of the San Jorge (Solola municipio) Indians, who sell the coffee ground and roasted, mainly at Solola (pl. 12, d). Coffee is generally handled in small amounts, along with dried chile (especially Cobdn and chocolate), salt, panela, cotton (white and brown), rice, garlic, anotto, ginger root and other spices, cacao, incense, cigars, cigarettes, trinkets, small buns, candles, peanuts, hats, ropes, threads, seeds, sewing accessories, medic- inal herbs, occasionally onions, and other mis- cellaneous items (pl. 14, b). Though few vendors (mostly itinerant Totonicapan and Chichicastenango merchants) try to carry all of these, many of them will sell over half, while they usually specialize in from two to five, with very little of anything else. Totonicapan men, and some from San Cristobal, Quezaltenango, and neighboring towns, cover the western section, and Chichicastenango men operate in the eastern section of Southwest Guatemala. In the larger markets many Lowland products are handled separately in quantity. Besides panela, men- tioned above, coffee is sold in hundred-pound sacks at San Francisco el Alto by 35 to 40 men (San Francisco and Totonicapan) ; chile, by 25 men of Santa Maria Chiquimula; salt, by 35 to 40 women and men, local and from neighboring towns. In the large daily markets such as Quezaltenango and Hue- huetenango these products are offered for sale in almost comparable quantities (pl. 38, 0). Lowland fruits, especially bananas of various sorts, and also plantains, coconuts, pineapples, nances, oranges, and papayas, along with manioc, edible pacayas (palm flowers; see p. 146), sugarcane, and cacao, are sold in much the same manner as the mixed Lowland commodities described in the pre- ceding paragraphs. They are carried up from the Lowlands commonly on the backs of individual Indian merchants rather than in trucks. Men of Chichicastenango, Totonicapan, and the Quezalte- nango area handle them, too, but more important by far in this trade are the Atitecos, visiting markets north and east of Lake Atitlan (pl. 23, d), and the Xankatales (Nahuala—Santa Catarina), northwest of the Lake. The Highland—Lowland exchange of maize has been treated of in earlier sections (pp. 23 and 74). Livestock (map 13).—The livestock trade is in large measure interregional, especially in the case of cattle and pigs. Sheep and relatively few goats are raised in the higher mountain regions and sold in neighboring Highland markets, so that they remain mostly above 2,000 m. Sheep.—San Francisco el Alto is an important sheep market (pl. 35, c, d), as are San Juan Ostuncalco, Cantel, and Quezaltenango in the high valley region, and Chiché farther east. Usually 78 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 brought from within the municipios or the near vicinity, sheep are sold to Indians who come from a somewhat greater distance in the same region. To the San Juan Ostuncalco market, for example, sheep come mainly from San Martin, Concepcion, Sigiila, and other neighboring municipios, as well as from the higher cantons of San Juan itself. They rarely are brought from as far as San Francisco el Alto, and almost as rarely are sold to Francisquefios. Most of them are brought by men from Quezaltenango and Olintepeque. Not over 30 or 40 are sold every Sunday. Usually only 2 to 4 sheep are either bought or sold by an individual. At Chiché, one of the most important livestock markets in the Highlands, about 50 vendors with an average of 5 or 6 sheep each from the neighboring mountains, usually appear every Saturday. Occasionally sheep are brought to market from a considerable distance, as the few sometimes driven from Chiautla, at the edge of the Cuchuma- tanes, to San Francisco el Alto. Pigs——Most of the pigs sold in the Highlands are very young and small (about 18 or 20 in. long). They are brought by local Indians to certain markets, notably San Francisco el Alto and Chiché, which are major assembling points and redistribution centers. Here special pig merchants buy most of them, and drive them away in little herds of 20 to 30, each tied to a separate string, and the strings twisted into a loose, thick rope (pl. 13, c, insert). San Francisco la Union men (also a few from Cajola and Sigiila) handle the San Francisco el Alto pigs, many of which also are bought at the market, one or two at a time, by women of Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, and other parts of the region, about 50 per week. Some are resold by the women in their home markets. The squeals of pigs driven through the streets of San Francisco is one of the typical sounds to be heard there every Friday. The merchants drive their pigs to other markets: at San Juan Ostuncalco 5 er 6 vendors sell about 200 animals to Indians of San Juan and all the municipios adjoining it. As many as 50 men (only a few of them San Francisco la Union merchants) sell little pigs, 5 or 6 each, from San Francisco in the Cantel market every Sunday. San Francisco la Unién men, 2 or 3 together, drive herds of 20 or 30 pigs into the Lowlands. About 6 or 8 vendors go weekly to Colomba and Coate- peque ; and as many others to San Felipe, where they separate, some continuing to Retalhuleu, some to Cuyotenango; still others go to Mazatenango via Palmar. Little pigs are bought and raised in the Lowlands, where there are more roots, seeds, grains, and other foods (see p. 38). Half-grown pigs, hundreds a week, as well as smaller ones, are driven to the Quezaltenango market from villages in the Cuchumatanes Mountains, such as Jacaltenango and Soloma (see p. 39). Some little pigs come from Cotzal and Chajul as well (map 13). Huehuete- nango is a minor pig market (p. 79). Pigs from Chiché are herded to the Lake Atitlan area (pl. 13, c), to adjacent municipios north and east of it, and to the Lowlands south and southwest of the Lake. Usually over 500 little pigs and over 100 large ones are sold in Chiché every Saturday, by about 100 vendors. Ladinos of Chinique, two at a time, regularly drive 50 or 60 small pigs to Santi- ago Atitlan every 2 weeks, crossing the lake in a motor launch. They sell them rapidly there, usually all in a day or slightly more. Quiché and Chinique pig merchants go also to Chichicastenango, Solola, Tecpan, and Patzum, in the Highlands, and Santo Tomas la Unidén, Chicacao, San Antonio Suchite- pequez, and the fincas, especially Chocola, in the Lowlands. Most pigs are sold to raise in the Low- lands here, just as they are farther west. Mature pigs may be slaughtered where they are raised or they may be driven back into the Highlands again. Solola butchers go to Santiago and buy large pigs, take them across the lake in dugout canoes, and drive them up the road to Solola for slaughtering. Cattle.—Cattle for Southwest Guatemala markets are bred chiefly in the dry eastern Departments, especially Santa Rosa (around San Martin Jilote- peque), Jalapa, Jutiapa, Chiquimula, and Guatemala (Sanarate and Palencia). Indians, mostly Atitecos, buy young cattle here and drive them to piedmont markets sometimes as far west as Santo Tomas la Union. Five or six men at a time herd about 10 animals each. Santa Lucia Utatlan Indians usually sell cattle in Santo Tomas, brought from Santa Rosa in particular. The average number sold is about 30 a week, about the same as at Chicacao. Xankatales come from nearby Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan to buy cattle and raise them. This is one of their chief oc- cupations (pl. 4, d). Chiché is probably the most important year-round cattle market. It was established recently (reportedly 1930). Every Saturday about 100 animals, mainly young bulls, are sold by 40 or 50 vendors. Many of the cattle here are driven from the dry interior valleys of the Baja Vera Paz, particularly those CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE & of Cubulco, Rabinal, and Salama. Some of these cattle are taken by Quichelenos from Chiché to Santo Tomas la Union and other piedmont mar- kets. Indians from as far away as the Lake villages and occasionally the Lowlands go to Chiché to buy cattle, usually not over 1 or 2 at a time. A few cows, bulls, and oxen are sold at San Francisco every Friday. Horses and mules——Horses and mules are even rarer than cattle in the regular weekly markets. At Chiché they are as numerous as cattle, about 100 per week being sold by 40 or 50 vendors. At San Francisco el Alto only a few appear in the market, coming mostly from Huehuetenango. Until about 1925, I was told, horses and mules were brought from Chiapas, Mexico, especially the Comitan area. The “Feria’.—The livestock market, usually re- ferred to as the “feria,” is almost always separate from the rest of the plaza, often as much as 100 yards away, in a fenced or walled enclosure. Ex- cept for those in the towns mentioned above, most of the markets have no weekly feria for large animals. Solola has no Friday feria at all, for example, while Huehuetenango, with a big daily market, has a feria only on Sunday, at the Temple of Minerva, classical relic of the Estrada Cabrera regime. Not over 100 little pigs and 25 large ones are sold there weekly. At San Juan Ostuncalco, chickens and turkeys are also sold in the Sunday feria, by 75 to 100 women, local and from all the adjoining municipios. At most markets, fowl are scattered through the produce sec- tion, sold by local women, who have one or two each, as at Solola (pl. 13, b).» At Chichicastenango there is a row of about 2 dozen women selling chick- ens and turkeys in the regular market (map 25). At Chiché there is a similar row, but the women come from Patzité. Fairs —Livestock are sold mostly at special fairs which occur once, twice, or three times a year at any one place. Besides the celebration for the patron saint, there are big fairs lasting several days during Passion Week (preceding Palm Sunday), and again August 15-19, accompanying the Feast of the As- sumption. There is a national fair at Guatemala City held in November. All commercial activity during fairs is increased twofold or threefold per day above a normal weekly market day, and the livestock feria shows a more extraordinary development than almost any other section. Solola, for example, has a feria during the pre-Easter fair, at the Temple of Minerva, where hundreds of animals of all types mentioned above, large and small, are sold (pl. 13, c). Many of them are brought from distant regions, especially the cattle from eastern Guatemala (see McBryde, 1933, pp. 119-123). At the weekly Solola market, only a few pigs, sheep, and goats are sold. Sheep are most important for wool, black and white, and are relatively little used for meat. Pigs provide meat in many forms, and also fat for most of the soap. Cattle are raised primarily for beef, little milk being consumed. The fat is used for soap and candles (see p. 70). In addition to the little butcher shops scattered through the villages and towns, there are a number of meat stalls also in the markets. Here butchers, generally local men, handle only beef, while local women with screened boxes sell beef, sometimes combined with pork or mutton (see map 24). Sausage and crackling are sold sepa- rately. Meat vendors may travel some distance to market, especially during fairs. Nearly all meat consumed in the region is fresh, with very little salted or jerked. Butchering is no fine art, and meat is generally cut into irregular chunks with little thought of the animal’s anatomy. At Panajachel in 1936, when three butchers rotated, slaughtering a bull only when another had sold out, all cuts of meat were the same price, 6 cents a pound. FISH, REPTILES, AND WILD GAME (Map 13) Besides livestock and poultry, the only live animals generally sold in the markets are iguanas, large, fierce-looking lizards, which are considered a delicacy (see p. 39; pls. 12, e; 13, a) and lake crabs (pp. 120, 124). During Lent there is a great demand for iguanas, which are caught only during their laying season, about January 15 to March 15, and salt fish, which is brought mostly from Tapachula, Mexico, and is sold in great quantities throughout Highland markets during the Lenten season. As many as 40 or 50 men, mostly from Totonicapan and Quezaltenango some also from Chichicastenango, sell large stacks of salt fish daily in Solola during the pre-Easter fair. Throughout the Lenten season, 6 to 10 or more such vendors may be seen in almost any of the larger Highland markets, with salt fish brought on mules from Tapachula. For the rest of the year, salt fish is scarcely ever to be seen in the Highlands. Smoked venison, gars impaled upon sections of cane, and other large smoked fish, besides salt fish, are 80 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 also commonly sold in Lowland markets. Fresh fish is sometimes brought from the ocean to piedmont markets, as from Champerico to Mazatenango. POTTERY (Map 15) Nearly all the pottery used in Southwest Guate- mala is made in 15 centers scattered through the Highlands, especially in the west (see map 15 and pp. 54-56). Most important of these by far is Totoni- capan. Among the major wholesale pottery markets are San Francisco el Alto (to which ceramic ware comes from 5 centers), Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, San Cristdbal Totonicapan, and Santo Tomas Chichicastenango (100 Totonicapefios sell here weekly; see map 25; pl. 29, a). Totonicapan and Chichicastenango pottery merchants buy stock at the potters’ houses and in the markets, and take cargoes to other markets, especially those of the Lowlands, often many miles away (pl. 41). Some go to sell in Guatemala City and return with fine Chinautla water jars, which are sold throughout the Southwest (pls. 2, d; 14, a; 21, c;42,b). The Lake Atitlan villages, depending as they do upon Lake water, provide an excellent market. Chichicastenango pottery mer- chants buy San Pedro Jocopilas ware in their own market and load up each with 10 jars of the type tamales are cooked in and 10 large clay griddles (comales) for baking tortillas. This is an average load of the pottery most commonly sold by these men, who leave their own Thursday market to sell in Solola on Friday, reach Santiago (crossing the Lake by motor launch; pl. 24, d, f) on Saturday, and continue to Moca and other fincas for Saturday night and Sun- day markets. This is done also on other days of the week, especially Sunday (Chichicastenango) to reach Thursday Lowland markets. About 20 to 25 Max- efios per week go via Santiago and an equal number go by San Lucas and on to Patulul and Pochuta. Totonicapan men, usually less than half as many as Chichicastenango, follow these same routes with the same cargo. They nearly all return with tropical fruit, rice, coffee, and other Lowland products. Rela- tively few Totonicapefios thus buy pottery in Chichi- castenango. More of these merchants buy pottery in the markets in or near their own town, especially the Friday plaza of San Francisco el Alto. Here a typical cargo would include 18 Santa Maria Chiqui- mula water jars (tinajas), neatly tied in threes, mainly on top and along the sides of the carrying frame (cacaste) and 25 small, rough blackish pitchers from San Miguel Ixtahuacan, 10 inside and 15 outside of the frame (pl. 41, d, e, g). These are taken by about 12 to 15 men per week, to the Sunday markets of Mazatenango, Retalhuleu, San Felipe, and other western Lowland towns. They return with Low- land cargoes, especially tropical fruit and coffee. Four or five Totonicapefios daily pass through Quezaltenango with loads of Totonicapan and San Cristdbal tortilla griddles on their backs, headed for Lowland markets. Besides the rhythmical Highland—Lowland trips by pottery merchants, there are circuits within smaller areas, as illustrated by five Olintepeque women in 1936. They would buy pottery at San Francisco el Alto on Friday, load it into large rope nets and carry it on their backs across the valley to San Juan Ostun- calco, where they would sell it on Sunday. A typical cargo consisted of about 6 large, unglazed Totoni- capan tamale jars, 15 or 20 small glazed pitchers and other San Cristobal pieces, and 5 or 6 Santa Maria Chiquimula water jars. That there are seasonal fluctuations in the volume of pottery in the markets was evident in Quezalte- nango during 1936. In April there were only about 10 or 12 San Miguel Ixtahuacan pottery merchants in the San Juan Ostuncalco Sunday market. This in- creased during May to 20, and on August 9 there were 40. They sold mostly crude, yellowish unglazed bean jars, water jars, tortilla griddles, colander pots, and a few small pitchers (pl. 41, e¢). Such periodic variations in numbers of vendors seemed to be in- fluenced by the amount of seasonal work needed on the coffee fincas, men being least numerous in High- land markets during the harvest, when many of them were working in the Lowlands. TEXTILES (Map 16) Centers of cloth production of various types are shown on map 16 (see also pp. 61-67). In stick-loom weaving areas women usually make their own huipil (blouse) and head-cloth material (pl. 9, a, b, c), employing cotton almost entirely, sometimes silk or rayon, and rarely wool. Relatively little commercial stick-loom weaving is practiced, as at San Pedro la Laguna. Indians’ skirts are generally bought in markets from special cloth merchants, often Ladino weavers who make them (pl. 40). Women of each community (or area, such as Solola and San Juan Ostuncalco) throughout the Highlands tend to wear CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 81 characteristic skirts, often differing slightly from those of neighboring municipios or areas. Skirt vendors generally take the material in quantity to the nearest plazas. In the market of San Juan Ostun- calco, men from Quezaltenango appeared regularly (1936) with quantities of skirt cloth for San Juan and the six immediately adjacent municipios, in all of which the same plain dark blue is worn. Usually six men came and sold about 3 dozen skirts every Sunday. Salcaja Ladinos specialize in skirts and scarves, which they sell mostly at San Francisco el Alto and other neighboring markets, but many go as for as Solola and into the Lowlands. Totonicapan, San Cristébal, and Quezaltenango, where huipi! cloth is woven on treadle looms, are major skirt-weaving centers which supply most of Southwest Guate- mala. They specialize in blue patterns of checks and dashes; La Union (San Marcos) produces mainly yellow, orange, and yellowish green, with much silk; Huehuetenango, red and yellow; Chichicastenango and Solola, blue. The plain heavy dark-blue skirts made in Solola are worn in most of the Lake region, except for the south shore villages (pls. 6, 7, 8, 9). Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, and Chichicaste- nango cloth merchants are the leading vendors ot cotton cloth, peddling to stores and houses as well as in the plazas. Other men from these localities, especially Totonicapefios, sell colored cotton yarn, nearly all of it imported from England and Germany (before 1940). By 1941 there was an acute short- age, especially of red thread, which weavers hoped to obtain from the United States. Wool textiles, most of which are woven in Momos- tenango, are sold mainly by Momostecos and Quezaltecos, who were going by bus as far as El Salvador and sometimes Honduras, and returning with indigo. Outside of Momostenango itself, San Francisco el Alto is the main producers’ outlet for woolen goods, there being on an average about 100 Momostecos selling blankets, rodilleras, and bolts of cloth (generally dark blue, for men’s suits) there every Friday (pl. 35). Quezaltenango is the main center for textiles of all kinds sold by middlemen as well as by the makers themselves. Huehuetenango is the chief market for the northern part of this region and for the Cuchumatanes villages. A shaggy rug (peyon) is made in San Sebastian Coatan by three brothers living close together; nowhere else in Guatemala is this type of weaving done (pl. 37 and p. 65). More raw wool than thread is bought by wool weavers, most of whom spin and dye their own 654162—47-—7 thread (pls. 33; 34; 35, ¢). Momostenango is the main market for dyewoods, which generally come from great distances (pl. 34, c; pp. 65, 66). COARSE FIBER GOODS (Map 17) The production and distribution of fiber goods other than textiles, such as baskets, palm-leaf rain- capes, hats and mats, ropes, and brooms, are shown on map 17 and described on pages 67, 68, 69, 70. Specialization based upon sources of fibers is particu- larly marked in the case of these crafts, nearly all of which are scattered through the Highlands. Other products are similarly localized, some even more so. Decorated tree calabashes (see jicaras, p. 57), which are sold throughout Guatemala by Maxefios and other merchant groups, are produced only in Rabinal (pl. 43). Foodstuffs, such as bread and cheese (see p. 57), are made in certain centers and go regularly to different markets. A popcorn confection called boceles, sold in the plazas of the region, is made only at Patzim. MISCELLANEOUS PRODUCTS Sandals and other leather goods are made especially by men of Totonicapan and some from Quezaltenango and other towns in this region (p. 68). Santa Cruz Quiché men have a unique specialty in the making of sandals out of old automobile tires. Soapmaking and candlemaking are not so local- ized, occurring both in the Highlands and the Low- lands. They are associated with livestock raising— soap primarily with pigs and candles with cattle. There are other minor occupations which show localizations, but the ones mentioned above suffice to present the complex picture of diversification which characterizes the region. MARKETS (Map 19) Many sources in the literature dealing with native life in Central America refer to the size, importance, and complexity of the markets, which have impressed travelers and writers since the time of the Conquest. According to Joyce: . the great market in Tlatelolco [near the present-day Mexico City] moved the wonder of the conquerers; it is described as being three times as large as that of Salamanca, and one estimate places the daily attendance at twenty or twenty-five thousand persons, . . . Special magistrates held oe) courts in the market-places to settle disputes on the spot, and there were market officials similar to our inspectors of weights and measures. Falsification of the latter was [Joyce, 1914, p. 130.] visited with severe punishment. That this summary may be regarded as applicable to markets in populous districts throughout Central America is evident from numerous original sources, such as Oviedo: . each generation has its plazas or markets ... in every major town; but only those speaking the same lan- guage are admitted at these fairs or plazas, and if anyone else goes, it is to sell edibles to the others or serve them as slaves [Oviedo, 1851-55, vol. 4, p. 37; see also Ximenes, 1929-31, vol. 1, p. 94, and Cervantes de Salazar, 1914, pp. 303-308]. The present-day distribution of markets in South- west Guatemala, the approximate relative im- portance of each in terms of numbers of vendors per week, and the frequency of convening, may be seen on map 19. It will be noted at the present time, just as it was when Oviedo wrote over 400 years ago, that each “principal town” has a market. Some are larger than others, and not all of the major ones convene daily. In certain cases strategically located villages, such as San Francisco el Alto, may have larger markets, even though held only once a week, than those of many towns that are larger and more populous. FACTORS UNDERLYING MARKETS On the whole, though most Ladinos buy in the plaza, relatively few of them sell there, for they pre- fer to operate stores or stalls in the large markets, and more Ladinos than Indians can afford them. For this reason they are numerous only in the more populous and elaborate market places, such as those of Guatemala City, Quezaltenango, Mazatenango, Huehuetenango, and Retalhuleu. These markets are large and fairly well attended every day, though some days are more important than others (map 19). More like concentrations of stores than periodic In- dian trade gatherings, they reflect Ladinization and hence a certain degree of urbanization and small-scale industrialization. Towns may be well developed even where Ladinos are numerically unimportant, if the Indians are town- dwelling craftsmen, as at Totonicapan. The daily market depends upon a large number of buyers liv- ing close within the orbit of attraction of the trade 2 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 center. Only in a populous town or village 4° where the inhabitants are well nucleated are there enough consumers to support a sizable daily market, in which most goods are retailed in small quantities. The three most important factors favoring a strongly developed market seem to be as follows: (1) A high population density in the tributary area, (2) situation on major trade routes, and (3) an intermediary location between contrasted areas of production. Though no single market depends solely on any one of these factors, the first is of primary importance in such a metropolis as Quezaltenango; the second is well exemplified in Santo Tomas la Union; and the third accounts largely for the ex- traordinary weekly market of San Francisco el Alto (see pp. 127-128). All three factors contribute some- what to every important market. The general relation- ship between markets and areas of dense population may be seen by comparing maps 8 and 19, which show that most of the large plazas are in the well settled portions of the Highlands, such as the Que- zaltenango—Totonicapan Valley. The alinement of market towns along trade routes is particularly no- table in the natural, transverse passageways formed by the gorges and passes between volcanoes, as, for example, along the Quezaltenango—Retalhuleu and Nahuala—Mazatenango routes. The line of piedmont markets, centering along and above the railroads, is equally prominent (maps 2 and 19). The greatest single basis for the contrast between producing regions is the sharp altitudinal difference between Highlands and Lowlands. The products of both are found in variety and abundance in all plazas. Wholesaling of goods to itinerant merchants may be observed in many of the large trade centers. San Francisco el Alto is preeminent in this regard (pl. 36). Some of the more important items sold whole- sale in that market are blankets, cotton textiles, ropes, garlic, pottery, incense, hats, chile, panela, Lowland fruit, and young pigs. Except for the first and last, none of these is produced locally. Pottery comes to San Francisco from at least five sources (p. 127). Most of the middlemen’s wares are not bought from wholesalers in the market, however. It seems generally true, especially of such manufactured goods u6 Santiago Atitlin is the only strictly Indian market which convenes daily; and in Santiago, plaza is held twice daily. There are in this village such contributing factors as large population; crowding of houses into a small nucleus; dearth of Ladinos, hence stores, in Santiago; and diversity of essential products retailed by women, but many of them brought in by men, who are the long-distance traders, on their way to other markets (see pp. 97-101). CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 83 as pottery, that dealers who specialize in merchandiz- ing buy up loads of such articles from the makers at their homes (pl. 41, c). VENDORS AND THE MARKET PLACE Women are prominent in most markets, not only as buyers, but as vendors of goods (pls. 13, b; 21, a; 42, b). In some markets, such as that of Santiago Atitlan, the plaza is made up almost exclusively of women, buying as well as selling. Women usually predominate in the small daily markets of such cen- ters as Solola, having the principal plaza on Fridays and Tuesdays and minor activity on the days in be- tween. On the chief dia de plaza about half of the vendors and over half of the buyers are women in most of the big markets. They are shrewd in trans- actions, and generally handle goods in retail rather than wholesale quantities, since only men carry large, heavy cargoes. Some professional itinerant mer- chants (comerciantes) are women, more often in the Quezaltenango—Totonicapan region than in the mu- nicipios around Lake Atitlan. Most male itinerant merchants are inhabitants of the Quezaltenango— Totonicapan Valley, Chichicastenango, and Santiago Atitlan (pls. 14, b; 23, d; 24, f; 41, d; 42, b). The seating arrangement of vendors in the market is generally well ordered, with regular lines in which the grouping is primarily according to type of goods and secondarily on the basis of provenience. This varies considerably with the individual settlements. The Atitecos, for example, usually sit together in any market, while the Cruxefios and Indians of Totoni- capan, except for homogeneous groups, like sandal- makers, are often widely sprinkled through the crowd, even though they may be selling the same goods. A number of women, usually local, serve hot food cooked over open fires. The general plan of the market in terms of goods and provenience of vendors is remarkably conserva- tive, changing little from week to week, and even from year to year. A close survey of the Solola plaza in 1936 brought out only minor variations in com- parison with the arrangement of 4 years earlier, when I had made a detailed diagram of it (map 22). Though vendors do not necessarily occupy the identi- cal spot every week in an open market, they usually go back to the same general section. Stalls in an enclosed market are rented and usually occupied re- peatedly for long periods of time. As a rule, only the larger-towns have market build- ings, except in the more Ladinized and rainier pied- mont (map 19). In many large towns the market place has been shifted from the central square to an area nearby, in some cases removed as much as half a mile (e.g., Mazatenango), the original plaza having been gardened and variously “beautified.” It is then called “parque central,” the market still being the “plaza.” MARKET DAYS Though certain towns, such as Quezaltenango, Huehuetenango, Totonicapan, Mazatenango, and others, have enclosed markets that are attended daily, with no striking variation through the week, most markets have 1 big day each week. In many cases there is also a secondary market day, with little or no activity during the remainder of the week. Sunday is the chief market day more commonly than any other in the Highlands, yet many plazas throughout this region are at their best on other days, especially Thursday (Tecpan), Friday (San Lucas, Solola, San Francisco el Alto), and Saturday (Chiché) ; in fact, all days are represented (see map 19). As a result, the inhabitants of more populous parts of the High- lands may attend several different markets each week without going far from their homes, and itinerant merchants may go from one plaza to the next on suc- cessive days through the week. On the big market day, whether or not it is Sunday, more people attend Mass, as a rule, than on any other day, for the popula- tion of the community is then at its weekly peak. In parts of the Cuchumatanes Mountains markets are held every fifth day, in accordance with the ancient Maya calendar that is still used there (see also p. 60). At San Sebastian Coatan those are the only market days; at San Miguel Acatan there is a regular Sunday market in addition to the fifth-day plaza (days in 1940 fell on December 12, 17, 22, etc.). In the Lowlands the chief day for all markets is Sunday, when laborers, who are by far the most numerous element of the population, are free to at- tend. On many of the fincas there is a small market Saturday night; at certain Lowland towns, notably Coatepeque, this is also seen. The secondary day, where there is one, is Thursday, and the big towns such as Mazatenango, have daily markets. The quin- cena (literally, “15-day”) market, held every other week, was said to be more active because it followed Indians’ pay days. SELLING AND TAXATION Market transactions are ordinarily made on a cash basis. Though payment in goods rather than money 84 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 is not uncommon in the Cuchumatanes region, where ears of maize are media of exchange, and in Chiapas, there seems to be none on a large scale in South- west Guatemala. The only money now in use is modern Guatemalan currency, based upon the quetzal and fractions down to one-half cent. Indians never- theless often quote prices in pesos, reales, and other former monetary units which were discontinued years ago.Nt In pre-Columbian times in Central America, cacao “beans,” copper bells and blades, gold, seashells, beads (especially those of jade and obsidian), colored feathers, chile, and salt were variously employed as money (see McBryde, 1933, p. 110). Usually, some sort of medium of exchange seemed to be used rather than barter, though the latter apparently was also en- gaged in to some extent. Older residents of Guate- mala report the use of salt (Solola), chile (Solola), and cacao (Solola and Santo Domingo Suchitepe- quez) for “small change.” This practice lasted until about 1900, according to a number of reliable in- formants. One of these told also of barter in the western municipios of Lake Atitlan, where, as at San Pablo, local “Spanish plums” (jocotes) were paid to Maxeiios in return for pots or jars. The quantity of the fruit was determined by the capacity of the vessel : a bowlful of fruit was paid for the bowl which they filled (p. 102, ftn. 158). Cacao beans were said to have been used for money in Mazatenango as late as 1914, A cigar or drink of rum cost 5 or 6 beans. In 1940 I was told at Aguacatan that dried chiles, bought by merchants at Asuncion Mita on returning from Salvador to sell garlic, were used even then as money : 12 Mita chiles being worth 4 or 5 onions or a “pinch” (defined as % oz.) of salt. The bargainings and bickerings that are so constantly in evidence in the markets serve more than the social functions which are stressed by so many writers; through repeated tests, both buyers and sellers are able to arrive at price norms where no other standards (on many items) exist, and the only constant is fluctuation. Most grains, small bulbous vegetable foods, lime, meats, and many other goods are sold by weight, hand balances of tin, basketry, or brass (rare) being employed by vendors (pls. 14, c; 39, g). Corn is usually sold by the pound, but commonly, especially in Chichicastenango, it is measured by the almud, a shallow wooden box that holds about 12% pounds. Selling by weight instead of measure was said to Sareea on a par with the U. S. dollar. -For earlier moneys, as debased pesos and reales used until 1933, see McBryde, 1933, pp. 123-124; also Jones, 1940, pp. 234-239, have been widespread only since about 1917 (Mc- Bryde, 1933, p. 124). Brass cup-weights are gen- erally used for measurement, though sometimes stones and even potatoes, illegal though such sub- stitutes are, serve the purpose in the balance. Fluid foods and certain small fruits, vegetables, and spices are sold by the measure. Most articles, however, especially larger ones, are sold by the piece or bunch. Vendors in most of the Guatemala markets, par- ticularly the larger ones, pay a tax (piso de plaza) for their space, even if it is in the open street. The amount imposed depends upon the nature, bulk, and value of the goods, and this leads to frequent argu- ments between vendors and tax collectors, who generally pass through the plaza for the purpose. At San Juan Ostuncalco vendors pay on leaving the market. At Solola in 1932 an average tax was about 3.cents, the minimum being 2 cents, maximum 8 cents (livestock tax). Small tickets were given as receipts. It was said in Chicacao in 1936 the cloth merchants were taxed as much as 20 cents; average market tax was about 5 cents, minimum 3 cents. Bananas are untaxed in most Lowland markets, where they seldom appear (Indian merchants get them gratis or for almost nothing on the fincas for sale in the Highlands; p. 36). Fruits and vegetables are not taxed in the San Sebastian Huehuetenango market. The tax is generally paid in cash. The only ex- ception to this which I have observed was at Pana- jachel, in 1936, in the case of pitch pine (ocote) splints, the tax on which was exacted in kind, usually four small bunches, worth 1 cent, for an average cargo. Pitch pine, which does not grow in the vicinity of Panajachel, is of great importance for supplying torchlight to official messengers on dark mountain trails at night, and was formerly essential to the Santa Catarina Palopo crabbers’ operations. FAIRS AND PILGRIMAGES One characteristic feature of interregional trade in Guatemala is the periodic occurrence of fiestas which often attract double or more the usual numbers of vendors and buyers in a market. In addition to the fiesta titular held in celebration of the patron saint after which a town is named,!'8 there are also other important fairs held on certain religious and national holidays. An outstanding example is the Passion Week (Semana de Dolores) fair at Solola, when u8 Even small villages which have no regular market may have a lively fair, attended by great commercial activity, on the patron saint’s day, ($8 'd 208) LF-O ZOTHSD ‘adenbs [e1} ued ‘Ureu UO ST Jay SUBAU gould punosy aiznbg *Q0O‘T JaA0 SB UMOYS aq P[NOYs UBYIZY OBBIVUBg *(,,JoyTBU,, OU Jo SABP UO ‘Og JayDUlBUEY ‘Joa1]s FUO[E UaUIOM [BIOT OOT sBy Uajjo “8 ‘oe ‘“BlOTOY) JUBOYTUBISUI ATBATPB[OL JI UMOYS SABM[B YOU SjoyIVU Jou *(S}droodad XB} [B10} Jdooxe oye} o18 ejep [BIOGZo OU) S}oy -1BUI p9}d9]aS8 UL S}UNOD a[dWeS UO Posed So} BULI}SA BIB SIOPUGA JO SIOGUINN) “B[BUG}BNH JSaMYJNOG Ul SuBol}s opBI} PUB SJoyleU UBIPUT—'GL dV " n JOU ae = auenbo (S341) ape] juejuodwut ——} C LIWIVI NVICN | eda eaeets ne 00S ¥30N7 CE 00! 00S ©) 000/470 YW 44M 43¢ SYOON AA \ \ | / a — j é / won Dg : y i) — | | [ : . [ i ae | Ay: —? 1 ) ( aa JK besras | ead) ee eae “sp 7Pnee Ni) kep Asepuorag : (pepddiaey a. hep 243 Suvanp asym3 buruanuoy pate} 2ug sour) apes} juoquodwi <>) s LAY NYVIGN| vora20} ywa3h29 = ssenbg oe @ ‘Ay 00S ¥IGNN 6) 000/°+ 005 C) 000/430 (_) kup sofa € W43M #2 SYOONIA \ ‘anges, i a \ a ly \' aeean . y cad ‘ \ *, e =) ¢ 7 : , 7 ’ 8 + ’ ; i ' j F f ins 1 i 1 (= ‘ > f 7, p™.. | 4 j 7 = ll : i a BT s - PPro yt rc a *) a4 . : = -~ ‘ F é F : a 7 ; & ¥ : A { ; -# : . | ae | ve] ‘ : va i '.4 7 1 7 , = : + 1 _ : > ' CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE So there are several days of extraordinary commercial activity immediately preceding Holy Week.1!® The appearance of unusual trade goods from distant centers and in large quantities is a striking com- mercial feature of such fairs. Cattle from eastern departments, salt fish from the Mexican coast, honey from Lowland fincas, especially those around Antigua, chile from Asuncién Mita, and woolens from Momostenango are some of the things that reach Solola in unusual volume during the big fairs.1°° Lowland palm leaves and bright-colored fruits for decorations are brought to Highland markets in great quantities for Palm Sunday (pls. 12, 13, 14). The great fair of Momostenango, the wajxaquip batz (“8 monkeys”) occurs every 260 days (May 4, 1940, e.g.), according to the Maya calendar. The most famous pilgrimage in Guatemala has long been that of the Black Christ of Esquipulas. u9 Holy Week (Semana Santa) itself is celebrated only by religious processions (pl. 15), church and cofradia meetings, and other ceremo- nies, there being no market at all during this period. 120 For a detailed description of the Semana de Dolores fair, see McBryde, 1933, pp. 119-121. Mrs. Maudslay wrote (1899, p. 49) of it as follows: The great festival of the year is held in January, and then for a week or more the usually half-deserted little town of Esquipulas swarms with pilgrims. In old days its fame was so great that it attracted worshippers all the way from Mexico and Panama and the fair which was carried on at the same time was the great commercial event of the year. Thither the English merchants from Belize brought their wares and carried on what was practically the whole of the foreign business of Honduras, Salvador, and Guatemala, taking in exchange the native-grown indigo .. . now steam- ships and railways have so changed the course of trade that the fair is of not more than local importance. If this statement is accurate, there has been a re-emphasis upon Esquipulas since the Maudslays’ visit. Pilgrims going to and from the great fair are still to be seen on trails far distant from the mecca wearing their traditional hat ornaments of Spanish moss and bright yellow pods. Annually, hundreds of Salvadorefios visit Esquipulas, as do many Indians from the western Guatemala Highlands, and Ladinos from Guatemala City and elsewhere.!