and

0f

CHAPTER I.

THE KELATIONS OF FILOSTRATO TO THE ROMAN DE TROIE AND TO THE HlSTORIA TROIANA.

THE earliest extant account of the unfortunate love of Troilus and Briseida l is that contained in certain disconnected passages of the Roman de Troie2 of Benoit de Sainte-Maure, written about the year 1160.3 The Roman de Troie is in the main4 based upon two Latin forgeries known as Dictys Cretensis Ephemeris Belli Troiani,5 of the fourth century A.D.,6 and Daretis Phrygii De Excidio Troiae Historia? of the sixth century.8 In the part

1 As far as possible, I shall use the spelling of this heroine's name prevail ing in the work under immediate discussion from time to time. On the spelling of the name by Boccaccio and by Chaucer, see especially Skeat, Com plete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, II, Oxford, 1894, pp. Ixiv-lxv ; G. L. Hamilton, Chaucer's Indebtedness to Guido delle Colonne, New York, 1903, pp. 134-135; J. L. Lowes, Publications of the Modern Language Association, XX (1905), 823-829 ; J. S. P. Tatlock, The Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works, Chaucer Society, London, 1907, pp. 30-32. For Boccaccio's use of the name Briseida, see Ameto (Opere Volgari, Vol. XV, Firenze, Moutier, 1833, p. 136) and Filocolo (Opere Volgari, Vol. VII, Firenze, 1829, p. 278).

2 In general, I shall refer to the edition of L. Constans, of which two volumes (Le Roman de Troie par Benoit de Sainte-Maure, Paris, 1904-1906), containing lines 1-14958, are already published. To the complete text of A. Joly (Benoit de Sainte-More et Le Roman de Troie, Vol. II, Paris, 1871) I shall refer for the part of the poem not yet edited by Constans.

3 On this daie see especially G. Paris, La "Litterature Franfaise au Moyen Age, Paris, 1905, p. 80 ; G. Grober, Grundriss der Romanischen Philologie, II, 1, Strassburg, 1898, p. 583; E. Langlois, Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Chartcs, LXVI, 108 ; L. Constans, in L. Petit de Julleville's Histoire de la Langue et de la Litterature Franfaise, Tome I, Paris, 1896, p. 198 ; P. Meyer. Romania, XXIII, 16.

4 On Benoit's use of Dictys and Dares and of supplementary sources, see Joly, I, 218-233 j W. Greif, Die mittelalterlichen Bearbeitungen der Trojan- crsage, Marburg, 1886, pp. 13-54.

5 Edited by F. Meister, Lipsiae, 1872.

e See N. E. Griffin, Dares and Dictys, Baltimore, 1907, p. 3. I owe much to advance sheets of Dr. Griffin's treatise.

7 Edited by F. Meister, Lipsiae, 1873. 8 See Griffin, p. 5.

DEV. TR. CR. B

2 DARES'S NOTICES OF TROILUS, BRISEIDA, DIOMEDES. [CH.

of his poem recounting the episode of the love of Troilus and Briseida,1 Benoit follows Dares, whose fragmentary information concerning the chief characters involved may be outlined at-4 follows 2 :°

In the first place, Dares gives us the "portraits" of the three main figures. Troilus is described briefly, as follows :

" Troilum magnum, pulcherrimum, pro aetate valentem, fortem,. cupidum virtutis." 3

Briseida is placed among the Greeks with the following portrait :

" Briseidam formosam, non alta statura, candidam, capillo flavo et molli, superciliis iunctis, oculis venustis, corpore aequali> blandam, affabilem, verecundam, animo simplici, piam."4

Diomedes is described as follows :

" Diomedem fortem quadratum, corpore honesto, vultu austero, in bello acerrimum, clamosum, cerebro calido, impatientem,. audacem." 5

Elsewhere in the Historia Dares tells us that in one of his fights * Troilus wounds Diomedes, — •

"Troilus Diomedem sauciat."7

We are told that Calchas, the Trojan priest, met Achilles at Delphi, and by command of the oracle joined the Greeks.8 These few details substantially exhaust Dares' contribution toward a story of Troilus and Briseida.

1 Roman de Troie, 5211-5224, 5275-5288, 5393-5446, 13086-13120, 13261- 13866, 14267-14357, to which are to be added from the edition of Joly,. 14927-15112, 15572-15594, 20057-20330, 20591-20670, 21369-21484.

2 Although Dictys gives an account of the relations of Hippodamia» daughter of Brises, to Achilles and to Agamemnon (ii, 17, 19, 33, 49, 52 ; iv, 15), he nowhere calls her Briseida. Dictys has no equivalent for Dares' " portraits " of Diomedes, Briseida, and Troilus (cap. xii, xiii), to which are evidently due the corresponding "portraits "in Benoit's poem (E. de T., 5211-5224, 5275-5288, 5393-5446). Dictys mentions Troilus only in record ing his death : — " Capti etiam Lycaon et Troilus Priamidae, quos in medium productos Achilles iugulari iubet indignatus nondum sibi a Priamo super his, quae secum tractaverat, inandatum. Quae ubi animadvertere Troiani, tollunt gemitus et clamore lugubri Troili casum miserandum in modum deflent re- cordati aetatem eius admodum inmaturam, qui in primis pueritiae annis cum verecundia ac probitate, turn praecipue forma corporis amabilis atque acceptus popularibus adolescebat " (iv, 9). Diomedes is mentioned frequently in the Ephemeris (i, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19 ; ii, 9, 15, 19, 20, 32, 41, 48 ; iii, 4, 12, 17, ' 19 ; iv, 3, 7 ; v, 15 ; vi, 2), but never in relation to Troilus. __ Calchas appears as a Greek priest, without a daughter (i, 15, 17, 21 ; ii, 30 ;*iv, 18 ; v, 7).

3 Cap. xii, p. 15. 4 Cap. xiii, p. 17. 5 Cap. xiii, p. 16.

6 Cap. xxix, p. 35 ; xxxi, p. 37 ; xxxiii, p. 39.

7 Cap. xxxi, p. 37. 8 Cap. xv, p. 20.

NOTICE.

DURING the years 1903-6, the Society's Editors did not enable it to issue any Text except the short No. 36, the Four- Days Journey from London to Canterbury and lack of the Aragonese Ambassadors in 1415. But several Subscribers generously continued to pay their Subscriptions, so that the Society has now rather more than £800 in hand to pay for its issues of 1903, 1904, 1905, 1906 and 1907, five years. These issues will be dated 1907 or 1908, &c., the year in which they are sent out, but about £200 worth of work will be assigned to each of the back years in which no Text was issued. The present volume, Prof. Tatlock's Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works, will be taken as the second Text for 1903. It is hoped that Prof. McCormick will soon issue two vols. for 1904, and Miss Spurgeon and Miss Fox one — the Chaucer Allusions, 1360-1900, Pt. I— for 1905, with Prof. Syphard's work on The Hous of Fame, which has been for some months in the printers' hands. So far as is possible, the money paid in for every year will be spent on Texts for that year; and these Texts will be sent to the payers of the money.

The Announcements as to the issues for 1907 on the cover of Prof. Tatlock's volume will be alterd, in future Texts, so as to correspond with the Notice above.

F. J. FURNIVALL.

June 14, 1907.

! '

of

®i[igitt mid

• of %

0f (§itmte m& (Cri

BY

KARL YOUNG, PH.D.

PARKER FELLOW OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY

PUBLISHT FOE THE CHAUCER SOCIETY

BY KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LIMITED,

DRYDEN HOUSE, 43, GERRARD STREET, SOHO, W.

1908, for the Issue of 1904-

>/

'""./

/ . 2 u D. <-(• o

Series,^*^

aiCHARD CLAV & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BUNOAT.

To

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PACK

I. THE RELATIONS OF FILOSTRATO TO THE ROMAN DE TROIE

AND TO THE HlSTOEIA TllOIANA .... 1

II. THE RELATIONS OF FILOSTRATO TO FILOCOLO . . 26

III. THE RELATIONS OF TROILUS AND GRISEYDE TO THE

ROMAN DE TROIE AND TO THE HISTORIA TROIANA . 105

IY. THE RELATIONS OF TROILUS AND CRISEYDE TO FILOCOLO 139

APPENDICES 182

PREFACE.

THIS study, in substantially its present form, was presented in 1907 to the Faculty of Arts and Sciences of Harvard University in fulfilment of one of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Professor George Lyman Kittredge suggested to me the subject here treated, and every step in the investigation was made under his direct guidance. In addition to constant generous advice, I owe to Professor Kittredge most of the training without which I could never have undertaken the investigation at all. Professor Ford, Professor Schofield, and Professor Eobinson allowed me to consult them at all times. By his kindness in criticizing my manuscript in detail, Professor Sheldon has saved me from more than one inaccuracy. I cannot easily express my indebtedness to Mr. E. H. Wilkins, who, with the utmost generosity, has com municated to me both the results and the processes of his investiga tion of the biography of Boccaccio. The occasional references to Mr. Wilkins in footnotes are only a slight indication of my indebtedness. Dr. ]ST. E. Griffin greatly aided me by allowing me to use advance sheets of his treatise on Dictys and Dares. To Dr. G. L. Hamilton, from whose published opinion I am sometimes obliged to dissent, I owe much kind and helpful criticism.

1

CH. l] A SUPPOSED ORIGINAL OF TROILUS AND BRISEIDA's LOVE. 3

From the brevity, meagreness, and ill-assortment of the informa tion in Dares' work as we have it, and from certain indications found in later writers who are clearly basing their accounts on Dares, certain scholars have assumed that there must have existed a more extended form of Dares' Historia, of which our extant text is a mere epitome.1 It is not our present task to consider the whole problem of the possible relations of our extant text of Dares to an assumed more extended original, but merely to inquire whether or not any such original would be likely to contain a love story of Troilus and Briseida.

Those who believe that such a story existed in the more xtended Dares text have really accomplished nothing beyond showing that the Briseida, Troilus, Diomedes, and Calchas of ^Dares' Historia lent themselves easily to such a treatment as Benoit gave them.2 These writers have assumed, therefore, that ithese suggestive figures in our Dares must be the detritus of a former love story resembling Benoit's account of Troilus and Briseida. To such a hypothesis there are at least the following objections :

1. According to Dares, Troilus is a Trojan, while Briseida is placed among the Greeks, and the two characters are never brought into any relation whatever. To meet this difficulty it has been suggested3 that, since Calchas was first with the Trojans and then with the Greeks, his daughter Briseida might naturally be listed with either party. This suggestion, however, involves the unwarranted assumption that Calchas was associated with Briseida, an association concerning which Dares gives no suggestion.4

1 Among the advocates of a larger version are G. Koerting (Dictys und Dares, Halle, 1874, pp. 67-119), R. Jaeckel (Dares Phrygius und Benoit de Sainte-More, Breslau, 1875), and G. Paris (Romania, III, 131-134 ; Revue Critique d'Histoire et de Literature, VIII, 9 Mai, 1874, pp. 289-292). Their view is opposed by H. Dunger (Die Sage vom trojanischen Kriege, Leipzig, 3869, pp. 12, 17-18), Joly (I, 201-203), F. Meister (Daretis Phrygii De Excidio Troiae Historia, Lipsiae, 1873, p. xvi), Greif (pp. 54-55), and E. ^Joseph (Zeitschrift fur Romanische Philologie, VIII, 117-119).

That such a love story existed in a larger Dares is unreservedly believed

III, 17); W. Hertzberg (id., VI, 182-183); Dunger (p. 36); R. Dernedde ( Uber die den TtUfranzosisclien Dichtern bekannten epischen Stoffe aus dem Altertum, Erlangen, 1887, pp. 122-123).

3 Koerting, p. 96.

4 Of. Joseph, Zeitschrift /. Rom. Philol, VIII, 119.

4 BRISEIDA AND GUIDO's DEVELOPMENT OF DARES. [CH. I

. 2. Dares does not hint that either Troihis or Briseida ever had a love affair.1

3. Dares mentions no relation "between Troilus and Diomedes that would not be perfectly natural between any two warriors on opposing sides. In the words,

"Troilus Diomedem sauciat,"2

Dares gives no suggestion of any connection of Diomedes with a hypothetical love affair of Troilus and Briseida. We need see no special significance in a Trojan warrior's wounding a Greek.3 These difficulties have never been fairly met, and with the evidence as it stands at present, he who assumes a story of Troilus and Briseida in a hypothetical larger Dares is allowing himself a mere guess. From the facts before us, it seems far more reasonable to infer that, taking the promising materials provided by Dares, — a heroine with such attributes as " affabilis " and " oculis venustis," a hero described as " pulcherrimus, pro aetate valens," and a rival who was " cerebro calido," — taking these materials, Benoit, writing at a time when love stories were all the fashion, embellished the sober history of Dares with a third love story like the other two such stories in his poem, that of Jason and Medea 4 and that of Achilles and Polyxena.5

In 12876 Guido delle Colonne produced in Latin prose his Historia Troiana,7 based mainly upon the Roman de Troie of Benoit, whom he does not mention.8 From -Dares, Benoit, and Guido there developed the huge body of romance and pseudo- history concerning the Trojan war so well known to Western Europe during the Middle Ages,9 and from these three authors,

1 Cf. Joseph, loc. tit., pp. 118-119. To say that the words "oculis venustis," applied both to Briseida (Dares, cap. xiii, p. 17) and to Polyxena (cap. xii, p. 16), imply that Briseida, like Polyxena, probably had a love affair of some kind, is giving way to pure conjecture. Cf. Jaeckel, p. 44.

2 Dares, cap. xxxi, p. 37. Cf. Jaeckel, p. 44.

3 It is to be noted that in the Roman de Troie Benoit tells of a fight between Troilus and Diomedes a considerable time before he hints of a love affair between Troilus and Briseida, and so much the longer before he connects Diomedes with this love affair. Cf. R. de T., 10725-10746.

4 R. de T., 1211-2044.

5 Id. (Joly), 17457-18454, 20679-20852, 21176-21225, 21653-22256.

6 On this date seeR. Earth, Guido de Columna, Leipzig, 1877, p. 9.

7 I use the edition of Strassburg, 1489.

8 On Guide's relations to Benoit and to Dares, see Dunger, pp. 61-64 ; Joly, I, 472-484 ; E. Gorra, Testi Inediti di Storia Trojana, Torino, 1887, pp. 109-151 ; Greif, pp. 57-64 ; Earth, pp. 12-32 ; H. Morf, Romania, XXI, 18-21. Cf. Hamilton, Chaucer's Indebtedness, etc., pp. 41-42.

9 On this development see Greif, pp. 57-103 ; Joly, I, 397-524 ; Dunger, pp. 21-81.

CH. l] THE SOURCES OF BOCCACCIO'S FILOSTRATO. 5

directly or indirectly, Boccaccio drew the materials for his Filostrato. As to which of these authors provided Boccaccio with his story and as to the channels by which it may have reached him, scholars have not agreed. The history of opinion on this point we may now review.

The opinions hitherto held regarding the source of Filostrato1 may be grouped in several classes : 2

1. Le Clerc held that Filostrato is a mere development of the episode of Troilus and Briseida as it occurs in the Roman de Troie.3

2. Dunger,4 Bartoli,5 Maniroth,6 and Barth7 have held that ' Boccaccio drew the material for his poem from Guide's Historia

Troiana.

3. Joly,8 Gaspary,9 Morf,10 Savj-Lopez,11 Yolpi,12 and Wiese and Percopo,13 while admitting the possible supplementary use of

4 Guido, assign the main influence to Benoit. • 4. Hertzberg,14 Landau,15 and Gorra 16 seem to believe in the pre ponderance of Guide's influence, but do not deny the possibility of the supplementary influence of Benoit.

5. Moland and D'Hericault,17 Sandras,18 Kissner,19 and Hortis 20

1 I use the edition of Moutier, Firenze, 1831, Opere volgari 'di Giovanni Boccaccio, Vol. XIII.

2 For part of the bibliography of this subject, see V. Crescini, Contribute agli Studi sul Boccaccio, Torino, 1887, p. 195, note 1 ; P. Savj-Lopez, Eomania, XXVII, 445 ; Hamilton, p. 67, note 1.

3 Histoire Litteraire de la France, Vol. XXIV, Paris, 1862, pp. 583-584. Of. F. Novati, Istoria di Patroclo e d'lnsidoria, Torino, 1888, pp. xxvi-xxvii.

4 Dunger, pp. 36, 65.

6 A. Bartoli, I Precursori del Boccaccio, Firenze, 1876, pp. 65-66.

6 F. Mamroth, Geoffrey Chaucer, seine Zeit und seine AbhangigTceit von Boccaccio, Breslau, 1872, p. 54.

7 Barth, pp. 32, 34. Cf. G. Koerting, Dictys und Dares, Halle, 1874, p. 94.

8 Joly, I, 504.

9 A. Gaspary, Geschichte der Italienischen Literatur, Bd. II, Berlin, 1888, p. 638.

10 Tins seems to be the opinion of Morf, Romania, XXI, 106.

11 P. Savj-Lopez, Eomania, XXVII, 449.

12 G. Volpi, 11 Trecento, Milano, n.d., p. 99.

13 B. Wiese und E. Percopo, Geschichte der Italienischen Literatur, Leipzig und Wien, 1899, p. 154.

'4 W. Hertzberg, Jahrbuchder DeutschenShakespeare-Gesellschaft, VI, 200.

15 M. Landau, Giovanni Boccaccio : sein Leben und seine Werke, Stutt gart, 1877, pp. 90-91.

16 E. Gorra, Testi Inediti di Storia Trojana, Torino, 1877, pp. 339-340.

17 L. Moland et C. D'Hericault, Nouvelles Francoises en prose du XIV' steclc, Paris, 1858, p. xciii.

18 E. G. Sandras, Etude sur G. Chaucer, Paris, 1859, p. 42.

19 A. Kissner, Chaucer in seinen Beziehungen zur Italienischen Literatur, Bonn, 1867, p. 23.

20 A. Hortis, Studj sulle Opere Latine del Boccaccio, Trieste, 1879, p. 118.

6 EELATION OF THE FILOSTRATO TO BENOiT AND TO GUIDO. [CH. I

express no opinion as to whether Benoit or Guido is the source of Filostrato.

6. Koerting,1 Crescini,2 Wager,3 and Greif,4 without adducing evidence, merely suggest the possibility that Boccaccio's source was some Italian version either of Benoit or of Guido.

7. Professor Skeat, without adducing evidence, expresses the opinion that Boccaccio followed "some recension of the French text of Benoit."5

That either Benoit or Guido is, directly or indirectly, the source I of Boccaccio's poem has never been questioned. From the review <\ of opinion before us it appears that most scholars have held that / Boccaccio drew his material directly from one or from both of these * writers. An examination of the pertinent documents accessible reveals no support, I think, for the view of those who surmise that Boccaccio used an Italian translation of Benoit or of Guido, or a French redaction of Benoit.6 Although we conclude that Boc caccio dealt directly with Benoit, or with Guido, or with both, we are still left with varying opinions as to whether he used either of these authors exclusively, or, if he used both, as to the proportions in which he drew from each. Since most of the opinions hitherto expressed have been accompanied by no evidence at all, and since no complete examination of all the accessible evidence has been made,7 it is necessary now to examine in some detail the relation of the text of Filostrato to the text of Benoit and of Guido. It is to be noted at the outset that Benoit and Guido agree so essentially in recounting the episode of Troilus and Briseida that internal evidence fails to reveal from which of the two Boccaccio derived the bulk of his story. In details, '? however, the French poem and the Latin "history" differ con spicuously, and an examination of these differences may yield indications as to which of the two Boccaccio used in particular

1 G. Koerting, Boccaccio's Leben und Werke, Leipzig, 1880, p. 590.

2 Crescini, Contribute, etc., p. 195.

8 C. H. A. Wager, The Seege of Troye, New York, 1899, p. xxii.

4 Greif, pp. 65, 69. Cf. Gorra, p. 339.

5 "W. W. Skeat, The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, Vol. II, Oxford, 1894, p. Ixiii.

6 My examination of this point appears in Appendix A. It may be said in passing that it does not appear why no one has made the only remaining guess, — that Boccaccio used a French redaction of the Historia Troiana! See P. Meyer, Romania, XIV, 65.

7 The most detailed study of this question is that by P. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 442-479. Savj-Lopez, as he himself says (p. 449), makes no attempt to exhaust the evidence.

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S 'BORROWINGS FROM GUIDO DELLE COLONNE. 7

instances.1 We may first examine such evidence as points to Boccaccio's having used the Historia Trot ana.

According to Boccaccio, when Troilo hears of the decision to surrender Griseida to the Greeks, he faints, and his kinsmen try to comfort him, —

" . . . in tanta mole Di danno e di periglio, tramortito Li cadde Troilo d'alto duol ferito.

II quale Priamo prese infra le braccia, Ed Ettore e' fratei, temendo forte Dell' accidente, e ciascun si procaccia Di confortarlo . . .

Ma poco ancor valeva 1' operare." 2

In the absence of any such incident in the Roman de Troie, Boccaccio may be following Guide's parallel account, —

"Troilus . . . multo dolore deprimitur et torquetur. Fundi- turque quasi totus in lacrimis anxiosis suspiriis et lamentis, nee est qui ex caris eius eum valeat consolari." 3

Several writers4 have asserted that the somewhat elaborate episode of Griseida's fainting 5 during her last hours with Troilo must have been suggested to Boccaccio by Guido's mention of such an occurrence, since Benoit offers no such suggestion. Guido writes, —

" Et dum sic earn consolari Troilus anhelat, Briseida inter brac- chia Troili labitur saepius semiviva; quani inter dulcia basia lacrimis irrorata flebilibus ad vires sui sensus ea nocte' reducer e est conatus." 6

At a later point in this study7 I shall attempt to show that Boccaccio probably did not develop his elaborate treatment of this occurrence from Guido's scanty suggestion, but that he

1 It should be remembered that I have no thesis to maintain as to Boccac cio's relations to Benoit and Guido, respectively, and that the later chapters of this study in no wise depend for their validity upon the results reached in the present chapter.

•2 Filostrato, iv, 18, 6—19, 4 ; iv, 19, 8. ,

3 Historia Troiana, sig. i 2 recto, col. 1. An autobiographical inter pretation of the Italian passage is suggested by C. Antona-Traversi, II Propugnatore, Vol. XVI, Parte II (1883), p. 267.

4 Bartoli, pp. 65-66 ; Gorra, p. 339 ; Gaspary, Bd. II, p. 638 ; Savj- Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 446.

5 Filostrato, iv, 117-126.

6 Historia Troiana, sig. i 2 recto, col. 2.

7 See below, pp. 66 ff.

8 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM GUIDO -DELLB COLONNE. [CH. i

transferred it almost bodily from his own Filocolo, where the scene is already worked out in its entirety. Though my con tention prove to be valid, one might still hold, no doubt, that the suggestion for the transference of the scene from Filocolo to Filostrato came from Guido.

Boccaccio tells us that Griseida was delivered to the Greeks in direct exchange for Antenor, —

" E che Griseida data dal signore Alii Greci era in cambio d'Antenore." 1

Of Boccaccio's two sources, only Guido connects the heroine directly with this exchange. Benoit tells us that Antenor is given in exchange for Thoas.2 Calchas then comes forward and, as a separate request, begs the Greek chieftains to ask Priam to deliver up Briseida to them.3 Priam grants the request of the Greek chieftains, in no way connecting Briseida's release with the exchange of Antenor and Thoas.4 In Guido's account there is the same sequence of events, — Antenor and Thoas are exchanged, and Calchas, through the Greek chieftains, makes his own separate request,5 — but we are explicitly told that Priam connects Briseida's release directly with the exchange of Antenor and Thoas, —

" Sed rex Prianius ad petitionem Graecorum inter commutationem Anthenoris et regis Thoas Breseidam Graecis voluntarie relaxavit." *'

It may be, then, that Guido gave Boccaccio the suggestion for dropping Thoas from the exchange and substituting Griseida, thus involving his heroine more vitally in the affairs of the Trojan war.7

It has been asserted 8 that while Guido speaks of two meetings of the lovers on the day before the parting, — one during the day and one at night,9 — Boccaccio and Benoit agree in making Troilus meet his innamorata only once, in the evening of that day.10 Beyond doubt, Guido seems to indicate that the lovers were together

1 Filostrato, iv, 78, 7-8. 2 E. de T., 13079-13085.

8 Id., 13086-13098. 4 Id., 13107713120.

5 Historia Troiana, sig. i 1 recto, col. 2.

6 Id., sig. i 1 verso, col. 1. Of. Hertzberg, Jahrbucli der Deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft, VI, 203 ; T. E. Oliver, Jacques Milet's Drama* ' La Destruction de Troye la Grant," Heidelberg, 1899, pp. 98-100 ; Hamilton, Chaucer's Indebtedness, etc., p. 104.

7 On the related passage in Chaucer, see below, pp. 115 ff.

8 Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVJI, 446.

9 Historia Troiana, sig. i2 recto, cols. 1-2. 10 Filostrato, iv, 114 ff. ; E. de T., 13295 ff.

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM GUIDO DELLE COLONNE. 9

before evening ; but such a situation seems to be suggested also by Benoit, who assigns to Briseida during the day an expression of grief,1 in the course of which she says,

" ' Ha ! Troilus, quel atendance

Ai faite en vos, beaus douz amis ! ' " 2

If these words are a direct address rather than an apostrophe, a we may say that Boccaccio in providing only an evening meeting of the lovers is original in departing both from Benoit and from Guido.

In this part of Boccaccio's poem, however, there are indications that the author is following Guido rather than Benoit. Guido gives us the following account of Griseida's condition after she has heard her doom :

" Briseida vero, quae Troilus non minoris amoris ardore diligere videbatur, non minus in voces querulas prodiit suos dolores, cum tota sit fluvialibus lacrimis madefacta. . . . Unguibus etiam suis sua tenerrima ora dilacerabat, et aureos crines suos a lege ligaminis absolutos a lactea sui capitis cute divellit, et dum rigidis unguibus suas maxillas exarat rubeo cruore pertinctas, lacerata lilia laceratis rosis immisceri similitudinarie videbantur. Quae dum quaeritur de sua separatione a dilecto suo Troilo saepius intermoritur inter brac- chia eum4 volentium sustinere dicens se malle mortem appetere quarn vita potiri ex quo earn ab eo separari necesse est, a cuius vita suae vitae solacia dependebant." 5

Guido's vivid description here may have suggested the similar passage in Filostrato, —

" Erasi la dolente in sul suo letto Gittata stesa, piangendo si forte,' Che dir non si poria ; e il bianco petto Spesso batteasi, chiamando la morte Che 1'uccidesse, poich£ '1 suo diletto Lasciar le convenia per dura sorte ; E i biondi crin tirandosi rompea, E mille volte ognor morte chiedea.

El vide lei in sul letto avviluppata Ne1 singhiozzi, nel pianto e ne' sospiri ;

1 R. de T., 13277-13294. 2 Id., 13286-13287.

3 Even if this passage is actually an apostrophe, Boccaccio might easily have understood it to be a direct address.

4 The edition of Strassburg, 1486 (sig. i 2 recto, col. 2), reads, earn.

6 Historia Troiana, sig. i 2 recto, cols. 1-2. Of. Gorra, p. 340 ; M. Landau, Giovanni Boccaccio, sein Leben und seine Werke, Stuttgart, 1877, p. 91 ; Hamilton, p. 80.

10 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM GUIDO DELLE COLONNE. [CH. I

E '1 petto tutto e la faccia bagnata Di lacrime le vide, ed in disiri Di pianger gli occhi suoi, e scapigliata, Dar vero segno degli aspri martirj."1

Guide's mention of Briseida's fainting in the arms of the friends of Troilus 2 is perhaps paralleled by a line in Boccaccio's account of Griseida's lament in the presence of Pandaro, — " E questo detto, ricadde supina."3 In his account of Briseida's grief Benoit tells us merely,

" Mout ot grant duel, mout ot grant ire. Des ieuz plore, del cuer sospire," 4

and then gives us her lament.5 On the whole, then, in his account of Griseida's grief on the day before the parting Boccaccio seems to owe more to Guido than to Benoit.

Boccaccio gives us the definite information that after their last night together the lovers separated just at dawn, —

"... perche s'appressava Gia 1'aurora . . ." 6

This may possibly be a rendering of Guide's detail in connection with the same occurrence, —

"... sed diei hora quasi superveniente . . .,"7 where Benoit is, perhaps, somewhat less definite, —

" La nuit orent ensemble este, Mais mout lor a petit dure.

1 Filostrato, iv, 87, 1-8 ; 96, 1-6.

2 If the reading in the last quotation from Guido, — "inter bracchia earn volentium sustinere," — be correct, it is, of course, not necessarily the "friends of Troilus" into whose arms Briseida falls.

3 Filostrato, iv, 106, 1. This occurrence is not to be confused with Griseida's fainting during her last hours with Troilo. Of. above, pp. 7-8, and below, pp. 66 if.

4 R. de T., 13275-13276.

5 Id., 13277-13294. It is possible that in his description of Briseida's grief Boccaccio may be influenced by his previous descriptions of Biancofiore's grief in Filoeolo, —

" E se son fosse che le sue dilicate mani erano con istretto legame legate, ella s' avrebbe i biondi capelli dilaniati e guasti, e '1 bel viso senza niuna piet4 lacerate con crudeli unghie . . . e i biondi capelli senza alcun maestrevole legamento attorti e avviluppati al capo " (Vol. I, pp. 176, 188. Cf. I, 121. I use the edition of Filoeolo in two volumes, — Opere Volgari di Giovanni Boccaccio, Vol. VII-VIII, Firenze, Moutier, 1829). Perhaps these passages in Filoeolo, though, written before the corresponding passages in Filostrato (see below, pp. 26-32), were influenced by Guido. On the possibility of Boccaccio's having used Guido and Benoit in Filoeolo, see below, pp. 62, note 3 ; 69, note 4 ; 104.

