PM 4207 .F67 1948 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION ANTH INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 8 SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH by MARY L. FOSTER anp GEORGE M. FOSTER moeeeveas, = SAE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY PUBLICATION NO. 8 SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH by MARY L. FOSTER anno GEORGE M. FOSTER Prepared in Cooperation with the United States Department of State as a Project of the Interdepartmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation cory UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE ¢« WASHINGTON : 1948 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25,D.C. - - - - + - - = = = Price 40 cents LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, INSTITUTE OF SoctAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Washington 25, D. C., June 25, 1947. Str: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled ‘Sierra Popoluea Speech,” by Mary L. Foster and George M. Foster, and to recommend that it be published as Publication Number 8 of the Institute of Social Anthro- pology. Very respectfully yours, Grorce M. FostrEr, Director. Dr. ALEXANDER WETMORE, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. It (intrOdU Ghio ns =e eee eee eee ee ee es Abbreviations and symbols___-____-------------- Phonologyes3=2- =. 2-22-52 Seka5-osesseeessesses Ie Prosodic featuresice---2---22-2eeesees= 2 -e GONSOUAN LS eee are = Se ee a EO WES eerie rere ie ae ee ee 4: Morphophonemics-=-2=2--.--+==_-<--=- Imternal'sandhil2 == 2__- 52-2 ee Internal and external sandhi___________ MOT pH O1G0 yeas eee ee ae See ee 6. General remarks: 25. _- 2-2 eee ee GseDhe verb themes s- Se a ae eee ithemverbistenlas. eee 226 == a Thematic prefixes of the verb Thematic suffixes of the verb The compound theme_______---------- 7. Nonthematie prefixes of the verb The intransitive set Verb pluralization The linear suffixes ORE ETONOUNSS ee eae Sn ee 10. The noun theme Mhemounsteme~s-2 2-2-2222 22 =k Thematic prefixes of the noun Thematic suffixes of the noun Compounding #2 = 2_ = eee 11. Nonthematic prefixes of the noun % a“ — LIBRARIES CONTENTS Ww > Q ico} DaarPwnwhyre 12. Nonthematic suffixes of the noun________ The plural suffixes_._._-____.__.-.--_-- The case suffixes DS eA ULL UGLVCS ease Se ee ae eee 14 Bnnmerstlyesse aa] =e eee Tye CL Gi Ge ee eee re Syntax 2-2 sees sete eee se eee 167 Generaliremarkss2 2) = oe ee 17. The simple sentence_____._-_____-----_-- 18. Modifying clauses____.________._____-__- Juxtaposed clauses..-...---.-------=.- Clauses introduced by a conjunction____ Relative clauses__---_-_-_------------ 19. Subordinate clauses Agentive clauses____---------.-------- Contemporaneous clauses Gerundial clauses 20. Clause combinations_____-_____-------- 21. The syntactic elements of the clause 22. Use of syntactic elements 23. Word order Foreign influence___.__-______-___--__-____--._- Specimen text and analysis Story, ofa, witch== 42-25-2020.) 25 5 2 ees Free translation___ Grammatical analysis_____...__-_-________- Vocabulary ITHSONTA SS, SEP 17 2008 )) y , MM _ _ > . ane ‘ 7 7: _ @ pa att an - | Fr es ¢ = ~ » ie or 1 y ry ca -_ / 7 i =-45 “tr = 7 i Ge - a a —_ —s — = 7 ie : 7 a | - 7 Kite ¢ " = ii) ou - = a) wee a - - =) 7 = ar rs : i*« ¥ ' t 7 a — _ + . 1 = a ou . dhoont ? 4 ; us \ - 7 = Tip - a 7 ut > & y F * = ‘@ ‘ - , A = i _ i “as 7 = =F - - ee » aa ‘ 4 a .- a - @ 4 i | = g ‘ = ih - = — a - eee > * tage {* = t soe i _ => =. ae t JS ' 7 ) a a — ji a a> oa a “ pe ‘ faut ey @® : uF =~ 4 =U 7 so - i 2 — ary 4 a iss = : B > Cla T ede. _ 7 a _ T “ae , a 7 7 iad Wns we Xi] rt a 3: rf icy = ee mat oe 7 F quir ff : a + eget No hes y 1 ae dh. rns pO se ~ iy a Dawgs — a a = i ee 9 ws Sierra Popoluca Speech By Mary L. Foster and Greorcr M. Foster INTRODUCTION In the southeastern part of the State of Vera- cruz, at the north end of the Isthmus of Tehuan- tepec, are four small groups of Indians who speak languages known to themselves and their neigh- bors as Popoluca. The name is from the Aztec “popoloca,” applied in a deprecating sense to a number of backward Mexican groups. Four different languages exist. Texistepec Popoluca, Oluta Popoluca, and Sayula Popoluca are limited to the villages of the same name. Sierra Popoluca is spoken in about 25 villages and settlements in the mountainous area between Lake Catemaco and the Tehuantepec railway, by perhaps 10,000 per- sons.! All four languages are correctly classified in the Mixe-Zoque family, and because of the col- lective term ‘Popoluca”’ it usually has been as- sumed that they form a third basic division of this stock and that differences within this division are less pronounced than between these languages and Mixe and Zoque. Actually, the name “‘ Popoluca”’ has given a false impression of linguistic relation- ships within the Mixe-Zoque family. In a strictly analytical sense there are but two basic divisions, Mixe and Zoque, each composed of a number of distinct, not mutually intelligible languages. Two of the Popoluca languages, Oluta and Sayula, fall in the Mixe division, along with the Western Mixe and the Guichigovi Mixe, both in Oaxaca. The other two, Sierra and Texistepec, must be classed with the Copainala and San Andres Tuxtla Zoque, in Chiapas, and with the dialects spoken in Santa Maria Chimalapa and San Miguel Chimalapa, Oaxaca, in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Data are as yet too limited to prevent more than this rough classification. Although the Sierra Popoluca com- monly refer to themselves as Popoluca, in their own 1 For more detailed information on the location of the Popoluca, see: GEORGE M. Foster. The geographical, linguistic and cultural position of the Popoluca of Veracruz, Amer. Anthrop., vol. 45, pp. 531-546. 1943, language they use the expression ?anmati (the) word to denote their linguistic group. The data which form the basis of this study were gathered in the spring of 1941, when we lived for 10 weeks in Soteapan, cabecera of the municipio of the same name, which includes more than half of the Sierra Popoluca and which is the only munici- pio entirely composed of Popoluca-speaking in- habitants. The principal objective of the field trip was ethnographic research, and the linguistie work was carried on as a more or less accidental and un- planned side line. When we discovered that one of our principal informants, Leandro Pérez, at that time about 35 years of age, knew a great many stories, we decided to record as many as time per- mitted, in spite of our lack of formal linguistic field training. Eventually we found ourselves with about 300 pages of textual material. These data, in addition to phonetic and grammatical material which we gathered simultaneously, form the basis for this study. Although the speech here analyzed is that of Pérez, we made enough use of other linguistic informants to know that his manner of speaking is typical of Soteapan. In the initial stages of the organization of our material Dr. Harry Hoijer aided us with many valuable suggestions. In December 1944, we returned to Soteapan for 10 days to recheck our data. During this period we had a number of stimulating conversations with Mr. Ben Elson, who at that time lived in nearby Ocotal Chico and who also was studying the language. Mr. Elson recently has published an excellent article entitled ‘Sierra Popoluca Syllable Structure,” to which reference occasionally is made in this paper.? Dr. Stanley S. Newman has given generously of ? ELson, BEN. Sierra Popoluca syllable structure, Internat. Jour. Amer Linguistics, vol. 13, pp. 18-17. 1947. 1 2 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 his time in reading preliminary manuscripts, and has made a number of suggestions which we have tried to incorporate in the finished paper. To these persons who have aided us, we wish to ex- press our appreciation. No one is more aware than we of the limitations inherent in our data and manuscript. We hope, however, that a sketch of a heretofore undescribed language will be of use to those persons working in the field of comparative Mexican linguistics. ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS The following abbreviations and symbols have been used: Abbreviations adj. —adjective ag. —agentive asp. —aspect at. —attributive ben. —hbenefactive caus. —causative com. —comitative comb. —combining comp. —compound compl. —completive cond. —conditioned conj. —conjunction const. —construction def. art. —definite article dem. —demonstrative dur. —durative en. —enumerative enc. —enclitic excl. —exclusive gen. —generalized ger. —gerundial i. —intransitive imp. —imperative inc. —incompletive incl. —inclusive ind. —independent indef. art.—indefinite article indir. —indirective inst. —instrumentative intro. — introducing inter. —interrogative lim. —limiting, limited lit. —literally loc. —locative modif. —modifying, modified neg. —negative nom. —nominalizing Abbreviations obj. —object p- —pronominal pas. —passive per. —person part. —particularizing perf. —perfective pers. —personal pl. —plural pos. —possessive pred. —predicative pref. —prefix pron. —pronoun purp. —purposive quant. —quantitative rel. —relative repet. —repetitive res. —resultative sim. —simulative Sp. —Spanish st. —stative sub. —subject subj. —subjunctive subord. —subordinate suf. —suffix t. —transitive tem. —temporal verb. —verbalizing Symbols (raised dot) long vowel (period) sylabie division (acute accent) loud stress (grave accent) medial stress * (asterisk) verb theme # zero prefix, suffix /t/ ete. phonemic recording {t] ete. phonetic recording ‘ ‘ SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 3) PHONOLOGY 1. PROSODIC FEATURES 1.1. Sylabic structure. Two basic types of syllables are found in Popoluca, (1) open or free and (2) closed or checked.* They correspond to the following patterns. (Syllabic division is indi- cated by a period.) (1). .CV hi.kum fireplace, ?4-.pa mother (2). CVC hon bird, ?ép.8i bright reddish CVCC _ so?k fodder CVCCC *ta?ps twist rope A syllable may begin with any consonant. The syllabic is always a single vowel.* The syllable may terminate in a vowel, con- sonant, or consonant cluster. 1.2. Most commonly the morpheme corre- sponds to the syllable. Disyllabic morphemes are also frequent, and in some cases the morpheme consists only of a consonant. 1.3. The word. The word is a minimum free form composed of one or more syllables. It may be distinguished as such on the morphophonemic level by means of patterns of stress and internal sandhi. It may be distinguished on the morpho- logic and syntactic levels by means of patterns of affixation and phrasal position. It exhibits the following phonetic characteristics: All words begin with a consonant. Medial consonant clusters may consist of as many as four consonants, of which not more than three are parts of a single syllable. Since a syllable may not begin with a vowel, there are no vowel clusters. A word terminates in a long or short vowel, a consonant, or a consonant cluster. 8 Elson lists an additional “special type’’ of syllable, so classed because of its infrequent occurrence. This type consists of syllables with an initial consonant cluster. His examples, which apparently include the only two clusters he has noted, are CCVC, tréy.ti lad and CCVCC kri?y.ti quail. Our data show two initial clusters only, both limited to the single morpheme. These are the clusters tr in the word trin.16?ka¢ a kind of witch, and kw in the form ?in.kwas.tak both of you (the syllable kwas appears in several contexts) ko-baktak hat (ké6-bak + tak house) > ko-baktakhém in the hat (-hom loc. suf.) > ko-baktakh6?m {tpa zt is in the hat (?itpa itis). (Single syllable morphemes with inherent loud stress, such as -hom, when in isola- tion have not been written with stress. ) 1.5. Phrase melody. Phrase melody is some- what similar to that of English. A statement ends with a falling pitch on the final syllable. A ques- tion usually ends with a slightly rising pitch. A phrase-final syllable is accompanied by a falling pitch and followed by a pause. 1.6. Vowel length. One of the most difficult aspects of the Popoluca vowel is that of length. Both long and short vowels occur in free accented and unaccented and checked accented and un- accented syllables. Stress changes may result in the lengthening of a short vowel or the shortening of a long vowel. Our data are not adequate to permit fine phonetic distinctions, e. g., whether a stress-shortened long vowel is phonetically iden- tical to a stress-lengthened short vowel, but the general tendencies may be pointed out. (1) A long vowel in either a free or checked syllable which receives loud stress as a free form loses some of its length, especially in rapid speech, when through affixation the loud stress shifts to another syllable. This is particularly noticed in compounding words. pu‘éytkma on the garbage (pu’é- comb. form of pwéi garbage + yukma locator) sa‘kkX?m to the daughter-in-law (sa*k- comb. form of si‘ki daughter-in-law + -ka?m loc. suf.) éiéahém in the cradle (éi:éa cradle + -hom loc. suf.) (2) A short stressed vowel in a checked syllable tends to become phonetically long when, through morphological processes it comes to occupy a syllable final word medial position. dika leave it! (*¢ak leave something) mina come! (*min come) péta sweep! (*pet sweep) 2. CONSONANTS 2.1. The consonantal system of Popoluca may be represented as follows: Bila- Alve- Palato- Glot- bial olar alveolar Velar tal Stops: Voiceless p t t k ? Voiced b d d g£ Affricates ¢ é Spirants s § h Nasals m n i n Semivowels Ww y Lateral Flap r DESCRIPTION OF CONSONANTS 2.2. Stops. The voiceless stops p, t, and k are at bilabial, alveolar, and velar points of articulation respectively. The palato-alveolar is blade- palato-alveolar in point of articulation, the tip of the tongue turns down. All are unaspirated ex- cept in syllable final position, e. g., mak fog, hap mouth, ?ampat I met. The quality of the glottal stop depends upon its position in the word and syllable. In word initial it is unaspirated and almost inaudible, e. g., °arci uncle, older brother, ?&Si crab, ?6ma fog, °uspin alligator. In syllable initial and word medial position the glottal is clearly audible, e. g., m&.?a deer, na.?a chicle, p6.?a piece. In syllable medial position preceding k the glottal closure is practically simultaneous with that of the stop. Hence, in this position it is often dificult to hear, e. g., so?k grass fodder (Sp. “zacate’”’), mu?k grass. In syllable medial posi- tion preceding any other consonant it is clearly audible, e. ¢., hu?» owl, *he?n dig. In syllable final position followed by another syllable the glottal is so strongly aspirated that the preceding vowel reappears as a voiced or unvoiced partial rearticulation following the glottal, e. g.: {k4?*.ba] he dies (-pa ine. suf.)________ /kA?ba/ [KA?4.tak] ladder (ka? + tak house)___ /kA?tak/ INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 [AAS DAI iiSh cae ee ae ee en ee [tX?pa/ [er ?et Si] alle ee ee ee /mé?si/ (ha°s.yuk] younger sibling_-.__.______- /hdé?yuk/ In word final position the glottal is strongly aspirated, e. g., na? water, yu? hunger, ka? hand, ¢a? stone, *ka? die. Syllables of the form consonant short vowel, when final in an utterance, are always pronounced CV’. This inorganic glottal disappears when the syllable is in included position, whereas a true glottal remains. a Gi [?4°4i?] uncle, ?a?n4°ci pitpa my uncle goes out *Gi? give, ?anci? pé?m I give it to that one (Throughout this grammar and the accompany- ing text the inorganic glottal, though phonemic, will be omitted.) 