*1 11 For a good modern description of the Esquipulas fair, see Fergus- son,, 1937;, ch, 15: SETTLEMENTS AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS SIZE AND COMPOSITION Ladinos are ordinarily the town-building element. With a fairly large Ladino nucleus, a sizable center of population generally assumes the character of a town, even though Indians may greatly predominate. Without many Ladinos, a much larger center of pop- ulation may be a big agricultural village. Santiago Atitlan, for example, with a population of over 5,000, is a village despite the fact that it is twice as populous as the town of Solola, with 2,600 in 1930. Santiago village is predominantly Indian, with probably not over 100 Ladinos,!2? whereas in Solola over half, or nearly 1,500, are Ladinos. Solola has not only much European blood, but other European features, such as the various administrative offices of the Departmento, a theatre, a public library, two “hotels,” several stores of general merchandise, artisans of many sorts (mostly migrants from the towns of Quezaltenango and Totonicapan), and whitewashed adobe and red- tile-roofed buildings and dwellings. There are several 121 One would not learn this from the official published census, which is based upon the entire municipio, for there are a number of Ladinos on the several fincas. good cobbled streets in Solola, and the plan is rectan- gular (pl. 10, a, b, d, f; maps 20, 21). Santiago, on the other hand, has a compact mass of stone-and-cane- walled, grass-thatched houses, many of them of the primitive, square type with pyramidal roof, clustered for security upon a low, fairly level lava terrace of about three-quarters of a sq. km. (its density is about 8,000 per sq. km. or 20,000 per sq. mile), and built along a network of narrow, zigzag, stone-walled alleys that seldom approach a straight line (pls. 24, b; 25; 47; map 20). There are (1936) hardly more than a half dozen Indian butcher shops and about as many small home-stores (tiendas), the latter usually owned and operated by Ladinos, selling matches, pitch pine (ocote), candles, cloth goods, staple foods such as rice and sugar, and other items, all in small quantities. Santiago is a merchant-agricultural community, de- pending upon the crops planted on the ample, fertile slopes of the volcanoes and upon returns from the trade voyages of the middlemen who penetrate far into Highland and Lowland alike. Only local trade is carried on by the women, who congregate twice daily in the plaza, at noon and at sundown (pl. 25, e). Women also do most of the fishing. 86 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Santiago is strictly a village, despite its numbers ; virtually a homogeneous settlement, probably pre- serving something of its pre-Columbian “street” pat- tern. Solola, on the other hand, though only about half as populous, is a town.1*8 Both are built upon extremely limited terraces, the latter being slightly larger. We may say that in the first instance the Santiago settlement concentration is conditioned by a natural advantage of site, which is superior to any other in the municipio; this fact depends also upon an ap- parent gregarious tendency of the Santiago Atitecos, for they could very well settle along the shores north of their village. In the case of Solola, cool climate and abundance of streams favor their intensive garden culture, and the administrative center affords employ- ment to many, in addition to the fact that the site is ideally suited for a town. Were it not for the first two factors, however, namely, vegetable production and Government employment, both of which came in with the Spaniards, the concentration would undoubt- edly be highly reduced, though there was a pre-Co- lumbian town (called by the Nahua “‘Tecpanatitlan,” and so designated at first by the Spaniards; see McBryde, 1933, p. 112). Solola was described as a “big town” as early as 1586 (Ponce, 1873, vol. 1, p. 442). The population about this time ‘was given as 1,300 in the Capotitlan manuscript (Anon., Ms. 1579, p. 10, £. 109). From the classification presented in the present study, a “town” has a total population of more than 1,000, with over 500 Ladinos (p. 16). The figures are arbitrary, but this definition appears to be generally applicable. Even if further study should find the average number to be different, the principle would still hold. Indians in thousands will not make a town, but rather a large village, which may or may not be closely knit; e. g., Santiago Atitlan, San Pedro la Laguna, San Francisco el Alto, or San Andrés Xectl. Given a nucleus of Ladinos, there 123 Some interesting variations have appeared in the representation of towns on maps of Guatemala; e.g., the American Geographical Society Millionth Map (Ciudad Guatemala sheet), compared with the standard Urrutia map of Guatemala. Both were apparently based upon the pre- ceding census (1921). But Urrutia, a native Guatemalteco, seems to have followed the Government classification of centers, as aldea, pueblo, villa, ciudad. The Americans followed the usual system (the only one possible without exhaustive study of population composition), basing their size distinction upon total published population figures. Conse- quently, a large village such as Santiago Atitlan is represented as a larger “town” than Solola, a distinction being made with symbols, however, between their administrative importance. Urrutia calls the former a pueblo, like all the other Lake villages, and classes Solold as a villa (it was officially promoted to a ciudad rank on August 7, 1924, the year after his map was published, for no apparent reason, except perhaps the installation of an electric light plant that year). is, with a large total population, a good-sized Indian community having town characteristics, such as Totonicapan, and Momostenango.¥** Their indus- trial pursuits here account in large measure for this phenomenon, however. Crafts and trades of various sorts, particularly pottery making, wood and leather working, and cotton weaving in the former, and wool weaving in the latter, involving marketing as well as manufacture, encourage the growth of towns. THE SPANISH TOWN PATTERN The rectangular settlement pattern introduced by the Spaniards is almost universal, especially in the larger centers of population (maps 20, 21). Garcia Pelaez quotes Remesal who writes that pre-Colum- bian villages and towns “are not arranged by streets and wards as in Europe” and are widely dispersed, a village of 500 or less, which was small, occupying a “league of ground” (Garcia Pelaez, 1851-52, vol. 1, pp. 171-172). By 1579, in Lowland towns “care was taken to orient the streets north-south and east- west, although the houses were interspersed irregu- larly,” according to an early account (Anon., Ms. 1579, p. 13, f. 111). If this was correct, errors were made in determining north, or else street alinements have changed considerably. Towns today are gen- erally rectangular, but true orientation of the streets is exceptional. It is mainly in the more favorable sites of the piedmont that a common approach is made to orientation.*° Site limitations often determine alinement. The main streets of Solola, for example, follow the axis of the shallow trough in the terrace upon which it is built. Low ridges both east and west of the town have thus far checked lateral expansion to a great extent; the more thickly settled portion of the town coincides perfectly with the gently sloping central terrace. (See map 21 for cultural and physi- cal details of the town of Solola, and pl. 10, a.) Other towns, like Solola, have been built to conform to 14 The 1921 census gives an Indian “urban population’? in Momo- stenango of 9,685, which is probably too high. Tax reduces the figure to 300 actually ‘in town,’ yet with some 8,000 clustered about the center. According to my estimate, there are over 5,000 living in what might be called the ‘‘town,” if the limits are drawn to include all of the settlement nucleus. The concept of ‘town,” difficult to define in Guate- mala, is not comparable with that in the United States. Perhaps the only criteria distinguishing a town from a village would be the presence of some well-prepared streets and sidewalks, stores with varied stocks, and one or more hotels, 25 There is usually a strong deviation toward magnetic north (NNE.). The “true-north” arrow is incorrectly drawn on the original edition of my 1932 traverse map of SololA (McBryde, 1933, opposite p. 152) so that it indicates almost true orientation, whereas the north- south streets run approximately N. 4° W. to S. 4° E. This is corrected in the present edition (map 21). CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 87 their physical settings. Thus Patztm is elongated northwest-southeast, Chicacao northeast-southwest, and San Antonio Suchitepequez nearly east and west (map 20). The streets of Quezaltenango trend vari- ously in different sections. The large northwest sec- tion of town, apparently built later, has an alinement coincident with magnetic north,!*° as does the eastern point of Salcaja. Smaller villages are usually highly irregular in form. There is generally a central square, or even several blocks laid out in rectangular fashion, with the rest taking devious curved or zigzag courses. Santiago Atitlan illustrates this type, in contrast with the regular pattern of Solola, Tecpan, etc. (map 21). The greater number of its pathlike streets may well be pre-Columbian in origin (see p. 86). ¢ The ethnic pattern in Southwest Guatemala is as constant as the rectangular aspect of the towns. In the central portion of a mixed settlement, Ladinos and a few foreigners are dominant economically and politically as well as numerically, whereas the Indians are generally poor, and live on the out- skirts.27. Among the foreign elements on coffee fincas, as well as in the towns of the Highlands, Germans are most numerous (1940). Commonly they are hotel proprietors and storekeepers. Each town has a central square, usually called “parque central” or merely “parque,”’ to distinguish it from the market, which is called “plaza” more often than it is “mercado.” Sometimes the two coincide, but in most towns the market has been moved from the central square to make way for modern beautifica- tions, and with it has gone the word “plaza” (ex- amples: Quezaltenango, Monostenango, Solola, Pan- ajachel; maps 21, 22, 23, 24; p. 83). The central square in a large town has the church on one side, the Government building perhaps on another, and stores, shops, garrison, and very often schools around it. In the smaller Indian villages there may be only the church and a municipalidad (municipal building for meetings of local chiefs and justices, jail, etc.), and frequently the only Ladinos are the secretario, who can read and write official records and messages, and the maestro, or school teacher ; in some cases there are a few Ladino store- keepers and minor political or military officials of various sorts; usually also, the several manufacturers and handlers of liquor, as at Santiago Atitlan, are Ladinos. “328 1891 declination of 6° 42’ east. 127 A few exceptions to this may be found, as in Quezaltenango, where there are some relatively wealthy Indians. The church is in most cases the striking landmark of any community ; usually a large whitewashed stone structure, with ornate facades and bell towers, dating back to Colonial times. There may be but a few scat- tered huts around it, making the time-honored place of worship even the more impressive by contrast (pls. 22, a, b; 23, b; 27, b; 38, a, f; 46,d; 47). Asa result of severe earthquakes,}*5 many of these picturesque relics are in ruins; the most famous being those of Antigua Guatemala, the capital of. the Republic from 1543 until 1773 (pl. 44, a, d). Large numbers of churches which are still intact are no longer con- stantly ministered by resident clergy, who come from the nearest parish to conduct Mass on certain special occasions, such as the fiesta titular, or day of the patron saint of the village. There is no uniformity in the arrangement and fac- ing of the church and other major structures. The church may be on the south side, the jefatura (‘“gov- ernor’s”’ office and residence) and national police (not on the plaza) to the north, with the barracks on the west, as in the case of Solola (map 21) ; or the church on the east side may face the Government buildings to the west, the barracks and national police being along the south, as in Quezaltenango. In Chichicas- tenango the main church is on the southeast corner, facing west toward the smaller Calvario church (a common feature of Guatemala towns) directly op- posite (pl. 28), with the municipalidad offices on the east, just north of the principal church. Most of the settlements visited by me have the church on the southeast, east, or south side (in descending order of frequency), and the commonest direction of facing seemed to be toward the northwest, west, or north (Solola and San Cristobal Totonicapan churches face _ almost true north). Churches in the Cuchumatanes. villages commonly face west-northwest. Often the positions of the market and central square. have been shifted. In Momostenango, for example, where the church faces west toward a large, open. square (of packed dirt, which is covered, on market days, with blankets spread to dry), the “‘parque” is removed to the south, and the market square is adja- cent to the church on the north side. The square upon which the church faces may have been the main one when the town center was built, though there is no evidence of other large buildings ever having 13 Often, where church bells have been dislodged by earthquakes, these have been hung in low shelters at ground level instead of having been replaced in their original belfries, even though the church building may still be intact. Many illustrations may be seen in villages around Lake Atitlan, where crude thatch shelters generally have been put up for the bells (San Antonio and San Pablo, for example). 88 o.0 fronted upon it. It is now secondary; besides being used for drying blankets, it is occupied by vendors during fiestas, and by dancers and celebrants. Other- wise, it is merely a vacant, bare space. In the Lake Atitlan villages the church often faces out over the water, as in San Jorge (a later church), toward the south-southwest; San Antonio, west; Santiago Atitlan (the oldest church on the lake), west-northwest, toward the bay. As often, however. the long church buildings are alined with their sides parallel to the shore, as in San Pedro, facing north- west ; Santa Cruz, southwest ; Panajachel west-north- west; Santa Catarina, northwest. TOWN NAMES Acculturation extends beyond town pattern, both geographic and ethnic; it even affects the name of the town. As Spanish-descended Ladinos occupy the foremost part of the town, so also the first part of the town name is frequently of European origin—the Spanish name of a Roman Catholic saint. This is very general, as in Santiago Atitlan, San José Chacaya, etc., the full names being employed in con- versation only when two towns having the same saint may be confused. More often than not, the first ap- pellation above is used, even by the Indians, though frequently the reverse is true, as in the case of Atitlan (one seldom hears “Santiago” except academically). This village also illustrates the Mexican influence so commonly seen in place names of Guatemala, such as Atitlan, Quezaltenango, Escuintla, and hundreds of others. Through the mercenary Indian troops ac- companying Alvarado, these Mexican names came in with the Spanish. INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 THE MUNICIPIO GENERAL FEATURES No one who devotes much time to ethnographic research in Guatemala could fail to see the fallacy of assuming that any cultural unity other than that of similar language exists within the bounds of lin- guistic areas. Tax has justly criticized Shultze-Jena, who “assumed that Quiché culture is enough of a unit to allow him to use data from both Chichicaste- nango and Momostenango without distinguishing their sources” (Tax, 1937, pp. 423-424). Local diversities are too numerous and significant for any such broad application of language terms unaccom- panied by specific locality. Ethnography in High- land Guatemala, in fact, must be treated “microscop- ically.” It is likely that such local variations existed also among the so-called “nations” of pre-Columbian Guatemala, which were very loosely organized, pos sibly owing in part to these differences. The municipio ?*9 is the smallest administrative unit in the political structure of modern Guatemala. Ina sense it is a sort of township. Though in certain sections of Guatemala the municipio is larger than the American “standard township” (36 sq. miles, or about 90 sq. km.), in the Highlands of Southwest Guatemala some are much smaller. The latter are particularly characteristic of the rugged, dissected young volcanic region (V, map 5). “Plateau” (mainly V’, map 5) and Lowland municipics are larger, as shown in table 4. 12 Adoption of this term appears to be relatively recent; I have not seen it used earlier than the 19th century. TaBLE 4.—Average size of municipios in selected Guatemala Departamentos (in square kilometers, approximate) Mainly above 1,500 m. elevation | Mainly below 1,500 m. elevation " . Physieal provinces, indicated in order Population Population of importance Political division Area per sq. km. Area per sq. km. (see map 5) Departamento of Sacatepequez ..........0-seeeeeee 20 DO |, 1 | fara erahaig /evarare. 0 a/dte.? | teleteletierersteie mieten NAWLE Departamento of Chimaltenango ..........0.0eeeeee 123 BO) lsevceve.cia.gse @eieecanll seein erate eee W425i Departamento of Totonicapan ........0.eseeeeeees 125 DG! Nine ay ecais aa ore sreran ih raseperenareleleeteareeane Ve Departamento of Quezaltenango .............+0005- 45 208 Vets iscs aosvesa'5.08'6 | aaa rere Mie 217 49.5 V.ALV Departamento 1s 0l0la usenet, csb:stayp sietat tierararenetasssoterasseete 41.8 SSE iavanaiciars-atalerielgis a lic. se eee ° MiWiG Departamento of Suchitepepuez (annexed from Solold) | .......e+eeee0 [eee ee ee eeeeeee 272 S155 V.AL,V. MiTIMICINIO MOL A HICACAG a royt.arays-shacars)acareus avareahe avevchony ae 193.5 64.5 V.AL,V. Departamento of Suchitepequez (orig 115 S255: V.AL, Departamentoof “Retalhtilett: (5 -csic.:.aherecseie a aeian ies 215 21.5 V.AL,(V.) Municipio of Santo Tomas Chichicastenango ........ 355 id \ ||| ara: ahasayt sae oseve oiesaili| ele aievereren al eyeeetatele VE Wepartamentor Oh Leber fecccw ois «11s aps cvaveyencave cvsreran ore oc [injavehsue [ole eselele/ oletell|eze%e:tra.c'ohecla/aie.eid 2,900 25 Ls. Average population Average area (above and density per sq. km. below 1,500 m.) (above and below 1,500 m.) Departamerita: of “Quiche icici c. 6.6.0 c gests aiereye-e ons 450 15 Ms,€r:3V% 1 This refers to that part of Suchitepequez which antedates the annexation of Lowland Solola. CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 89 CULTURAL UNITY OF MUNICIPIOS The grouping of people in Latin America (orig- inating in the Spanish reducciones, encomiendas, and repartimientos) in small areas, often naturally de- fined, has inevitably led to cultural integration on “township” basis. Toa large extent the municipios are the fundamental cultural units of Guatemala. Evidence of this fact is seen when one crosses the boundaries of these administrative units and ob- serves, as is so frequently the case, quite different costumes, crafts, religious group affiliations, some- time physical distinctiveness, and even certain el- ements of vocabulary. Usually these traits do not differ appreciably between two settlements within a municipio, but they ordinarily do vary from one municipio to another, unless they are related as ex- plained below. The little Lake community of Tzununa, for example, is nearly 3 miles (5 km., over an hour’s walk or canoe trip) removed from its high-perched cabecera (seat of the municipio), Santa Cruz, with rugged terrain intervening (pl. 45, d, e); yet the costumes and economies are practi-’ cally identical, with more of the old type prevailing in the former, a small, more isolated community (see p. 121, pl. 27). The other half dozen scattered hamlets (caserios) in this municipio, such as Jaibalito, have the same characteristics, which have been maintained, apparently since the Conquest, through contacts within the “township” area. That the original delimitation of these municipios by the Spaniards was based upon certain pre-ex- isting ethnic unity is quite likely, though it is prob- able that many of these lines were entirely arbitrary. The villages on the shores of Lake Atitlan, with houses clustered around a colonial Spanish Church —villages which were generally smaller concentra- tions of population prior to the Conquest (judging both from early literature and from archeology 1°°) —are good illustrations of settlements which un- doubtedly began as reducciones.1*1 130 See p. 101, ftn. 153; Brinton, 1885, p. 191; also, Garcia Pelaez, 1851S pal7ie 131 One approach to the question of early post-Conquest groupings seems to lie in the matter of native designations for municipio inhabi- tants. For example, though inhabitants of the twin municipios of Nahuala and Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan are generally called ‘‘Nahual- efios’” in the Highlands, they are termed ‘‘Xankatales’” (from ‘“‘Santa Catalina’) in the Lowlands, and Tax (1937, pp. 433-434) points out that the Atitecos refer to one of them as “‘ax-catalina” (or ‘man of Catalina”). This immediately reflects two facts, in the history of the joint and culturally unified municipios: First, that they were united until the secession of Nahuala in 1865 (see McBryde, 1933, p. 103, ftn. 52); second, that the single name which they bore until that time was, as late as the latter 18th century, spelled by the old form ‘‘Santa Any attempt at treating the municipios as distinct cultural units must be undertaken with caution, for exceptions to such individuality are numerous. They may be summarized as follows: (A) In some instances two or more adjoining municipios are more or less similar, owing to the division of a larger unit of population into smaller ones. The municipios in such cases were formerly combined, politically and in some measure culturally as well. The following list of municipios was pre- pared in the field in 1935-36. In some cases, the only known similarity lies in Indians’ costumes, which serve therefore as a basis for grouping them together. A considerable degree of language simi- larity is known to exist also, and it is felt that these two traits are sufficient to merit tentatively indicating such adjoining municipios as being related culturally. Of the list presented here, three groups (Nos. 1, 3, and 4) have also been noted by Tax (as the excep- tions to the general rule of municipio individuality), who writes of them as follows: “. .. in each case the people of both municipios speak the same dialect, different from those of others, have the same patron saint and a common tradition of origin, have the same costume, and apply to themselves the same name” (Tax, 1937, p. 433). -Though we cannot speak with certainty concerning all of the municipios with regard to all-round cultural similarity, it is safe to assume in the case of most of them more traits in common than meet the eye and ear of the casual observer. The following municipios show similarities in dress, and probably are alike in other respects as well. Municipios in which costumes are similar (see also pl. 6) 1. Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan—Nahuala; latter seceded, 1865. 2. Santiago Atitlan—Chicacao; 1889, separated from Santiago. . Santa Maria Chiquimula—Patzité. . Santo Tomas Chichicastenango—Chiché. . Solola—San José Chacaya—Concepcion. . San Cristébal Totonicapan—San Andrés Xectil—San Francisco el Alto (and possibly ae strong similarity, but some minor distinctions. 7. Huitan—Cajola—San Miguel Sigtiilé—San Juan Ostun- calco—Concepcion Chiquirichapa—San Martin Sacatepequez ; same women’s skirts and belts, huipils vary within certain latter founded March 5, nAm & WD Catalina’ (see Anon., Ms. 1778, p. 17, £. 236, which describes the town of Santa Catalina as ‘‘the richest town’”’ of the ‘‘Provincia de Atitlan, o Solola’’). In calling an Antofiero ‘‘ax-Palopé,’’ adherence to the old place name is also in evidence, for in early colonial times Polopé was the name of the village which today is San Antonio Palopé. 90 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 fundamental, basic pattern; San Martin men’s costume dis- tinctive. 8. San Pedro la Laguna—San Juan la Laguna (women’s dress slightly different). 9. Quezaltenango—San Mateo. 10. Momostenango—San Bartolomé Aguascalientes. (B) Similar municipios or parts of municipios due to recent migrations are given in the following list. In the instances listed, independent ‘cultural colonies” have been established in which costumes, language, and many customs of the mother municipio are still largely preserved by the migrants and their descendants. In some cases Highland groups have settled in the Lowlands; elsewhere they have moved to other parts of the Highlands. This list is by no means complete even for the area covered, but provides a representative sampling. years after migrating to the Lowlands. Some of the larger piedmont municipios in the populous coffee belt have units of many Highland municipios repre- sented as permanent labor colonists. A few illustra- tions from among hundreds are as follows. Highland Indian groups which migrated as permanent labor colonists To municipio of: San Lucas Toliman (coffee finca laborers). San Pablo Jocopilas (Finca From municipio of : 1. Solola 2. Totonicapan Chocola). 3. Santo Tomas Santa Barbara Suchitepe- Chichicastenango quez (fincas, especially Moca)—was Dept. Solola till 1934. Municipios or parts of municipios with costume similarities due to recent migrations From municipio of: To municipio of: Remarks and dates of changes: Town renamed (was _ formerly Pecul) and reestablished by Ladinos about 1880. Depto. Suchitepequez to Quezalte- nango about 1900 (changed name, 1920; was Santo Tomas Perdido) ; Depto. Suchitepequez to Quezaltenango in 1933. Classified as pueblo, 1933. Common landowners in both. Common landowners in_ both. (About 1880?). 1890. Probably originally lumber workers. GD About 1880 (?). Costumes have assumed some modifications in detail, figures woven on huipil, e.g., as at Santiago. Highland Lowland Le Zul ec Poise tees pansies ea disidtniclewwies Pueblo Nuevo De Lourrarh ia. s selena serepareee eves m ters veces thar Sere sieiote Nereis Santo Tomas la Unidén EP AZ UTI co Greve vesetanacavers eieserersuater Staresevmieiemiciarausie ee Zunilito (Municipio of San Fran- cisco Zapotitlan?). Ai Momostenanyo ie siclecresrcrtlorerer nate w ler sce teiciore Palmar De oat Pedroia lagi whats seine) sls ta lctele/ oie San Pedro Cutzan (Municipio of Chicacao). Highland 6) Dotonicapanitac sacs ccc cee dele easier Patanatic (Municipio of Panajachel). /LOLOMIGAP ATI ctayeiare cremate seers eeeicote Panebar (Municipio of San Juan la Laguna). By Patzicla ac eacae syoramm eaveaiein eeianions eer Cerro de Oro (Municipio of Santiago Atitlan). 0) Santa Lucia: Utatlani det. c civics mnsecis ese Xepéc (Municipio of Sta. About 1910 (?). Catarina Palopd). (C) Labor colonies as extraneous units within a municipio. Throughout the coffee belt of the Pacific piedmont, groups of plantation laborers who have come from Highland Indian communities have settled permanently on fincas. “ Though many of these have lost much of their identity, large numbers of them continue to wear their distinctive costumes and otherwise to preserve their backgrounds for It is possible that some of the adjoining municipios under (A) above, may have been large ethnic units at the time of the Conquest, though further evidence of relationship is necessary before we can draw such a conclusion. In some cases several groups may have previously been one, subsequently split up by the Spaniards. Subdivision has continued to the present time, with special impetus provided by the CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE o£ agricultural revolution which accompanied the ex- pansion of coffee beginning about 1850.18? We may assume that many modern municipios rep- resent areas each of which had a considerable degree of cultural uniformity within itself about 100 years ago (183040). The early 19th century perhaps was the period of greatest homogeneity of municipios or preexisting ethnic groups that has ever been seen. Before the Conquest they did not exist as they are today ; the reducciones tended to throw together set- tlements, the ethnic uniformity of which probably be- came strengthened by years of living in small, more or less isolated areal units. Then came the break-up of cultural entities by the agricultural revolution. Rail- way and road-building operations!*? simultaneously tended to increase intercommunication and to cause some shift of population. There were numerous migrations of peoples during the period of the coffee boom which had no direct connection with that in- dustry (e.g., Patanatic and Xepéc, see p. 90, B, Nos. 6 and 9) and which may have been stimulated by the general restlessness of the period. Cerro de Oro, an aldea of Santiago (p. 90, B, No. 8, and map 20) was peopled by the Patzicia settlers during the coffee boom period, and, though the lava apron in this area is stony and rough, the high grade of the coffee may have offset this disadvantage. Cof- fee must have reached Lake Atitlan relatively late, for Dollfus and Mont-Serrat (1868, p. 521) say of San Lucas Toliman (where good coffee in consid- erable quantity is grown today): “.. . absolutely un- productive country; the Indians plant a little corn, and catch fish in Lake Atitlan for their own consump- tion.”” Nor do they mention coffee in Panajachel, where it is a major crop today (map 23). It prob- ably came in during the last decade of the 19th cen- tury. Brigham in 1887, though he calls Panajachel the “garden of Solola” (op. cit., pp. 155-156), says nothing of coffee; yet Mrs. Maudslay mentions it as an important crop in 1899 (op. cit., p. 57). SANTIAGO ATITLAN: MUNICIPIO BOUNDARY CHANGES Before appraising the significance of present muni- cipio boundaries as cultural lines, it is well to examine the evolution of a municipio which is fairly well 132 Dollfus and Mont-Serrat (1868, p. 521) wrote of Chimaltenango (1865-66): ‘Village of 1200-1500 inhabitants. . Most of the inhabitants, like those of the following villages, left their homes to go to work in the plantations of nopal and coffee, so that this region [High- lands around Chimaltenango] is on the verge of depopulation. 133 The importance of roads was stressed during the rule of President Carrera (1844-65). For railway data, see p. 92, ftn. 141. known historically, such as Santiago Atitlan, site of the ancient capital of the Zutuhiles.1%* At the time of the Conquest the southern shore of Lake Atitlan was occupied by the Zutuhiles, whose lands extended into the Lowlands, where they had rich cacao planta- tions (map 11). Shortly after 1850, coffee was planted on a very large scale all along the piedmont, on slopes higher than the cacao lands (map 12). Cof- fee succeeded cacao as the major crop, and there was such a boom in coffee plantations that piedmont municipios developed on colonial lands of Highland municipios, and finally became independent of them, as Chicacao did in breaking off from Santiago Atitlan. The Indians in the two municipios, having stemmed from the same stock, are still closely related by blood. Zutuhil Lands.—Historical records indicate that the areal extent of the Zutuhil “kingdom” before the Conquest included the south shore (and originally probably the north shore as well; see p. 103, ftn. 159) of Lake Atitlan, and a center of settlement (‘“‘capi- tal”) which corresponded in some measure with the present village of Santiago, though archeological evi- dence indicates a somewhat greater dispersion to the north of the modern site (map 20; pl. 47). There were also extensive Lowland territories, commonly held by Highland Indians primarily for the planting of cacao and some supplementary corn. Brinton’s English translation (1885) of the Xahila manuscript?®> reveals that the Zutuhil “originally” occupied the shores of the Lake, and divided it with the newly arrived Cakchiquels, who even married their women, “neither their mothers nor sisters hav- ing accompanied them” (Brinton, 1885, p. 107). According to Fuentes y Guzman, “the kingdom of the Zutugiles comprised the territories of Atitlan and Suchitepequez” (Lowlands) (Fuentes y Guzman, 1882-83, vol. 2, p. 172). Juan de Pineda (1908, p. 438), writing between 1560 and 1580, says of “Atytlan’: ‘“‘they all have horses on which they take to the Zapotitlan lowlands, a day’s ride down below, all the things they produce, and they trade in cacao and cotton; furthermore, 124 Described briefly or mentioned by the following: Lothrop, 1928, 1933; Tax, 1937, pp. 431, 434-435; Wauchope, 1938. The name~ “Atitlan’? does not appear in the Cakchiquel history, even though the account brings their story up to 1600. The entire name of the village probably came in with the Spaniards, though definite mention of Aztecs (“Yaquis”) is made as early as 1503, when they were executed for taking sides in a Cakchiquel (Akahal) revolt (Brinton, 1885, p. 161). There have been numerous spellings of Zutuhil as is often the case with Guatemala place names. A few of these have been as follows: Zutujil, Tzutuhil, Zutuhil, Sotohil, Sotojil, and Zutijil. 185 Variously titled (Brinton, ‘Annals of the Cakchiquels;” Brasseur “Memorial del Tecpan-Atitlan’’). 92 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 almost all the inhabitants of this town have groves [‘myllpas’] of cacao in those Lowlands, in four plantations which they have, called San Bernar- dino,!*® which is large, Sant Francisco and Santan- dres and Santa Barbara. They harvest quantities of cacao from their lands, and anotto, chile, large shrimp [in streams], and many of the fruits in which the region abounds. ...” Pineda was prone to exag- gerate the wealth of the Indians, in order to justify high tribute requirements by the Crown (see Relaciones, etc., 1908, pp. 75-76). In a letter from several Atitlan chiefs to the King of Spain, written in 1571, it was said of their “nation” that “. .. their chief was named Atziquini- hai, and along with him, the sub-chiefs were called Amactzutuhile ... [who own] ... plantations named Sant Bartholmé and Sant Andrés and Sant Fran- cisco and Sancta Barbola, and likewise they had servants and animals, and things given in tribute, such as precious stones . . . gold, cacao, and feathers, chickens, honey, and many plantations of corn and cacao; 38% The Capotitlan description states that Atitlan “has annexes at the towns of San Bartolomé and San Francisco and Toliman the lower, called San Lucas, and the towns of San Pedro and San Pablo” (Anon., Ms. 1579, p. 23, f.116). A hamlet of San Cristobal is also mentioned, probably being near the site of modern Chicacao (it was 2 leagues east of San Antonio Suchitepequez), and it was evidently also a colony of Atitlan.1°8 Cacao plantations.—The richness of the cacao plantations of the entire piedmont is frequently re- ferred to by early writers. In the Capotitlan manu- script (Anon., Ms. 1597, p. 17, f. 113) the term “cacao mines” is used. It was the Lowland cacao groves (cacaotales) which Alvarado threatened to destroy, and he thereby brought the Zutuhils to terms (Diaz del Castillo, 1837, p. 415). On the 136 This probably should be San Bartolomé, for the apparently more accurate description of ‘‘Capotitlan” in 1579 speaks of “San. Vernaldino [of the town of] St. Antonio su Chetepequez. ..” (Anon., Ms. 1579, p. 23, f. 116). This is more likely, for San Bernardino is west of San Antonio. (See also p. 15, ftn. 8.) 137 Anon., Ms. 1571. A portion of the above is translated in Brinton (1885, p. 38), who refers also to Ternaux-Compans, Recueil, etc. (1840, p. 419). 138 Ibid., p. 9, f. 109. It has been possible for me to locate these long- disappeared Lowland settlements of Atitlan (map 11) by identifying cer- tain of the numerous. streams mentioned by the companions of Alonso Ponce (who meticulously counted and recorded them all; Ponce 1873, vol. 1, pp. 431-434), then comparing them with those on the detailed Railway Survey map (Intercontinental Railway Commission, 1898, map 2). With the exception of Santa Barbara, which still exists, I have found no reference to any of these villages later than the 16th century. basis of the present Highland territory of Santiago Atitlan, without knowledge of their former Lowland plantations, this passage would appear confusing, for all the territory of the present-day municipio of Santiago is well above the limits of cacao growth. The domain of the Zutuhils at the time of the Con- quest probably included the southern Lake shore from San Pablo to San Lucas, inclusive, and the Lowlands, extending east-west from Santa Barbara to San Bartolomé Aguacatepeque.!9 (The southern limit is nowhere indicated.) This was precisely the parochial visita and guardiania of Ponce’s time (1586), and as defined in the 1579 Capotitlan report. Immediately east of the Lowland Atitlan colonies, there were probably plantations of Solola. . Pineda writes of the Indians of Tecpanatitlan (Solola): “... they go to the Lowlands of Capotit- lan, one day’s ride away, and all these things [High- land products] they take on horses, everyone having two or three for cargo and others which they ride. They exchange their goods for cacao and cotton by barter, and sell cacao to the Spaniards for money. Of the cotton they weave more clothes to sell... and these Indians are intermarried with those of the Capotitlan Lowlands.” (For an appraisal of Pineda’s comments, see above.) Coffee replaces cacao.—The production of coffee on a large scale revolutionized the agriculture of the piedmont, for cacao had declined and coffee became the one big money crop. As early as 1783 coffee is mentioned quite casually as a minor plant in Soconusco.14? The unpublished Solola “Monograph of the De- partment” (September 1926) relates that in Patulul (about 12 miles east of Chicacao) coffee planting began between 1855 and 1860, reaching its peak in 1895. Coffee brought with it a wave of prosperity for Guatemala, reflected, among other things, in expansion of railroads.144 Chicacao, a coffee colony.—The unpublished 1930 census report states that Chicacao was founded in 1889 (March 5), before which time it was an 189 The agnomen “Aguacatepeque” appears in the Capotitlan manu- script (Anon., Ms. 1579, p. 10, f. 109). 140 (Anon., Ms. 1783, p. 49) “. .. achiote abounds without being cultivated, and coffee, little consumed, produces on the same lands as cacao,”” 141 It was coffee export that occasioned the Intercontinental Railway Commission survey (1891-92); the road went through to Cocales (sta- tion 3 miles below Patulul) in 1897, This was the western terminal from Guatemala City until the opening of the Mazatenango extension, in 1903, which was a ‘“‘memorable occasion” (Libro Azul, 1915, p. 87) that joined the Ferrocarril Central with the Occidental line (in opera- tion since 1883 between Mazatenango and Champerico). CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 93 aldea of Santiago Atitlan. (Here were the ancient colonial cacao lands of the Zutuhils.) Local residents verify this, explaining further that the area was a “high forest’ before an Atiteco named Francisco Chicajau (hence the name Chicacao, according to natives) came in with a small band of some 30 of his fellow villagers. They cleared a limited area to graze their cattle. Then, on the date mentioned above, the land was “traded” from Chicajau, whose house stood on the corner of the present square of Chicacao. No reason was given for the acquisition of this land; but one has only to glance at the list of “rural districts” included in the 1930 census under Chicacao, and between the lines the story unfolds. There were 99 settlements listed ; 83 for which dates are given were founded between 1880 and 1900. The lowest of these is Roselia, 250 m., the highest, Baja Vista, 1,150 m. This was a part of a “mushroom” growth which occurred all along the piedmont, a de- velopment which separated ancestral colonial lands from Highland municipios; which brought thousands of Indian laborers out of the Highlands, many des- tined for permanent Lowland residence; and which sounded the death-knell to many already declining cacao groves. Juarros (1823, p. 22) states that Guatemala cacao was beginning (early 19th century ) to lose its prominent place in world trade, owing to South American competition. Railway construction, which called for cross-ties of trees also used as cacao shade, was said to have furthered the collapse of this culture. Much of the ancient “cacao mines of the coast’”’ thus went back to woodland and secondary savanna. The last step in the political fortunes of colonial Atitlan (Chicacao) came with its absorption by the Lowland Departmento of Suchitepequez. Until 1934 Chicacao had remained in the Departmento of Solola (the old corregimiento de Atitlén)14° Then, along with Santa Barbara, San Juan Bautista, and Patulul, it was shifted bodily, so that now its cabecera, or “state capital,” is Mazatenango, in the piedmont, in- stead of Solola, high in the mountains. This was a logical (though late) and practicable shifting of boundaries as an adjustment to the new plantation growth, facilitating communications between the many piedmont coffee fincas and their piedmont ter- ritorial “seat.” 1442 The map by Fuentes y Guzman (1932-33, vol. 2, opposite p. 60) shows this corregimiento to have formerly embraced (late 17th century) not only all of Solola (before 1934) but much of southern Quiché as well, almost to the Cuchumatanes, for it included San Andrés Sajcabaja. By the series of changes outlined above, then, the cacao lands of the Zutuhils have not only been shifted into a new municipio, but have become incorporated within another departmento, the old Provinca de Suchitepequez, or Zapotitlan. Yet, the dominant, native costume of Chicacao is still that of the modern Atiteco; bright-red skirts and variegated head band “halos,” unmistakable raiment of the women of Santi- ago, fill the Chicacao plaza. These women, local inhabitants, are among the few large permanent groups in the Lowlands who preserve their original dress. And the Zutuhil language prevails, though there are certain variations from the Atitlan dialect, and there is more Spanish spoken—characteristic of the Lowlands. These generalizations cannot be made for the municipio as a whole. They must be confined to the environs of Chicacao and other settlements where former Atitecos predominate. Though this includes a majority of the coffee fincas of the municipio, there are many others of different provenience, so that an ethnic melting pot has been one of the results of the coffee boom. To cite a few illustrations: The fincas of La Indian (population 100, 1930) and Nanzales (established 1890; population 66, 1930) are peopled almost en- tirely by Cakchiquel-speaking Solola colonos or rancheros (permanent colonists) ; Colima, owned by a Totonicapan Ladino (founded 1885, population 79, 1930), is occupied almost solely by Quiché-speak- ing Totonicapefios, both rancheros and temporadis- tas (those who come down only for the harvest) ; at Los Angeles (founded 1900) there are 125 (1930 census) rancheros from Santa Maria Chiquimula (Quiché speech) ; Filadelfia (population 100, 1930) has colonists from Totonicapan, Nahuala, and sev- eral of the Lake villages, El Manatial (founded 1887, population 300, 1930), La Estelina, and Las Esperanzas, are occupied mostly by Indians of San Juan, San Marcos, and San Pablo; others, such as Los Horizontes, Bolivia, and El Brasil, have mostly colonists from Santa Clara, Santa Lucia Utatlan, and Nahuala (all Quiché speech) ; La Abundancia has become almost a labor colony of San Juan la Laguna Indians. A large percentage of the former Juaneros have gone to the finca to live as laborers, with land (about 4-5 cuerdas each) and house pro- vided, and wages of 12-15 cents a day. (For labor data on fincas, I am indebted to Don Jaime Pensa- rena, a labor-promoter of Chichicastenango. ) 94 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Cutzan.