6 Filostrato, iv, 167, 2-3.

7 Historia Troiana, sig. i2 recto, col. 1. Cf. Hamilton, p. 112, note 4.

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM GUIDO DELLB COLONNB. 11

Assez fu gries li departirs, Gete i ot plainz e sospirs ; E I'endemain, quant fu cler jor, Fist la pucele son ator." l

When Pandaro brings to Troilo his first favourable report from Griseida, the two young men walk out under the lady's window in the hope of getting a glimpse of her, —

" Ella si stava ad una sua finestra, E forse quel ch'avvenne ell' aspettava j Non si mostro selvaggia ne alpestra Verso di Troilo che la riguardava." 2

Any one trying to advance the claims of Guido might see a sugges tion for such a detail in an expression in the Historia Troiana where the author is denouncing faithless women in general, —

"Et si forte nullus sollicitator earum appareat ipsum ipsi dum incedunt vel dum vagantur saepius in fenestris vel dum resident in plateis furtivis aspectibus clandestine sibi quaerunt." 3

Certain of Boccaccio's expressions used in connection with Calchas may have verbal relations to parallel expressions in the Historia Troiana. When Boccaccio writes,

" Quando Calcas, la cui alta scienza Avea gia meritato di sentire Del grande Apollo ciascuna credenza," 4

he may have in mind Guide's statements, —

" Calcas . . . multa peritus scientia . . . nuncius templum ipsum intravit ut a deo Appolline scilicet responsum eliceret, quid de bello Graecorum Troianis esset revera futurum." 5

Again, the Italian lines,

" Da lui sperando sommo e buon consigtio In ciascheduno accidente o periglio,"6

may suggest some verbal connection with Guide's passage, >

1 R. de T., 13323-13328. 2 Filostrato, ii, 82, 1-4.

3 Historia Troiana, sig. 12 recto, col. 2— verso, col. 1. Benoit's descrip tion of the Trojan women sitting in the windows at the time of the third battle certainly has no bearing in this case, —

"Les dames sont par mi Ics estres E es eutailles des fenestres" (R. de T., 10591-10592).

4 Filostrato, i, 8, 1-3.

6 Historia Troiana, sig. e 6 recto, col. 1. E. de T., 5819-5844, has the same thought, without special verbal likenesses to Filostrato. 6 Filostrato, i, 9, 7-8. Cf. iv, 6 7-8.

12 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TBOIE. [CH. i

"Eris et tu valde necessarius Graecis ipsis in tuis consiliis, et doctrina donee ipsi praedicta victoria potiantur." 1

One of Boccaccio's expressions used in connection with Griseida, —

" Seco nel cuor ciascuna paroletta Rivolvendo di Pandaro," 2 —

and in connection with Troilo, —

" E giva ciascun atto rivolgendo ISTel suo pensiero . . .," 3 —

may be an echo of Guido's phrase concerning Briseida when she is beset by Diomede's offers of love, —

" multa tamen in sua mcnte revolvit." 4

In the foregoing examination of parallels we find indications^ however faint,5 that Boccaccio probably took from Guido some details of expression and some suggestions for incident that could not have come from Benoit. Let us now inquire into Boccaccio's borrowings from the Roman de Troie.

One of the most conspicuous of these borrowings, — that from Benoit's account of the innamoramento of Achilles,6 — I shall consider in a later part of this study.7 At present we may confine our attention to Boccaccio's relation to parts of the French poem directly connected with the episode of Troilus and Briseida.

Boccaccio gives us a vivid impression of the effect of Calchas* desertion upon the Trojans, —

1 Historia Troiana, sig. e 6 recto, col. 1. Benoit has the same sense in R. de T., 5837-5839. Perhaps the resemblance between

"Diliber6 1'antiveduto e saggio" (Filostrato, i, 9, 2) and

" Sages estoit co seit len bien" (£. de T., 5822, variant)

is too slight for special notice.

2 Filostrato, ii, 68, 3-4. 3 /^ jjj} 54j !_2>

4 Historia, sig. 1 1 recto, col. 1. See Hamilton, p. 85. See also Historia, sig. a 7 recto, col. 2. where we are told that Medea "multa inter se cogita- tioue revolvit." Perhaps the apparent link between this commonplace expres sion in Filostrato and in the Historia is invalidated by an expression in Filocolo (I, 323),-

"... nella meiite tornandole alcuna volta Florio."

5 I may be permitted to say that I am entirely aware of the weakness of the case for Boccaccio's use of Guido, and that my succeeding argument in no wise depends upon Boccaccio's having used or ignored the Historia Troiana. Those who wish to emphasize Boccaccio's possible indebtedness to Guido may perhaps expand my paltry evidence and find in it more significance than I can. I shall be more inclined to agree with those who minimize this evidence.

6 R. de T. (Joly), 17457-18106.

7 See below, pp. 35 ff.

€H. l] BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT's ROMAN DE TROIE. 13

" Fu romor grande quando f u sentito, Per tutta la citta generalmente, Che Calcas s'era di quella fuggito, E parlato ne fu diversamente, Ma mal da tutti, e ch' egli avea fallito, E come traditor fatto reamente, Ne quasi per la piu gente rimase Di non andargli col fuoco alle case."1

Griseida, the beautiful, —

" Accorta, savia, onesta e costumata Quanto altra che in Troia fosse nata," 2 — -

is in terror at the rage of the Trojans, —

" La qual sentendo il noioso romore Per la fuga del padre, assai dogliosa, Qual' era in tanto dubbioso furore." 3

When she seeks Hector's protection, he, moved by her beauty, comforts her, —

"Perche vedendo di costei il gran pianto, Ch' era piu bella ch' altra creatura, Con pio parlare la conforto alquanto, Dicendo : lascia con la ria ventura Tuo padre andar, che ci ha offeso tanto, E tu sicura e lieta senza noia, Con noi mentre t' aggrada ti sta' in Troia."4

According to Benoit, Calchas tells the Greeks what effect his desertion will produce at Troy, —

" Mais une chose vos di bien : Blasme en avrai sor tote rien ; Tuit li Troi'en m'en harront E mout par s'en merveilleront, Quant il orront qu'o vos serai." 5

Guido mentions no such declaration.6 Later in his poem Benoit gives a much more vivid account than Guido does of the anger of the Trojans toward Calchas, adding that only her personal charms saved Briseida from death, —

" Calcas blasmerent Troi'ien, Die'nt que plus est vis d'un chien : * De toz hontos e de toz vis Est il curaille li chaitis,

1 Filostrato, i, 10, 1-8. 2 Id., i, 11, 7-8. 3 Id., i, 12, 1-3.

4 Id., i, 13, 2-8. 5 ^. de T., 5907-5911. Cf. 13782.

6 See Historia,'sig. e 6 recto, col. 2 — verso, col. 1.

1 4 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TROIE. [CH. i

Qui riche e liaut ert entre nos, Puis nos guerpi, s'ala a vos.' Li reis Prianz jure e afie, S'aveir le puet en sa baillie, Qne male fin li fera traire, C'iert a chevaus rompre e detraire : ' Se por 90 non que la pucele Est franche e proz e sage e bele, Por lui fust arse e desmembree.' " l

In the same passage of Benoit's poem may originate Troilo's bitter expressions concerning the treacherous father of his innamorata, —

" 0 veccliio malvissuto, o vecchio insano, Qual fantasia ti mosse, o quale sdegiro, A gire a' Greci essendo tu Troiano ? Eri onorato in tutto il nostro regno, Piu di te nullo regnicolo o strano. 0 iniquo consiglio, o petto pregno Di tradimenti, d'inganni e di noia, Or t'avess' io qual io vorrei in Troia ! " 2

According to Boccaccio, Calchas in asking the Greek chieftains to secure Griseida for him makes a considerable speech.3 Con cerning this occasion Guido writes,

" Calcas, autem, Troianorum antistes, qui, mandantibus diis, relictis Troianis, Graecis adheserat, quandam filiam suam habebat multae pulchritudinis et morum venustate conspicuam, quae Briseida communi nomine vocabatur. Hie Calcas pro praedicta filia sua Briseida regem Agamemnon et alios Graecorum reges sollicite depre- catur ut praedictam filiam suam a rege Priamo, si placet, exposcant, Tit earn restituat patri suo." 4

Benoit gives a similar account, — •

" Calcas li sages, li corteis, Ot une fille mout preisiee, Bele e corteise e enseigniee : De li esteit grant renomee, Briseida ert apelee. Calcas ot dit Agamennon, As autres reis, a Telamon, Qu'il la demandassent Priant :

1 R. de T., 13101-13113. Guido writes merely,— "Sed Troiani contra Calcam antistitem multum impugnant, asserentes eum esse nequissimum proditorem et imo morte dignum " (Historia, sig. i 1 verso, col. 1).

2 Filostrato, iv, 38, 1-8. Cf. Gaspary, Gesch. d. Ital. Lit., Bd. II, p. 638 ; Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 445-446, 449.

3 Filostrato, iv, 5-11. 4 Historia, sig. il recto, col. 2.

,

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TROIE. 15

' Ne voleit pas d'ore en avant Qu'ele fust plus en lor comune, Car trop les het, 90 set, Fortune ; Si ne vueut pas qu'o eus perisse, En 1'ost o lui vueut que s'en isse.' " 1

Manifestly neither of these accounts provides the material for Calchas' speech in Filostrato. It may appear to some that Guido's words,

". . . qui, mandantibus diis, relictis Troianis, Graecis adhe- serat . . .," 2

for which Benoit has no parallel at this point, may have given Boccaccio the suggestion for that part of Calchas' speech in which the priest reminds the Greeks of his desertion from Troy and of his services to them, —

" Signori, comincib Calcas, i' fui Troian, siccome voi tutti sapete ; E se ben vi ricorda, i' son colui, II qual primiero a quel per che ci sete Kecai speranza, e dissivi che vui Al termine dovuto 1'otterrete, Cioe vittoria della vostra impresa, E Troia fia per voi disfatta e accesa.

L' ordine e '1 modo ancora da tenere In cio sapete, ch' io v' ho dimostrato ;

A voi, com' egli appar, ne son venuto Per darvi in cib e consiglio ed aiuto." 3

However, this passage may have been suggested and the entire Italian speech inspired by a speech of Calchas recorded by Benoit in full in another place,4 and reproduced by Guido only in a colourless summary from the mouth of Achilles.5 From this speech in Benoit's poem we may quote the following lines :

" ' JSTe vos en quier lone conte faire, Mais 90 me dist la voiz devine Qu'a Athenes sor la marine Venisse 9a a vos paiier, Por dire e por amonester Que ne departisseiz ja mais, N'as Troi'ens n'eiisseiz pais,

1 K de T., 13086-13098. On the possible use of 13094-13098 elsewhere in Filostrato, see below, pp. 20-21.

2 Quoted above. 3 Filostrato, iv, 5, 1-8 ; 6, 1-2, 7-8. 4 E. de T., 5871-5920. 5 Historia, sig. e 6 recto, col. 2.

16 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TEOIB. [CH. i

Devant que Troie fust fondue E la gent ocise e vencue.1 Comande m'a qu'o vos remaigne Por enseignier vostre compaigne : 0 vos m' estuet a Troie aler For vostre gent a dotriner.' " 2

One circumstance in Boccaccio's account of the parting of the lovers, —

" Si baciavan talvolta, e le cascanti Lacrime si bevean, senza aver cura Ch' amare fosser oltre lor natura," 3 —

is almost certainly due to an expression used by Benoit in his . parallel account, —

" Lor fait venir par mi la boche Les lermes qu'il lor chiet des ieuz." 4

Guido has nothing similar.5

f According to Boccaccio, Diomede alone serves as Griseida's escort to the Greek camp, —

" Quel giorno istesso vi fu Diomede Per volere a' Troian dare Antenore, Perche Priamo Grise'ida li diede." 6

At this point Boccaccio may follow Benoit, who may more definitely suggest that Diomedes is Briseida's particular escort, —

1 The French lines,

' ' Devant que Troie fust fondue E la gent ocise e vencue," (E. de T., 5895-5896)

and; more especially, the lines,

" Quar Troie iert prise e abatue, E la gent destruite e vencue," (E. de T., 5811-5812)

may be the source of Boccaccio's lines,

" Conobbe e vide, dopo lunga guerra I Troian morti e distrutta la terra" (Filostrato i, 8, 7-8).

2 R. de T., 5888-5900.

3 Filostrato, iv, 115, 6-8.

4 R. de T., 13306-13307. Cf. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 446-447. Gorra (p. 339) is probably wrong in suggesting Guido as the source of the lines,

" E forte ibsieme amendue si strignieno, Di lagrime bagnati tutti quanti, E volendo parlarsi non potieno, Si gl' impedivan gli angosciosi pianti" (Filostrato, iv, 115, 1-4).

R. de T., 13298-13307, certainly accounts for the Italian, as well as does the Historia, sig. i 2 recto, cols. 1-2.

5 Cf. Historia, sig. i 2 recto, cols. 1-2.

6 Filostrato, v \, 1-3. Cf. v, 4, 2 ; v, 8, 1-2.

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TROIE. 17

" Centre li vint Diomedes,

E li fiz Tydeiis Ten meine," l— than does Guido, who writes,

"Et Graeci earn in sua recipiimt comitatu, inter quos dum esset Diomedes. . . . Qui cum collateralis associando Briseidam cum ea insimul equitaret, sui ardoris flammam continere non valens Briseidae revelat sui estuantis cordis amorem." 2

Both Benoit and Guido represent Diomedes as accompanied by other Greeks, as Boccaccio does not.

In mentioning Troilo's sad return to Troy after the departure of Griseida, —

" Troilo in Troia tristo ed angoscioso, Quanto neun fu mai, se ne rivenne," 3 —

Boccaccio is evidently following Benoit, who writes,

" En lui ne ra joie ne ris : * Mout s'en torne trisz e pensis." 4

Guido provides no such detail.5

Boccaccio's account of Diomede's one long and persuasive con versation with Griseida 6 is in numerous details drawn from a similar conversation in Benoit's poem,7 a conversation so briefly summarized by Guido 8 as to be of little use to the Italian poet. In Boccaccio's poem Diomede thus assures Griseida of the superior gentility of the Greeks, of his own high rank, and of his desire to become her loyal "ami,"-

" E s'ella \i. e., Troia] fosse pur per sempre stare, Si sono il re, e' figli e gli abitanti Barbari e scostumati, e da apprezzare Poco, a rispetto de' Greci, ch' avanti Ad ogni altra nazion possono andare, D'alti costumi e d'ornati sembianti ;

1 R. de T., 13517, 13529.

2 Historia, sig. 12 verso, col. 1. Savj-Lopez (Romania, XXVII, 446) thinks that Boccaccio is perhaps following Benoit here. Certainly Gorra <p. 340) and A. Bartoli (/ Precursori del Boccaccio, Firenze, 1876, p. 66) cannot establish their assertions that Boccaccio at this point is indebted to Onido.

3 Filostrato, v, 15, 1-2.

4 A', de T., 13527-13528. Of. Savj-Lopez, Xomanm, XXVII, 448.

5 Historia, sig. i2 verso, col. 1. 6 Filostrato, vi, 12-32. 7 R. de T., 13532-13702.

* Historia, sig. 1 2 verso, col. 1. Of. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 447. DEV. TR. CR. C

18 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TROIE. [CH. i

E non crediate che ne' Greci auiore ^Ton sia, assai piu alto e piu perfetto Che tra' Troiani ; e '1 vostro gran valore, La gran belta e 1'angelico aspetto Trovera qui assai degno amadore, Se el vi fia di pigliarlo diletto ; E se non vi spiacesse, io sarei desso, Piu volentier che re de' Greci adesso.

Se '1 padre mio Tideo fosse vissuto,

Di Calidonia e d'Argo saria suto Re, siccom' io ancora essere intendo ;

Si ch' io non son tra' Greci di men peso." l

In the Roman de Troie Diomedes gives the heroine similar assurances, —

" Preiee sereiz e requise D'amer, 90 sai, en mainte guise, Ci sont tuit li preisie del inont E li plus riche qui i sont, E li plus bel e li meillor, Qui vos requerront vostre amor, Mais sacheiz, bele, bien vos di, Se de mei faites vostre ami, Yos n'i avreiz se honor non. Preisiez deit estre e de grant non Qui de vostre amor est saisiz : Bele, s'a vos me sui ofriz, Ne refusez le mien homage. Tel cuer prenez e tel corage Que mei prengiez a chevalier : Leial ami e dreiturier Vos serai mais d'ore en avant A toz les jorz de mon vivant." 2

Again, the Italian passage,

" Quest' ultimo parlare a Diomede Fu assai caro, e parveli potere Isperar senza fallo ancor mercede, Siccom' egli ebbe poi a suo piacere ; E risposele : donna, io vi fo fede Quanto posso maggiore, che al volere Di voi io sono e saro sempre presto,"3

1 Filostrato, vi, 21, 1-6 ; 22, 1-8 ; 24, 1, 3, 4, 8.

2 R. de T., 13573-13590. Cf. 13695-13702. Of. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVH, 447. 3 Filostrato, vi, 32, 1-7.

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIl's ROMAN LE TROIE. 19

seems to be a rendering of the French passage,

" Diomedes fu sage e proz : l Bien entendi as premiers moz Qu'el n'esteit mie trop sauvage. Itant li dist de son corage : ' Bele, 90 sacheiz bien de veir Qu'en vos metrai mon bon espeir : Ainerai vos d'amor veraie, Tant atendrai vostre manaie Que vos avreiz de mei merci E que me tendreiz por ami. Quant Amors vueut qu'a vos m'otrei, Nel contredi ne nel denei : A son gre e a son plaisir Li voudrai mais des or servir.' " 2

Diomede's words at the beginning of his appeal to Griseida, —

" Giovane donna, s'io v' ho ben guardato Nell' angelico viso da aggradire Piu ch'altro visto mai, quel trasformato Mi par veder per noioso martire,"3—

seem to have been suggested by similar expressions in the parallel passage of the French romance, —

". . . jo vos vei deshaitiee, Pensive e dotose e iriee,

Qui vostre grant beaute remire, N'est merveille se il esprent." 4

Part of Griseida's reply to Diomede, —

" Che tu sia di real sangue disceso Cred' io assai, ed hollo bene inteso.

E questo assai mi da d'ammirazione, Che possi porre in una femminella, Come son io, di poca condizione L'animo tuo : a te Elena bella Si converria : io ho tribulazione, Ne son disposta a si fatta novella ; Non percio dico che io sia dolente D'essere amata da te certamente,"5 —

1 Of. the variant of this line,

" Diomedes ot joie grant,"

noted by Constans, and adopted by Joly, 1. 1364$

2 R. de T., 13681-13694. Cf. Savj-Lopez, EomamK, XXVII, 447-448.

3 Filostrato, vi, 14, 3-6. 4 R. de T., 13539-13540, 13560-13561. 5 Filostrato, vi, 29, 7—30, 8.

20 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TROIE. [CH. i

we must certainly connect with the parallel passage in Eenoit's poem, —

" Mais tant vos cuit de haut parage

E pro, solonc le mien avis,

Bien afaitie e bien apris,

Ne vos vueil chose faire acreire

Que mout ne fust leial e veire.

Soz ciel n'a si riche pucele

Ne si preisiee ne si bele,

Por 90 que rien vousist amer,

Que pas vos deiist refuser :

Ne jo nos refus autrement." :

Part of this same conversation of Diomede and Griseida in Filostrato2 may be due to passages in a conversation between Briseida and Calchas recounted at length by Benoit,3 and less fully by Guido.4 This latter conversation is omitted by Boccaccio at the point where it would naturally have been put,5 but some traces of it seem to appear in the assurances regarding the destruction of Troy that Diomede gives to Griseida, and in his disclosing to her that Calchas' purpose in sending for her is to save her from death, —

" Li Troian son si pub dire in prigione Da noi tenuti, siccome vedete, Che siam disposti di non mutar loco Senza disfarla o con ferro o con fuoco :

Ne crediate ch' alcun che dentro sia Trovi pieta da noi in sempiterno.

E non crediate che Calcas avesse Con tanta istanza voi raddomandata, Se cio ch' io dico non antivedesse." 6

This part of Diomede's assurances, which has no basis in his remarks to Briseida in the Roman de Troie, may have been suggested by certain of Calchas' words to Briseida, recorded by Benoit and Guido respectively as follows, —

" Ensorquetot bien vei e sai Que morz e destruiz les verrai ; Si nos vient mieuz aillors guarir Que la dedenz o eus morir :

1 E. de T., 13664-13673. 2 Filostrato, vi, 12-32.

. 3 R. de T., 13721-13814.

4 Historia, sig. i 2 verso, col. 2 — i 3 recto, col. 1.

5 Of. Filostrato, v, 14.

« Filostrato, vi, 15, 5—16, 2 ; vi, 18, 1-3. Cf. vi, 15, 5—20, 8.

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT's ROMAN DE TROIE. 2 1

Mort seront il, vencu e pris, Quar li deu Font ensi pramis. Ne puet mais 90 longes durer. Ne finoe hore de penser Com 9a vos en traisisse a mei : Jo n'esteie d'el en esfrei. Quant or vos ai, mout bien m'estait : N'avrai mais ire ne deshait " ; l

" Scio enim pro certo per infallibilium promissa deorum presentem guerram protendi non posse tempore diuturno, et quod civitas Troiae brevi tempore destruatur et ruat, destructis eius omnibus nobilibus et universis plebeis eius in ore gladii trucidatis. Quare, carissima filia, satis est melius nobis hie esse quam hostili gladio saeviente perire." 2

Merely from the passages before us, we could hardly determine whether Boccaccio is following here the French or the Latin. However, from the fact that in so much of the remaining part of Diomede's utterances the Italian author follows Benoit, we may, perhaps, infer that when he uses Calchas' remarks to Briseida he is also following Benoit. Moreover, there may be some significance in the verbal resemblance between Griseida's words to Diomede,

" To amo, Diomede, quetta terra Nella qual son cresciuta ed allevata, E quanto puo mi grava la sua guerra, E volentier la vedrei liberata," 3

and Briseida's words to Calchas in the part of the French poem that we are considering, —

" ' Come il destruient voz amis E la terre dont estes nez,"* —

which remind us of an expression of hers in another place, —

" 'Lasse,' fait el, 'quel destinee, Quant la vile dont >jo sui nee M'estuet guerpir en tel maniere,' " 5—

and of Diomedes' words to her, —

" ' A la gent qui vos ont norrie Sai que sereiz toz jorz amie.' " 9

To these expressions Guido has no close parallel.

1 R. de T., 13803-13814. 2 Historia, sig. i3 recto, col. 1

3 Filostrato, vi, 27, 1-4. 4 R. de T., 13726-13727.

5 Id., 13277-13279.

6 Id., 13549-13550. In connection with Griseida's remarks concerning her father's avarice (Filostrato, iv, 136, 1-8), it may be worth while to mention

22 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TROIE. [CH. i

Boccaccio tells us that in spite of her cordial reception into the Greek camp, Griseida was painfully sad during the first days of her separation from Troilo.1 The Italian author adds that the worst of her grief was that she had no one in whom she could confide, —

" E quel che peggio ch' altro le facea, Era, con cui dolersi non avea." 2

In the absence of any similar sentiment in Guide's Historia, we may, perhaps, find a source for the Italian lines in the soliloquy that Benoit assigns to Briseida after she has decided to give her love to Diomedes, —

" ' Mes ci estoie sanz conseil, Et sanz amis et sanz feeil. Si m'ot mestier tele atendance, Qui m'ostast cl'ire et de pesance. Prou poisse ci desirer, Et plaindre, et mei desconforter, Et endurer jusqu'a la mort, JN"e me venist de la confort.' " 3

In the Italian poem we are told that Troilo and Diomede often met in single combat, —

" E spesse volte assieme s'avvisaro Con rimproveri cattivi e villani, E di r/ran colpifra lor si donaro, Talvolta urtando, e talor nelle mani Le spade avendo. . . ." 4

Guido provides only a general statement as a parallel for this passage,5 whereas Benoit, among his vivid details, offers some verbal similarities to the Italian lines,—

" Ala ferir Diomedes Et si li dist en reprovier :

Et altretant espees nues,

Qui sor hialmes furent femes." G

Guide's outbreak, in another connection (Historia, sig. m 4 verso, col. 1), against the avarice of priests. Probably, however, Boccaccio's stanza is directly inspired by suggestions in Briseida's remarks to her father, recounted by Benoit (E. de T., 13721-13775) and by Guido (Historia, sig. i 2 verso, col. 2— i 3 recto, col. 1).

1 Filostmto, vi, 1-7. 2 Id., vi, 3, 7-8.

3 72. de T. (Joly), 20277-20284. 4 Filostrato, viii, 26, 1-5.

5 Historia, sig. k 6 verso, col. 2. Cf. Landau, p. 91.

6 £. de T. (Joly), 20066, 20071, 20107-20108.

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S USE OP HIS FILOCOLO IN HIS FILOSTRATO. 23

" Atant i avint Troylus

Li a merveillos colp done." 1

Of Boccaccio's two sources only the Roman de Troie speaks explicitly of Briseida's giving up her intention of returning to the city of Troy, —

" Anceis que veie le quart seir, N'avra corage ne voleir De retorner en la cite." 2

The later development of the story in the Roman de Troie and in the Historia Troiana is based upon the simple fact that Breseida, while in the Greek camp, transferred her love from Troilus to Diomedes, and, except in the few lines just quoted from Benoit, we have no suggestion of her failure to return to the city, a thought which Boccaccio develops extensively and beautifully.3 So large a part does this failure to return play in Boccaccio's poem, that one writer, referring to Benoit's lines above, asks, " Non pare probabile che da questa frase abbia il Boccaccio prese le mosse per fondare sopra un mancato ritorno lo svolgimento posteriore del suo romanzo 1 " 4 No doubt this question is well justified. I believe, however, that from a subsequent part of this study it will appear that in his dwelling upon the failure of Griseida to return to Troy, Boccaccio is under the influence of his own earlier Filocolo, where the failure of the heroine to rejoin her lover is abundantly treated, with numerous parallels in detail to the corresponding part of Filostrato.5

According to Boccaccio, Troilo's final despair is directly induced by " uno ornato vestimento " 6 and " un fermaglio," 7 taken from Diomede by Deifebo and brought to Troy. When Troilo recog nizes the " fermaglio " as a previous gift of his own to Griseida, his proof of her inconstancy is complete.8 This circumstance, which has no basis in Guido, is due to the following lines of Benoit, recounting Briseida's giving a token to Diomedes :

" La destre manche de son braz Bone et f resche de ciclaton

1 *R. de T. (Joly), 14411, 14414.

2 R. de T., 13859-13861. Cf. Id., 13758-13761. Cf. Savj-Lopez, Romany, XXVII, 448.

a See Filostrato, iv, 131-141, 155-159; v, 24, 37 ; vi, ]-7, 27; vii, 1-106; viii, 1-7. 4 Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 448.

5 See below, pp. 84 ff. 6 Filostrato, viii, 8, 5.

7 Id., viii, 9, 7. 8 Cf. Id., viii, 8, 5-8 ; 9, 6—10, 3.

24 BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT'S ROMAN DE TROIE. [CH. i

Li done en leu de gonfanon. Joie a cil qui por li se peine, Ja est tochie de la veine Dont les altres font les forfeiz Qu'en a sovent diz et retreiz. Desor puet saveir Troylus Que ja mar s'i atendra plus : Devers li est 1'amors cassee, Qui molt fu puis conparee." l

Part of Boccaccio's description of Griseida, —

" E1P era grande, ed alia sua grandezza, Rispondean bene i membri tutti quanti," 2 —

though a clear variation from Benoit, —

" Brisei'da fu avenant : Ne fu petite ne trop grant," 3—

and from Guido,—

" Briseida . . . fuit . . . nee longa nee brevis," 4 — is, nevertheless, similar to part of Benoit's description of Troilus, —

" Granz ert, mais bien li coveneit O la taille, que bone aveit." 5

In connection with the grief of the Trojan nobles over the death of Hector, Boccaccio's expression,

" L'alto dolor, da non poter mai dire," 6 is probably a reflection of Benoit's lines,

" La est li dels si angoisseos, Si pesmes et si dolereos Que nel porreit riens reconter," 7

for which Guido has no close parallel.8

In view of Boccaccio's use of the Roman de Troie in his descrip tion of the love agony of Troilo,9 and in view of his apparent use

1 R. de T. (Joly), 15102-15112. Cf. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 448.

2 Filostrato, i, 27, 1-2. * R. de T., 5275-5276.

4 Historia, sig. e 2 recto, col. 2.

5 R. de T., 5425-5426. Guide's description of Troilus contains no close parallel, — ''Troilus vero licet multum fuerit corpore magnus, magis tamen fuit corde magnanimus " (Historia, sig. e 2 verso, col. 1). Cf. Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, Vol. II (1894), pp. Ivi, lix ; Broatch, Journal of Germanic Philology > II, 16, 18, 26 ; Hamilton, p. 81.