2.3. The voiced stops b, d, d, and g are unaspi- rated and lenis. Their occurrence is restricted to word-medial syllable-initial position except for d which is also word initial in the single morpheme da n0. 2.4. The voiceless affricates ¢ and é correspond to the English values in “hits” and “church” respectively. 2.5. Spirants. The voiceless spirants s and § are at alveolar and palato-alveolar points respec- tively. The voiceless spirant h most frequently is an aspiration (ef. English ‘hat’’). In syllable final position following a vowel it is more strongly spirantal, e. g., tuh rain, w6hno crane. 2.6. Nasals. The voiced nasals m, n, f, and 7 are at bilabial, alveolar, palato-alveolar, and velar points of articulation respectively. In word final position they are aspirated, e. ¢., ham lime, hon bird, ¢a*h serpent, hu?y owl. In syllable final position following a glottal, as in the example hu?y, a nasal is given syllabic value. For de- scriptive purposes, however, since nonnasals also may occupy this final position, the syllabic quality of the nasals is considered nonphonemic.® 2.7. Semivowels. Bilabial w is voiced, rounded, slightly aspirated. Palato-alveolar y in word or phrase final ends in a very strong aspiration or voiceless off-glide, e. g., puy foot, ¢oy remedy, way hair. Following a glottal in the syllable form CV°C y is phonetically syllabic, e. g., ho’y become angry. It is, however, treated as nonsyllabie on the phonemic level for the reason indicated in 2.6. 5 Elson has an excellent treatment of this phenomenon. (See p. 13 of cita- tion given in footnote 2.) SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 5 2.8. Lateral. The voiced lateral | occurs pri- marily in loan words, either Spanish or Aztec, e. g., lupuhti wolf (Sp. ‘‘lobo”’), paléna brown sugar (Sp. “panela”), ttlin tule (Aztec), tagdlin spider (Aztec?). 2.9. Flap. The alveolar flap r corresponds to the Spanish single flap r. It is found principally in loan words or in Popoluca words and construc- tions that are atypical in nature. Its very limited occurrence in initial clusters already has been mentioned (p. 3, ftn. 3). In addition, it varies freely with n in the sequence of transitive pro- nominal prefix plus the benefactive prefix ?an- (6.5), the causative prefix ’ak- (6.6) and the comitative prefix na- (6.7). °ananmatpa or ?aranmatpa I speak with him ?anandkpa or ?arandkpa I carry something ?ininXkpa or ?irinkkpa you carry something ?anakkd?ba or ?arakkdé?ba I kill him These constructions in many respects do not follow the morphophonemic rules which govern other apparently similar phenomena (4.21). 2.10. When consonants dissimilar in points of articulation follow the nasals n, n, and 7, a voicing in the form of the indefinite or shwa vowel 9 tends to occur. {kXnopa] <*kan smell + -pa ine. suf___ /kAnpa/ [BAvonilidayl- 22 2 ee /sAnni/ [wfiopak] forehead______________-_-- /witpak/ [ketnopullieggas a eee eee /ka?npu/ 2.11. Geminate clusters excepting ? actualize as long consonants. ?ancihhdkpa I throw across (*éih throw + *hak cross) yormmanak girl (yo‘m- comb. form of yé-‘mo woman, + manak child) minné? he has come (*miii come + -ne? perf. suf.) ?apiéci-hi porcupine (?dpié thorn + ¢éf-hi fox) kuyytkma wp in the tree (kuy tree + yuikma locator) wattsk large house (wat- comb. form of wAti big, + tak house) ?ikka? he killed him (i- 34 per. t.p. pref. + ?ak- caus. pref. + *ka? kill + # compl. suf.) ku?tta-p zt ts eaten (*ku?t eat + -ta- pas. suf. + -p inc. suf.) ?anhéppa I scratch it (*hep scratch + -pa ine. suf.) 2.12. Consonant distribution. All consonants occur in syllable initial position. p, k, and ? are the only consonants found in syllable medial posi- tion. All consonants except the voiced stops b, d, d, and g, and the alveolars | and r, are found in syllable final position. 749667—48—2. Clusters of consonants observed in syllable final position are ps, ks, ?ps, ?ks, and ? plus a voiceless stop, an affricate, a nasal, or the semivowel y. The clusters kw, kr, and tr are the only observed cases of syllable initial clusters. Consonants in word initial and final position follow syllabic rules except that b, d, g, and y are not found initially. Word medial clusters do not consist of more than four consonants, and of these never more than three are in the same syllable. Permissible patterns for word medial clusters are -VC.CV-, -VCC.CV-, -VCCC.CV-, and -VC.CCV-. Word medial geminate clusters of consonants may be formed by the voiceless stops, the nasals (except for y), and by h, é, 8, and y. 3. VOWELS 3.1. Vowel phonemes occur in two qualities, long and short. The distinctiveness of length as a phonemic feature of the vowel is shown by such minimal pairs as pok gourd container and po‘k cornstalk, ?akpak a species of tree and ?a:kpak cheek bone, kanné? it has ripened and kanné? he was afraid, misi cat and mii Oaxaqueno (from ““Mixe’’). Vowel length varies considerably as the result of stress shifts (1.6) and morphophonemic changes (4.18). Because of the relatively few minimal pairs encountered it was not possible in most cases to subject words characterized by absolutely defined vowel length to tests which would have determined the behavior of the length aspect of vowels under varying conditions. In some cases, doubtless, words we have written with a long vowel actually represent short vowels recorded in con- texts in which they appeared in a lengthened form, and vice versa. Admittedly our notes leave much to be desired on this very important point. 3.2. Popoluca vowels may be represented pho- nemically as follows: al u, wv e, e Ay a, a 0, 0 3.3. iand i: are high, front, rather close. They vary to open when syllable medial in checked syllables preceding nasals and §, or when preceded by p or ? and followed by k. *?if be, pf'nah horse fly, piStak flea, *?i°8 see, pikSi bow, ?ikké- he made him sit down 6 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—-PUBLICATION NO. 8 3.4. eand e are mid, front, unrounded. In most cases rather open, they become close when pre- ceding y. dem urine, hé-pe tree gourd, dapméyfa? ocean (archaic form), ?éya also 3.5. a and a‘ are low, central, unrounded, and constant in value. They have the approximate value of a in German “Mann.” pak bone, ?4-i uncle, é&hka deaf mute 3.6. uand wu are high, back, moderately close, rounded. They are somewhat more open preced- ing a nasal. mu’k grass, huki cigarette, tum one 3.7. A and a’ are central, tending to back, open, unrounded, slightly higher than double o in English ‘‘took.”’? The lip position is more spread than for any English vowel. tak house, nA? water, wastén two 3.8. o and o- are mid, back, semirounded. In free syHables they are rather close unless in nexus with k, when they are open; in checked syllables they tend to be open unless in nexus with y when they are close. ?6ma fog, 6°mo woman, s6’ki snail, k6°so knee, hos cave, *ho't scratch, gdgoy spirit, h6yma tomorrow 3.9. Vowel distribution. There are no initial vowels in syllables. All vowels may occur in word medial and final positions. There are no vowel clusters. When through morphological processes two vowels fall in con- tiguous positions, an h arises to maintain vocalic identity. hihi roar (*hu: roar + -i nom. suf.) yo'Sahi work (*yo'Sa° work +- -i) ya?éahi necessity (*ya?éa° suffer + -i) yoSiha work! (*yo°S4° work + -a imp. suf.) 3.10. Limitations between consonants and vow- els in syllables. With the consonant in syllable initial position: d does not precede i; d, 1, and r have not been observed preceding e; | and r have not been observed preceding a. With the consonant in syllable final position: ¢, s, y, 1, and r have not been observed following i; t, é, w, r, and | have not been observed following e; t, 8, and w have not been observed following a; | and r have not been observed following 0; i, 1, and r have not been observed following u; t, fi, w, l, and r have not been observed following a. Consonantal clusters and the glottal stop do not follow long vowels. With rare exceptions which seem to follow no rule, the alveolars are not found in nexus with 1 or y; their place is taken by the palato-alveolar forms. worni girl, éikin a skin disease (Sp. ‘‘pinto’’), tif excrement, *?it be, SiS bull, éf-éa cradle ® Examples of alveolars in nexus with i are as follows: makti a supernatural female wood spirit, titi civilized person, (Sp. “gente de razon’), Sikuhti a type of bee, ma?ksi beforehand, figimat enchanted place. Spanish loan words often show alveolars in nexus with i, e. g., anfmat animal, sintirén cinturon, asi asi. 4. MORPHOPHONEMICS 4.1. On the morphophonemie level Popoluca is characterized by extensive sandhi phenomena. Most of this is of the type known as internal or word sandhi, i. e., morphophonemic changes which occur when grammatical elements are com- bined into words. Jn some cases the sandhi phenomena are also external, or phrasal in nature, i. e., the morphophonemic changes occur both when grammatical elements are combined into words and when words are combined into phrases. The sandhi processes most commonly used in Popoluea are metathesis, syllabic division changes, palatalization, consonant changes, consonant syn- cope, vocalic changes, and vocalic syncope. The strictly internal phenomena are first discussed, and then those that are also external. INTERNAL SANDHI 4.2. Changes in syllabic division. Certain mor- phological and phonological processes cause changes in the syllabic division of many words. Thus, when morphemes of the pattern -V, -VC, 6 When fi (or n[?]) follows i preceding a palato-alveolar, or when it is the only slightly palatalized, but may vary from almost no palatalization to com- plete palatalization. This phonetic range causes some question as to how p in such cases should be interpreted phonemically. Since i preceding an alveolar tends to be very weakly palatalized, and in some cases not at all (4.5), it appears that with respect to palatalization fi is phonetically “weaker” than the other palato-alveolar forms, to which some of the palataliz- ing quality assimilates. Hence, it is assumed that (n]~[fJ is /fi/. nénéi/fi/ varies from nénéi[n} to nanéi |i} pA‘si/fi/ varies from pA-si[n] to pA‘si[f] ti/fi/ varies from ti{n] to tiff} k{/i/éi varies from k{[n]éi to ki[a]éi SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 7 -?V, or -?VC are added to stems ending in a consonant, the final consonant becomes the first phoneme of a new syllable. In the case of those morphemes with glottal initial, the glottal either metathesizes (4.23) or disappears (4.25). hA°.8i thought, idea (*ha’s think + -i nom. suf.) had.ka piece (*hak break + -a nom. suf.) kip.sa measuring stick (*kips measure + -a nom. suf.) hé.mum just there (hem there + -um enc.) ?a.ku.ti?.adp I am becoming lazy (ku.tin lazy + -?a° verb. suf. + -p ince. suf.) hfp.say fire brand (*hips burn + -an nom. suf.) 4.3. Palatalization. One of the outstanding phonological characteristics of Popoluca is the marked palatalizing effect of i and y when bearing certain relationships within the word to the alve- olars t, ¢,s, andn. As a general rule these alve- olars assimilate to the palato-alveolar forms f, é, 8, and n under the following conditions: (1) when preceded or followed by i; (2) when preceded by 1?; (3) when preceded by y. (1) ?anmati word (*?anmadt speak + -i nom. suf.) ?itxk his house (?i- pos. p. pref. + tak house) ?iéX'mi his load (?i- + ¢X‘mi load) hA-Si thought (*ha:s think + -i nom. suf.) ?786?t he fried it (7i- t. p. pref. + *se?t fry) mifd‘spa you pass (mi- i. p. pref. + *na‘s pass + -pa ine. suf.) (2) ?anci?ta?mpa you (pl.) give it to me (?an- t. p. pref. + *éi? give + -ta?m pl. suf. + -pa) ?anci?né? I have given it to him (?an- t. p. pref. + *Gi? + -ne? perf. suf.) (3) ktiytam avocado (kuy tree + tam fruit) hayé<-Si boy (hay- comb. form of hiya male + ¢X°Si child) ¢dySak string bean (¢ay vine + sak bean) ?i:Skuyn? tear (?f-Skuy eye + na? water) 4.4, Limitations to the palatalization rule. When n would be in syllable final position, but because of metathesis becomes initial in the follow- ing syllable preceding i, it does not palatalize. ?arnfSpa I see (him, her, it) (?an- t. p. pref. + *?i-S see + -pa inc. suf.) wa?ap ta?nit we are able to live (*wa?a: be able + -p ine. suf. + tan-t. p. pref. + *?it be, live.) When n falls between two i’s it does not palat- alize. Furthermore, when fi falls between two i’s it assimilates to the alveolar form. These patterns have been observed only in the case of construc- tions involving the comitative (6.7), causative (6.6), and benefactive (6.5) verbal prefixes, and the simulative noun prefix (10.5). Also, the second 1 in these constructions does not palatalize alveo- lars which may follow. Additional data on these morphemes are given in 4.21, ?inintikpa he brings it (?i- t.p.pref. + na- com. pref. + *nuk arrive + -pa ine. suf.) ?inisé-tum he has just returned with him (or it) (?i- + na- + *se-t return + -um enc. just) ?inikki?mpa you pull him up (?if- t.p.pref. + ?ak- caus. pref. + *ki?m go wp + -pa) ?ininmat you spoke with him (?im- + ?an- ben. pref. + mat stem of *?anmdt speak with) 4.5. A palato-alveolar preceding an alveolar usually causes palatalization of the alveolar. When fi is a part of the cluster its palatalization often is weakened, sometimes to the point of entirely disappearing. ?<étam we (?aé J + -tam pl. suf.) *pinduks pinch lightly (*pin touch lightly + *¢uks pinch) *int*?anko?mA?y marry + -ne? perf. suf. >?ankd?mayné? I have married *ku?t eat + -?o?y >*ku?dé?y eat people + -pd’?ap ag. suf. > ki?doypd?ap he who eats people *top take out + -?a’y > *tobad’y take it out of something + -ta* pas. suf. >tdbayta- it was taken out of some- thing mi- + *ku?t (eat) + -ta?m >miku?tta?m he ate you (pl.) + ta’ >miku’ttamtd you were eaten 4.10. The possessive verbalizing suffix -?a°y (6.12), the repetitive suffix -’o?y (6.14), and the indirective suffix -?a?y (6.17) when followed by the incompletive suffix -p (8.9) as an occasional free variant drop the final ?y. hawa?nXp he has a fever (hiwan fever + -?a?y + -p) tAksob iSA? he is beating (a drum) (*taks hit + -?o0?y + -p) ?ina?maptim he then said to him (?i- t. p. pref. + *nam say + -?a?y + -p) 4.11. The perfective suffix -ne? (8.3) and the in- strumentative compounding theme -ka? (6.29) fall in a stressed position in a great majority of their occurrences. When they fall in an unstressed position the final glottal disappears. The e of -ne? often assimilates to i (4.17). nAkniydh they have gone (#i. p. pref. + *nak go + -ne? + -yah pl. suf.) ?a?na?mnita?m we have looked at it (?an- t. p. pref. + *?a?m look + -ne? + -ta?m pl. suf.) ?ikOonkané? tim serpiénte he has seated himself on a serpent (?i- t. p. pref. + *ko- i sit + -ka? + -ne? + tim serpiénte a serpent [Sp.]) tim ofmdéi ?ammdhkaté?m it was a bet that we had begun (tim otmAéi a bet + ?an- t. p. pref. + *moh begin + -ka? + -ta?m) 4.12. Under certain circumstances, not all of which can be precisely defined, h is either very weakly aspirated, or disappears entirely. When syllable initial and following a stop, especially k, h often follows this pattern. ka:ptakém in the house of arrows (ké:ptak arrow house + -hom loc. suf.) ?oka:tun godfather (?ok- nominal pref. + ha-tun father) ?ankkpa he‘pé6m J go among the tree gourds (?ankkpa I go + he'p- comb. form of hép-e tree gourd [Sp. “Sicara’”’] + -hom loc. suf.) hukté6m in the fire (hukt- comb. form of hiktu fire + -hom) wadiaya husband, old man (wat- comb. form of wAti big + hdya male) hosém in the cave (hos cave + -hom) hamiém in the forest (hamn- comb. form of hAmii forest (Sp. monte) + -hom) kuydm ashes (kuy tree + ham lime [Sp. ‘‘cal’’]) *éinAk throw in a definite direction (*¢ih throw + *nak y go) ¥ tinos anus (tin excrement + hos hole, cave) 4.13. The verbal pluralizing suffix -ta?m (8.4), when in word final position, as a free variant often loses the final m. ?aki?mtd? or ?aki?mtai?m we climbed (?a- i. p. pref. + *ki?m climb, go up + -ta?m pl. suf.) mise'tta? or miSe*tta?m you (pl.) returned (mi- i. p. pref. + *set return + -ta?m) 4.14. When geminate clusters of ? occur the cluster reduces to one phoneme. ka?sicpa thumb (ka? hand + ?4:pa mother) na?i-Skuy spring (Sp. ‘‘ojo de agua’) (na? water + ?