—San Pedro Cutzan is unique in being a modern Lowland colony of Highland Indians who own lands both in the mountains and in the Low- lands, as in pre-Conquest times. It is peopled by Indians of San Pedro la Laguna, though it is in- cluded within the Chicacao municipio. Here, at an elevation of 400 m., an hour’s walk south of the pueblo of Chicacao, a group of Indians from San Pedro la Laguna have established a colony of about 850 inhabitants (local estimate, 1936), the second largest center in the municipio. The 1930 census indicates a population of 100, but this was probably for only a portion of the settlement. Cutzan appears on the Intercontinental Railway Commission map made in 1891, and it was probably established after 1850. Houses, identical with those of the mother village, except for the split-cecropia board walls instead of adobe brick, are widely dispersed along more than a mile of road, beside a meandering stream fed by many winding tributaries. The village has an area of 2% sq. km. (nearly 1 sq. mile). Here the allu- vial piedmont is dissected into rolling inter- stream ridges 50 m. (164 ft.) high, covered with smooth grassy slopes and scattered trees (pl. 2, f, 7). Each homestead, with the dwelling usually about 50 to 100 m. from the nearest neighbor, includes from VY to 1 manzana (about 10,000 sq. m., equivalent of a city block) of land planted to clumps of coffee and cacao} trees, and sometimes: interspersed are jicaro (calabash tree), achiote, bananas, papayas, oranges, coconuts, guavas, and a few breadfruits serving mainly for shade and ornament. There are small gardens of squash, several varieties of beans and chiles, tomatoes, pineapples, sweet manioc, sugar- cane, and certain edible and medicinal herbs, notably ruda (rue, Ruta sp., see Standley, 1931, pp. 326- 327; Standley and Calderén, 1925, p. 123), pito (Erythrina fubrinervia, a remedy for insomnia, see Standley and Calderén 1925, p. 111), and kixtan (?). Guisqiiiles (chayotes) are planted in little en- closures, as in the Highlands. There are maguey in small quantity (made locally into rope) and cotton, which is spun here, some being taken also to San Pedro. The planting is done, however, chiefly on Jand that is rented from fincas to the south, below the coffee belt, in the vicinity of Nahualate and eastward along 143 Squirrels were said to be very destructive to cacao here; they were blamed for destroying about half the cacao and pataxte, usually eating only half or more of the beans of each pod, after gnawing a hole in it. the railroad to Santa Elena. This takes them into another municipio, that of Santa Barbara. These lands, according to local inhabitants, are generally paid for in maize+** to which they are primarily planted. There are also some rice and perhaps a few cuerdas of tomatoes, beans, sweetpotatoes, cassava, and cotton. Most families have one or two horses or mules (the latter are much fewer) and three or four head of cattle, for all of which there is ample good grazing land. There is only one local meat market, most of the cattle being bought by Highland butchers, who come down from Solola, Atitlan, Panajachel, Santa Lucia Utatlan, and a few from Chicacao and San Pedro la Laguna. : Some engage in fishing, particularly in the rapid rocky Rio Cutzan, flowing along the western limit of the settlement, and the Tarro 14° Creek on the east, which is joined by the Siete Vueltas, winding east- ward among the scattered houses. Small fish, shrimp, and crabs are caught, with the aid of hand nets 20 inches in diameter, for the rapids (pl. 4, b), and some cast-nets for pool fishing. Occasionally seines are used, but never fish poison as in Eastern Guatemala. For the large shrimp 14° split-bamboo funnels are set out in a row, mouth upstream, during the night. They are made much like those used for fishing in Lake Atitlan villages and resemble those similarly used for catching fresh-water shrimp along the coast of Peru. About a yard long by 10 inches in diameter, they are placed, mouth upstream, in a row of 8 or 10 attached to a horizontal pole, with a vertical pole fence across the stream around them. These are set out all night, and the shrimp are taken out in the morning. The inhabitants of Cutzan are indistinguishable from the Lake Pedranos. They are closely related by blood and marriage to the Indians of San Pedro on the Lake; in fact, many said that they had houses in both places and spent some time in each. The products of the two are in large measure comple- mentary, corn being harvested at different seasons 144 Half a netload or about 40 pounds of maize ears for a cuerda (about 1/5 acre) of land per season. This is equivalent to about one- fifth of the harvest. 445 This stream is named “Toros” on the Intercontinental Railway Commission map (1898, Corps I, map 2). 46 These are fresh-water shrimp of the genus Macrobrachium that are caught in greatest abundance during the first torrents of the rainy season. They apparently are found all along the Pacific slope of Central America, as Indians in El Salvador (Dolores Apulo, a village on Lake Ilopango) said they also caught them, here again, mainly in swollen streams. Shrimp of this genus are known to attain an over-all length of well over a foot. CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE "99 (though more appeared to go up than down) ; superior beans, avocados, jocotes, and maguey come down; cotton, rice, cassava, and tropical fruits go up. Soap and candles are reportedly made (1936) in Cutzan as in San Pedro la Laguna. Costumes and language are the same in both places. The spinning of cotton thread as well as of rope, stick-loom weav- permission obtained from the local authorities, for cutting firewood, grazing livestock, and for cultiva- tion if additional acreage is needed. The amount of land owned or available for tillage by resident Indians varies with different sections. Some rough estimates by random informants are given in table 5. TaBLe 5.—Amount of land owned or available for tillage by resident Indians, as estimated by residents Number of cuerdas! of milpa per Indian family Municipio Maximum Pacific Lowlands: Santo: Tomasi la, Unidr 16 ;sje10. 0 «/s1s/sieie «slele sie(elore 2200 are edro. Cutzan) 3,087 16 @) IPAne DAT a ars sieselerejersserie se-ocefesll| ale isisjaicissate j|\ecaeievacesazele (a) Quezaltenango” oiss.:=2c0 sees 30,125 130 fa) Santa Clara 1,428 20.3 Q Sarita: Miaria’ ‘VOlCanO! ‘sree: sie/er||taraeie ecanatace 440 ateveatsisvae . Santa Maria Visitation ......... 399 8 Q San Martin Sacatepequez ...... 2,940 78 M Nahuala and Santa Catarina = Concepcién Chiquirichapa ....... 3,066 27 M Dxchalia Gane c/acars/s sieataian a s/ecesinye,0 24,525 270 Q San (Mateo! acts w'o.s.ocsamalnennn 967 22.8 oO Santa Lucia Wtatlag jis)... se1 4,36 32 (0) San WMiguelSicuila: ..s.cce sere 1,680 13.2 M SanteP abla tects ate ciejovsrledewe « averscotetecs 1,000 8 Z/Cr San Juan Ostuncaleo (formerly San Marcos 489 3.3 (03 San Juan Zacualpa) .......... 10,353 108.3 M Santa Cruz 1,197 9.5 (o Gat Olea eesiapetararsisieletorsicie'oxcierernieraarnte 3,192 23 M San José Chacayd .......00.000- 844 17.5 0) oS 3,738 52 (8) Solola Ses sriscsiecewiatewe-ss 11,319 112 Le SENT ati rafetatc nea esi aan meee eee 1,785 Sit M Concepcién 1,071 7.5 c San Carlos Sija (probably one-half Panajachel (some territory ais Tadinos). <.d< cesses ccceieeeets 6,100 99.3 Q puted with Chichicastenango) . 1,450 15.6? (S San Francisco la Union (W. of Santa Catarina Palopé .......... 844 4.2 Cc San Francisco el Alto)........ 1,743 28.9 (a) CODEC) satin are Bievasernracateiatsiell| nets Setucaieray il hetecsre.s slcserw QO Huitam (Ns of Sibilia) ce cae cay 1,764 12.3 M San Andrés Semetabaj ......... 1,600 53 ic Gabricany ensmvsauleves ssteenene re 2,625 21.3 M San Antonio Palopé ............ 1,963 25.5 Cc Totally Oe serene Sivie seleierateeeels 69,401 BOG:7 > |b eiccedte Re Total: ij2:ccrere oysic secorateisterere é 88,389 S15: Oi || have totereretetel iiake: Atitlin: area, ats.s:cias. |i e/accereees CU horses se 5 Departamento de Totonicapdin Other areas for comparison ee eee Dominant Dominant language language ’ Popula- Area (sq. | spoken by Popula- Area (sq. | spoken by Municipio ' tion? km.) ? Indians 8 Area tion 2 km.) ? Indians % Totonicapan ... 29,970 277 OQ Santo Tomas Chichicastenango pee Cristébal . 11,448 40.2 (0) (Depto. Quiché) ........+---- 25,000 355 Q San Andrés Xectil 5,271 13.7 ie) Chicacao (Depto. Suchitepequez) 12,499 19324 >|) costes sone San Francisco el Alto .. 10,854 130 fa) Upper mo seemcton etaer soloreo ui|iaacta/sictanealleeeieeren:s Z (mostly). Santa Maria Chiquimula 8,043 111.6 0) (OWET Cieyernisrs’o cheia versyais S/eraid wie|| nereratesstaterney ||liecetetelenete rece Q and Sp. Momostenango ... 25,704 345.7 ra) (mostly). San Bartolomé . 1,197 25 fa) Retalhuleu (Depto.) ......+00+:: 37,145 | 1,719 Seeks Santa Lucia (E. of San Bar- Upper (San Sebastian and WOLOME) | faiswiayeejaresn heals dcaieiersers 1,593 49.6 Q ADOVE)/ a ydieiwiove.a: dsavenelatelate sietedly a eeieereaee a azasielereitere ||| Oand aoDps Fe ee etter coast (mostly Ladi- Pntal: iim soma cles atch tones 94,080 ORB | imaeieiaies ean A) PENQS) 5). dace: o\a'o"s'ara vnc siareiatare eco satenareteteteteten lf rama sreietevarere Sp. Towlend® Quezaltenango (under 2,000 smd) temic 4'cie-oe ae aeiets 75,000 EYL a Soc ojala Wiper: half cjs\<:s:e:c1s 6 Cy B\Ols AB Lamy |r bd a o oo ne wt ff wee ee ae baa (ay Oh 2 sn | Oo 2 he be de ace Onions eas Etc. Sak G ry = ue Pontos oD) “$3 SESSSS SESS SE Cc@a 33 cece e bed o Be) ~ at Or e 3a] ° 5 1H. G sesssssosssssSssgsgstssssss SEgesessssssesossssessBdddd BD mm Ht ino - re a aM NM 91) 8 c 4 ww % * We Bip £057 - SAOmely— Sa7qepwtan ast pee Sve 8 = me) 2) ~/o Ri | AE stessac: (s9 8 Ilo onl or ik ae SARSSHESESSS SE Bz w)u 3 PONS ae ‘@sswohmanan’ SEO Tar: 2 Zz a ails at SOODOOS ASS ASSLOSSES SST (41) x2 Ss eo safc * se = ; Lal DOLE) a z bs wv >0| * ; = ° (1) ie z y vy x = dd 2 aor M *%) z 2 -J ¥ Ser~y a oo eo ete eS) s rare eiyersse 2ESSS 0 (ul) qe? sane ce . a uw olu™M 3 is mens issess SE ELETR F © ape ca oru“O [| : Oe Ssesssss (8) ‘i 8 i} vi = Je SF (v) ca 9 39 Cae ee & iy Ye | Poeind Se S ae — Map 22,—Sololé market. (See explanation, p. 104, and pp. 105-119.) a _ en a teed } estaady da gaaee { vs 7 _ 7 ; or a | - 7) ; 7 A 7 | coe 2 RSs yDee nr, . 3 SER) es _ ars ; as a) a ——— ~ 7 : won a + - 9 oe Bere seeratertee eens ee - ou 8-5 : : ee -y vier - - == _ i Fe ee _ os ——— —— coe Se ime Carte a nets — iain oe poet? c~ ean ae te ‘— Z 7) ig = 7 3 if ee 5 One fe ; : ay wy aiid 7 ay eet y a . Gets IT7a Lan gone cen PO a ee 7) : 7 nee Te Ube Tees ; : Samak PED m : Btwn sae! ws ahi : - ; - . laa < % CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE ITEMIZED LIST OF VENDORS AND GOODS IN SOLOLA MARKET? FRIDAY MARKET, APRIL 15, 1932 (See map 22) Line 1 (E.-W.) : PES OLO Lamers hci isis: cadence payacaioncts duet os eee steer Mwy POLOMICADAN 's.5:6:51s12,s.0's. coe sts GaSicta a sade siemens Be AL OLOTIGAP AN woke eV ss aussat aie, ofa Sie! siguesa osha alelars Smucsarecaveve o.e4 1, San Antonio Palopé 1, Quezaltenango EW SOLO LAN sepa vehi ayiess)sscsce\siaiis.e wis sissece Gre Si slowoarncree Susie 2, Solola (Ladinos) 1 w, Solola 1, Solola 2, Totonicapan ASAP CULO) siaiesaislelsletois's:o3 a(54 sisrea.scvseieie Go viele Oe Slee MSO Ol ameristar s steichieleiees's ae o76'c ied dire. cheroia’e giaveveea bo ayaee SEWE SOLOLA Use sscisecie sisisis) so.cie lsh adreien erp eeeeceasaaese PRMPNECLCLAG cc eisai a cenGialiveis ty sais aiois ane ete wiarea sina eweeinee WPA STICLAG IAs aceycrsisseyeicis.¢015,555,a:6 sich eier ais oe dep ccateede . 2, San Andrés Semetabaj , Chichicastenango Solola 1 w, Solola 1, and 1 w, Chichicastenango 2 w, Solola 1, and 1 w, Chichicastenango 2 w, Solola 3 w, Solola 2 w, Solola 1 w, Santa Lucia Utatlan 1, Solola 1, San Pedro DEE SOlOlamMorteler ie eteleleiriatorerese «/sia arsvainsiers ascieraue‘eisiaianieaibve DRESS arte rome cvs crttosierciels 6 «ais aioe wo cnas Des sieelsy 5 1 w, San Andrés yep boat 2a ACHE Mragetaystatriceva.alacs..s ©14% eis ercigie. Gino) 0.3islsreisv 1, Panajachel 1, Solola HORS ATA TIONS errs clteterave is c.c: 0.00 «,6,e:eaie]s's:é.ovee slaicve:siec1siei'8 1, Chichicastenango 1, Solola 1, and 1 w, San Andrés 1, San Antonio 1, Solola ZEW RROLO ARMM SEMI folaiese.12%0:0 3 a)eceseaualeia eteioibehehsileteleis) 2,0/6h0 1 w, Solola 1 w, Argueta 1 w, Solola OMe eR reece teistave: cic: sya. rei sis <.0 vise ona wi. cre o.eaieisiassisie 1 w, Santa Lucia 1 w, Solola RIE ESO LO LAMM atlas chats evsisreie eisiaieieitie onerelere @ Sicgsie i @ @ 9/~ eras 1w = woman; Solola = Solola, San José Chacaya, or Concepcion. Corn leaves (fodder) Small pottery Large pottery Pig (live) Candles Pork (all parts of pig) Do. Limas Handkerchiefs, cloths, shirts, cups, mirrors, seeds, spices, herb medicines, cigars, tinware, machetes, axheads, etc. Furniture, especially chairs, tables, beds, and decorated chests. Maize* Maize Maize, spinach, turnips, eggs Maize Do. Red beans (kidney) Maize Piloy (large kidney beans) Maize Do. Do. Black beans (kidney) Maize Do. Maize and black beans (kidney) Maize White beans (kidney) Maize Do. White beans (kidney) Maize Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Maize, eggs, turkeys (4) Black beans (kidney) and eggs Toasted habas and hen Squash seeds Maize Maize, eggs, black beans Maize, canna(?) leaves (for wrapping), turnips Maize 2 All maize in market sold as grain, by the pound; mostly white and yellow, colors separated. 106 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Line 1 (E.-W.)—Continued Ty WEGSOLOLA. sicreisis'esave aiscisss-0/e 10.0.0 /0lefo'= slata\eisiais\eyaie* alaisyarars Black beans IE) Coioraray etal lesntata tale aoe eaene av aioi sis etslcroinrsia are socieisl sisters ejetel= Red beans TD) Gin aieteateicisieve ayarcratetalore els elas ateta a a rarais ieloweve\ersialniate siente Maize TI) Covaret ache ate isi= elstaic st cveiaietsre a sia eisvascicjeleraicteis esl olereteratetate Black and red beans, hens Mess Sau LANGIES is atte tars oxeie oieteleisiokataieiaiskets pevsielelestee ee Maize TMEV ES OLOI eco eterasste e otssayare eisvarersiors /avorsigiaraitis ojeisiele inte tate Eggs (about 2 dozen) EV eta ttaejavo ic tssepe araiat evel etele tansvvaters ates syersrarerevern ata) letter Hens (5) 1D lo Gee ARO OB AOCOA TER ANTL ACOnnnSoOueC OST conn Eggs DOs aiehensornsccds a loins 6.008 ais isles a}drand/s1sie: bistalaisteveiore oreeenaieys Marigolds PDO 2 nrccord. pal arsvarsirgrarer ete Siaraid se awe Spommssiw vi asi siane le etiam Hens TD OMe ttesrsisis siciats varesters stele soicig aero ee tere eee Greens (Chipilin), turkey DOM oe tte eae eT aye Gaye Daas. gee sis eno eerie eee Flowers and corn TDG ceraretgnrsiaccie-e 4.6 «esas nie ponies aear shalets eis opeyerayeiciagerelegorniars Turkeys and hens Siw SOLOS: assdMsre alerers nie wvere stare syoho clele ole viernes tottatess Hens DvAT Peta cerssiererc cies» +. ci slelals.6)5)s/nn sta lavaraievste/ers arene ekemtetane Roundish leaves (canac) for wrapping dG hichicastenane 0: ‘ev myafecievelsy= Maize piloy (large kidney beans) Maize, peas, black beans Potatoes, toasted habas Maize Bread Candy and soft drinks (sweetened, colored water), table. Boiled potatoes Black beans and bananas Potatoes Black beans Potatoes Do. Habas (green) Potatoes Giiisquiles, eggs, mint leaves Oranges Oranges, bananas, /imas Pepinos, ocote Manzanilla (camomile?), a medicinal asteraceous herb. Potatoes Soap and avocados Matasanos, giiisquiles, miltomates (groundcherry), eggs. Onions, miltomates, habas (green) Flowers, radishes, eggs, canac leaves for wrapping. Black beans, avocados, maize Oranges, eggs, miltomates Avocadoes, piloy (large kidney beans), maize. Little pigs (about 10 each) Black sheep (8) Sheep (4), half-grown pigs (8) Sheep (5, black and white) Dog (1), goat (1), sheep (4) Black sheep (2) Large pig Goats (3) Goats (12) Pig (half-grown) Lettuce, beets, flowers (red and white) Avocados and turnips Avocados and habas (green) Avocados and onions Flowers, onions, lettuce Peas, onions Onions, flowers Suyacales Carrots, onions, cauliflowers Flowers (white and red) Lettuce and flowers (white and red) Onions and red flowers Onions CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—MCcBRYDE 109 Line 9 (N.-S.) : BE SOL Ola: Sirians ois sielet daze cleterels ridiai divas, odisiedisies so.5 oe awels Onions (1 with cabbages also) TOE Ws SOlOlai meme ese cesfeite ose roarees oarsivagrasstecoee ne Lettuce, onions, flowers, canac leaves, peas, cabbages, beets, avocados. Oe aniayachel mapacie meet cite Seieiersicnsia, ct a ccs 5. a0slenssctisteke Onions, flowers, avocados Line 10: ORM OtOn ICA Dar vetapnvsere dateteeisteta sie se) 6 cate, save cine 2 Soe mieeals Semiglaze pottery Line 11: Sinw,, arid (On SOlOla tstate e Neveicisioie sie cie-e cvaveiave ciaia’alancrgrses aisha Mainly onions; also (women) beets, miltomates, ocote, onion seeds, flowers, cabbages, carrots, turnips, granadillas; (men) cabbages, and chiles (1). Line 12 (N.-S.): US swe andy FOP Sololaawart cavcise ode snkosscces taiesae Onions and garlic Gees Daria ache lime rtstere sere oieters 1c aiais ta,ercvare Panela, injertos HM ryam SOLOLA wire icieietsseie:csersiejeve.e-es0/s\s\e ceric o/cieis oe s)sie’ste ise ie Atol SMW AMES OlO lame peyaintaseie tiateleie's 0/3: c)ajsc0inte sie'crsyaravaraeieisie. sialavsens Bananas, sweetpotatoes PMT C1 ta mercetateVarelsloselsiviers, «ja <\eie's oie oie.s-oleisie(eisinisinyere-e aes Cigars, etc. (see Line 33) IW Ol Olalmmrtcieis sic sicisjornis cicictejecsis's/sicie'eje 10.0 e.w.0/0raiais a7 Ocote, bananas SEW! OL AMIR ie craters sieis is: o'a:c 0.0.6 «9.0 is.d clersisin. alesis sieleie © e'nte Atol WHE SOL OLMIS che ciejeisis oo eso siesdisis Wis elcieielvlesayiere'e isis Miltomates, cabbages Dae CHICHICASLEMANILO! Maize, piloy (large kidney beans). Derr eOL OM CDA eye ayeiatetels ais ate:stele)siaxerels]a\sicrajeleis ser) (01s Maize Met yys mS Ol Ola ateiciicre|statererelstelcye's aiekoreiereictatetnie = cieieiete' sis viascile.e Do. BW SOlOlA, ceacractenscreiasiaieleinssietarststaraesivealna's e's ow'eveieté Do. Gr Ginichicastenan yOmaamsy ter cite tacit leis cis 68:2 sie'es Do. ZIG SOLO lar peram mrcivcteyalo stat pteteseseie stetetelofersteraretsiofe ie fs 2-1-4) Cabbages Me wee S010 leitest revarnrree setae aces mittee esete saiels sie 8.0 8ee9 ore Avocados Tiaras ateiase siete ata caratesuratevetav ave otay sieve ereYoio Sievers) este s-e. Seas) = Onions MS) OMe acre Sac sence erated rele area eusiatecalete crsisiateraersysiaie.i a's Cabbages and miltomates Tras ase crate ais alec ciate iota ahoietciolefeloyalelefaiete tates cis/aisicws s)0:0 => Avocados TB Obie cy cede vatancicoiar ares 1s s eh wlahciainte Slovo letelsteimlarexete sisi eterevas’6:< eye Peas and lettuce He Solo laarsreyeseosercreictorsssicleraiavete veins systesscvaisiesiteraielers c's e35 Plantains and bananas Ww Sololay csc, cisiercosiciece otelareceinveiotele stejersie/cletayevayerciere ara Squash seeds and small tomatoes. TVG yeti a ons ols otavetslale biota sie crete aroteneseieiebel ctolealeistatece ole eave: sts Ocote, onions, eggs TB evecsvete ereteve o otrs at cists lool shanat aia. e wialniave a Mavelanieleicee sient Avocados and peas CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 115 MONDAY MARKET, APRIL 18, 1932 Line 1 (E-W.): POMP DUCA aiaisiaie:cielsiciciaisles siz crore alainisto ne sole Siem nn ee nents Tinajas (Chinautla) See GHICHICAS TEN AL ZO | a-stoa's oss Foes isda cone oemeadeceds Merchandise (see Friday market list, Line 33) MUR SOLOLA: cia oa a siciarciaysicisistow Ga dciciacheve sie aca Sieh oaleatee Tortillas : HOO Merete sie wie celai@iayeraveiaia oiesworsle Limas, oranges, bananas l idl Soldit ass Seenesacccentarnarnoncobecreermarns Atol MMR VVAME SOLON A Mie ereys cle icici aissc,ciein oie 0 ssidlsisiereveleidisinaraa os cine Leaves and cotton MB) CREP Te tetete tee sravevars otcinis eval s (stares G.oressielsine.dewisiewisacaiesee Avocados and tomatoes UB) Coser Pasay = ets tu) sc) 0.01 5,a 1s tale orsisie efe-sie dia wisaia 6:88 's: 0,0 Limas Men W aie DH OLOLICA PAN | o.56,4ie,0)0\s 010 4, 0: <'010, 910 wseiee,0i9 a e;0;0%%.0 sine = Toasted habas and ground roast corn. MVS OLO LAME etarelejote ele: ais. 's\e Siaiore fnigis'elelavaieis/ers oleleps se-40s Atol Dee SALW OLE Che cher areis ave s¥o) o- cls s¥els «010i: 9\eleiejoie'e.e(0 #10; erere/2i2 6 are Panela Line 3 (E-W.): NPRM OTOMICA DATING mies eia's ciais-se:evnwiee sic 6 w/e cel clneiniaielonecaai ales Maize HU WINS OL OLA Faves ns.wie:s cysisisualele eiaucisys'ale.a/e:s\esere oi e:a «cies! sie Do. IS) MPR Pe Tassie aie sia/syaio.o ova's aicieiwisisieia,e.eie's e'ejete sie viv: ovale ninis Atol eS Ol OLAMEIE NE a cfoye cictsua’s sleeve cicisinis's sw o's sisi e oe simamnaaisis Onions and maize SMS ATIMM OLS Clete rcicyeleveieclsialsjsfaierstons, sjoseia cies s atela’aale 3 are Maize ABV SOLO | cee ote fo cici eves ateie: oi5° Sr ov0101a 4:0 e)avecesavarctarayeieia's 1 scat Onions and avocados 116 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Line 3 (E.-W.)—Continued TeweeSOlolat ches anime cc cate cleo soaccine ates neers Anonas, avocados, granadillas De AOL OLA ays here Gracelahcrntetate/scileyaielalalele o.a/ereseiciera le/ayaretemranettens Maize De SOLA We. ceevnau arte wo arse vie ole sit ees Giese is ee ee Ruse Onions Ty. Sarita Lucier sv ayers’ ¢ ascscsies ore cisie Cp es:s svais eieiereehelethe Habas (green and toasted) Iw, Santa Lucia 2s... ci. .c SSAC eI Caer Habas (toasted) PR SOLO le ecncist srayatslay sxete-e tetova state re elala eseretooneatete he teeter Onions PWy CSOlOla ois apsctraves etawie vere icle'we 6 didlo pauenls wle'eis.ccnieng ele Ocote D AWaGATOUCt A. «cree .4,nie.0i010:ore:d es iaye a erelarahdi odors atelafeeceletoess Squash seeds (raw) and ocote OM ye PS OLOIA esse yevtersce's aicie wielejow cle sos osaie ais svaieig'ete ele veNe Avocados DEW OLO | etme tate este) sve rera: tats, ols cs aici s\s:arevaviha fe tistayatopeneeeee at Onions 1 w, Solola 1, San Jorge 1, Solola ... 1 w, Solola Taffy, avocados, oranges, peaches Onions, cabbage, yucca flower Onions Onions and miltomates TL eWes PNT OLCES Seirrsverafsiale a4 sao alent ners oid area eee Small tamales TES clas Reeth acttore cpest seis are sispew 8 ob cic wens eave Sree ere Greens and small tomatoes Tetwie SOlolas midncaaatos se i02e0 ois eels aauem saetecrn eae Avocados DO dataiseers deinea.cc as sp.es + bioeled ee ane ie oie anata ele Matasanos Line 4 (E-W.): DWwAESOlOlAw as wee as deeo 6 paca apes ce anve.ceGetnseireee Atol DO) iets us ois ioes:0 dias 6.8 sya saan aes nals Gis oa Bae ROG Peaches, injertos, giiisquiles DD Oy rapsret ct cyan wha 400 a.s0.0 od, ov orsivse F605. 0/0 vise’ s Gaal Migs Onions, turnips, greens DDO wereterdsite 5 sisi dee swawiinisise oe + se@islsk Guam Black beans, eggs, corn leaves (fodder), fish on grass stems, cabbage. DOM eta Seb o.cis Gras Lammiartas cies giewwee saws eeeeate as Avocados, ocote, onions, gitisquiles Pe SaritakeTu zs as haasit o-asule als 4 0c vieine floes eeeteere ens Oranges WD Orie tale totors sore stats: vbteia we axolsia ss avara die, average shetarele aheyel ashe gate Bananas DO ican vic oie ose Ss S08 eae o's wey w Heels ha Rae RON Matasanos Oe ete erercare asses eatelaecananctcts aie cis gelato eee Oranges PD MSATIFAMS LULZ ca.apsveei@ ase oe a leraeie cis > SAS tease STE ee Matasanos Line 1 (W.-E.): TUESDAY MARKET, APRIL 12, 1932 1, Totonicapan ...... Wid ip ad, aa dave. salaried Nara RSP eee Sandals, belts, and other leather goods. PRR OOLOIAG recs atataiansiaarars. ave aia apd el8, 4s atin AIS wren eine Tortillas FAR Passe talc ie) O10 (3 F eS ee ee re ye Soap 1 w, Solola (from Quezaltenango) ...)............5. Taffy Tw; ChichicasStenango:.ccs.0e dec vcs 0 valcwee davies Potatoes and coffee DDO vrsceraterararctuvera;sratatstase at, aiavauely ita e arays daa treks orate ate Maize and coffee 1 w, Solola (from Quezaltenango) .................. Taffy Pewee SOlOlaateiscereseyale cecolsrwisraseieiale.eis(aleeartelscie msreaere ihe Limas, ground coffee, toasted habas, tomatoes, onions, chile. Swe SOlOla ssa inas sews cvayas seesiesew vere dae wee cee Pig meat 2) Wer OOlOla CEC aT lS viieidieceress vice etastins soiee saaGie Do. i pa ages 0) (0) [A a Maize and tortillas SL GLOMICAPAU) drab hate wiles aves a vlsinemrnetwee cee towterte Furniture (especially chairs and chests). Line 2 (E.-W.): TWH OGIO la years crerere artic coon cteisiceersie’steratie araivieteeneree ae Maize 1, Chichicastenango siccecaesc sevice oes tes vaceuneretes Do. RW e012 evar are: trace eaves stoners aa eieievsis ares Sects cen Maize, also toasted habas, cabbages, beans, and avocados. lawn OtOnICAPAm cccncuseeaeoliecelanba tects er Toasted habas 2 w, Solola DGigs.cesyese GQ Chiehicastenango, f.aceen wteasnecue ses a-laeconeee ee 5 w, San José Onions, gitisquiles, avocados Flowers, panela, ground coffee, green /abas, onions. Hats, ropes, cigars, spices, tinware, etc. Panela and ground coffee CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 117 Line 3 (N.-S.) : MMW PO OLOLE: erates s/niatarerepesiv cial ave’ecate aisiarere ajaveleisl rvfac s « Eggs NO) Co Mevepe aac ieve wictekeYorere 5. shat etsletsc.e ote aces Oe beh Mew Sa alaanae Miltomates, garlic, ground coffee MD) OyPeteietetersisis.¢ o-e o's overalara meter cratsicigyuraesye Piaheie G ereteiasdaaverets Cabbages, gitisquiles, avocados NOVO Wereretey sia a= wie ieress 2 steve valeiauoxsisiiel Siete dams sia lle sieealsee ee Ocote, onions, matasanos MS OL Celta et ote pe fore. 2iducyn/ese re « Sycresapelias ara ardogbacardsntecblei seea-s Onions Line 4 (N.-S.) : HLS CL OL tay etrtye cians coho o:avaiarsiairevatsaisnanavelve,adudiela acweleia s arShels Maize MPR Woe OLO LAME re teiese:= Pesan i> . Nerv » 7. 14, aaah] L ai Mis eit ‘ye }, J aarig reve. (SS GEE ti weak aes he ae ey _ Se Posdanth i eeyely Maan = oi hep na ie, 5s erodes 36 (Sea aan 198 S =e er A sue 0 cement “| eee o inne _- poets aie) sey Be WHE A1t0r3 Bitiqal! Manis ibilerssee fie van oketioratagind) judvejaust— 68 sa Biter? the woela ot Abory een! eas! cgacel ie oie seal Jann oye es (vis 7 Pee ar Sadinsurodresasiy yh Lak Genius ad Sivivin uh asenpebripg ty tereig dtndteD ts a Laduit eowat ot Si Ge pay ak t CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 123 § suits, is uncommon.'* There are only a few pro- fessional Indian merchants living in Panajachel. Tax recorded five, one an Atiteco. This vegetable-garden economy?” was not known in Panajachel in Alonso Ponce’s time, 1586 (op. cit., vol. 1, p. 447), when the delta was planted to corn and “many fig and peach trees.’ Neither of these fruits is to be found there today, vegetables and coffee having replaced them, along with much of the maize. As a consequence, the production of this basic grain is insufficient, so that it must be bought in the plaza by most Panajachelefios, from Indians of east Lake municipios. Native fruits, of which injertos and jocotes are particularly important, prob- ably were grown then as now.! A 1778 Noticias (Anon., Ms. 1778, p. 16, f. 235) records rope manu- facture there, and this is corroborated by Tax’s rec- -ords of tradition and folklore. The growing tourist trade at Panajachel, a fairly important industry by 1930, probably had its beginning in the establishment of Tzanjuyu, about 1885.1"4 . SANTA CATARINA PALOPO Just 2 miles southeast of Panajachel by a well- beaten path skirting precipice walls, one comes upon a little village so different from the first that it might almost be a part of another continent. And yet those two villages have existed, 2 miles apart, since about the time of the discovery of America, and possibly before. A native of one village may be dis- tinguished from one of the other almost as far away 171 JIn direct contrast with this is the transplanted, exotic economy of a small settlement of Totonicapefios (almost always craftsmen of some sort), called Patanatic (3 km. northeast of Panajachel village, yet within this municipio), who tan leather, make sandals, and dress lumber (all as in Totonicapan, whence they emigrated, according to the unpublished 1930 census report, in 1890). They probably came orig- inally to work on the lumber finca, Santa Victoria, less than a kilometer away. This culture is similar to that of Panimaché, a canton of Chichicastenango just to the north. Costumes and language of the home- ‘land are preserved, as usual, and women use the tumpline and sandals, as in their former municipio. 172 The first dated reference I have found relating to gardening of European vegetables by Indians in Guatemala is in the Relacién for vere Paz written in 1574 and covering the years since 1544. The vegetables and herbs mentioned were coles, radishes, lettuce, parsley, coriander, yerba buena, borage, marjoram, fennel, artichoke, and onions; “which bear very well and the water-wheel is not necessary, for the Lord waters them’? (Anon., Ms. 1574, p. 5, f. 93). This referred to the year-round rains of Vera Paz, which made it a favorable place for introducing such crops. Oviedo (1851-55, vol. 1, pp. 373-374), also writing early in the 16th century, lists a great number of European vegetables, with the remark in almost every case, that they do not seed, but the seeds must be brought from Europe. Most vegetable seeds are still imported (see p. 32). - 178 The ahachel, or matasano, from which the name ‘“Panajachel” is derived, should have been the injerto, if we judge by its present abundance. 1% The 1930 census report states that power navigation on the Lake _ began here in 1888, with the steam launch ‘General Barillas.”” as the human limbs are discernible, so different are the costumes (see pls. 6; 7, d, ¢, f,.9;-9, a, 6). Santa Catarina dress resembles that of San Lucas far more closely than it does the Panajachel costume. And of the 13 common words selected by Tax! (1937, *p: 346) from Andrade’s list, only five approach identity. Of all the Lake neighbors, this is perhaps the ex- treme example of diversity in proximity, in a region where such a condition is almost the rule. There are almost as many inhabitants in Santa Catarina as there are in Panajachel; and population density is much greater in Santa Catarina because of its highly limited area. Yet there is no delta, nor even much of a beach. Steep slopes are right at their backs and all around the banks of their little-sheltered bay (map 20; pl. 22, a, b). Since the Lake has risen (begin- ning in 1933) even the narrow beach is reduced, and the rush-fringed shoal is deepened. There is some fairly level land above the cliffs behind an elevated glade, just 600 m. (1,968 ft.) higher than the Lake. Most of this is cultivated, however, by the small settlement (labor) of Xepéc, a community of Luci- anos, from the high plateau municipio of Quiché- speaking Indians, Santa Lucia Utatlan.17* One of them told me that they had been there only about 25 years, and had bought 5,000 cuerdas!*® (roughly 1,000 acres) from the Catarinecos. The latter have an insignificant caserio, Xesiguan, situated high on the bench, and remote from cabecera or chief village (Santa Catarina). The old church of Santa Catarina (bell dated 1762) was 20 feet (6 m.) above the water level in Septem- ber 1936, the lowest such edifice on the Lake (except for the later ruins of Jaibalito) ; it is built on a gently sloping terrace 100 feet (30.5 m.) wide. Most of the houses are on the steep slopes behind. In Santa Catarina much importance is attached to jocotes, which are sold in great numbers, and to the small quantities of oranges and injertos. Four tablénes (pl. 22, c) near the small Xepéc Creek were planted to onions by a Catarineco, and twice that many by Panajachelenos who rent the land. The limited local maguey is spun into cord, though it is not durable in water and so is not suitable for fishing. There are a few merchants in Santa Catarina, some selling 16 They cultivate, in addition to corn and beans, such cold-land crops as broadbeans and wheat—in contrast to the jocotes, oranges, and tomatoes grown in the village directly below. 176T could not verify this. The area seemed a bit exaggerated. I can testify, however, to the existence of the settlement, though neither this nor Xesiguan is included in the official 1921 census. This may be attributed to an oversight rather than to their not having been there. Catarinecos concurred on the age and provenience of both settlements. 124 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Patztim maize in Solola, others, Solola vegetables in Patulul, while still others peddle crabs. The major occupations here are dependent upon the Lake: fishing, crabbing, and mat weaving. The land limitations of the municipio having been pointed out, the water advantages may be summarized as follows: (1) Hot springs (aguascalientes) occurring in the shallow water along the bank for a mile or so on one side!*? and on the other (2) shallow water along the shore for a total littoral distance of nearly 4 miles.178 Both conditions, largely nullified when the lake level is high, favor the abundance and avail- ability of fish, while the shallow water is conducive to a good growth of rushes and the propagation of crabs in an accessible zone. No doubt the Pana- jachel natives availed themselves also of these na- tural advantages, meager though they are, prior to their development of vegetable culture. Their aquatic occupations have made the Catarinecos extremely sensitive to the vagaries of the Lake, and their for- tunes have risen and fallen, in reverse order, with periodic fluctuations of the water level. In 1936 their fish runways by the hot springs could be seen well below the water, too deep for much benefit, and their larger rush funnels (often 6 ft. long; pl. 22, d), especially made for hot-springs fishing, were lying idle, as many of them had lain since 1933. Rushes had likewise suffered from inundation: the planting of rushes and the purchase of them from other parts of the Lake were necessary even for small-scale mat making. Only crabbing seems not to have been affected by the rise of the Lake level. A recent law prohibiting all catching of fish and crabs during the “breeding season” (May to August was the closed season in 1936, I was told),!*® as recom- mended in 1905 by Meek (1908, pp. 177, 191, 203), followed by a law prohibiting all fishing, also affects the Catarinecos more than any other group. These are among the economic reasons why they have come to depend so largely upon employment on the fincas. In attempting to understand the importance of fish- ing to the Catarinecos above all other Lake dwellers (until 1937) the question is not why others do not fish so much, but why the Catarinecos do. It seems that, of the two influences, water resources and Jand 17 Mainly south; several reported also in 1892 to have existed at either extremity of the Panajachel delta. 178 Not far away is the rocky shoal off Cerro de Oro and the lava fringe, which, being shallow, is good fishing ground. 17 Meek (1908, pp. 178, 186, 189, 203) recorded the breeding seasons as follows: Mojarra, April-June; gulumina and pescadito, March-May; serica, April-June; crabs, February—April. poverty, the latter is the more significant. For, if they had an abundance of cultivable land, the prob-— ability is that they, like most of the other villagers, would pay little attention to the crabs and very small fish. Delicacies though they might be to the Indians, the resource does not appear to be a lucrative one. Meek suggested this when he wrote: ‘These fishes are much used for food by the natives, especially by those people living in Santa Catalina. These fishes are eaten only because no others are to be had” (Meek, 1908, p. 180). Large numbers of them are sold in the markets, however, especially at Solola. Catarinecos take them to market as the Marquenos do, impaled on bunchgrass stems, five or six on a stem, and smoked. Natives of Atitlan and other villages sell them in smaller quantities, by measure, in bulk. Ocafia in 1662 wrote that crabs and little fish (pescaditos de Atitlén) prepared exactly as they are today, roasted on grass stems, were a major source of livelihood. Little fish were caught because of their abundance and the ease of getting them; the big mojarras would not bite a hook. Little fish were sold for cacao in many provinces (Vazquez, 1937-38, pp. 167-168). SAN ANTONIO PALOPO San Antonio is just a league (214 miles) south- east of Santa Catarina. (Though both villages are given the agnomen Palopé, the original “Polopo” was probably San Antonio, according to early maps; see p. 103.) Linguistic and costume differences are almost as great as in the preceding instance. Nor does the economic comparison show any greater similarity. The distinction is in fact fundamental ; the Antoneros look only to the land and not at all to the Lake for support. And with good reason, for their municipio extends as far east as the Rio Madre Vieja, and as far south as the southern Lake shore. Their area of 25.5 sq. km. (about 10 sq. miles) is more than six times that of Santa Cata- rina (4.2 sq. km.), yet their total population *S° is scarcely double that of the latter. Though there is a steep wall with a few cliffs behind them, the situation is not nearly so bad (map 20; pls. 23; 46, c, d); to the south the mountain rim is considerably lower, and there are many excellent cultivable slopes, espe- cially east of the divide, in the drainage basin of the Madre Vieja River. A number of small communities 180 According to the 1921 census, San Antonio had a population of 1,963, and Santa Catarina had 844. eee ot. tees Sujyoea5 654162 O-47 (Face p. 124) wv 6uryx>e5 LIL LIL Web. Ca 2 i iu iff { St se] 22 N Esbos 2s] =S a ak dears EC B-2 ; | tek RR Bae jE) MARKET G Ri wie Q Quezaitenango P Pid de Volcan + Al Almelonga Qe Quiché a 3 An Aquacatén Sel Soleajs | f 2 sg © Concepcion S.C Sen Cristébel 5 £ H Huehvetenango SF Son Francisco €! Alto oo a6 eS M Momostenengo 3M.n Son Miguel Istahvacen - ry pe N Nohvela T Tetonicapan 4 x? HiCeee © Olintepeque 2 Zunit ne ik geet > 3 =z es - ; wie F Approximate Scale in Feat 4 Market a a, ee, ee @ Adminis tration i 4 Office : SATURDAY, AUGUST 15, 1936 ie ra Te Te Te @ 5 , a ; go 4 so Sete Pay ER Eerr saners Coa dally 1:00-2:00 P.M. ACs si O 2 s 4 “eo ee 1» a; 4 Be et ay a =: piles 3 EI) vacant En iy ow a 4 qavneieatar es Peaches Peaches Ow & Ww Ow fe la = policed aca Ee cie (Cu g meson oe = 4 enter os he Yarn, Th leedies, Pins, etc. Perted goods, main Kitchen sdous ple fes0¢5 = ES 4, eo [>] ~~] =P se mua preg | rene | pang) US? ames |e [teres Mee aes al : ‘4 oi < ee: jae oe i a ; 2 [Breed| Greed | Bread |r) tes Bread] Bread | Bread read) see 2 Qw | On| Ow | Qn] Qu | Ow | Qu | aw | aw [am | Bw . iy? 4 g ge hy iia ¥ 5 Bf Ret Peaches SRY HN Be vag Fi 2 =} g Ld AB] APT Ae [aD] ee] De] By EY] mb] ie — > x 7,8 SS cet 2 3 eyney root Satie deog| deog | deog | dees | deoc| deoc| deag| deec| deog] dwoc| prarg] perig Hae 2 = ae FE x = é Fleur | Flour | Fleur | Fleur | Fleur | Flour | Flour | Fleur | Flour! Fler | Beans iS «= ~ ot Panela| Paneia| Pansis| Panel] Parela|Paneds|PanialPanet a |= Atel | Jeap| Seep | Soap | Seow |eSset | etan | oran | Bran | stan | fon | Bam | Bran | when| Bran | YiR pe ail #2 x r = = ir 2 ‘ . i re aw"| aw | aw | ew ot | kas) || ease) cae | eed ET Serf) oe || | cds | Oe | | ena sell oes 2 | 4e6 wale £y : Clothing, chiefly cna om | o& 1 Ail @ e : i fet o | .f Pe Breuer o - CCC Ow wean t C er ow ec tic coe ome! Llc amice G2 ol 6c 166 Ole 6 cle moles Co Aw, Pid: r sell ene z aie. Grr Petavons Sap Patataes Fatarets Peaches Petates ] — [Patwtoas Potatees Petatoes Patatoes Petaters Potatovs Potatoes cial * a2a7 3 = < h——e =a AD ro 1a & = t 5 3 is : peas! >, eueas ie, venuasuj z Foote iret vig p Fs ack =< o 15 =| =| 7eit Aw Abs Aw Alw Al Ab Ale Hue nn 3K — t eh Hola = = Hoja maaan - mec ura Pifemate Onlngee Paton pine eer Toll L aw top i apee = me = = = ae Tt . o $3 F SaaS (Sell sea oF a Sail een ill eee z Li ebay a) oni some | Kap | tiny] PMO ST bees! 6RIPMED hurag ‘eyo som) rae martina mm deve | Fone es | yd Sous a may eg) ne 4 | 2¢ Ge Ge Oe Ge Ow Ge Ow Ow Ge WWW BOQ Cem aL 2, 2 — SIIEJE juRDeA Of ome eM] ueaen 7 rel fA +g | tg joPe rl 1a Pe é z 4162 0-47 (Pace p. 120 Mar 24.