6 Filostrato, viii, 1, 3.

7 R. de T. (Joly), 16305-16307. Cf. Hamilton, p. 128, note 1.

8 Historia, sig. i 6 recto, col. 1-2.

9 Cf. below, pp. 36-39.

CH. l] BOCCACCIO'S BORROWINGS FROM BENOIT's ROMAN DE TROIE. 25

in Filocolo of Benoit's account of the love of Jason and Medea,1 there may be some significance in the verbal resemblance between Troilo's words to Pandaro, —

" Amore, incontro al qual clii si difende Piu tosto e preso, ed adopera invano," 2 —

and Benoit's lines concerning Medea's incipient passion, —

" Des or la tient bien en ses laz Amors, vers cui rien ria defense" a —

although the idea expressed is, of course, a commonplace. An expression twice ascribed to Griseida in Filostrato, —

"... perch' io veggio Che sempre mai andro di male in peggio ; " 4

" Io fuggii il male e seguitai il peggio ; " 5 —

may reflect an expression used by Briseida in her reply to Diomedes in Benoit's poem, —

" !N"e vueil entrer de mat en pis" 6 In a letter to Griseida, Troilo attaches to Calchas an adjective, —

"... che '1 tegnente Calcas cortese sia . . .," 7 —

that is, perhaps, surprising in view of the young hero's words concerning Calchas in another place.8 Boccaccio may have been influenced by Benoit, who applies to Calchas the same adjective, —

" Calcas li sages, li corteis" 9

It is sufficiently clear that some of the resemblances in detail between Filostrato and its sources that I have pointed out are of slight importance.10 However, from the evidence adduced, it seems to me that, from whichever of his two sources Boccaccio

1 Cf. below, pp. 152 ff. 2 Filostrato, ii, 7, 1-2.

3 R. de T., 1294-1295. 4 Filostrato, iv, 89, 7-8.

5 Id., vi, 6, 3. 6 E. de T., 13636.

7 Filostrato, vii, 56, 5-6. 8 Id., iv, 38. See above, p. 14.

9 E. de T., 13086. Guido uses no similar adjective. Cf. Historia, sig. i 1 recto, col. 2.

10 I have listed all the evidence that I have found, however weak some of it may be. The rejection of the weaker part of the evidence will not, I think, affect my main conclusions concerning Boccaccio's indebtedness to the Roman de Troie and the Historia, Troiana respectively. Moreover, it should be borne in mind that the succeeding parts of this study in no wise depend for their validity upon the results reached in the present chapter.

26 BOCCACCIO OWES MORE TO BENOIT THAN TO GUIDO. [CH. II

may have derived the body of his story, he drew details both from Benoit and from Guido, and that in these details his borrow ings from the French poem greatly outweigh in extent and in importance those from the Latin Historia. This result, reached from an examination of details, is precisely in accord with ante cedent probability. Boccaccio could hardly have avoided knowing two so famous works as the Roman de Troie and the Historia Troiana. That he should take more details from Benoit than from Guido was inevitable, since Benoit's treatment of the episode of Troilus and Briseida is far more extensive and attractive than Guide's. That Boccaccio used Guide's paltry account at all might be wondered at except for Boccaccio's probable deference as an antiquarian to Guide's ill-earned fame as a Latin " historian " of the Trojan war, and except for the fact that Guido added a few slight details to his French source, which, in the main, he so conspicuously abridged.

CHAPTER II.

THE RELATIONS OF FILOSTRATO TO FILOCOLO.

ALTHOUGH from the preceding chapter it appears that Boccaccio probably used both the Roman de Troie and the Historia Troiana, a mere glance reveals the fact that neither of these works is a complete source for the long and elaborate story of Troilo and Griseida that we find in Filostrato. For example, since Benoit and Guido give no hint of a love affair between Troilus and Briseida before their account of the grief of the lovers on the day before their separation,1 it is clear that Boccaccio must have had v other resources when he was composing the first three Parts of his poem.2 Moreover, concerning the occurrences in the affairs of both lovers after the separation, the French poem and the Latin history give only scattered and vague suggestions. I have already mentioned the fact that an incomplete source for the first three parts of Filostrato has been found in Benoit's account of tjie love of Achilles for Polyxena, a consideration to which I shall recur.3 This source, however, combined with all the other source^ hitherto

1 Roman de Troie, 13261 ff. Historia Troiana, sig. i 2 recto, col. 1.

2 Cf. V. Crescini, Contribute ayli Studi sul Boccaccio, Torino, 1837, p. 195, :< See above, p. 12, and see below, pp. 35 ft'.

CH. Il] BOCCACCIO'S FILOCOLO EARLIER THAN HIS FILOSTRATO. 27

pointed out,1 still fails to account for a very large part of the Italian poem. In some measure to supply this deficiency, I wish to introduce as a possible source of Filostrato a document that up to this time can scarcely be said to have been mentioned from this point of view,2 — I mean Boccaccio's own Filocolo* a highly elaborate version of the familiar story of Floire and Blanchefleur. Since the demonstration of the transference of materials from Filocolo to Filostrato will depend upon the chronological priority of the former, we must at the outset examine the chronological relations of these two works.

For determining the relative chronology of Filocolo and Filo strato we have two chief criteria, both cf which rest ultimately upon internal evidence. In the first place, we can draw inferences from the relative maturity of the two works, — their relative artistic merits and the relative stages of literary craftsmanship revealed in them. The results reached by the use of this criterion alone have invariably pointed to the chronological priority of Filocolo* !$Q one has ever seriously maintained that the diffuse,

1 On Boccaccio's use in Filostrato, v, 62-66, of a canzone of Cino da Pistoia, see Kissner, p. 39. An article by G. Volpi, Una Canzone di Cino da Pistoianel "Filostrato" del Boccaccio, in Bullettino Storico Pistoiese, I, 3, is not accessible to me.

2 The general similarity between the temple scene at the beginning of Filo colo, I, 4-6, and that in Filostrato, i, 18-30, has, of course, been frequently mentioned. Cf. Crescini, pp. 151, 191 ; E. Rossi, Dalla Mente e dal Cuore di Giovanni Boccaccio, Bologna, 1900, p. 92, note 1 ; A. della TvmfLa Giovinezza di Giovanni Boccaccio, Citta di Castello, 1905, p. 174, note ik Crescini suggested other resemblances between Filocolo and Filostrato when he wrote (p. 204, note 1), " Puo ancora venir notato che talvolta il Filocolo fa ricordare qualcuna delle migliori fra le opere giovanili del Boccaccio. Si confronti infatti il luogo, ove si espone quali fossero la vita e i pensieri di Florio e di Biancifiore lontani 1'uno all' altra (II, 120-125), con passi corri- spondenti del Filostrato (Dedicat., p. 11, ed. Corazzini : del poema, lib. V, 51-55, 58, 67, 70 ; YI, 2-4)." Later in the same note Crescini draws a parallel between Filocolo, II, 113-116, and Filostrato, iv, 117-126. The passage in Filostrato resembles much more closely Filocolo, I, 114-115, as we shall see below, pp. 66 ff.

3 On this spelling of the name, see B. Sorio, Atti delV L R. Institute Veneto di Scienza, Letterc ed Arti, Serie Terza, vol. 7 (1861-2), 604-5 ; vol. 10, Parte I (1864-5), 665 ; A. Gaspary, Zeitschrift f. Rom. Philologie, III, 395-6 ; V. Crescini, II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore, Vol. I, Bolognn, 1889, pp. 355-366 ; P. Rajna, Romania, XXXI, 33, note 4 ; F. Novati, Giornale di Filologia Romanza, III, 56, note 2 ; G. Koerting, Boccaccio's Lcben und Wcrke, Leipzig, 1880, pp. 137, note 1, 463, note 1, 476, note 1 ; E. Hausknecht, Floris and Blaunclieflur, Berlin, 1885, p. 25, note 1.

4 See G. B. Baldelli, Vita di Giovanni Boccacci, Firenze, 1806, pp. 373-4, 376 ; M. Landau, Giovanni Boccaccio, sein Lcben und seine Werke, Stutt gart, 1877, p. 43 ; Id., translated by C. Antona-Traversi, Vol. I, Napoli, 1881, p. 157 ; B. Zumbini, Nuova Antologia, Serie IIa, XVIII, 672 ; E. Gorra, Testi Inediti di Storia Troiana, Torino, 1887, pp. 354^5.

28 BOCCACCIO'S FILOCOLO EARLIER THAN HIS FILOSTRATO. [CH. ir

rhetorical, and crudely-constructed Filocolo was, as a whole, written after the production of the more finished, sustained, and artistically rounded Filostrato.1

It has been pointed out, however, that all parts of Filocolo do not represent the same stage of literary skill, — that some parts are less crude and dull than others.2 The episode of the Court of Love3 has been praised for the skilful arrangement of material shown and for its literary charm.4 The account of the attempted seduction of Florio by Edea and Calmena 5 is certainly an entirely successful piece of writing of the sensual type.6 The episode of Florio's jealousy of Fileno 7 has also been cited as showing some signs of literary mastery,8 but in this case most critics will probably agree that the good passages are entirely overshadowed by the- clumsy elaboration of the episode as a whole.9 The few literary excellences of Filocolo would by themselves probably never con vince any unbiased critic that this lengthy romance was composed after Filostrato.

In the case of Boccaccio's early works, however, another criterion is available besides that of mere style. An eminent authority in the use of this criterion states the case as follows :

" Tin criterio sicuro per la determinazione dell' ordine, in cui,. cronologicamente, si sien seguite le opere minor! del nostro p. e., Boccaccio], si deduce dal rapporto ch' esse presentino colle fasi della storia dell' amor di lui per Fiammetta." 10

"Fiammetta" is Maria d' Aquino, natural daughter of King Robert of Naples, and it is Boccaccio's extended love affair with her that is to guide us in determining the chronology of his early

1 For judgments as to the literary merits of these two works, see B. Zumbini, Nuova Antologia, Serie IIa, XIX, 59 ; XVIII, 672-3 ; A. C. Casetti, Nuova Antologia, XXVIII (1875), 577 ; F. De Sanctis, Storia della Letteratura Itahana, Vol. 1, Napoli, 1879, pp. 304-6 ; Koerting, pp. 500-504, 579-584 ; Gaspary, Geschichte der Italienischen Literatur, Bd. II, Berlin, 1888, pp. 6, 12 ; A. Gaspary, Giornale' Storico della Letteratura Italiana, XIV, 439-440; F. Novati, Giornale di Filologia Romanza, III, 56-67 ; Landau, pp. 43, 53 ; G. Volpi, II Trecento, Milano, n.d., pp. 92-3.

2 Crescini: Contribute, etc., pp. 201-203.

3 Filocolo, II, 27-118. 4 See Crescini, pp. 201-202. 5 Filocolo, I, 229-238. 6 Cf. Crescini, p. 202.

7 Filocolo, I, 247-303. 8 Cf. Crescini, p. 203.

9 If this episode is an innovation of Boccaccio's (cf. Crescini, p. 203, and see below, pp. 102-103), he deserves praise for contributing to the story an interesting complication. The praise, however, should end there, for the episode as a whole is made absurdly long and dull by mythological padding.

10 Crescini, p. 199.

€H. Il] BOCCACCOI'S LOVE AFFAIR WITH MARIA D'AQUINO. 29

works.1 In more than one place Boccaccio explicitly tells us that certain of his literary productions are the direct result of his love for "Fiammetta," and he sometimes gives us also the key by which we can extract biography from apparent fiction.2 Since Boccaccio himself tells us that Filocolo and ^Filostrato have immediate relations to particular stages in his love affair,8 we ought to be able from internal evidence to assign each of these works to its proper place in the development of the love affair, and hence to determine which was written first.

What stage or stages of the love affair does Filocolo reflect? The author himself plainly tells us that the work was begun directly after his innamoramento with Maria.4 That the writing of Filocolo continued into the period of Boccaccio's possession of his lady we infer from what may be a veiled account of his first nocturnal meeting with her.5 Moreover, from what appear to be allusions to the infidelity of Maria,6 we may infer that Filocolo was not finished until the love affair was concluded. FilocolOj then, was in process of composition during a term of years 7 covering every stage of Boccaccio's love affair with Maria d' Aquino. /|

When we attempt to assign Filostrato to its proper place in the love experiences of the author, we find two chief reasons for believing that it was written during the period before the consum mation of Boccaccio's love. In the first place, the author tells us plainly in the Proemio to Filostrato that he writes to console himself during the absence of his lady, — an absence that occurs,

1 On Maria d' Aquino and her relations to Boccaccio, see A. C. Casetti, 11 Bocccncio a Napoli, Nuova Antologia, XXVIII (1875), 568-577 ; G. B. Baldelli, op. cit., Illustrazione V, §§ 11 and 12 ; C. Antona-Traversi, Delia Realta dell' Amore di Messer G. Boccacci, II Propugnatore, XVI, Parte IIa, 57-92, 240-280, 387-417 ; XVII, Parte Ia, pp. 59-90 ; Crescini, pp. 50-255 ; Rossi, pp. 40-143 ; R. Renier, La Vita Nuova e La Fiammetta, Torino e Roma, 1879, pp. 217-341 ; A. della Torre, pp. 31-101, 168-302 ; G. Koerting, Zeitschrift f. Rom. PhiloL, V, 222-232.

2 See, for example, Filocolo, I, 6-8 ; Filostrato, Proemio, pp. 1-10 ; Teseide, Lettera alia Fiammetta (Opere Volgari di Giovanni Boccaccio, vol. IX. Firenze, Moutier, 1831), pp. 1-7.

3 See Filostrato, Proemio, pp. 1-10 ; Filocolo, I, 4-8. For other possible autobiographical passages in Filocolo, see Crescini, pp. 45-85.

4 Of. Filocolo, I, 4-9 ; Crescyii, p. 70.

5 Of. Filocolo, II, 165-183 ; Crescini, pp. 80-82. On this passage in Filocolo, see below, pp. 142 ff.

6 Filocolo, II, 239-253,— the story of Idalagos. On this story, see Crescini, pp. 44-65, 82; Zeitschrift f. Rom. PhiloL, IX, 437-479; X, 1-21. •Of. Filocolo, II, 274-5, and Crescini, p. 82.

7 At the end of Filocolo, Boccaccio addresses his work as follows, "0 piccolo mio libretto, a me piit anni stato graziosafatica" (Filocolo, II, 376).

30 FILOSTRATO BEGUN AFTER, BUT FINISHT BEFORE FILOCOLO. [CH. II

he seems to say, before he has had entire possession of her.1 Another reason for assigning the writing of Filostrato to the period before the consummation of Boccaccio's love is found within the poem itself. The account of the first nocturnal meet ing of Troilo and Griseida2 differs essentially from a sufficiently constant account of a similar meeting in other works of Boccaccio, — Filocolo? Ametof Fiainmetta,5 and Amoroso, Visione.Q The recur rence of this scene in these four works, and certain constant repetitions of detail, lead us to infer that the scene thus re peated represents a bit of the biography of Boccaccio.7 From the difference between the account in Filostrato and the other accounts, we may infer that when Filostrato was written, the event recounted in the other four works had not occurred, — an inference for which we have already found justification in the author's own confessions in the Proemio to Filostrato? Although we might expect Filostrato, like Filocolo, to reflect more than one stage in Boccaccio's experience, nothing in the poem that can be cited as autobiographical points to any other stage than that suggested by the Proemio. Moreover, the Proemio and the style of the work itself seem to indicate that the poem was begun and completed within a comparatively short period of time.9

From the interpretation given above of possible autobiographical elements in these two works of Boccaccio, it appears that Filostrato, though begun after Filocolo had been undertaken, was completed first. It would appear that Filostrato was written rapidly, perhaps within a period of a few months, during Maria's absence from Naples; while Filocolo, begun at the immediate instigation of Maria at the time of the innamoramento, was apparently written slowly during a period of several years.

Although such a statement of the relative chronology of Filo colo and Filostrato is in itself a sufficient basis for our succeeding

1 Filostrato, Proemio, pp. 1-10. Cf. Creschri, pp. 186-190 : Crescini in Kritischer Jahresbericht der Romanisclien Philologie (Vollmoller), III Bd., 4 Heft, pp. 385-388.

2 Filostrato, iii, 24-42. 3 Filocolo, II, 174-183. Cf. II, 262.

4 Ameto (ed. Sonzogno), pp. 224-227.

5 Fiammetta (ed. Sonzogno), pp. 38-9, 67.

6 Amoroso, Visione (Opere Volgari di Giovanni Boccaccio, Vol. XIV, Firenze, Moutier, 1833), cap. 49.

7 Cf. Crescini, pp. 80-82. For a full consideration of this nocturnal meeting, see below, pp. 142 ff.

8 Cf. Crescini, pp. 194-197 ; Crescini, in Kritisclicr Jahresbericht (Voll moller), III Bd., 4 Heft, pp. 386-7.

9 See Crescini, pp. 199, 208 ; Gaspary, Oesch. d. Ital. Lit., II, 8.

CH. ll] FILOCOLO DATES 1336-1342. THE FILOSTRATO BEFORE 1339. 31

literary investigation, certain possibilities as to absolute chronology can be added. In his account of his innamor amenta, Boccaccio gives us professedly accurate astronomical data which allow a calculation of the exact date of this occurrence.1 The latest published study of this point has arrived at Holy Saturday, March 30, 1331, as the date of the innamoramento.^ By a careful revision of this calculation, a recent investigator arrives at Holy Saturday, March 30, 1336, as the more probable date.3 Since Boccaccio tells us that he undertook Filocolo at the request of "Fiammetta," made at the time of the innamoramento,4' we may infer that the work was begun soon after March 30, 1336. We can perhaps approximate also the date of the completion of Filocolo, for if the episode of the founding of Calocipe 5 be a veiled account of the author's return from Naples to Tuscany,6 we can be reason ably sure that the work was not finished until after Boccaccio's, return to Florence, an event that probably occurred in the period 1339-1341. 7 By a reasonable conjecture, the publication of Filocolo has been assigned to the year 1342.8

We can also attach a conjectural date to Filostrato. From a letter of Boccaccio to Carlo, Duke of Durazzo, dated April 3, 1339, we may infer that the love affair with Maria was over at that time.9 Since Filostrato, as we have seen, probably represents a stage of Boccaccio's experience not only before his betrayal by Maria, but even before his possession of her, the poem was probably written a considerable time before April 3, 1339.10 In

1 Filocolo, I, 4-5. 2 A. della Torre, pp. 55, 100.

3 I make this statement with the kind permission of Mr. E. H. Wilkins, who made the revision referred to, and who has generously communicated to me his results, which are not yet published. This change in the date of the innamoramento in no wise affects the results of my succeeding study. Students of Boccaccio will wonder how Professor A. S. Cook (Publications of the Modern Language Assoc., XXII, 536) arrived at the same date for the innamoramento , March 30, 1336, for Professor Cook gives no evidence and cites no authority. Professor Cook's article reached me only after my study was in proof. 4 Cf. Filocolo, I, 6-8.

5 Id., II, 276-303. 6 Cf. Crescini, pp. 83-85.

7 Cf. Crescini, pp. 86-92, 155 ; A. della Torre, pp. 345-6 ; Eossi, p. 44 ; Casetti, Nuova Antologia, XXVIII (1875), 586 ; C. Antona-Traversi, Studi di Filologia Romanza, I, 444.

8 V. Crescini, H Cantare, etc., pp. 55-56. Cf. Crescini, Contribute, etc., p. 104, note 3.

9 Cf. A. della Torre, pp. 203, 205-6; Crescini, Contributo, etc., p. 150, note. For the text of the letter, see G. Tnversari, Le Lettere Autografe di Giovanni Boccaccio del codice Laurenziano XXIX, 8, Castelfiorentino, 1905, pp. 53-55.

10 Perhaps in the summer of 1338. Cf. Rossi, pp. 65-66, 91 ; Gaapary* Gesch. d. Ital. Lit., II, 12.

32 THE FILOSTRATO CONTAINS ECHOES OF THE FILOCOLO. [CH. II

summary we may say, then, that Filocolo was probably begun soon after March 30, 1336, and was probably completed in 1339, or later. Filostrato was probably written well before April 3, 1339.

If it be true that Filostrato was written during a pause in the writing of Filocolo?- and after a considerable part of Filocolo had been composed,2 we need not be surprised to find in Filostrato echoes of the earlier parts of Filocolo. Indeed, under such circum stances it would be unreasonable to expect a writer to avoid such repetitions entirely. Moreover, when we remember that the immediate sources of Filostrato present only episodic bits of a story of Troilus and Briseida, we need not be surprised if we find that Boccaccio drew from his earlier love story, Filocolo^ details with which to fill out the hints of Benoit and Guido into the rounded story of Troilo and Griseida that we read in Filostrato. The possibility that Filocolo may supply some of the deficiencies of the direct sources of Filostrato will appear more clearly when we have before us the general contents of the earlier work.

Although Filocolo is the longest and the most elaborate of the mediaeval versions of the story of Floire and Blanchefleur,3 never theless, beneath all his elaboration4 Boccaccio has preserved rather faithfully the • traditional story, as will be shown from the following brief outline of Filocolo.5

After an account of his innamoramento6 and of his receiving from his lady the commission to write the story of Florio and

1 In the autobiographical interpretation of parts of Filocolo and of Filostrato and in the chronological deductions attempted above I am merely following what is believed to be the best and most recent scholarship on these points. In this part of my study I am deeply indebted to Mr. E. H. Wilkins for guidance and correction. If any one choose to reject what may appear (espe cially to one who has not examined all the evidence) a rather tenuous allegori cal argument, he may do so at his own risk, without affecting my succeeding investigations. For if the autobiographical criterion had never been dis covered and we had been left with only the works themselves and the scanty external evidence, the chronological priority of Filocolo would probably never have been disputed.

2 "We are certainly justified in inferring that Boccaccio made considerable progress in the composition of Filocolo between March 30, 1336, and the time of the writing of Filostrato, presumably in 1337 or 1338.

3 For information concerning the mediaeval versions of this story and concerning the relation of Filocolo to the cycle, see Appendix B.

4 As to the nature of this , elaboration, see Zumbini, Nuova Antologia, Serie IIa, XVIII, 673-700.

5 For a more extended outline of Filocolo, see Koerting, pp. 464-494.

6 Concerning this innamoramento, see above, pp. 29-31, and below, pp. 40-42.

€H. II J AN OUTLINE OF THE STORY OF BOCCACCIO'S F1LOCOLO. 33

Biancofiore, and after a brief review of the history of the world from the fall of the angels to the establishment of Christianity, Boccaccio takes up the well-known romance.

Lelio, a Roman nobleman, and his wife, Giulia, pray that a son may be given them. The favourable answer to their prayer is •a vision, as the result of which the prospective parents set out with a company to the shrine of the " glorioso santo " in Galizia. Through the machinations of Pluto, King Felice of Spain attacks the Roman company as enemies and kills Lelio. King Felice and the Queen receive Giulia kindly, and soon afterward the Queen bears a son and Giulia a daughter on the same day, Giulia dying in child-birth.

The Queen adopts Giulia's daughter, who is named Biancofiore, and makes her the playmate of her own son, who is called Florio. Glorizia, the former maid of Giulia, is retained as Biancofiore's nurse, and the two children are kept at court at Marmorina and taught together by the tutors, Ascalione and Rapheo.

In the course of time, Cupid visits the two children and inspires them with mutual love. Hearing of the rising love of Florio for Biancofiore, and objecting to his son's marrying a maiden whose antecedents are so obscure, King Felice adopts the advice of the Queen that he send Florio to Duke Feramonte, at Montorio, in the hope that in the gay society of his uncle the young prince may forget his unworthy innamorata,

After a painful parting from Biancofiore, who stays behind at Marmorina, Florio is magnificently received by Duke Feramonte, who makes every effort by elaborate entertainments to drive all thoughts of Biancofiore from Florio's mind. Such attempts, how ever, are vain, for Florio constantly sighs for Biancofiore, as she does for him. Meanwhile, King Felice arranges that at his birth day banquet Biancofiore shall unwittingly serve to the guests a poisoned peacock, for which act she is promptly condemned to be burned. Venus in a vision warns Florio of Biancofiore's danger, and, assisted by Mars and accompanied by Ascalione, he appears in disguise on the day of the execution and rescues his imiamorata, returning immediately to Montorio without disclosing his identity.

After Duke Feramonte and Ascalione have vainly tried new means for seducing Florio from thoughts of Biancofiore, Fileno comes from Marmorina with a veil, which he says Biancofiore has given him as a pledge of her love. After much complaining and after having a vision that should have assured him of Biancofiore's fidelity in spite of Fileno's pretensions, Florio writes a jealous and upbraiding letter to Biancofiore, to which she replies, explaining that she gave the favour to Fileno under compulsion, and assur ing Florio of her fidelity. Diana, however, visits the house of Gelosia and sends this monster to inspire Florio with a new fit of jealousy. In a rage Florio determines to kill Fileno, who, warned by a vision, flees.

DEV. TR. CR. D

34 OUTLINE OF THE FILOCOLO. PART OF IT IN THE FILOSTRATO. [CH.II

Meanwhile, warned by Diana that Florio is wasting away for love of Biancofiore, King Felice delivers the maiden to some merchants, who after various journeyings deliver her to the Ammiraglio, who confines her, with her maid, Glorizia, in a wonder ful tower at Alexandria. After spreading the report that Bianco fiore is dead, and after constructing a tomb for her, King Felice allows Florio to return to Marrnorina. When the despairing young lover is about to kill himself at the false tomb, the Queen reveals to him the truth, and he sets off in pursuit of his beloved. After many vicissitudes, he arrives at Alexandria, where he manages to be conveyed into the tower in a basket of flowers, and with the help of Glorizia rejoins Biancofiore.1 When the Ammiraglio dis covers the lovers together, he condemns them to the flames, but Duke Feramonte and Ascalione arrive in time to rescue them. It soon appears that the Ammiraglio is Florio's uncle, and Florio and Biancofiore are allowed to marry.

After much wandering and after a sufficient number of adven tures, during which the noble birth of Biancofiore is revealed, the young couple return to Spain, where after the death of King Felice they reign in prosperity.

Even from the foregoing brief outline it can be seen that the early part of Filocolo in its story of the love of Florio and Bianco fiore and of their separation, brought about by Florio's banishment to a town near by, presents a general parallel to the account in Filostrato of the love of Troilo and Griseida and of their separation through Griseida's being sent to the Greek camp. Given two general parallel situations of this sort in two works written by the same author in close chronological proximity, it would be surprising if a considerable number of particulars in the earlier work did not appear in the later, especially when the sources of the later work are meagre.- A statement of the extent and significance of these repetitions is our immediate task.

However, since, as we have seen, probably not all of Filocolo "had been written at the time when Filostrato was being composed, in the case of every part of Filocolo which appears to have been shifted into Filostrato it will be necessary to make clear the chronological priority of the passage from Filocolo. This task will be easier from time to time if certain preliminary considerations are kept in mind. In the first place, I repeat that, as a whole, Filocolo is unmistakably less mature than Filostrato.2 In the

1 For a detailed study of this episode, see below, pp. 142 ff.

2 See above, pp. 27-28.

CH. Il] BOCCACCIO TOOK BITS OF FILOSTEATO FROM HIS FILOCOLO. 35

second place, we may note that the parts of Filocolo that I believe to have influenced Filostrato are in the earlier part of the romance. There is no immediate proof that all of the earlier parts of Filocolo were written before Filostrato, or that, after writing Filostrato, Boccaccio made no changes in the earlier part of Filocolo.1 We can say only that the earlier parts of Filocolo as a whole were probably written before Filostrato, a probability that is greatly strengthened by the stylistic inferiority of those parts to Filostrato as a whole. In the third place, it is to be remembered that while most of the details that I believe to have been transferred from Filocolo to Filostrato could not have been suggested by the immediate source of Filostrato, a good proportion of them have a firm basis in the sources of Filocolo.'2' In general, it is certainly unlikely that, in writing Filostrato, Boccaccio invented details and episodes for which his sources made no suggestion and later transferred these invented episodes into Filocolo, in the sources of which these very episodes were already suggested. Nor will the style of the two works easily admit the argument that when his immediate sources failed him in writing Filostrato, Boccaccio drew from the sources of Filocolo suggestions for episodes which he first wrote up in Filostrato and later transferred into Filocolo. If such an argument were possible, I should be glad to use it to my own ends, for my main task at present is to show that the story of Troilo and Griseida as we have it in the Italian poem contains elements previously embodied in the story of Florio and Biancofiore. If it could be proved that a few or many of these elements were taken into Filostrato, not from Filocolo but from the sources of Filocolo, my chief contention would not be in validated.3 Finally, it should be borne in mind that for Boccaccio to take crude prose materials from Filocolo and round them into finished stanzas in Filostrato is a more intelligible process than the reverse would be. With these preliminary considerations in mind, let us examine the similarities in content of the two Italian works.

We must first consider certain parts of Filostrato that may show the influence not only of Filocolo but also of other works not written by 'Boccaccio. The first such passage in the Italian poem

1 For a possible example of such revision, see below, p. 103.

2 On the sources of Filocolo, see Appendix B.

3 For one detail in Filostrato which may be due to the source of Filocolo rather than to Filocolo itself, see below, p. 80.

36 SOURCE OF THE MEETING OF TROILO AND GRISEIDA. [CH. II

is that recounting the innamoramento of Troilo and Griseida.1 The account may be outlined as follows :

Knights and ladies gladly come to the spring feast which the Trojan elders celebrate in honour of the Palladium. The young widow, Griseida, excelling all others in beauty, comes with the rest and stands near the door, clothed in black, except for her white veil. Troilo with his companions passes flippantly along through the temple, praising one lady, disparaging another, and making banter of any youth whose look betrays the effects of love. The young prince thanks Jupiter that he, after past unhappy ex periences, is now safe from the fickleness of women and from the pains of love. Nevertheless when his eyes fall upon the " angelico viso " of Griseida, Love instantly smites him, and upon this maiden lie fastens his amorous gaze during the rest of the service. At the conclusion of the feast he leaves the temple in sadness, with difficulty concealing the pangs of his new love.

A possible source or model for this episode in Filostrato has been pointed out in the Roman de Troie, where the innamoramento of Achilles is recounted as occurring under circumstances similar to those in the Italian passage just outlined.2 The French account may be outlined as follows :

On the anniversary of Hector's death, knights, ladies, and citizens gather in their best array at the tomb of Hector in the temple of Apollo,3 to perform the appropriate services, to enjoy the games, and to see the crowd. Among the mourners is the beautiful Polyxena, together with Hecuba and Helen. Under a truce, many Greeks come to the celebration merely to look on, among them Achilles, who is soon to be struck by Love, for when he looks into Polyxena's face he succumbs immediately and stands rooted to the spot as long as she remains before him. When Polyxena leaves the temple, Achilles carries a heavy heart back to the Greek camp.