{i-Skuy eye) ¢a’?d-pa metate (¢a? stone + ?4:pa mother) ¢u’éSi tarantula (¢u? night + °ési crab) 4.15. Special voicing rules for p. The incom- pletive suffix -pa when following a verb theme ending in V? becomes -ba. n6?ba it burns (*no? burn) ?amp6?ba I break it (*po? break) ?akd?ba I die (*ka? die) 4.16. Voiceless stops have been observed to voice consistently in a number of cases which appear to follow no general rule beyond the fact that, with one exception, they fall between vowels. The most common cases noted are as follows. nxga go! (*nak go + -a imp. suf.) wadiya husband (wat- comb. form of wAti big + haya male) wa‘bak good (wa‘ good + pak enc.) té dawi?ki let’s eat! (te: let’s! + tawi?ki ger. verb form of *wi?k eat) éybak again (éya also + pak enc.) 4.17. Vocalic changes. When the perfective suffix -ne? is followed by any suffix requiring a shift of accent away from the -ne?, the e varies freely with i. Furthermore, neither the n nor a conso- SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 9 nant following the i palatalize following the usual palatalizing rules (4.3). ?i7L-Sniyah they have seen it (?i- t. p. pref. + *?i'S see + -ne? perf. suf. + -yah pl. suf.) nAkniydh they have gone (# i. p. pref. + *nak go + -ne? + -yah) °a?nA?mnita’m we have looked at it (?an- t. p. pref. + *?a?m look + -ne? + -ta?m pl. suf.) 4.18. Reduction of vowel length. Since a long vowel cannot precede a ? (3.10), when through metathesis a ? is caused to follow a long vowel, the vowel reduces to the short form. ?ipi?nd?y he gathered it for someone (*pi'n gather) ankusu?nd?ypa I keep something (*sun want) 4.19. Vocalic syncope. Nouns and attributives which end in a vowel usually lose the vowel when followed by another morpheme. This is not in- variably the case, and no hard and fast rule is apparent from our notes. A few nouns have two distinct combining forms, one which maintains the final vowel, and the other which loses it. In the final analysis each noun and attributive must be considered as a unique form with unique charac- teristics. ¢a‘;whém among the tobacco (¢X-wi tobacco + -hom loc. suf.) ¢O-wihém among the mojarra (Sp.) (¢6°wi mojarra + -hom) ta?phém among the fish (tX?pa fish + -hom) ?uksyikma up in the cloud (?iksa cloud + yakma loeator) kopkikma in the middle of the savanna savanna + kikma) ké:so knee has the following forms: ko-sté-n kneel (k6‘so + *ten stop) ko-sput sprout at the knee (k6‘so + *put come out) ko-soytikma on the knee (ké’so + yikma) ko‘sokA’ak boot (k6°so + kA?ak shoe) (ké‘pa 4.20. Vocalic syncope and palatalization. When words or syllables with the alveolars t, s or n in initial position are combined after words or syl- lables ending in i, the alveolars palatalize and the i drops out, to produce the combining form. ké:ptak house of arrows (ka*pi arrow + tak house) ka‘pnd? Arrow Water (proper noun) (kdé‘pi + na? water) w6nitam girls (w6ni girl + -tam pl. suf.) ?xkStuh hail stones (?AkS8i corn grains + tuh rain) 4.21. The noun prefix ?ay- (10.5) and _ the thematic verbal prefixes ?an- (6.5), ?ak- (6.6) and na- (6.7), when preceded by the pronominal prefixes (7.2, 7.5) undergo certain changes which do not follow the morphophonemic rules which govern other apparently similar phenomena. ‘The phenomena involved are failure of the glottal to metathesize with preceding nasals, failure of 1 to palatalize alveolars, consonantic syncope, re- duction of geminant clusters, and vocalic assimila- tion. Since these phenomena are limited to the morphemes in question, they are treated as aspects of one problem rather than separately in the sev- eral sections involved. The following chart shows the pronominal pre- fix, the noun or verb prefix, the resultant com- bined form, the form which might be expected if the general rules were followed, and the paragraph number of the general rule. The verbal prefix ?ak- is not used in the chart, since it behaves in exactly the same manner as ?ay-. Also see 4.4 for data bearing on these phenomena. Resultant Expectable Pronominal Noun or combined combined General prefix verb prefix form form rule ?a-(ta-) + ?an- > ?an- ?a?an- 4, 25 ?an-(tan- + ?an- > ?anan- ?a?nan- 4. 23 man-) as ne + na- > ?ana- ?anna- PAwalal ?in- + ?an- > ?inin- ?i?fan- 4. 23 ss + na- > ?ini- ?inna- 2. 11, 4.5 mi- + ?an > min- mi?an- 4, 25 Lt + na- > mini- mifna- 4.3 ?i- + ?an- > ?in- 21? an- 4. 25 Us + na- > ?ini- ?ina- 4.3 4.22. Stress patterns and shifts. Loud or weak stress is, as has been said (1.4), an inherent feature of certain morphemes. Word classes are character- ized by stress position as well as by morphological considerations. Nouns, stative verbs, attributives, pronouns, and enumeratives of more than one syllable, with certain exceptions, have a loud stress on the penultimate syllable, while active verbs have a loud stress on the final syllable. Some conjunctions such as ?iga that, and the negative attributive da, except when in isolation, are given weak stress. The greatest variation in noun stress occurs in the case of secondary, compound nouns. In the case of compounds composed of noun and noun loud stress may occur on the penult (of disyllabic nouns) or final syllable (of monosyllabic nouns) of the final member of the compound, and a medial stress on the inherently stressed syllable of the first member, as ?i-Skuyn? tears (?i-Skuy eye + na? water), or aloud stress may occur on the penult of the compound form, e. g., ko-baktak hat (ké:bak 10 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 head + tak house). When a secondary noun stem is composed of attributive and noun, loud stress falls on the noun penult and medial stress on the attributive penult, e. g. Sutunck? (Situ small + na? water). Certain affixes of nouns, attributives and enumeratives are always weakly stressed, causing the loud stress to fall as it would in the unaflixed word. These are: The thematic noun prefixes ma- and way-, e. g., ma¢aé? star, way¢a? pebble, masiwa hurricane. The possessive prenominal prefixes, e. ¢., ?antdk my house, *ikXk? his hand. The thematic sufhix -ti, e. Sunuhti a supernatural spirit. The plural nonthematic suffixes -tam and -yah, e. ¢., niwahyah witches, manaktam sons. The adverbial enumerative suffix -kay, e. g., maktaskay four times. Certain noun and enumerative nonthematic suffixes have an inherent loud stress. These include: The locative suffixes -ka?m, -hom, -?ankA?m and ~?anhém, the locative nominalizing suffix -kom, and the enumerative suffixes -ten and -na, e. g., kuyhom in the tree, takk?m at the house, monkém sleeping place, wastén two, wasna two. A few nonthematic verb suffixes have inherent weak stress, causing the loud stress to fall as it would on the unsuffixed word. These are the in- completive suffix -pa, the imperative suffix -a, the subjunctive suffix -?in, and the gerundial suffix -i, e.g., ?a?é¢pa J dance, nkga go!, yu?min that 7 may boil, ?6ei dancing. All of the enclitics have an inherent weak stress and thus when attached to a word do not cause the loud stress of the word to shift. All active verb stems (on the final syllable) and noun stems (on the penult) have an inherent loud stress, so that when through affixation the loud stress is shifted away from the stem so that one or more syllables intervene, the stem receives a medial stress, e. g., nd?yahta‘p they will be burned (*no? stem of verb ‘‘burn’”’). Noun compounds of inflected verb plus noun (10.23) follow the rules of phrase stress (4.29), not word stress. g., lupuhti wolf, INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL SANDHI 4.23. Metathesis. When a nasal, y, 1, or r is followed by a glottal, the resultant cluster under- goes metathesis. kd?n igA'mi with his burden (kun with (Sp. “‘con’”] + ?i- pos. p. pref. + ¢A'mi burden) ti?m antdk my house (tum ind. art. + °an- pos. p. pref. + tak house) °ana?nd?m I waited for him (?an- t. p. pref. + ?an- ben. pref. + *?a?m look) pu’?yd:pa bg toe (lit. “foot-mother’’) (puy foot + ?&-pa mother) ma°l inwdt you did it badly (mal bad [Sp.] + ?if- t. p. pref. + *wat do) lima°’ranndika at the edge of the ocean (l4mar ocean {Sp.] + ?anndika edge) 4.24. Consonantic changes. nasals n, f, and m become 7. Before w, the °anwih I untied it (?an- t. p. pref. + *wih untie) ?inwi'Si your beard (?if- pos. p. pref. + wi-Si beard) dan wa? he could no longer (da neg. at. + -m ene. + *wa?d> be able) 4.25. Consonantic syncope. When a syllable ending in a voiceless consonant is followed by ? the glottal is lost. If the syllable ends in a vowel the glottal remains. ?AG adin I bathed (?aé I + Pain I bathed) mié inkit you broke it (mié you + ?inkit you broke it) 1718 he saw it (7i- t. p. pref. + *?i°8 see) 4.26. When a word or syllable ending in a voiceless stop is followed by a word or syllable beginning with ?V, voicing of the stop occurs. The glottal drops out (4.25). hi?d {t where is it (nu?t where + Pit it is) mA?adé:pa mother-in-law (mA?at- in-law + ?d*pa mother) sX?abam right now (sk?ap now + -?arn enc.) tag ihAp door (tak house + *i- pos. p. pref. + hap mouth) mogdy corn husk (mok maize + ?ay leaf) ?antoba?ypa I forcibly take out something (?an- t. p. pref. + *té6p take out + -?a?y indir. suf. + -pa ine. suf.) maAnagd?y conceive a child, possess a child (mdnak child + -?a?y verb. suf.) 4.27. In certain syntactical situations a single syllable will span two words. When words begin- ning with °V- follow those ending in consonants, the glottal either metathesizes, as in the case of nasals and y, r, and | (4.23), or disappears (4.25). In both cases the final consonant of the first word becomes the initial phoneme of a syllable which is split between two words. kv?.n i.64*.mi with his burden (kun with [Sp. ‘‘eon’’] + °i- pos. p. pref. -+ ¢A*.mi burden) td?.m an.tak my house (tum indef. art. + ?an- pos. p. pref. + tak house) °n.6a.cin I bathed (?aé I + %a-i. p. pref. + *¢ifi bathe) h6é?.p i.hAp bird’s beak (hon bird + ?i- pos. p. pref. + hap mouth) SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 11 4.28. A tendency has been noted in the case of syllables consisting of pa or ba, when followed by ?i, for the a to assimilate to the quality of i. Our data do not permit more accurate definition of the conditions under which this phenomenon occurs. di ?ihédon he doesn’t know it (da neg. at. + ?ihédon he knows it) si di ?inkup Vikuntiktap tahwinh he came to where the minnows were. MORPHOLOGY 5. GENERAL REMARKS 5.1. Word classes. Popoluca words fall into four major classes: verbs, pronouns, substantives, and enumeratives. This classification is based on purely formal criteria, and words of each class have their own paradigmatic sets. Pronouns partake of a small part of verb inflection, but because pro- nominal themes are free while those of the verb class are always bound, and because pronoun inflection is much less extensive than that of the verb, pronouns have been considered as con- stituting a separate form class. The substantive class includes nouns and attributives. Attributives are largely analytic, but some may partake of a part of noun inflection, often in stereotyped form. Enumeratives likewise partake of a part of noun inflection, but also have their own inflectional system. A few attributives may be given a part of the enumerative inflection. 5.2. Morphological processes. There are three processes involved in the formation of Popoluca words: affixation, compounding, and reduplication, Affixation includes prefixation and suffixation, of which the latter is more widely used. It is con- venient for purposes of analysis to distinguish two levels of Popoluca morphology: theme formation, and word formation or inflection. All of the morphological processes are used in the formation of the theme, while only affixation is used in the formation of the word. The processes of theme and word formation are more complex for verbs than for words of the other form classes. 5.3. Theme formation. Themes may consist of a simple stem or root morpheme, a reduplicated stem morpheme, a simple or reduplicated stem plus thematic affixes, or a compound of two or (rarely) more themes. Every stem or theme be- longs inherently to one form class, and must be given special suffixes to change it to a theme of another form class. Thus, verb themes may be formed from substantive themes by the addition of certain thematic verb suffixes, and noun themes may be formed from verb themes by the addition of certain thematic noun suffixes. In addition, one theme may become a new theme of the same form class by the attachment of thematic prefixes and/or suffixes of that form class. Themes may be bound or free, i. e., they may be words in absolute (or theme) form, or may become words only through the attachment of nonthematic affixes. Themes of the substantive and pronoun classes are free themes, while most enumerative and all verb themes require nonthematic affixes (which phonetically may be zero). 5.4. Word formation. Word formation pro- ee INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 ceeds by the attachment of paradigmatic sets of nonthematic affixes to themes. The paradigmatic sets used differ on the whole for words of different form classes, although there is some overlapping. Each paradigmatic set constitutes a separate morphological category. 5.5. Morphological categories may be defined as follows. (1) Pronominal reference. This is a category of nouns, verbs, and enumeratives, and is ex- pressed by means of prefixes. For nouns and enumeratives it is a category of possession, and for verbs one of resolution. For verbs there are two sets of prefixes which indicate intransitivity (subject) and transitivity (both subject and ob- ject). The noun and enumerative set corre- sponds to the transitive set for verbs. Number is expressed only in the first person. (2) Case. This is a category of nouns, and to a limited extent of attributives. It is expressed by means of suffixes of locative, indirective, and durational reference. (3) Number. Number is expressed in verbs, pronouns, nouns, enumeratives, and (occasionally) attributives by means of suffixation and prefixa- tion for the first person. (4) Aspect, mode, voice, agent, and subordina- tion. These are categories of the verb and are expressed through suffixation. (5) Enumeration. These are categories of the enumeratives (and of a few attributives) and are expressed through prefixation and suffixation. 5.6. Enclitics are suffixes which may be attached to a formally complete word of any form class; they are qualifying, intensifying, or limiting. 