—Quezaltenango market, (Read facing Vendors"; w indicates woman vendor.) 7 es i eT Fire = we an “i tear fe She ie ecae ist of s : es eid adm Pe jPeeted , Teme ht | Pe asenl r i a ate er etree) - ye pe ig ee | iy = arte Ric beee—* Ee, ss _ eee i. oe 4 = tn A i = be : 2 qieler. mye A IP me — SO 2S = Te . 3 : Sawn e wake = 64 oS a +a: = a ageiateye? re roe er @ ve lee Yo /, elegy: - fh ee ep eee LEE 2 ns Nee e esrenany oh ee mui fy oe? adhe4 (aaa meee a | - =| ¥ Li nam Pi "i. — cay hyy, see Yew at aes® | Ms bad en 1 vr ae) de ai t om d ere _ = ai _ 7s — ot vie a Sr Cee lens (OP 7 i~ 7 — aed ————<_—_— 7 —— a 7 _ pe aa 8G oa — _ ie cael ' = an Pi tiena | ot “eal? " Sana =. an ch & re 4 7 ; 7 i >= ‘3 ee) Sua | Selo a wy es i oa cal | pote ? - 5 1 = ‘ nf CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 125 have been established here, notably Agua Escon- dida,*** and there are several Ladino finqueros in the municipio. The supplementary specialty is the culti- vation of aniseed (in fields like milpa, but planted at the end of the rainy season), which they sell far and wide. Anise js used mainly for flavoring drinks, such as pinol; in the capital it is used in baking. Vazquez, writing about 1700, says: “much anise is gathered especially in the north” (Vazquez, 1937-38, p. 172). According to informants in both communities, anise and pepinos have changed places in the last 50 years, anise before then having been much planted in Pana- jachel, where it is not cultivated today. Pepinos, requiring milder temperatures, were introduced into Panajachel, it was said, 10 or 15 years ago, from San Antonio. These reports are mentioned also in Tax’s Panajachel manuscript, though he gives no dates. Local tradition is frequently inaccurate in this regard. At low levels, near the village, tomatoes and beans are important, and recently (mainly since 1933) tablon-culture has spread here from the west, with crops confined as yet (1936) to onions and cabbages. That the latter are not abundant there is indicated in the purchase of cabbages, among other vegetables, by Antofieros in the Panajachel market, primarily for resale in Patulul. Wheat, having a summer growing season (May-November), is much planted on the higher slopes (pl. 23, c), though in one field it is as low as 1,650 m. This is the lowest that I have seen it in Guatemala. As would be expected, the yield here was poor. Industrial pursuits are lacking at San Antonio, and even fishing is extremely rare, confined to the placing of a few small traps (garlitos) along the shore. Commercial activity here is secondary. A few men, said to number about 15, buy vegetables from Solola and Panajachel, in the latter market, and re- sell them in the plaza of Lowland Patulul. Their intermediate position on this important trade route favors such traffic. Local residents reported a small market at San Antonio, though I never verified this by personal observation. The village is on a “‘cross- road” between the Chichicastenango—Solola to San Lucas—Patulul and the Santiago Atitlan to Patzum- Tecpan routes, crossing at right angles. Santiago merchants, en route to the two last-named plazas (convening Sunday and Thursday, respectively), 111t is here that Robert Redfield has established a sociological re- search base. beach their 15 or 20 canoes at San Antonio and climb the steep trail behind (pl. 23, d). The few Chichi- castenango and Solola merchants who take the cir- cuitous land route to the Sunday and Thursday Lowland markets, go through San Antonio mainly on the same days, as well as on Fridays and Tuesdays (also Solola market days) from the San Lucas mar- ket. Thus, though some merchants are passing through on virtually every day of the week, there seem to be more at one time on Wednesdays and Saturdays, when both coast-bound and east-bound groups of merchants converge. The vendors were said to line up as on the small fincas, remaining only a short while. Because of the relative isolation of San Antonio, the merchants have only local buyers, and were it not for the more distant objectives of the comerciantes, there would: be little or no mar- ket. There are actually only three real market places on the Lake, Santiago, San Lucas, and Panajachel (map 19), all of them in large communities, on con- verging trade routes, and readily accessible. GRANARIES OF THE EASTERN LAKE REGION The municipios of San Andrés Semetebaj, Tecpan, and Patzim, northeast and east of the Lake, grow maize in large quantities, and constitute the greatest granaries of the Lake region, more significant by far than the southwestern municipios, Santiago and San Pedro. The eastern municipios have the lands for it,18* the smallest of them, San Andrés Semetebaj, being considerably larger than the combined area of all five of the north shore Lake municipios. At San Andrés, Old World broadbeans, or habas (Vicia faba), are grown with maize, as around Que- zaltenango (having elevations that are comparable), and there are wheat and some potatoes planted mostly by Ladinos but their specialty is bush beans in sep- arate fields, frijoles de suelo. Anise culture (mostly Ladino) seems to be coming in more and more, brought from San Antonio, where, at Agua Escon- dida an undetermined disease is said to have reduced the yields considerably between 1929 and 1936 (time of observation). Patzim and Tecpan have their industrial special- ties as well as large-scale agriculture, the former town supplying the area with candied popcorn, sold in great quantities during fiestas. In Tepcan, wooden articles are made, such as double-edged combs, loom 182 Roughly 55, $0, and 160 sq. km., respectively. 126 sticks, and dolls.183_ These are secondary, however, to the big surplus of maize, which is the chief source of income. This is not always apparent in the various neighboring Indian markets, however, for most of the maize is taken out in quantity, by mule train ;1** it is grown by Ladinos with large estates. ENVIRONMENTAL BASIS OF SETTLE- MENTS AWAY FROM LAKE ATITLAN Settlements and communities in other parts of Guatemala may be analyzed in the same manner in which the Lake villages have been considered above, and with certain similar results. Nowhere will there be found, probably, such a degree of local diversity, both physical and cultural, as exists about the shores of Lake Atitlan. As to the general dis- tribution of villages and towns in southern Guate- mala, it can be summed up by saying that, between 350 m. and 2,600 m. elevations, there are numerous small towns and villages in which the Indian element is high, but for the most part the Indians are rural, living out in the fields and woods (monte). That the concentration of their numbers into compact settle- ments is often a result of relief conditions is evidenced not only by the Lake centers, but by such villages as Almolonga, Zunil, and Santa Maria, in the deep gorge along the Samala River. And yet, that site restriction is not essential to agglomeration is clearly shown in such open-valley towns and villages as San Andrés Xecul, San Juan Ostuncalco, and Con- cepcién Chiquirichapa; and even the larger towns, Quezaltenango and Totonicapan, Though they had a wide valley from which to choose their town sites, nearly all have concentrated upon the piedmont of one side or the other. There are several reasons for this, as will be brought out in the following pages. QUEZALTENANGO—TOTONICAPAN VALLEY REGION Abundance of water is a major basis for piedmont locations, where streams and springs are numerous and rapid. Most of the upper Samala Valley settle- ments are at the foot of the mountains, abundantly supplied with water. The water system (see map 21; also McBryde, 1933, p. 65) depends upon streams 183 The last two are from Tax, Ms. 1935. 4% Though Indians from San Andrés, Patziim, and Tecpan sell maize in big sacks at Panajachel on Sunday (on one occasion, October 25, 1936, I walked along the trail with six Tecpdn men, each having a mule loaded with 120 1b. of maize, all of which was sold in Panajachel, with no return cargo), they are little in evidence at Solol4, among the rows of maize vendors. Ladino mule-shippers, usually two or three at a time, with five or six mules each, seem to handle this almost entirely. INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 of good gradient for the small, slightly elevated reservoirs, to which water is conducted for redistribu- tion to pilas. These are open watering places on the streets and in parks, patios, and buildings (pl. 10, d). Though I have as yet no record of their first estab- lishment, they are certainly colonial, and probably were built at the time when the towns were founded. Even though the Ladino town of Salcaja appears to be a notable exception, out on the Rio Samala, it is fairly near the mountains, and there are tribu- tary springs flowing into the river here. Ruins near — Salcaja indicate a pre-Columbian beginning, as do — early accounts for Quezaltenango (ancient Xelahu; see p. 10). Another important consideration here regarding bases for settlements is the matter of land diversity in supplying various needs of the community. Since trees are almost lacking from the valley, each settle- ment looks to the hills behind it for firewood. One of the unique features of this region is the appear- ance of firewood as a commodity in the market place (pl. 38, c), besides its usual role as a peddler’s vendible. In this valley, as is often the case else- where, woodlot, pasture, and field converge at the piedmont. The situation of Quezaltenango on the southern edge of the valley, centrally located with respect to the settlements of the region, gives it an excellent trade position. It is on the crossway of two important automobile roads and routes of native commerce ; the north-south road from coastal Mazate- nango to Huehuetenango and the Cuchumatanes (the southern part is by far the busiest transverse traffic line through the Altos of the Southwest) ;?° and the east-west Altos road—the national highway that leads to the capital—affords a well-traveled route to Totonicapan in the east and San Marcos in the west (map 1). The daily market of Quezaltenango is large and crowded with as many vendors in a day as some of the big Altos centers have in a week (map 24). It is within easy access by open, level trails and roads, to all the numerous surrounding villages of the Valley. And, since this is a region of crafts, manufactured goods of all sorts fill the stalls of the large, enclosed market place. Pottery pours in from the eastern ceramic area of Totoni- capan-San Cristébal-Santa Maria Chiquimula (map “485 This is such an important trade route that the Guatemala Gov- ernment spent eight million dollars in the construction of an electric railway from Lowland San Felipe to Quezaltenango. It was soon abandoned, however, for the grade was too steep and traffic was insufficient to repay high operating and maintenance costs. The line was in operation for only 31% years (1930-33). CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 127 15). Local foot-loom (cotton) textiles, skirts, hui- piles, and zutes, and “ready-made” clothes are sup- plements by cotton goods from the electric looms of Cantel by the jaspe (tie-dye) skirts and zutes of Salcaja and San Cristdbal, the huipiles of Totoni- capan, and the famous blankets and woolens of Momostenango. Baskets are brought from Agua- catan, ropes from Coban, hats from Quiché, lime from San Francisco, Cabrican, and Santa Maria Chiquimula; and so on; special products from centers in every direction (see maps 9, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18). Highland broadbeans, piloy (large butter beans), and peaches meet coastal rice, panela, and pineapples. Though a linguistic boundary is crossed, and the western villages of the valley fall within the region of the Mam dialect, while the rest speak Quiché, paucity of distinctive costume types is apparent. From Cantel to Momostenango, from Totonicapan to San Marcos, the same peg-bottom, ill-fitting and shrunken blue denim suits, of modern European de- sign, make all Indian men practically indistinguish- able as to provenience (pls. 12, e, 13, a). There may be a bright-colored, distinctive, trouser belt of hand-woven material here and there, but that is the only identifying feature. The same condition exists on the Coastal Plain, with white trousers and often no top garment. One has but to step out of the high Quezaltenango Basin southward, however, in the strip above the Lowlands, to find distinctive dress still worn. The robes of San Martin men are strik- ing, for example (pl. 39, b, c), and the men of Zunil who have not become Ladinized still wear a purple- and-orange-striped white suit (short trousers and capelike shirt of women’s huipil cloth) that resembles the Lake Atitlan dress. Almolonga men have special ceremonial costumes, including double panta- loons (pl. 31, a), of a type said to have been com- monly worn a few generations ago, but otherwise they dress like Quezaltecos. These municipios where men have distinctive dress are also among the few surviving centers of stick-loom weaving. Just as the Lake Atitlan Basin is an area of isolation and diversity, so the Quezaltenango—Totonicapan Valley is one of intercommunication and relative ho- mogeneity, bordered by areas of distinctive costumes. Even among women whose dress is generally distinctive, many villagers in the Highland Quezalte- nango region are difficult to identify. No one could mistake a Quezalteca or a woman of Almolonga, Cajola, or Olintepeque; but one cannot always be sure about the identity of women from San Cristobal, San Andrés, Cantel, and San Francisco. Since stick weaving is no longer practiced (except for San Francisco zutes, and foot-looms turn out only skirts, zutes, napkins, belts and the like, the women have no huipil patterns of their own. They buy the electric-milled white cotton, and a few of them add a distinctive touch of collar embroidery (p. 52). In this valley, among the professional itinerant merchants there are even many women middlemen who buy in one town and sell in another,!*® or sell goods in a number of different markets!§* during the week. San Francisco has probably the greatest “mush- room market” of the entire Highlands; it is chiefly a wholesale market. From an almost deserted vil- lage on all other days, high on a cold, wind-swept ridge, it becomes a crowded market center for thousands of Indians every Friday (pls. 35, 36). This is an illustration of commercial development due largely to intermediate location between several diversified producing areas. Though no pottery is made there, it is sold in great quantities, coming in from at least five centers on almost every side, both near and far. Numerous middlemen stock up with it, for resale in various smaller Highland centers, but particularly the Lowland plazas. Momostenango blankets, and local ones as well, are offered for sale in large stacks, and side streets are carpeted with newly made ones drying in the sun. Blankets are piled high on mules and shipped to Quezaltenango by hundreds. Sheep and raw wool come from many sources in the neighboring high country, and wire wool cards made in Chiantla are much in demand. The many loads of garlic 188 that come from far- away Aguacatan, in the deep valley of the Rio Negro, far exceed the production of Panajachel, which is the chief source of garlic in the Lake region. Little pigs are driven by the hundreds down the trail, each squealing on the end of a string, to be sold in Lowland 1% Tllustrative of this were five Olintepeque women, who bought mixed pottery, from three or four sources, on Friday at San Francisco el Alto and resold it Sunday at San Juan Ostuncalco. They carried large loads by tumpline. Ordinarily, such merchants are men (p. 80). 287 One group of women, soap merchants of San Andrés Xecutl, sold regularly at San Cristébal on Sunday, Salcajad on Tuesday, and San Francisco on Friday (pl. 39, a). I recognized only two who visited all three places. There were alwys about six of them. Such circuit trade is extremely rare around Lake Atitlan, because of relative inaccessi- bility and the scarcity of markets. 188 T have seen Quezaltec middlemen, who have bought this Aguacatan garlic here in quantity, crossing the border into Salvador to sell it. Salt is brought up by truck; chiefly by a Ladino storekeeper of San Cristébal. This is also the case now in San Marcos, Quezaltenango, and other large Highland centers. 128 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 markets (pl. 13, c, inset). From there come the great piles of salt; truckloads of panela (crude block cane sugar) and, sometimes during Lowland harvests, maize. Most of the enormous sacks of dried red chile are from the desiccated lands of the east, around Asuncion Mita, being sometimes trucked in, especially for fiestas. Though there probably are not many more vendors at San Francisco than at Solola, there are more SUMMARY AND Physically, Southwest Guatemala is highly diversi- fied. The Pacific Coastal Plain is low and hot, with rain falling only during the summer half year (here called winter, as in many other countries of the Latin American Tropics). Trees are usually scattered ex- cept along stream courses, and there is much good savanna grass for pastures. Soils are of rich alluvium derived mainly from volcanic ash and lava. Popula- tion is sparse and nearly all are Ladinos (culturally non-Indians) or Ladinized Indians, except along the inner plain, where there are towns and plantations (fincas) on or near the railroad. At the inner edge the Lowlands rise steadily to the foot of the vol- canic range, a straight row of high cones with long, steep slopes extending seaward. Warm, very rainy almost all year, and clothed with lush monsoon forest except where cleared for coffee plantations, this piedmont zone (to 1,500 m. or 4,921 ft. eleva- tion) is well peopled. Indian laborers predominate— partly Ladinized permanent colonists of Highland origin and seasonal migrants coming down for the clearing and harvest. Climate and soil are ideal for coffee, which covers much of the piedmont. As in other crops, the quality is best near the upper limit of cultivation. The Continental Divide is formed by an older volcanic range, mostly inland from and parallel to the file of young cones. Immense canyons have re- sulted where the larger streams rising at the Divide flow between high volcanoes to the Pacific. The volcanic Highlands, where most of the independent Indians live, are wooded in large part, oak and pine predominating. Much of the region has been re- peatedly cleared for maize, so that it is covered only with grass or scrub. The Quezaltenango—San Cris- tobal-Totonicapan Valley is almost without trees. The climate is cool, with rain coming during the summer 6 months as in the Lowlands. Soils are wholesalers, with a greater variety of goods, and more commercial merchants. Here, near the Continental Divide, is a major meeting place of north and south, where streams of people flow to and from the weekly market. Apparently, this divide location, with accessibility to diversified products on all sides, con- stitutes the chief basis for the commercial importance of San Francisco el Alto (p. 82). CONCLUSIONS fertile, derived mainly from volcanic ash and lava. The east-west deep interior valleys—structural de- pressions through which large rivers flow—are hot and dry (only a little rain coming during the sum- mer), covered with scattered thornbush, cactus, and brush, with scrub oaks and pines coming in at higher levels on the mountains. This region, like the lofty Cuchumatanes Mountains to the north, is essentially nonvolcanic, consisting largely of limestone. About 65 percent of the population of Guatemala is Indian, predominantly of Maya linguistic stock. Most of the rest are native-born whites and Mestizos of European culture (listed in the census as Lad- inos), who control the political and economic affairs of the Republic. There are a few foreigners and fewer Negroes. The densest population in Guate- mala is found in the cool southwestern Highlands, where most of the Indians reside. Here—besides climate—favorable terrain, good water supply, and natural routeways stimulate concentrations of popula- tion. In the Quezaltenango-Totonicapan area, densities range well over 300 per square mile, with as high as 97 percent Indian. Lowland agricultural colonies of Highland Indians are sometimes still maintained as was done on a much larger scale in pre-Columbian times. In speech and in dress, es- pecially, Indians have become Ladinized in regions of greatest ease of intercommunication where many Ladinos live in fairly close contact with them, and where Indians go far to trade and must speak Spanish. With isolation, the cultural individuality of the Indians is best preserved. Ladinos are for the most part town dwellers, whereas Indians usually live on the outskirts, or in small villages, or scat- tered over the countryside. The economy is basically agricultural, with maize by far the most important staple, supplying possibly as much as 80 percent of the food consumed in the TOOHOS F $}12q S}4}4S8 odsel *L 18q0z8149 ues BA Sourpey ONITQVT ’ at 4 won . “ + * de, “ 4 ee) #90049-6/AL AAR eR 660 ‘s ‘eyoeys, as ype\s es "of. imal wl nes weeny vr waKK ‘exTwur,, Peas ,,W109,, 404 “OBUBUOINOIYDIYD UF MUNYOIOM JuEIOU;} JO sIOqUINU sBUBL OAV ALO YwYD 19) Bq) Xq BIGWIUNODDE 4 ery | ‘m ‘gysTYD 40 OFuWUEISWO!YOIYS JO UWE ‘x -s[oquIAS Jo VOFwUVIdx| (‘pa;OU oH}Ms0qI0 sRa[UN BUWIpU] G4W BOpPUBA [Ty “WoRZWUX [wU}OW UT [PGOMIPPY OF *006 INOGU wOpUaA Jo 4oquInU [wWOL) “—YE6I ‘OF qnIny ‘Avpung ‘uwFVp yoxsVU! 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Fertilizer is often used, in the Highlands almost exclusively, with shifting sheep pens providing most manure in the higher mountains where soils are leached. One harvest in the Highlands, two or more in the Lowlands, and all coming at different seasons, contribute to an im- portant interzonal corn exchange. Some of the most important New World cultivated plants were domes- ticated or improved in western Guatemala. Wheat, broadbeans, and European vegetables are important introduced crops in the Highlands, from high lati- tude Old World regions; coffee, rice, and sugarcane are the chief Lowland exotics from the Old World Tropics and sub-Tropics. Coffee grown mainly along the volcanic piedmont, began to replace cacao, ancient Maya and Aztec “money”, as the chief plantation crop about 1850. In its cultivation, clearing of the monsoon forest and replacement of shade trees has transformed the vegetation in much of the inner Low- lands. Great population shifts have taken place also ; foreign planters have come in, and thousands of Indians have moved, some permanently, some season- ally, from their Highland homes. Vegetable culture, one of the major local enterprises in commercial agriculture, is confined almost entirely to three areas in the Highlands. Though this is an Indian occu- pation, the Indians themselves have acquired a taste for little other than onions and garlic; they grow vegetables to sell primarily to Ladinos. Lowland agriculture is generally desultory, and most of the many useful trees are little cultivated. Chickpeas constitute an important Lenten specialty, produced almost solely in one locality, San Pedro on Lake Atitlan. The chief domesticated animals are cattle, mules, sheep and a few goats, and pigs. Cattle bred in the dry Departments of eastern Guatemala are driven to the Lowlands of the Pacific southwest. There they are raised and sold, the bulls for slaughter mainly in the Highlands, where cows are kept chiefly for milk. Sheep, numerous above 2,000 m. (6,562 ft.), are little eaten. Wool is their most important product, and many flocks consist principally of black sheep. Pigs bred largely in the Highlands by small-scale farmers, are raised for the most part in the Lowlands, where there are more seeds, greens, fruits, and corn to feed growing animals. Iguanas are the most important wild animals eaten. They are marketed alive, mostly 654162—47——10 during Lent, as they are not considered flesh (at that time of year the females are more easily caught while on the ground to lay eggs). Much salt fish is then eaten also, brought from the Pacific coast of Guate- mala and Mexico. Most of the meat consumed is un- sorted beef and pork; but meat is considered a luxury reserved mainly for festive occasions, and constitutes probably less than 5 percent of the total diet. House types show a close relationship to the natural environment. In the hot Lowlands, walls are of vertical canes, poles, or boards, widely spaced for ventilation. Better houses and buildings are made of adobe. Above about 1,500 m. (4,921 ft.) eleva- tion, where it is cool, adobe brick and wattle-and-daub walls predominate. Adobe, usually whitewashed and tinted, is the wall material for house and courtyard in the towns, where tile roofs are the rule. Thatch, of the best material locally available, is the roof type for rural dwellings from the Pacific shore to the mountains. There are no chimneys, and large win- dows are seen only in Ladino houses. Ladino dress is essentially European, of simple peasant style except among the modern well-to-do plantation (finca) owners and town dwellers. Such exceptions would be considered Ladinos only in the census, for the well-dressed aristocracy are “‘Guate- maltecos.” Indians, on the other hand, have a wealth of colorful, individualistic costumes, varying from one municipio to the next in areas where villages are isolated from one another and women weave much of their own clothing. There is less variation in easily traversed regions, where men nearly all dress alike in blue denim. Women retain more of their traditional costumes than men, just as they learn less Spanish, for they do not travel as widely. In the Highlands especially, crafts and industries are varied and localized. This is true in the making of pottery, basketry, metates, lime, textiles, hats, mats, leather, furniture, charcoal, and many other products. To a large degree, special occupations are located within easy access to raw materials, as in the case of wool weaving, metates, lime, pottery, calabashes, and others. In many cases, however, they are based largely upon tradition. Weaving is the most highly developed of the crafts, and the one which offers the best medium for artistic self-expression. Few indus- trial pursuits are carried on in the Lowlands; there are not so many Indians or raw materials. With agriculture and crafts extremely specialized and diversified from place to place, owing largely to great local environmental and traditional differences 130 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 close together, complementary and mutually depen- dent economic regions have developed in juxtaposi- tion. This has stimulated trade, so that markets play a major role in the economic and social life of most of the larger communities. This seems to have been equally true in pre-Columbian time, for Maya and Aztec commerce were well established. Plaza and church are closely associated, as were market and temple in ancient days. Acculturation is evident in settlements and settle- ment patterns as in other aspects of culture. Not only combined Spanish saint and Indian place names, but village and town plans as well show the stamp of the European veneer over the deep-rooted native substratum. A stone church and a square often appear among irregularly scattered thatched huts. In larger villages and towns there is usually a rectangular street pattern; but people of European descent determine the nature of town or village in most cases. A large number of Indians almost without Ladinos generally occupy a village, such as Santiago Atitlan, which is almost twice as large in population as the town of Solola. The latter has more Ladino than Indian in- habitants. The municipio (smallest political unit) is ordi- narily the area of greatest cultural homogeneity, manifested in dress, speech, kinship, and even eco- nomic pursuits in many instances. Some of these areas are probably modern survivals of colonial reducciones, or groupings of Indians into compact settlements. They were established by Spanish governors in con- junction with the Church, for ease of administration of the “heathens.” Similar municipios grouped to- gether may formerly have been larger culture areas. Much land is privately owned by the Indians, but municipios have communal property, which, besides woodlots and pastures, contain farm lands that may be deeded for life to landless inhabitants. Some settlements are clustered, with the population compressed into small, compact centers, from which the people go out to work their fields, or to trade and return home. Other settlements are dispersed, with dwellings widely sprinkled over the landscape, and a relatively minor village to which the Indians come in from market, church, and any official business to be conducted. Clustered settlements are best de- veloped around the shores of Lake Atitlan, where site limitations are extreme. Other nucleating factors besides terrain conditions are: Permanent water sup- ply; situation with regard to arable lands, markets, trade routes, and sources of goods; specialized occu- pations, commercial, industrial, or agricultural, which may depend in turn upon environmental advantages ; availability of remunerative employment; tradition or historical precedent. Though routes follow natural corridors wherever possible, many cross major relief barriers, to which the movement of people is often remarkably indifferent. CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE Sil APPENDIX 1 SUMMARY NOTES ON THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT GEOLOGIC FOUNDATION OF THE LANDSCAPE (Map 5) In their broad features, the physical landscapes of South- west Guatemala reflect to a high degree the underlying geologic make-up of the region. The Pacific Coastal Plain (costa), with its frayed, recently emerged lagoon shore, consists for the most part of alluvial material (V. Al., map 5) derived from the parallel volcanic Highlands which loom to the north and rise abruptly from the Lowlands in the form of a nearly straight inner range, trending northwest- southeast. This southwestern margin of the elevated interior is fringed with strikingly steep, young eruptive cones of andesite, ash layers alternating with lava flows (V., map 5). There is a disparity between the highest points of elevation and the Continental Divide. The latter is formed by an older volcanic range (Los Altos, V’., map 5) with its axis parallel to and inland from the recent volcanic chain; many of the cone summits rise higher than the broadly undulant crest of the Altos, the average elevation of which is greater, however, than the file of recent volcanoes. The trough be- tween the two ranges, which coincide only at the great cone of Tajumulco, highest point in Central America, is filled with immensely deep deposits of pumiceous ash and breccia. Great irregularities characterize this zone, with basins which may contain lakes such as Atitlan (map 20) and Amatitlan, or wide expanses of nearly level plains composed of fine fragmental ejecta like that of Quezaltenango (pl. 38, a); between such basins rise great ridges of resistant volcanic material such as lava flows from recent cones. The interior trough country of Huehuetenango-Sacapulas-Salama (pl. 42, e) is made up predominantly of ancient crystalline rocks (Cr., map 5), especially granites and gneisses, which appar- ently form a basal horizon underlying much of the more recent, superimposed volcanics to the south. In this older region of Antillean structure, the fold-axis is east-west, the strike of which is reflected in the master streams, as the Cuilco and Negro. These rivers follow close upon the line of contact between the crystallines on the south, and the calcareous sedimentaries of the tremendous, sharply elevated horstmassif of the Altos Cuchumatanes, directly to the north (Ls., map 5). The Highlands are everywhere deeply dissected, though the barrancas, or gorges, that attain immense depths, are most steep-sided and abrupt in the region of fragmental eruptives, where loesslike ash retains high, vertical faces. Short, rapid, nearly parallel rivers are very numerous along the rainy Pacific versant (map 1). The greatest canyon profundity is attained where antecedent streams flow be- tween volcanic cones. Erosion is at a maximum where steep initial slopes (formed by eruption or faulting) lend high velocities to the torrential wash of heavy rainy-season down- pours, and unconsolidated material has been exposed by agricultural clearings. Such combinations of factors are not at all uncommon in the more populous sections of the High- lands (pls. 26, a; 45, c). CLIMATE AND WEATHER (Map 6) Climates in native terms, as generally classified in moun- tainous Latin American countries within the Tropics, are three: Tierra caliente (hot) roughly 0-1,000 m. (3,280 ft.), tierra templada (temperate) 1,000-2,000 m. (6,562 ft.), and tierra fria (cold) over 2,000 m., the limits being somewhat vague and inconclusive as regards natural vegetation and agriculture. There are two seasons recognized locally: “Verano” (dry) and “invierno” (rainy), in which the words “summer” and “winter” are actually applied in reverse to seasons of low sun and high sun, respectively. In terms of the Kdppen system, there are three major climatic belts, a broad Lowland tropical savanna (Awgi) (see map 6 for ex- planation of symbols), extending upward into the Lake Atitlan Basin through the low gap of San Lucas; a nar- rower tropical monsoon (Amw’”i) along the piedmont and orographic front exposed to marine winds; and a meso- thermal winter-dry (Cwg), extending throughout the High- lands, above an average elevation of about 1,450 m. Sea- sonal ranges of temperature are everywhere slight, though diurnal extremes are generally high, especially during the clearer dry season. This almost rainless verano lasts from early November through April in most of the region except in the monsoon belt, where it is reduced to a December- March period of low rainfall, not, however, so dry as in other climates above and below the wet zone. The band of heaviest precipitation here along the Pacific slope is be- tween about 700 and 1,400 m. (2,297 ft. and 4,593 ft.) ele- vations, where humid marine air is cooled below conden- sation temperatures by orographic ascent. There is a distinct double maximum (June-September), with most of the rain coming in heavy afternoon and evening showers. The pre- vailing day-time wind of the Highlands is southerly (marine), beginning about the middle of the morning, and accompanied by heavy cloudiness above about 2,000 m., even during the dry season. Only on days of high pressures and strong northerly winds, commonest from December through March, are skies exceedingly clear all through the day. The pronounced diurnal wind-shift ordinarily brings such north winds (‘“land-breeze,” “mountain-breeze,” and trade-wind, combined) at night, through most of the year, except during wet season “temporales,’ or prolonged, almost uninterrupted spells of rainy weather. Normally, after sunset the massive cumulus banks associated with afternoon convection are rapidly dissipated or swept southward, leaving the sky clear. (For a more complete discussion of climate and weather, see McBryde, 1942 a and 1942 b.) tay INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 SOIL TYPES Soils in the Lowlands (costa) below about 700 m. are predominantly alluvial. In the outer Lowlands, or Coastal Plain, from sea level to 100 m. (328 ft.), there is a heavy black silty soil, swampy in the rainy season, then dried and cracked in rough, irregular blocks during the rest of the year. Above this region there are loams, varying in color from buff to mahogany brown. Reddish loams over pumi- ceous, ashy subsoils characterize the boca costa, or piedmont, marginal to the inner edge of the Coastal Plain, with which it blends imperceptibly. Highland soils are loamy, with more clay than in the Lowlands, yellowish to dark brown in the young volcanic region, often reddish in leached and eroded sections of the older volcanic and nonvolcanic areas. Severe gullying is widespread, especially in the sheep-grazing regions of the Highlands. Near Momostenango and Quiché it is particularly evident (pls. 29, c; 30, e, f). Raw humus is deep and well developed in the high, undulant alpine mead- ows, especially above about 2,500 m. (8,202 ft.) (pl. 32, a, b). NATURAL VEGETATION (Map 7) The vegetation pattern fits roughly into the climatic and edaphic scheme. Along the littoral back from the high, bare, barrier beaches is a low, dense thicket dominated in places by swamps of mangrove and fan palms. Most of the Coastal Plain, however, is covered with savanna grasses and open stands of tall, spreading trees, having a somewhat deciduous character (pl. 3, c, d). Gallery forests line the numerous streams which flow across the plain. Dense groves of giant corozo palms are common in the outer Lowlands (pl. 2, a). There is a great diversity of useful plants, culti- vated and uncultivated, throughout the coastal Lowlands, the open, parklike aspect of which is in part a result of climate and in part, of oft-repeated clearing for agriculture. The belt of heavy orographic rains, along the lower Pacific moun- tain slopes, is covered with a natural vegetation of luxuriant, wet monsoon forest (pl. 5, b, c; maps 6,7). Much of this has been replaced by artificial plantings, especially along the interfluvial ridges, of coffee and shade trees. Upward from about 1,500 m., where annual rainfall is generally reduced, more open forest prevails, with evergreen oaks and long- leaved pines in abundance, the latter appearing especially above 1,800 m. along the Pacific versant (pls. 10, a; 12, d; 28). A giant, coarse bunchgrass (Muhlenbergia sp.) becomes dominant in the vegetation picture, along with pines, in the elevated realms (above 2,500 m. or 8,202 ft.), while the rounded summits are crowned (above 3,000 m. or 9,842 ft.) with flower-carpeted alpine meadows, shaded occasionally by’ thin stands of cypress and giant pines, and draped, during the day, with billowing mountain fog (pls. 30, a; 32). The desiccated interior troughs and basins of Southwest Guate- mala are covered with xerophytic associations, dominated by cactuses and thorny acacias and mimosas (pls. 42, e; 43, e. REGIONS OF SPECIAL EMPHASIS IN THE FIELD WORK (Map 4) Lake Atitlan region (map 20).