It cannot be denied that in general tone and circumstances these two accounts are similar. The similarities in detail may be enumerated as follows :

1. Both episodes occur in a temple at a yearly celebration.4

2. In the two episodes the people who come to the festival are similarly described, —

1 Filostrato, i, 17-31.

~R.de T. (Joly), 17457-17584. See Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 450-453. There are no indications that Boccaccio used Guido's account of this imiamoramento (Historia Troiana, sig. k 2 verso, col. 1 — k 3 recto, col. 2).

8 For the location of the tomb, see R. de T. (Joly), 22045-22049.

4 Cf. R. de T. (Joly), 17460 ; Filostrato, i, 18, 1-6.

CH. Il] TROILUS'S AND ACHILLES's VIEWS OF WOMEN COMPARED. 37

" Alia qual festa e donne e cavalieri Fur parimente, e tutti volentieri." 1

" N'i ot chevalier ne borgeis Qui icel jor ne festivast.

Lo jor le vii?ent bel et freis Dames, chevaliers et borgeis." 2

3. The critical, external attitude of Troilo toward the service he is attending and toward the ladies he sees is definitely suggested by the external attitude of Achilles and the other Greeks, who come as strangers to a Trojan festival. Troilo's attitude is shown in the lines, —

"Ed ora questa ed or quella a lodare Incominciava, e tali riprendendo.

Or questa donna or quella rimirando." 3 Achilles and the other Greeks come merely to look on, —

" I venoient por esgarder L'anniversaire celebrer," 4 —

and to see the maidens, — •

" Pour les puceles remirer" 5

4. The lovers, Troilo and Achilles, are similarly smitten by Love, —

" Senza pensare in che il ciel s' affretti Di recar lui, il quale amor trafisse Piu ch' alcun altro, pria del tempio uscisse

II qual piu ch' altro degno in se gli pare Di molta lode, e seco avea diletto Sommo tra uomo e uom di mirar fiso Gli occhi lucenti e 1' angelico viso.

Ne rammentava ancora dell' oltraggio

Ne dello strale, il quale al cuor gli corse, Finche nol punse daddover s' accorse." 6

1 Filostrato, i, 18, 7-8. 2 E. de T. (Joly), 17468-9, 17473-4. \

3 Filostrato, i, 20, 5-6 ; i, 26, 3.

4 E. de T. (Joly), 17499-500. 5 Id., 17493. 6 Filostrato, i, 25 6-8 ; i, 28, 5-8 ; i, 29, 5, 7-8.

38 THE EFFECT OF LOVE ON TROILUS AND ON ACHILLES. [CH. II

" Mes mielz Ten venist consirer, Mar i porta onques ses piez ; Car ainz qu'il en seit repeiriez Ne de la feste retornez, Se sera si mal atornez, Sa mort metra dedanz son sain. Veue i a Polixenain Apertement enmi la chiere. C'est 1'acheson et la maniere Par qui sera getez de vie Et 1'ame de son cors partie.

Senpres li esprent si le cuer Ne se meust a negun fuer, Tant com il voier la peust, Por rien que nus dire seust." :

5. Both Troilo and Achilles stand rapt with the new vision as long as the service lasts, —

" . . . e mirb tanto

Quanto duraro a Pallade gli onori." 2

" Onques ne remua ses piez, Tant com ele fu en la place." 3

6. Troilo, like Achilles, leaves the scene of the innamoramento with a heavy heart, —

ma n usci

»4

"... adonc retorne, Chiere fet et pensive et morne." 5

7. The irresistible force of love is commented on in similar terms in the two accounts, —

" Non risparmiarono il sangue reale, Ne d' animo virtii ovver grandezza, Ne curaron di forza corporale Che in Troilo fosse, o di prodezza, L' ardenti fiamme amorose . . ." 6

" Poi li valdra mes sis escuz, Et sis haubers mailliez memiz ; Ja s'espee trenchant d'acier

1 E. de T. (Joly), 17504-17514, 17579-17582.

2 Filostrato, i, 30, 5,7. * R. de T. (Joly), 17572-3. 4 Filostrato, i, 31, 2. 5 R. de T. (Joly), 17583-4. 6 Filostrato, i, 40, 1-5. Cf. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 452.

€H. Il] THE CASES OF TROILUS AND ACHILLES COMPARED. 39

Ne, li aura ici mestier. Force, vertuz, ne hardement Ne li valt centre Amor naient." l

8, There may be significance in the fact that Boccaccio mentions Polyxena and Helen in connection with his heroine, —

" E '1 suo valor e '1 viso dilicato Di lei, diceva, avanza Polissena D' ogni bellezza, e similmente Elena,"2 —

for the only three ladies whom Benoit mentions in this episode are, " Ecuba et Polixenain

Ensemble o eles dame Heleine." 3

The similarities between the two episodes do not end here, as we find when we examine the occurrences following the temple scene itself.

1. On leaving the temple, each lover languishes in his own room, —

" E parti tosi ognun, tutto soletto In camera n' andb, dove a sedere Si pose, sospirando, appie del letto." 4

" Molt malades, molt dehetiez S'est en son paveillon cochiez. N'a si prive qui i remaigne."5

2. The two heroes can think only of the great event of the morning.6

3. Both feel a distaste for fighting.7

4. Both succumb to the usual love-sickness.8

5. Each lover thinks his case hopeless.9

6. Each lover has recourse to a trusted friend, who acts as intermediary between the lover and his innamorata.1®

*JR.de T. (Joly), 17549-17554. 2 Filostrato, i, 42, 6-8.

3 JR. de T. (Joly), 17481, 17484. 4 Filostrato, i, 33, 1-3.

5 JR. de T. (Joly), 17593-5.

6 Filostrato, i, 33, 4-7 ; i, 42, 5 ; R. de T. (Joly), 17585-7.

7 Filostrato, i, 44, 1-2 ; i, 45, 1, 3-4 ; R. de T. (Joly), 17643-17651.

8 Filostrato, i, 47, 1-4 ; R. de T. (Joly), 17574-5, 17689-98. Cf. Cres- cini, p. 192. With Troilo's love pangs (Filostrato, i, 33-57 ; ii, 85-88) should be compared Benoit's entire account of the similar sufferings of Achilles and Diomedes (JR. de T., 17585-17716, 17980-18080, 20679-20800, 14927- 14982).

9 Filostrato, i, 48, 5-8; 49, 1-5; Roman de Troie, 17610-17615, 17679- 17681.

10 For an extended treatment of this point, see below, pp. 53 ff.

40 THE BEGINNING OF LOVE IN THE FILOCOLO. [CH. II

From the foregoing examination of specific likenesses we are, perhaps, prepared to accept the statement, "la sostanza di quell' innamoramento \i. e., in Filostrato] e ancora derivata dal Roman de Troie." r

In connection with the account of the innamorammto in Filo strato we must consider also a similar account at the beginning of Boccaccio's Filocolo.'2' Here the author tells us that in the spring • of a certain year 3 he went to a solemn service in a temple. During the service his eye fell upon a lady of so great beauty that he, who had previously been avoiding love, tremblingly succumbed, and in an apostrophe declared his allegiance to "Amore." Our author says that on this occasion he did not accost his newly-discovered innamorata, but that some time later he saw her again in another temple in conversation with the priestesses of Diana, a conversa tion in which he had the good fortune to join, and in the course of which he received the commission to write the story of Florio and Biancofiore — that is, Filocolo.

However many literary parallels there may be for this episode,4 no one seriously questions the autobiographical validity of it as an account of Boccaccio's innamoramento with Maria d' Aquino.5 The recurrence of a similar scene in Filostrato has been sufficiently well known, and some inferences as to the -autobiographical significance of the recurrence have, been drawn.6 No. one, however, has con-

1 Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 451. Savj-Lopez is, of course, not re sponsible for the detailed comparisons made above. It should be noted that the temple episode in Filostrato owes nothing to another similar episode in Benoit's poem (11. 4261-4372) in which is recounted the innamoramento of Paris and Helen. Nor is there any indication that the innamoramento in Filostrato is in any direct way influenced by similar scenes in such Greek romances as Anthia and Abrocomes of Xenophou of Ephesus (Scriptores Erotici Graeci, Vol. Ill, edited by C. G. Mitscherlich, 1794, pp. 194-200), or Chaerea and Callirrhoe of Chariton Aphrodisiensis (Erotici Scriptores, Lib. I, edited by G. A. Hirschig, Parisiis, 1856, pp. 415-16). Cf. E. Bolide, Der Griechische Roman, Leipzig, 1900, pp. 409, 418 (3), 517 ; B. Zumbini, Nuova Antologia, Serie IIa, XVIII, 676; Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 456. On Petrarch's account of his own innamoramento, see especially G. Mestica, H Piu Giovanile dei Sonetti del Petrarca e il suo primo innamoramento, in Fanfulla dclla Domenica, No. 21, 20 Maggio, 1888. In connection with Filostrato, i, 33-48 one should consult pp. 571-4 of Miss Cipriani's article, The Romance of the Rose and Chaucer (Publications of the Mod. Lang. Assoc., XXII, 552-595). This article reached me only after my study was in proof.

2 Filocolo, I, 4-8. 3 On this date see above, p. 31.

4 See note 1, above.

5 See Crescini, Contribute, etc., pp. 151, 191 ; A. della Torre, pp. 31-101 ; Koerting, p. 463 ; Gaspary, II, 3 ; C. A.-Traversi, II Propugnatore, Vol. XVI, Parte Ha (1883), pp. 67-9 ; Rossi, pp 92-3.

6 Cf. Crescini, Contribute, etc., p. 151; C. A.-Traversi, loc. cit., pp. 246-265.

CH. Il] TROILUS'S DISDAIN OF LOVE IS DUE TO THE F1LOCOLO. 41 *

sidered the relative claims of the autobiographical account of the innamoramento in Filocolo and of the temple episode of Achilles and Polyxena in the Roman de Troie as possible sources of the part of Filostrato under discussion.1

If the episode in Filostrato were pure autobiography, we should expect the poem merely to repeat the account previously written in Filocolo.'2' Such a mere repetition does not occur. The external and disrespectful attitude of the hero3 toward the service he is attending, the description of the people who come to the festival,4 the hero's dejection when he leaves the temple,5 the comment 011 the irresistible power of love,6 — these are some of the details common to Filostrato and the Roman de Troie and absent from the account in FilocoloJ There are, however, in the account in Filostrato certain details that may well be repetitions from Boccaccio's own earlier work.

1. Troilo's cynical remarks concerning love and concerning his own previous experiences in love have no parallel in the Roman de Troie. Says Troilo,

" lo provai gia per la mia gran follia Qual fosse questo maladetto fuoco.

Or ne son fuor, merce n' abbia colui Che fu di me piu ch' io stesso pietoso, lo dico Giove, iddio vero, da cui Viene ogni grazia, e vivommi in riposo." 8

In Filocolo the author gives a similar account of his own recalcitrant attitude, —

"... intentivamente cominciai a rimirare ne' begli occhi dell' adorna giovane, ne' quali io vidi dopo lungo guardare Amore in abito tanto pietoso, che me, cui lungamente a mia istanza avea risparmiato,

1 While Savj-Lopez (Romania, XXVII, 451-2) notes similarities between Benoit's poem and Filostrato at this point, he ignores Boccaccio's earlier account in Filocolo. Crescini (pp. 151-2) in comparing Filocolo and Filostrato makes no mention of the Roman de Troie.

2 Since the account of the innamoramento in Filocolo marks the beginning of a love affair of which Filostrato represents a later stage, the chronological priority of this part of Filocolo can hardly be questioned.

3 In Filocolo the respectful, personal interest of the author in the service is shown in his own words, "io attentamente udiva" (Filocolo, I, 5).

4 See above, p. 37. 5 See above, p. 38. 6 See above, p. 38.

7 It is to be noted also that the innamoramento in Filocolo is carried through tico scenes in separate temples, whereas in Filostrato there is only one temple scene.

8 Filostrato, i, 23, 1-2 ; i, 24, 1-4. Of. i, 21, 5-24, 8.

42 THE TEMPLE-SCENE IS PARALLELED IN FILOCOLO. [CH. IT

fece tornare, desideroso d' essergli per cosi bella donna, subietto. . . . Adunque io il quale ho la tua signoria lungamente temendo fuggita, ora ti prego che tu . . . entri in me colla tua deitade." 1

2. Howevet conventional certain of Boccaccio's phrases concern ing Griseida's beauty may be, similar phrases occur in Filocolo and not in the French poem, —

" Si bella e si angelica a vedere Era, die non parea cosa mortale

II viso aveva adorno di bellezza Celestiale . . ."2

" E per le sue notabili bellezze e opere virtuose, piu volte facea pensare a molti che non d' uomo ma di Dio figliuola stata fosse." 3

3. The description of Griseida's costume, for which there is no parallel in Benoit's poem, is suggested in Filocolo. We are told that Griseida is " sotto candido velo in bruna vesta." 4 The author of Filocolo sees his lady on the second occasion conversing with the priestesses of Diana, —

"... sacerdotesse di Diana sotto biaiichi veli e di neri vestimenti vestite." 5

4. In the Roman de Troie we are not told the time of year of the festival where Achilles encounters Polyxena. In Filostrato and in Filocolo we are explicitly told that the innamoramento occurs in the spring. 6

From the relations of Filocolo, Filostrato, and Roman de Troie now before us, we may attempt a fair conclusion as to the sources of the temple scene in the Italian poem. In his earliest work, Filocolo, Boccaccio gave what we may well believe to be a true and reverent account of his own innamoramento. When he came later to write the story of Troilo and Griseida, he found his immediate sources wanting in an account of the early stages of 'the love affair. From his own experience, from an account already written in Filocolo, and from an account of a similar innamoramento in the Roman de Troie, Boccaccio seems to have drawn suggestions for the temple episode as we have it in Filostrato.

Undoubtedly Boccaccio's most important single addition to

1 Filocolo, I, 5-6. z Filostrato, i, 11, 4-5 ; i, 27, 3-4.

3 Filocolo, I, 4. 4 Filostrato, i, 26, 7.

6 Filocolo, I, 6. 6 Filostrato, i, 18, 1-4 ; Filocolo, 1,4-5.

CH. Il] THE POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF PANDARO. 43

the story of Troilo and Briseida of his predecessors is the figure of Pandaro, — a figure for which there were possible sources in real life, in general literature, and in the author's own earlier Filocolo.1 Let us consider these possible sources in order.

Since Boccaccio himself tells us that in the Troilo of his poem he represents his own sufferings,2 we may well inquire whether Troilo's friend, Pandaro, may not have an original in the gay and easy society surrounding King Robert, as several writers have hinted.3 There is no external evidence to prove that Boccaccio had a faithful friend like Pandaro to whom he confided his love secrets, and to whom he committed the management of any part of his love affair with Maria d' Aquino. However, he who reads Boccaccio's works with a mind prepared for autobiographical disclosures will find suggestions of the author's having had a particular friend who performed for him in his love anguish at least some of the kind offices of Pandaro.4 In the Proemio of II Decamerone we read,

"Nella qual noia tanto rifrigerio gia mi porsero i piativoli ragionamenti d'alcuno amico, e 1e sue laudevoli consolazioni, che io porto fermissima opinione per quelle essere avvenuto che io non sia morto."5

1 It is to be noted that with the Pandarus of Homer, Virgil, Dictys, Dares, Benoit, and Guido, Boccaccio's Pandaro has nothing in common ^except the name. According to Homer (Iliad, ii, 827 ; iv, 88 ; v, 168,' 171, 246, 795) TldvSapos is a distinguished Trojan archer and warrior. Virgil refers to the archer, Pandarus (Aeneid, v, 496), and to another Pandarus (Aeneid, ix, 672 ; xi, 396). Dictys represents Pandarus as a distinguished archer (Dictys Cretensis Ephemeris Belli Troiani, ii, 35 ; ii, 40-41). Dares merely mentions Pandarus as a Trojan leader (Daretis Phrygii DC Excidio Troiac Historia, cap. xviii, p. 22). Benoit mentions Pandarns as a Trojan leader (JR. de T., 6667, 8135, 11315, 11353-11356). According to some MSS. of the Roman de Troie, Pandarus was present at the conference of Greek and Trojan chiefs as a result of which Anthenor and Thoas were exchanged (cf. It. de T., 13071-13075, and variants of 13072). Guido makes fewer references to Pan darus than Benoit does, and adds no significant details (cf. Historia, sig. h 5 recto, col. 1, where the spelling is Pandalus; sig. f 5 verso, col. 2, where the spelling is Pandorus}. On the name, see especially F. Moland et C. D'He ricault, Nouvellcs Francoises en Prose du XIV* Siecle, Paris, 1858, pp. xcii^-xciii ; W. Hertzberg, Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shak^peare-Gesellschaft, VJ, 199-200 ; Hamilton, pp. 92-95. 2 Cf. Proemio to Filostrato, pp. 7-10.

3 Cf. Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, Vol. II, Oxford, 1894, p. Ixiii ; A. Kissner, Chaucer in seinen Bezichungen zur Italienischen Literatur, Bonn, 1867, p. 52 ; A. Dobelli, II Culto del Boccaccio per Dante, Venezia-Firenze, 1897, p. 21 ; Rossi, p. 81 ; F. De Sanctis, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, Vol. I. Napoli, 1879, p. 308.

4 Cf. Crescini, Contribute, etc., pp. 79, 83, 193 ; A. della Torre, pp. 269-270 ; C. Antona-Traversi, II Propugnatore, Vol. XVJI, Parte I" (1884), pp. 64, 268.

5 II Decamerone, edited by M. Foresi, Firenze, 1891, pp. 9-10. Cf. Crescini, p. S3, note 1 ; Rossi, p. 67.

44 THE POSSIBLE ORIGIN OF PANDARO. [CH. IT

From such an utterance we might easily infer that Boccaccio had a devoted male friend who in a serious crisis gave him genuine consolation.1 Again, in Filocolo, in the pleasant episode of the court of love, Clonico, when his turn comes to propose a. "question," tells the simple and almost moving story of hi& innamoramento, and of the subsequent infidelity of his lady. Regarding his condition after his betrayal, he says,

"Delle quali cose dolendomi io un giorno tutto soletto in un giardino, con infmiti sospiri accompagnati da molte lagrime, so- pravvenne un mio singulars amico, al quale parte de' miei danni era palese, e quivi con pietose parole mi comincib a volere ricon- fortare : i cui conforti 11011 ascoltando io niente, ma rispondendogli che la mia miseria ogni altra passava. . . ." 2

If Clonico be speaking for Boccaccio here,3 the " singulare amico " may indicate a friend like Pandaro. Perhaps we can see behind the veil once more in // Corbaccio, where we read,

"Yeramente ci son' io altre volte assai stato, ma con piu lieta f ortuna, secondo il parer delle corporali menti ; e di quinci piu per Valtrui grazia, che per Io mid senno, in diversi modi or mi ricordo essere." 4

Since Bocoacjcio certainly meant to reveal his own biograpliv__in many places in his works, since there is every reason for believing that a man in love might have a consoling friend, and since the passages quoted, and some others,5 might well ring true from real experience, there is certainly some ground for a belief that Boccaccio had a friend in some respects like the Pandaro of Filostrato. Nevertheless, however real the personality of Pandaro may have been to Boccaccio, our author may still be presenting that personality to us under a borrowed literary veil, for we have evidence enough that Boccaccio uses literary models for accounts that are at bottom autobiographical.6 Moreover, none of the

1 It is to be noted that such a passage in a Proemio of one of Boccaccio's works has for its autobiographical validity a certain antecedent probability not so easily attached to passages within the works themselves.

2 Filocolo, II, 69. Cf. Crescini, pp. 76-77, 79, note 1.

3 Cf. Crescini, pp. 76-77.

*Jl Corbaccio (Opera Minori, Sonzogno, Milano, 1879), p. 270. Cf. Ci'ftscini, p. 83 note 1. On II Corbaccio, see H. Hauvette, Une Confession de Boccace, H Corbaccio, in Bulletin Italien, I (1901), 3-21.

6 Cf. Filocolo, I, 284-285,— the friend who consoles Fileno. Notice also the faithful friend referred to by Galeone, Filocolo, II, 275. On the confidante of Fiammetta, see Fiammetta , ed. Sonzogno, pp. 29, 38. Cf. Crescini, p. 193, note 2 ; A. della Torre, p. 269.

6 See above, p. 29.

€H. Il] PANDARO AND GO-BETWEENS IN ANCIENT STORIES. 45

consoling friends that our author alludes to in the various passages that we have noted is in any way characterized as a go'-between, and hence none of these friends affords anything like a complete resemblance to Pandaro. Therefore, in spite of the few hints that Boccaccio gives us as to the existence of a real character who may in some respects resemble Pandaro, we are still justified in a search for possible literary sources for this famous figure.

A comprehensive study of the evolution of the character-type that Pandaro represents would no doubt take us back to the very beginnings of human society, or rather to such reflections of those beginnings as we may find in the most primitive tales of love and courtship. We should hear of brides and mistresses won through the aid of "helpful animals," of "helpful companions," and of magic. We should hear of maidens committing their love to nurses, to confidantes, and to sorceresses. In the present study I shall mention only a few examples of the pander type in the literature preceding Boccaccio, and I shall consider in detail only those literary examples that may be supposed to have some intimate bearing on the development of Boccaccio's Pandaro.

The stock character of go-between, or procurer, is anciently and abundantly represented in the_j3omedies_ of_ Plautus, Ballio of Pseudolus, Capadox of Curculio, Labrax of Rudens, Dardalus of Persa, and Lycus of Poenulus, all represent this character in his most "professional" type.1 Less "professional," but still active as go-betweens, are Sceledrus, the servant of Pyrgopolinices, in Miles Gloriosus, and Pistoclerus in Bacchides, engaged by his friend, Mnesilochus, to search for the latter's mistress, Bacchis. OyicL in his treatises on the conduct of love affairs, gives us detailed information as to the uses of the fa™ alp flfl-W-wPATi In the Amores, the lena, Dipsas, gives her own account of the proper procedure in a love affair.2 In other parts of the same work the author speaks of using Corinna's servants as go-betweens,3 a procedure concerning which he gives us definite advice in Ars Amatoriat

A fair example of the female go-between as she appears in mediaeval literature is found in the anus who brings together

1 I omit Cleareta, the prociiress, mother of Philenium, in Asinaria.

2 Amores, Lib. i, Eleg. viii.

3 Id., Lib. i, Eleg. xi, 1-13 ; Lib. ii, Eleg. viii.

4 Ars Amatoria, i, 351-398.

46 PANDARO AND GO-BETWEENS IN MEDIVAL ROMANCES. [CH. II

Pamphilus and Galatea in that bald love drama, PampTiilus de Amore.1

None of these examples resembles very closely Boccaccio's Pandaro, who, far from being a servant or a " professional," is the friend and adviser of Troilo, as well as the procurer of his lady. Effective friends remotely resembling Pandaro are common__in mediaeval Jiterature. In the romance of Generydes, for example, we are told that the hero's tutor, Natanell, successfully acts as procurer in Generydes' love affair with Clarionas.2 Again, in the romance of Sir Eglamour, the squire of the hero gives his master advice and help in procuring the love of Cristabelle.3 In the French romance of Claris et Laris we read that Laris encourages the love of his friend, Claris, for Lydaine, wife of King Ladont and sister of Laris. The feeling of Laris toward this adulterous love is shown in his words to Claris,

" ' Claris,' fet il, ' pou m'amiez, Quant cele chose celiez. Ja pour ce voir ne vous harrai, An^ois vous en evancerai Yers ma seror, bien le sachiez ! Mes que vous plus ne vous sechiez ; • Mes pensez de joie mener ! Car je croi bien a ce mener Ma seror-, (ne m'en cuit taisir), Que 1'avrez a vostre plesir.' " 4

A similar encouraging third person appears in such allegories as

1 Edited by A. Baudouin, Paris, 1874. On the date and authorship, see A. Ebert, Allgemeines Bibliographisches Lexikon, II Bd., Leipzig, 1830, col. 298.

2 Generydes, edited by W. A. Wright, E.KT.S., Part I, London, 1873, 11. 757-924.

3 Sir Eglamour, edited by G. Schleich, Berlin, 1906, 11. 49 ff. For analogues, more or less close, see also Sir Tralabas, in The Earl of Tolous (edited by G. Liidtke, Berlin, 1881, 11. 181 ff. ) ; Talamewe, in Ipomedon (edited by E. Kolbing, Breslau, 1889, 11. 145-153, 1Q3-297, 1250-1252, 1538-1555, 1700-1723, 2312 ff.); Squire Robert, in Li Biaus Desconneus (edited by C. Hippeau, Paris, 1860) ; Garines, in Amadas et Ydoine (edited by C. Hippeau, Paris, 1863, 11. 2450 ff.); Pinchonnes, in Cleomades (edited by A. van Hasselt, Vol. II, Bruxelles, 1866, pp. 88 ff.). Cf. also Merlin's use of magic in order to give King Uther a night with Igerna (Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britanniae, ed. San-Marte, Halle, 1854, lib. viii, cap. 19). Cf. Dido's use of a sorciere in the romance, Aeneas (edited by J. Salverda de Grave, Halle, 1891,11. 1905 ff.).

4 Li Romans de Claris et Laris (edited by J. Alton, Tubingen. 1884), 11. 3970-3979. Cf. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 469. See also Claris et Laris, 11. 3716-3993, 7867-8199, 15384-16401.

CH.Il] PANDARO AND GOVERNALE IN THE ITALIAN TRISTAN STORY. 47

Le Roman deJa._Mase, where the bewildered "Amant" is coun selled by the sympathetic "Ami."1

Although we may be sure that Boccaccio was well aware of the distribution of this type in mediaeval literature, there is no evidence that any of the characters thus far mentioned had any part in the formation of the character of Pandaro. As a possible direct source of Boccaccio's character we may look to a more famous story than any that we have hitherto cited.

In the Tristan story in its Italian romance form,2 Governale, the faithful companion of Tristano, is in some jespects. a_close analogue to Pandaro.3 Governale performs the offices of guardian,4 adviser,5 pander,6 and mere attendant or servant.7 In his services as pander for Belicies and Tristano he shows only a general resem blance to Pandaro.8 At certain times, however, his advice to Tristano is quite like Pandaro's to Troilo. When Tristano is grieving over his troublesome dream of the stag Governale says to him,

" ' Tristano, voi si non dovete pensare nele visione, le quali voi vedete in songni. Impercioe il vi dico ch' io abo inteso che le visione non sono da credere, impercioe che sono vanitade. Ed accib vi dico che voi non dovete pensare a queste cose.' Molto confortava Governale Tristano, ma questo conforto non gli vale neente, tanto ee lo dolore ch' egli sostiene." 9

This advice of Governale's is quite like Pandaro's to Troilo, when the young lover is grieving over his vision of the boar, —

" Io ti dissi altra volta, che follia Era ne' sogni troppo riguardare ; Nessun ne fu, n& e, ne giammai fia Che possa certo ben significare, Gib che dormendo altrui la fantasia Con varie forme puote dimostrare,

1 Roman de la Rose (edited by F. Michel, 2 Tom., Paris, 1864), 11. 3137 ff. Cf. also Bel-Acueil, id., 11. 2799 ff. Of. E. Gorra, Testi Inediti di Storia- Trojana, Torino, 1887, p. 353, note 1 ; Publications of the Mod. Lang. Assoc., XXII, 574, 576-7, 579, 581, 584.

a See 11 Tristano Riccardiano, edited by E. G. Parodi, Bologna, 1896.

3 See Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 459-461, 468.

4 II Tristano Riccardiano. pp. 7-8, 9, 11, 14, 17-18.

5 Id., pp. 32-33, 80, 83, 180, 187.

6 Id., pp. 19-21, 25, 99-100, 122-123.

7 Id., pp. 40-41, 63, 112-113, 140-142, 158, 172-173, 178-180, 185, 199, 213-214, 262-264.

8 Id., pp. 19-21.

9 Id., p. 187. Cf. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 460.

48 PANDAEO AND GOVERNALE IN THE ITALIAN TRISTAN STORY. [CH.II

E molti gia credettero una cosa,

Ch' altra n' avvenne opposita e ritrosa " 1

Again, Tristano, made desperate by the thought of losing Isotta, is comforted by Governale as follows, —

" Quando Tristano intese queste parole fue tanto doloroso che volea morire, ed allora incontanente si tramortio. E Governale quando vide tramortito Tristano fue molto doloroso. E istando per uno poco, e Tristano tornoe in see. E Governale disse : ' Per mia fe, Tristano, voi non siete bene savio, quando voi volete morire in cotale maniera. E impercioe voi priego che voi si vi dobiate confortare e 11011 vi dobiate uccidere anzi ora.' " 2

The situation here is similar to that in Filostrato where Pandaro restrains and comforts Troilo when he is about to kill himself in grief over the assumed infidelity of Griseida. Says Troilo,

" Poi la fortuna a si malvagia sorte Recato m' ha, il morir fia diletto, Dove il viver saria noia e dispetto.

E questo detto, corse ad un coltello, II qual pendea nella camera aguto, E per lo petto si voile con ello Dar, se non fosse che fu ritenuto Da Pandaro." 3

Pandaro addresses him sympathetically, —

" Troilo, sempre in tal credenza fui Di te ver me, che s' io stato fossi oso Di domandar per me o per altrui Che t' uccidessi, tu si animoso Senza indugio nessun 1' avessi fatto, Com' io farei per te in ciascun atto.