6. THE VERB THEME 6.1. One of the most complex and productive morphological processes in Popoluca is the system of formation of new verb themes from verb and substantive themes through affixation and com- pounding. This, with the system of verb inflection (or attachment of nonthematic affixes of the verb to the verb theme), accounts for most of the functional expression of the language. A verb theme is a single morpheme or a group of morphemes built up through affixation, compounding, or both, to which nonthematic prefixes and suffixes (which may be phonetically zero) must be attached to form a complete verb. The thematic prefixes and suffixes are attached to a root verb morpheme, or stem, which may also be a verb theme. There are also thematic prefixes and suffixes, which, attached to a word of the substantive class, form verb themes. Other thematic affixes may then be attached to these. Compound verb themes are formed through the juxtaposition of substantive themes and verb themes, or two verb themes. Thematic affixes may then be attached to a compound theme to form a new theme. Most verb stems are also verb themes, though a few are found only with their thematic affixes, or as a member of a com- pound theme. Verb stems may be reduplicated, but stem reduplication has been noted only in conjunction with certain thematic affixes. THE VERB STEM 6.2. Verb stems usually are monosyllabic of the patterns CVC and CVCC and, rarely, CV and CVCCC. A few are disyllabic of the pattern CV.CVC. Examples: *pa’ get fat *?1°S see *ka? die *Gin bathe *kips knead dough *he?k frighten *ta?ps twist rope *hi.kin take apart *du. kum arise Verb stems are reduplicated only when used with the repetitive and durative thematic suffixes. THEMATIC PREFIXES OF THE VERB 6.3. Five thematic prefixes of the verb have been isolated. These may be attached to a verb stem or to a compound verb theme in order to form special categories of meaning. These se- mantic categories are apparently not always clear- cut, but insofar as they have been established they are purposive, simulative, benefactive, comitative, and causative. 6.4. The prefix ku- is purposive and defines an action undertaken with a definite purpose in view. *ku?4?m search for (*?a?m look) *kunds go beyond (*na‘s pass) *kupin choose (*pin touch lightly) *ku¢é-n tie to something (*¢ern tie) *kuput free (*put go out) *kukéh dawn (*keh appear) *kumatén hear where something is (*maté6n hear) SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH——FOSTER AND FOSTER 115} 6.5. The prefix ?ay- usually is benefactive or comitative in meaning, that is, the action of the verb with this prefix is performed for, with, or because of someone. ‘This significance is most apparent when the verb theme with this prefix is transitive. In a few cases where the theme is intransitive the prefix seems to be simulative in meaning (see noun prefix ?an- (10.5)). In other cases the meaning is specialized and cannot be clearly defined. The vowel of this prefix is the same as that of the pronominal prefix which it follows. For vowel change and loss of ? see 4.21. ?ana?nd?mpa I await (someone) (*?a?m look) ?ininmat you spoke with him (mat bound stem of *?anmat speak) mind: he fought with you (?a* bound stem of *?an?4- fight) ?anhdypa it thunders (*hay speak) ?anwéha shout! (*weh weep) ?ininnik you had it coming to you, it was owed you (*nuk arrive) ?ananwéhpa I weep because of something (**webh weep) 6.6. The causative prefix ?ak- expresses action that is caused by the subject of the verb, that is, to have something done or to cause another person to do it. As an object must be expressed, the transitive pronominal prefixes are used with verbs formed in this manner. For vowel change and loss of ? see 4.21. ?anaga?m I showed him (*?a?m look) ?anakn&k J sent him (*nak go) ?anakka? J killed him (*ka? die) mikkét he made you go down (*ket go down) ?ikhdk he passed him over (as over an obstacle) (*hak go across) ?inikki?mpa you pull him wp (*ki?m go up) 6.7. The comitative prefix na- expresses action performed with someone or something. Since an object must be expressed, the transitive pro- nominal prefixes are always used with themes with this prefix. For vowel change see 4.21. ?anandk I carried it (*nak go) ?ana?itpa I have it (lit. “I am with it’’) (*?it be, live) °anamé¢ I searched with him (*me¢ search) ?iniminpa you are bringing it (*mini come) ?iniwdtpa you helped him do it (*wat do) ?inimény he slept with her (him, it) (*mon sleep) 6.8. The personal comitative prefix waga- ex- presses action that is undertaken with another person. It is often placed before the comitative prefix na- (6.7) to give added emphasis. In contrast to themes with the prefix na- the pro- 749667—48—_3 nominal prefixes used with waga- themes may be intransitive as well as transitive. tawagasA?ba we go about together (*sa? go about) ?anwaganamonpa I am going to sleep with him (her) (?an- Ist. per. sub. 3d. per. obj. t. p. pref., *mon sleep) tawagamdéypa we will sleep together (ta- 1st per. incl. pl. i. p. pref.) 6.9. Order of prefixation. In some cases two thematic prefixes may be attached to the same verb theme. The prefixes na-, ?ay-, and ?ak- are mutually exclusive. Permissible combinations are waga- plus na-, and ku- preceded by na- or ?ak-. ?anakkutAnpa I fell a tree (tan bound stem of *?aktan fell) ?anakkupagd’ypa I cause him to buy everything for someone (*pagd?y <*pak get + -?a?y indir. suf.) ?anakugé'npa I tre it someplace with something else (*¢e'n tte) THEMATIC SUFFIXES OF THE VERB 6.10. There are two types of thematic suffixes, the verbalizing suffixes which may be attached to a substantive theme to convert it into an intransi- tive verb theme, and the qualifying suffixes which are attached to a verb stem or verb theme to define the limits or quality of the action. Certain of the latter when used in conjunction with certain of the thematic prefixes form a theme whose meaning is not readily deducible from the meanings of the individual morphemes. Each verb theme has an inherent transitivity or intransitivity. Cer- tain thematic suffixes impart intransitivity to a verb stem which in its absolute state would be transitive. A verb theme with the indirective suffix, since it must have an object, is always tran- sitive. This is also the only thematic suffix which may be used in conjunction with other thematic suffixes, and always follows them. It may be used after any of them, except the verbalizing suffixes, including all those in combined affixation. 6.11. The inchoative verbalizing suffix -?a’ may be added to a substantive to form a verb. The meaning usually is that of “becoming” although in other cases the noun from which the verb is derived is the substance of the action. Verb themes formed with this suffix usually are in- transitive, unless preceded by prefixes which re- quire the transitive pronominal prefixes, such as na- (6.7) and ?ak- (6.6). ?aya?s: I am hungry (ya? hunger) ®akuti?nd:p I am getting lazy (kutin lazy) 14 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 ?ata?ba-p I fish (ta?p- comb. form of tA?pa fish) ¢u’d-p il is becoming night (¢u? night) mi?’uki’é you got drunk (?Uki (a) drink< *?uk to drink) ?anakmaba: J grew (lit. ‘was caused to become big’’) (mah bzg) Pronouns also may be verbalized by means of this suffix, but when this is done they cannot be given any verbal nonthematic suffix except the in- completive agentive suffix -pa?ap (it is probable that -wa?ap, completive agentive, may also be used, but it has not been noted). ?i?apd?ap who ts it? (71 who) mi?apa’ap who are you? (mié> mi- you) 6.12. The possessive verbalizing suffix -?a?y is freely attached to nouns to indicate possession of the noun. Themes formed with this suffix are always intransitive. ?atagh?y I had a house (tak house) miée?sX?y you had a bed (¢e?s bed) hawa?nk?ypa he has a fever (hawan fever) ko-baktaga’y he had a hat (ko‘baktak hat) 6.13. The qualifying suffixes. There are four qualifying suffixes, three of which define the con- tinued or repeated quality of the action, one of these with reference to the mobility of the actor. The repetitive and the durative suffixes may be attached to a verb stem in either its simple or reduplicated state. The fourth suffix is indirec- tive. 6.14. The repetitive suffix -?0?y when attached to primary or secondary verb stems indicates ac- tion repeated many times in quick succession or (occasionally) sustained action. It is always used with the intransitive pronominal prefixes. Often it is used with reduplicated verb stems. It differs primarily from the durative suffix -ne? (6.15) in that it is used especially with verb themes which imply sudden or repetitive action, such as hitting, grabbing, throwing, brushing, etc., rather than with verb themes which convey a smoothly con- tinuative meaning such as dancing, sleeping, or writing. Sometimes the two concepts overlap, e.g., ?ahé’nhe?né?ypa and ?ahé?nhe?nné?ba, both of which mean I keep digging (*he?n dig). Ex- amples with unreduplicated stems: ?ama¢é?ypa I hold on (*ma¢ grasp) ¢ago’ypa he rings (a bell), he wags (his tail) (*¢ak make a wagging or swinging motion) ha?yé?y he made a speech (*hay speak) taks6?y he beat (a drum) (*taks touch) cihé?ypa tuh 7t 7s raining (*éih hit, tuh rain) Examples with reduplicated stems: ?ama¢ma¢é6?ypa I take hold of lots of things in succession (cf. ?ama¢é?ypa above) (*ma¢ grasp) Padihéihé?ypa I keep hitting things (ef. éihé?ypa above) (*cih hit) ?awatwad6é?ypa I do lots of things in succession (*wat do) ?asikSig6?ypa I keep on laughing (*Sik laugh) In two cases this suffix has been noted at- tached to noun stems: *¢e?mé?y urinate (¢em urine), *ti?nd?y defecate (tii feces). 6.15. The durative suffix -ne? contrasts with the suffix -?0?y (6.14) in that the action expressed by the verb themes to which it is attached is durative rather than repetitive in nature. It is almost always used with reduplication of the verb stem. Verbs with this suffix always take the intransitive pronominal prefixes. ?anhamné?ba I remember (*?anhdm believe) ?amumné? J was sick (*mum lie on one’s side) mOnmonné”? he kept on sleeping (*mon sleep) egedné?ba he keeps on dancing (*?e¢ dance) nAknakné? he kept going (*nak go) hipshipsné? it kept burning (*hips burn) 6.16. The mobile-repetitive suffix -?a?y°ikoda?®y he copulated >?ikddayaé?y he inserted something in it for someone. ?annegd’y I hid it from him (*nek hide) ?anwadd?ypa I do it to him (*wat do) man¢aga’y I left it for you (*¢ak leave) ?ipi?nd’?y he gathered it for someone (*pi'n gather) 1?ugd?y he drank it with him (*?uk drink) ?ana?ma’y he said it to me (*nam say) SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 15 COMBINED THEMATIC AFFIXATION 6.18. In most cases of simultaneous attachment of a prefix and a suffix to a verb stem the meaning of the resulting word is logical and foreseeable. Sometimes, however, the combination gives rise to a totally new meaning. This is the case when the prefixes ?ak- (6.6) or ku- (6.4) are affixed to the same stem as the suffixes -?a?y/ -?aga?y (6.19-20) or -?a?y (6.17). 6.19. Causative-dispersive affixes of the pattern Pak- . 2. . -?a?y/-?agk?y. The subject of a verb with these affixes generally causes the object to disperse in a direction away from the position of the subject. (The form of the suffix varies freely between -?a?y and -?ags?y. It can be used only in cases of combined affixation as illustrated here, and in paragraphs 6.20 and 6.21. The verbalizing suffix -?a?y (6.12) is distinct, in that it is never attached to verb themes.) ?anakkébagAt?ypa I drive something away from me (*kep drive [as of animals]) ?anakya?cd?ypa I push something away from me (*ya?k push) tanaknagX?ypa let’s go in different directions! (*nak go) ?anakpe?’dA?ypa I lay things out in a row (*pe?t lay together) ?anaga’mA?ypa I watch someone out of sight (*?a?m look) 6.20. Resultative affixes of the pattern ku-.... -?a?y/-Pagk?y indicate that the action of the verb leads to a definite result. There is probably also a certain purposive significance. Panku?iSaga?ypa I see where something is (that I didn’t know of before, or that wasn’t there before) (#?i°5 see) ?ankupadA?ypa I find something (that wasn’t there before, or that I was looking for) (*pat meet, encounter) ?ankusu?nd?ypa I keep something (because I like it) (*sun want) ?ankuna’sX?ypa I pass someone going in the opposite direction (*na‘s pass) 6.21. Resultative affixes of the pattern ?an-.... -?a?y are very rare and it has not been possible to determine with certainty the precise meaning. Apparently, as in the case of 6.20, the action of the verb leads to a definite result. ?anko?mA? ypa he marries (*kom fill) ?ananme¢A?ypa I go and search for more of something (to have enough) (*me¢ look for, search) 6.22. Benefactive affixes of the pattern ?ak-.... -’a?y have the meaning of doing something for someone else, using his implements or materials. Panakta?ma?ypa ?ittimin J am keeping his money for him (*tam keep, ?ittimin his money) manakyu?ma?ypa ?impdsun I boil your squash for you (*yu'm boil, ?impdsuy, your squash) ?anakwa?nd?ypa pe?m iviktréla I am going to play that person's victrola (*wa'n sing, pe’m dem. pron. “that person,” ?iviktréla his victrola) 6.23. Terminative affixes of the pattern ku- . -?a?y express the idea of performing an action until it is finished. kukeha’?y it appeared (something that had been lost) (*keh appear) Pakku?iSd?ya find it! (*?i-8 see) °ankupe?da?ypa I lay together all the things that I am going to lay together (*pe?t lay together) THE COMPOUND THEME 6.24. A compound theme may consist of two verb themes in juxtaposition, or one or two sub- stantive themes compounded with a verb theme. Compound themes may be further developed by the use of thematic affixes. When two verb themes are compounded neither can actually be said to be modifying the other in most cases, for the two separate actions expressed are both inte- gral parts of the action of the resultant compound theme. In a few cases, however, the action ex- pressed by the second theme directly follows the action expressed by the first. The special com- pounding themes modify the theme to which they are attached. 6.25. Compounds of two verb themes. ?a?na?msét L looked back (lit. “turned around and looked’’) (*?a?m look + *se*t turn around) °anakmonédkpa I leave him sleeping (?ak- caus. pref.+ *mon sleep + *¢ak leave) °ampa¢ki?mpa I throw it up in the air (*pa¢ throw + *ki?m go up) ?amodqkukéhpa I wake up at dawn (*mon sleep + *kukéh dawn < *keh appear) ?ingihhdkpa you throw it across (*éih throw + *hak cross) ®anka?tkukéhpa skk I will breakfast on beans (*ku?t eat + *kukéh dawn) éipdtsedaytdp he was reversed and changed into (some- thing) (*éiptit reverse + *se*t change into) ?anne?mkipspa I taste it (test it by tasting) (*ne?m lick + *kips test) ®anné?mkipsd?ypa I taste it for him (-?a?y indir. suf.) ?annd?maycdkpa I tell him and leave (*na?ma?y tell to someone + *¢ak leave) 16 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 6.26. Special compounding verb themes. There are six compounding verb themes which when joined to another verb theme form special seman- tic categories. These are perhaps derived from verb stems which are phonetically identical but which, as independent themes, differ in meaning. 