—The Lake Atitlan Basin is a huge, oval-shaped, volcanic depression (caldera) which has resulted apparently from a crustal collapse fol- lowing long-continued outpourings of ash and lava. The average diameter of the caldera is about 15 miles (24 km.). Precipitous gullied walls, gorges, and headlands border the crescentic Lake (mean elevation 5,100 ft. or 1,554 m.; maxi- mum depth 1,083 ft. or 330 m.) on three sides (pls. 45, 46), the south shore being formed by volcanic cones (three major and four minor ones) which have risen from the old caldera floor and rim, and which have apparently elevated the level of the water somewhat by blocking the normal drainage toward the Pacific. Because of the rugged surroundings and rough water, most of the 13 well-nucleated Lake-shore settle- ments are sharply isolated from one another. The Lake drainage is now entirely subterranean, the greater flow prob- ably being from under the southeastern corner. There are long-term periodic fluctuations in level which seem to be due to shiftings of deep-seated fissures, variously opening and closing outlets. I observed water moving toward one of these outlets near San Lucas in 1936 (see map 20). (What is probably this same outlet, and another near San Antonio, are indicated on the 1685 (?) map of Fuentes y Guzman, 1932-33, vol. 2, opposite p. 60.) A subordinate factor is seen in alternations of abnormally wet and dry years. A hypo- thetical physiographic and probable historical sequence of levels, based upon field and library evidences, follows. In the early history of the Atitlan Basin the water line was much higher than at present, perhaps between 5,700 feet (1,737 m.) and 6,000 feet (1,830 m.) elevations, with surface drainage, mainly, if not solely, at the present bay of San Lucas (pl. 46, d). Erosion may have cut down the south- eastern arm, dropping the Lake far below its present level, so that the Rio Panajachel and Rio Quixcap, entering the basin from the north, cut deep canyons. As Volcano Atitlan grew, it raised the southeastern Lake rim, and hence the water level, to about 5,200 feet (1,585 m.). Then the northern river valleys were flooded, so that fine-grained deltaic deposits resulted. At the time of the Conquest, the Lake level was about 30 feet lower than at present (5,080 ft. or 1,548 m., 1936), then by the late 17th century it was about 20 feet higher (5,100 ft. or 1,554 m.), where it still appeared to be early in the 19th century. In about 1824 it had fallen 40 feet or 12 m. (to 5,062 ft. or 1,543 m.) ; rerisen to 5,100 feet by 1866; dropped to 5,080 feet (1,548 m.) between 1900 and 1910; reached 5,062 feet about 1920, until it began to rise once more in 1930 (pl. 18, b). The greatest known increase of any one year was 11 feet, in 1933, which was phenomen- ally rainy. The rise continued until 1936, when outlets ~ appeared to maintain it at about 5,080 ft. (pl. 18, d). An average annual rise and fall, with wet and dry seasons, is approximately 314 feet. As an historical average, and for convenience, 5,100 feet has been assumed as the Lake level for map 20 (pl. 47). Rich in micro-organic life, the Lake teems with fish, especially very small ones, of which there are three main species, one of them important for food. Larger fish (mojarras), though numerous, are seldom taken, CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 133 the natives preferring the more easily caught pescaditos (pls. 22, d, e; 27, c, d). The only other fauna of economic significance in or around the Lake are crabs, which are numerous and much in demand, being caught by natives of only a few of the shore villages (pl. 22, f, g). All of the above-mentioned forms of life have been known in the Lake since pre-Columbian time. Climatically, the Lake is in a border zone between tropical and mesothermal, winter-dry (map 6). Chaparral and oak-pine vegetation predominate (map 7), and population is generally sparse except in the concentrated villages (map 8). Quezaltenango-Totonicapan Valley region —The High- land Quezaltenango-Totonicapan Valley region ranges around 2,350 m. (7,710 ft.), 800 m. (2,625 ft.) higher than Lake Atitlan. The rather level floor is composed of recent beds of pumiceous ash, across which meander the entrenched Salama headwaters (pl. 38, a, f). The area is colder and drier than the Lake Basin (map 6); short grass predomi- nates in the valley (map 7), bunchgrass on upper slopes; trees are few, except for pines on the high surrounding mountains (Continental Divide range to the north, young volcanic cones to the south) ; most of the land is cultivated, settlement is dense (pl. 8), yet extensively scattered; inter- communication is easy and people travel freely from village to village. The Lowlands.—The piedmont between Chicacao and Retalhuleu, and the Coastal Plain between Mazatenango and Tahuesco, constitute the third region of emphasis. Eleva- tions here range from 200 to 1,000 m. (656 to 3,280 ft.). Physically, this is a region of mainly unconsolidated volcanic eruptives and alluvium, traversed by numerous short rivers, roughly parallel, flowing from north to south (maps 1-5). The climate is tropical, ranging from savanna to monsoon (map 6); natural vegetation, open park-savanna to dense, lush monsoon forest (map 7). Shrimp and fish both large and small, and all of economic significance, are numerous in the streams and lagoons, while iguanas abound in the outer Lowlands. Plantation settlements prevail, population is mod- erately dense in the piedmont and sparse in the Coastal Plain (map 8); and accessibility high. 134 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 APPENDIX 2 MAJOR CULTIVATED PLANTS NATIVE TO THE AMERICAS OR EARLY INTRODUCED aes CHIEF CROPS IN GUATEMALA SUBSISTENCE AGRICULTURE MAIZE OR INDIAN CORN Maize (maiz, Zea mays) until recently was thought by most authorities to have been a derivative of some sort, probably hybrid, of teosinte (Euchlaena mexicana). Since this “god grass” of the Aztecs has been found as a weed in Mexico, and as a true species growing wild only in sev- eral limited areas in Guatemala,™ the Mexico—Guatemala region was regarded as the original home of teosinte and maize. Vavilov reached this conclusion on the basis of varietal diversity in conjunction with the occurrence of wild rela- tives. He was strongly influenced by the presence of teosinte solely in Mexico and Central America, so much so, in fact, that, as Mangelsdorf and Reeves point out (1939, p. 243), he was apparently inclined to overlook the greater variety of maize types in Peru than in Central America. These latter authors have shown that teosinte is a relatively late and natural hybrid of Tripsacum and Zea which originated in some part of Central America (ibid. pp. 203 ff.). They conclude that maize in its original form was a wild pod corn (the homozygous, true-breeding type), having, as Weather- wax (1918) had earlier suggested, and Montgomery before him (1906), a common progenitor with Tripsacum, and native possibly to extratropical South American Lowlands (Mangelsdorf and Reeves, 1939, pp. 231, 248 ff.), whence it spread to the Andean region and was improved by domesti- cation and selection, reaching Central America and Mexico relatively late, as a small-seeded flint (ibid., p. 254). This latter idea is evidently based, at least in part, upon the Rus- sian findings here of the greatest diversity of flint corn in the world (Bukasov, 1930, p. 33, English summary, p. 472). My collections of over 500 ears from nearly 50 localities representing most of western, and much of southern and eastern Guatemala, have shown a maximum variety and abundance of flinty corn, especially in the Highlands, with much less flour and dent corn there (pl. 30, d). The latter grows mainly at lower altitudes. Bukasoy (1930, pp. 472-473, English summary) concluded that dent corn originated in Mexico, flint in Central America, and flour corn in Colombia. Mexico and Central America 188 The question of origins of American cultivated plants has been considered in a critical and stimulating paper by Carl Sauer (1936). 19 Kempton and Popenoe, 1937. These men determined the distribu- tion of teosinte in the Jutiapa~Lake Retana region of eastern Guatemala and discovered remarkably heavy growths of the plant in the vicinity around San Antonio Huista, western Guatemala. I found it also, in 1940, near San Lufs Jilotepeque (eastern Guatemala) and as far out from the San Antonio Huista center as Santa Ana Huista and Santiago Petatan. Jusepcezuk, of the Vavilov school of Russian plant geographers, ventured to call Guatemala the ‘‘cradle of maize’? (on the basis of horn- like, teosintelike endosperm in Guatemala Zea mays indurata). 181 Vavilov, 1931. For a good summary of the Russian method, see Bruman, 1936. were found by the Russians to be the center of diversity of three out of the four main corn endosperm types (apparently considering Zea mays everta, or popcorn, as one of these, in addition to the three named above), and hence, according to them, “the primary center of maize origin.” One of my collections, made in 1940 for Harvard Uni- versity, was studied cytologically by Mangelsdorf and Cam- eron. Their publication, “Western Guatemala a Secondary Center of Origin of Cultivated Maize Varieties,” presents their principal conclusions derived to date from this study. Plants from 200 ears of the collection were grown in Connecticut. With regard to chromosome knobs, they found in an area approximately the size of New York City, in corn from the Department of Huehuetenango, “almost all the knob positions known in maize from any part of the world... .” They concluded that “in an area less than half the size of the State of Iowa, are found probably more distinct types of corn than occur in the entire United States,” and that western Guatemala, though “not the area where maize culture originated or the focus from which it spread to all ‘parts of the Americas,” is “the center from which the majority of maize varieties now cultivated in Central America, North America, the lowlands of South America and the West Indies, have been derived” (Mangels- dorf and Cameron, 1942, p. 224). BEANS Beans (Phaseolus spp.), frijol in Mexico and Central America, and according to Bukasov (1930, p. 505) usually frisol in Colombia, also showed greatest diversity, in the Russian collection, from Mexico and Guatemala, with Co- lombia second, and Peru-Bolivia third.% The large geo- graphic group north of the Isthmus of Panama appeared to be quite distinct from those of South America. Of the four species of Phaseolus the Russians found tepary (P. acutifolius) to have the most limited distribution. They col- lected it only along the Pacific coast of Chiapas, to the “frontier of Guatemala, where it probably also occurs.” In 1936 I collected this bean at Santo Domingo Suchitepequez, in Guatemala, 40 miles from the Mexican border, substan- tiating their supposition and extending the record of its oc- 192 Results of Ivanov’s research showed 246 Mexican varieties of “common and multiflorus bean” (2/3 uncolored) and only 77 Peruvian, all colors equally divided (Bukasov, 1930, ch. 12). 193 Bukasov, 1930, p. 505. The English summary of this work erro- neously states further that the Russians actually found Phaseolus acutifolius in Guatemala; “to its area known up to the present time and limited in the south by the state of Guadalajara must be added the region of Chiapas and Guatemala established by us” (ibid., p. 511). Yet in the Russian text, they state specifically their single discovery: “Two rare species were discovered here side by side with Phaseolus vulgaris, P. multiflorus[ =P. coccineus] and P. lunatus: on a small strip of Chiapas (Tapachula, Suchiapa) was P. acutifolius, and only in one place namely in Santa Isabel (fig. 47), Canavalia ensiformis” (for discussion of C. ensiformis, see p. 147). CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 135 currence into Guatemala; it was called ircwmita (Bukasov recorded escumite or escomite from Chiapas and Guate- mala). Butter beans (P. coccineus, multiflorus) the Russians found in greatest variety of form and “widely grown only in Mexico and Guatemala” (Bukasov, 1930, p. 505). Common Mexican names are ayecote (Oaxaca) and botil (Chiapas). In the Cuchumatanes Mountains of Guate- mala it is called chamborote. In Southwest Guatemala large varieties of butter beans are generally called piloy, white, red, yellow, black, and mottled, common in the Quezaltenango market and other Highland centers. In the Lowlands, “piloy” ordinarily refers to the small and large lima (respec- tively, P. lunatus sieva and P. lunatus macrocarpa), also called ixtapacal in certain regions.** The lima bean is not called haba in Southwest Guatemala, as it is in some Spanish- speaking countries. Haba always refers here to Vicia faba (see pp. 22, 28). P. lunatus is reported by Bukasov (1930, p. 505). as “grown everywhere [in Guatemala], but in limited quantities.” In Southwest Guatemala it is not grown except in the Lowlands,“ and is rarely seen in any of the Highland markets. Bukasoy’s statement that “P. vulgaris is cultivated upon the largest area and in preference to the other species” is true for Guatemala as a whole, but near the upper limits of bean cultivation P. coccineus is grown almost exclusively. The small, black P. vulgaris of middle altitudes is most in demand of all beans in the area (p. 104). Bukasov’s state- ment that all the beans are cultivated to elevations of 2,500- 3,000 m. (8,202-9,842 ft.), with P. lunatus and P. acutifolius belonging “chiefly to the torrid zone,” should be modified. It is doubtful whether these two grow above 1,500 m. or 4,921 feet (except on Lake Atitlan) and 1,300 m. (4,265 ft.) re- spectively, so that they more properly belong only to the warm Lowlands. The Russians present a strong case for the origin of all the beans except P. acutifolius (Mexican origin; see Bukasov, 1930, p. 551) in Central America. E. Ditmer (ms.) is quoted by Bukasov to the effect that P. coccineus and P. lunatus var. microspermus (small-seeded) are native to Central America. Bukasov puts the small round variety in Yucatan, and the small flat type in Mexico and Guate- mala.” Oviedo, in listing the major 16th-century food staples of Honduras, included “maize, manioc (bitter and sweet), sweetpotatoes, chile, and a great abundance of zapote mamey” (Oviedo, 1851-55, vol. 3, p. 219) but did not even mention beans. However, he said of Guatemala that the healthy, prolific soil produced “maize, many fruits and vege- tables, beans of many kinds,” etc. (ibid., vol. 4, p. 33). In his special section on crops, he cited Mexico and Nicaragua as particularly noted bean-producing areas. The mainland generally was more important for beans than the West Indies. In Nagrando (Nicaragua) Oviedo “saw harvests of 1% He states also that the name escomita or escumita is applied in the Department of San Marcos to Vigna sinensis. 195 In the United States, “butter bean” may refer either to P. lunatus or P. coccineus, so that lima and butter bean are sometimes not distinguished, as is the case in Guatemala. J i 198 A small, red, flat “piloy’” at Santa Catarina Palopé is a lima variety (sieva); this (1,550 m. or 5,085 ft.) is probably higher than the usual upper limit, since it is on the mild Lake shore. 7 197 Bukasov, 1930, p. 551. In a later work, Ivanov says, Yucatan appears as a secondary center and a noteworthy focal point of endemic forms of Phaseolus lunatus....”’ (Ivanov, 1937, p. 62). hundreds of ‘hanegas’™ of beans.” In that land and others of the coast (Pacific) there were many kinds of beans, some yellow, others speckled, A large one like an haba (broad- bean), bitter when eaten raw, may well have been a large lima”” More care with this agriculture was taken in Nicaragua than in any part of the Indies where Oviedo had been (Oviedo, 1851-55, vol. 1, p. 285). PROBABLE ORIGINS OF PHASEOLUS SPECIES IN GUATEMALA Kidney bean (Phaseolus vulgaris).—In December 1941, I found a wild bean that was strikingly similar to P. vulgaris (no wild form of ‘which had been previously recorded in botanical literature), though it was considerably smaller than the common kidney bean. It was growing on a steep slope high above San Antonio Huista, along the trail leading from Jacaltenango, and at an altitude of about 1,500 m. (4,921 ft.). Here, it was deriving mechanical sup- port from stalks of teosinte, wild relative of maize. Pods were small and green, and there were no flowers. The same bean came to my attention in the woods just south- west of the village of San Antonio, elevation 1,200 m. (3,937 ft.). The pods were dry and many of them had sprung open; with a quick spiral twist they ejected the seeds. Varied col- lections of these (most of them quite small, black, dark brown, yellowish brown, or mottled black and coffee brown) were sent to several botanists, but to no avail insofar as positive identification was concerned. It was agreed that the plant looked in every way like a wild form of P. vulgaris. There were no flowers, however, and none of the seeds which’ were grown in California, Ohio, and Maryland produced any inflorescence, though the plants were vigorous. The long summer day no doubt caused the difficulty (see Mackie, 1943, p. 12), Finally, through the efforts of Gen. Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes, Guatemala Director of Roads, and Colonel Rosales, Jefe of Huehuetenango, I was able to obtain flowers early in 1944. Dr. Roland McKee, of the United States Depart- ment of Agriculture, identified the bean as a wild form of P. vulgaris, and found a record of a similar bean sent from Guatemala by Garcia Salas in 1933. Because of the removal of this material from Washington for safekeeping, it will not be possible to compare these beans and make certain the identification until after the present war. Dr. McKee doubts whether the plant has been named, Locally, this bean is called “matz” or “cumatz” by the natives of San Antonio Huista. The Indians ‘collect the beans, which are highly esteemed, and eat them usually in gruel (atol), I was told; matz means atol in Tzental, a language of nearby Chiapas. They are also eaten in the pod (ejote). The occurrence of this wild form, with highly varied seed colors, as well as the great variety of cultivated types of P. vulgaris throughout the region, may be regarded as strong evidence of Guatemala origin of the common kidney bean. 198 Hanega=fanega (hundredweight, a measure of grain, roughly corresponding with the English bushel. 19 The cyanogen contained by all limas (according to Mackie’s species criterion) would cause the bitter taste. Although this large bean may have been a lupine, as Mackie suggests, the date was early for such an introduction (the lupine of cultivation in El Salvador today is Lupinus hirsutus, of European origin. See Standley and Calderén, 1925, p. 114.) 136 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus)—W. W. Mackie recognized great varietal diversity of limas in even the small seed collection which I made in various parts of western Guatemala in 1935-36. This diversity served as corrobora- tive evidence in support of his hypothesis of large and small lima origin in Guatemala (Mackie, 1943). Ivanov (1937) expressed the belief, with little evidence to support it, that the large lima as well as the small originated in Central America. Most botanists put the home of the large lima in Peru as the name indicates. A remarkably large, thin lima, bright red and black striped and splotched, under desultory cultivation by the Indians along the piedmont of western Guatemala, from whom I first obtained it in 1935, is regarded by Mackie as a primitive prototype, and indicative of Guatemala origin for the large lima (Mackie, 1943, p. 8). In 1940-41 I found wild limas in the western Cuchumatanes piedmont (near San Antonio Huista, depart- ment of Huehuetenango), in the Lake Atitlan region, and along the Pacific piedmont. Among the economically important varietal traits of some of the small black limas from Guatemala was a strong nematode resistance, which Mackie was able to breed into commercial California limas, at great savings to those crops. Both in Chiapas and Guatemala great local diversity of limas is apparent, and special Indian names are given to them, such as irtapacdl, ixpanqué, piloy, etc. There is a great range in size, color, and shape, from nearly spherical to flat, as evidenced in table 6, describing some of the beans which I collected in 1935 and 1936. SQUASHES, PUMPKINS, AND GOURDS (FAMILY CUCURBITACEAE) CUCURBITA SPP. The many cucurbits, both American and those of Old World origin, serve a great range of purposes in Guatemala; for receptacles, the gourds are probably as important in the daily life of the Indian as are the squashes and melons for food; greens, flowers, and seeds (for dulces, or candy) as well as fruit, are eaten in abundance. The American origin of all species of the genus Cucurbita, as maintained by most botanists since Decandolle, is con- firmed by Russian opinion (Bukasov, 1930, p. 301). Squashes and pumpkins (ayote and calabaza, Cucur- bita moschata and C. pepo).—Particularly widespread and abundant are the varieties of squash and pumpkins (ayote and calabaza, Cucurbita moschata and C. pepo) ;°” many dark greens and whites, variously mottled and striped, though some are yellowish; round (globular and flat) and oblong, smooth and lobed, they form an essential element of the milpa. Not only is the flesh of the squashes eaten, generally boiled or in soups, but the seeds (pepitoria, commonly made into candy and preserves), leaves and flowers as well, boiled as greens. Since C. pepo was “not found” by the Russians “to belong to the crops grown in South America by the natives” (Buk- asov, 1930, p. 531), and since it is commonly called in Central America “ayote” (an Aztec name), these facts would seem to indicate northern origin, possibly Mexican, or as Zhitenev suggests, even farther north, in “Canada and the U. S. A.” (Bukasov, 1930; Zhitenev’s ch. on Cucurbitaceae). He states that the determination “is difficult by reason of the suppressing of the native culture from Canada and the 200 Standley points out the confusion in the identity of the squashes: “There is some doubt as to the proper specific name of the ‘calabazas’ grown in Central America, but they seem to be squashes rather than pumpkins, and are therefore referable to Cucurbita moschata, rather than to C. pepo L., if there is any essential difference between the two” (Standley, 1930, pp. 434-435). In an earlier work he identified the ayote of El Salvador as C. pepo (Standley and Calderén, 1925, p. 213). The terms are loosely applied in Guatemala, Bukasov says with regard to this nomenclature, that “tat present C. Pepo carries in Mexico and Costa Rica the native name ‘ayote’ or the Spanish one ‘calabaza,’ serving for all Curcurbitae. C. Pepo is called by the natives ‘giiicoy’ ” (Bukasov, 1930, ch. 19). From my own experience, I cannot verify this with reference to Southwest Guatemala where the name “giiicoy” is always applied specifically to a small, warty, deeply-lobed variety (apparently C. pepo), confined to altitudes probably above 1,600 m. (5,249 ft.). TABLE 6.—Phaseolus specimens and other edible legumes collected in Guatemala during 1935 and 1936+ ; Se a) Weight in grams Locality Scientific name Common local name Description per 100 beans Sata Phaseolus coccineus ........ PilOy: cssecccoye etafeteiviam eniecns WV ie cciayee leyotevaceiatatelessietelecsiare 71.4 P. vulgaris ....-.---++2-0e e6 AO diovaco, a Sizlonanatereseter a peapayerntete Edi ren nctancles wae ceeiasier 70.2 De Seales UO waaea oleae oe sarateinia\siavavare 10", bathe wit Sicpeerepatosla totale IBY Ack) Siessissreislersteisisiapexnereecroye 60.2 Do PAO Gecisieveve cna ais inersisious JOO: 2 ccvcrere ciosapu cumetetmmrereteree eiate Bright: yellow: © ia} 21 The following pictures were rephotographed in black and white from color transparencies (Kodachrome): Plates 1, e; 2, d; 5 a, ¢3 9, c; 12, a, d; 13, c (inset); 17, b, e; 20, a, c, G3). 235 (C40 82Ssnes 26, a; 29, a; 30, a, c; 31, b, f, 93 32, c; 33, a; 35, b; 37, ¢; 39) G05 42, a, b, e, f; 43, a, b, c, d, f; 44, a, b, d. 162 PLATE:3, a, The green leaves are rolled up in bundles, each containing 700. There are 12 bundles on the cart (see p. 45). The scene is just south of Mazatenango, on the road to Santo Domingo, March 1936. Oxcarts, common in the Pacific Lowlands and in parts of eastern Guatemala, are rare in the southwestern Highlands. The cartload of leaves (about 8,400) shown in a is suffhi- cient for the roof of the average house, about 4 by 5 yards. A dozen or more friends and neighbors help the owner, who provides food and rum during the operation. , The walls of this house are of giant bamboo (tarro), unsplit, and the roof is of hoja de sal. , The Indian man in the foreground wields a machete in his right hand, cutting high weeds and bushes which are flung aside by means of the garavito, curved stick held in the left hand (see p. 23). The square cloth shawl, of jaspe blue cotton, thrown over the man’s shoulders, is similar to those used in ancient times (p. 48). Picture taken in March 1936. e, The Quezaltenango itinerant merchant is carrying a load of about 30 large cane baskets, as his mule walks alongside carrying a cargo of Momostenango blankets. Both will return loaded with Lowland products. f, The high cone in the left central background is Santa Maria volcano. The cloudlike white column just at the left base is from Santiaquito volcano, which erupts constantly (p. 6). The small cone behind the wooden telephone pole is Cerro Quemado. The other vol- canoes are Zunil and Santo Tomas, extreme right. March 1936. iJ , y i= PLATE 4 a, The netmaker is Serapio Marmol. The netting needle used here, said to be made of guiscoyul wood (corozo palm(?), see p. 145), is of hard, dark wood, thin and flat, 12 inches long by 34 of an inch wide. Near the point is a wide slot, over an inch long, with a 34-inch prong pointing as the needle does. This serves to hold the string. The net is knitted on to another %-inch flat stick, 8 inches long, held in the left hand. Netmaking is mostly men’s work, though not ex- clusively so. b, The man standing in the stream is leaning over examining the contents of his net. The hoop, of %4-inch vine, 20 inches in diameter, supports a fine net of escobilla (sida rhombifolia?). (For a discussion of Lowland fishing, see p. 94.) c, The bearded Ladino who carries this load is a native of Samayac. He buys the tinware in Mazatenango and makes the rounds of numerous markets, from Santo Domingo to Santo Tomas la Unién and San Felipe; from Chicacao to Retalhuleu. d, The Atitlan vendor is at the left; the four Nahuala Bue are on the right (see p. 37). e, The Atitlan vendors seated in the shade of the pee ee tree in the foreground are selling small tomatoes from their native Santiago. Many of the 500 or more vendors in the Chicacao market are Atitecos. INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 PuatTeE 5 a, The giant shade tree, with orchids clinging to its trunk, is a ceiba (p. 149). This is near the Mexican border at the north, where the climate is much drier than in ¢. b, The foreground is framed by treeferns. Beyond the artificial lake is a heavy growth of monsoon forest, which extends up the volcanq slopes for about 500 tn. This is at the southwestern base of Tajumulco volcano, near the Mexican border half mile south of El Rodeo (Depto. San Marcos, elevation about 900 m., or 2,950 ft.). c, Most of the vegetation shown here is recent second growth, with treeferns and guarumo (Cecropia spp.; slender trunks in right foreground) dominant. This vegeta- tion is typical of uncultivated slopes in the moist western coffee belt. d, Large cement platforms (foreground) are especially con- structed for drying coffee, which is spread out after the pulp has been removed from the bean. Drier coffee is indicated in the photograph by lighter tones. e, The cutter, standing in the foreground, is holding the cutting tool, a pole about 10 feet long with a 6-inch blade at the end. The cutting edge is perpendicular to the pole. The cutter selects a plant with fruit well filled but completely green and hard, then fells it with one deft thrust just below the leaf bases, so skillfully that the “stem” (bunch) of bananas is in position for the awaiting Indian carrier to take it on his shoulders (see photograph). The stem is severed with one machete stroke, and the mozo walks off with - the heavy load. It is taken to a nearby fruit car. f, The checker, standing at the left in the photograph, punches a counting machine as the stems are put aboard the car and packed with banana leaves. He is a Jamaica Negro, as are nearly all the men who do this work, brought in especially for this purpose. PLATE 6 Costumes for the northwest and southeast shore villages are not shown. For the San Pablo men’s dress (iull-cut white knee-length trousers and shirt and red sash), see plate 21, d; many Pablefios said they started wear- ing jaspe stripes about 1930; some have begun to dress in bliie denim, as at Totonicapan. San Marcos men wear costumes similar to those of San Pablo, For Santa Cruz and Tzununa men’s costumes, see plate 27, e. The San Lucas men’s dress resembles that of Santa Catarina, except that the trouser cloth usually has heavier red stripes and geometric figures (includ- ing conventionalized animals, as at Santa Catarina, and also all made on the stick loom), and the shirts (over which blue coats are worn more often than, in Santa Catarina) are generally made of plain manufactured cloth. Before about 1915, they said, they were home- woven shirts matching the trousers. The’ San Lucas women’s huipils (of two pieces, with no red central strip like those of Santa Catarina) are of the same cloth as the men’s trousers, and skirts are of jaspe- pattern goods from the Quezaltenango region. The San Marcos huipil is white with vertical red stripes, CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 163 single wide and single narrow ones alternating, and shirts are heavy dark blue with occasional fine light lines (made in Solola). The Santa Cruz women’s huipil is mainly red, with two narrow vertical white lines spaced about 3 inches apart, and a fine ircaco brown line on each side of the white pair. The collar is generally embroidered with alternating bands of yellow and lavender silk, and large triangles (prob- ably representing tassels) of the same color, pointing inward. A narrow head band is worn, with yellow and green bars, like that of Santiago. These were said to be made at San José Chacaya. Skirts are of heavy, solid blue, Solola cloth. San Pablo women, who do less weaving than is done in most Lake vil- lages, wear a plain white blouse similar to that of San Pedro (usually of manufactured goods, with separate, scalloped collar, and often embroidered with rows of small figures), and a solid, heavy, dark-blue skirt from Solola. For the San Pedro women’s dress, see plate 9, d. The blue and variegated jaspe-pattern skirt is from Quezaltenango. The Patzim_ huipil has very wide (about 2-inch) vertical alternating red and white (usually wider) stripes. Each white stripe has a narrow (about one-quarter inch) red (also yellow or green) one in the center. Fine green and yellow lines also border the red. There is a purple silk appliquéd collar (ribbon sewn on), with small triangles of various solid colors (mainly green, yellow, and purple; sometimes cerise and white) as at Santa Cruz Laguna. An extra huipil serves as a sutfe, as in many other Highland municipios. Skirts are blue, jaspe patterned. Men wear costumes similar to those of Tecpan (pl. 12, a, right). The crescentic shaded area in Lake Atitlan represents water deeper than 1,000 feet. For other map data, see map 20. The miniature inset map in the lower left shows (in black) the location of the Lake region with respect to South Guatemala. PLATE 7 a and b, Trousers and shirts are usually woven on stick - looms by women, though Cantel-manufactured cloth in imitation of the pattern is being used to some extent as a substitute (p. 66). The cloth is of cotton, white with wide red stripes (or ixcaco brown with blue) and narrow green and yellow, In the shirts it is gathered to a thin red collar. Sleeves and zute (large square cotton cloth wrapped around hat) are com- monly red with yellow and green (sometimes also blue jaspe) stripes. Sometimes the stick-loom cloth is decorated with small brocaded figures of birds, dolls, and animals, especially near the bottoms of the trousers, put in on the loom. Knee skirts (rodilleras), one worn and one slung over the bag, and tailored coat are of natural black and white wool, woven at Nahuala and Chichigastenango. The coat is rolled up and tied diagonally around the body in a. The black and white banded bag is knitted at Solold, probably by the wearer. As in all the Lake region, palm hats come from Quiché; sandals and leather belts to hold knee skirts are from Totonicapan. c, The women’s shirts are like the men’s; are worn rolled up by women (pl. 13, b) and long by men. Zutes are also similar, cotton woven on stick looms, with bands of red and txcaco brown and dark blue, especially wide in the center, Here, one is worn as a head cover, folded up, and a smaller one is thrown over the open market basket. The sash is also of home-woven cotton, mostly red, with some yellow, brown, and dark blue. As in the men’s suit material, the women’s huipil and zute cloth is sometimes decorated with small loom-brocaded geometric figures. The skirt is of dark blue cotton, woven on foot looms by Solola Ladinos. Hair braids are tied up with bright-colored ribbon, usually pink, d, Trousers are long, of manufactured white cotton; shirt is ready-made cotton, usually green alternating with blue jaspe lines; red cotton sash is usually home-woven on stick looms. Rodilleras are bluish, small checked wool, from Momostenango, as are the blue wool coats. e, The short pants (visible through a hole in the rodillera), shirt (usually not worn, as in the present picture), and the zute (worn on the hat) are of red-and-white striped cotton, woven on the stick loom. The black jacket and black-and-white, large-checked rodillera are from Nahuala, where they are woven of undyed wool- on foot looms by Indian men. The agave string-bag is locally made, though some are bought from San Pedro la Laguna Indians; leather belt and sandals are from Totonicapan. For the Panajachel women’s cos- tume, see plate 9, a, b. f, Trousers are of cotton, stick-loom woven mcstly red and white with some yellow. Usually there are red stripes, but sometimes the base is plain white, figured. Geo- metric figures and conventionalized animals (especially ducks) are woven on the loom. Shirts may be similarly striped, with figured red sleeves; manufac- tured shirts replacing them since about 1910, they said. Hat, string-bag, rodillera, leather belt, and sandals are from the same sources as in e above. Blue wool coats (as in d) are usually worn ceremonially. The rodillera is never worn, but is carried over the shoulder or in a bag, (pliiz2;c,"d; esa). g, The huipil, of color and designs similar to the men’s pants, and the red sash and red-and-white zute, folded on the head, are all woven on the stick loom by the wearer. The huipil consists of three separate pieces, the center one basically red, as.at San Antonio. The dark-blue skirt is from Solola, The many strings of beads are bought from itinerant merchants in the Panajachel market. h, This huipil, woven on the stick loom, has horizontal yel- low, red, green, and blue stripes and rows of bars and chevrons, on white cotton. The pink skirt (sometimes blue jaspe), blue and white shawl, and variegated figured belt are all of cotton, made on foot looms in the Quezaltenango-Totonicapan region. The braids wound around the head are bound up with pink ribbon. The men’s costume is plain white cotton, bluish rodillera, blue wool coat or black cape (pl. 12, a, right). INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 i, Trousers are white with blue dashes produced by putting jaspe threads from Salcaja in the warp of the stick loom, This weaving is even done commercially by some San Pedro women, and children peddle trousers and shawls to tourists. Usually, trousers are em- broidered with rows of conventionalized dolls, birds, and other designs in bright wool, especially pink, green, and blue, and are of various lengths, below the knee (pl. 26, e). Before about 1910, they were reportedly plain white, of knee length, as at San Pablo. Jaspe was said to have started at San Pedro and spread to San Juan. The red sash is also locally woven on stick looms, with blue and white jaspe stripes. Shirts, of modern cut, also contain jaspe stripes, as a rule, and may be locally made or bought in the markets, Blue wool coats are bought ready- made in markets. The Momostenango cloth is usually tailored in Quezaltenango. For hat, leather belt, and sandals, see e, above. The San Juan men’s costume is essentially the same as that of San Pedro. The women’s costume is likewise similar, except that many San Juan huipils are red and white striped. j, The cloth is of white cotton, woven on the stick loom. An occasional thin red stripe may appear in the trousers. The sash is red, also locally woven by women. k, Huipils are of the same cloth as men’s trousers. Shawls also woven by the wearer, are of cotton, dark blue and ixcaco brown. Coins and other small possessions are carried in the knotted end. The head band is narrow, variegated, mostly blue and brown, woven on foot looms at Totonicapan. The skirt is blue, from the Quezaltenango region, l, Trousers are locally woven on stick looms; white cotton with purple and occasional orange vertical stripes, and scattered conventionalized animals and geometric de- signs made on the loom, as at Santa Catarina. Em- broidery in cotton or silk, heavy orange, purple, and green zigzags, cross the stripes horizontally. The red sash may be locally woven. Other costume elements have the same sources as at San Pedro. Shirts, sashes, and even trousers are made also in San Pedro and sold on a small scale at Santiago (see pp. 61, 104). Coats of Momostenango blue wool are often worn. Before about 1910, instead of these, black and white striped ones, likes those of Solol4 without the bat, were used. Municipal officials always carry a black capixai when they leave their headquarters; like the staff, it is a badge of office. m, The huipil cloth is like that in the man’s trousers, ex- cept for the purple (and sometimes red and varie- gated) silk embroidery around the collar. The zigzag lines of embroidery are usually spaced so that one crosses the middle of the front, one the middle of the back, and one runs along the shoulders. The shawl, of wide dark blue and red stripes, is also locally woven on the stick loom. The variegated headband is from Totonicapan. It is about 25 feet long (p. 53) and is wrapped tightly upon a braided ring of hair, so that it forms a halo about 1% inches wide and 1% inches thick, It has 4-inch bars of solid colors, mainly green and yellow, separated by narrow purple bars. The bright red skirt, with white and jaspe lines, is made in Quezaltenango (some also in Huehuete- nango). n, The huipil, made on the stick loom, is of cotton, red with narrow ixcaco brown stripes, and is covered with the same small scattered figures as those of Santiago. Cerro de Oro women, now living within the Santiago municipio, have adopted this element of design from the east Lake villages and combined it with elements brought from the original home municipio of Patzicia, whence they moved about 1880 (p. 90). The blue and white swte and red sash are also locally woven by women. The blue skirt is from the Quezaltenango area. o, The shirt is white cotton with fine red lines crossing in a smal! screen pattern (with vertical stripes dominant), and short trousers (hidden by the rodillera) are of the same material; collar, sleeves, and sash are red with yellow and black lines. All other elements are from the same source as in e, above. Women of San Antonio, who weave their men’s shirts on stick looms, wear huipils of similar material. The San Antonio huipil, like that of Santa Catarina, has a very wide central red element (the same as the men’s sleeves, but commonly with small, brocaded, geometric figures woven in) with white (forming the loose “sleeve’’) on either side. The white has red cross-lines match- ing the central part of the men’s shirts. Red sashes and zutes are hand-woven at home. Skirts are of heavy dark blue cotton, made in Solola. PLaTE 8 a, The huipil is of white cotton with fine red lines along the edges, seams, and shoulders. Conventionalized animals in red may be woven also on the stick loom. Zutes are home-woven, dominantly olive green and indigo blue with fine yellow lines and animals (especially horses) embroidered usually in purple silk. The solid blue skirt is from Solola. (For Nahuala men’s dress see pl. 4, d; men’s shirts are like the women’s except that the collar and lower sleeves are usually decorated with an elaborate pattern of geometric figures, especially animals, in red, yellow, and other colors, made on the stick loom. The cloth of the trousers, hidden by the rodillera when in the Highlands, is like the shirt, with the hem decorated as the collar is, and with scattered woven animals. Some shirts and trousers are ixcaco brown and red striped, or dark blue and yellow; or there may be wide bands of ixcaco brown. The black wool jacket and heavy-checked rodillera are woven locally on foot-looms by men (see p. 49). b, The black wool suit, woven and tailored locally, is home- embroided with bright-colored silk. The red sash and red and yellow zute are woven on stick looms and decorated with silk brocade, purple being perhaps the commonest color, conventionalized animals and birds the commonest motif. Sometimes these figures are woven on the loom, Shirts, which may be home-made, are usually bought ready-made (see p. 50). Leather CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE belt and sandals here and in Nahuala, are bought from Totonicapan (especially Argueta), leather workers. A small, fringed, natural black wool blanket, with termi- nal bars of red, white, and blue squares and other geometric patterns, is often carried, as is a large, whitish string bag. c, The huipil is of white (ixcaco brown also commonly used) cotton, heavily brocaded by women (as are sutes) in red (on white) or purple (on brown) silk or cotton. Wide bands of embroidery extend down the center of the front and back and along the should- ers (for color illustrations, see Osborne, 1935, pl. 2 foll. p. 58; Lemos, 1941, p. 25). At the top, front and back, and at each shoulder, a black silk disk is gathered to a central coin or small button or coil of silk chain-stitching (p. 52). This is sometimes done by men, who more often do the needlework on their own clothes, The black-and-white striped wool belt (about 8 feet long and tightly woven) is completely covered with brocade at one end (about 30 in.) in dark purple silk. The blue, white-striped cotton skirts are locally woven on foot looms, generally by Ladinos. Chichicastenango women wear many strings of glass beads, generally silver, which form a very thick mass around the neck. d, The long, draped huipil is of ixcaco brown cotton with wide red stripes and geometric designs of various bright colors woven in on the stick loom by the wearer. The skirt is of blue cotton, with large white checks; some have jaspe patterns. Coin necklaces (chachales) are usually worn (see ¢). The men’s costume is similar to that of San Andrés (see under pl. 7, 1; also pl. 12, a, right). e, The Comalapa huipil is essentially deep wine red (across the shoulders) and white or ixcaco brown, basically cotton with many fine bars and bands of different colors, often of wool, and rows of bright-colored figures (animals or geometric designs) brocaded in silk, which fades to beautiful pastel shades. The sash is red; skirt is blue cotton. The sute on the basket and the one coiled under it are usually woven on stick looms and may be as elaborate as the huipils. Just behind the Comalapefia is a Tecpan woman (see d). The child at the right edge of the picture is wearing a hand-woven cap which is made deep enough to pull over the head as a hood to protect the wearer, according to some, from the “evil-eye” of strangers. Frequently these caps exhibit some of the finest stick- loom weaving. PLATE 9 a, For a list of the essential parts of the loom, see page 6l. The Panajachel women’s costume (a and b) consists of a huipil that is mostly ixcaco brown with vertical red stripes and a mass of red or purple brocade pat- tern in the center of the front and back. The belt is mostly red with fine yellow stripes. Zutes are mostly ‘red, with narrow, white stripes. All these elements are woven on stick looms, but the blue skirt is made in SololA by Ladinos using foot looms. Many strings of beads are worn, and the braids of the hair are tied with pink ribbon. 