E tu a' preghi miei non hai la morte Sozza e spiacevol voluta fuggire." 4

The close resemblance between another detail in Filostrato and a detail in the Tristano 5 may strengthen the possibility that in composing his poem Boccaccio had this romance in mind. During the first night of the young lovers together Griseida,

1 Filostrato, vii, 40, 1-8. Cf. v, 32-33; vii, 36-45; Tiii, 19. Before inferring the direct influence of Tristano upon Filostrato at this point, one should note the discussions of dreams in Filocolo, — see below, pp. 64 ff.

2 IL Tristano Riccardiano, p. 188. Cf. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 460.

3 Filostrato, vii, 32, 6—33, 5.

4 Id., vii, 37, 3—38, 2.

6 Cf. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 459-460.

CH. Il] PANDARO, AND GOVERNALE IN THE ITALIAN TRISTAN STORY. 49

"... nell' ultima vesta Rimasa," l says to Troilo,

" . . . speglio mio, le nuove spose Son la notte primieraTvergognose." 2

This detail may have been suggested by the scene in the Tristano, where on the marriage night of King Marco and Isotta, Braguina puts herself in the King's bed in place of Isotta. To make the deception possible, Tristano extinguishes the lights of the bridal chamber, and when the King asks the reason for such a procedure, Tristano replies,

" * Questa e mm usanza d' Irlanda, che quando una pulciella si corica novella mente allato a ssuo sengnore, la prima notte si fanno inspegnare li lumi, perche la donna non si vergongni ; perche le pulcielle si sono troppo vergongnose' " 3

In view of the evidence adduced, it seems possible that in com posing Filostrato Boccaccio may have taken from the Tristano suggestions for his Pandaro, and certain other details.4 Never theless, it is to be observed that however many details connected with Governale may reappear in connection with Pandaro, Goy^male is essentially a very different character from Pandaro. Governale is Tristano's "maestro," his companion at arms, or his valet. He always assumes the role of the faithful attendant rather than that of the courtly " amico " of Boccaccio's poem. Such a courtly " amico " we find in another famous mediaeval romance well known to Boccaccio,5 and immortalized by Dante in the words he gives to Francesca da Eimini, —

y~*. &~ '

" Noi leggevamo un giorno per diletto Di Lancilotto come amor lo strinse

Galeotto fu il libro e chi lo scrisse." 6

1 Filostrato, iii, 31, 5-6. . 2 Id., iii, 31, 7-8.

3 II Tristano Riccardiano, p. 123.

4 Of. Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 461, 468. As to Boccaccio's undoubted acquaintance with the romance of Tristano, see Rossi, pp. 35, note 1, 42, 78; G. Malavasi, La Materia poetica del ciclo Irettone in Italia, Nella Mirandola, 1901, p. 21, note 4. On the distribution of this romance in Italy, see Malavasi, pp. 13-22.

5 Boccaccio's knowledge of this romance later in life is made certain by his comments on the reference to it in Dante. See II Commento sopra la Corn- media di Dante Alighieri, Tomo II, pp. 60-62 (Opere Volgari di Giovanni Boccaccio, Vol. XI, Firenze, Moutier, 1831). On the currency of this story in Boccaccio's circle in Naples, see A. della Torre, pp. 165-6. Cf. Rossi, pp. 35, note 1, 42, 78 ; 11 Corbaccio, ed. Sonzo^no, pp. 305-6 ; B. Zumbini : Nuova Antologia, Serie IIa, XVIII (1879), 682 ; Malavasi, pp. 13-22, and especially p. 21, note 4. 6 Inferno, v, 127-8, 137.

DEV. TR. OR. V,

50 THE STORY OF LANCELOT'S LOVE FOR GUINEVERE. [CH. IF

The part of the Lancelot story referred to by Dante here and alluded to by him elsewhere,1 may be outlined as follows : 2

Galehout, the comrade of Lancelot and the devoted knight of the Queen, busies himself morning and evening in efforts to effect an amorous meeting of these two. At last an opportune day arrives. Carrying Lancelot's last request, that the meeting be kept secret, Galehout departs to make arrangements with the Queen. Galehout assures her that the flower of knighthood is ready to come to her. After supper Guinevere, accompanied by Galehout, the Lady of Mahout, and two other women, goes to the bushy meadow appointed for the meeting. Galehout summons Lancelot, who stands trembling and pale before the Queen. To alleviate the embarrassment of the lovers Galehout withdraws ; but even then, Lancelot is so reticent that only by a series of searching questions can the Queen induce him to tell his name and recount his adven tures. At last she assures herself that he is Lancelot del Lac, and elicits from him a declaration of love. At this moment the Lady of Mahout near by coughs, as a sign that she is aware of the doings of the lovers. Lancelot is for a time dumb with fear, but recovers sufficiently to continue his account of his love. As a test of his sincerity, the Queen accuses him of looking too ardently at her three attendants. This accusation causes Lancelot such anguish that he all but swoons, so that the Queen must steady his arm till Galehout comes running up. Galehout urges the Queen to be merciful and to allow her lover a first kiss. This request she readily grants, and when the modest Lancelot hesitates to approach her, she herself kisses him. After the knight has given the Queen an oath of fidelity, the party retire homeward in the moonlight. After escorting the Queen to her bed, Galehout goes to spend the night with Lancelot, whom he comforts with talk of the happy occurrences of the evening.

1 Dante alludes to the story of Lancelot in the Paradiso, where he says that Beatrice in her smiling resembled the lady who coughed at the time of Guinevere's first fault, —

"Ridendo, parve quella, che tossio Al primo fallo scritto di Ginevra" (Paradiso, xvi, 14-15).

On the detail of the Lancelot story here mentioned, see P. Toynbee, Dante Studies and Researches, London, 1902, pp. 1-37 ; F. Novati, Arte, Scienza e Fede ai Giorni di Dante, Milano, 1901, pp. 269-276, 280-281 ; L. Moland, Les Origines Littfraires de la France, Paris, 1862, pp. 51-58, 373-383. Dante alludes to another part of the Lancelot story in the Convivio, iv, 8. Of. Toynbee, p. 1, note 1. On Dante's use of a French version of the story, see Toynbee, p. 8.

2 I follow the French text given by P. Toynbee, pp. 10-22, from a MS. of the thirteenth century. Cf. Toynbep, p. 9. For similar extracts from other MSS., see W. J. A. Jonckbloet, Roman van Lancelot, Tweede Deel, Gravenhage, 1849, pp. xl-xlvii ; L. Moland, Les Origines Litte'raires de la France, Paris, 1862, pp. 373-383; F.-L. Polidori, La Tavola Ritonda o Vlstoria di Tristano, Parte IIa, Bologna, 1865, pp. 260-264. Cf. P. Paris, Les Romans de la Table Ronde, Tome III6, Paris, 1872, pp. 249-270.

CH. Il] COMPARISON OF PANDARO WITH GALEHOUT. 51

There can be no doubt that the Galehout of this story closely resembles Boccaccio's Pandaro. In Galehout we have no longer the tutor, the servant, or the mere go-between, but a courtly knight l who meets Lancelot and the Queen upon a plane of social equality and genuine friendship. In his courtly bearing, in his easy familiarity, in his friendly devotion, and in his enthusiastic activities as pander, Galehout is a true precursor of Pandaro. The resemblances between Galehout and Pandaro and between the Lancelot story and Filostrato will perhaps bear further examination.

Although we have no detailed information concerning Galehout's activities before the day when he actually brought the lovers together, we are told, nevertheless, that he made many jaunts back and forth, " night and morning, "-

" Einsint aloit Galehout a son compaingnon au main et au soir, et a chascune foiz quil reuenoit li demandoit la roine quil auoit troue." 2

These activities of Galehout are quite parallel to Pandaro's rushings back and forth, early and late.3

On a certain morning Galehout announces to the Queen that " la flor des chevaliers," 4 whose name she does not know, is ready to come to her as her lover. In this circumstance we are reminded of Pandaro's coming to Griseida and describing to her the young prince, whom she has not seen, and who desires her love, —

" Chi 6 dunque colui che si diletta Si di vedermi ? Griseida disse. A cui Pandaro allora : giovinetta, Poiche colui che il mondo circonscrisse, Fece il primo uom, non credo piu perfetta Anima in alcun altro mai inserisse." 5

It is to be noted that in the Lancelot story the Queen takes the more active part in desiring and in arranging for her first meeting with Lancelot. The knight himself throughout the episode

1 In the Italian Tristano, Galeotto is spoken of as " Lo sire dele Lontane Isole ... Jo piue alto principe del mondo, e lo piue valentre" (II Tris tano Riccardiano, p. 113). Boccaccio tells us that Pandaro is "D" alto lignaggio ..." (Filostrato, ii, 1, 4).

2 Toynbee, p. 10.

3 Of. Filostrato, ii, 1, 3-8 ; 34, 1-4 ; 79, 1-3 ; 108, 1-2 ; 118, 1-2 ; 128, 3-4 ; 133, 1-4 ; iii, 4, 1-4 ; 21, 2-3 ; 22, 3-4 ; 73, 1-2 ; iv, 42, 4-6 ; 43, 1 ; 95, 5-6 ; 109, 1 ; v, 22, 1-3 ; viii, 3, 5-8.

4 Toynbee, p. 11. . 5 Filostrato, ii, 41, 1-6.

52 GUINEVERE AND LANCELOT BESIDE TROILO AND GRISEIDA. [CH. II

is modest, timid, and passive. The Queen's bold reception of the modest Lancelot is recounted thus, —

" Et la roine prent le cheualier par la main la ou il est agenouz si lasiet deuant li et li fet molt bel senblant, et li dit tot en riant, ' Sir, molt uos auons desirie tant que deu merci et Galehout qui ci est que or uos ueons. ' " 1

Meanwhile the timid knight

"... tranble si durement quil ne puet la roine saluer, et a tote la color perdue si que la roine sen merueille molt." r*

The mutual relation of these two lovers is quite parallel to the relation of the lovers to each other in Filostrato. Chaucer's refining of Criseyde's character and demeanour often causes us to forget that Boccaccio's Griseida, as soon as Pandaro has overcome her first weak defence of modesty, shows a wanton passion and a self- confidence not unlike Queen Guinevere's. It is Griseida herself who makes the arrangements for her first meeting with Troilo,3 and it is she who utters her passion thus : —

" L' acqua furtiva, assai piu dolce cosa E che il vin con abbondanza avuto : Cosi d' amor la gioia, che nascosa Trapassa assai, del sempre mai tenuto Marito in braccio ; ^adunque vigorosa Ricevi il dolce amante, il qual venuto T' e fermamente mandato da Dio, E sodisfa' al suo caldo disio." 4

On the other hand, Troilo's timid modesty throughout the poem is illustrated by his reply to Pandaro when the latter is urging on the amorous attack, —

" Ma come manchera perb 1'ardore Ch' io porto dentro, ch'io non vidi mai Che ella s'accorgesse del mio amore 1 Ella nol credera se tu il dirai : Poi per tema di te, questo furore Biasimera, e niente farai." 6

In connection with the possible influence of the Lancelot romance upon Boccaccio's poem, there may be significance in the detail of Griseida's coughing as a signal to Troilo on the night of their first meeting, —

1 Toynbee, pp. 12-13. 2 Id., p. 12.

3 Cf. Filostrato, ii, 143, 1-8 ; iii, 21, 1-4 ; 26-28.

4 Id., ii, 74, 1-8. 5 Id., ii, 30, 1-6.

CH. Il] PANDARO AND THE ROMAN DE TROIE. 53

" Griseida 1'aveva ben sentito Venire, perche accib ch'egli intendesse, Com' era imposto, elV aveva tossito" l

In the Lancelot romance we are told that when the Queen is eliciting an avowal of love from the reticent Lancelot, one of her ladies coughs, as a sign that the lovers are observed, —

" A ces paroles que la reine li disoit auint que la dame de maloaut sestossi tot a escient et dreca la teste que ele auoit embronchiee." 2

In view of Boccaccio's undoubted acquaintance with this romance, and in view of the similarities hinted at above, it seems entirely probable that in composing Filostrato Boccaccio may have been guided in some measure by the story of Lancelot, and that in introducing the figure of Pandaro into his poem he may have been somewhat influenced by the famous pander, Galehout.

A more immediate, though less adequate, literary source for Boccaccio's Pandaro is found in the Roman ^e_Tr^J£^j&i^. 3 We have already considered Boccaccio's use in Filostrato of the inna- moramento of Achilles as recounted in Benoit's poem.4 We must now direct our attention to that shadowy "ami" to whom Achilles commits his eager negotiations with the parents of the beautiful Polyxena. Benoit's account5 of the activities of this shadowy personage may be outlined as follows :

After having seen Polyxena in the temple, Achilles retires to his tent, languishing in the agony of love. As soon as he can collect his wits, he summons a faithful " ami," in whom he greatly trusts, and to whom he reveals his love secret, — •

" Un suen ami, un sueii feeil Qui iiolt savoit de son conseil A fet venir de devant sei, Puis li descovri son segrei, Tot li a dit coment li vait, Celee nule ne Ten fait. Bien li encharja son message." 6

1 Filostrato, iii, 26, 1-3.

2 Toynbee, p. 17. On Dante's allusion to this detail, see above, p. 50, note 1.

3 This source for Pandaro was first pointed out by Savj-Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 453.

4 See above, pp. 35 ff.

5 Guido's abridged account at this point (Historia, sig. k 3 recto col. 1 — verso, col. 2) provides no significant details not present in the Roman de Troie,

6 R. de T. (Joly), 17717-17723.

54 ACHILLES'S FRIEND ASKS HECUBA FOR POLYXENA. [CH. II

Achilles bids his friend go to Troy and, with suitable protestations and apologies, ask Hecuba for Polyxena in marriage, bidding him add that if the request is granted, Achilles will withdraw from the conflict and end the war. This able " ami " departs for Troy with his message, —

" Li mes s'en est tornez atant. Celeement et a prive Est venuz dreit a la cite. Cil fu bien sages et bien duiz : En sa chanbre entre o bons conduiz, A la reine saluz rent, De son seignor priveement ; Enpres li a dit son message."1

When the messenger has briefly and skilfully presented his request to Hecuba, she replies adroitly, bidding him return on the third day hence for a final answer. The messenger promptly reports to Achilles, —

" Li messagiers issi 1'otreie, Erraument s'est mis a la veie ; Sanz 90 que fust aparcevance, De bien errer molt tost s'avance. Repairiez est a son seignor Qui molt esteit en grant tremor Por saveir que il fet aveit. Joie a molt grant quant il lo veit, Demande li que il a fait ; Et cil li a senpres retrait Tot lo respons a la reine. Lo jor devise et lo termine, Qu'ele li a pose et mis. 1 Se ne s'en faint li reis eschis Vostre besoigne iert achevee.' Ore ot il qui molt li agree, Or li est li cuers re venuz." 2

Achilles is well pleased with his own prospects and with the con duct of his "ami." Meanwhile Hecuba presents the matter eloquently to Priam, who gives his consent upon the conditions stipulated. On the third day Achilles' faithful messenger returns eagerly to the Trojan court to receive his answer, —

" Anceis que levast li soleil, Fu li mes al tierz jorz tornez.

1 Roman de Troie (Joly), 17776-17783.

2 Id., 17829-17845.

CH. Il] ACHILLES'S FRIEND ASKS HECUBA FOR POLYXENA. 55

Molt fu li termes desirez. Anceis que il fust aconpliz, Dedanz la chanbre as ars voltiz En est vemiz a la Keine. C. saluz rent a la meschine De par son seignor qui li mande A li se done et se comande : Del tot velt metre en son voleir Sei et sa terre et son aveir. Ni puet longue parole faire ; Car la reine de bon aire Est de (levant qui ne li lait." 1

After giving a favourable answer, the Queen enjoins secrecy, —

" ' Issi,' fet ele, 'puoz retraire : Ci a grant ovre et grant affaire ; Celee seit tant que seit faite, Que ne seit dite ne retraite.' " 2

The " ami " departs speedily to carry the reply to Achilles, —

" Congie a pris li mes atant : De la vile s'en ist atant, A son seignor est repairiez." 3

Meanwhile Achilles, languishing in love, awaits impatiently the return of his messenger, —

" Issi destreiz, issi sorpris, Issi en amor ententis, Attendi tant et consira, Que sis messages repaira. Quant il le vit joie ot et crieme : Qo est reson d'amanz qui il crieme. Enquis li a et demande Savoir qu'en li avoit mande ; Et cil ne 1'en a fait celee, Tote 1'ovre li a mostree, Toz les respons, les covenanz Que li tendra li reis Prianz, Et la requeste que il font, Et com il Ten asseurront." 4

With a few words of warning, the faithful "ami" finishes his services to Achilles, —

" 'Pensez,' fet il, * com 1'oz s'en alt ; Tant sai gie bien, se Dex me salt,

1 R. de T. (Joly), 17946-17959. 2 Id., 17971-17074.

3 M, 17975-17977. 4 Id., 18081-18094.

56 BOCCACCIO'S IST HINT FOR PANDARO; 2ND FROM FILOCOLO. [CH n

Ses poez faire departir Et en lor terres revertir Sesiront vos de la pucele, Qui sor totes altres est bele. Ainz ne seriez vos ja sesiz, Devant ques en aiez partiz. S'en ceste chose dotez rien, II vos en asseurront Men, Tot issi com devisereiz, Et com mielz dire le saureiz.' " l

Such, in substance and in extent, is the role played by Achilles's "ami." Although a trusted friend of Achilles, this character is, in the conduct of the love affair, merely a messenger, without initiative, and, so far as we know, not intimately related to either party. He is in no sense a "pander," for the business in his hands is a proposal of honourable marriage. Such a figure is cer tainly only a very vague prototype for the scheming and courtly "cugino" of Griseida and "amico" of Troilo. However, since Boccaccio undoubtedly used at least part of the episode in the Roman de Troie with which this " ami " is connected,2 it seems likely that this shadowy character had some influence in the formation of the Pandaro of Filostrato. We may perhaps conjec ture that from the " ami " of Benoit Boccaccio received his first suggestion for adding a new character to the story of Troilo and Briseida.3 More than this hint the French poem could hardly have provided. Suggestions for developing such a hint we have already found in the stories of Tristan and of Lancelot. We must now look for still further suggestions in Boccaccio's own Filocolo.

Although there is in Filocolo no character who can be called a pander, there are at least three personages who in their services to young lovers remind us of some of the activities of Pandaro. These three are Duke Feramonte, in whose charge Florio is put when he is separated from Biancofiore and sent to Montorio, Ascalione, Florio's tutor, and Glorizia, Biancofiore's maid and comforter.4 I believe that in composing Filostrato Boccaccio kept these ' characters in mind and took from them certain definite sug-

1 R. de T. (Joly), 18095-18106.

2 See above, pp. 35 ff.

3 Of. Savj-Lopez, Eomania, XXVII, 453, 467.

4 To these maybe added the " fedelissimo servidore," who carries letters b-otween Florio and Biancofiore (cf. below, pp. 60-61).

CH. Il] TROILO COMPARED WITH FLORIO IN THE FILOCOLO. 57

gestions and details which we find embodied in the finished character of Pandaro.

Let us note first the similarities between the two scenes in which Troilo and Florio, respectively, disclose their love to Pandaro and to Duke Feramonte.1 On a certain day Pandaro, finding Troilo alone and dejected in his room, asks the reason for his grief, an inquiry to which Troilo replies bluntly.

" Standosi in cotal guisa un dl soletto Nella camera sua Troilo pensoso, Vi sopravvenne un troian giovinetto, D' alto lignaggio e molto coraggioso ; II qual veggendo lui sopra il suo letto Giacer disteso e tutto lagrimoso, Che e questo, grido, amico caro ?

Pandaro, disse Troilo, qual fortuna T' ha qui condotto a vedermi morire ? Se la nostra amistade ha forza alcuna, Piacciati quinci volerti partire" 2

When Troilo refuses to give a satisfactory answer, Pandaro urges him in the name of friendship to let him share his troubles, —

" . . . se la nostra amistade, Come soleva, t' e ora in piacere, Discuopri a me qual sia la crudeltade Che di morir ti fa tanto calere ; Ch' otto non e d' amico, alcuna cosa Al suo amico di tener nascosa.

lo vd1 con teco partir queste pene, Se dar non posso a tua noia conforto, Perciocche coll' amico si convene Ogni cosa partir, noia e diporto." 3

Pandaro assures Troilo that he himself has suffered from love, and is therefore the better able to give advice, —

" lo ho amato sventuratamente, . Ed amo ancora per lo mio peccato

Ed io, come tu sai, contra mia voglia Amo, ne mi pub tor 116 crescer doglia." *

Moved at last by such urging, Troilo confesses that his love of

1 Filostrato, ii, 1-33. Filocolo, I, 214-222.

" Filostrato, ii, 1,1-7; 2, 1-4.

' Id., ii, 4, 3-5, 4. 4 Id., ii, 11, 1-2 ; 13, 7-8.

58 TROILO COMPARED WITH FLORIO IN THE FILOCOLO. [CH. II

Griseida is the cause of his pain, and with that confession he falls prostrate, —

" E sopra il letto ricadde supino, Piangendo forte . . ." *

Pandaro congratulates Troilo upon the object of his love, and promises to help him to a successful issue, bidding him meanwhile control his passion, —

" Ma s' altro non ci noia, credi a questa Troverb modo con mie parolette Qual ti bisogna ; possi tu soffrire, Ben raffrenando il tuo caldo disire." 2

Troilo accepts Pandaro's advice and submits to his guidance, — " lo credo do che tu di' di costei

Pandaro mio, io mi ti raccomando." 3

This scene in Filostrato is well matched, step by step, in the similar interview between Duke Feramonte and Florio in Filocolo, which may be outlined as follows :

One day, the Duke, finding the forlorn Florio alone in his room, inquires concerning his grief, —

" Non uscl della trista camera come era 1'altre mattine usato, ma in quella stando, si tornb sopra i pensieri del di preterito; e in quelli dimorando, il duca . . . entrb nella camera dicendo : . . . Quali pensieri f occupano ? . . . perch& queste lagrime ? " 4

Since Florio is too deeply dejected to reply readily, the Duke urges him in the name of friendship to disclose the cause of his sorrow, —

" Lieva su . . . lascia il piagnere, il qual e atto femminile e di pusillanimo cuore,5 e alza il viso verso il cielo, e dimmi qual cagione ti fa dolere. Tu sai che io sono a te congiuntissimo parente, e quando questo non fosse, si sai tu che io di perfettissima amistd ti sono congiunto: e chi sovverra gli uomini negli affanni e nelle avversita di consiglio o d' aiuto, se i parenti o i cari amid non gli

1 Filostrato, ii, 16, 1-2. Cf. ii, 20, 7-8.

2 Id., ii, 23, 5-8. * Id., ii, 29, 7; 33, 6.

4 Filocolo, I, 214-215. Troilo's blunt reply to Pandaro (cf. Filostrato, ii, 2, 1-4, quoted above) has no precise parallel in this particular conversation in Filocolo. Troilo's blunt reply may, however, be compared with Florio 's reply to Ascalione in a similar interview, —

" Oime, or chi vi mena a vedere la miseria della mia vita, alia quale forse voi credete levar pena con parole confortevoli, e voi piu n* aggiungete ? Se pu6 essere, caramente vi prego che me qui solo lasciate " (Filocolo, I, 238).

5 Cf. Filostrato, v, 35, 1-3.

CH. II J TROILO COMPARED WITH FLORIO IN THE FILOCOLO. 59

sovvengono ? E a cui similmente si fidera alcuno se alV amico non si fida ? Di' sicuramente a me quale sia la cagione della tua doglia, acciocche to prima ti possa porgere debito conforto, e poi adoperando aiuto." l

Florio recites the history and the nature of his passion for Bianco- fiore, after which recital he falls prostrate, —

"E questo detto, perdendo ogni potere, sopra il ricco letto subitamente ricadde supino." 2

The Duke offers comforting advice, with the assurance that he himself has had experience, —

"... conciossiacosach^ amore sia si nobile accidente, che si vile vita non consentiria menare a chi lui tiene per signore, come tu meni • e io V ho gia provato." 3

The Duke gives Florio every encouragement as to the ultimate success of his love, but bids him restrain his passion and seek other pleasures, —

"... ristrignerei V amorose famine dentro con potente freno" ^

Florio acknowledges the wisdom of the Duke's advice, and submits to his guidance, —

" do die voi m? avete innarrato eonosco apertamente esser vero ; e perb disposto a seguire il vostro comiglio in quanta potrd mi dirizzo" 5

In view of the common authorship and of the chronological relations of Filocolo and Filostrato, it is not likely that these two scenes were written independently of each other. That the passage in Filocolo is the earlier there can be no reasonable doubt. Any one who will compare Florio's dull recital of his love story 6 with Troilo's dramatic disclosure of his,7 and who will note the list of " esempli " that the Duke arrays against Florio,8 must admit that Filocolo at this point is far less mature than Filostrato. The most reasonable conclusion is, I think, that from suggestions in the sources of Filocolo® Boccaccio composed his account of the interview between Duke Feramonte and Florio, and that when the

1 Filocolo, I, 214-215. 2 Id., I, 218.

3 Id., I, 219. 4 Id., I, 221.

5 Id., I, 222. 6 Id., I, 216-218.

7 Filostrato, ii, 15-16, 19-20. 8 Filocolo, I, 219-221.

9 On the Duke's oversight of Florio according to the sources of Filocolo, see II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore (edited by V. Crescini, Vol. II, Bologna, 1899), Stanzas xx, xxvii, Ivi, Ivii. See Appendix B. In connection with the friendly protestations of Pandarus and Faramoute see also Publications of the Mod. Lang. Assoc.. XXII, 574, 584.

60 THE LETTER-CARRYING IN FILOSTRATO AND FILOCOLO. [CH. II

author came later to give an account of the first conversation of Pandaro and Troilo in Filostrato, finding no adequate suggestions in Benoit or in Guido, he adapted to his purpose this convenient passage from Filocolo.

Of considerable importance to the progress of the story of Filostrato is Pandaro's conveying of letters between the lovers* This function of Pandaro's and its resemblance to the similar function of a character in Filocolo will appear in the following outline :

Having finished his first letter, Troilo hands it to his faithful Pandaro, who delivers it immediately and secretly to Griseida, —

"... per or din pier/oil a, E sulle guance tutte lagrimose Bag no la gemma, e quindi suggellolla, E nella mano a Pandaro la pose.

Pandaro presa la lettera pia N"' ando verso Griseida . . ." J

To Griseida's inquiry for news Pandaro reports that Troilo is dying for her love, and urges her to read and reply,—

" Quindi disse Griseida : quale affare Or qui ti mena ? hai tu altre novelle ? Alia qual Paiidar senza dimorare Disse : donna, per te 1' ho buone e belle, Ma non tai per altrui, come mostrare Ti potran queste scritte tapinelle Di colui, die per te mi par vedere Morir, si poco te ne e in calere.

Tolle, e vedralle diligentemente, Ed alcuna risposta il fara lieto.

I' ho si gran disio di confortarlo, Che tu nol crederesti in fed e mia, La tua risposta sol quest o poria" 2

Griseida writes as Pandaro suggests, and gives him the lettter to carry to Troilo, —

• "La ripiego, e suggellolla, e diella A Pandaro, il qual tosto il giovinetto Troilo cercando, a lui n'ando con ella, E presentogliel con sommo diletto." 3

: l Filostrato, ii, 107, 2-5 ; 108, 1-2. .2 Id., ii, 109, 1-110, 2 ; 119, 6-8. . a Id., ii, 128, 2-5. For other services of Pandaro in connection with letters, see Filostrato, vii, 76, 1-2 ; viii, 3, 1-8.

€H. Il] THE LETTER-CARRYING IN FILOSTRATO AND FILOCOLO. 61

Pandaro's manipulation of this exchange of letters may well have been suggested by the part of the " fedelissimo servidore " in Filocolo,1 whose activity may be outlined as follows :

Florio puts his letter into the hands of his faithful servant, with careful instructions as to delivering it to Biancofiore, —

"Fatta la pistola, Florio la chiuse piangendo, e suggellolla, e chiamb a se un suo fedelissimo servidore, il quale era consapevole del suo angoscioso amore, e cosi gli disse : o a me carissimo, sopra tutti gli altri servidori, te' la presente lettera, la quale 6 segretissima guardia delle mie doglie, e con istudioso passo celatamente a Biancofiore la presenti, e pregala che alia risposta niuno indugio ponga, perocche per te 1' atteiido." 2

To Biancofiore's inquiry for news the messenger replies that Florio is consumed by grief, and that he urges her to reply immediately, —

" Prese il servo la suggellata pistola, e quella con istudioso passo . . . presentb a Biancofiore occultamente : la quale come Biancofiore vide, primieramente con dolci parole dimando come il suo Florio stesse : a cui il servo rispose : graziosa giovane, niuno sospiro 6 senza lui. Egli si consuma in isconvenevole amaritudine. . . . Per niuna \i. e., cagione] credo, rispose il servo, se per amore di voi non e. Egli vi manda caramente pregando die senza alcuno indugio alia presente pistola rispondiate ; ed io, se vi piacera, attendero la risposta"2'

Biancofiore writes a reply and delivers it to Florio's servant, who hastily carries it to Florio, —

" Colle amare lagrime bat/no la car a gemma, e suggellata quella, con turbato aspetto usci della camera a se chiamando il servo, che gia per troppa lunga dimoranza che far gli pareva si cominciava a turbare, al quale ella disse : porterai questa al tuo signore . . . E detto questo, piangendo bacib la lettera, e posela in mano al fedel servo, il quale senza alcuno indugio . . . trovb Florio nella sua camera ... a cui egli porse la portata pistola, dicendogli cib che da Biancofiore compreso avea e le sue parole." 4

I shall have occasion later5 to argue for the chronological priority of the episode in Filocolo of which these letters are a part. I conclude that the activities of Pandaro were to some extent suggested by the role of the " fedelissimo servidore " in Filocolo. If any one sees in this latter character influence from the " ami " of

1 Filocolo, I, 267-9, 274-5. 2 Id., I, 267-8.

3 Id., I, 268. 4 Id., I, 274-5.

5 See below, pp. 103-104.

62 PANDARO'S INTERVIEW WITH GRISEIDA LIKE ONE IN FILOCOLO. [CH. II

Achilles in the Roman de Troie,1 I have no objection,2 for it is entirely likely that during the period when he was writing Filocolo- Boccaccio was familiar with Benoit's poem.3 However, the similarities between Filocolo and Filostrato in the matter under discussion, their common differences from the French poem at this point, and their chronological intimacy are sufficient evidence for the conclusion that certain of Pandaro's activities were immediately suggested by the " servidore " of Filocolo.