6.27. The temporary compounding theme poy- is the only compounding theme which precedes the verb theme which is modified (ef. *poy run). As a compounding theme it means... . “for a little while.” poymény he slept for a little while (*mon sleep) ?apoyhékpa TJ rest for a little while (*hek rest) ?ampoyku¢ak TI left it here for a little while (ku- purp. pref. + *¢ak leave) 6.28. The origiative compounding theme -na‘s to do first (cf. *na‘s pass). ?anakna's I went first (*nak go) miminnd’s you came first (*min come) 6.29. The instrumentative compounding theme -ka? usually indicates that the action expressed in the main verb theme is performed through the use of some instrument or agent (either implicitly understood or expressed), although it may have other specialized meanings (cf. *ka? die). ?anyohoyka?ba I have with which to pay (*yohé’y keep paying< *yoh pay) ?amonkd?ba I sleep covered up (*mon sleep) na?kkd? he drank water out of something (*na?k drink water) yemka? he fanned himself with something (*yem fan) Sikkd?ba he laughs at something (*Sik laugh) ko nkané? tim serpiénte he has seated himself on a serpent (*kovfi sit) 6.30. The compounding theme -pak is used to express stasis after action (cf. *pak wrestle, throw over). ?ammatonpak I listened without entering into the con- versation (*matén listen) ?a?na?mpdk I watched (someone do something) (*?a?m look) ?ima¢padk he held on to it (*ma¢ grasp) he?npdkpa he covers something hollow (*he?n dig) 6.31. The inchoative compounding theme -’an¢uktim is made up of the thematic prefix °an- (6.5) plus the stem ¢uktim (cf. *¢uktim arise, go out). po?yan¢uktim he began to run (*poy run) ?anwehanéukum he began to shout (*?anwéh shout< ?an sim. pref. + *weh weep) kéegan¢guktim it began to fly (*kek fly) 6.32. The continuative compounding theme ~Panhik is made up of the thematic prefix ?an- (6.5) plus the stem hak (ef. *hak go across.) ?amd?nanhdik I remained sleeping (*mon sleep) kovsté?Nanhdk he continued to kneel (*ko'sté-i kneel) wi’eanhdak he continued to eat (*wi?k eat) naganhikpa he goes and stays away (*nak go) mi?’nanhak he came to stay (*min come) 6.38. Compounds of noun themes and verb themes. ?ahapké-fipa I stop talking, keep quiet (hap mouth + *kon sit down) ?ana?hé?’npa I swim, paddle (as a boat) (na? water + *he?n dig) ?anaka?’ma¢pa I shake hands with him (ka? hand + *ma¢ grasp) ?anko‘bakpihpa I annoy him (ké-bak head + *pfh heat) ?inA?ka?ndkspa he blesses him (na? water + ka? hand + *naks hit) kosstéi he knelt (ko-s- comb. form of ké’so knee + *te'n stop) 6.34. Compounds of an attributive theme and a verb theme. ?antntahaypa I really speak (ninta really + *hay speak) Panwa’ ¢dik I fixed it (wa’ good + *¢ak leave) WA'put he was successful (lit. “came out well’ as in some undertaking) (wa’ + *put come out) °ansituwdtpa I make it smaller (Situ small + *wat make, do) Panwa'?anhdm I desire, like (wa’ + *?anhdm believe) ?angamnarit 1 have a greal deal (¢am much, very + *na?it have) - NONTHEMATIC PREFIXES OF THE VERB ~l] 7.1. There are two sets of nonthematic verb pre- fixes, which are mutually exclusive and which are used to indicate pronominal reference and resolu- tion. Each verb theme, to be conjugated in the active voice, must be given the prefixes of one set or the other (or such as are phonetically zero) except for the main verb in syntactic clause se- quences of main verb plus resultative gerundial verb (19.8-9) and main verb plus conditioned gerundial verb (19.10). Only a few verb themes may take either. The first set indicates the in- transitivity and the second the transitivity of the verb. Thus the first set indicates subject and the second both subject and object. Verbs conjugated in the passive voice (with the passive nonthematic suffix) must use the intransitive set of prefixes, although enly verbs which are transitive when in SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 17 the active voice may be conjugated for the passive. Conversely there are some changes from the intran- sitive to the transitive set in gerundial and contemporaneous clause constructions (19). Num- ber, ordinarily expressed by suffixation, is only ex- pressed by the pronominal prefixes of the first person of both sets to indicate the inclusive plural (8.4). THE INTRANSITIVE SET 7.2. The intransitive set includes pronominal prefixes for the first, second, and third persons singular, and the first person plural. Person | Singular logically they are indistinguishable from those used intransitively, except for themes formed with the thematic prefixes na- (6.7) and ?ak- (6.6), and those formed with the indirective suffix -?a?y (6.17), which, since an object must be expressed, are always transitive. The transitive prefixes also are used with the verb of the sub- ordinate (linear) clause (and sometimes with the verb of the main clause) in linear-punctual con- temporaneous clause constructions (19.4), with the main verb of linear-linear contemporaneous clause constructions (19.5), and with the sub- ordinate verb of conditioned gerundial clause Plural constructions (19.10). eee ee eee ge eee ee ?a- ta- | 2d. Ce oc a Ee) mi- | Ist. per. obj. per. | 3d. per. obj. DO ets a ee ee oe | # (zero) obj. | ?anckpa I go (*nak go), tandkpa we (inel.) go, 1st. per. SU ee ee ee man- | ?an- (sing.) minX-ni?, see 4. 17) ¢e-nniydh they had tied themselves (*¢e'n tie) 8.4. The number suffixes—order JII. There are three number suffixes: -ta?m, used when either the subject or object (expressed by the nonthematic prefixes) is in the first or second person, and pluralizing either the subject or ob- ject; -yah, used when either the subject or object is in the third person, and pluralizing either the subject or object; -num, used as a collective plural of the third person subject. -ta?m, in its un- stressed form -tam (4.9), is also the pluralizing suffix of first and second person pronouns, while -yah is the pluralizing suffix of third person pro- nouns (9.2). -tam and -yah also are used as SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH-——FOSTER AND FOSTER 19 noun plural suffixes, but without the pronominal connotation (12.2). Plurality is unexpressed and contextually understood unless this would result in ambiguity, in which case it may be indicated in the ways discussed below. VERB PLURALIZATION There are three categories of first person subject or object plurals: the exclusive plural, the limited inclusive plural, and the generalized inclusive plural. The exclusive plural excludes the person or persons addressed. The limited inclusive plural includes the speaker and the person or persons addressed, and excludes any others who may be present or referred to. The generalized inclusive plural includes the speaker, person or persons ad- dressed, and any other person or persons present, or absent and referred to. The first person exclusive plural is formed with the suffix -ta?m with or without the personal pro- nouns, or by means of the plural personal pronouns without the suffix -ta?m. ?amontd?mpa we are sleeping (?a- Ist. per. i. p. pref. + *mon sleep + -ta?m + -pa ine. suf.) ?Aéta?m améypa same meaning; Ist. per. pl. pron. °<étam has been used, excluding the verbal suffix -ta’?’m °AGta?m amontd?mpa same meaning; both Ist. per. pl. pron. and the verbal suffix -ta?m are used ?a?AGta?m amontd?mpa same meaning; occasionally in plural constructions the verbalized personal pro- nouns are used for emphasis. ma?nista?mpa J see you (pl.), we see you (pl. or sing.) (man- Ist. per. sub. 2d. per. obj. t. p. pref. + *?i°8 see + -ta?m + -pa) In the case of the transitive pronominal prefix ?an- which means both Ist. per. sub. 3d. per. obj. and 2d. per. sub. Ist. per. obj., the independent personal pronouns are often used to avoid am- biguity. Without pronouns: ?a?ni-Sta?mpa J see them, we see him, you (sing.) see us, you (pl.) see me With pronouns: ?AG a?niSta?mpa hé?yah I see them ?Actam a?niS(ta?m)pa hé? we see him ?AStam a?ni‘Sydhpa we see them mié a?niStd?mpa ?a?kétam you (sing. or pl.) see us (verbalized pron.) miétam a?ni-Sté?mpa 2a?kétam you (pl.) see us mi¢tam a?nf-S(ta?m)pa ?a?ké you (pl.) see me The first person limited inclusive plural is formed by attaching the pronominal prefix ta- (1st. per. pl. intransitive, and 3d. per. sub. Ist. per. obj. pl. transitive) or tan- (Ist. per. pl. sub. 3d. per. obj. transitive) before the verb stem. taménpa we will sleep (*mon sleep) ta?nf-Spa we see him (her, it, them) (*?i'S see) ta?i-Spa he sees us The generalized first person inclusive plural is formed by attaching both the plural pronominal prefixes ta- or tan- before the verb stem and the plural suffix -ta?m after the verb stem. tamo7td?mpa we will sleep (*mon sleep) ta’nista?mpa we see him (her, it, them) (*?i'8 see) ta?ista?’mpa he (she, it, they) see us The second person plural is expressed by the use of the suffix -ta?m, the plural personal pronoun, or both. miménti?mpa you (pl.) sleep (mi- 2d. per. i. p. pref., *mon slecp) mictam mim6ypa same meaning; plural personal pro- noun used to express the plural miétam mimontd?mpa same meaning; both plural pronoun and suffix used ?j?ni-sta?mpa you (pl.) see him mi?iSta?mpa he sees you (pl.) The third person plural is expressed by use of the suffix -yah. If both subject and object are in the third person the independent pronouns may be used to indicate whether subject or object or both are plural. When subject is first or second person and object third person, -yah pluralizes the object. monydhpa they sleep (*mo7n sleep) nakydhpa they go (*nak go) ?i?i-Sydhpa they see him, he sees them (*?i°S see) hé?yah i?i-Sydhpa they see him he? i?i:Sydhpa pé?myah he sees them hé?yah i?i'Sy4hpa pé?myah they see them ?a?niSydhpa I see them The collective suffix -num is used to express action undertaken collectively or by a group. It has been observed only with the thied person pronominal prefixes. se‘tnimum they just returned in a group (*se't return -um ene. just) wi’knimpam they were already eating in a group (*wi?k eat, -m enc. “just’’, ‘“already’’) 8.5. The aspect suflixes—order IV. The iter- ative suffix -gak may be translated as “again,” “once more.” mingdkpa he comes again (*mifi come) wiasgakta'p he is being bitten again (*was bite) mi?i-snigakt4 you have been seen again (*?i'S see) ®amdgnigdkpa I have slept again (*mon sleep) 20 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 The desiderative suffix -to? may be translated by ‘“‘wish” or “want.” ?ayo'Sa't6?ba I wish to work (*yo'Sd: work) mipAkyaht6?ba they want to marry you (*pak morry) tamodytamté?ba we want to sleep, are sleepy (*mon sleep) 8.6. The passive suffix—order V. The suffix -ta’ indicates passive voice and is attached only to verb themes which in the active voice may take the transitive pronominal prefixes. Since in the passive voice there is no object, the intransitive pronominal prefixes (7.2) are used. ku¢attd he was sent (*ku¢dt send) ?akho-do?na ta: he was informed (*?akhé-do?nd: in- form, lit. “cause to know’’) Padi?tap I am given (*&i? give) nanAknetdé'wom he has just been taken (*nanxk take) miku?tt& you were eaten (*ku?t eat) 8.7. The purposive sufix—order VI. The pur- posive suffix -tap is used to express an action that was intended or purposed but not carried out. ?anakka?tp I meant to kill him but didn’t (*?akké? kill) ?amontdp I wanted to sleep but couldn't (*mon sleep) mifaktsp you meant to go but didn’t (*nak go) nAmayta'tXp it was going to be said but wasn’t (*na?ma?y say (to)) 8.8. The modal suffixes—order VII. The sub- junctive mode is expressed by the suflix -?if, which is used in phrases of possibility and exhortation. It may be preceded by the plural suffixes but has not been observed with other nonthematic suffixes. . ?iga yu?min that it may boil (Piga conj. “that,” *vu'm boil) tawi’gi?mam shall we (lim. inel.) eat now? (*wi?k eat, -?am enc. ‘‘now’’) ?adi?i?n anyoSa-hi that I be given work (from a prayer) (*Gi? give, ?anyo:S4-hi my work) na’ma?ya Pinmaédi?n inkyi say to him that he shall tell his name, (na?md?ya say to him, *?anmat tell, ?inAyi his name) The imperative suffix -a is used only in the second person. The plural suffix -ta?m (8.4) placed before the imperative suflix forms the plural imperative. For transitive verbs the third person object is implicit unless first person object is to be expressed, in which case the verb is preceded by ?a- 3d. per. sub. Ist. per. obj. t. p. pref. which sub- stitutes for the 2d. per. sub. Ist. per. obj. t. p. pref. ?an- which one might logically expect to find. The imperative suffixes have been observed with no nonthematic suffixes other than the 2d. per. plural suffix -ta’m. The temporal or limiting enclitic -m (15.2) is often used after the imperative suffix, in some cases frozen by usage. naga go! (*nak go) naktdé?ma go! (plural) pdkam take it (him, her)! (*pak take, -m ene. ‘‘just’’) htiyam buy it! (*huy buy, -m ene. ‘‘just’’) Gi?a give it to him! (*Gi? give) Padi?a give it to me! 8.9. The completive and incompletive sufixes— orders VIIT and TX. Tense is not expressed in Popoluca, but every action expressed by a verb which does not bave a gerundial, modal, or pur- posive suffix must have a completive or incomple- tive aspect suffix. The completive, except in agentive and linear-punctual clauses, is expressed by a suffix which is phonetically zero, and the in- completive by 2 morpheme in which the phoneme p is initial. Since the completive suffixes designate an action which has been completed, they are usually to be translated by the English past tense. Since the incompletive suffixes designate an action which has not been completed, they are usually to be translated by the English present or future tenses. In anarrative an action may actually have been completed, but is not yet completed with reference to the other action of the narrative, and therefore may be given one of the -p- suffixes. The incompletive suffix -pa may be attached to all verb themes except those of more than one syllable which end in -a‘, those having the non- thematic passive suffix -ta*, and those ending in the reduced form of the verbal suffixes -?a°y, -?o0?y, and -?a?y (4.10), in which cases the form -p is used. ?andkpa I am govng (*nak go) ?a?ni-Spa J see it (*?i-S see) Pari Ap Iam seen ?ayo'sa'p I work (*yo'Sd&- work) tiksob i84? he is (repeatedly) hitting (fullform *taks6?y- pa<*taksé?y keep hitting) The incompletive agentive suffix -pa?ap indi- cates the doer of an action not yet completed. In order to take this suffix certain pronouns may be transformed into verbs through the same deriva- tional process by which a noun is verbalized, 1. e., the addition of the thematic suffix -?a: (6.11). hé?m inho?pa?ap nds he who burns the earth (he?m 3d. per. pers. pron., *no? burn, nas earth) tim animat taku?tpdé?ap an animal that eats us (tim indef. art., anfmat animal (Sp.) *ku?t eat) Pa pdi?ap who is it? (lit. “who is the one who [does it]’’) (?i inter. pron. “who” + -?a° verb. thematic suf.) SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 21 mi?apd?ap who are you? (lit. “you are the one who [does it]’”) (mié 2d. per. pers. pron. > mi) wa?a'yahpd’ap those who are able (*wa?