165 b, Spinning of cotton, here being done by a girl about b, d, n , 11 years old using the common spindle (malacate), is accomplished by twirling the small end of the stick with the whorl end usually resting in a bowl or gourd which acts as a guiding surface causing little friction. In front of the spindle is a ball of chalk (tizate) for keeping the spinning fingers dry. The raw cotton, held in her left hand, is pulled away from the whirl- ing spindle on which the thread is spun. In her lap is another bunch of raw cotton, Homespun thread is sometimes twisted on the spindle with bought yarn. Once loaded with thread, the spindle is sometimes used as a bobbin, as the San Antonio woman in c is doing, without troubling to transfer it to the regular bobbin stick. Spinning is often done by women seated in the market (pl. 25, e). This picture illustrates the San Pedro woman's costume, with plain short- sleeve, white blouse, some of which even have but- tons (collar and sleeves may be trimmed with lace and sometimes the collar is embroidered in red) ; narrow figured belt from Totonicapan, and jaspe cotton skirt from Salcaja, mostly blue, greenish or pink. A shawl is generally carried, blue with jaspe patterns and fringed at the ends. Piate 10 the background, about 600 m. (1,800 ft.) below, is Lake Atitlan, with volcanoes Toliman and Atitlan lined up in the distance (see maps 20 and 21). Photo- graph taken in March 1932. The old woman seated in front of the house is weaving with a stick loom, the end of which is attached to the post in the foreground. The administrative center of Solola is directly in the background. Even more than most north-Lake arroyos, this valley, here viewed from the precipitous southern edge of Solola, is subject to disastrous flooding, especially during September (p. 61). This is Calle de la Torre (right foreground in b). The tower at the right is a small reservoir from which water, brought from mountain streams through tile aqueducts (alcantarillas), is distributed through iron pipes; another may be seen 100 m. down the street. The contiguous whitewashed, tinted adobe houses pre- sent a solid wall which is characteristic of Guatemala towns, as elsewhere in Latin America. The field in the foreground has been freshly furrowed with broad hoes and is ready for planting. The old milpa in the background’ consists of rows of hills over a foot high, which were built up around each group of corn plants as they grew larger, as support against high winds. A tuft of giant bunchgrass may be seen at the left end of the new field. Government officials are inspecting the site, during March 1932 preparatory to converting it into an emergency landing field. The cone of San Pedro volcano appears in the right back- ground. This scene is near the edge of the upper terrace shown in plate 46, a and b. f, They are carrying a load of earth from the bank behind them, to be molded in the wooden frame just in front of them, Water is added from the 5-gallon gasoline 166 tin. The darker bricks are still wet, while the lighter ones are dry. The blocks are to be used for the wall in the background (see p. 43). g, The Indian dwellings in the foreground are surrounded by freshly hoed milpas, the furrows of which roughly follow the contours of the valley. Many trees are left standing, far enough apart so as not to shade the corn excessively. The cliffs in the distant background are those of Panka at a confluence of Quixcap tribu- taries (see map 20), and consist of unconsolidated volcanic ash and pumiceous conglomerates, subject to serious landslides with undercutting. Prate,11 This trail has been depressed nearly 15 feet in places, largely through centuries of walking by Indians and their animals. The Indians in the foreground are from Concepcién and the environs of Solola, while the three men in the*background are Maxefios (from Santo Tomas Chichicastenango). Photograph taken Febru- ary 1932. PLaTE 12 a, This cargo weighs about 150 pounds, slightly more than the heaviest load ordinarily carried by a man. The Solola man on the left is wearing an old-style large- checked rodillera (black and white wool); the Tecpan man on the right wears a new style one, with small, bluish checks, folded in front instead of wrapped, : b, The vendor is a Quezalteca who lives in Solola. Gasoline tins (see foreground) were used exclusively for ship- ping the honey in trucks. Solola men are standing in the background. c, These cacastes, made in Totonicapan, usually measure about 214 by 2 feet, and 10 inches deep, with legs about 10 inches high to make it easier to lift them from the ground from a stooping position (see p. 9). Young boys carry smaller cacastes, in proportion to their size. They may be lined with palm mats or covered with maguey cargo nets, as here shown. The man on the left has plantains, pineapples, and other tropical fruits inside, and a sea turtle tied on the outside. The Indian facing the camera has on top of his cacaste a bunch of pacaya palm leaves, to be used for decoration. Men on the trail generally carry a blanket and a palm mat (pfetate) for a bed, palm rain cape (suyacal) during the rainy season (or all year in the piedmont), cup, coffee pot, small kero- sene lamp, a bottle of kerosene, and a bottle gourd for water. Pitch pine torches are often used instead of lamps on the trail after dark. Gasoline boxes (crates for two cans of 5 gallons each) serve the purpose of cacaste for carrying fruits, vegetables, and many other comestibles, and cloth goods and the like. Nets are also much used especially for corn ears. Cloth merchants in the Quezaltenango- Totonicapan-Momostenango region roll up their goods in carrying cloths, the ends of which are tied and passed around their heads or shoulders, not requiring the mecapal. Women, though they sometimes use the INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 mecapal, especially with netloads of pottery, never carry a cacaste. d, In the background is Lake Atitlan and volcanoes Toliman and Atitlan. Pine trees are often trimmed as in this picture, for the branches are used for decoration and for flooring, especially during fiestas. Some- times only a few terminal tufts are left on a tree. e, For notes on iguanas, see p. 39, PLaTE 13 a, The iguanas are tied on so that their tails hang down on either side of the net-covered cacaste; the green parrot is sitting on top of the load just back of the iguanas. Note the rolled-up swyacal on the left, the blackened coffee pot on the lower right side of the frame, and the staff. Lake Atitlan and San Pedro volcano are in the background. b, Solola women vendors are seated at the left. Their shirt sleeves are always rolled up to about the point of the huipil “sleeves.” The woman buying the chickens is from Argueta (Totonicapan). Light brownish turkeys like the one shown are common in this region. The older types of Solola men’s rodilleras may be seen at the extreme left and extreme right. (Line 3, map 22, looking east.) c, These pigs are brought from the markets of Chiché and Chichicastenango and are sold in Solola, Atitlan, and Lowland markets. The Maxefio in the right fore- ground is wearing the usual costume for trade journeys (especially to the Lowlands), consisting of white cotton manufactured shirt and pants with red home-woven sash. The vendor to the left of the center is wearing the regular Chichicastenango men’s costume, of black wool (pl. 8, b). Grouped around him are (left to right) an Argueta woman, San Antonio man, and Solola man. Totonicapdn cobblers occupy the booths in the background, against the Municipal Theater. (North end, line 7, map 22.) The men in the inset picture are San Francisco la Unién men at San Francisco el Alto, setting out for distant Lowland markets. The strings from the pigs, one attached to each, are twisted so as to keep them in a compact bunch (see pp. 38, 39, 78). PLATE 14 a, Seven cacastes, of various sizes and variously loaded with small glazed and large semiglazed pottery are visible in the picture. These men will return to the Altos from Guatemala City with Chinautla tinajas, (see pp. 54, 80). b, Miscellaneous small items sold by these merchants include everything from cigars, spices, medicinal herbs, soap, and trinkets (left) to ropes, needles and threads, incense, and shallow tin pans (right) for irrigating onions. Three gasoline boxes used for carrying these appear in the background (see p. 77, and line 48 (middle), map 22, view to southwest). c, This picture illustrates the use of the common balance, with baskets (many have tin bowls instead). The woman is holding open a zsute to receive the maize. (Line 3, map 22.) CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 167 d, Stacks of Solola onions are almost the only goods visible in the background. (Line 20, map 22, looking west.) e, The lime is brought from Tecpan. Note the tin balance at the feet of the man on the left; basket scales in front of the other men. Lime, here spread out on heavy wool cloth in which it is wrapped, is often carried in goatskin for greater protection against possible rains (p. 73). The rest of the load of lime of the man on the left is kept in the burlap sack, re- tained by a heavy cargo net (left). (Line 3 (middle), map 22, looking east.) f, Note the cloth (zutes) folded upon the women’s heads in lieu of a hat. One woman is selling flowers, especially calla lilies. The women buyers kneeling at the left are natives of Santa Lucia Utatlan. Except for the Maxefio (in white at left; see also pl. 13, c) all of the men in the picture are Sololatecos. (Line 16, map 22, looking southwest.) a, Coffee, soup, stew, beans, tortillas, tamales, hot gruel (atole) and spiced drinks (pinole), rice in milk, and many other foods and drinks aré served at such stands. Indians drink boiled coffee rather than the concentrated “essence” and hot water used in most of Latin America. The two men lunching at the right are itinerant merchants from Chichicastenango (Maxefios) ; at the left is a Nahualefio. (Map 22, looking north toward line 47.) Prate 15 Ladinos carry the richly clad image on a litterlike scaffold upon their shoulders, from the church of the Calvario (background) to the principal church, just in front of the lead woman. They walk slowly, in cadence, so that their heavy burden sways rhythmically to and fro, to the accompaniment of a dirge intoned by a small brass-wind band. Behind them are women (Ladinas) carrying images of the Virgin Mary and other saints. Both Ladinos (background) and In- dians (foreground) participate in this service. The latter, members of a Solola cofradia, or religious society, may be seen carrying large, lighted candles. Note also the numerous zutes folded upon the heads, arms, and shoulders. On other days, especially Fridays during Lent, Indians carry images of saints, including small ones of Santiago on horseback, from one church to the other. The market is suspended for 3 days before Easter; Judas in effigy is flogged and torn to pieces on Saturday. The steep slope north of Solola is visible in the extreme background, giving the dark tone beyond the rooftops. Prate 16 Besides the velvet-robed saints, elaborate silver crosses and ornaments are carried. The San Jorge Indian man at the extreme left is playing a chirimia (a reed in- strument like an oboe), which has a_ high-pitched whining note, to the accompaniment of drums and rockets. In the background are yucca trees, one of which, just beyond the image of the principal saint, has a large white panicle of edible flowers. PLaTE 17 a, The altar is covered with corn, silver medallions, flowers, lighted candles, and images of saints, including San- tiago on his horse. General Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes told of Indians in San Marcos Department insisting on using a Santiago mounted on a white mule. These are depended upon to give ample rains and a good harvest (see McBryde, 1933, p. 77). Note the Solola coats with the bat designs, and the ceremonial black outer pantaloon worn by the kneeling Indian cofradié official. b, The ears are of yellow maize with occasional black grains serving as eyes and mouth; “hair” is of corn silk. “El Santo Maiz” is dressed in rich silk robes, with beads and crucifix. Decorations include bright-colored silk ribbons and flowers, especially of bromeliaceous epiphytes and orchids. This altar and the saints were made for the Guatemala National Fair of November 1940, by the Indians of San Pedro Sacatepequez (Depto. San Marcos), exactly as they prepare them for their local planting ceremonies. d, This is a small instrument, played by a father (left) and his two sons. Some marimbas are as much as 10 feet long, and may be played by a half dozen men. f, Note the bull mask, of wood with natural cow’s horns, on the net-load of regalia in the foreground. This is part of the accoutrement for the dramatic dance of Los Toros, which features a bullfight. These cos- tumes are rented rather than sold by the owner, a San Cristébal Totonicapan Indian. They are expen- sive to make and are needed only for festivals (see p. 68). The man at the left is a Santa Cruz la Laguna Indian; at the right is a young girl of Solola with a hooded baby on her back (see pl. 8, e). g, In this ceremony the Indians reenact their conquest by the Spaniards, some of them dressing as Alvarado and his lieutenants. Dramatic dances such as this are held throughout Indian Guatemala to celebrate festivals of various sorts. Prater 18 a, This photograph was taken from the top of the high ridge above Jaibal (see map 20), looking east, in August 1936. Hotel Tzanjuyii is in the center foreground, and leading off to the left are the roads to Solola (upper) and San Buenaventura (lower). Just to the right of Tzanjuyt the flooded former mouth of the Panajachel River (c) is visible. Note the muddy discharge from the swollen river (the present course a straight white channel in the center of the delta) (shown ir pl. 19, a) as it empties into the Lake and turns right (toward the camera) under the influence of the prevailing wind. The large gully shown in plate 19, e, may be seen in the left background beyond the delta. b, This daily launch transported passengers from Tzanjuyt to Santiago. The heaviest traffic going south was on Saturday, when many itinerant merchants from the Solola Friday market crossed the Lake to go to Sunday Lowland markets. The photograph shows a Saturday morning crowd, with pottery and other large 168 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 cacaste loads going aboard (see pp. 68, 101). (The smallest boat, with outboard motor, is the one in which I mapped the Lake in 1936.) The Lake level in 1932, when the photograph was taken, was about 5,065 feet, little above the minimum (5,062 ft.) which had been reached about 1920, after a steady drop of nearly 40 feet since 1900 (5,099 ft.). This former level is still recalled by old residents of Lake villages, and is evident from recent reentrenchments of streams. The old Lakeshore trail is always just above this level at its lowest points. c, This is a close-up of the flooded channels seen in the foreground in a. They are viewed from the boathouse by Tzanjuyti. The water level was probably 30 feet lower than shown in the photograph (5,080 ft., August 1936) when these former river channels were formed. The outline of Toliman—Atitlan volcanoes is faintly visible through the haze. d, The Lake level here is about 15 feet higher than it was just 4 years previously. This would submerge every- thing shown in b (foreground), even the largest boat, leaving only the tops of the willow trees out of the water. The tip of the tree shown in b is barely visible beyond the pier in this picture (see also Termer, 1936, pl. 29). Long-term periodic fluctuations of the water level are due apparently to shiftings in the lava rocks along the south shore of the Lake, opening and closing the subterranean outlets through which the Lake has its only drainage (see Appendix 1). PrLate 19 a, This picture is made up of five overlapping photographs. The main part of the village is in the center of the picture, though dwellings are scattered widely over the delta. The ruins of the old Franciscan church are in the center; central square, left; market beyond. Vegetable gardens (tablénes) are visible in the fore- ground and to the right; shaded coffee groves to the left of and beyond the village center. The rocky, braided stream course appears at the left. Tzanjuyt and the former river mouth (pl. 18, @ and c) may be. seen at the extreme right of the shore. In the back- ground, across the Lake, are volcanoes Atitlan and Toliman (left) and San Pedro (right). (See maps 20 and 23.) b, Banana plants, which grow so rapidly that they can afford effective shade within a few months, are used at first, until more permanent shade trees (here the gravilea or “silver oak,” behind the Indian) can become es- tablished. The coffee bush beside which the Indian is standing is about 4 feet high, and is covered with fragrant white flowers (April 1932). c, The jocote varieties, reading from right to left, are as follows: 1, Petapa (yellow to orange) ; 2, corona (red orange to red); 3, chicha (yellow orange); 4, pascua (red, lighter than corona); 5, tamalito (yel- low) ; 6, Rio Grande (yellow). The ruler besides the tocotes measures 14 inches. (See Appendix 2, table 8, for fuller descriptions.) d, Wool is usually spun on a wheel (pls. 33 and 37) but sometimes is twisted with two hands as shown here, with the spindle stick dangling below, often serving little purpose other than to retain the thread. e, September 1933 was probably the rainiest month in the history of Guatemala. Water above this point ponded naturally in a depression, and when the ground hold- ing it gave way, the water tumbled down with de- structive force. Such gullies have occurred at vari- ous points along the north side of the Lake, notably at Tzununa, where a gully deposit blocked and diverted the main stream of the arroyo. The flood which destroyed Ciudad Vieja, first capital of Guate- mala, in 1541, was probably of this character. The story of the Lake in the crater of Agua volcano (hence, its name) is a myth (pl. 44, d). f, Foot of the gully shown in e. Scale is indicated by the man at the base. At left’is a small species of ceiba tree. PLatTe 20 a, Tablones are often built up 20 inches or more above the base, of carefully worked, fertilized soil. Water is diverted through ditches surrounding the straight earth sides of the plots, and is tossed over the growing plants with shallow pans or gourds, as in c. Coffee ‘bushes may be seen growing in the background, be- yond the cane fence. b, It may be seen from this picture that almost one-fifth of the garden area shown is planted to corn (see map 23). Most tablénes are over 3 varas (nearly 9 ft.) wide, and vary in length. c, The tablénes shown here are all planted to onions, with cabbage scattered at wide intervals along the edges of the plots. d, These special hills for pepinos resemble the ones made for tomatoes at San Pedro la Laguna (see p. 141). For discussion of tablén culture at Panajachel, see pages 30-31. PLATE 21 * a, Jocotes, especially petapa, corona, and chicha varieties (pl. 19, c), are very prominent in this market during the height of their fruiting season, from September to January. The two large baskets just to the left of the center are filled with jocotes (mtco). The duller looking ones in the nearer basket are boiled. The small center basket contains unroasted coffee (“en oro”), while those to the right are filled with jocotes (petapa), tomatoes, and local manzana bananas (see table 2). Garlic in bunches braided together and small green onions occupy the right foreground. Solola women in left foreground, center background; Panimaché lime vendors, right rear. c, For a discussion of this tinaja trade, see page 80. A suyacal, or rain cape, is leaning against the pottery in the foreground. In the extreme right foreground is a San Pedro woman; Solola woman next to her; Argueta woman with child, standing in the back- ground. Beyond her is a cargo of pine chairs from Argueta, en route to Guatemala City. d, The three men in this picture are San Pablo Indians with loads of large ropes (sogas), going to the Patzim market. Note the bajareqne (wattle-and- daub) house at the right (see p. 43). CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 169 PLATE 22 a and b, show the steep, rugged slopes surrounding the limited favorable terrain upon which the village is built. Most of the many trees are jocotes, especially petapa and chicha. The church (lower edge of a, near center in b) is at the lowest level of any on the Lake, at the water’s edge, according to old resi- dents, at the end of the 19th century, when the level was about 5,100 feet (it was about 5,080 ft. in August 1936, when these pictures were taken). The rapid rise of the Lake in 1933 inundated most of the rushes, used in the once-important mat craft, and about 100 yards of good shore land, Attempts are being made to plant rushes for mats, but most of them are still bought from other municipios. c, There are only about a dozen gardens like this at Santa Catarina (1936), having a small fraction of the area of those of Panajachel; and 7 of these are worked by a man from Panajachel, who rents them for onions. The light soil, though good for onions, is not favorable for garlic. Beyond the garden in this Picture are wild cane, left; agave (and flower), center; avocado, right. Atitlan and Tomilan vol- canoes appear in the left background. d, The large split-cane trap on the left is for use at hot springs, the nearest of which, in the municipio, was inundated too deep to reach after the Lake rose in 1933 (pl. 18). The small garlitos are baited and placed along the shore with, the apex of the split- cane funnels pointed outward, and the long cane resting on the bank (p. 124). These are used on a small scale in all the Lake villages, but especially Santa Catarina. Besides a fish trap, the man on the right is holding a canoe paddle. In the right back- ground is a well-developed giiisquil vine. é, These fish are not over 2 inches long, and five are strung on each stem (two stems for 1 cent when this pic- ture was taken, February 1932). The fish are smoked after they are impaled on the stems. This is an ancient practice (p. 124). The Solola woman at the right is stooping to pick up her basket; the coiled cloth to steady it is already on top cf her head. "Lake Atitlin crabs caught and sold at about 1 cent each by Santa Catarina men. They are tied up with yucca leaves in bunches of five; top view, left; rear view, right. The section of tape measures 12 inches. g, Note cactuses in background: pitahaya (below) and tuna. The cane pole held in his right hand is used for catching crabs at night. Bait, consisting of a piece of meat, small fish, or (best) a live frog, is tied on the end with the heavy string attached for the purpose. This crabbing is done in dugouts, by pitchpine torchlight; hence, it can be done success- fully only on fairly calm nights. At his feet Gonzales has a small-mouthed crab basket. In his left hand he holds a coiled crab line made of three bejucos (fine, rubbery vines) having a total length of 16 varas, or about 45 feet. This is stored:in the smoke above the fire so that the soot will preserve it. Maguey cord is not used because it rots rapidly. Bait is tied on at intervals and the line is weighted with rocks in fairly deep water, preferably where there is a good growth of Lake weeds on the bottom. This is done in the early morning, without the aid of nets. Crabs are caught in this manner also in San Marcos. A San Pedro man and his three sons catch crabs _in underwater stone enclosures which they build about 2 feet square, with a small opening in one side (away from the shore). They fill the enclosure with Lake weeds; weekly they close the openings and trap 1 to 2 dozen crabs in each. PLATE 23 a, Most of the houses of San Antonio are constructed on terraces, for the slope of the site is quite steep. The trail to Santa Catarina may be seen skirting the promontory in the background (p. 102). b, The adobe house in the foreground has a common type of roof crest (poles laid along either side) (p. 47). The church is in the center of the picture. In the background are volcanoes Atitlin, left, and Tolim4n, right. A spearhead of clouds from the Lowlands is just beginning to move up through the gap of San Lucas. This is likely to occur during the latter part of the morning, any season, when the south wind sets in (see Appendix 1, p. 131). c, Horses are driven in a circle, often in an enclosed corral, There is always a wind to blow the chaff (p. 28). d, These men cross the Lake from Santiago (just off of left background) in dugouts, which they beach at San Antonio. They then climb the steep trail, 500 m. to the summit shown here. Note the agave and yucca in the right foreground. It is still a long journey to Tecpan, where they sell their Lowland products and buy quicklime as a return cargo (see p. 73). For this hard climb they have discarded their shirts, which are draped over their shoulders, PLATE 24 a, Often, as in this case, all of the men paddle, standing and facing forward. The stern handles used for lifting and beaching canoes may be seen, especially in the foreground. Note also how gunwales and © prow are built up with wide boards (for a description of these canoes, see page 99). In the right back- ground is the base of San Pedro volcano, with Toliman beyond and Cerro de Oro at the extreme left. Submerged treetops appear beyond the canoe. b, These are the so-called “pescadores,’ or mail carriers, who are also traders. There are four well-filled cacastes in the canoe, containing tomatoes to be taken to Solola (see also pl. 12, c). c, The canoe is being paddled stern-first towards the beach for a landing. There are 10 San Pedro paddlers and 15 passengers, mostly women. Some are from Santa Clara, with four large loads of shallow baskets (canastos), packed in the prow of the boat. The pyramidal roofs of Atitlan houses are visible beyond. In the background are Toliman volcano (left, with two summits) and Atitlan (right). 170 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 d, These are mostly merchants with Highland products for Lowland markets. Cargoes of Totonicapan pottery are especially in evidence, as in f (p. 80). e, From the stern of this small canoe 4 Atitlan paddlers and 5 passengers with cargoes are stepping ashore. They will go to the Friday market at Solola. The water is calm at this time (about 7 a. m.), as the heavy waves do not come until the south wind sets in, about 9 a.m, The 9-mile crossing from Santiago to Pana- jachel is made in about 4 hours (p. 99). Handles for lifting are visible on both stern and prow of the canoe. Prate 25 a, The thatching material is pajén (high-altitude giant bunchgrass). About 20 relatives and friends of the builder are helping him roof his house, for which he, in turn, provides food and drink (see p. 44). This new house is of the short-ridgepole type; the one at the extreme right in the picture is pyramidal, with an inverted bowl on top (p. 44). The houses of Santiago are of both types, fairly evenly divided (b; see also map 14). Rocks for walls are abundant, as the vil- lage is built upon a lava terrace. Not only alleys are walled (foreground) but most yards are enclosed by stone walls, and house walls are of stone (lower half), usually whitewashed, and vertical cane (upper half). The lava is basaltic andesite, porphyritic, with phenocrysts of olivine and pyroxene. San Pedro lava is similar; samples were lighter colored, more com- pact, and less prominently porphyritic (plagioclase phenocrysts). My samples were analyzed by Dr. Charles M. Gilbert, University of California. b, The houses‘are grouped in stone-fenced enclosures, usually according to families, brothers or other relatives occupying groups gf houses close together. View from a high lava terrace just east of the village; Lake Atitlan in the background. ¢, This picture includes part of the area shown in b, from a greater distance. Two sopilotes (buzzards) are seen soaring, against the white background of the Lake. d, This overlaps c about one quarter inch, the point of the peninsula in the upper left appearing in both pictures. The municipal buildings and market place are in the extreme right. The principal “street” leads from there across the peninsula, and may be traced in c and d by the line of larger, whitewashed adobe houses, most of which are owned by the few Ladinos of the village. The narrow strait of Santiago Bay, with the base of San Pedro volcano beyond, is in the background. e, An Atitlan woman seated in the foreground is spinning white cotton thread. The ftizate (chalk for her fingers) is at her right. In the background is San Pedro volcano, across Santiago Bay. f, All the water used at Santiago is brought from the Lake in this manner, so that the village is an especially good market for finajas (pl. 42, b). PLaTE 26 a, The column of smoke, horizontal in the stable, early morn- ing air, is from the roza, burning and clearing for corn planting (this was March 4, 1941). The line of smoke, at about 8,000 feet, marks approximately the upper limit of cornfields here. They cover most of the lower slopes despite their steepness and the seriousness of soil erosion where there is no vegeta- tion binder. The summit of San Pedro volcano is rounded and wooded, and slopes are deeply cut by gullies. It is the oldest of the major cones by the Lake. Toliman, somewhat less old, is less rounded and eroded, while Atitlan, the most recent (there are still a few fumaroles at its summit) is bare, sharply conical, and the lower slopes are little etched by erosion. The edge of the Atitlan cone appears faintly in the picture just above the end of the visible line of smoke. b, The man in the foreground is taking agave (maguey) | fibers handed to him by the woman seated in the shadow at the right. He separates, straightens, and holds them as the woman (left of the center, in line with church in the background) about 80 feet away, whirls a spinner to which the end of the cord is attached; (see p. 69). Another woman (extreme left) is feed- ing out fibers for a strand being spun off to the left of the picture. Note the Y-post just to the left of the man; also potsherds on top of the low-eaved, grass-thatched dwellings. c, The two prongs of the Y-post serve to separate the three double strands of rope and maintain tension as they are spun by two men (e) while another spins the finished rope in the opposite direction (off right of pictures c and e; note rope at extreme right in c). In spinning the double strand (second step before final spinning), the single strands are also tied to this Y-post. The man to the right handles the finished rope at the Y-post. e, This picture shows an earlier stage than c, which was taken several minutes later. The man at the left handles one spinner, the center man two; all are spun to the right, as is the finished rope, which is being spun at the same time (off picture to right). The man at the right keeps the rope going smoothly through the fork. d, Scraping a fresh-cut agave leaf (penga), about 4 or 5 feet long. Two such leaves provide fiber enough for a small-sized rope, one-half inch in diameter and 4 to 5 varas (about 11 to 14 ft.) long. The fence (back- ground) is of split agave flower stalks. For fuller details of ropemaking see p. 69. PLATE 27 a, The whitewashed walls of the few central buildings may be seen at lower left center. The ridge is low, the village center being about 400 feet.(125 m.) above the Lake level (see also pl. 45, e, and map 20). Rugged mountains rise as high as 3,600 feet above the Lake, Extensive areas along the steep lower slopes have been cleared for cornfields. b, The top of the church and part of the square may be seen (right of center, 50 m. below camera level) and a few dwellings at the right. Most of the houses are hidden behind trees (jocotes, and oranges; also CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 171 avocadoes, /imas, and limes). The east shore of Lake Atitlan may be seen in the distance, with San Antonio Palopé left of center. c, The two pieces of sacking (1 by 2 yd. each) are tied to two canes about 6 feet long and one diagonal about 9 feet long, making a tapered trap. Placed in shallow water, the canes float, leaving the sacking hanging to the bottom. Small fish (not over 2 in. long) are driven into the opening (about 2 yd. wide). The tall stumps were formerly trees growing along fence lines when the water was lower (until the rise began, about 1930; see Appendix 1, p. 132). A strip of rich gently sloping alluvial land about 150 yards wide was flooded between 1930 and 1935 (December 25, date of this picture). d, This seine, about 3!4 feet by 15 feet, is of very fine mesh, for catching only small (2-inch) fish. Only 2 seines were reported in Santa Cruz, and none of this type were observed elsewhere around the Lake. e, The younger men at each end, 30-35 years old, wear blue coats and black and white rodjlleras over hand-woven cotton knee-trousers, white with fine blue vertical lines one-half to three-quarters of an inch apart. Shirts are bought ready-made. The three other men, ranging in age from 40 to 65 (center), wear black wool capivais over hand-woven cotton shirts and knee- trousers, white with red stripes. The change in dress reportedly began about 1900. f, These insipid citrus fruits, which look like large round lemons with prominent navels, are among the chief products of Santa Cruz and especially, Tzununa; (see Appendix 3, p. 147). Oranges from here and San Marcos, also appear in quantity in the markets. The men in the picture are part of a group of 18, 5 with limas, 3 with oranges (and some limas), 5 with tomatoes, 5 with greens and onions from Tzununa, e Prate 28 The animal market (feria) is in an enclosure off to the left. Small pigs especially are sold there (p. 79). In the right foreground is the section where most of the pottery is sold. In the background is the small Cal- vario church, with the cemetery beyond. Eucalyptus trees and Australian pine have been planted in the plaza. Most of the surrounding hills are covered with pines and oaks. Photograph taken from the top of the principal church (pl. 29, a), February 1932. PLATE 29 a, The pottery in the foreground comes mainly from San Crist6bal Totonicapan. The merchants are Chichi- castenango men who will resell them in the Lowlands and elsewhere. Many local men may be seen standing and kneeling on the church steps, in the background, swinging incense burners, smoke from which fills the air. b, A Chichicastenango woman is kissing one of the silver images extended to her. c, Sheep are grazed in many Highland regions, such.as this one, and since they crop the grass very close, little binder is left where they have overgrazed. Once started, gullying proceeds rapidly. Many roads and trails in the Highlands are, like this one, lined with maguey plants. These are unusually small ones, re- cently planted. The pots in the cargo shown are held on by ropes passed through the handles and attached to a wooden frame. A cargo net is passed around them; here not reaching the upper ones. Piate 30 a, Great areas in the high mountains (altitude here 2,500 m., 8,202 ft.) are almost completely covered with this course, sedgelike grass. Clearing it with hoes (note man, lower left) is an arduous process. A large patch (center and lower right) has already been cleared. b, Men are thatching the larger house with bunchgrass (seen growing in immediate foreground, right). Maize in the fields is about 6 weeks old (date of photograph, May 4, 1936). The distant slopes beyond the fence line have been cultivated within recent years (old furrows are visible), but are being left to go back to bush. They will probably remain fallow for 10 years. The small structure in the middle of the milpa is a shelter for lookouts, to be occupied when the grain is ripe. c, This is 20 km. south of Sacapulas, elevation 1,800 m., or 5,900 feet, February 8, 1941; planting here is in March; harvest, October. These carefully made fur- rows, usually about 3 feet apart, may be as deep as 18 inches. Furrows follow the contour of slopes. For a description of this process, see p. 20. d, Except for the ear on the left end, which is from near Guatemala City, all of these ears are from Santa Cruz. From left to right, they are as follows: (1) white flint, (2) yellow flint, (3) white flint, (4) “black” (dark purplish blue) flint, (5) white flint, (6) white flint, (7) white dent, (8) “black” (dark blue and purplish with scattered yellow grains) flint. The two on the end are 8 inches (about 20 cm.) long. I rarely found ears longer than 10 inches (25 cm.) in Guatemala; the largest was about 12 inches (30 cm.) long (San Pedro Pinula, 1,550 m., eastern Guatemala). Most maize ears from high altitudes (above 2,500 or 8,202 ft.) are even smaller than (1), though otherwise ‘resembling it, averaging about 4 inches. No. 6 has the largest grains of any I saw, some of them being nearly one-half inch (1 cm.) in’width. Flour corn ears are usually the size and shape of No. 7, very light and chalky white, the grains soft and floury. e, At the ground surface (top of picture) may be seen in cross section old furrows of a milpa or of a wheat field. Lateral gullies are starting to form at the fur- rows. The top of a road culvert appears at the lower right; the road in the extreme corner. f, These pinnacles, the larger ones as high as 60 feet, may have started as shown in e. Many of them are capped with well consolidated sand and they can retain sharp, symmetrical spires (right foreground). Though these riscos, which are tourist attractions on the edge of the town of Momostenango, are not extensive, there are many badly eroded areas of less advanced stage in the region. This reduction of cultivable surface may INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 have contributed to the development of weaving in Momostenango (p. 15). When the town was built at its present site (said to have been 1705), forests of huge white pine reportedly covered much of the area, as evidenced by the hewn boards nearly 1 m. (39 inches) wide in the ceiling of Ernesto Lang’s house, one of the first to be built. Prate 31 a, The hand-woven: trousers and shirt are red and white (women’s huipils are of the same material, mostly like the one on the right; skirts