Pandaro's interview with Griseida 4 after she has heard of the proposed separation may have some relation to a similar scene in Filocolo.5 Says Griseida,

" Grave m' e la partita, Iddio il vede, Ma piu m' e di veder Troilo afflitto, E incomportabil molto, per mia fede, Tanto cli' io ne morro senza rispitto, E morir vo* senza sperar mercede." 6

"When after this burst of grief the heroine falls prostrate, Pandaro begs her for her lover's sake to recover herself, assuring her that Troilo would kill himself should he find her in so desperate a plight,—

"... Non prenderai alquanto Di conforto, pensando che vicina Si e 1' ora gia, che quel ch' ami cotanto Ti sara in braccio ? Leva su, racconcia Te, ch' esso non ti trovi cosi sconcia.

Se el sapesse che cosi facessi, Esso s* uccideria, ne il potrebbe Eitenerlo nessuno . . ." 7

This situation resembles rather closely a scene between Glorizia and Biancofiore in Filocolo at the time of the parting of the young lovers. Biancofiore despairingly apostrophizes Florio in such terms as these,

" Io non so com' io mi faccia, ne come senza tepossa vivere. Oime>

1 See above, pp. 53 ff.

2 It should be noted, however, that the "ami " of Achilles carries no letters, and that he does not deal directly with the innamorata.

3 References to the Troy story are frequent in Filocolo, especially in the earlier part of the work (Cf. Filocolo, I, 1, 9, 85, 95, 123, 132, 162, 278, 289, 298, 312, 317 ; II, 313). It is not clear, however, that these references show an acquaintance with the mediaeval romance versions of the story as well as with the ancient epic versions. Cf. pp. 10 and 104.

4 Filostrato, iv, 95-108. 5 Filocolo, I, 117-118.

6 Filostrato, iv, 105, 1-5. 7 Id., iv, 106, 4—107, 3.

CH. Il] PANDAKO'S INTERVIEW WITH GRISEIDA LIKE ONE IN FILOCOLO. 63

jwche non morii io ieri nelle tue braccia, quandb io fui si presso alia morte. . . ." 1

Glorizia bids her cease her desperate lamenting, lest she cause her lover to kill himself, —

"... poni fine alle tue lagrime : vuo' tu piangendo guastare il tuo bel viso, e consumarti tutta1? Tu ti dovresti ingegnare di rallegrarti, acciocch^ la tua bellezza conservata multiplicasse si, ... Sicche confortati, che se Florio sapesse die tu questa vita menassi, egli s' ucciderebbe." 2

One verbal detail in this part of Filostrato is worthy of comment. We are told that when Pandaro finds Griseida in the height of her grief,

"... intorno agli ocelli un purpurino giro, Dava vero segnal del suo martiro." 3

We are reminded that in Filocolo the Duke finds Florio in so pitiable a plight that,

". . . i suoi occhi per le lagrime tornati rossi erano di un purpureo colore intorniati" 4 —

a detail that recurs in the description of Florio's appearance when he visits the tomb which is reputed to contain the body of Biancofiore, —

". . . i cui ocelli aveano per Io molto piangere intorno a se un purpureo giro" 5

Although the ultimate source of this phrase is for Boccaccio probably Dante's Vita Nuova, —

" Dintorno loro [i. e., gli occhi] si facea un colore purpureo, Io quale suole apparir per alcuno martirio ch' altri riceva," 6 —

the recurrence of the phrase in Filocolo and Filostrato is worth noting.7

We have already noticed that Pandaro's discussions of dreams 8 have a slight parallel in a brief remark of Governale in the Tristan romance.9 We must now turn our attention to more extensive

1 Filocolo, I, 118. 2 Id., I, 118. 3 Filostrato, iv, 100, 7-8.

4 Filocolo, I, 215. 5 Id., I, 335.

6 Vita Nuova, Cap. XL. On Boccaccio's indebtedness to the Vita Nuova, see K. Renier, La Vita Nuova e La Fiammetta, Torino, 1879, pp. 217-341 ; A. Dobelli, II Culto del Boccaccio per Dante, Venezia-Firenze, 1897 ; Savj- Lopez, Romania, XXVII, 443-4, 461, 464.

7 See also Fiammetta (Opere Volgaridi Giovanni Boccaccio, Vol. VI, Firenze, Moutier, 1829), pp. 90, 124, 173.

8 See Filostrato, v, 29-33 ; vii, 36-45 ; viii, 19. 9 See above, p. 47.

64 PANDARO ON DREAMS SUGGESTED IN FILOCOLO. [CH. II

parallels in Filoeolo. Pandaro's first vehement outburst against the belief in dreams in general is as follows :

" I sogni e le paure caccia via, In quel che son lasciali andar lie' venti ; Essi procedon da malinconia, E quel fanno veder che tu pa venti ; Solo Iddio sa il ver di quel che fia, Ed i sogni e gli augurii, a che le genti Stolte reguardan, non montano un moco, Ne al futuro fanno assai o poco." 1

When Troilo has recounted to Pandaro his dream of the boar, Pandaro replies,

"lo ti dissi altra volta, che follia Era ne' sogni troppo riguardare ; I^essun ne fu, ne e, ne giammai fia Che possa certo ben significare, Gib che dormendo altrui la fantasia Con varie forme puote dimostrare, E molti gia credettero una cosa, Ch' altra n' avvenne opposita e ritrosa.

Pria sottilmente si volea se vera Eosse saper, siccome tu potevi, E se falsa trovata, e non intera- Mente 1' avessi, allora ti dovevi Dalla fede de' sogni e dallo inganno D' essi levar, che venieno a tuo danno." 2

Duke Eeramonte and Ascalione in Filoeolo give similar counsel concerning dreams to the love-lorn Elorio. When the young lover has revealed his dream of the birds,3 Ascalione replies,

" Strane cose ne conta il tuo parlare, disse Ascalione, ne che cib si voglia significare non credo che mai alcuno conoscerebbe, e perb niuna malinconia te ne dee succedere. Manifesta cosa e, che ciascuno uomo ne' suoi sonni vede mirabili cose e impossibili e strane, dalle quali poi sviluppato si maraviglia, ma conoscendo i principii onde muovono, quelle senza alcuno pensiero lascia andare : e perb quelle cose che ne conti che vedute hai siccome vane nella loro vanita le lascia passare." 4

On a previous occasion, when Florio has disclosed to him the vision in which Venus has appeared, Ascalione replies dryly,

1 Filostrato, v, 32, 1-8. 2 Id, vii, 40, 1-8 ; 42, 3-8.

3 Filoeolo, II, 23-26. 4 Id., II, 26-27.

•CH. Il] BOCCACCIO'S TEEATMENT OF DREAMS. ~*

" Non ti recare nella mente si fatte cose, ne dare fidanza a' sogni, i quali per poco o per soverchio mangiare, o per immagina- zione avuta davanti d' una cosa, sogliono le piu volte avvenire, ne mai pero se ne vide uno vero." l

On another occasion the Duke delivers to Fiorio pertinent advice on this subject, —

" Oime, quanto piu e da pensare della sanita, la quale i sonni interi e le malinconie lontane esser dimostra ; e perb questo del tutto dei lasciare andare . . . E te piu. vinto da ira e da malinconia, che consigliato dalla ragione, cerchi la morte per conforto, e sempre in pensiero e in dolore dimori, e vai immaginando quelle cose le quali ne vedesti ne vedrai giammai, se agl' Iddii piace. Folle e colui che per li futuri danni senza certezza spande lagrime, e in quelle piu d' impigrire si diletta, che d' argomentarsi di resistere a' danni." 2

We cannot tell to what extent the sources of Filocolo may have suggested such discussions of dreams as Boccaccio presents in his romance. From the taste that he shows throughout Filocolo, we may surmise that Boccaccio amplified any suggestions in his sources concerning visions or supernatural interferences. That bad dreams were not entirely absent from the story as it came to Boccaccio seems to be indicated in at least two places in II Cantare di Fiorio e Biantijiore, —

" E stando un giorno Fiorio nel palafio Tutto solo, e, molto isgomentato Per uno forte sognio ch' avea fatto " ; 3

" E Fiorio a quello pun to avea dormito : Con granpaura sifue isvegliato." 4

In neither of these instances in 11 Cantare, however, is there any discussion of the dream that caused the disturbance.5 In any case, it is entirely probable that the passages on this subject in Filocolo were written before the similar passages in Filostrato, and there

1 Filocolo, I, 157. 2 Id., I, 242-244.

3 11 Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore, edited by V. Oescini, Vol. II, Bologna, 1899, Ixxvii, 1-3.

4 II Cantare, xxxvi, 1-2.

5 No doubt Boccaccio had access to the standard treatises of his time on the subject of dreams. Of. Cicero, De Divinatione, i, 26-28; Valerii Maximi Dictorum Factorumque Memorabilium Libri Novem, i, 7 ; Liber de Proprieta- tibus Rerum Bartholomei Anglici, vi, 24-27 ; Albertus Magnus, De Somno et Vigilia (Opera Omnia, Tomus V, Lugduni, 1651, pp. 64-109) ; John of Salisbury, .-Polycraticus, ii, 14-16. Cf. K. 0. Petersen, The Sources of the Nonne Prestes Tale, Boston, 1898, pp. 101-116.

DEV. TR. CR. F

64 BOCCACCIO'S PAXDARO. SEPARATION OF THE TWO LOVERS. [c:i. ir

can be little doubt that Paiidaro's remarks concerning dreams reflect to some extent the observations of Duke Feramonte and Ascalione.

From the evidence before us 1 it is clear that the Pandaro of Boccaccio is no mere repetition of a previous literary type. We have found some of his characteristics in Governale, in Galehout, and in the guardians of Florio ; but no one of these previous literary figures nor all of them combined will account for the courtly cynical, devoted friend and pander of Filostrato. The fact that, this character is so much more complex, more human, and more real than any one of his literary predecessors might tempt us to fall back upon our indeterminate autobiographical evidence 2 and conclude that Boccaccio's Pandaro was a real person, and hence not easily fitted into a category. However, when one reviews the comparisons drawn in the preceding pages and notes the number of conventional elements in Pandaro's character, one is inclined to infer that, although Boccaccio may really have had a devoted pandering friend, the figure in Filostrato is largely the result of the author's wide reading, and of his previous practice, in Filocolo t, with characters in some respects similar to Pandaro.

We have already observed that the separation of Troilo and Griseida, brought about by King Priam's decision to exchange the maiden for Antenor, is paralleled in Filocolo by the separation of Florio and Biancofiore, arranged by King Felice as a check to the growing passion of the young prince. We need not be surprised if in numerous occurrences and circumstances connected with these separations Boccaccio's two works show striking similarities. We may first turn our attention to some of the occurrences just before the parting. When Troilo comes to Griseida on the sad eve of her departure, she is so overcome by grief that she faints. After convincing himself by calling aloud and by examining her body that Griseida is dead, FJLorio draws a weapon against his own life ; but the opportune resuscitation of Griseida saves him from suicide.3 The same scene, under precisely similar circumstances, occurs in Filocolo f where, after Biancofiore's fainting, Florio calls

1 In the part of this study immediately before us I have adduced only passages that concern Pandaro in particular. In the remaining part of the present chapter I shall point out other similarities between Filocolo and Filostrato in which Pandaro is involved, and which will, I think, strengthen my present conclusion that in this character there are a considerable number of echoes from Filocolo.

2 See above, pp. 43-44. 3 Filostrato, iv, 11 6-? 42, 3. 4 Filocolo, I, 113-115.

CH. Il] SEPARATION. TROILO's LAMENT IN FILOSTRATO. 67

aloud, examines her body, draws his weapon, and is prevented from suicide only by the opportune recovery of his innamorata. A quotation of passages will make clear not only the general resemblance of the two episodes, but also a considerable number of verbal resemblances. In Filostrato we read,

" Poi gli ricadde col viso in sul petto Venendo meno, e le forze partirsi, Da tanta doglia fu il suo cor costretto, Ed ingegnossi 1'alma di fuggirsi ; E Troilo guardando iiel suo aspetto, E lei chiamando, e non sentendo udirsi, E gfi occhi suo velati a lei cascante, die morta fosse gli parser semliaute.

II che vedendo Troilo, angoscioso Di doppia doglia, la pose a giacere, Spesso baciando il viso lacrimoso, Cercando se potesse in lei vedere Alcun segno di vita, e doloroso Ogni parte tentava, ed al parere Di lui, di vita, cosi sconsolata, Dicea piangendo, ch' era trapassata.

EW era fredda e senza sentimento Alcun . . .

E fatto questo, con animo forte La propria spada del fodero trasse, Tutto disposto di prender la morte, Acciocche il suo spirto seguitasse Quel della donna con si trista sorte, E neir inferno con lei abitasse, Poich& aspra fortuna e duro amore Di questa vita lui cacciava fuore.

Ma prima disse acceso d' alto sdegno : 0 crudel Giove, e tu fortuna ria,

Tolta wJ avete Griseida mia.

Ed io lascerb il mondo, e seguiraggio Con lo spirito lei poichd '1 vi piace ;

Poiche vedermi in vita non volete, ^ •• L' anima mia almen con lei ponete.

*y»'?

E tu, per cui tanto il dolor mi serra,

68 SEPARATION. FLORIO'S LAMENT IN FILOCOLO. [CH. II

E che dal corpo 1' anima divelli,

Ricevimi, Griseida volea dire,

Gia colla spada al petto per morire ;

Quand' ella risentendosi, un sospiro Grandissimo gitto, Troilo chiamando ; A cui el disse : dolce mio disiro, Or vivi tu ancora ? E lagrimando, In bmccio la riprese, e'l suo martiro, Come potea, con parole alleggiando, La confortd, e 1' anima smarrita Tornb al core, onde s' era fuggita." l

In Filocolo the account runs,

" Piangendo gli si gittb al collo, ne prima abbracciando s' aggiun- sero, che i loro cuori, da grieve doglia costreiti per la futura par- tenza, paurosi di morire a se rivocarono i tementi spiriti, e ogni vena li mando il suo sangue a rendere caldo, e i membri abbando- nati rimasero freddi e vinti, ed essi caddero semivivi . . . sicche chi gli avesse veduti piu tosto morti die vivi giudicati gli avrebbe

. . [Florio] si dirizzo, e vide che questa non si movea, ne alcuno segnale di vita mostrava . . . temendo forte che la misera anima iion avesse abbandonato il corpo, e mutato mondo, e con timida mano comincio a cercare se alcuna parte trovasse nel corpo calda . . . comincio piangendo a baciarla, e dicea : oime, Biancofiore, or se'tu morta 1 Or dov' e la tua bella anima ? . . . Oime, comepote- rono gV Iddii essere tanto crudeli ch' egli abbiano la tua morte consentita ? 0 Biancofiore, deh rispondimi. Oime, ch' io sono il tuo Florio cite ti chiama. . . . Oime, che gl' Iddii manifestano bene ora che di me sono invidiosi, e hannomi in odio. ... Or ecco, o anima graziosa, ove che tu sii rallegrati, che io m' apparecchio di seguitarti, e quali noi fummo di qua congiunti, tali fra le non conosciute ombre in eterno amandoci staremo insieme. Una medesima ora e uno medesimo giorno perdera due amanti, e alle loro pene amare sara principio e fine. E gia avea posto mano sopra V aguto coltello, quando egli si chino prima per baciare il tramortito viso di Biancofiore, e chinatosi il senti riscaldato, e vide muovere le palpebre degli occhi, che con bieco atto riguardavano verso ltd. E gia il tiepido caldo, che dal cuore rassicurato movea, entrando per li freddi membri, recando le perdute forze, addusse uno angoscioso sospiro alia bocoa di Biancofiore, e disse, oime. Allora Floria udendo questo, quasi tutto riconfortato la riprese in braccio, e disse : o anima mia, or se' tu viva ? Io m' apparecchiava di seguitarti nell' altro mondo." 2

1 Filostrato, iv, 117, 1-119, 2 ; 120, 1-121, 2 ; 121, 4 ; 122, 1-2, 7-8 : 123, 5-124, 8.

2 Filocolo, I, 113-115. As I have already indicated (see ab'ove, p. 27, note 2), Crescini (Contribute), etc., p. 204, note) has drawn a parallel between

CH. Il] WHICH LAMENT IS THE EARLIER? FILOCOLO OR FILOSTBATO 9 69

In view of the obvious similarities between these two passages, and in view of the common authorship and the chronological in timacy of Filocolo and Filostrato, probably no one will be inclined to maintain that these two scenes were written entirely independ ently.1 When we attempt to determine which scene was written first, we observe at the outset that both the source of Filocolo 2 and the source of Filostrato provide a suggestion for such scenes as we have before us. In. the French Version II of the romance of Floire et Blanceflor we are told simply that in their parting embraces the young lovers, Floire and Blancheflor, fell in a swoon, —

" Lors s' entranbrac'ent li enfant ;

Cent foiz se baiserit maintenant,

Et quant il furent releve,

En baisant cha'irent pasme." 3

Guido delle Colonne in his account of the parting of Troilus and Briseida writes,

"Et dum sic earn consolari Troilus anhelat, Briseida inter bracchia Troili labitur saepius semiviva ; quam, inter dulcia basia lacrimis irrorata flebilibus, ad vires sui sensus ea nocte reducere est conatus." 4

Obviously neither of these sources provides more than a mere hint for the elaborate fainting scenes in Filocolo and Filostrato, and neither source gives us any suggestion as to which of Boc caccio's two scenes was written first. Nor is there any valid autobiographical argument that we can bring to bear on the

the fainting scene in Filostrato, outlined above, and the passage in Filocolo (II, 113-114) in which Massalino, in proposing a "questione," tells the story of the resuscitation of a supposedly dead lady in the arms of her faithful lover. However, the resemblance here is so general as hardly to deserve consideration, and the circumstances of the occurrence are entirely different in the two cases. In the two passages that I have compared above, the circumstances, the general procedure, and many details are entirely similar.

1 I do not pretend to decide in this case, or in any other, whether Boccaccio repeated details from one work to another consciously or unconsciously, from memory or with the earlier text before him. I maintain merely that when the repetitions are so numerous and so precise as those that we shall find occurring from Filocolo to Filostrato, they cannot be accidental.

2 On the sources of Filocolo, see Appendix B.

3 Floire et Blanceflor, edited by E. DuMeril, Paris, 1856, p. 134, 11. 229-302.

4 Eistoria Troiana, sig. i 2 recto, col. 2. On the absence of any such incident in the Roman de Troie, see above. The word, semiviva, used by Guido, occurs twice in the part of Filocolo under consideration ("essi caddero semivivi," "la semiviva, Biancofiore," Filocolo, I, 114). This re currence may suggest that Boccaccio was familiar with Guido's Historia during the period when he was writing Filocolo. I have already pointed out such a possibility in connection with Benoit's poem. See above, pp. 10, 62.

70 THE LAMENT IN FILOCOLO PROBABLY THE EARLIER. [CH. II

chronology at this point.1 The antecedent probability is that an incident early in the story of Filocolo, and an incident suggested in the source of Filocolo would have been written early, — earlier, we should suppose, than the writing of the parallel incident in Filostrato. This antecedent probability is raised almost to a certainty when we consider the style of the two passages before us. That the passage in Filocolo is the less mature and less skilful there can be no doubt. Although a scientific demonstration of such a judgment is impossible, one or two points can be mentioned. We may note in the first place the superior skill and impressive- ness with which the incident is introduced in Filostrato. When the lovers meet on their last sad night together they are for some time so choked with emotion that no words are possible.2 At length, Griseida, with one bewildered sentence, swoons away, —

" Con rotta voce, disse : o signer mio, Chi mi ti toglie, e dove ne vo io 1

Poi gli ricadde col viso in sul petto." 3

In Filocolo, Biancofiore first launches off into two pages 4 of un becoming complaint and suspicion, and finally, after giving Florio a magic ring,

" dette queste parole, piangendo gli si gittb al collo." 5

1 C. Antona-Traversi (II Propugnatore, Vol. XVI, Parte IIa, pp. 416-417 ; Vol. XVII, Parte K pp. 59-65), from the similarity of the fainting scene in Filostrato to certain passages in Fiammetta seems to infer that the accounts are autobiographical. Antona-Traversi does not notice the similar passage in Filocolo, nor does he note that the sources both of Filocolo and of Filostrato suggest such a scene. It seems more reasonable to infer that in one of Boccaccio's works a detail obviously suggested by the source of that work is not autobiographical but merely an inevitable part of the composition in hand. As Crescini has pointed out (Contributo, etc., p. 82, et passim), it is in the places where Boccaccio departs from his sources that we may best look for autobiographical disclosures. Perhaps the most reasonable inference from the facts before us is that Boccaccio described the fainting of Florio and Biancofiore because his sources suggested such a description. In writing Filostrato soon after, he transferred (possibly from suggestions in Guido ; see above, p. 9) this description into stanzas, of which there are echoes in the still later Fiammetta. If this fainting scene were autobiographical, we might easily argue for the chronological priority of the version in Filocolo, even without pointing out its literary crudities. Such a scene would probably have occurred in Boccaccio's life just before Maria left Naples for a prolonged absence, during which absence we suppose Filostrato to have been written. The record of an event that occurred before that absence would probably appear first in the work then in process of composition, that is, in Filocolo, for Filostrato, Boccaccio seems to tell us (see above, p. 29), was not under taken until some time after Maria had actually departed. Fortunately, however, the facts preclude such idle argumentation.

2 Filostrato, iv, 115-116. 3 Id., iv, 116, 7-117, 1.

4 Filocolo, I, 112-113. 6 Id., I. 113.

CH. Il] THE FILOCOLO LAMENT THE EARLIER. GRISEIDA's LOW BIRTH. 71

However, the excess of dulness and verbosity in Filocolo at this point will appear only to him who reads the entire passage. As another indication of the immaturity of the treatment of the episode in Filocolo, I may remark that Troilo, in his despair at the sight of Griseida's senseless body, has no time for such prosaic observations as the following from Florio in a similar situation :

" Ma di questo male m' e piii cagione il mio crudele padre, il quale si subitamente ha affrettata la mia partita. 0 crudele padre, tu 1' avrai interamente : le parole da me dette stamattina ti saranno dolente augurio, ed oggi ti faranno dolente portatore del fuoco, dove tu miseramente ardere mi vedrai." T

The greater swiftness, simplicity, and finish of the treatment of the whole episode in Filostrato will probably never be denied.

From the facts before us we may fairly conclude that from suggestions in his sources Boccaccio wrote the elaborate and verbose fainting scene in Filocolo. When he came later to describe the parting of Troilo and Griseida, he simplified and vivified the scene he had already written, and presented it in the stanzas of Filostrato?

In the section of the poem recounting the parting and elsewhere in Filostrato, stress is laid upon the fact of (Jrisoida's low birth. When it occurs to Troilo to reveal his love to his father and to ask that his innamorata be kept in Troy as his lady and wife, the young lover rejects such a procedure on the ground that Priam, who is designing a royal marriage for his son, will surely oppose his devotion to the low-born Griseida, —

" Ne spero ancora ch' el dovesse darla, Si per non romper le cose promesse, E perche la dircbbe diseguale A me, al qual vuol dar donna reale" 3

This aspect of Troilo's problem, although mentioned earlier in the poem,4 is especially emphasized later by Cassandra, part of whose taunt is as follows :

" E poiche pur cosi doveva andare, Di nobil donna fostu innamorato ! Che condotto ti se1 a consumare Per la figlia $ un prete scellerato,

1 Filocolo, I, 115.

2 As I have already indicated (see above, p. 70, note 1), the introduction of this scene into Filostrato may be due to a suggestion in Guido's Historia.

3 Filostrato, iv, 69, 5-8. 4 Id., ii, 22, 1-8 ; 53, 1-3 ; 76, 1-3.

72 GKISEIDA'S LOW BIRTH DISGUST BY TROILO. [CH. n

E mal vissuto e di piccolo affare : Ecco figliuolo d' alto re onorato, Che '11 pena e '11 pianto mena la sua vita, Perche da lui Griseida s'e partita ! " x

Troilo deftly replies that whatever Griseida's birth may be, she is noble, for she possesses those qualities that alone constitute true nobility, —

" Ma pognam pur che cosi fosse certo, Ch' io per lei fosse in questa grave pena, Perche non e Griseida in ciascun otto Degna d' ogni grand'1 uom, qual vuoi sia fatto 1

Io non vo' ragionar della bellezza Di lei, che al giudicio di ciascuno Trapassa quella della somma aUezza, Perocche nor caduto e tosto bruno ; Ma vegnam pure alia sua gentilezza, La qual tu biasmi tanto, e qui ognuno Consenta il ver se '1 dico, e 1' altro il nieglii, Ma il perche, il prego, ch' egli alleghi.

E gentilezza dovunque e virtute, Questo nol neghera niuno che '1 senta, Ed elle suno in lei tutte vedute, Se dall' opra 1' effetto s' argomenta.

. . . piu onesta

Di costei mdla ne fia mai ne e suta ; E se '1 ver odo, sobria e modesta E oltre all' altre, e certo la paruta Di lei il mostra ; e similmente e questa Tacita ove conviensi e vergognosa, Che in donna e segno di nobile cosa.

Appar negli atti suoi la discrezione,

Che piu, donna Cassandra, chiederete

In donna omai ? il suo sangue reale 1

Non son re tutti quelli a cui vedete

Corona o scettro o vesta impefiale ;

Assai fiate udito gia 1' avete,

Ke e colui il qual per virtu vale,

per potenza : e se costei potesse, ere' tu ch' ella come tu reggesse ? " 2

The Roman de Troie and the Historia Troiana contain no hint of such a discussion of Griseida's " social standing " as we find in

* I'ilosfrato, vii, 87, 1-8. 2 Id., vii, 92, 5-94, 4 ; 95 2-96, 1 ; 99, 1-8.

CH. n] GRISEIDA'S LOW BIRTH DUE TO FILOCOLO. 73

Filostrato. Neither Ttonoifc nor Guido suggests that Briseida was looked upon as of low birth and hence as an unworthy match for Troilo, or that the young prince was called upon to enumerate and defend her virtues. On the contrary, from the few suggestions in the French poem concerning Briseida's reputation and character, we infer that before she succumbed to Diomedes she had a very high place in the estimation and affection of the Trojans. We are told,

" Calcas li sages, li corteis,

Ot une fille mout preisiee,

Bele e corteise e enseigniee :

De li esteit grant reiiomee,

Briseida ert apelee." *•

Again we are told,

"Est franche e proz e sage e bele," 2

and her father is spoken of as being "riche e haut." 3 Clearly, then, in his emphasis upon the low birth of Griseida, Boccaccio is introducing an innovation into the story as he received it from Benoit and Guido.

The source of this innovation is not far to seek. In Filocolo^it is the supposed low birth of Biancofiore that causes King Felice to separate the young lovers. At the time of the separation we have from the king a condemnation of Biancofiore and an insist ence upon a royal marriage in terms precisely such as Troilo tells us he feared from Priam.4 Says King Felice to the Queen,

" Certo io non mi dolgo che egli ami, ma duolmi di colei cui egli ama, per che alia sua nobilta e dispari. Se una giovane di reals sangue fosse da lui amata, certo tosto per matrimonio gliele giugneremmo." 5

Again, in conference with Florio the King says,

" Ma tu, benedetto figliuolo, non pensi quanta sia la vilt& e il biasimo degli uomini a tenere il tuo animo occupato in disporti ad amare cosl fatta femmina, come tu ami. . . . Deli ora ti fossi tu d' una valorosa e gran donna simile alia tua nobilta innamorato, assai mi dorrebbe, ma ancora mi sarebbe d' alcuna consolazione." 6

Florio's reply to the King is as precise a parallel to Troilo's reply to Cassandra 7 as we could expect in the turgid prose of Filocolo, — -

1 7?. de T., 13086-15090. 2 Id., 13112. 3 Id., 13105.

4 See Filostrato, iv, 69, 5-8. Cf. vii, 87, 1-8. 5 Filocolo, I, 85-86.

6 Id., I, 96-97. 7 Filostrato, vii, 92-99, quoted in part above.

74 GRISEIDA'S LOW BIRTH GOT FROM FLOIRE ET BLANCEFLOR. [CH. n

" Appresso dite che gravoso vi sembra pensando la qualita della femmina die io amo, perocch& popolaresca e serva la reputate. . . . Si conosciamo noi lei essere tanto gentile o piu, quanta se d' imperials proyenia nata fosse, se riguardiamo con debito stile che cosa e gentilezza, la quale troveremo cti e sola virtu d' animo, e qualunque e quegli che coll' animo virtuoso si trova, quegli debita- mente si pub e dee dire gentile. E in cui si vide giammai tanta virtu, quanta in • costei si trova e vede manifestamente ? Ella & di tutte generalmente vera fontana. In lei pare la prudentissima evidenza della Cumana Sibilla ritornata, n& fu la casta Penelope piu temperata di costei. . . . Questa e sommamente virtuosa, adunque e senza comparazione gentile. Non fanno le vili ricchezze ne gli antichi regni, siccome forse voi essendo in uno error e con molti estimate, gli uomini gentili, ne degnl posseditori de' grandi ujicii, ma solamente quelle virtu die costei tutte in se racchiude. . . . Questa ha in s& una singulars bellezza ... la quale ognora che io la veggio m' accende nel cuore uno ardore virtuoso." J

In laying so much stress upon the supposed low birth of Bianco- fiore, Boccaccio is merely developing one of the central motives of the traditional story, as appears from the following lines from the French Version I of Flo Ire et Blanceflor :

" Li rois apercoit bien 1'amor Que ses fius a vers Blanceflor : Moult forment crient en son corage, Quant Floires iert de tel eage Que feme devra espouser, Qu' il ne puisse de li torner. Es chambres vint a la roi'ne Conseil prendre de la meschine : S' ele li done a son talent, Ocirra la hastivement, Puis querra, selonc son lignage, A son fil feme de par age.