&: be able) The completive agentive suffix -w&?ap indicates the doer of a completed action. ?imA?maynewA? ap he is the one who said it (*na?ma?y say [to someone]) ?ini?it he?m pdk ikka?wA?ap he had the bone which killed him (?ini?it he had, he?m def. art., pak bone, *?akka? kill) na‘snewA?ap that which has passed (*na‘s pass) THE LINEAR SUFFIXES The linear suffixes -pam (incompletive) and -wam (completive) are used only with the linear verb form in clause constructions expressing linear- punctual contemporaneous action. The syntactic usage of verbs with these suffixes is discussed at length in 19.4, ?amonpdm as I sleep . . ?awi?kniwdm as I have been eating . . . (*mory sleep) . (*wi?k ea) 9. PRONOUNS §.1. Pronouns are personal, interrogative-rela- tive, and demonstrative. All are monosyllabic stem morphemes except the negative pronouns formed by compounding, the demonstrative tungak (tum a + -gak), and the emphatic personal pronouns. The personal and the demonstrative pronouns may be inflected with the plural suffixes -tam and -yah. The others may not be inflected, except the inter- rogative-relative pronoun ti which is sometimes given the noun indirective suffix -ma, i. ¢., fi which, what + -ma > tima with which, with what. 9.2. The personal pronouns. rt TI ?kétam we mié you miétam vou (pl.) he? he, she, it hé?yah they 9.3. The emphatic personal proncuns. The bound stem -y4?ak, always used with the posses- sive pronominal prefixes, forms an emphatic pro- noun, often used following and in apposition to the personal pronouns. The three emphatic pronouns are: ?anyd?ak myself ?inyd?ak yourself ?iyd?ak himself 9.4. The interrogative-relative pronouns. ?i who hup which ti what, which 749667—48——-4 9.5. The demonstrative pronouns. yA?pyah these ones pé’myah those ones yap this one pe’m that one tingak the other one 9.6 The negative pronouns. da?i no one (da neg. at. + ?i who) dati nothing (da + ti what) 10. THE NOUN THEME 10.1 Anoun theme may be composed of a single, unanalyzable, thematic element, or stem, a frozen redupheated stem, a stem consisting of two un- analyzable elements the first of which is redupli- cated, a stem plus a thematic prefix or suffix, (rarely both) or a compound of two noun themes or an attributive theme and noun themes. Noun themes may be formed from verb themes by the addition of a thematic suffix. Most noun themes ending in a vowel have a combining form (4.19) which omits the final vowel when suffixed or as the first member of a com- pound, e. g.: yo"mo yo'm- woman méya moy- flower ték$i tekS- skiri THE NOUN STEM 10.2. Noun stems are mono- or disyllabic con- forming to the patterns CVC, CVCC, CV.CV, CVC.CV, CVCC.CV, CV.CVC, and CVC.CVC. A few trisyllabie stems have been noted but it seems probable that these are cither borrowed forms or capable of further analysis. hon bird du? night hu?n owl ?4.Gi uncle k4.ma milpa é4h.ka deaf mute kd?n.ki squirrel hd.wan fever pis.tak flea Pa tébet town trinl6?ka¢ (a one-legged witch) Reduplicated noun stems are of the pattern CV(CV) or CVC(CVC) or a reduplication of the first syllable (CV) of a two-syllable stem. ¢A¢a aunt, older sister néno mushroom nunu breast, nipple tutu penis héhe mosquito De, INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 méme butterfly p6’po? fish trap ¢i¢imat enchanted place (Sp. “encanto’’) pupusu lung kuktima ring THEMATIC PREFIXES OF THE NOUN 10.3. Most thematic prefixes of nouns are at- tached to one or two noun themes only, and are of unanalyzable meaning. A few are attached to a larger group of themes, and their meaning may be isolated. 10.4. Some prefixes of unanalyzed meaning: kuttihka? rain storm (tuh rain) ?dkpak cheek (pak bone) ?Akta¢ molar (ta¢ tooth) hApak ear of corn (pak bone) winpak forehead (pak bone) 10.5. The simulative prefix ?ay- usually is used to form a noun theme that is similar to or possesses some resemblance to the noun theme to which it is attached. Parndni pimple (?A-ni tortilla) ?Anday row, line, furrow (¢ay vine) ?anwi'Si mustache (wi'Si beard) ?annika edge (naka skin) ?anké:bak top (ké-bak head) Anka? patio (ka? hand) ?agniksa raficr (niksa stick) 10.6. The qualifying prefix ma- apparently has the meaning of ‘“‘great’’. maga? star (¢a? stone) masiwa King of the Hurricane (mythological charac- ter) (s4wa wind) 10.7. The qualifying prefix way- means ‘“‘small.’”’ way¢d? pebble (¢a? stone) waypaéiaAk a small variety of tick (Sp. ‘‘pinolillo’’) (paftak tick) way¢i'éa a net suspended from a hoop, resembling a small Popoluca-type cradle, used to store things (dita hanging net cradle) THEMATIC SUFFIXES OF THE NOUN 10.8. Most thematic suffixes of nouns are nominalizing suffixes attached to verb themes. Six suffixes of this type have been isolated. One suffix (locative) may be attached widely either to sub- stantive or verb themes, and one (qualifying) may be attached widely to noun themes. There are a few other thematic suffixes of nouns analyzable as such and forming small groups of nouns of which they are a part. 10.9. The nominalizing suffix -i may be attached to many verb themes to denote the substance of the action. ?i-SpAki friend (*?itSpXk know) wi?kméni supper (*wi?k eat + *mon sleep) hipSi (a) blaze (*hips burn) hAyi voice (*hay speak) °kSi grain of corn (*?aks shelled corn) WAci (a) drop (*wa¢ drip) kAhi (a) smell (*ka‘n (to) smell) 10.10. The nominalizing suffix -kuy may be at- tached to many verb themes to denote act, instru- ment, or material. hé¢gkuy (a) comb (*he¢ comb) ?f-skuy eye (*?i°S see) wi?kkuy food (*wi?k eat) yémkuy fire fan (Sp. ‘‘aventador’’) (*yem fan) yo'sa‘kuy work (*yo'8d° work) pahkuy cage (*pah lock up) ma‘ékuy toy (*maré play) 10.11 The collective nominalizing agentive suf- fix -k h 4.8] comb. stem. of witi many) wasna kukéha two (0’clock in the) morning 14.4. Pronominal enumeration is accomplished by means of both prefixation and suffixation, and may be translated ‘“‘all (number) of us, you, them.” All pronominal numerals are given one of the pos- sessive pronominal prefixes followed by the pre- fix ku- (k- or kuk- before the stem ‘“‘two’’). Only the number ‘‘two” is given a special suffix, -tak. (The suffix -tak also is given to the stem was- in its use as a tensor followed by the noun ind. suf. -ma < wastXkkma day after tomorrow, ef. mat&kk tomorrow.) The other numeral stems are unsuf- fixed (save for the plural suffix) except “five” which retains the enumerative suffix -ten.’ First person pronominal numerals, like verbs, may be either inclusive or exclusive. The inclusive nu- merals (including the person or persons addressed) are given the plural possessive pronominal prefix tan-, while the exclusive numerals (excluding the person or persons addressed) are given the 7 The extreme irregularity of this inflectional system in contrast with the great regularity which characterizes the rest of Popoluca morphology would lead one to believe that it has broken down through the inflltration of Spanish numerals. possessive pronominal prefix ?an- and the plural suffix -tam. The second person numerals are given the possessive pronominal prefix ?if-, and may or may not be given the plural suffix -tam. The third person numerals are given the possessive pronominal prefix ?i-, and may or may not be given the plural suffix -yah. The enumerative tumpay “all” lacks the prefix ku-. tankwastak both of us (inel.) (was- stem of ‘two’? + -tak) ?ankumadktastam all four of us (exel.) (mdktas- stem of ‘‘four’’) tankumostén all five of us (inel.) (mos- stem of ‘‘five’’) ?inkwaAstak both of you ?intimpaytam all of you ?ikumadktasyah all four of them °aktAnpa ?ikukwAstak he?m pA‘Sin both of the men fall (?aktXnpa he (they) fall(s), hé?m pA-Sin the man (men) ) 14.5. Adverbial enumeratives are given the suffix -kay. wAskay twice maktaskay four times witkay many limes (wati many) 15. ENCLITICS 15.1. There are a few one-syllable enclitics which may be attached to a formally complete word of any class to qualify or intensify the sig- nificance of the word or phrase. In the case of a few attributives the stem is never used without the enclitic. Substantives with a combining form use the combining form when an enclitic is at- tached. 15.2. The temporal or limiting enclitics. The morphemes -?am, -m, -um, -om, -wum, and -wom are most conveniently described as variants of the same enclitic, temporal when attached to verbs or verbalized nouns, and temporal or limit- ing when attached to nouns, pronouns, and attrib- utives (no form has been noted attached to enu- meratives). Although the only constant feature of this enclitic is the final -m, the meaning, though somewhat variable in English translation, is con- stant, and may usually be translated by the Span- ish “‘ya,’”? which in English must be interpreted variously according to the context as ‘just,’ “already,” “truly,” “only,” or ‘‘now.” The variant -?am is used after nouns, pronouns, stative verbs, verbs with the nonthematic in- completive suffix -p, verbs with the nonthematic SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—-FOSTER AND FOSTER 27 subjunctive suffix -?in, verbs with the agentive suffix -wA?ap, and most attributives. ?<éam just I (or, ‘‘T am the one who’’) (?aé J) sA?ap nima wa-?am now certainly it is truly good (wa* good st. verb) sX?abam right now (sk?ap now) hésagam just then (hésak then) ?iga ?idi?iam that he should then be there (?iga that + *?it be [there] + -?if subj. suf. + -?am) he? inhdm ?iga kd?n ihd?yagam ?ikyu?min he believed that just with his little brother-in-law he should boil it (*ihé?yak his little brother-in-law) ?awa?d-bam I am already able (wa?d:p I am able) ku’tdé-bam 7t is just eaten (ku? tap it is eaten) The variant -m is used after verbs with the imperative suffix -a and words ending in a, of which those ending in the incompletive verbal suffix -pa are the most frequent. It is also used after the negative ?6doy which loses the final y, °ddom not anymore, and sometimes after the definite article he?. ?ukam just drink! (?ika drink!) ndkpam na?m he is just going to the water (n&kpa he is going) °aménpam I will just sleep (?aménpa I sleep, I will sleep) dam already not (da not) hé?m piyu just the chicken (he? def. art.) The variant -um is used after a few attributives. hémum just there (hem there) yA?mum just here (ya?m here) The variant -om is used after the linear nonthe- matic verbal suffixes -wam and -pam (8.9) and the perfective suffix -ne? (8.3). ?inakwkmom just as he was going (*nak go) ?inakpdimom just as he is going ?anakné?om J had just gone mimonné?om you had just slept (*mon sleep) The variants -wom and -wum vary freely after a* (as the passive suffix -ta: and the verbal- izing suffix -?a°). nanaktdé‘wom he was just taken (*nandk take) °adi?ta-wum J was just given (*ci? give) wa?4'wum or wA?4-wom he was then able (*wa?d° be able) After any verbal form other than those stated above, -um, -om, -wum, or -wom may be used interchangeably, although -wum and -wom are most frequently found following nasals, and -um is perhaps the form most frequently used. ?anX hikta he says, ‘where has fire been gathered?” (nXmpa he says + hu?t where + ?akntkneta: zt has been gathered + hukta fire) 18.4. The juxtaposed stative verb clause. Sta- tive verb clauses may be juxtaposed preceding or following a main clause. dna ves mimahté?mam yo?maytdé wom once you are big you will then be married (mimaAhté?mam you are big st. verb, yO?mayté'wom you will then be married [lit. “you were then wived’’]) da wa: ?an¢Xk it is not good to take it (lit. “it is not good I took it’’) (wa’ st. verb 7t is good, ?an¢gak I took it) mié ifam mip dapak those who didn’t) hé?’m tukuté?n inika?md¢ the three shook hands with him (he?m def. art., tukutén three) ?aktdnpa ?ikukwAstak the two of them fell (?ikukwAstak the two of them) 21.3. The independent object. Object is always expressed by the objective pronominal element of the verb, but, like the subject, it may also be expressed appositionally by a noun, a series of nouns (which may or may not be joined by the conjunction ?i and), a pronoun, an attributive with the enclitic -pak, or a cardinal or pronominal enumerative. ?i?f-Spa ?i?6"mi he saw his master (?i?6'mi his master) ?anci? tim mdhkuy ?i tum pék J gave him a pitcher and a calabash (maéhkuy pitcher, pok calabash) °a?nfS pé?m J saw thal one (pe?m that one) mié impdtne? wA‘bak you have found that which is good (wa‘ good + -pak part. ene. > wA‘bak that which is good) ?i?f'S tukutén he saw three (tukutén three) mié antéppa ?ankutikutam you will take all three of us out (?ankutikutam all three of us) 21.4. The predicate modifier. The predicate modifier may be a word, a modifying clause, a subordinate clause, or a series of modifying and/or subordinate clauses. The modifying word may be a noun inflected with one of the case suffixes, a noun with a locative modifier or used with a locative significance, a temporalized noun, an adverbial enumerative, or an attributive of one of the following types: negative, intensifier, loca- tor, tensor, demonstrative adverb, relative, or interrogative adverb, participial adverb, or quan- titative. ?6kma pdypa hamndém then he ran into the woods (hamii- comb. form of hAmfni woods + -hom loc. suf.) ki?mpa takké‘bakyikma he climbs on the roof (takké‘bak roof + yuikma on) nuk kikma ldmar he arrived in the middle of the ocean (kikma middle) ?i8é-tipak ?ipdtpa after his return he met him (?i8étipak after his return temporalized noun modif. ?ipdtpa he met him) hé? pA‘Sif waskay sé‘t the man turned twice (wAskay twice) ?ddoy péya don’t run away! (?édoy modal neg.) gam miSikpa you will laugh much (¢am much) pe?m hén kékpa yuikma that bird is flying above (yukma above) Papasi?a idak he was a man (?idak tensor) yA?m ait I am here (ya?m here) ha?d ft where is it? (hu?t where) hui¢pay mihdya how valiant you are (hi¢gpay how much) Sikfmu nk laughing he went (Sikimu laughing) ?imaténpa tiipa he heard it make noise (tifipa it makes noise pred. verb of modif. perceptive clause) hé?m hayéA‘Si nAkpa ?imé?¢ hd?t se?tta:p the boy went to search for where it was being fried (?ime?¢ to search for pred. verb of subord. ger. clause, hu?t se?tta'p where it was being fried rel. modif. clause) 21.5. The subject or object modifier. The subject or object modifier may be a word or a relative or agentive clause. Modifying words may be of the following types: possessor noun or pronoun modifying a possessed noun, descriptive, locator, tensor (rarely), quantitative, demonstra- tive adjective, cardinal enumerative. ?inkehayydhpa ¢dg iti?¢ they showed her the rat’s tail (?ita?¢ his tail obj. noun modif. by ¢uk rat) ?a?nf{Spa mié inéimpa J see your dog (mié you modif. inéi'mpa your dog) *iéigayné?0m tim pak ¢ti‘papak she had left a sharp bone (¢i*pa sharp + -pak part. enc., modif. pak bone) 34 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 kf?mpa yikmapak kty he climbs the high tree (yakma above locator + -pak part. enc. > yukmapak high modif. kuy tree) wihak pA-si?A ff yA?m men of long ago lived here (winak long ago tensor modif. pA-Sin man, men) nik ha?yan ¢<-Stam many children arrived (hé?yan many quant. modif. ¢<*Stam children) yA?p k4wa péypa this horse is running (ya?p this dem. adj. modif. kAwa horse) ?ana?it wasté?n ammdanak I have two children (wastén two modif. ?ammdanak my children) ?ikupadd?ypa tim tXk hd?t sd?ba ?iwi?kkuywét tim é6'mo he found a house where an old woman was making her dinner (hu?t where intro. rel. clause modif. tak house) hemu?m ini?ft he?m pak ikka?wA?ap there he had the bone which killed him (?ikka?wX?ap which killed him ag. clause modif. pak bone) 22. USE OF SYNTACTIC ELEMENTS VERBS 22.1. The verb. The verb is used as the predica- tive word of a main, modifying or subordinate clause (see examples sections 17, 18, 19). When a pronoun is separated by modifying elements from the verb of which it is the subject, or follows the verb of which it is the subject or object, it often becomes verbalized. Pronoun verbalization also is often used for added emphasis. ta?<é da ?anh they might not kill him) ¢enaytd: he?m iéi'mpa ?iga ?odoy nag ikupth his dogs were tied that they might not go to free him (?ddoy modif. *nak go > they might not go) 22.18. The conjunction. A conjunction may function only to introduce a modifying clause (for examples see 18.6), except for the conjunction ?1 (Sp. ‘‘y’’) which may also be used to join a series of noun subjects or noun objects (for examples see 21.2-38). 22.19. The interjection. Interjections may be used as phrase words in answer to a question, or as exclamatory elements in a phrase. mindkpa héyma (pause) hA4 are you going? yes (ha yes) °4y 246i kitu?m angékwifi oh, uncle, my chest is broken (?ay exclamatory interjection) 22.20. The cardinal enumerative. A cardinal enumerative may function as subject or object of a verb, or as a noun modifier. he?m tukutén da ?idi? ikA? the three did not give their hands (hé?m tukutén the three sub. of ?i€i? they gave them) ?immé?