are dark blue) ; jackets and outer pantaloons are of natural black wool. Newer European-style coats are blue, woven in Momoste- nango (p. 50). A red bandana tied on the head is generally worn under the low-crowned straw hat. The picture was taken in Pueblo Nuevo, and the Todos Santeros were going to Mazatenango to buy ixcaco brown cotton, they said. b, Shirts and trousers are of hand-woven white cotton; sleeves, collar, and zufe (worn under hat) are red- striped. Sandals have heels like shoes, as at Todos Santos. The long black wool capirais are comfortable in this cold region (p. 50). These men are loaded with ocote (pitch pine) which they cut in the high forest between San Juan Atitan and Todos Santos. Note machetes leaning beside the men-at left and right. c, Plows are simple wooden shafts, generally having metal- tipped shares (p. 20). d, These instruments, mostly made by Ladinos living on the e, At outskirts of town, are elaborately inlaid, sometimes with as many as 13 concentric rings of different wood around the sound hole. This is the operation shown in the photograph. Tools consist of a peg, a slotted piece of hardwood that rotates like a compass, and a pocketknife. There is also a jack plane on the work bench (upper right in picture). These elaborate guitars sell for between $2.00 and $3.00. the right is a portion of the market (Thursday, De- cember 26, 1940). f, The altitude here is about 2,400 m. (7,900 ft.) ; date De- cember 24th, 1940 (p. 20). g, At the right is a conical, stone and adobe sweat-bath structure (temascal), with square opening facing the camera. PLaTE 32 a, Black humus at the surface, often as thick as 2 feet and underlain by clayey red-brown horizon is the typical soil profile here, apparent along either side of the road. This is the main highway between Guatemala Gity and Quezaltenango, now a part of the Pan American Highway. The law requiring 2 weeks’ road work a year (or $2.00 tax) by each man has resulted in a good road net. Though short-grass meadows predominate on these highest summits, there are patches of woodland and forest, mainly coniferous (pines, cypresses, and junipers; p. 6). The pines here, as in the Cuchumatanes, have been killed in great numbers, reportedly by a boring beetle and by fires. b, Blue and yellow meadow flowers dot the smooth slope in the foreground. In this area about 95 percent of the sheep are black, for the dark brown wool is widely used in weaving (p. 64). c, The size of the bunchgrass may be estimated by com- parison with the sheep. Here in the Cuchumatanes Mountains, black and white sheep are more evenly divided in the flocks, for there is more demand for. white wool than farther south, where black sheep predominate. The woman at the extreme left, with a baby slung on her back, is herding the animals. d, The pen, with sheep inside, just to the right of the center, has been moved from its previous position as indi- cated by the smooth squarés extending to the corn- field at the left edge of the picture. The vertical stakes in the corral are lifted on all sides but one, so the new position is contiguous with the previous one (see p. 20). Note the lookout shelter at the left of the pen, and the furrows of an old field, right. e, The pen occupies almost the same relative position in this picture as in d. The three squares immediately to the left of the corral are darker than the others, which are older and more bleached. Often, increas- ingly dark tones clearly indicate the course of the shifting pen. A lean-to lookout shelter appears near the pen. Note also the bunchgrass (foreground, by the Cantel road), dwellings, beyond the pen and the characteristic open, level terrain of the upper Samala Valley in the background. PrLatTE 33 a, The Indian weaver, José Barrera, holds a bunch of raw wool in his upraised left hand, which he draws slowly away from the spindle as he turns the wheel with his right hand. The yarn may be seen passing in front of his cap. This picture was taken during February 1941; the others on this plate in May 1936. b, Carded white wool' is lying on the table at the right. The wheel is operated as in a. The boy seated at the left is carding the raw white wool in the basket. The cards have long, heavy wire bristles; are made mostly in Chiantla, and marketed in San Francisco and Momostenango. The boys card and spin, and tread blankets (pl. 34, e) but do not weave. Spinners are sometimes hired. c, In this manner a skein of yarn is rolled from the free- spinning, rhomboidal reel onto the spindle made of a section of cane (cafion) for use in the creel (see d). Thread on a cafion is called molote. It is sold in the market in this form or in a ball (bola). The dye pot in the foreground is from San Bartolomé. Note the rawhide pulley from the wheel to the spindle shaft. d, The son of José Barrera, at left, turns the freely rotating warping frame (urdidor) so that the warp threads are spooled in the desired arrangement for the blanket pattern. Note that the rotating spindles on the creel (right) are placed with six white at the left and CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 173 six black at the right. This is sometimes done also by cotton weavers at Salcaja4. The spindles all turn together as they feed the warping frame simultane- ously. From the frame the threads are transferred to the yarn beam. The elder Barrera in the back- ground continues spooling thread as in c. For other steps in wool weaving, see plates 34 and 37; pp. 63-65. The small chair in the foreground is characteristic of those used by Guatemala Highland Indians, adults as well as children (pl. 43, b, c). Sitting on small chairs and low stools is the closest approach to squatting on the ground, as the Indians still do much of the time. Before the Conquest small hollowed log sections were probably used. These are frequently seen today, cut out of “pfito,’ Erythrina sp. (e.g., at Chalchitan), with a little straight handle left at one end. The Indians have adopted but little of European furniture. e, This blanket has a unique feature in the row of bars and openings near each end (seen at the knees of each of the men). It is a large, heavy blanket, of good quality, worth $3.50 in 1936. Though mostly black and white, it has bars of purple and green in a large plaid. Scotch plaids, of red, blues, and greens are common. Pate 34 a, The man in the center of the inset has his hands braced against a rock while he treads a blanket with his feet against another rock as the men are doing in e. The man at the right in the inset is swinging a blanket down with force against a rock. Both blankets have been soaked in the hot springs. b, The woman in the center cards the white wool from the basket beside her, while the woman at the right behind her spins white yarn. The loom, behind the seated woman, is operated by her husband. The yarn beam, with wide black and white bands, appears just above the head. They are working in a special shed behind their dwelling; in some cases the loom is under the same roof in a separate room. c, Two women are selling palo amarillo (bright yellow wood, foreground), brasil, reddish wood (woman at left seated on it), and campeche, purplish wood at right, from the vicinity of San Pedro Carcha (see p. 65). Momostecos are buying it rapidly. The woman in the center (from Coban) is weighing wood in a balance. Note filled cargo net, right fore- ground. The woman at the left is a Momosteca, with white huipil and white-checked blue skirt; the typical huipil is dark red cotton with fine black horizcntal lines: local foot-loom work. A checked cloth is often tied on the head (pls. 33, e; 34, b) as at San Francisco el Alto. d, The men are at the stream which flows by the village. They have soaked the blankets in water heated in the heavy San Cristébal vessel in the background (pl. 41, a.). e, The same men as in d at the scene shown in d. Special racks are built of poles to give the men support as they tread and knead and twist, manipulating their feet with remarkable agility. f, From this belfry the rolls of blue woollen goods for coats appear in an unbroken line on both sides of the street for a distance of over two city blocks. Most of the tailoring of the coats for the Southwest is done in Quezaltenango. The tower of the municipal building is at the right. Note the stripped pines in the right background. g, These are the largest, heaviest, and best felted blankets made in Guatemala. Colors of figures are generally browns, blues, reds, yellows, greens, and_ black. Dolls and animals are worked in with short weft threads, using cardboard cut-outs as guides. These blankets more than any are well teaseled before being washed (teasels grow in abundance in cantons Xecanaya and Jutaca, and are sold in the market). Then they are well worked afterward, as in d and e. They are made chiefly on the south side of the town, in the cantons of Los Cipréses and Tierra Colorado. Most of the blankets with jaspe patterns are also made here (see p. 64). Prate 35 a, The church faces upon this square, which was probably once the main, central plaza (p. 87). It is used now mainly for drying blankets, when there is no religious festival with dances and carnivals. Of about 85 blankets visible here, nearly 80 have large plaid pat- terns, mostly black and white. Scale may be de- termined from the gray-looking blankets at the lower left (and three others at the lower right), which have fine bluish checks on white. Note from the shadows the directness of the noon sun (May 1, 1936). b, Since San Francisco is like a deserted village on Sunday and teems with life every Friday, which is market day, the big attendance at Mass is naturally on Friday (p. 127). The afternoon sunlight streams through narrow windows, making bluish beams in the smoky air. Many candles are being burned by the wor- shippers, who are mostly Indians. The great altar in the background, almost completely covered with gold leaf, had been painted over for centuries, until Padre Carlos Knittel discovered its true nature, about 1934, and painstakingly directed its restoration. d, Here in the feria (upper right in c) wool may be seen in all of its stages. Black and white sheep appear at the left; netloads of raw wool, black and white, in the center; and plaid blankets, of black and white wool, drying in the foreground. Blankets are usually brought to market wet, fresh from felting. In the middle distance is the white roof of the church, from the right end of which plates 35, c, and 36 were taken. The upper Samala Valley lies beyond, with Cerra Quemado and Santa Maria volcanos on the horizon. PLATE 36 In the right foreground are Quiché hats and Coban ropes. Large sacks of dried chile from Asuncién Mita, in eastern Guatemala, are sold just beyond the open- 174 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 ing between the tents. Plain white Cantel cotton goods are sold along the edge of the square to the right, and lengths of indigo-blue cotton skirts may be seen hanging in the shade in front of the building across the square. Blankets and woollen goods are also sold there, out in the sun. Wool textiles spread out to dry may monopolize the street on the far left-hand side for several blocks. The two streets parallel to the camera and behind it are also crowded with vendors, especially of pottery (right) and corn, some in trucks (left). Not over two-thirds of the total market is visible in this picture. San Francisco is primarily a wholesale market and redistribution center (p. 127). Note how the distant hills have been cleared of woody growth, except along fence lines. Pirate 37 a, An outside loom may be seen on each side of the house to the left. The one nearer the center is pictured in b, d, and e. Note black and white sheep and bunchgrass in the foreground; fog in the background. Black wool jackets with split sleeves are worn by men here as in much of the Cuchumatanes region and in Chiapas. b, The man in the left background is spinning white yarn, the other, black. For closer views and explanations of the spinning wheels, see plate 33. c, These crosses and shrines are common along roads and trails, especially at summits and crossroads, in most of Catholic Latin America. Travelers, stopping a moment for prayer, leave flowers or light candles. e, The weaver has just thrown the shuttle through with his 2 left hand and caught it in his right. For a descrip- tion of peydn weaving, see page 65. PLATE 38 The Samala River flows from right to left across the picture. The common agave of this area appears in the left foreground. There are few trees in this valley, so that the little patch by the Quezaltenango road is exceptional. Cerro Quemado (immediately behind Quezaltenango) and Santa Maria volcano are in the background. For a brief description of the valley, see pp. 4, 133. There is not the isolation in this valley that is seen in the Lake Atitlan Basin. On the contrary, there is free intercommunication. Consequently, individuality among municipios is less apparent. Men are indistinguishable as to provenience throughout the valley. Even women, who speak more Spanish than those of the Lake basin, are more alike. In many municipios women wear distinctive costumes, as at Quezaltenango (c). Olintepeque women wear two types of huipils: (1) red with wide-spaced horizontal white stripes and white sleeves with longitudinal red stripes; (2) dark blue with 14-inch cerise stripes, horizontal, about 4 inches apart: skirts are solid dark blue, belts 4-inch red cotton, with fine longitudinal white lines. In the line of villages near the western end of the valley, from San Martin to Cajola, all women wear the same blue checked skirts and wide black wool belt, with a few widely spaced thin white stripes (p. 89) ; huipils are basically red. At Cajola there is on this an occasional horizontal yellow-bordered %-inch black line; at San Juan, Concepcién, and San Martin intricate designs in over-all patterns, green, orange, purple, and red, are woven on the stick looms. An unusual twill technique, with double heddle, was found here by Dr. O’Neale. Zutes are decorated much like huipils (pl. 42, g). Almolonga huipils and sutes are heavily brocaded with beautiful over- all designs on the loom, on one side only: red, purple, cerise) green, yellow, cotton, and some silk. Skirts are blue as at Zunil. b, The Quezalteco is selling the following types of chile: foreground, left to right, Cobdn (2 sacks); sambo; costeiio; background at left, chile chocolate from Asuncion Mita (see table 7, Appendix 2). In the smaller, deeper sacks are Tahuesco salt and Tapachula salt shrimp. Behind the vendor, at the right, are ixtle (slender agave) leaves, which are used, entire, like heavy twine; this plant is especially abundant around Chichicastenango. c, This is a specialty of Pié de Volcan, and these women may always be seen here at the foot of the market steps (p. 74). They wear a regular Quezalteca costume, with full, pleated skirts. There is great individual variation in the intricate designs of the huipils, made on foot looms. d, The Indians have a stone altar on top of Santa Maria volcano, and conduct pagan rites (brujeria) there, as they often do on peaks and in caves. It was re- ported that, in 1916, after some Quezaltenango Ladino schoolboys had disturbed the altar, 5 young mountain climbers (2 Germans, 1 Ladino, 2 Indian guides) were massacred on the peak by vindictive Pié de Volcan Indians wielding machetes. The western Guatemala Indians are normally friendly and docile, rarely re- sorting to violence. Santa Maria volcano, obviously recent, as indicated by one of the sharpest cones in the world, yet covered with pines to its summit, was classified as extinct by French (Dollfus and Mont- Serrat, 1868, p. 475) and American (Intercontinental Railway Commission Report, 1898, p. 246) investi- gators, yet, October 24-26, 1902, Santa Maria erupted laterally from its southwest base, in one of the great- est volcanic outbreaks in Central American history (see McBryde, 1933, p. 67, ftn. 3). In 1922 a‘ new volcano began to grow in the crater; in 2%4 years it was 66 m. high, and was christened “Santiaguito.” Located about 4 km. (2%4 miles) north of Palmar, it is now hundreds of meters high. f, As.in a, the church (front shown in e) is the prominent landmark of the village center, and there are great areas of tall maize extending almost uninterrupted up and down the valley. An agave flower appears in the left foreground. PLaTE 39 a, For San Andrés soap making, see page 70. b, The thatching material is giant bunchgrass. Though most of the men are wearing their black wool robes (c), about eight of them are not. This is April 30, 1936; CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE als most thatching and repairing are done thus, just be- fore the rains start. The house at the left has a corrugated iron roof; all houses here have adobe walls. The towers of the church, in the center of the village, appear at the extreme left. The lower slopes in the background are largely cleared for maize and potatoes; the light color (see also c) is due to the fine pumice nodules, recent ejecta from Santa Maria vol- cano, which cover the surface everywhere in this area. This makes a good tilth for potatoes, which require a light soil; here they are an important crop. >, The men on the left are wearing robe and trousers of red-lined white cotton, locally made on stick looms, with red and yellow sleeves elaborately embossed on the loom (for illustration, see Lemos, 1941, p. 24) and red and variegated sashes with beautifully woven decorations. A sute or a felt hat (sometimes both) may be worn. One man in the picture has his black wool capixai, worn over the white cotton clothes; like the head 2ufe, it is a protection against the cold. The huipil of the women at the right matches the men’s sleeves. She is wearing a jaspe apron of various colors over her dark blue skirt (from Quezaltenango; p. 52). The black wool sash is very wide and has narrow white stripes about 2 inches apart. 1, Since the abandonment in 1933 of the short-lived electric raliway for which this dam was built, there has been a great excess of power from the plant. Quezaltenango and other western towns and villages, the Cantel cotton mills, and some of the coffe fincas (many have their own turbines) do not offer a sufficient market for all the power produced. >,. This a monument to bad planning and unwise engineer- ing. (See Jones, 1940, p. 255.) A German company constructed the line, completing it all the way from San Felipe to Quezaltenango in March, 1930. In about 28 miles, it climbs 5,400 feet in elevation, with grades as high as 9 percent. The nature and volume of traf- fic over the route were far insufficient to justify the expense even of operation (construction cost about 8% million dollars, according to reports covering the en- tire project). The power plant generated more elec- tricity than needed, even with the line in operation. The floods and the wash-outs caused by the record rains of September 1933 brought about the final col- lapse. The right-of-way is returning to bush, and the cascastes move up a well-beaten path, as before. F, This is a characteristic scene in Quezaltenango before Palm Sunday (Domingo de Ramos) ; this picture was taken on Saturday (April 4, 1936). The yellowish, musty- smelling inflorescence of the corozo palm is much in demand, along with strips of palm leaves, for decorat- ing altars and churches, Christian and pagan. g, The women in many of the villages in the Cuchumatanes Mountains wear these long, heavily collared white cotton huipils, which fall loosely over the long red skirts, nearly covering them. The large, separate col- lars are ruffled at top and bottom, and are decorated with many lines of silk embroidery, colors here being chiefly purple, yellow, green, and black (chainlike design and outer margin especially). These details vary with different municipios. The usual headdress consists of a heavy black wool cord with which the hair is braided and bunched into a frontal,knot (ex- treme right). Sometimes a bright-colored, tasseled silk Totonicapan head band is worn (left foreground), but this is exceptional. The machete lying besides the woman’s right hand is used for cutting the hard blocks of panela. The heavy stick is used to hammer the machete blade. Weighing is done with the basket balance. PLATE 40 a, (For further discussion of the arrangement of warp yarn, see p. 63). In the background are Cerro Quemado (left) and Santa Maria volcanoes. b, Flowers, birds, and animals are favorite motifs in this embroidery. Cardboard cut-outs are traced in pencil on the cloth, which is manufactured white cotton from Cantel (p. 52). Not all women here take the trouble to embroider their huipils, either wearing them una- dorned or buying them already decorated (these are generally available in the San Cristobal market). There is no stick-loom weaving here, or anywhere in the upper Samala valley, though some of the San Francisco women (about three in each of the six weaving can- tons) up on the high slopes adjacent, weave a charac- teristic zute of white having alternate brown and blue 34-inch stripes. These are worn by some local women and those of San Cristobal and Aguacatan. . c, The warp ends are attached at the opposite side of the room off to the right. This a special loom room, apart from the dwelling. Most of this work is done by men, but many women also participate in it. The woman’s huipil is of many colored bars and bird and animal patterns, made on the foot loom; the skirt is blue jaspe. Often, huipils here have names and dates woven between horizontal “bars, on purple and jaspe huipils unlike the one pictured. The common Totoni- capan head band of the type being woven here con- sists of alternating bands and figures (especially highly conventionalized birds and animals) in various colors, usually red, yellow, blue, purple, green; black and white. The most elaborate ones are made of silk with a variegated pompon at each end, and silver cord loops attached, fringed with bright-colored tas- sels (pl. 39, g). A modern use of the cotton head bands is the making of women’s high-heeled sandals, which sell in New York for $15.00 (head bands cost 50 cents). One large New York firm has a shop for this purpose in Guatemala City. d, The yarn is being wound from the cafiones (8-inch cane- section spindles) onto a reel off to the right, a simple frame about 6 feet high and 3 feet wide. The yarns shown here are white and indigo blue. e, When these threads have been separated and spaced prop- erly (a), they are wound on the yarn beam of the loom. This is one of the many families of, Ladino skirt weavers in Salcaja. The physical type is com- mon, more Spanish than Indian in blood. The man at the right has a large external goiter, a widespread affliction among Highland Indians and Ladinos alike. This dwelling has the usual adobe walls. 176 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 Piate 41 a, The vessels, some of them used also in the textile in- dustry (pls. 33, c; 34, b, d) are generally of greenish and brownish yellow, highly glazed inside and out- side (sometimes only upper half outside). For their manufacture, here and in Totonicapan, see page 54. No comales (tortilla griddles) are to be seen, for they are little used in the open valley. Few tortillas _ are eaten, since they require much more firewood than tamales (p. 10). The deep, wide-mouthed pots to the right of the San Cristébal women in the fore- ground are colanders (p. 55). b, The solid wooden wheel (bottom of picture) is spun clockwise by kicking with the ball of the right foot, as it is brought backward. This rotates a vertical shaft at the top of which is an 8-inch disk. The clay is worked on the top disk, starting with a 15- inch-high truncated cone (p. 54). firing, the vessels are placed as close together as possible, the larger ones on the bottom, mouth up, smaller ones on top, mouth down. Clay in foreground. d, Of the three. men descending the trail, the one in the rear has a load of small, blackened San Miguel Ixtahuacan pitchers ‘in and around his cacaste (10 inside and 15 outside). From Santa Maria Chi- quimula tinajas (water jars) may be seen on top, along with his swyucal (rain cape). The one in the center has a more evenly divided load of the two types. The front man has mostly black pitchers, with tinajas on top and stewing dishes from San Cristébal below. No cargo nets are used by these merchants. Some carry only tinajas, 18 or 20 neatly tied on with maguey cord. They are bought. whole- sale at San Francisco for 4 cents each, and sell in Mazatenango market for 8 cents. Just beyond them are maguey plants, one with flower stalk. The ridge in the middle distance is covered with long-leaved pine. Directly beyond the ridge, over the men’s heads, is San Cristobal on the winding Samala River. There is little tree growth in the valley, which is largely cultivated to corn and wheat or left in short- grass pasture. In the extreme upper right, volcanoes Cerro Quemado and Santa Maria may be seen through the haze. , e, This is part of a group of 18 San Miguel men (2 seated, 2 standing, right) selling crude yellowish; unglazed pitchers, said to be made in their home municipio. Note the use of cargo nets around the load of pottery. The smaller ones, about 10 inches high, sell for 2 cents each at Quezaltenango, San Juan, and other markets in this region. They are much in demand, and go in quantity to Quezaltenango and the municipios around it, from Cantel to San Marcos, and into the Lowlands. Comitancillo men also bring pottery of this type, especially tinajas, reddish with a light glaze (g). With the group shown in the picture are three Comitancillo men selling these water jars. A San Martin Sacatepequez Indian and his wife are standing in the left of the picture, about to buy pottery. f, Bowls, with lids (foregfound) and without; pitchers, mugs, cups, miniature toy dishes, whistles (shaped like birds and fish), candlesticks, and sometimes incense burners. The larger pieces are yellowish and brownish, and the miniature pieces are usually green. All are highly glazed, but the glaze is thin and brittle, and wears off in a short time. g, Totonicapan pottery merchants, after stocking up with a variety of goods at San Francisco on Friday, walk (d) to Mazatenango for the Sunday market. Many small bowls, saucers, and pitchers, all glazed Totonicapan ware (f), may be seen in the photograph. The larger pitchers and jars, at left, are from San Miguel Ixtahuacan. The larger tinajas, at the right, are from Comitancillo. The vender is seated at the left. In the immediate foreground is his cacaste, which is covered with palm matting. The small ceramic ware is packed inside, while the larger jars and pitchers are tied on the outside. A suyacal is rolled up and tied on to the back of the cacaste, with heavy maguey twine spiraled around it. PLATE 42 a, These cargoes consist of about 25 pieces each. No cacaste is used in such homogeneous cargoes of large pottery. A net is passed around them from the bottom; sometimes it will not reach, as in the forward load; also plate 29, c. Note use of the rodillera over long white cotton trousers. b, Santiago is one of the best markets for these fine, un- glazed tinajas, for it is a large Indian village, all the women of which take water from the Lake in these jars. The village is built on a lava terrace, with no permanent streams to supply water to pilas. The kneeling ,woman holds a coin in her outstretched hand; she carries money and goods tied up in the ends of the zute over her shoulder. c, Many of the women take their own tinajas to market, most of them going to Guatemala City. This pottery is made only by women, and Friday is the big firing day, for the market on Saturday (their chief day, though there is a big daily market in the capital). The Chinautla Indian women are so occupied with pottery that they do not weave; their costumes are very similar to those of Quezaltenango, whence many of their foot-loom-woven huipils come (some also from Totonicapan). They also wear the full, pleated blue jaspe skirts with draw-strings and 3-inch black- and- white belt. Though they carry heavy loads on their backs of as many as 10 tinajas, weighing about 50 pounds, they are barefoot. In the western High- lands, women who use the mecapal nearly always wear sandals. At the right in the picture is a Solola Indian merchant with Panajachel garlic. His stand, stacked with onions and garlic, is visible at the extreme left. Coban ropes may be seen in the back- ground. The two Chinautla women at the right are unpacking their cargoes of finajas. d, Leather thongs may be seen hanging from a rope above the pile of sandals. In Guatemala the making of sandals from tires is a specialty of Santa Cruz del CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 177 Quiché Indian men, who also make heavy rubber bands from inner tubes. A sharp knife is used to cut out the sandals, which are outlined in pencil on the inside of the casing. Most of the cord is cut away, and the tread leveled down a bit with the knife. An ear-shaped extension on each side (larger on the out- side of the foot) near the’back of the sandal, in line with the ankles, serves to hold the tapered leather thong, which is a meter (about 39 in.) long and one- fourth of an inch wide. Four round holes (less than one-fourth in.) are made through the sandal, one through each ear, and two in line near the toe, about three-fourths of an inch apart; the same distance from the end and inside the great toe. The thong is passed through both holes, the big end, split and twisted, wedging in the front one, passing under the sandal and up through the rear hole. It is then passed through each ear, and tied in a bow over the instep. These sandals are very widely worn by the Indian men in the Highlands, where many prefer them to leather ones for comfort and wear. Six-ply truck tires, though heavy on the feet, are especially prized for long wear. In the warm Lowlands rubber sandals are worn less frequently, because of the greater heat- ing and perspiring of the feet on rubber. On various occasions in Highland Guatemala markets, I have been asked by Quiché sandalmakers if I wanted to sell my spare tire. e, Here the Rio Negro, flowing from west to east (right to left) is seen near the center of the picture, with light- colored salt playa left of center, and the rows of houses (about 25) for cooking salt just beyond. The village of Sacapulas (elevation about 1,200 m. or 3,937 ft.) is near the river (upper center) and leading from it, across a bridge, is the road (extreme right) to Cunen, Cotzal, and Nebaj. This is a steep ascent up the high north face of the valley. Except for the salt playa, the clearings seen in the valley are corn- fields ; there is some sugarcane in the wet river bottom at the extreme right. The vegetation along the lower slopes is mostly thorn bush and cactus, with wooded areas of pine and oak higher up (above about 1,400 m. or 4,593 ft.). f, This is the last step in the making of Sacapulas cake salt, which appears in quantity in the local market and others in the vicinity ; sometimes in distant ones. Men carry the heavy baskets of dirt, but women partici- pate in other steps, such as pouring water from tinajas over the dirt to leach it, and pouring fluid salt into molds; for this industry, see page 60. The huipil worn here is white, scalloped at the bottom, and worn out- side of the skirt, which is jaspe patterned, blue or variegated (mostly red). There may be red scallops embroidered on the collar. Zutes are large, with blue jaspe patterns, and fringed. A many-colored head band is wrapped around and bunched in front and at one side of the head. g, The Guatemala piece is of various colors, mostly black, red, green, and yellow, whereas the Italian textile is pale green on white. In both there may be seen con- ventionalized birds, the tree of life, and geometric 654162—47—13 designs. Undoubtedly all such motifs came in with the Spaniards, and many of them may be traced to the eastern Mediterranean, PLATE 43 a, (For the various steps in this craft, see p. 57.) Stones are piled up, leaving only a shallow space at the top, where thick layers of soot are accumulated. Flames may be seen on the ends of sticks of pitch pine ‘held by the man stooping at the right. The neighbor standing in the background is wearing trousers made of a flour sack having a prominent label across the front, not an uncommon sight where white cotton trousers are worn. b, The pitcher at the left is filled with soot, which is poured as needed into the large clay pot where the man is working. Finished jicaras, polished and incised and ready for the market, are seen in the basket at the lower left. The man is seated on a chair so small that it is not noted in the photograph (b and c). f, Several of the gourdlike fruits may be seen on the upper branches of the tree; also, at the extreme upper left, epiphytic bromeliads, commonly used to decorate churches and altars (pl. 17, b). PLATE 44 a, In the background are large rolled-up rush mats from San Antonio Aguascalientes (c). Through the ruined arch is Agua volcano, the peak obscured by clouds. All the churches of Antigua were severely damaged by the earthquake (June 29, 1773), though local tradition holds that some were also blown up with gunpowder to break the power of the Church. b, This is a view to the southeast. Patches of pine woods, as in the foreground, cover only limited summits and steep-sided' barrancas, since most of the level land is cleared for maize and wheat. The volcanoes in the background are Agua (left center), and Pacaya, faintly visible to the left of it; Acatenango and Fuego are at extreme right. c, The man’s suit is of white cotton; his capixai (here called codiarte) is of dark-blue wool. d, Antigua Guatemala, which appears prominently in the picture, at the lower left, was the capital of Guate- mala from 1543 until 1773, when it was destroyed by an earthquake (see a). (The present capital, built after the abandonment of Antigua, was also badly wrecked by an earthquake in December 1917.) In the distance at the left, beyond Antigua, may be seen Ciudad Vieja, formerly called Almolonga, capital of Guatemala from 1527 (after the move from Iximché) until 1541, when a September rainy period resulted in flooding which destroyed it (pl. 19, e). The patch of white off to the right of Antigua is another village, probably Jocotenango or San Felipe. Several zones of vegetation are visible in the picture. The plateau in the vicinity of the villages in exten- sively wooded, with fine coffee groves interspersed with milpas (cornfields); above that, slopes are cleared for corn as along the base of the volcanoes; pine and oak forests clothe much of the middle and INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 upper slopes of the volcanoes; the summits of the cones are bare lava and ash (especially Fuego) or are covered with heavy bunchgrass and scattered pines. Fuego has been the most consistently active volcano in Guatemala, as its name implies. The large, gaping crater is plainly visible from the north- east. In the distant background, to the left and beyond the volcanoes, may be seen the Coastal Plain merging with the Pacific on the horizon. e, This is a section of the Pan American Highway, January 30, 1936. The vegetation here, about 3 miles north of San Cristébal, near Lake Gilija, is characteristic of that of most of Southeastern Guatemala: dry thickets, where mimosas, acacias, and many types of thorny trees and cactuses are common. The seared aspect of the vegetation is pronounced during the dry season (November-May). Xerophytism reaches its extreme about 60 miles north of here, in the Motagua Valley around El Rancho and Zacapa, where organ cactuses and other desert forms are dominant. It is from the dry departments of south- eastern Guatemala that cattle, competing successfully with field crops, are raised in abundance for markets in Southwestern Guatemala. Ascuncién Mita, in this type of country, at 500 m. just 12 miles north of here, is the greatest source of dried chile for South- western Guatemala. Oxcarts, rare in the Southwest, are among the most important means of transporta- tion in Southeastern Guatemala and El Salvador. f, The selection of maize ears for seed is done throughout Southeastern Guatemala. Often the husks of ears are peeled back and tied together, and the exposed ears are hung up under the roofs of dwellings, especially along the pole plates and purlins. The smoke from the fire, escaping through the roof, coats the grains with soot and protects them somewhat from insects, especially weevils and moth larvae. Nets and baskets of food and perishables of many sorts are hung up and fumigated in this manner. Pate 45 See map 20 and pages 100, 122, 132. a, San Pedro is built upon a lava terrace, at the northern foot of San Pedro Volcano, just below the central point of the photograph. San Juan may be seen at the extreme western end of the Lake, beyond the fingerlike peninsula of San Pedro. In the distance, above it, at the top edge of the picture, is Zunil Volcano, with Santa Tomas in the extreme upper right. The straight horizontal line, half-way up be- tween San Juan and the volcanic peaks, is the top of the western wall of the caldera, here largely volcanic breccias, with Cerro Cristalino rising above it (ex- treme left in b) to a point about 600 m. (2,000 ft.) higher than the Lake (map 20). Santa Clara is just to the right of this peak, the lower half of which is granite, the upper half andesite. b, San Pablo is built on the top of a low, gently sloping ridge, just below the central point of the photograph. The deep valley of the Rio Nahualate lies beyond the high, rugged mountains back of San Pablo. Steep cliffs along the shore, skirted below by a narrow footpath, separate San Pablo and San Marcos (right foreground, between the two jutting headlands). c, The high ridge near the center of the picture, jutting out into the Lake, presents a barrier between the two settlements, and partly forms a small bay in front of each. San Marcos is divided into two sections, on high ground on each side of the valley. Tzununa is up on the slope to the left of the valley at the extreme right, as it is viewed from the Lake. All of these settlements are well above the adjacent valley bottoms, to avoid damage from flooding during the rainy season: (p. 120). d, Cerro Chichimuch, whose summit is at the upper right edge of the photograph, is 1,100 m. (about 3,600 ft.) above the Lake surface, yet is only 1% miles back from the shore. Jaibalito, a small group of houses in the arroyo mouth at the extreme right, now an aldea of Santa Cruz, was the former site of San Marcos, according to local records (p. 120). e, The village is situated on a low ridge, probably a fault block which slipped into the caldera (see also pl. 27, a, b). Local history tells of a former location of Santa Cruz on the alluvial fan just to the right (east) of the present ridge site, and of the destruction of the valley settlement around 1830-40 (see p. 121). The church would indicate at least a nucleus of an old settlement on the ridge top. About a mile beyond the highest point above Santa Cruz is San José Chacaya, up on the plateau. Most of the trees around the settlement of Santa Cruz, Tzununa, and San Marcos are jocotes and citrus fruits. f, Two terraces are plainly in evidence in this picture. One is just at the lower edge of Solola, about 460 m. (1,509 ft.) above the Lake; the other is at about 900 m. (2,952 ft.) above the Lake level (see also pl. 46, a and b), a fault escarpment which is probably the northern rim of the caldera. For flooding by the Rio Quixcap, see page 61. The valley at the extreme right, with Jaibal Finca visible at its base, is planted to coffee groves, almost up to San Jorge (elev. 1,770 m. or 5,807 ft.) visible higher up and near the right margin of the picture. Coffee is also planted along the slopes to the left, below Solola. PLATE 46 See map 20 and pages 122, 125-126, 132. a, The escarpment of the north wall of the caldera may be traced horizontally near the top of the picture. Pana- jachel is seen as a cluster of white buildings at the extreme right, in the coffee groves back from the Lake, on the delta just to the left of the rocky river course. From it the road (alternate route of the Pan American Highway) leads to TzanjuyG at the base of the sharp ridge meeting the corner of the delta. Thence the winding course of the road may be traced up through the well-wooded gorge above San Buena- ventura (alluvial fan in the center) and around the mountain to Solola, the white streets of which are visible at the upper left near the edge of the lower terrace. This distance by road is about 5 miles (8 ——"-- = CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SOUTHWEST GUATEMALA—McBRYDE 179 km.) ; see maps 20, 21, and 23. The Quixcap delta, more frequently and more severely flooded than the other two, is almost bare of trees. The flood of 1881 wiped out the Finca Jaibal, then planted largely on the delta. The coffee groves are now only on the high ground, extending up almost to San Jorge (pl. 45, f). Coffee bushes, shaded mainly by gavilea trees (pl. 19, b) cover much of the other deltas (center and right). There are many jocote trees also in Panajachel. Except for the wooded areas mentioned, the vegetation is mostly scrub on the steep shores of the Lake and open pak and pine higher up (above the lower terrace, elev. about 2,055 m. or 6,741 £t.).. Bunchgrass and scattered pine and cypress dominate above the level of the upper terrace (about 2,455 m. or 8,054 ft.; see pl. 10, e). Thick layers of volcanic ash, tufts, and breccias predominate in the geology of the north and east shores of the Lake. The commonest lava is pyroxene andesite, porphyritic, with pheno- crysts of plagioclase and often considerable amounts of hornblende (samples from % mile southwest of Santa Cruz). Olivine pyroxene basaltic andesite like that of Santiago occurs near Solola. b, The valley of the Rio Panajachel (maps 20 and 23) may be seen curving to the left upstream from the delta, just beyond the end of the terrace at the right. This terrace, upon which the village of San Andres Semetabaj is situated (above and midway between the two promontories) is about 580 m. (1,902 ft.) higher than the Lake level at the right edge of the picture, and thus is 120 m. higher than the terrace below Solola. The upper terrace shown in the picture is about 900 m. (2,953 ft.) above the Lake, as is the terrace level above Solola. At the extreme lower right is the village of Santa Catarina Palopd. Note the trees, mostly jocotes, in the moister colluvial bottom below the open grassy and bushy slopes of the steep amphitheaterlike wall. ¢, Santa Catarina Palopé is immediately off the left edge of the picture, which is almost contiguous with b. ‘The height of this eastern wall of the Lake basin is approximately the same as the upper terrace shown in a and b (900 m. or 2,953 ft. above the Lake; elevation about 2,455 m. or 8,054 ft.) d, Through the gap south of San Lucas (lowest point on the rim of the Lake Basin) appears one of the small piedmont domes (peviones; map 5) at the base of Atitlan volcano. By the first peninsula to the right of San Lucas (map 20) the water moves slowly in under the lava flows to a subterranean outlet. Water gushes out in a large stream below -San Lucas, and also feeds many other streams after passing through the lava at the bases of the volcanoes. Openings and closings of channels by volcanic and seismic disturbances have caused major fluctuations in the water ‘level. There was probably once a surface outlet at this gap (see Appendix 1, p. 132). Extensive coffee groves may be seen along the slopes of Toli- man volcano; the clearings are muilpas. The road from Patulul to Godinez, following the eastern wall of the Lake, is visible on the steep ridge to the left of San Lucas. e and f, Clearings for cornfields in e (right) and f extend high up the slopes of Toliman and Atitlan, to eleva- tions above 3,000 m. (9,842 ft.). Irregular lava terraces and flow lines characterize this landscape. Cerro de Oro (“Gold Hill”), at left in f is so named because there was said to be an ancient Tzutuhil citadel on top, with gold and other treasures cached there. This small volcanic cone rises about 330 m. (1,100 ft.) above the Lake surface. The ‘scattered settlements at its base (map 20) takes its name. The Pacific Coastal Lowlands appear in the distance (left background). PLATE 47 The terraces and shore features in the left foreground are the result of lava flows from Toliman Volcano. The village of Santiago is compactly built on the largest lava peninsula (upper, or farthest south, on the left) ; see maps 20 and 25. The trees in the village are mostly jocotes, peaches, and oranges. The sloping plain (El Plan) at the upper left, beyond the village, is of fertile alluvial and colluvial material washed down from the slopes of Toliman and Atitlan Vol- canoes. The wooded ridge beyond the Bay is a part of the old caldera rim. The contact between the rim and the volcanic alluvium of El Plan is sharply emphasized by the vegetation, the plain being cleared for maize, the ridge covered with trees, the main source of firewood for Santiago. All cleared areas in the picture are planted to maize (milpa). Inter- mediate tones of gray on the ridge indicate tem- porarily abandoned fields going back to bush. The trail from Santiago to San Lucas skirts the lava terrace in the left foreground; the trail leading into the Lowlands (Chicacao and fincas) crosses the plain in the left background. To the right of Santiago Bay are the lower slopes of San Pedro volcano. At the northernmost point (nearest the camera) on this west shore is Chuitinamit, a dome that rises 150 m. (about 500 ft.) above the Lake. In pre-Spanish times the royal residence of the Tzutuhils is said to have been on top of this hill, with the plebian population living across the bay. Local tradition holds that in ancient times people walked across, with the aid of a short bridge of logs. Soundings that I made in 1936 to check this, however, discounted it, for a channel between Chui- tinamit’ and the submerged island of .Teachtic had ~ a minimum depth of 165 feet. Though the pre-Con- quest level was probably 30 feet lower (Appendix 1) than in 1936, there still would have been a 400-meter strait to cross. The island in the center foreground is Tzanjayam or Isla del Gato. Faintly visible through the water beyond it is the small submerged island of Teachic; the top branches of willow trees growing on it were almost touched by the bottom of the transport launch passing over it in 1936. Tzanjayam and Teachtc were said to have been step- ping stones for the crossing of the strait in earlier 180 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 4 days when the water was lower. This may have been true, but probably crossings were by boat rather than by bridge. Teachtic reappeared as an island, and Tzanjayam became a peninsula when the Lake level reached its low of about 5,062 feet (reportedly 1920) and they remained so until 1932. Though the water began to rise in 1930, it was a slow increase until 1933; Lothrop’s 1932 map (Lothrop, 1933, p. 17) shows Teachttc. About 1921, according to former officials of Santiago, an Atiteco started to plant corn on the newly emerged island. When he was ques- tioned by the authorities, who considered this as com- munal land, he reportedly produced a title to the island, dated 1824, and was permitted to plant on it. (The 1866 map of Dollfus and Mont-Serrat shows high water again, 5,100 ft., by that time.) Local tradition also holds that the island was larger at the time of the Conquest, having then an area of 200 cuerdas (40 acres). Lothrop’s discovery (op. cit., p. 4) of ruins 3 feet below the low water of 1932 indicates a receded Lake level in pre-Conquest time. The level at which the Lake surface has stood during most of historic time, according to many types of evidence, is 5,100 feet. Judging from shore features, maps proving it are as follows: in 1685 (?), Fuentes y Guzman, 1932-33, vol. 2, op. p. 60; in 1812, unpub- lished map made in San Pedro (dated January 18, 1812, now in Santiago archives) ; in 1866, Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, 1868, pl. 16, fig. 2; in 1891, Intercon- tinental Railway Commission Survey, triangulation figure, Report of 1898, p. 81, and unpublished map of Lake Atitlan. Photographs showing the 5,100 feet level are as follows: Brigham, 1887, op. p. 156; in 1904, Termer, 1936, pl. 29, fig. 1. Reports of the old residents all around the Lake, the growth of large trees (avocadoes especially) only above 5,100 ft., and the reentrenchment of streams below this level, all lend supporting evidence. Médel about 1550 described Santiago as an important village with some 3,000 Indians, and mentioned subterranean outlets from the Lake, refusing to believe Indian tradition that it was bottomless and without any outlet. (Médel, Ms. 1550-60?, p. 65, f. 152). Ponce in 1586 told of a great river near Patulul which sprang from the mountain, draining the Lake from the southeast shore (Ponce, 1873, p. 444). Fray Diego de Ocafia, a Dominican priest, was probably the first to write (1662) regard- ing the origin of the Lake depression. He described it as a calderalike crater, resulting from the collapse of a giant volcano, and attributed Lake drainage to subterranean outlets which controlled the level; he wrote that Atitlan volcano was also called “Patulul” at that time (Vazquez, 1937-38, pp. 168-169). (It was also known as “Suchitepequez”; erupted in 1469, and a number of other times to 1856; McBryde, 1933; p. 67 and ftn. 4.) Dollfus and Mont-Serrat (1866) explained the Lake entirely through blocked drainage by volcanoes, as in the case of Lake Amatitlan, and cautioned against the crater notion. They were prob- ably the first to advance this idea (op. cit., p. 238). The United States Army engineers who made the Railway Survey in 1891-92, considered both hy- potheses, leaning slightly to the crater idea (Inter- continental Railway Commission Survey, Report of 1898, p. 82). Tempest Anderson, an English volcanolo- gist, in 1908 reiterated independently the conclusions of the Americans (Anderson, 1908, p. 482). The German volcanologist, Karl Sapper, wrote in 1913 that the Lake, like Amatitlan, was due essentially to blocked drainage. Atwood in 1932 concluded that the basin was a caldera (Atwood, 1933, p. 664); while Termer in 1936 found “no geologic evidence of an old crater formation,” and though the rivers Quixcap and Pana- jachel must have formerly joined the coastal streams southwest of the Lake before being blocked by the voleanoes (Termer, 1936, pp. 251-252). One of the most convincing arguments against a previous drain- age through Santiago Bay is seen in the older ridge which stands between the Bay and the Coastal Low- lands (background in pl. 47). INDEX OF PLACE NAMES Acatenango, volcano, vit, 6, 177. (Pl. 44, b, d.) Agua, volcano, 161, 168, 177. (PI. 1, e; 44, a, b.) Aguacatan, v, 30-32, 64, 73, 76, 84, 127, 175 Agua Escondida, 125, Ahachel, 103. Almolonga, 27, 30-32, 77, 98, 126, 127, 146, 149. Almolonga (Ciudad Vieja), 177. Alotenango, 101. Alta Vera Paz, 42, 45, 96. Amatitlan, 9, 33, 120, 140, 142, 147, 180. Amatitlan Lake, 131, 180. Amazonia, 148. Antigua, v, vil, 15, 54, 66, 68, 85, 87, 140, 14 44, a, c,d.) Antilles, 139, 140. Argueta, Totonicapan, v, v1, vm, 27, 28, 57, 68, 69, 74, 76, 97, 100, 104-112, 115, 116, 119, 165, 166, 168. (Pls. 13, b; JAMO 21.6642. b.) Asuncion Mita, 84, 85, 128, 173, 178. Atitlan Lake, v, v1, vir, 3, 4, 12, 16, 21, 24-26, 29-32, 35, 39, 41, 43-45, 48, 49, 62, 68-70, 73-80, 83, 84, 86-89, 91, 93, 95, 97-104, 112, 120-124, 126, 127, 129-133, 135-142, 144, 146- 148, 151, 161, 163-171, 174, 178-180. (Map 20; pls. 2, e; 65-71 8:9: 10; a, c; 12, d; 13, a; 24; 25, b-d, fs 27, a-e; 45; 46; 47.) Atitlan, municipio and village, see Santiago Atitlan. Atitlan, volcano, v, vit, 6, 27, 97, 132, 165, 166, 168, 169, 179, OMe Cris: 5,0: 10) as 12, a; 22)c; 23,05. 24, c 326, as 46, e; 47.) 2,001 A77. CBI Baja Vera Paz, 37, 45, 78. Barillas, 75. Belize, 85. Boca costa, see Piedmont. Bolivia, 134. Brazil, 138, 139. . British Honduras, 43, 65, 137, 138, 145. Buena Vista, 8. ~ Caballo Blanco, 145. Cabrican, 73, 74, 98, 127. Cajabon, 24. Cajola, 20, 27, 63, 71, 74, 78, 89, 98, 127, 174. Campeche, 44. Cantel, vir, 20, 32, 38, 52, 62, 66, 77, 78, 89, 98, 113, 127, 172, 174-176. (PI. 32, e.) Capotitlan, 48, 51, 59, 86, 92, 102, 143. Cerro de Oro, v, vir, 53, 68, 90; 91, 98-102, 104, 112, 121, 124, 164. 0@Pls: 65,7, 7.) Cerro de Oro, volcanic cone, 169, 179. (Pls. 24, a; 46, f.) Cerro Quemado, volcano, vu, 3, 6, 162, 173-176. (Pls. 3, f; 35, d; 41, d.) Chajul, 39, 78. Chalchitan, 172. Champerico, 13, 58, 73, 80, 92. Chiantla, 64, 65, 73, 76, 78, 127, 141, 172. Chiapas, 2, 7, 51, 62, 72, 79, 84, 96, 97, 134-136, 141, 143, 144, 146-148, 174. AND GEOGRAPHICAL REGIONS Chicacao, v, vi, vit, 2, 12, 23, 25, 35, 37, 41, 48, 67, 73, 78, 84, 87-94, 98, 99, 120, 121, 133, 146, 147, 162, 179. (Pls. 4, CreG2/ Fs 41s fF) Chiché, vr, 15, 37-39, 50, 67, 75, 77-79, 83, 89, 166. (PI. 29, c.) Chichicastenango, v, vi, vit, 3, 29, 39, 43, 49, 50, 52, 53, 56-58, 62-05, 67-71, 73-81, 83, 84, 87-90, 93, 96-99, 102, 104-119, 122, 123, 125, 148, 149, 153, 163, 165-167, 171. (Map 25; pls. 63 7; Bj.c3 14, byid;.e;.93 17, @: 28729) a, 6) Chile, 139. Chimaltenango, 15, 33, 88, 91. Chinaca, 73. Chinautla, vr, vit, 51, 54, 80, 109, 111, 115, 166, 176. (Pls. 215 G3 42,sDa) Chinique, 37, 39, 74, 78. Chiquilaja, 20, 28, 95. Chiquimula, 11, 34, 45, 72, 78. Chiquimulilla, 15. Chocola, 35, 39, 78, 90. Ciudad Vieja, 142, 168, 177. (Pl. 44, d.) : Coastal Plain (La Costa), 2-6, 10, 16, 22, 23, 25, 30, 33, 37, 39, 43, 45, 51, 58, 59, 127, 128, 131-133, 138, 148, 150, 178. Coatepeque, 2, 15, 73, 75, 78, 83, 98. Coatunco, 41. Coban, vu, 24, 34, 44, 51, 52, 65, 69, 102, 127, 142, 173, 176. (Pl. 34, ¢.) Cocales, 92. Colomba, 32, 75, 77, 78. Colombia, 66, 134, 137. Colotenango, 69. Comalapa, 16, 29, 101, 165. Comitan, 79. Comitancillo, 64, 69, 141, 176. (PI. 41, e, g.) Concepcion, v, 30, 49, 76, 89, 98, 104, 113, 117, 118, 121, 122, 166. Concepcién Chiquirichapa, vit, 27, 75, 76, 78, 89, 98, 126, 140. (PI. 42, g.) Continental Divide, 4, 6, 128, 131, 133. Copan, 142. Cordillera, 6. Costa Cuca, 5. Costa de Guazacapan, 5, 38, 59. Costa Grande, 5. Costa Rica, 43, 136-138, 144-146, 148. Cotzal, 39, 78, 177. Cubulco, 37, 79. Cuchumatanes Mountains and villages, v1, vi, 7, 20, 32, 39, 43, 48-51, 54, 55, 58, 62, 64,.65, 67, 72-75, 78, 81, 83, 84, 87, 93, 126, 128, 129, 131, 135, 140, 152, 172, 174, 175. (Pls. 30, a; 37.) Cuilco, 71, 151. Cuilco River, 7, 131. Cunen, 101, 177. Cutzan River, 94. Cuyotenango, 32, 38, 41, 58, 76, 78. El! Batl, 14. El] Rancho, 178. FE] Rodeo, San Marcos, 162. (PI. 5, c.) 181 182 INDEX El Rosario Tumbador, 8. Escuintla, 32, 39, 73, 88, 120, 139, 143, 151. Esquipulas, 85. Filadelfia, 93. Flores, 14. Fuego, volcano, vit, 6, 177, 178. (Pl. 4, 8,4.) Godines, v1, 97,179. (PI. 23, c.) Golfo Dulce, 34. Guatemala City, v, vi, 15, 32, 53, 54, 64, 67-69, 71, 74-76, 79, 80, 82, 85, 92, 138-140, 148, 161, 166, 168, 171, 175, 176. (Pl. 42, c.) Guatemala Dept., 37. Guazacapan, 143. Giija Lake, 178. (PI. 44, e.) Helvetia, v, 8. (PI. 5, d.) Highlands, v, vit, vt, 2, 5-7, 10, 11, 14-17, 19-26, 28-30, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 41-46, 48, 51, 52, 54, 57, 58, 64, 67, 70, 73, 74-85, 87-95, 97, 98, 101, 120-122, 127-129, 131-135, 137, 139, 142, 144-149, 153, 155, 161-164, 170-172, 175-177. (Pls. 6442, c; 4447.) Honduras, 15, 46, 67, 81, 85, 96, 135, 138, 140, 141, 143. Huehuetenango, vi, vit, 3, 15, 20, 32, 38, 39, 52, 54, 63-65, 72, 75-79, 81-83, 97, 126, 131, 164. (Pls. 31, c, d; 41, b.) Huehuetenango Dept., 52, 55, 61, 66, 79, 134-136, 141, 143, 14752 GBI SIo) Huitan, 52, 74, 89, 98. Teal, 73: Ilopango Lake (EI Salvador), v, 94. Iximché, 177. Ixtapa, 15. (Pl. 4,,¢.) Jacaltenango, 39, 78, 135. Jaibal, vr, vit, 30, 101, 120, 167, 178, 179. 19, b; 45, f; 46, a.) Jaibalito, vit, 89, 121, 123, 178. (Pl. 45, d.) Jalapa Dept., 37, 72, 78. Jalpatagua, 143. Jamaica, 162. (PI. 5, f.) Jataté River, 141. Jocotenango, 177. Jutiapa Dept., 37, 78, 134. (Pis.418)/a,.03 La Abundancia, 93. La Democracia, 75. Las Mercedes, 8. La Union (San Marcos), 15, 52, 57, 61, 63, 67, 73, 75, 81, 126, 127-5135: Livingston, 14. Los Altos, 6, 131, 166. Los Encuentros, 28, 30. Los Esclavos, 14. Lowlands, v, v1, 2, 4-6, 11, 13-16, 19, 22-25, 28, 30, 32-39, 41, 46-48, 50, 51, 56, 57, 61, 66, 68, 70, 72-86, 88-99, 101, 103, 104, 107, 112, 117, 120-122, 125-129, 131-135, 137, 138, 140, 143-155, 161, 162, 166, 169-171, 176, 177, 179, 180. (Pls. 1-5.) Madre Vieja River, 124. Malacatancito, 61, 72. Mazatenango, V, VI, vit, 2, 16, 30, 32, 37-39, 45, 66, 73, 75, 76, 78, 80, 82-84, 92, 93, 110, 126, 133, 137, 143, 145-149, 162, 172,176; (P1s::3% a, f 35, ex4l cg). Mexico, 2, 9, 58, 59, 66, 72, 79, 85, 97, 129, 134-143, 145, 146, 148, 151, 155. Mixco, 56. Moca, v, 5, 35, 80, 90. (PI. 5, b.) Momostenango, v1, vir, 3, 4, 13, 15, 16, 20, 26, 27, 48, 61-66, 73-75, 77, 81, 85-88, 90, 98, 118, 127, 132, 142, 149, 151, 154, 162;¢163; 166, 171,.172;) CR 1s230).bs f2'33i34s\S5na:) Motagua Valley, 7, 178. Nahuala, v, 57, 61, 65, 69, 73, 74, 82, 89, 93, 98, 104, 106, 112, 115, 120, 146-148, 162-165. (Pls. 6; 8, a; 14, g.) Nahualate, 24, 94. Nahualate River, 178. (P1. 45, b.) Nebaj, 177. Negro River, 7, 32, 127, 131, 177. Nenton, 68. Nicaragua, 33, 37, 57, 62, 66, 135, 144, 146. Nicoya, Gulf of, 62, 146. Nuevo San Carlos, 72. Oaxaca, 38, 142, 147. : Olintepeque, vit, 39, 52, 53, 63, 68, 74, 78, 80, 98, 127, 174. Ela38! a.) Pacaya, volcano, 161,177. (Pls. 1, e; 44, b.) Pacayals 22, 35. Palencia, 78. Palin, 51, 149. Palmar, 36, 67, 78, 90, 145, 146, 149. Panajachel, v, v1, vit, 8, 12, 15-17, 20, 21, 26, 29-31, 36, 45, 49, 50, 73, 74, 77, 79, 84, 87-91, 94, 97-99, 102-106, 108-111, 120-127, 141, 146, 148, 150, 163, 165, 168-170, 176, 179. (Map 23; pls. 6; 7, d, e; 9, a, b; 12, a; 18-21; 24, d-f; 46, a, b.) F Panajachel River, v1, vit1, 31, 122, 132, 167, 179, 180. (Pls. 18, a,c; 19, a; 46, a, b.) Panama, 85, 134, 137. Panebar, 90, 98. Panimaché, 73, 74, 123, 168. (PI. 21, a.) Patanatié, 68, 90, 91, 123. (PI. 14, e.) Patulul, 2, 67, 68, 80, 92, 93, 124, 125, 179, 180. Patzicia, 15, 53, 75, 90, 91, 102, 164. Patzité, 15, 79, 89. : Patztm, 3, 16, 49, 51, 58, 73, 75, 78, 87, 99, 124-126, 136, 148, 163, 168. Paxixil, 60, 73. Pecul, 90. Peru, 94, 134, 137, 139, 161. Petén, 14, 65, 66, 88, 96. Pié de Volcan, vit, 20, 43, 45, 74. (PI. 38, c, d.) Piedmont (La Boca Costa), v, 2, 5, 10, 14, 15, 23, 29, 31, 33, 35-37, 39, 43, 45, 52, 67, 70, 73, 75, 77, 79, 80, 82, 86, 90, 92, 93, 95, 98, 104, 126, 128, 129, 133, 136-139, 141, 144, 148-150, 166. (Pls. 2, 3, 4, 5.) Pochuta, 80. INDEX 183 Polopéd, 89, 103. (See also San Antonio Palopé and Santa Catarina Pa- lopd.) Pueblo Nuevo, v, 3, 32, 35, 36, 38, 46, 71, 90, 95, 140, 149, 172. (Pls. 3, e; 31, a.) Puerto Barrios, v, 14. Quezaltenango, vi, vim, 4, 6, 8, 10, 13, 15, 16, 20, 28, 29, 31, 38, 39, 41, 44, 48, 50-53, 56, 57, 61, 62, 68-70, 72-82, 85, 87, 88, 95-98, 101, 104, 105, 113-116, 118-120, 125-128, 131, 135, 136, 140, 145-147, 149, 161-164, 166, 172-176. (Pls. 32, e; 38, 5; 39, fF.) Quezaltenango Dept., 88, 90, 98. Quezaltenango-Totonicapan Valley (see also upper Samala Valley), 3, 4, 16, 19, 62, 71, 74-77, 82, 83, 97, 102, 126-128, 133, 140, 142, 143, 163. (Map 24.) Quiché Dept., 39, 88, 93, 98. Quiché (Santa Cruz del Quiché), v, 37, 39, 67, 73, 75, 78, 113, 122, 127, 132, 163, 173, 177. (Pls. 13, ¢; 30, e; 42, a.) Quixcap River, v, vir, 30, 100, 102, 121, 122, 132, 166, 178- 180. (Pls. 10, c, g; 45, f; 46, a.) Rabinal, vit, 37, 56, 57, 68, 70, 79, 81, 148, 150, 154. (Pl. 43, a-e.) Retalhuleu, 2, 16, 28, 32, 38, 73, 75, 76, 78, 80, 82, 88, 98, 104, 133, 140, 151, 162. Retana Lake, 134. Sacapulas, vi, vit, 48, 58, 59, 60, 71, 73, 74, 104, 113, 115, 131, TSOMALIZ7., (Pls: 30, c+ 42, e, f.) Sacatepequez Dept., 88. Salama, 37, 79, 131. Salcaja, vt, 16, 27, 52, 62, 63, 74, 81, 87, 98, 126, 127, 164, 165, 175. (Pls. 39, a; 40, a, d, e.) Salvador, El, v, vitt, 5, 9, 11, 13-15, 32-34, 37, 38, 41-43, 57, 62, 63, 66, 67, 72, 81, 85, 94, 127, 135, 138-143, 146-148. (Pl. 44, e.) ‘Samala River, vu, 3, 4, 31, 66, 126, 133, 173, 174, 176.. (Pls. 35, d; 38; 39, d; 40; 41, d.) Samayac, 43, 45, 70, 161, 162. San Andrés Sajcabaja, 68, 70, 93, 101. (PI. 17, g.) San Andrés Semetabaj, v, vi, vu, 17, 20, 21, 22, 25, 28, 49, 75, 76, 98, 104-106, 108, 118, 119, 121, 125, 127, 165, 179. (Pls. 6; 7, h; 19, e; 46, b.) San Andrés Xecul, v, vir, 20, 52, 55, 66, 70, 74, 86, 89, 95, 102, 126. (Frontispiece; pls. 32, d; 38, e, £; 39, a; 40, b.) ‘San Antonio Aguascalientes, vit, 51, 68, 177. (Pl. 44, c.) San Antonio Huista, v, 134-136, 153. (PI. 5, a.) San Antonio Palopé, v, v1, v1, 25, 26, 28, 41, 49, 50, 68, 75, 76, 87-89, 98, 102-105, 110, 124, 125, 132, 138, 163-166, 169, lem CPIss O70 9 c+ 13, c: 14,0233 27, bi: 46, c.) San Antonio Suchitepequez, 35, 37, 41, 58, 87, 92, 101, 146, 147. Sanarate, 78. San Bartolomé Aguacatepeque, 92, 101. San Bartolomé Aguascalientes, 19, 48, 56, 90, 139, 172. San Bernardino Suchitepequez, v, 25, 34, 38, 45, 51, 58, 70, 92, 149,161. (Pl. 3, d.) San Buenaventura, vim, 166, 178. (Pls. 18, a; 46, a.) San Carlos Sija, 71, 73, 98. San Cristébal, Alta Vera Paz, 27, 42, 69. San Cristdébal, Jutiapa, 44 (PI. 44, e.) San Cristébal Totonicapan, vit, 20, 27, 29, 32, 46-48, 52, 54-57, 62, 63, 66, 68, 70, 73, 74, 76, 77, 80, 81, 87, 89, 92, 98, 126~ 128, 140, 167, 171, 173, 175, 176, 178. (Pls. W529) a3 32,0741. a,c) San Felipe, v, 32, 38, 75, 77, 78, 80, 126, 139, 149, 162, 177. San Francisco el Alto, v, vi, 3, 20, 22, 27, 28, 32, 38, 39, 52, 54-57, 61, 63-65, 67, 69, 73-83, 86, 89, 92, 98, 104, 106, 127, 128, 138, 166, 172-176. (Frontispiece; ple 13) (es355i0-d' 36.) San Francisco la Union, 38, 78, 79, 98, 166. San Francisco Zapotitlan, 38, 90, 146. San Gabriel, 46. San Ildefonso Ixtahuacan, 75. San Isabel, 134. San Jorge, v, v1, vit, 77, 88, 104, 110-112, 114-116, 118, 122, 167, 178, 179. (Pls. 12, d; 16; 45, f; 46, a.) San José Chacaya, v1, 30, 49, 58, 71, 74, 88, 89, 98, 102, 104, 116, 122, 163, 178. (PI. 17, a.) San José, Puerto, v, 2, 16, 23, 73, 173. (PI. 1, e.) San Juan Atitan, v1, vit, 49, 51, 172. (Pls. 31, b; 32, c.) San Juan Bautista, 93. San Juan Comalapa, v. (PI. 8, ¢.) San Juan Ixcoy, vu, 75. (PI. 39, g.) San Juan la Laguna, v1, 28, 69, 76, 78, 81, 90, 93, 98, 99, 101~ 104, 142, 147, 164, 178. (PI. 45, a.) San Juan Ostuncalco, vit, 3, 4, 20, 22, 27, 28, 32, 38, 49, 71, 74, 75, 77-81, 84, 89, 95, 98, 126, 127, 146, 149, 174, 176. (Pl. 41, e.) San Juan Zacualpa, 98. San Lucas Toliman, v1, vir, 16, 26, 41, 42, 44, 46, 80, 83, 90- 92, 95, 98-101, 103, 120, 125, 131, 132, 162, 169, 179. (Pls. 23, b; 46, d, e.) San Luis Jilotepeque, 72, 134. San Marcos, see La Union (San Marcos). San Marcos Dept., 67, 72, 162, 167, 176. San Marcos (la Laguna), vim, 3, 13, 26, 49, 93, 98, 102-104, 120, 121, 141, 142, 169,171. (PI. 45, b-e.) San Martin Jilotepeque, .78. San Martin Sacatepequez (“Chile Verde”), vit, 27, 44, 50, 52, 76, 89, 98, 127, 174, 176. (Pls. 39, b, c; 41, e.) San Mateo, 20, 90, 98. San Mateo Ixtatan, 58, 73. San Miguel Acatan, 83. ‘ San Miguel Ixtahuacan, 56, 80, 175, 176. (PI. 41, d, e, g.) San Miguel Pandan, 67. San Miguel Sigtila, 71, 89, 98, 101. San Miguel Uspantan, 67. San Pablo (la Laguna), vut, 13, 26, 49, 50, 69, 84, 87, 92, 93, 98, 102-104, 120, 121, 142, 162-164, 168, 178. (Pls. 21, d; 45, b, c.) San Pablo Jocopilas, v, vr, 23, 45, 80, 90, 149. (Pl. 3, b.) San Pedro Ayampuc, 76. San Pedro Carcha, 24, 65, 173. (PI. 34, c.) San Pedro Cutzan, v, 22, 23, 25, 34, 42, 46, 48, 62, 70, 90, 94, 95, 101-104, 120, 137, 148. (Pls. 2, f, g; 4, b.) San Pedro Jocopilas, v1, vir, 54, 56, 101, 109. 30, ¢; 42, a.) San Pedro la Laguna, v, vt, 20, 25, 26, 28, 42, 44, 46, 48-50, 61, 62, 69, 70, 75, 76, 80, 86, 88, 90, 92, 94, 95, 97-99, 101- 106, 115, 120, 125, 129, 140-143, 147, 163, 164, 168, 169, 178, 180,, (Pls, 6; 7,439) d3 21, C024, a, 637203\44.-f"45:. a@) (Bisel 3a.) (Pls. 29, c; 184 INDEX San Pedro Necta, 75. San Pedro Pinula, v1, 171. (PI. 43, f.) San Pedro Sacatepequez (Dept. San Marcos), 16, 53, 57, 61, 167. (P1. 19, b.) San Pedro Soloma, v1. (PI. 30, a.) San Pedro, volcano, vi, 100, 102, 161, 165, 166, 168-170, 178, 179. (Pls. 2, e; 10, e; 13, a; 24, a; 26, a; 45, a; 47.) San Pedro Yepocapa, 75. San Raimundo, 76. San Salvador, 68, 143. (Pl. 42, d.) San Sebastian Coatan, vir, 65, 81, 83. San Sebastian Huehuetenango, 62, 84. San Sebastian Lemoa, 58, 67. San Sebastiin Retalhuleu, v, vu, 8, 15, 43-46, 51, 52, 67, 98, 145, 149, 154, 161. (Pl. 2, b-d.) Santa Adela, v. (PI. 5, e.) Santa Ana Huista, 134. Santa Apolonia, 47, 73. Santa Barbara, 64, 67, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94. Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan, 9, 14, 16, 37, 49, 50, 56, 64, 72, 77, 78, 88, 89, 98, 99, 137, 146 148, 155. Santa Catarina Laguna, 103. Santa Catarina Palopé, v, vt, vi, 15, 21, 25, 27, 46-50, 68, 74, 84, 90, 97, 98, 102-104, 112, 120, 122-124, 135, 136, 142, 147, 148, 162, 164, 169; 179. (Pls. 6; 7, f, 9; 22; 46, b.) Santa Clara la Laguna, 56, 93, 98, 102, 104, 169, 178, (PI. 44, a.) Santa Cecilia, 8. Santa Cruz del Quiché, see Quiché. Santa Cruz la Laguna, vi, vit, 9, 13, 20, 24, 26, 30, 46, 48, 49, 50, 68, 88, 89, 98, 102-104, 109, 110, 112, 114, 116-121, 142, 147, 162, 163, 167, 171, 178, 179. (Pls. 17, RECT A 45, d, e.) Santa Elena, 94. Santa Eulalia, vi, vu. (Pls. 20, a; 37, c.) Santa Lucia Colzumalguapa, 41, 75. Santa Lucia Utatlain, 49, 53, 57, 70, 78, 90, 93, 94, 98, 102, 104, 105, 108, 110, 112, 114-117, 419, 120, 123, 1670." GE 14, f.) Santa Maria, vit, 61, 98, 126. (PI. 39, d, e.) Santa Maria Chiquimula, 54, 55, 57, 71, 73, 74, 77, 80, 89, 93, 98, 104, 126, 127, 151. Santa ‘Maria Visitacién, 98. Santa Maria, volcano, 3, 6, 14, 27, 36, 74, 98, 162, 173, 174- 176. “(Plsi3;, Fiysbsd 3 Soca; 41, d-) Santa Rosa, 37, 78. Santiago Atitlan, v, v1, vit, 13, 16, 17, 19-21, 25, 26, 29, 39, 43, 46, 48-50, 52, 62, 68, 73, 75, 78, 80, 82, 83, 85-104, 112, 120, 121, 124, 125, 130, 131, 136, 142, 146, 147, 162-164, 166, 167, 169, 170, 179, 180. (Pls. 6; 7, 7-1; 23, d; 24, a-c; 25:2 42;- b> 47.) (Pl. 37.) Santiago Bay, vu, 170, 180, (PI. 47.) Santiago Petatan, 134. Santiago Sacatepequez, 53. Santiago Zambo, 14. Santiaguito, volcano, 6, 162. (Pl. 3, f.) Santo Domingo Suchitepequez, v, 2, 24, 29, 30, 34, 37, 42, 45, 46, 51, 84, 134, 136-139, 143, 145, 147, 149, 162. (PI. 3, c.) Santo Tomas, Chichicastenango, see Chichicastenango. Santo Tomas la Union, v, 2, 16, 23, 37, 39, 45, 48, 78, 79, 82, 90, 95, 146, 147, 162. (Pl. 4, d.) j Santo Tomas Perdido, 90. Santo Tomas, volcano, 3, 162, 178. Senaht, 24. Sibilia, 71, 98. Sigiiila, 44, 78. Sipacate, 73. Soconusco, 5, 10, 11, 14, 33, 34, 97, 143. Solola, v, v1, vim, 3, 13, 15, 16, 19, 20, 22, 25, 29-32, 37, 39, 41, 44, 45, 48-51, 53, 63, 66, 68-71, 73-81, 83-87, 89-91, 93, 94, 96-122, 124-126, 128, 138, 147-149, 163-170, 176, 178. (Maps'21, ‘22: pls. 6:3 7,.a;,.b, ¢; 10-173 21,'a):22,e" 450 7: 46, a.) . Solola Dept., 88, 98. Soloma, 39, 73, 78. Sonsonate, 11, 14, 34. Suchitepequez, 14, 33, 41, 78, 88, 90, 91, 93, 98, 143, 180. Tactic, 27. Tahuesco, v, vi, 2, 4, 13,)14; 22, 41, 58, 73; 1103133; 161. (Pls. 1, a-d; 2, a.) Tajumulco, 61, 72, 131, 162. Tapachula, Chiapas, 79, 134. Tecpan, v, vim, 3, 49, 53, 64, 71, 73, 75, 78, 83, 87, 91, 99, 120, 125, 126, 136, 165-167, 169. (Pls. 6; 8, d; 14, e; 44, b.) Tecpanatitlan (Solola), 86, 92. Tejutla, 65. Todos Santos Cuchumatan, 15, 20, 50, 51, 75, 76, 140, 143, 172. (Pl. 31, a, f, 9.) Toliman, volcano, vut, 6, 27, 92, 97, 165, 166, 168-170, 179. (PIss10, as" 12s 22 cs) 23.7 +) 245 anc 20..ar 40nd nena: 47.) Torlén, 73. Totonicapan, v, v1, vit, 3, 4, 9, 15, 16, 19, 25-29, 46-48, 50-57, 61, 62, 68-70, 73, 74, 76-81, 85, 86, 88, 90, 93, 97, 98, 101, 102, 104-106, 109, 111-119, 123, 126, 127, 138, 140, 147, 161=166, 175, 176: ACPIs Bebra 14500; ods oc; 1c,c0 AON 41 cds fag.) Totonicapan Dept., 98. Tulate River, 2. Tzanjuyt, vi, 122, 123, 167, 168, 178. (Pls. 18; 46, a.) Tzununa, vi, vit, 13, 24, 30, 77, 89, 103, 104, 121, 137, 138, 148, 162, 168, 171, 178. (Pls. 27, d, e; 45, c, d, e.) Veracruz, 71, 150, 148. Vera Paz, 24, 66, 72, 123. Xelaj (Quezaltenango), 10, 126, Xepéc, 90, 91, 98, 123. Yucatan, 2, 42, 44, 47, 48, 59, 135, 137, 138, 140, 142, 144, 154. Zacapa, 44, 45, 147, 178. Zacaulpa, vt. (PI. 19, d.) Zambo, 14, 43, 120. Zapotitlan, 10, 11, 34, 91, 93, 143, 146. (Sev also Capotitlan.) Zaragoza, 16, 46. Zunil, 52, 55, 90, 98, 126, 127, 146, 149. Zunil, volcano, 3, 4, 31, 44, 162, 178. (Pls. 3, f; 45, a.) Zunilito, 90. (Plsv3, 5, 45)0a:) yy U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1947—654162 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 1 PACIFIC LITTORAL beach of Tahuese« c, Washing clothes with well water t Puerto San Jose. th sand barrie a, Dugout canoes at Tahuesco. 6, Fre I m playa deposits at Tahuesco. e, Sun-evaporated salt < carried in a gasol ne can. For explanation, see p. 161 JO MOTA jeieuen y “jeyouleuua puLlystH w10Jj 4Saaqynos SoEACOL CSUSUS Eze qeon 3 OJ 897090. “yuowpatg pue spuylMo7y [BIsv0D leet 2 @ ALVId CTI9t ‘d oes ‘aomneueldxe oa) “‘SdUT[[eMp UBZINDO oped ue, 3 BUIAIIC “qd OOS¢ ‘uBZINO o:ped ue INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY \& rs aes PUBLICATION No. 4 -*. mt por z ‘ 23 ME ly PACIFIC COASTAL LOWLANDS AND PIEDMONT a, Cartload of hoja de sal (Calathea) leaves for thatch. Santo Domingo Suchitepequez [hatching a house with hoja de sal at San Pablo Jocopilas. Dwelling at d, Clearing weeds for planting milpa at San Bernardino. e, Load of As baskets near Pueblo Nuevo, headed for San Felipe market. f, Mazatenango, looking north from railway station \guacatan (Highland) (For explanation, see p. 162.) INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 4 PLATE 4 PACIFIC COASTAL LOWLANDS AND PIEDMONT. a, Ladino fisherman making a net at Dolores Apulo, on Lake Ilopango, El Salvador. 6, Men fishing with small hand nets in the Tarro River, San Pedro Cutzan. c, Load of Totonicapan tinware near Chicacao carried by an itinerant merchant. d, Young cattle from eastern Guatemala sold at Santo Tomas la Uni6n by an Indian of Santiago Atitlan. e, Chicacao market scene. For explanation, see p. 162.) INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 4 PLATE 6 j a LAKE ATITLAN REGION = GUATEMALA LAKE ATITLAN REGION MAP AND INDEX OF COSTUMES WORN IN LAKE MUNICIPIOS. 1, Santa Catarina Ixtahuacan-Nahuala; 2, Solola, San Jose Chacaya, and Concepcién: 3, Panajachel; 4, Santo Tomas Chichicastenango (Panimaché); j San Andrés Semetabaj; 6, Santa Catarina Palopé; 7, Tecpan; 8, San Antonio Palopé; 9 San Pedro la Laguna, San Juan Ja Laguna, and San Pedro Cutzan: 10, Santiago Atitlan. Chicacao; 11, Cerro de Oro. (For explanation, see p. 162.) Cear ‘doves ‘uonnur[dxe Joop) Bq OluolUy [44s QIN 9 pul \\ ue A SOdL 21s Aq S10[O) 1ayeM uIO J ) Merri: Veeeeeresr L3Lvld + “ON NOILVOINTENd ADONIOdOYNHLNY WIDOS AO SLNLILSNI INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 8 INDIAN TYPES IN THE LAKE ATITLAN REGION, Nahualaé woman (Nahaulena, Xancatal). b, Santo Tomas Chichicastenango man (Maxefio). c, Santo Tomas Chichicastenango woman (Maxena). d, Teepan woman (Tecpaneca). e, San Juan Comalapa woman (Comalapena), in Tecpan market. (For explanation, see p. 164 I ‘d 0% Pp] O1pag ueg ‘p ‘ssois diem ulyord ISUIAPOM UPUIOM 14 ed ! ONINNIdS GNV ONIAVAM WOOT-HOILS rd eq oluojuy urg * 6 31V1d vv ON NOILVSOIISNd ADOTNOdOYHLNY WIDOS AO SZLNLILSNI OL aLV1d t “ON NOILVOINWENd LU2a8 IN (eo ‘d aas ‘uoteuridxa 104) *(Aayfea doar dyoxinQ) e]ojog jo a3po asamyioN, “F }1OU $ WF Node | [jeMp ut Ipu] yore qa ALINIDIA GNY YW1OT10S IsoMY OU A SNOTOdOYHLNY lvl IOS AO SALNLILSNI NSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLIC ATION No INDIANS GOING TO THE SOLOLA MARKET For ¢ ANCIENT < planation TRAIL ep. 166 TO CONCEPCION JUST EAST OF SOLOL A INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY a PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 12 INDIANS GOING TO THE SOLOLA MARKET a, Adju ting a muleload oft onions at Panajachel b, Santiago Selling honey from Antigua at Solola during the Semana de Dolores fair. Atitlan men arriving at Solola with Lowland cargoes in carrying frames (cacastes) trail to Solola market with a gasoline-box load of panela route to the Highlands ¢, d, San Jorge (Solola) man climbing Load of iguanas from Chicacao passing through Panajachel en (For explanation, see p. 166 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 13 ANIMALS BEING TAKEN TO MARKET a, Two iguanas, a parrot, and tropical fruit on the trail just below Solola (from a water color by the author). }, Solola women in their I Friday market with a turkey and two chickens for sale. c, Chichicastenango and Quiché (extreme left) men selling young from Chiché at Solola Inset shows manner of driving pigs 12S For explanation, see p. 166 IIE SBI INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 4 PLATE 15 SOLOLA EASTER PROCESSION of Christ carrying His cross) moving down east side of central park on hooded men’s shoulders. “El Senor de las tres caidas’’ (ima For explanation, see p. 167 (2191 ‘d vas ‘adoreur[dxa 104) vY1O10S MO18g ‘39YxOr NYS LV NOISSSDOYd AVC S.LNIVS-NOYlVd al i, RET, 5 ied op 7. € é 91 31v1d tv ‘ON NOILVOINESNnd ADOIOdOYHLNY WIDO0OS AO ALNLILSNI INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 17 CEREMONIAL SCENES San José Ch ears dressed as saints. ¢, Solola chirimia player and his drummer so instrument. e¢, Chichicastenango man pla en route to a fiesta Conquistador masked dance at § b, Close-up of an altar uring a fiesta. d, Solola mari rO d-ty pe marimba wi gourd sound-boxes. in Ce Andrés Semetabaj a, Maize-y lanting mass inside a leaf-covered shelter near ba [ >monial &; For explanation, see p. 167.) 81 3LV1d vy ON NOILVOINENd ADONOdOYHLNY TWIDOS AO ALNLILSNI INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 19 PANAJACHEL a, Mosaic panorama of Panajachel as seen from a 200-foot cliff at the northern edge of the village. b, Indian laborer beside a 3-year- old coffee bush (at his right) and shade trees at Finca Jaibal, west of Panajachel. c, Jocote varieties grown at Panajachel. d, Za- caulpa Indian youth on his way to work on a Lowland coffee plantation, spinning black wool while waiting for a motor launch. e, Large gully, caused by a flood in 1933, just east of the Panajachel delta, below San Andrés Semetabaj. f, Foot of the gully shown in é. (For explanation see p. 168. s91 ‘d oas ‘uonBur [dxa Joy) O02 31vqd +» ‘ON NOILvVOINAa ADOTNOdOYHLNY 1WIDOS AO ALNLILSN| (89T ‘d aas § snl peor uo) [al deleut jonsiy ue A 2UR_ 94d Ul U ‘qnep-t 1S 03 [PY LEM [vol { WlO1f peo ALINIDIA GNV TAHOVIYNYd uoseos L¢é 31W1d vv “ON NOILVOIN8Nd ADONOdOYHLNY WIDOS AO ALNLILSNI (69T “d 9as ‘a0 } sv Sqeio e wy) cat a “joyteu . oq Yysoye, ay ie sawojgv) v g ‘QdURISIP Ja}eIIs Be JU OdO1Vd VNIYVLVYD VLNVS Be Ke vy “ON NOILWDOINENd ADONOdOYHLNY WWIDO0S SO JALNLILSNI “OUT “UL QQg inoqe [} JO MalA [e1auer) °D €431LV1d v ON NOILVOIMENd ADOTOdOYHLNY WIDOS AO ALNLILSNI INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 4. PLATE 24 BOATS ON LAKE ATITLAN. 2, Santiago mail canoe about to land at San Pedro. 6, Disembarking and beaching a Santiago canoe at Panajachel. c, Large dug-out from San Pedro landing at Santiago. d, Motor launch at Santander pier, Panajachel, loading for a regular trip to San Lucas. e, Passengers disembarking from a Santiago canoe at Panajachel. f, Same as d, to show a line of pottery merchants about to get iboard. (For explanation, see p. 169.) jo uolaod wo IA 94} JO adpe u “NV ILILWY OSVILNVS Ge 31V1d vy 'ON NOILVOINIENd ADOTOdOYNHLNY TWIDOS AO ALNLILSN] COLI “d aas ‘uolnu ‘ador Suluut S ‘¢@ “aye M UT ps BOS U Iq sey yeu -wo-) wy! laqy MBI WO} puelis (Aan3ew) OARSE Sul Lie adc SUPI] UB e1S 'P pie MISOM Sul \ KONO TOdOYHLNY WIDOS 4O ALN 92 ALV1d ON NOILVOINENd INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO .4. PLATE 27 SANTA CRUZ AND TZUNUNA (ON LAKE ATITLAN) a, Setting of Santa Cruz on a ridge top on the north central Lake shore. 6, Santa Cruz as viewed from a high slope to the northwest. c, Santa Cruz man and woman catching small fish with a trap made of burlap coffee sacks. d, Tzununa (Santa Cruz) men seine- fishing. e, Santa Cruz (Tzununa) men, with old-style dress (three in center) and new (ends). f, Santa Cruz men selling /imas in the Chicacao market. (For explanation, see p. 170.) CILT ‘d aas ‘aorjeur[dxa 10,7) yoinys sy} fo doy ot Wolf peal A Se jJoyieul oy} jo uoniod V OONVNALSYVOIHOIHD SYWOL OLNVYS KQOTOdOYHLNY WWIDOS AO ALNLILSNI 82 3LV1d vv ON NOILVOINENd NSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOG Y PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 29 x Ne tet cat = + b.- CHICHICASTENANGO AND VICINITY. a, The market seen from the pottery section, with the chur« hin the background. 6, Indian church official ministers to vendors in the market. c, Gullying of an overgrazed hillside just west of Chiché; San Pedro Jocopilas pottery, foreground, going to the Chiche market. ? For explanation, see p. 171.) INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4. PLATE 30 Grete. oO PS en 7 th, bate Saar elt | tench 9% ee ae POP agi peer Gy PO ¥ Me, Piage ] % ; " Ps e MAIZE, CORNFIELDS (MILPAS), AND EROSION a, Clearing high bunchgrass with a hoe, in the Cuchumatanes Mountains between San Pedro Soloma and Santa Eulalia. b, Cornfield and rural dwellings just south of Momostenango. c, Digging deep furrows of a cornfield between San Pedro Jocopilas and Sacapulas. d, Maize ears from Santa Cruz (Lake Atitlan). ¢, Head of a deep, gullied ravine (barranca) by the main road just south of Santa Cruz del Quiche f, Pinnacled erosion features, locally termed “‘/os riscos,” at Momostenango, (For explanation, see p. 171.) ae JO JAlysano oY} UO sutmold oul oe 2 2 2¢ 1 ‘9 “uos pue 11) Jayiey solurg sopoy, ‘v NOISSY OONVNALANHSANH j ee Ver ere oe LE SLV1d vv ON NOILVOINENd ADONOdOYHLNY WIDOS AO SZLNLILSNI IIMOYUS ‘DIK Ss IpUuYy URS \ 1Bg Jot ILUBS oy Ajipou 18 SMOPBITN) “q fo 1sea So (UL Q yno¢ 000 ¢ DAC S3YNLSVd daaSHS ONVTIHSIH AODONTOdOHNHINY WIDOS AO ALNLILSN] ILV1d v ON NOILVOINENd INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE h WOOL WEAVING IN MOMOSTENANGO , Weaver spinning “‘black” (natural brown) wool. 6, Weaver and his grandsons carding and spinning white we Sy wool thread from a reel. d, Spooling thread ( t) and setting warping frame (left) from the creel (right) ee gene! weavers twisting fringe-ends of a finished blanket EERERN KEIR eee yyy | SE BS OS gags apne: 2 tra CeLt ‘d oas ‘uorouTdxo 10.7) oq (YSU) punolds Jot ‘Dp INyI oy? eptsul siod 7 ree te ae ae oe ah ag, OO igs 8 lg ee 2AM. ADONOdONHLNY WIDOS AO SLNLILSNI GE 3iv1d vv ON NOILvOIIend Cezt d aos ‘uo1eur[dxoa 1047) “HOYNHD AHL AO AOOYN AHL WOYS GAMGIA SV ‘SYVNOS WHLNAD AHL NI LEHYVW OLIV 14 ODSIONVYA NVS 96 ALV1d bY ON NOILVOIN8Nd ADOTNOdOYHLNY WIDOS JO ALNLILSNI INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 37 SAN SEBASTIAN COATAN AND THE WEAVING OF SHAGGY WOOL RUGS (PEYONES) a, Home and surroundings of one of three related families of weavers, above San Sebastian Coatan, ‘at about 2,600 m. elevation in the Cuchumatanes Mountains. 6, Spinning and weaving beside the house at left in a. c, Summit (2,800 m.) meadow and forest of pine and cedar shrouded in fog, and five wooden crosses over a wayfarers’ shrine (right), between Santa Hulalia and San Sebastian Coatan. d, Close-up of weaver twisting weft loops in bunches to be cut later, leaving loose ends 3 to + inches long. e, Pulling weft thread through the loom. (For explanation, see p. 174.) (PLT ‘d 90s ‘uonvarydxa 10.7) uC 1} ( “ASATIVA VIVWYVS Yaddn BE 31V1d + ON NOILVOIN8Nd ASONOdOYHLNY WIDOS AO ZLNLILSNI uu ele ult dros SUL[IS UDLUON > AIpuy Urs 6€ 31V1d vy ON NOILVSOII8Nd ADONOdOYXHLNY WIDOS AO ALNLILSNI INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 Pi ATE 40 BROCADING AND FOOT-LOOM COTTON WEAVING IN THE UPPER SAMALA VALLEY. a, Ladino weavers at Saleaja, arranging strands of jaspe (tie-dyed) yarn, with a wooden comb to keep a pattern, for winding on the loom as warp thread. 4, Indian gir i of San Andrés Xecil brocading a wine-colored, figured collar on a white machine-made cotton huipil such as the one she is wearing. c, Totonicapan Indian man and his wife weaving bright-colored, figured cotton head ee special treadle looms. d, Transferring a strand of white yarn from a number of spools on a creel, preparatory to tying and dyeing it with indigo. e, Strands of cotton jaspe yarn which has been bound with cord at regular intervals so as to form a white pattern ndieolblge on indigo YI LIE (For explanation, see p. 175.) PLATE 41 a Two | (a, and Other Products. Inland Salt, Pottery, PLATE 4 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION No. 4 PLATE 43 Cc RABINAL TREE-CALABASH a, Prey aring a pit h-pine smuc smoothed with blackened JICARA for soot accumulation in a special stone oven an alder leaf and smeared tree calabash by INDUSTRY b, Smearing soot on with yellowish wax boiled out enlarged 3 d Text of the scale insect Llav 1 tting traceries on y turning it against a sharp carving tool. d, Female Llavea axin and eg Finished jicara reduced about 3 diameters. f, Calabash tree (Crescentia alata) Pedro Pinula diameters in a dry valley of eastern Guatemala, near Sar ° (For explanation, see p. 177 PR ALVIdb ON NOILVOIISNd L95010d YMHINY IWIDOS AO ALNLILSNI ALV 1 a] “4070: (git ‘'d vas ‘uonsusy “YSaMUNOS-YINOS Duly Jog) (/Sa0d0q Wy AUY saiBig peyuy jo Asaqinoo St pue u AOOYd) “SBayyNcs suryoo VV :Qysu) er aq [BoRNsuRZ fouRa[oA UB JTBY Wap So moO, JO aseq Yylou Uo (qJa[) sud ITVISBIBC (Jay aurea} x9) T L stony u UNOIZ YOR Ul S9OURD[OA (VYBU) Ubu “UBUIL seo] U : c y “4yseB B +S y 2 oefeuy, “JSaMy Aut {YA auIeI1 Xe TuojUy ue: yskeyiou sury 19}Ua9 YYBU 1a sJaWLag SIpuy uRg feyoutedud “4 | i Are aur : : 11) adRI[LA Jayoeleueg pure eBiyjep jayoeRlereg ony !(4o}Ua9) BINJUBABUENE UBS Be: “JIVH Uso}Seg ‘as04S URN ayV TOF FLV IL 6L1 ‘d 90s ‘uolBuBldxa 10,7) LSAMHINOS-HLNOS ONINMCO7 ‘A5SVI1IA GNV AVG ODVILNYS NVILILY SHV] NYSLSSMHLNOS Zp 31V1d vy ON NOILVDINENd ASOTOdOYHLNY TWIDOS AO SLNLILSNI : 7 _ 7 ' ie y ; ; 4 : - 3 i) ; a reas f | an iv : a i Py ©. >t i. ? iy 4 : i 7 igh, } Tae si a sea” "Mo ay ag" i : - os ~ 7 : 7 Na _ ey i ae