. . . * Car tel amor A vostre fius vers Blanceflor, Celle fille vostre caitive, Que tout dient, tant comme iert vive, L'amor de li ne changera Ne autre feme ne prendra. Jou crains que ne soit aviliee Par li toute nostre ligniee.' " 2

From the comparison presented above we can only conclude that the

1 Filocolo, I, 98-99.

2 moire et Blanceflor, 11. 267-278, 287-294, pp. 12-13. Cf. Version II, 11. 211-248 ; II Cantare, xix, 3-4.

OH. Il] THE POSSIBILITY OF TROILO's ABDUCTING GRISEIDA. 75

story of Troilo and Griseida has been " contaminated " by a central element in another story that Boccaccio certainly had in hand or in mind when he was writing Filostrato. Although the innova tion is not entirely consonant with certain details of the episodic story that Boccaccio received from Benoit and Guido, yet the Italian author has so skilfully woven the new element into the fabric of Filostrato that the intrusion, far from being conspicuous, adds interest to a tale that in the Roman de Troie and the Historia Troiana is all too bare of complication and incident.

Another interesting circumstance of Griseida's departure is the discussion of the possibility of Troilo's abducting his lady.1 The suggestion first comes from the ever-ready Pandaro, who says,

"Perche non prendi in quel che puoi riparo Alia tua vita, e via rapisci lei 1 Paris ando in Grec'ia e menonne Elena, il fior di tutte 1'altre donne.

E tu in Troia tua non ardirai

Di rapire una donna che ti piaccia 1 " 2

Troilo rejects this proposal as a violation both of Griseida's honour and of Priam's compact with the Greeks, —

" Poi temo di turbar con violenta Rapina, il suo onore e la siia fama,

Pensato ancora avea di domandarla Di grazia al padre mio che la mi clesse ; Poi penso questo fora un accusarla, E far palese le cose commesse ; Ne spero ancora ch' el dovesse darla, Si per non romper le cose promesse." 3

Later, however, Troilo regrets not having fled with Griseida while such a course of action was possible, —

" Egli se stesso ancor maladicea, Che si 1' aveva lasciata partire, E che '1 partito che preso n' avea, Cioe con lei di volersi fuggire, Non 1' avea fatto, e forte sen pentea."4

When Troilo proposes to Griseida that they flee together she promptly refuses, through respect for the same promises of Priam to the Greeks, —

1 See Filostrato, iv, 64-76, 143-153. 2 Id., iv, 64, 5—65, 2.

3 Id., iv, 68, 1-2 ; 69, 1-6. 4 Id., v, 18, 1-5. Cf. v, 4, 7-8.

76 SUGGESTED ABDUCTION OF GRISEIDA IS FROM FLOIRE ET BLANCEFLOR*

" Ma cib die d' andar via tu ragionavi, e savio consiglio al mio parere :

Che s' andassimo via, come parlavi,

Tre cose ree ne potresti vedere,

L' una verrelbe per la rotta fede,

Che porta piu di mal ch' altri non crede." l

Since Benoit and Guido contain no hint of such haggling over possible means for escaping separation, this part of Filostrato may reflect similar discussions in Filocolo. When it first occurs to Florio to oppose the will of the king and take Biancofiore with him, he rejects such a course of action as inconsistent with his promises to his father, —

" Or come mi potrb io mai partire senza Biancofiore 1 . . . Di che aveva io paura? . . . Ne niuna peggior cosa mi potea fare che cacciarmi da se . . . e se pure fatta 1' avesse, Bianco fiore non sarebbe perb rimasa, che ineco ove che io fossi andato I* avrei menata . . . ma poiche promesso T ho, io v' andro."2

Later, the young hero reproaches himself for not having abducted his innamorata, —

" Perche non vo io, e entro nelle mie case e rapiscola, e meno- lami quassil meco ? . . . Sono io piit vile che Paris ? il quale non a casa del padre, ma de' suoi nemici ando per la desiderata donna." 3

" Io tornerb a dispetto del mio padre a Marmorina, e solleciterb colli miei proprii occhi il cuore di Biancofiore, e quindi la fuggirb in parte ov' io senza paura d' alcuno potrb dimorar con lei." 4

In Filocolo, as it is Florio who is being sent away, so it is Bianco fiore who, resentful at the thought of being left behind, suggests that they oppose the paternal decree and go away together, a suggestion with which Florio refuses to comply, through respect for his promise to his father, and in the hope that eventually Bianco-

1 Filostrato, iv, 147, 1-2, 5-8. 2 Filocolo, I, 104-5.

3 Id., I, 223, 224. Cf. id., I, 147, where Florio in an apostrophe to Bianeofiore says,

". . . se io devessi muovere aspre battaglie contro al vecchio padre, o furtivamente rapirti delle sue case."

4 Id., I, 280. Cf. Griseida's words in Filostrato (vi, 5, 1-3) :—

" Oime lassa ! or t' avess' io creduto, E insieme tramenduefossimo giti Dove e in qual regno ti fosse piaciuto."

THE ABDUCTION PART OP FILOCOLO IS BEFORE FILOSTRATO. 77

fiore may be allowed to rejoin him. Biancofiore apostrophizes Florio in these words,

"... Ma oime, che se '1 tuo amore non & falso, tu dovevi sofferire aspri tormenti, anzi che consentire di dovervi andare, o almeno, per consolazione di me misera, farviti quasi per forza menare. . . . Come ti sara egli possibile il partirti senza me, se le tue parole a me dette per addietro non sono quali furono quelle del falso Demofoonte a Fillis." 1

Again, Biancofiore says to Florio,

" Deh ora non pensi tu come tu m' abbandoni ? . . . Ma forse tu ti vuogli scusare che altro non puoi." 2

Florio's excuse is less adequate than Griseida's, —

" Volevi tu che io con mio padre avessi sconce parole per quello che ancora si puo ammendare ? " 3

For these discussions Boccaccio undoubtedly found suggestions in the sources of Filocolo. In French Version II, Blancheflor urges Floire to take her away with him, but the young hero promptly refuses to disobey his father, —

" ' Irai o vos ge ? ' ' Non, par foi.' ' Et por quoi done ne velt le roi 1 Et porroiz vos sanz moi garir ? ' 1 Bele, molt m'est grief a soffrir.' " 4

Floire's respect for the promise he has given is shown in the lines,

" Gil ne porent vers lui plus pranre ; Lor covent lor covient atendre." 5

With the evidence available, it is hardly possible to question the chronological priority of the part of Filocolo under discussion. The length, dulness, and crudity of the discussions between the hero and heroine, and the fact that the source of Filocolo contained suggestions for such discussions while the sources of Filostrato are

1 Filocolo, I, 102. Of. Griseida's words,

" Oime Troilo, or fia egli sofferto Da te vedermi gir, che non t' ingegni, Per amore o per forza mi ritegni? "

(Filostrato, iv, 91, 6-8.)

2 Filocolo, I, 105, 107. 3 Id., I, 109.

4 Floire et Blanceflor, p. 134, 11. 295-298.

5 Id., p. 135, 11. 353-4. For a longer and more tender treatment of this part of the story, see Konrad Fleck's Flore und Blanscheflur (edited by E. Sommer, Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1846), 11. 1042-1045, 1260-1287. On the sources of Filocolo, see Appendix B.

78 GRISEIDA'S PROMISE TO RETURN TO TROY. [CH. n

entirely lacking in such suggestions, — these considerations indicate that the writing of this part of the romance preceded the writing of Filostrato.

In Filostrato, both at the time of the parting and afterward, much stress is laid upon Griseida's protestations, that with or without her father's permission she will return to Troy within a. period of ten days,1 —

" Come sapra die io ci sia onorata, Piu non curera della mia tornata

Qui dunque rimandarmi egli e opportuno, Ne ben ci veggio contrario nessuno.

Seguianio il corso suo, fingiti alcuna Andata in questo mezzo, e in quella manca Li tuoi sospiri, ch' al decimo giorno Senza alcun fallo qui faro ritorno.

Ne ti cappia nel cor ch' io sia si stolta, Che lion sappia trovare e modo e via Di ritornare a te, cui io piu bramo Che la mia vita, e vie piu troppo t' amo." 2

Troilo, however, is doubtful as to Griseida's ever being able to return to Troy, —

" 0 pace o no, appena che tornarci Credo che Calcas ci voglia giammai, Perche non crederia dovere starci Senza infamia del fallo, che assai Eu, se in cib non vogliamo ingannarci ; E se con tanta istanza ti richiede, Ch' el ti rimandi appena vi do fede.

Temo che tu giammai non torni in Troia." 3

When the term of ten days has expired, Troilo, after watching in vain for Griseida's return, finally despairs, —

" * Ella mi disse died dl starebbe Col padre, senza piu starvi niente, E poscia in Troia se ne tornerebbe \ II termine e per questo di presente : '

1 Of. Filostrato, iv, 131-141, 154-155 ; vii, 1, 13, 16, 54.

2 Id., iv, 134, 7-8 ; 135, 7-8 ; 154, 5-8 ; 159, 5-8.

3 Id., iv, 141, 2-8; 142,8.

CH. Il] THIS PROMISE IN THE FILOSTRATO IS FROM FILOCOLO. 7$

Si che costor dopo molto badare, Siccome fatto aveano il di primiero, Fatto gia notte dentro si tornaro ; Ma cib a Troilo fu soverchio amaro ;

E la speranza lieta ch' egli avea Quasi piu non avea dove appiccarsi." l

Neither Benoit nor Guido mentions any promise of Briseida or of her father that she shall return to Troy, and still farther is either from mentioning a definite period of time for her absence. It seems likely that in Filocolo and in the sources of Filocolo Boccaccio got his suggestion for these particulars as they appear in Filostrato. According to Filocolo, when King Felice is about to send Florio to Montorio he promises to send Biancofiore also, as soon as the Queen shall have recovered from her illness, —

"... e si tosto come tua rnadre, la quale alquanto non sana e stata come tu puoi vedere, avra intera sanita ricuperata, io la ti mandero a Montorio," 2 —

a promise which Florio conveys to Biancofiore with additional assurances, —

" Egli m' ha promesso di mandarmiti, la qual cosa se egli non lo fa io volgerb tosto i passi indietro, perocche io so bene che vivere senza te non potrei lungamente." 3

Biancofiore, however, is sceptical as to the King's sincerity in such a promise, for she says frankly to Florio,

". . . vane e false parole del tuo padre, il quale ti promise di mandarmi a te. Certo egli nol fara giammai." 4

Yet, at all odds, Biancofiore is determined to join her lover, —

"Io allegra sarb s' a te mi manderanno, e se non sarb mandata

10 vi pure verrb." 5

After waiting a sufficiently long time for Biancofiore to come, Florio says despairingly,

"Egli m' impromise piu volte di mandarmi qua Biancofiore brevemente, e mai mandata non me 1' ha. Oime che ora coiiosco

11 manifesto suo inganno, e truovo che vere sono le parole che Biancofiore mi disse, dicendo che mai non ce la manderebbe." 6

1 Filostrato, vii, 13, 1-4 ; 14, 5-15, 2. 2 Filocolo, I, 97.

3 Id., I, 109. 4 Id., I, 107.

5 Id.. I, 104. 6 Id., I, 123.

80 SOURCE OF THE MUTUAL PLEDGES OF TROILO AND GKISEIDA. [CH. II

It is clear enough that the situation in Filocolo just outlined closely resembles the parallel situation in Filostrato. However, there is in the earlier work no suggestion from which Boccaccio should have specified ten days as the definite period of Griseida's proposed absence from Troilo. This detail in Filostrato may be due to the sources of Filocolo. In the Flore und Blanscheflur of Konrad Fleck, for example, we are told that the period set for the separation of the lovers was ten days, —

" dar zuo sulent ir im sagen daz ir im in zehen tagen sine gespil sendent nach.

ach wie vaste in begunde der zehen tage belangen." x

There is certainly no improbability in the hypothesis that Boccaccio is here using in Filostrato a detail from the sources of Filocolo that he omitted from the latter work.2

During their last hours together, Troilo and Griseida exchange mutual warnings against new loves and mutual assurances of fidelity.3 This particular circumstance has an obvious parallel in Benoit's account of the parting of Troilus and Briseida, —

" Xe li fine hore de preier Qu'il ne 1'oblit, quar a sa vie Ne sera ja autrui amie ;

1 Flore und Blanscheflur, by Konrad Fleck, 11. 1009-1011, 1414-1415. See Appendix B. In French Version I the period set is a fortnight, —

"Et moult tres-bien 1'asseurez Qu'ains quinze jors li trametrez "

(Floire et Blaneeflor, p. 15, 11. 337-8).

In French Version II the period set is four days, —

" Alez vos en jusqu'a quart jor ; Vos envoierai Blancheflor" (id., p. 135, 11. 349-350).

2 The source that Boccaccio followed when he wrote (Filocolo, I, 97), "SI tosto come tua madre . . . avra intera sanita ricuperata, io la (i. e. , Biancofiore) ti mander6," is evidently represented by the lines in French Version I, —

" Sa mere malade se faigne ; For li garder, cele remaigne "

(Floire et Blanceflor, p. 15, 11. 335-6).

and by the lines in II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore, —

"la tua madre lasila guarire, Poi Biancifiore ti faro venire " (II Cantare, xxii, 7-8).

3 See Filostrato, iv, 142-143, 146, 162-166.

CH. Il] SOURCE OP THE MUTUAL PLEDGES OF TROILO AND GRISEIDA 81

S'amor toz jorz li guardera, Ja mais jor autre ne 1'avra, ~Ne rien n'avra joie de li : ' Bele,' fait il, ' or vos en pri, S'onc m'amastes, ore i pareisse ! Ne vueil que nostre amor descreisse : De meie part vos di jo bien Qu'el n'apeticera de rien. Mon cuer avreiz toz jorz verai, Ja por autre nos changerai.' " l

Whatever suggestions Boccaccio may have taken from this passage for his elaborate treatment of the parallel situation in Filostrato, he seems here to echo also numerous details from Filocolo.2 There appears to be nothing in the French passage that could not have come into Filostrato equally well from Filocolo, whereas the latter work provides not only a more extended treatment of this phase of the story, but also some details that could not have come from the Roman de Troie. The nature of Griseida's appeal to Troilo is shown in the following lines :

" 'E pregoti, mentr' io sarb lontana, Che prender non ti lasci dal piacere D1 alcuna donna, o da vaghezza strana ; Che s' io 7 sapessi, dei per certo avere Che io rrf ucciderei siccome insana, Dolendomi di te oltra 'I dovere. ' " 3

This appears to be a rendering in verse of part of Biancofiore's turgid speech to Florio under similar circumstances, —

" Solamente a' tuoi occhi poni freno quando le vaghe giovani scalze vedrai andare per le chiare fontane . . . cantando amorosi versi ... perch6 se io sentissi che alcuna colla sua bellezza dinuovo f infiammasse, come furiosa m' ingegnerei di venire dove tu ed ella foste ; e se io la trovassi, colle proprie mani la squarcerei, ne nel suo viso non lascerei parte che graffiata non fosse dalle mie unghie, ne niuno ordine v* avrebbe a! composii capelli che io tutii tirandogliele di capo non Io rompessi ; e dopo questo, per vituperevole ed eterna sua memoria, co' proprii denti del naso la priverei, e questo fatto me medesima ucciderei" *

In reply to Griseida's warning, Troilo gives her an assurance of fidelity which may well have been reduced from Florio's assurances

1 R. de T., 13498-13510. Guido has no explicit parallel. Cf. Historic*, Troiana, sig. i 2 recto, col. 2 — verso, col. 1.

2 See FHocolo, I, 108, 112-113, 116-117.

3 Filostrato, iv, 162, 1-6. Cf. iv, 142, 1-3.

4 Filocolo, I, 112-113.

DEV. TR. CR. G

82 THE LOVERS' PARTING DUE TO FILOCOLO AND FLOISE [CH. n

in a similar situation in Filocolo.1 The similarities at this point perhaps justify brief quotations. In enforcing his promises to Griseida, Troilo assures her that no mean or superficial qualities in her have aroused and held his love, —

" Ma gli atti tuoi altieri e signorili, II valore e 7 parlar cavalier esco, I tuoi costumi piu ch' altra gentili, Ed il vezzoso tuo sdegno donnesco, Per lo quote apparien d' esserti vili Ogni appetito ed oprar popolesco, Qual tu mi se', o donna mia possente, Con amor mi ti miser nella mente." 2

Florio compliments his innamorata in similar terms, —

" Muna virtu pare difetto, ne belli costumi fecero mai piu gentilesca creatura nell' aspetto che i tuoi, senza falla buoni fanno te . . . E la dolcezza della tua lingua farebbe maggiori cose che non fece la cetera del tratio poeta o del tebano Anfione." 3

Previously in describing Biancofiore's virtues to his father Florio has said, —

"Niuna volta e che io i suoi lucentissimi occhi riguardi, die di me non fug g a ogni vile intendimento" 4

Apparently there is no reason for doubting that the mutual warnings and assurances of Florio and Biancofiore were written before the parts of Filostrato with which I have compared them. The turgidity of the few passages of Filocolo that I have quoted are an indication of the stylistic inferiority of this part of the romance to the related parts of Filostrato ; and there is no evidence at this point to invalidate the stylistic criterion.

In no one of the extant documents that represent the sources of Filocolo 5 is there so explicit a warning from the heroine as that which Boccaccio assigns to Biancofiore; but in these documents there are suggestions that may have served the Italian author. Biancofiore's prediction that Florio will be carnally tempted by other maidens at Montorio may be an adaptation of such suggestions as we find in French Version I, where we are told that Dame

1 See Filocolo, I, 108, 116-117 ; Filostrato, iv, 163-166.

2 Filostrato, iv, 165, 1-8. 3 Filocolo, I, 108.

4 Id., I, 99. On f'lorio's enumeration to King Felice of Biancofiore's. virtues, see above, p. 74.

5 See Appendix B.

CH. Il] BOCCACCIO'S PARTING OF LOVERS IS DUE TO FILOCOLO 83

Sebile at Montoire will provide maidens to relieve Florio of his love of Biancofiore, —

" Aprendre 1'en-maine Sebile 0 les puceles de la vile, Savoir se il 1'oublieroit Et en 1'escole autre ameroit " : 1

" Des qu'ele 1'ocoison sara, S'ele puet, oblier li fera La cresti'ene Blanceflor, Par le confort d'une autre amor." '2

Such warning and protestation as that of Biancofiore and Florio respectively is also clearly implied in Konrad Fleck's poem, where, after Blanscheflur's despairing and reproachful words at the parting, Flore responds, —

" ' E wurd ich in unsinne, e daz ich iuch vermite. Er mohte lazen den site, wil er daz ich iuch laze. so pflaege ouch ich der maze als valsche minnaere. wie unfriuntlich daz waere ! und ob ich wiirde versant in daz zweinzigeste lant, vergaeze ich iuwers libes durch minne eins andern wibes, durch daz ich iwer nien saehe, und ob mir daz geschaehe, des wolt ich iemer triiric sin.' " 3

From the facts now before us I conclude that in composing the part of Filostrato that recounts the parting of the lovers, Boccaccio adapted numerous particulars from his own previous account of a similar parting in Filocolo, most of which particulars have no possible basis in the immediate sources of Filostrato, but are clearly derivable through Filocolo from the sources of Filocolo.

Let us now consider the similarities between Filocolo and Filostrato in the occurrences after the parting of the lovers. Boccaccio's extended account of Troilo's condition after Griseida's departure 4 and of Pandaro's relation to him at this time has no

1 Floire et Blanceflor, p. 16, 11. 363-366. 2 Id., p. 14, 11. 319-322.

3 Flore und Blanschcfiur, 11. 1284-1297. Cf. Crescini, Contribute, etc., ]». 203, note 4.

4 See Filostrato, v, 15-28.

84 TEOILO'S COMPLAINT AFTER GRISEIDA HAS LEFT HIM. [CH. II

parallel in the Roman de Troie1 or in the Historia Troiana.2 In Filostrato we are told that Troilo spends a long time alone in his room, mourning and cursing, calling up images of his past happiness with Griseida and expressing fears as to her constancy. When Pandaro comes, Troilo continues his complaint to him. . In like manner Florio mourns at Montorio, curses his fate, calls up images of his past happiness, worries as to his lady's fidelity, and shares his grief with Duke Feramonte and Ascalione.3 In addition to these general resemblances, certain similarities in thought and phrase may be pointed out.

Filostrato Filocolo

1

El bestcmmiava il giorno che fa nato, Maladetta sia quella delta che si m

E gli dei e le dee e la natura, ha folio vile.5

E V padre.4 Ma di questo non n' ha colpa se non

1' empia iniquita del mio padre, il quale gV Iddii consumino.6

2

Egli se stesso ancor maladicea, Maladetto sia quel giorno che io da

Che si Vaveva lasciata partire."1 te mipartii.8

. . . vogliendo rispetto Egli immaginava alcuna volta

Avere alia passata, s' io comprendo avere Biancofiore nelle sue braccia,

Qual' ora e ; tal fiata il bianco petto, e porgerle amorosi baci, e altrettanti

La bocca, e gli occhi, e '1 bel viso riceverne da lei e parlare con essa

baciava amorose parole.10

Delia mia donna, e spesso 1'abbrac- ... mi ricordo che in si fatto

ciava ; giorno piu volte t' ho gia abbracciata,

Ella baciava me . . .9 porgendoti puerili e onesti baci.11

Chi ti ved'ora, dolce anima bella '< 0 anima mia, dolce Biancofiore, che

Chi siede teco, cor del corpo mio ? fai tu ora ? Ricorditi tu di me, sic-

Chi t' ascolta ora, chi teco favella ? come io fo di te ? Io dubito molto

che altro piacere non ti pigli per la Di' che fa' tu ? or etti punto nella mia assenza.13

Mente di me, o messo m' hai in oblio ?12

1 Benoit says merely (It. de T., 13527-8),

' ' En lui ne ra joie ne ris : Mout s'en torne trisz e pensis. "

2 Guido tells us nothing concerning Troilus' condition at this time. Cf. Historia, sig. i 2 recto, col. 2 — verso, col. 1.

3 Filocolo, I, 121-124, 146-159, 211-225. 4 Filostrato, v, 17, 5-7. , 5 Filocolo, 1, 147. 6 Id., I, 123.

7 Filostrato, v, 18, 1-2. 8 Filocolo, I, 147. 9 Filostrato, v, 19, 4—20, 1.

10 Filocolo, I, 223. n Id., I, 146. 12 Filostrato^ v, 25, 1-6.

13 Filocolo, I, 146. Florio's expressions in this part of Filocolo must have had some basis in the sources of Filocolo. Cf. II Cantare di Fiorio e Bianci- jiore, xxv, 7-8, —

CH. Il] RELIEF-ENTERTAINMENTS FOR FLORIO, DUE TO FLOIRE. 85

One of Pandaro's first expedients for alleviating Troilo's grief over Griseida's departure is his proposal of a visit to the gay house hold of Sarpedon.1 The splendid entertainments provided there and their effect upon Troilo are precisely paralleled in Florio's experience at the gay house of Duke Feramonte, where he has been sent in the hope that he may forget Biancofiore.2 Sarpedon's mode of entertaining is shown in the following lines :

"// quale \i. e., Sarpedon] come il seppe, incontro fassi A Troilo lieto, e molto gli fu caro. Li quali, avvegna che de' fosser lassi Del molto sospirar, pur lietamente Festa fer grande col baron possente.

Costui, siccome quel che d' alto cuore

Era piii ch' altro in ciascheduna cosa,

Fece a ciascun maraviglioso onore

Or con cacce or con festa grazi'osa

Di belle donne e di molto valore,

Con canti e suoni, e sempre con pomposa

Grandezza di conviti tanti e tali,

Che 'n Troia mai non s' eran fatti eguali." 3

The hunting, music, beautiful women and magnificent feasts of Sarpedon seem to be echoes of the entertainments provided by Duke Feramonte to distract the mind of Florio. The nature of the gaieties, of Montorio is shown in the following :

" // duca Feramonte, che la sua venuta avea saputa, contento molto di quella, con molti nobili uomini della terra, s' apparecchio di riceverlo onorevolmente . . . accompagnati da molti stromenti e varii, e coronati tutti di diverse frondi bagordando, e colla festa grande gli vennero incontro, facendo risonare Vaere di molti suoni. . . . Ogni uomo di qualcunque eta facea festa, e simile le

' ' Ma Fiorio pure indrieto si mirava

per Biancifior che cotanto 1' amava " ; Id., Ivii, 5-8,—

" E Fiorio dice : io mi vorei posare,

di ber ne di mangiar non metto cura : per Biancifiore vivo in gran paura " ;

Floire et Blanceflor, p. 16, 11. 360-362,—

" Mais ne li chaut de riens qu'il oie : For Blanceflor qu'il n'a, s'amie, En non-chaloir a mis sa vie."

1 See Filostrato, v, 38-50. 2 See Filocolo, I, 119-125, 211-215.

3 Filostrato, v, 40, 4—41, 8.

86 TROILO'S INDIFFERENCE TO FESTIVITIES IS LIKE FLORIDA. [CH. II

donne cantando versi d' amore e di gioia. . . . Adunque la sua f esta era senza comparazione in Montorio. . . . Altre volte con cani e con forte arco nelle oscure selve caccia i paurosi cervi, e nelle aperte pianure i volanti nccelli gli fanno vedere dilettevoli cacce." 1

But Troilo, we are told, takes no interest in the entertainments provided for him, —

" Ma che giovavan queste cose al pio Troilo che '1 core ad esse non avea 1 Egli era la dove spesso il disio Formato nel pensier suo nel traea, E Griseida come suo iddio Con gli occhi della mente ognor vedea.

Ogni altra donna a veder gli era grave, Quantunque fosse valorosa e bella ; Ogni sollazzo ogni canto soave !N"oioso gli era non vedendo quella, Nelle cui mani amor posto la chiave Avea della sua vita tapinella.

Nessuna ora del giorno trapassava Che non la nominasse mille fiate ; Sempre il suo nome in la bocca li stava, E '1 suo bel viso e le parole ornate Nel cuore e nella mente figurava." 2

-In a similar state is Florio in the midst of the gay life of Montorio, —

" Florio simigliantemente a niuna cosa stando a Montorio aveva tanto 1' intendimento fisso quanto alia sua Biancofiore, n& era da lei una volta ricordato che egli non ricordasse lei infinite," 3

" Andavano prendendo diletto, mostrando a Florio alcuna volta queste cose, le quali molta piu noia gli davano che diletto : perocche egli alcuna volta immaginando andava d' essere stretto dalle dilicate braccia di Biancofiore . . . le quali immaginazioni sovente col mostrarli le cacce gli erano rotte . . . n& niuno ragionamento era mai se non d' amore. o della bellezza della sua Biancofiore, la quale sopra tutte le cose disiava di vedere." 4

Boccaccio's account of these attempts to divert Florio and of Florio's indifference is firmly based upon the sources of Filocolo, as we find when we read II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore. Accord ing to this poem, when Fiorio sets out on his exile, the diversions begin, —

1 Filocolo, I, 119-120, 211-212. 2 Filostrato, v, 42, 1-6 ; 43, 1-6 ; 45, 1-5. 3 Filocolo, I, 121. 4 Id., I, 119, 121.

€H. Il] TROILO'S INDIFFERENCE TO FESTIVITIES IS LIKE FLORIO'S. 87

. " e seco van dongelli e cavalieri ; da bella gente ell' era aconpagniato, astori e brachi e falconi e livrieri, per confortallo e ch' andasse alegrato." l

But Fiorio thinks only of his innamorata, —

" ma Fiorio pure indietro si mirava per Biancifior che cotanto 1'amava." 2

When the young prince approaches Montorio, he is royally received by the duke, —

" Un mesagiere al duca fu mandate, che gli venisse incontro a fare onore ; e' 1 duca imantenente fu montato a palafreno anbiante e coridore. da molta gente ell' era aconpagniato : conti e baroni v' andar per suo amore, asti e bandiere e bigordi ispeciando, in verso Fiorio con tronbe sonando." 3

Even the duke's elaborate festivities make no impression upon Fiorio, —

" E non vale ne giuoco ne sollaccio che Fiorio si potese alegrare."4

After leaving the gay Sarpedon, Troilo suggests that he and Pandaro seek comfort in merely going to look upon the house where Griseida has lived.5 Eluding their companions, they reach the house, where Troilo is depressed anew by the closed doors and the darkness, —

" E' gli parve che il cor gli si schiantassc Poi veduta ebbe la porta serrata Ele finestre."6

Similarly one night during his stay at the house of Duke Fera- monte, Fiorio slips away and finds solace in merely seeing the closed house where Biancofiore is confined, —

" . . .la notte non dormiva, ma furtivamente e solo se n'andava infino alle porti del palagio del suo padre . . . e quivi giunto, si

1 II Cantare, xxv, 3-6. 2 Id., xxv, 7-8.

3 Id., xxvi, 1-8. Of. Floire et Blancefior, p. 16, 11. 335-359.

4 £1 Cantare, xxvii, 1-2. Cf. Floire et Blanceflor, p. 16, 11. 360-362. Antona-Traversi (II Propugnatore, XVI, Parte IIa, pp. 273-4) in assigning autobiographical significance to Troilo's indifference to the festivities about him, overlooks, among other things, the similar account in Filocolo aud in the sources of Filocolo.