¢pa wasten karpintéro you will search for two woodpeckers (wastén two modif. karpintéro wood- pecker [Sp.]) 22.21. The pronominal enumerative. The pro- nominal enumerative may be used as subject or object of a verb, or in apposition to a nominal subject or object. tagaytaé?ma 7ifitimpay gel in, all of you! (?intimpay all of you sub. of imper. verb) ?i?i-Syah itimpay he?m n4wahyah all the witches saw it (?iftimpay all of them sub. in apposition to niwahyah witches) 22.22. The adverbial enumerative. The ad- verbial enumerative functions as a verb modifier. waskay ?indks he hit tt twice (wAskay twice modif. ?indks he hit) 22.23. Polite phrases. The only difference noted between the speech of men and women is in the form of greeting used. That for men is su¢6?y while that for women is fttiSam stéif. Although there is no apparent direct translation for these forms, the nature of some of the mor- phemes may be pointed out. The stem *Su¢ is common to both. In the masculine form it is followed by the repetitive suffix -?6?y. In the feminine form it is preceded by fttiSam (probably tus God [Sp. ‘“dios’’] plus the enclitic -am) and followed by the subjunctive suffix -7in. ‘Thank you” is expressed by ydkwX?abam dus (probably a verb stem *yuk with the agentive suffix -wX?ap, the enclitic -am, and a variant of Spanish ‘‘dios’’). 23. WORD ORDER 23.1. Word order is not rigid in Popoluca, but there are a few definite rules which are always adhered to in the combining of syntactic elements into sentences, and other tendencies which are usually followed. 23.2. A conjunction used to introduce a clause must always precede all the other elements of the clause (see examples 18.6). 23.3. Relative and interrogative adverbs gen- erally precede all other elements of the clause (see examples 18.7) but may occasionally be preceded by another element such as a demonstrative ad- verb or even the verb subject. hémak hi¢ma ndk ?ipdtpa uspin there, where he went, he encountered an alligator (hémak there, higma where) yA?p pa‘Sin hd?t nxkpa this man, where is he going? (hu?t where inter. preceded by yA?p pA‘Sin this man) 23.4. Negatives and intensifiers always directly precede the verb which they modify, with the exception of the intensifier ?éybak again which also has been noted following the modified verb with a preceding tensor. 2x6 da ?andkpa I do not go (da neg. at.) ?ddoy nga don’t go! (?6doy neg. at.) da wX*bak he?m yé-mo the woman is not pretty (da modif. st. verb wA‘bak is pretty) ?AG Aga ?anho?’yd?y I was very angry with them (?dga very modif. ?anho?yé?y I was angry) sA?ab anaputa ?éybak now take me out again! (?éybak again modif. ?anaptta take me out!) SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 37 23.5. A pronoun as the object of an imperative verb precedes the verb. hé?am na?’ma?ya tell it to him (he? him + -?am enc., obj. of ind. imp. verb) 23.6. Other words which also generally precede the predicative verb are noun subjects when there is also a noun or pronoun object, temporalized nouns, pronouns used as subjects, tensors, demon- strative adverbs, and quantitative attributives. he?m pA‘Si?n iféppa ?i?Ani the man takes out his tor- tilla (hé?m pd-Sin the man sub., ?i?4 i his tortilla obj.) ?iminipak apttpa after his coming I go out (?iminipak temporalized noun modif. ?aptitpa I go out) ?AS yA?m aft J am here (?aé I pron. used as sub., ya?m here dem. adverb) ?okma haypdtpa then he speaks (?6kma then tensor) hi¢pay mihdya how valiant are you? (lit. “Show much are you valiant?”’) (huigpay how much quant. at.) 23.7. Words that generally follow the predica- tive verb are nouns used as subjects (when no object is expressed), nouns used as objects, nouns inflected with one of the case suffixes, nouns used in a locative sense, pronouns used as objects, locators, and phrasal modifiers of a noun and a locator. fa?yné? iyé'mo his wife remained (?iy6"mo his wife noun sub.) mié inki?tpa yA?p ani you will eat this tortilla (?A i tortilla noun obj.) tanXkpa hamiém we will go into the woods (hamiém into the woods noun inflected with case suf. -hom) nuikpa hée?m kuyytikma he arrives up in the tree (kuyytikma up in the tree noun with loc. sense) *inci?ba pé?m you will give it to that one (pe?m that one pron. obj.) hémaga?m if yikma there it was (up) above (yikma above locator) ?i¢Ak MAhmMa ttn he left it in the middle of the path (mAhma ttin in the middle of the path loc. phrasal modifier) 23.8. The tensor ?idak must directly precede or directly follow the verb which it modifies. arid fdak I was living, or ?idak a?it I was living 23.9. A possessor noun or pronoun usually directly precedes the possessed noun which it modifies, though it may directly follow it if the possessed noun is the subject and the possessor the object of the verb (an article or demonstrative adjective may intervene in either case). da ?ink § in the above examples. Spanish o almost always is given the value of u. Probably this is because Popoluca o is more open and less rounded than Spanish 0, so that the latter would seem to the native ear more closely to resemble the Popoluca u. Thus, trihah troje (“storehouse”), ldpuhti lobo (“wolf’’), kusinah cosina (“‘kitchen’’), kun con (‘‘with’’). The sound f is unknown in Popoluca; in Spanish loan words p is substituted, e. g., kapél cafe (“coffee’’). Though rarely found in Popoluea words, | and r are always retained in borrowed words, e. g., ject follow the verb, the former usually will pre- cede the latter. ?imaténpa nanAgayté-wo?m iwaddya he?m ¢é-ka she hears that her husband was then carried off by the thunderbolt (?iwaddya her husband sub. of nana- gayt4:;wom was then carried off, he?m ¢6‘ka the thunderbolt indirect obj.) INFLUENCE lamar la mar (“ocean’’), and trtihah, mentioned above. Borrowed Spanish words which end in a vowel often are given a final h, in contrast to the inor- ganic glottal often found at the end of Popoluca words which terminate in a short vowel, e. g., pa‘sah faja (‘belt’), macitih machete (“brush knife’). A variant of this is found in loan words to which a suffix -ti is added after the h, e. ¢., lipuhti Jobo (“wolf”), kikuhti coco (‘‘coconut’’). Numerals above 6 (except méni four hundred) are Spanish; no sound or stress shifts occur. Only a very few cases of Spanish expressions translated into Popoluca have been noted, e. g., naA?i-skuy ojo de agua (‘spring’) na? water + °{-Skuy eye. Borrowed Spanish nouns are freely inflected, e. g., ?iswérte sw suerte (“his luck’) < *i- pos. p. pref. + suerte, paylahém en la paila (‘in the kettle’) < paila + -hom loc. suf. Spanish verbs are borrowed only rarely. Those most commonly used are ser and tener, the former in the present and imperfect, e. g., ?éra hé?ay kA?npu it was just an egg, and the latter always in the third person form of tiene que he has to, regard- less of person, e. g., téne ké ?ampkkpa J must marry him. Compound verbs sometimes are constructed from a Spanish attributive plus a Popoluca verb stem, e. g., *ktiSuhwat make lame < ktiSuh cojo (“lame’’) + *wat make. Enclitics may be freely attached to borrowed words, e. g., ?asi?am just thus < ast (“thus’’?) + ?am lim. ene. Some Spanish words, chiefly prepositions and conjunctions, have been adopted so freely that they appear to be supplanting their Popoluca equivalents. In some cases we encountered no Popoluca equivalent at all, e. g., 71 y (“and”). Other Spanish phrase connectives are often used, sometimes alone and sometimes combined with the corresponding Popoluca form, e. g., porké porque (“because”), poréso por eso (‘‘therefore,”’ SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 39 “for this reason”), porketi?iga < porque+tiiga (“because”’), si?iga (96) hé?m (2) nawat (6) he was set afire the witch. ndmpa (31) ?anhagé?yi (89) si?iga (97) He said head man, “If ntima (98) nawat (6) da (12) hipspa (99) it is certain he is witch not he will burn.” *1 (10) ?dkma (28) no?kehta: (96) 71 (10) And then he was set afire, and da (12) hobit (100) ka? (101) not right away he died huktém (102) hému?m (103) ista: (104) in fire. Just there it Was seen ?iga (76) haya?yanhkéaé (105) hé?’am (73) that he is brave the one who is nawat (6) porké (66) da (12) —_-hdbit (100) witch, because not right away ka? (101) huktém (102) hému?m (103) he died in fire. Just there i?i-Sy4h (106) ittimpay (107) hé?m (2) they saw all of them the nawahyah (108) "1 (10) *dkma (28) witches. fAnd then kunyahom (109) they were truly afraid porké (66) because no°yahta‘p (110) they will be burned. hémum (103) Just there kwénto (112) story. kuy4hb (111) hé?m (2) finished the FREE TRANSLATION Once upon a time men went out as witches. They went traveling far away. One man’s wife did not know what her husband was seeking. She said to him, ‘‘Where do you go?”’ The witch did not answer her. His wife saw him go, because she spied on him. After she had kept watch for 7 nights she saw that he cut off his leg at the knee. His wife said, ‘Right now he is going to find out what I will do with it.”’ She then began to think. She said, “Chile is good,’”’ and she began to grind it. Then she saw where the witch had left his leg. The woman said, “I will insert chile (at the joint) for him while he is far away.” When he returned in the morning and began to put his leg on at the knee it would no longer fasten on. Then he said to his wife, “‘Wake up! Who knows what has happened to me?” His wife would not speak. Then he began to shout. He said, “Now, how am I going to put on my leg?’”? Because when witches go out at night they make a noise as they walk. The people hear a noise and it is the trinl6?ka¢ who is going by. Because of the removal of his leg he makes a noise when he walks. It is because he eats our brothers that his wife is angered. His wife said, “Now he will find out if I have made him one-legged.”’ Then he began to shout. His wife said ‘‘You have paid for your pleasure.” Then they awaited the morning. The next day the head man found out about it. He was told, ‘‘That man eats the spirits of our brothers.’”? The head man said ‘We must kill hin immediately because by eating men he has already done much harm.”’ The witch was then set afire. The head man said, “If he is surely a witch he will not burn.’’ When he was set afire he did not die in the fire immediately. Thus it was seen that he was a brave witch. All the witches saw him there, and they were afraid that they too would be burned. There the story ends. GRAMMATICAL ANALYSIS . tensor, suf. -ak (13.4) . def. art. + -m lim. ence. (15.2) man . *put go out (t > h 4.8) + -yah 3d. per. pl. suf. (8.4) + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) 5. conj. that, as, here intro. a modif. clause with st. verb (18.6) 6. witch 7. *nak go + -yah 3d. per. pl. suf. (8.4) + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) main verb of i. res. ger. construction (19.8). 8. i. res. ger. (19.8) *ho-y take a walk + ger. suf. -i (8.2) 9. locator (13.3) 10. Sp. “‘y” conj. 11. ?i- 3d. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + wat- comb. form of whti large + yé‘mo woman, wife; comp. noun (10.22) 12. neg. at. (13.9) Bowne 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24, 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *h6?don know, + # compl. suf. (8.9) rel. pron. (9.4) intro. rel. clause (18.7) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *me¢ seek + -pa inc. suf. (8.9) ?i- 3d. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + wat- comb. form of wati large, great + haya male; comp. noun (10.22) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *nam say + -?a?y indir. suf. (6.17) + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) 2d. per. ind. pers. pron. (9.2) inter. at. (13.7) mi- 2d. per. i. p. pref. (7.2) + *sa? go about + -pa inc. suf. (8.9) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *?anmat speak (ben. pref. ?ay- 6.5) + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) 3d. per. ind. pers. pron. (9.2) + lim. encl. -tim (15.4) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *?i'8 see + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + ku- purp. pref. (6.4) + su¢ bound stem of *kusi¢ spy + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) du? night + -?a° verb suf. (6.11) + -ne? perf. suf. (8.3) + -om tem. enc. (15.2) Sp. “siete” Sp. “noche” tensor (13.4) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *hak cut + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) ?i- 3d. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + ké'so knee # 3d. per. i. p. pref. (7.2) + *nam say + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) ?j- 3d. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + yé"mo woman sA?ap tensor (13.4) now + -?am ene. (15.2) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *hd?do?na: know + -p ine. suf. (8.9) ?an- Ist. per. sub. 3d. per. obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + na- com. pref. (6.7) + *wat do + -?a?y indir. suf. (6.17) + -pa. ine. suf. (8.9) begin, compl. asp. (8.9) main verb of ger. clause construction ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *havs think + # ger. suf. (8.2), i. res. ger. (19.8) good, st. verb (7.4) chile ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *mo¢ grind + -?a?y ind. suf. (6.17) + # ger. suf., t. res. ger. (19.9) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *?i'8 see + # compl. suf. (8.9) + -um tem. encl. (15.2) hu?t where, rel. at. introducing rel. clause (18.7) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *f¢ak leave + # compl. suf. (8.9) ?i- 3d. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + puy leg woman ?an- Ist. per. sub. 3d. per. obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *kot insert + -?aya?y redup. ind. suf. (6.17) + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) ?iga conj. that + -nam tem. enel. (15.3) # i. p. pref. (7.2) + *nak go + -ne? perf. suf. (8.3) conjunction (13.10) 50 51 52. 53. 54, 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 78. 79. 81. 82. 41 . #i. p. pref. (7.2) + *se't return + # compl. suf. (8.9) . ku- purp. pref. (6.4) + *keh appear + -a nom. suf. (10.12) + -ka?m loc.-dur. suf. (12.4) ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + ?ak- caus. pref. (6.6) + -ka?m bound stem of *?akka?m put on + # ger. suf., t. ger. verb (19.9) da neg. at. + -m lim. ene. (15.2) # i. p. pref. (7.2) + na- com. pref. (6.7) + *ma¢ seize + -ta’ pas. suf. (8.6) + -p ine. suf. (8.9) *yu's wake up + -a imp. suf. (8.8) Ist. per. ind. pers. pron. (9.2) ?i inter. pron. who (9.4) irregular verb theme used only after ?i who. In other constructions the theme is *ho?, *hé?don, or ho?do?nd: know. ?an- Ist. per. sub. 3d. per. obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *na‘s pass + -ka? inst. compounding theme (6.29) + -ne? perf. suf. (8.3) . #i.p. pref. (7.2) + *hay speak + -pa ince. suf. (8.9) . # i. p. pref. (7.2) + ?an- sim. pref. (6.5) + *weh cry + -i ger. suf. (8.2), i. res. ger. verb (19.8) . tensor (138.4) . hu’¢ rel. at. how + -?a° verb. suf. (6.11) + -p ine. suf. (8.9) main verb of cond. ger. construction (19.10) . ?an- Ist. per. sub. 3d. per. obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + °ak- caus. pref. (6.6) + -ka?m bound stem of “akkd?m put on, + # ger. suf. (8.2), cond. ger. verb. (19.10) 5. ?an- Ist. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + puy leg 66. 67. 68. 59. ?an- sim. pref. (6.5) + *hay speak + -pa ine. suf. Sp. “porque” 3d. per. ind. pers. pron. (9.2) ¢u? night + ka?m loe.-dur. suf. (12.4) (8.9), main verb of cond. ger. construction (19.10) . 2i- 8d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *wit walk + -yah 3d. per. pl. suf. (8.4) + # ger. suf. (8.2), cond. ger. verb. (19.10) . ?i- 38d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *matd6y hear + -yah 8d. per. pl. suf. (8.4) + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) . ?i- 8d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *nak go + # ger. suf. (8.2), cond. ger. verb. (19.10) . he? def. art. -+ -?am lim. enel. (15.2) . Name of a variety of witch who removes leg. Since word does not follow usual Popoluca construction foreign origin is suggested. . #i. p. prep. (7.2) + *?anhdy make noise + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) 6. conj. that 77. ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *tups remove + -ne? perf. suf. (8.3) he? 3d. per. ind. pers. pron. (9.2) + ydkma locator on ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *¢ak touch + *ho?y anger + -pa inc. suf. (8.9); comp. verb (6.24) . ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *ku?t eat + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) tan- Ist. per. pl. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + t&-wa sibling Sp. “si” 42 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 83. ?an- Ist. per. sub. 3d. per. obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + kuSuh one-legged (Sp. ‘‘cojo”’) + *wat make + -pa ine. suf. (8.9); comp. verb (6.34) 84. ?if- 2d. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + wa‘ good at. used as noun 85. ?ifi- 2d. per. sub. 3d. per. obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) ++ ?an- ben. pref. (6.5) + *nuk arrive, + # compl. suf. (8.9) 86. # i. p. pref. (7.2) + kukéh- comb. form of kukéha morning + -?a?y verb. suf. (6.12) + -yah 3d. per. pl. suf. (8.4) + # compl. suf. (8.9) 87. tungam another dem. at. (13.6) 88. day 89. Translated in Spanish as “a autoridad,’” “the authority,” perhaps derived thus: ?ay- ben.-sim. pref. (6.5) + *hak cross i. verb stem, or *hak break t. verb stem + -?o?y repet. suf. (6.14) + -i nom. suf. (10.9) 90. #i. p. pref. (7.2) + *nam say + -?a?y ind. suf. (6.17) + -ta’ pas. suf. (8.6) + -p ine. suf. (8.9) 91. dem. at. 92. ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *ku?t eat + -?a?y ind. suf. (6.17) + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) 93. ?i- 3d. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + ¢ékoy liver (the liver is the seat of the spirit) 94. tan- Ist. per. inel. pl. t. p. pref. (7.5) + ?ak- caus. pref. (6.6) + *ka? die + -pa ine. suf. (8.9); lim. inel. pl. (8.4) 95. ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + ¢am much + *wat do + -ne? perf. suf. (8.3) + -om tem. enc. (15.2); comp. verb (6.34) 96. # i. p. pref. (7.2) + *no? burn + *keh appear + -ta’ pas. suf. (8.6); comp. verb set afire, (6.25) 97. Sp. “si? + ?iga conj. that > if 98. certain, intensifier 99. #i. p. pref. (7.2) + *hips burn + -pa ine. suf. (8.9) 100. right away, tensor 101. # i. p. pref. (7.2) + *ka? die, + # compl. suf. (8.9) 102. hukt- comb. form of hukta fire + -hom loc. suf. (12.5) 103. hem dem. adv. there + -um lim. encl. (15.2) 104. #i. p. pref. (7.2) + *?i'8 see + -ta> pas. suf. (8.6) 105. st. verb. (7.4), much used idiom which has resisted complete analysis; haya manly 106. ?i- 3d. per. sub. and obj. t. p. pref. (7.5) + *?i'S see + -yah 3d. per. pl. suf. (8.4) + # compl. suf. (8.9) 107. ?i- 3d. per. pos. p. pref. (11.1) + tum indef. art. and cardinal enumerative one + -pay quant. suf. (13.8) ; pron. enumeration (14.4) 108. nawat witch + -yah 3d. per. pl. suf. (12.2) 109. #i. p. pref. (7.2) + *kun fear + -yah 3d. per. pl. suf. (8.4) ++ -om lim. enel. (15.2) 110. #i. p. pref. (7.2) + *no? burn + -yah 3d. per. pl. suf. (8.4) + -ta’ pas. suf. (8.6) ++ -p ine. suf. (8.9) 111. #i. p. pref. (7.2) + ku- purp. pref. (6.4) + *yah finish + # compl. suf. (8.9) 112. Sp. ‘‘euento”’ VOCABULARY The vocabulary here given consists, with a few exceptions, of simple stem themes of verbs and sub- stantives. The exceptions are chiefly a few redu- plicated stems, such as pépo white, and bound stems with affixes, such as anmat speak. The other two word classes, pronouns and enumeratives, are omitted entirely, since all words of these classes are listed in the discussion in morphology (sections 9 and 14). When the translation of a word might lead to confusion, the original Spanish (in some cases, actually Aztec) is included in parenthesis. Verbs Verbs—Continued Verbs—Continued answer_______.------ *¢on boil =. - oe *yu'm (x) ) eee eee *weh OniSe ee en on are *¢ukim boro. *nuks Cub dona ee *tan COT pA Ao es ee ee *nuk Dregige. - 3 eens *kit dampen___-_-_------ *muh ascend, climb________~ *ki?m Outs so. 2) ee *¢u?m ache, hurt_._.._.__.-_.-_ *toy OS eae ee nr *wa?k Gent. 5.2 5 ee es *no? QNGer ae *ho?y QUaeneen = ee *yu's burn (with large flame). *yot CeCtiee 2 *magé?y OL eee ee ee Ses, 38 — *wok carry (on head in a *¢ay descend.) aoe *ket Pathos. oa *Cin basket) digi > AS ee eee *he?n be, live, exist_________ * iE ChORGG Sa 2 ee *¢e?k dig, excavates_-.2-_-- *tah Gexables 2 See eee *ward: Chop doin 22 oe #wa't drinksee- a eee *uk beborn = = ee ‘nay C1686) 33 <2. eer *?anmié drink water.._......-- *na?k bear, endure_________ * ?ankdy collect. ~ =. 232 ee #dek Ontos 2 ee ee wad beat (Sp. “asa drum’’)_ *taks CONGR A= = = Se *min Onan eee ¥ta¢ become fat__________- *pa* COOkIe= .... eee ee *?uh COb_ =f 2. ee eee *ku?t Deginee 232 2-2 2e *moh copulate... *man 1 | a a ee *ka?s [Td i] | ee ae ie aS #?A?y COUNN. 22. >. eee *suks eat (dine)_______-_-- #wi?k believe______________ *?anhdm COUT =. eee *?Pani?¢ émbrate. 222-22. #nu?s DIL eben 3 BO hee 8 *was cover (with mud) __- ~~ Fdat CMeTge eee *put DD eae eee oa ee *suh CLORSi = oe *hak entep ee eee *tagdy SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 43 Verbs—Continued fallen. 228 Ben Asse *dut fan, wave =2 280-82... *yem edie ae oe *ka‘n eel O1z2y soon ae *su'sa° BEG oe eee oe *? and: LT Omen ee Bee eh *mo¢ ULtS ie ee ee *yah Olde ee een Se *poks OUD ees ee et *mo?n A ee *ma?t WT COO ee = *se?t QOLRE i= sea eee *pin eLwO heer a. Boe oe 2 *pak CO ee = ete *nak go along (andar)_____- ¥sa? ORO UL = Spee eee *put OLGS Da ee ee *ma¢ (NY ae ae ee *¢ak UIT ee ee eee *way Ti eee pa *yo?n harvest=— 25. 5... *pin ol = ee ae *pih Vic pea *nek adem Sass a *yam Ritabeots 222 8S *naks (=e a ee = #ya?k hunt, shoot__.__....._.. *tuh UMN De ee ee *mAa?n Ri) *yo?y (na) Ee aes eee *tu?m Cee eo eS *nep know. 22... *h6?don COC *tak lasso, fish with a line__ *suy (KeKTK] (5 eee eee ee *Sik leunez een *¢ak (ish 5 ee Ce *kak (Lid ie. See ee *ne?m lie on one’s side______ *mum lights22. 22 = 2-8 - *dok duster ees. wate sn *matén OGIO. Dee Seat 2 *pah LOD Kar cee oer *2a?m LOS Cun a ~ *togéy MOKe TAO a. = *wat make noise__________ *tif make tortillas_______- *toh Gl] eed ee *?anko?mA?y LCC tee ete tn = *pat meet together_________ *?antu?’ma: mix, stick together_____ *¢ah AGL) ht ee *su'n (01) ae, Sa eee eee *tok US heee ee ee hn #na’s (OO) 3 Ts *yoh (DUC ee *duks (UL ee #macé pluck (fruit)...._-.-- *tuk puncturé.. .--.=--=== *den Verbs—Continued (0h) ese *yak Dt OTC me = *?akka?m TSC ee ee a *¢da-m TOMOM as ee Fda?y remove, undress_______ *do?t request, ask for_______ *wa?k OS et eee nee rs Pm *heh MELUT Ty CUTT 2 ee *set GUL Ge eee *DA'S TUDE ae SS *kan CL re ee *poy C1) eh ee *nam SCrOD Cs nes aes Ho *meh SCTOLC oo aoa ee _. *¢uks SCUNC = aes te ee *me?¢ Sellar ey Ge, en *ma?y BET ae ees et *kuddt SCTUG eee FL *tek LY AD) eae see a ae ee ‘nun shell corn_...-..----- *?aks SING ee ee ek *¢ok shoot (with bow and *tap arrow) SING ea aanesemesees == *wan SL ee ee ae *kon Sepa =sae eee se ee eee *mon SINCLU See arn eee Se *kan OY (10 | ee *su?k SOU re ee ee *nip SPCUh see See Ba *hay SNEOka2 aoa eas = *?anmat Ly (1 ee eae ee *pit Sb ee *¢uh SMU eee me eee = *werk split, give birth__----- *po? Spread OUbn == 2222 2= = *to?k StCR see Se *nu?m SLOP ae ee *ten strain, filter__.------- *pa? BETELCH OUbe sein ee = *ta'm stretch one’s skin_---- *oks succeed_..._--------- *wa'n BUCK ae a ee ee *tu?t suck (as a baby), kiss__ *¢u¢ SUL eT eee ae oe *ya?ada: SWellts 35-8 esas 22s *Sin SWeePeasen a oe os 3 *pet SID Lee ee ae *pu?n take a walk__--------- *hory take outa =e *top take oul fish with a net. *mak tell stories. ==45- === *may WRT ee *ha‘s test wear Sa eee *kips bat areas er *pa¢ Uh es ee a *¢en Hews oan eso s552- *mek Se ee ee *s0?ps LOGS t= eee aes See anmt?¢ Verbs—Continued fouch= 2 ose ee #¢Ak touch lightly_-------- *pin tremblezacssesso-5-2- *ya?s turn, return_.-=--==-- *set lista coe eee Fwilt Une. <3 ete a S eS *wih VOM a2 23 See sess #2 ad Ole ee ee *wit COS te ee ¥*d¢e? weave. 225245 4-Se as *tak aphistlev = s22=s esas *su's WOrk. shoe Sees *yoSa- WOUNG aaa ae ee akko?wa: Wrestlés= =. + seston sas *pak Substantives Ouittileoti asa See San a little while ago_----- ma?k aboveseo2 2 ee ase yukma agave fiber(Sp.“‘ixtle’)_ nawin aguardiente_ 2222-3. == ?6ho alivgatore=== = =e uspin OlS0: ear eee ?éya 180-2225 S25 eee mes Ongny seo sere 76? ti ant®s CaS as eae péokpok (an) ant (Sp. “arrie- niku ro”’) armadillo_....=------ na¢ OFM Pit 352 = 2s aae Saka atole2 2 £222. ees anu GUN ak eee ¢A¢a back (between shoul- ti?ni ders) bamboo (Sp. ‘‘otate’”’). ?é6hwifit banana.222222-2-__- simi DOShet eee eee k6?on basket, large type - -- -- p6?po? batt: See 52S ae tA‘Si UY | ape aS a sak beard Saas 22 aso = wi'si bed. 225 oes eee Ss ¢e’s Uigee=--22ce52s2ee22 mah bend =a eee en hon (a) bird (Sp. ‘‘zen- ?4may zontle’’) berthmark..=_~---~~- éaktin biter. 225 = tam DIG.che Saat eae yak blankets. .---==-- 5-2. ¢uhmit blood ees. 222 seas a= nA’pin blouse eee eee ?dsa blue, green_---------- ¢u's bone, seeds. 222-52 5= pak OO 1b we sale aoe re piksi breast, teat-—-=----=- ninu brother-in-law_ -_- ~~ --- nA‘MA butter flys. 222 2 ae méme 44 INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY—PUBLICATION NO. 8 Substantives—Continued COiLles OU sass eee a CEr Lis = ee circle, disk_ 25. 3. CLO ee SD Ba incense (Sp. ‘‘copal’’)_ COWS E matte POO e an Steet Se or CRO ee ee CEO ae et eee ee field grass (Sp. “za- cate’) fingernail, claw___--- ra’) (a) fruit (Sp. “pita- haya’’) piyu ?anhagé?yi ¢A°Si nf{wi wéyo ?uksa takéi siksuk paigak mak péoma fur¢ pwki ciéa 265i ku? ASi puthay yi-ti ski ?Gma héhma mi?a mawin potpot ta: ¢ak nas k4?npu winpak péoha ha-tun tin tani mu?k kA¢as hikta kA‘pi ta?pa ¢O-wi pistak méya so?k ?6ma puy nak tam nuéti Substantives—Continued godmother... 32." 2ae25 good, pretty, nice_____ gopher (Sp. “‘tusa’’)___ QTas8s 2-5 es Q00sso = 5 Sees griddle (Sp. ‘‘comal’’)_ Guaqvel =. = eee gulley (Sp. “barran- ca’’) gum (Sp. “‘chiele’’) ___ head tumpline (Sp. “mecapal’’) lite’”) hummingbird___----- hunger__.----------- intestines____.-_----- jaguar (Sp. ‘tigre real’’) 4 eULOUS 22 aoe ae ae Fount, bnee_ 5 2a = laters <4 Se seeses liver, Spirit.= = -=2-- lizard, large variety - —_- MOONY... - ae WE - 2 on ee middle, in the._.__-_- Minds ee ee MInNOW....--2=+---- mountain: = eee ees MOULT = = ?é6ko WA’ tA?pié sti pam ?Agan patan ?anhdka? nd’a way ka? maéaymay téhpi k6é:bak ¢AmiS ¢Ah¢a ¢APA yarm wohno ti’?ga éinu 2é6kwon wa'n piiuh tak ticki yuru pu’?u tendt néha ndé?so sdbuy ¢6koy padi ¢Ari kok winak pupusu ?4-nu té-pu wii mok ?ah¢un paA‘sin wati miayi maAhma ka-ma tdhwin téskat ?a-¢u péya Apa kééak Substantives—Continued 11 Cli es Aga TG a ae hd? yan MUdEs A te eee sd tu?ta mushrooms____-__-___- néno NOM62= sees eee eS nAyi MOTT OW ss ee ee wayay NOUC| = ee a tino RCO a ae = eS ee nédko TCT Sk ey oe té-mi MECK i= ie) Koes ee ae kAnka? TCS EP pee pé?ni MCU = oe ee mani NEG Nia ee du? tian 101 {0} he one m6?8i NO a ee Se da NOSE Sawa ay eae kin LOU a eee ee sk?ap OG v2 Sa wo Ba ees soh (i) fs Pepe Bote Er, Se péka OUNeT. 22a ?6mi Oulside= 2. 22 °ansAkma Dla. ee ee styat DL aa ee non PONCT Aes = se ee této Qithen@ ee eee ae tun OGL O wag ee Anka? NeNtS see eee ee tutu / OL yéya pigeons. ==. =i 2 eee ?4kSi ETO eee ees por ti DOAN ae eee non DOsts. 3 2a oe eee kom D0lasoe sa ee st?un MOZOL = ae ee wiyi mus, (@) bath = 22 =e pu’ka PODOU 2am ae ee ké-ya NO ee tuh TOle= = 2a eee seas ¢uem 2h) ae ee ¢dko fed. = 2a Sees ¢Aba¢ remedys. eae doy rock (Sp. “pefa’’)_--_- téhah TOOtS 2. Amat oe eee teak rubbish= 2.2282 222-—= puéi S0Uin one oe kdna SON0e =e a eee po?oy sandals, Pleiades _-_--_ kX?ak Stan fe eee sas GROAN =) 5o 2 ¢ipa ShOpt ee ONE ee ae yor ti SRI) se a gas SWUNG 2 see ee th'wa Shitih==42= ees eee nika shirt. s422=5-4522-_4 tékSi Ski, jresta- 292-2 == SAn Smt Jae ee Sutu smallpon. 24-2 2 - == niku? SiOkee== dat Sn0U sa ee ee suti Substantives—Continued snail, large variety---- 86°ki S0ftame ee eae een SS pon SONS seen sa soe eos manak SON-1N-10Wes =a mA?at spindle whorl___----- Siku SOULS | een te pé‘sun SOUT Clem ere es kda?nki SLOT ED ees ee fa? SLONE MUO. = ope so ta? ni SUTONG = 22 s=-See ase pai St eee ?Aksa SUN MOOY soe aa = hama Beeb. a Sana seen pé’?ak SWtf (es nest ss pAmi (01 ee tu?¢ LOM ONGs seen = yaga¢ tarantula___--------- ?4-mu ir eae ees Te eae pe?m Oho Se a a tX?a¢g thin, shallow____----- ééhée thzs"(one).<- <= 2 2n a5 =- yArp FODACCO=== 22 nee = ¢A°wi SIERRA POPOLUCA SPEECH—FOSTER AND FOSTER 45 Substantives—Continued lONGUe== = 2222 a to¢ eyed Re ee ta¢ tortie oe Ani LOnLO; Semen et tiki (OU enna eet oS ok atébet UF C0 ee en aes ee kuy tree cotton (Sp. “po- pistin chote’’) tree gourd (Sp. pok “ouaje’’) tree gourd (Sp. hé:pe ‘fcara’’) TT OULSCT Soe ate nékkuy turkeys eee seme e228 ta?nuk Ce tuki 11017 See se mé-¢éi i (Not AE Spay ae =a Adi OO ee =e = a gem very, MUCK 2-- 2-52. - gam CO tee ae er fay UU eee eee a= nda?pu Substantives—Continued 013) en ee muh Th a eS = eae a mé?8i WOES = ee en hékos WOS Dae ee wé?nak SOL C1 2 ee na? waterfall___-_______- ta’ksa ROC aaa ey ea eee ndyi (a); well = eee muta whirlwind — 9 sikum RUC 2 pépo wildcat (Sp. “‘tigre’’)__ kay OUT ee ee sdwa WONG = oe Le ee Sah SDULCH CTO tne kutA?éi woman... =.= _-_-__ yé"mo wood tick.__.-------. pé-nak ADOT a 22 ae ee ¢a?kin yearn ?4mtu 1 CLO ee ee pur’ué YOSee a Se ees eee ha yesterday___--_------ matAk i 7 - 7 vy - _ 7 = ; = P) : er _ Ss 7 - ee) Y - . a > — _ A” see - = Sts el VA =e +} 5 7 : - - - 2. 5 i. ae - 7 ; Vea : a? te Ses : ; = = 7 : 7 ~ 7 2 : ; - 5 7 i : T 7 ~~ = eS wo ee a ra “| Gane a ——. : 7 ag a - 7 Bw - ie, 7 ‘ore 7 ry” | : : - = 7. & “a a - : - on — as ov - _ ; 7 — f:t ee ; ied “se ay el og) (a Z er - a a Be. 7 ; fo ee - a _ 7 ie —_ a 2 : pion —_ a in on - J 7 or en ~ : es OO 1 a - oo. £4 wade 7 7 _ 0 A a : 7 7 a 7 "We, — + — ; iy 7 A G =. : : ; » 7 "Te D _ - 7 + a : - er = on Sa 7 - ie) . yy a _ 7 - cs) 5 - : Pate ei : _ > 7 ae we - - ae ; iene 2 - I a 7 ; _ _ : : 7 _ es i. > - Ve _ ‘wi ca - AR 7 _ - i : bl > aH _ 7 wee 7 7 - 6 7 7” a 7 7 a - _ : _ _ : 7 i om o - : 7 7 7 - ré 7 7 : a —— — an 7 = > ee : - 7 ; a 7 ’ 5 oe : - { 7 a : 7 i :- _ 7 _ 7 7 - 7 : -* - ; 7 a * ry i - a - 7 - ¢ i : a : 7 - - - - - : _ a - : . an 7 _ 7 ; : 7 7 ' - an 7 ‘40 a at sf i a 7 : ca : _ a 7 op. A - ‘ - o - ni 7 ‘ 7 : - ° - _ ae : / ae. a - - 7 : “a a - a - y a ae] _ : 7 7 7 a + = 7 - , on 7 7 com : : - : 7 O ws - Y - C _ —_ a 7 _ 7 7 : 2 7 7 : _ 7 : - : ( a s . 7 oe a S y n : g 7 a 4 - - : ! -_ ¥ a e ; 7. fl : ; > ; : + . ” . 7 oe . iw wu a ©. ove J , ‘ ; 1 * a : - i> - > 7 a : i 7 ; 7 ° 4 7 a 7 - - 1 : 7 7 : ’ a ' ; . 7 ad _ 7 w J = ans. we : 7 : a - FH > = > : aa - ys 4 gt : ; ¢; a i a 7 ° - ¥ - 7 : a = - i) 7 a © fv 7 - : 7 i 7 a : | | | 1 l | iM |