5 See Filoslrato, v, 50-53. 6 Id., v, 52, 1-3.

88 TROILO'S VISITS TO GRISEIDA'S HAUNTS LIKE FILOCOLO. [CH. II

poneva a sedere e con sospiri e con pianto piu volte le baciava, dicendo : o ingrate porti, perch& mi tenete voi che io non possa appressarmi al mio disio, il quale dentro da voi serrato tenete 1 " 1

After seeing Griseida's house, Troilo finds morbid pleasure in visiting the places in Troy with which the maiden is in any way associated, —

" Quindi sen gi per Troia cavalcando, E ciascun luogo gliel tornava a mente ; De' quai con seco giva ragionando ; Quivi rider la vidi lietamente ; Quivi la vidi verso me guardando ; Quivi mi salutb benignamente ; Quivi far festa e quivi star pensosa, Quivi la vidi a' miei sospir pietosa.

Cola istava, quand' ella mi prese Con gli occhi belli e vaghi con amoro ; Colk istava, quando ella m'accese Con un sospir di maggior fuoco il core ; Cola istava, quando condiscese Al mio piacere il donnesco valore ; x Cola la vidi altiera, e la umile Mi si mostro la inia donna gentile."2

This passage may easily be regarded as a "development of suggestions already present in Filocolo. In a letter to Biancofiore, Florio writes,

" Tu rimanesti nelle nostre case visitando i luoglii dove piu fiate stati eravamo insieme, e in quelli con si fatta ricordanza prendevi alcun diletto immaginando," 3 —

words that are well in accord with what we have previously been told of Biancofiore's conduct, —

"... ella partendosi, andava in tutti quegli luoghi della casa dov* ella si ricordava d'avere gia veduto Florio."4

We cannot tell to what extent Boccaccio may have followed suggestions in his sources in his account of Florio's secret visit to the abode of Biancofiore and of the heroine's lingering at the spots that were dear to her and Florio. The sources of Filocolo must have contained suggestions of Florio's leaving Montorio to visit Marmorina, for in French Version II we read,

" Quant il ne voit venir s'amie, Sachoiz segurs ne fu il mie ;

1 Filocolo, I, 124. 2 Filostrato, v, 54, 1-55, 8.

3 Filocolo, I, 263. . 4 Id., I, 120.

TROILO'S LOOKING TOWARDS THE GREEK CAMP LIKE FILOCOLO. 89

Vient a son maistre, prant congie, Puis est el palefroi puie. Puiant en-vient vers la cite." l

The other details of Filocolo to which we have just referred we may attribute to Boccaccio's own elaboration.2 In any case there is nothing to contradict the stylistic indication that these parts of Filocolo were written before the parallel passages in Filostrato.

Boccaccio tells us that Troilo sometimes mounts the gate whence "1 Griseida issued, that he looks longingly out toward the Greek ' camp where she is detained, and that as he looks, he imagines that \ the breezes blowing against his face are sighs sent from Griseida, —

" El se ne gia talvolta in sulla porta Per la qual' era la sua donna uscita :

Quindi n'andasti, cor del corpo mio ; Quando sara che tu quindi ritorni, Caro mio bene e dolce mio disio ?

El riguardava li Greci attendati

Davanti a Troia, e come gia turbarsi

Yedendoli solea, cosi mirati

Con diletto eran ; e do che soffiarsi

Sentia nel v'iso, si come mandati

Sospiri di Griseida solea darsi

A creder fosser, dicendo sovente :

O qua o quivi e mia donna piacente." 3

This passage appears to be a direct adaptation of the account in Filocolo of a similar experience of Biancofiore, left behind in Marmorina, —

" Biancofiore cosi rimasa, alquanto da Glorizia riconfortata, ogni giorno andava molte fiate sopra 1'alta casa, in parte ov' ella vedeva Montorio apertamente, e a quello riguardando, dopo molti sospiri aveva alcun diletto, immaginando e dicendo fra se medesima : la e il mio disio e il mio bene. E talvolta avvenia, che stando ella sentia alcuno soave e piccolo venticello venire da quella parte, e ferivala per mezzo dellafronte, il quale ella con aperte braccia riceveva nel

1 Moire et Blanmflnr, pp. H2-3, 11. 615-619.

2 Antona-Traversi (II Propugnatore, XVI, Parte IIa, pp. 268-9, 406) attaches autobiographical significance to the account of Troilo 's visiting the house of Griseida and other places in Troy with which they both had associations. Antona-Traversi's ground for such an interpretation is the general resemblance of these passages to passages in the later Fiammetta. One cannot tell whether or not this scholar would have altered his interpretation had he noted the similar passages in the earlier Filocolo.

3 Filostrato, v, 58, 1-2 ; 59, 1-3 ; 70, 1-8.

90 GBISEIDA'S LOOKING TOWARDS TROY LIKE FILOCOLO. [OH. n

suo petto, dicendo : questo ventieello toceo il mio Florio come egli fa or a me avanti che egli giungesse qui" l

From the Greek camp Griseida looks back upon the walls and towers of Troy, longing for Troilo,—

" Ella mirava le mum di Troia, E' palagi, le torri e le fortezze, E dicea seco : oime, quanta gioia, Quanto piacere e quanto di dolcezze N'ebb' io gia dentro ! ed ora in trista noia Consume qui le mie care bellezze : Oime, Troilo mio, che fa' tu ora, Kicordati di me niente ancora 1 " 2

In like manner Florio looks back upon the towers and buildings of Marmorina, —

" Siccom' io similmente stetti sempre con gli ocelli all' alta torre, ove te immaginava essere salita, per veder te." 3

"Cosi egli \i.e.9 Florio] riguardava sovente Marmorina . . . andava [i. e., Florio] il giorno senza alcuno riposo cercando gli alti luogM da' quali egli polesse meglio vedere la sua po.ternale casa, ove egli sapeva che Biancofiore dimorava" 4

In his despair, we find Troilo asking news concerning Griseida from every one who comes to Troy, —

" . . . e tutti riguardato Avea color che di ver la riviera Venieno a Troia, ed alcun domandato Per nuove circostanze, e non avea Nulla raccolta di cib che chiedea." 5

Similarly, Biancofiore questions all who come to Marmorina from Montorio, —

" E niuna persona veniva da Montorio, che ella o tacitamente o in palese non dimandasse del suo Florio." 6

From the extant documents representing the sources of Filocolo we cannot tell whether or not the last three passages of Filocolo to which we have referred are Boccaccio's own elaboration of the story. Whether or not they have a literary source, there is no reason for doubting that they were composed before the parallel passages of Filostrato.

1 Filocolo, I, 120. 2 Fnostrato, vi, 4, 1-8.

8 Filocolo, I, 2rt3. . 4 Id^ i? 12i} j-24.

& Filostrato, vii, 6, 4-3. 6 fnocoi0i ^ 120.

CH. Il] CALCHAS BLAMED FOE KEEPING GRISEIDA. 91

Troilo imputes to Griseida's father the blame for her long detention in the Greek camp, —

" Parmi, se '1 tuo consiglio ho bene a mente, Che potuto abbiano in te le paterne Lusinghe . . .

... o quel che rado ci si scerne Yecchio divenir largo, che '1 tegnente Calcas cortese sia, dove 1' interne Tue intenzion mi mostraro il contrario Nell' ultimo tuo pianto e mio amaro." 1

In the same way, Florio complains of King Felice's restraining Biancofiore, —

" Ma di questo non n' ha colpa se non 1'empia iniquita del mio padre . . . Egli m' impromise piu volte di mandarmi qua Bianco fiore brevemente, e mai mandate non me 1'ha. Oime che ora conosco il manifesto suo inganno, e truovo che vere sono le parole che Biancofiore mi disse, dicendo che mai non ce la manderebbe." 2

That this detail in Filocolo was suggested to Boccaccio by the sources of that work, seems probable from what we read in French Version II, —

" Quant il (i.e., Floire) ne voit venir s'arnie, Sachoiz segurs ne fu il mie ;

Grant felonie fait li rois."3

Since Troilo's sufferings steadily increase, Deiphobus and the other brothers arrange for ladies to come and soothe the bereft lover with their songs and their affection, —

" Deifebo a' fratei sen venne ratto, Ed ebbe a lor tutto contato il fatto.

II che essi credetter prestamente, Per atti gia veduti ; e per non farlo Tristo di cib, di non dime niente Fra lor diliberaro, e d' aiutarlo ; Perche alle donne loro incontanente Fer dir ch' ognuna andasse a visitarlo, E con suoni e cantori a fargli festa, Si ch' obliasse la vita molesta.

1 Filostrato, vii, 56, 1-8. 2 Filocolo, I, 123.

3 Floire et Slancefior, p. 142-143, 11. 615-616, 637. On account of its similarity to a passage in Fiammetta, Antona-Traversi (II Propugnatore, XVI, Parte IIa, pp. 277-279) seems to attach autobiographical significance to the part of Filostrato recounting Troilo's condemnation of Calcas. Antona- Traversi does not note the parallel in Filocolo and in the probable source of Filocolo.

92 ATTEMPTS TO WILE TROILO FROM GRISEIDA ARE FROM FILOCOLO.

In poca d'ora la camera plena

Di donne fu, e di suoni e di canti.

Ciascima a suo potere 11 confortava, E tale 11 domandava clie sentia." l

This plan is, perhaps, in accord with Pandaro's previous suggestion,—

" Ed oltre a cib, questa citta si vede Plena di belle donne e graziose, E se '1 ben ch' io ti vo' merita fede, Nulla ce n'e, quai vuoi le piu vezzose, Che a grado noil le sia aver mercede Di te, se tu per lei in amorose Pene entrerai . . .

E come io udii gia sovente dire, II nuovo amor sempre caccia 1'antico ; Nuovo piacere il presente martire Torra da te . . ." 2

To the kind offices of the ladies, however, Troilo pays no attention, for his mind ever reverts to Griseida, — •

" Esso non rispondea, ma riguardava Or 1'una or 1'altra, e nella mente pia Di Griseida sua si ricordava, N"& piu che con sospir cio discopria ; E pur sentiva alquanto di dolcezza E per li suoni e per la lor bellezza." 3

This account of the attempts of Pandaro, Deiphobus, and the others to lure Troilo from thoughts of Griseida is probably an adaptation of the accounts in Filocolo of the similar vain attempts of Duke Feramonte and Ascalione to console Florio. The way in which Florio is received at Montorio by ladies singing I have already illustrated.4 The plan of Deiphobus is, perhaps, more definitely paralleled in Filocolo by the arrangement that the guardians of Florio make to send two beautiful young women to tempt him with song and carnal pleasure.5 The purpose of this latter plan is shown in Ascalione's words to the Duke, — •

" Florio mai con Biancofiore carnal diletto non ebbe ; se noi potes- simo fare che con alcun' altra bella giovane 1'avesse, leggier! sarebbe dimenticar quello ch' egli non ha, per quello che possedesse." 6

1 Filostrato, vii, 82, 7-84, 2 ; 85, 1-2. 2 Id., iv, 48, 1-49, 4.

3 Id., vii, 85, 3-8. 4 See above, pp. 85-86.

5 Filocolo, I, 226-238. On this device see A. Dobelli, II Culto del Boc caccio per Dante, Venezia-Firenze, 1897, pp. 25-26. 6 Filocolo, 1, 226.

ATTEMPTS TO WILE TROILO FROM GRISEIDA ARE FROM FILOCOLO. 93

The Duke devises that the damsels, Edea and Calmena, shall meet Florio in the garden, — " facendogli qnella festa e mettendolo in quelli ragionamenti che piu credete che piac^vole gli sia." 1 When Florio enters the garden where the young women await him, . " incominciarono a cantare un' amorosa cazonetta, con voci tanto dolci e chiare, che piu tosto d'angeli che d'umane creature parevano."2 After he has somewhat given way to the charms of the maidens, Florio suddenly thinks of Biancofiore, and resists all further advances, saying,

" Pregovi che me, che piu di sospirare che di parlare con voi ora mi diletto, qui solo lasciate, e andatevene, perch6 cib che mi dite e tutto perduto." 3

The account of this attempt to seduce Florio is probably based entirely upon the sources of Filocolo, for in II Cantare di Florio e Biancifiore we read of a precisely similar device, —

"E '1 duca due putyelle fe' trovare, che eran piu belle che pesco fiorito ; ciascuna era gentil da maritare e '1 duca diede lor questo partito : la qual di voi lo fara alegrare, io li daragio Fiorio per marito. ciascuna dicie : io li darb conforto ; farol risusitar se fosse morto." 4

The damsels tempt Florio to their utmost, —

" Ciascuna li mostrava '1 suo bel petto, bianco e prezioso, elle mamelle, e dicean Fiorio : or ne prendi diletto de noi che siam si fresche damiselle." 5

But Florio does not waver, —

" Fiorio non avea cura di lor detto : ambe le man si tenea a le maselle ; e in altra parte se n'andb a sedere, ch& non le voile intender n6 vedere." 6

"We have now observed a considerable number of details in the part of Filostrato recounting the experiences of the lovers after their separation which closely resemble details in parallel parts of Filocolo. For most of these details there is not the slightest hint

1 Filocolo, I, 229. 2 Id., I, 230.

3 Id., I, 237. 4 11 Cantare, Iviii, 1-8.

5 Id., Ix, 1-4. 6/d.,lx, 5-8.

94 BENOIT'S ACCOUNT OF TROILUS'S JEALOUSY. [CH. n

in the recognized sources of Fitostrato, whereas most of them can be traced in whole or in part to the sources of Filocolo. There is no evidence to contradict the obvious probability that the parts of Filocolo under discussion were written before the parallel parts of Filostrato. I conclude, therefore, that the passages from Filostrato now before us show the influence of the story of Florio and Biancofiore as Boccaccio had previously undertaken it in Filocolo. Let us now direct our attention especially to the most important of the occurrences during the period of the separation of the lovers,. - — the occurrence that leads to the catastrophe.

For the incipient jealousy of Troilo, for the gradual but steady progress of that jealousy, and for the final despair of the young lover after he sees the " ornato vestimento," — all of which stages are skilfully and fully treated in Filostrato, — for all this, Benoit offers only a few vivid hints.1 According to the French poem, when Diomedes and Troilus meet in combat for the first time after Briseida's departure from Troy, there is a clear indication that their mutual enmity has its chief cause in Briseida, for we read,

" Diomedes est alez joindre 0 Troilus por la danzele." 2

It is to be noted, however, that this development is poorly moti- [/ vated, for we have had no hint that Troilus knows of Diomedes' courting of Briseida. From the previous account Troilus could know only that Diomedes was one of the Greek escort sent to conduct Briseida to the Greek camp.3 Benoit first gives us a definite hint of Briseida's infidelity to Troilus in his lines concerning her token to Diomedes, —

"La desire manche de son braz Bone et fresche de deletion Li done en leu de gonfanon" 4

Whenever he shall next meet Diomedes, Troilus may infer from this token the infidelity of his " amie,"

" Desor puet saveir Troylus Que ja mar s'i atendra plus : Devers li est 1'amors cassee, Qui molt fu puis conparee."5

1 Guide's narrative at these points is too meagre to deserve consideration here. Cf. Historia, sig. i 4 recto, col. 1 ; i 5 verso, col 1

2 B. de T., 14286-7. 3 Id 135i,7_13522 * Id. (Joly), 15102-15104. • /A 15109-15112!

CH. n] BENOIT'S ACCOUNT OP TROILUS'S JEALOUSY. 95

When the young warriors meet again in single combat Diomedes carries "la manche de ciclaton" on the lance with which he wounds Troilus, but no mention is made of Troilus's having paid particular attention to the token, and we know only by inference that the combatants are animated by jealousy,

" Le cheval point vers Troylus : Tote la lance d'ebenus, Ou la manche ert de deletion, Passa par 1'escu a lion." *

Troilus's jealousy of Diomedes is prominent in their next combat, when Troilus wounds the Greek lover and upbraids him. severely, —

" Ala ferir Diomedes D'une lance grosse et poignal Si que 1'enseigne de cendal Li remest parmi les eostez, Por mort en fu la nuit portez, Et si li dist en reprovier : * Or sejornez o la moillier, Avec la fille au viel Calcas Qui ne vos het, 90 dient pas. Por soe amor vos manaiasse, Se plus par tens m'en apensasse. E ne porquant sa corte fei, Sa tricherie, et sis boufei, Et 90 qu' ele a vers moi boisiez, Yos a tot 90 appareilliez. Sis pechie vos a enconbre, Et 90 que m'a d'amor false. Par vos li mant : or somes dui, Savez estes la oft gie fui. Molt i aura des acoilliz, Ainz que li sieges seit failliz ; Molt avez a eschalgueitier, Se si 1'avez sanz pare.onier. ~N& s'est pas onquore arestee, Des que li mestier li agree. Car s'il avient qu'un poi li plese, Li ostelain i auront aise. Ce sera sens, s'el se porpense Dont ele traie la despense.' " 2

Troilus's last reference to his unhappy love affair occurs in connec tion with his triumphant return to Troy after a battle, when in con-

1 R. de T. (Joly), 15575-15578. 2 Id., 20066-20094.

96 BOCCACCIO ON TROILO'S JEALOUSY IN THE FILOSTRATO. [CH. II

demning " les clames tricheresses " and " les puceles menteresses " l he says to his mother and the other ladies,

'" . . . mal fier se fait en eles ; Car molt en i a poi de celes Qui leialment seient amies, Sanz falsetez et sanz boisdies. Qui que s'en lot, ne m'en gen pas. Trichie m'a.la fille Calcas.' " 2

These few disconnected but vivid passages are all that the French poet offered Boccaccio as a basis for his extended account of the jealousy and despair of Troilo, — an account that may be outlined as follows.

Troilo's jealousy is first definitely aroused after he has patiently waited the prescribed ten days for Griseida's return, —

" In lui ogni disio istato antico Kitorno nuovo, e sopra esso 1'inganno Che li parea ricevere, e 7 nemico Spirto di gelosia gravoso affanno Piu ch' alcun altro e di posa mendico, Come son quei che gia provato 1'hanno ; Ond' el piangeva giorno e notte . . ." 3

Such thoughts prepare Troilo for the dream in which he sees a boar tearing Griseida's heart and from which he immediately infers that Diomede is his successful rival. With words of despair the young prince rushes to take his own life, —

" La tua Griseida, oime, m'ha ingannato, Di cui io piu che d'altra mi fidava, Ell' ha ad altrui il suo amor donate, II che piu che la morte assai mi grava.

. . . oime fermezza, Oime promessa, oime fede e leanza, Chi v'ha gittate dalla mia amanza 1

10 vo' colle mie man pvender la morte, Che'n tal vita piii star non saria giuoco.

E questo detto, corse ad un coltelloy

11 qual pendea nella camera aguto, E per Io petto si voile con ello Dar . . ."4

1 R. de T. (Joly), 20657-8. 2 Id 20659-206G4.

3 Filostrato, vii, 18, 1-7.

•* Id., vii, 26, 1-4 ; 29, 6-8 ; 32, 4-5 ; 33, 1-4.

CH. II.] TROILO'S LETTER TO GRISEIDA IN THE FILOSTBATO. 97

Pandaro, however, restrains Troilo from suicide and enforces upon him the folly of believing in dreams,1 —

" E s' io ho ben raccolto cib c' hai detto, Null' altra cosa di cio ti fa fede Se non il sogno, il qual prendi sospetto.

E senza piil voter sentirne avanti, Finir volei con morte i tristi planti.

Io ti dissi altra volta, che follia Era ne' sogni troppo riguardare ;

Cio che dormendo altrui la fantasia Con varie forme puote dimostrare

. . . allora ti dovevi Dalla fede de' sogni e dallo inganno D' essi levar, che venieno a tuo danno" 2

After convincing Troilo that dreams are hardly a sound basis for procedure, Pandaro suggests his writing a letter to Griseida. In his letter3 Troilo renews his vows of love, speaks of his desolation and of his suspicions that she has taken a new lover, And begs her to return, —

" Giovane donna, a cui amor mi diede E tuo mi tiene, e mentre sarb in vita Mi terra sempre con intera fede

El non dovra, come che divenuta Sia quasi Greca, la lettera mia Da te ancor non esser ricevuta ; Perciocche 'n poco tempo non s' oblia Si lungo amor . . .

. . . perb prenderaila E 'nfino alia sua fine leggeraila.

Parmi, se '1 tuo consiglio ho bene a mente, Che potuto abbiano in te le paterne Lusinghe, o mcovo amor t' e nella mente Entrato . . .

Ma forte temo che novello amore Non sia cagion di tua lunga dimora.

1 Mlostrato, vii, 33-42.

2 Id., vii, 39, 3-5, 7-8 ; 40, 1-2, 5-6 ; 42, 6-8.

3 Jd.t vii, 52-75.

DEV. TR. CR. H

98 TROILO'S LETTER TO GRISEIDA IN THE FILOSTEATO. [CH. II

Ben puoi pensare omai quel che farei Se certo fossi di cib c' ho dottanza : Certo io credo cti io m' ucciderei Di te sentendo si fatta fallanza.

Li dolci canti e le brigate oneste, Gli uccelli e 'cani e 1' andar sollazzando, Le vaghe donne, i templi e le gran feste, Che per addietro solea gir cercando, Fiujgo ora tutte e sonmi oime moleste.

Deh io ten prego . . .

Che di me ti ricordi, e che tu torni : E se per avventura se' impedita, Mi scrivi . . .

E dimmi se io deggio piii di spene In te avere omai, dolce mio bene.

Se mi darai speranza, aspetteraggio, Come ch' el mi sia grave oltremisura ; Se tu la mi torrai, m' uccideraggio.

Perdona se neW ordine dettando I 'ho fallito, e se di macchie plena Forse vedi la lettera ch' io mando : Che dell' uno e dell' altro la mia pena N' e gran cagion, perocche lagrimando Yivo e dimoro, ne le mi raffrena Nullo accidente : adunque son dolenti Lacrime, queste macchie si soventi." 1

Keceiving no reply, Troilo writes other letters, sends Pandaro in times of truce, and even thinks of going himself disguised as a pilgrim.2 Griseida's only replies are evasive words that give Troilo new assurance of her infidelity.3 At last Deiphobus comes with the " ornato vestimento " snatched from Diomede in battle.4 When Troilo sees the trophy, he recognizes the " fermaglio " that he himself has given Griseida, and his proof of her faithlessness is complete,5 —

" 0 Griseida mia, dov' e lafede, Dove I' amore, dove ora '1 desire !

1 Filostrato, vii, 52, 1-3; 53, 1-5, 7-8; 56, 1-4; 58, 1-2; 61, 1-4; 62, 1-5 ; 70, 1 ; 72, 1-3, 7-8 ; 73, 1-3 ; 74, 1-8.

2 Id., viii, 3-4. 3 Id., viii, 5-6. 4 Id., viii, 8, 3-8. 6 Id., viii, 9, 2—10, 8.

BOCCACCIO'S TALE OP TROILO'S JEALOUSY IS DUE TO THE FILOCOLO. 99

Chi credera omai a nessun giuro, Chi ad amor, chi a femmina omai, Ben riguardando il tuo falso spergiuro ?

Or non avevi tu altro gioiello

Da poter dare al tuo novello amante 1

Net mio [i. e., petto] ancora tengo effigiato II tuo bel viso con noiosa doglia : 0 lasso me, die ^n malorafui nato." l

Troilo now vows to kill him who has thus robbed him of his

beloved, —

"... ma per Venere dea Ti giuro, tosto ten faro dolente Colla mia spada alia prima mislea, Se egli avviene ch' io ;1 possa trovare." 2

Neither Troilo nor Diomede, however, falls by the hand of the other, and at last Troilo is killed in battle by Achilles.3

From the foregoing outline it is sufficiently clear that_Boccaccio's account of the jealousy and final despair of Troilo owes very little to Benoit's account, — nothing we may say, except suggestions for Troilo's encounters with Diomede,4 for the episode of the " ornafco vestimento," 5 and for some of Troilo's condemnation of the faithless Griseida.6 When we turn to Filocolo, however, we find an episode of jealousy and despair which in general treatment and in many details is a striking parallel to the part of Filostrato under dis cussion. The episode in Filocolo may be outlined as follows :

When Florio is banished to Montorio, King Felice promises to send Biancofiore to him within a short time.7 As time passes, Florio begins so seriously to doubt the sincerity of the King and the constancy of Biancofiore that at length jealousy creeps into his thoughts. Says the young prince, —

" Egli [i. e., King Felice] m' impromise piu volte di mandarmi qua Biancofiore brevemente, e mai mandata non me 1' ha ., . . ma tuttavia la poca stabilita la qual nelle donne si truova, e massi-

1 Filostrato, viii, 12, 2-3 ; 13, 1-3 ; 14, 1-2 ; 15, 3-5.

2 Id., viii, 16, 4-7. 3 Id., viii, 25-27.

4 See id., viii, 16, 21, 25-26; E. de T. (Joly), 14238-14240, 15548-15591, 20057-20094.

5 See Filostrato, viii, 8-10 ; R. de T. (Joly), 15102-4, 15577.

6 See especially Filostrato, viii, 13, 1-8, and R. de T. (Joly), 20659-20664. ' See Filocolo, I, 97, 105.

100 FLORIO'S JEALOUSY IN THE FILOCOLO. [CH. II

mamente nelle giovani, me ne fa molto dubitare. . . . Oime, quanto acerba vita e quella dell' amante, il quale dubitando vive geloso. . . . E in gravissimo affanno mi tiene gelosia, e la cagione e questa. Le giovani donzelle sono di poca stability e per la loro bellezza da molti amanti sogliono essere stimolate. . . ." l

In trying to expel Florio's jealous thoughts, the Duke calls attention to his poor health and troubled sleep, and urges him not to act upon such uncertainties as his present imaginings, —

" Oime, quanto piu e da pensare della sanita, la quale i sonni interi e le malinconie lontane esser dimostra; e perb questo del tutto dei lasciare andare. . . . E te piu vinto da ira e da malin- conia, die consigliato dalla ragione, cerclii la morte per conforto, e sempre in pensiero e in dolore dimori, e vai immaginando quelle cose le quali n& vedesti n& vedrai giammai. . . . Folle e colui die per lifuturi danni senza certezza spande lagrime" 2

Florio's imaginings, however, seem to become certainties when Fileno comes from Marmorina boasting over a veil that Biancofiore has given him as a favour in a tournament, —

" . . . e traendo fuori il velo il mostro a Florio : e poi seguendo il suo parlare disse : e appresso aggiunse, che io per amore di lei mi dovessi portar bene : onde se questo e assai manifesto segnale di vero amore voi come me il potete conoscere."3

Convinced at last of Biancofiore's infidelity, Florio utters such despairing words as the following :

" 0 dolce Biancofiore, speranza della misera anima , . . quante lagrime hanno bagnato il dolente petto, nel quale io continuamente effigiata ti porto cosl bella come tu se' ! . . . io conosco te non potere negare d' essere di Fileno innamorata, perch& egli m' ha mostrato quel velo col quale tu coprivi la bionda testa, quando con pietose parole ti domandb una delle tue gioie, e tu gli donasti quello. . . . Ov' e fuggita la promessa fede ? E tu dove se\ o Amore. . . . Se tu cosi notabile fallo lasci impunito, clii avra in te giammai fid anza? . . . Maladetta sia V ora ch' io nacqui"*

Just as Florio is about to kill himself,5 he falls asleep and has a vision sufficiently reassuring to prevent his suicide, but not to

tween the "velo" of Fileno and the "fermaglio" of Diomede I shall recur below.

4 Filocolo, I, 251, 252, 253, 254, 257. Cf. Filostrato, viii, 10-15, partly quoted above. J

6 See Filocolo, I, 257.

CH. Il] FLORIO'S JEALOUSY IN THE FILOCOLO. 101

rid him of suspicion.1 When the young lover awakes, he decides to clear his doubt by sending Biancofiore a letter, the general and particular similarities of which to Troilo's letter may be shown from the following passages, —

"Se gli avversarii fati, o graziosa giovane, t' hanno a me coll' altre prosperita levata, come io credo, non con isperanza di poterti colli miei preghi muovere dal novello amore, ma pensando che lieve mi sia perdere queste parole con teco insieme, ti scrivo. . . . e per quell' amore che tu gia mi portasti, ti prego die questa senza gravezza injino alia fine legga. . . . E quante volte gia giovani donne per rintiepidire i miei tormenti, le cui bellezze sariano agP iddii bene investite, m' hanno del loro amore tentato, ne mai alcuna pote vincere il forte cuore, a te tutto disposto di servire . . . ogni ora potevi udire me essere a te piit soggetto che mai . . . se questo esser vero sentird, con altra certezza che quella che io ti scrivo, per gli eterni iddii la mia vita in piu lungo spazio non si distendera. ... le dolenti lagrime, le quali ognora che queste cose che scritte t' ho mi tornano nella mente, avvegnache dir potrei che mai non n' escano, mi costringono tanto, che piu avanti scrivere non posso. E quasi quello che io ho scritto non ho potuto interamente dalle loi'o macchie guardare . . . nella quale [i. e., la mia lettera] se forse alcuna cosa scritta fosse la quale a te non piacesse, non con malizia, ma fervente amore m' ha a quello scrivere mosso, e pero mi perdona. E se quello che il tristo cuor pensa e vero, caramente ti prego che se possibile e indietro si torni . . . e se cosi non &, non tardi una tua lettera ' a certi/icarmene ; perche infinattanto che questo dubbio sara in me, infino a quell' ora il tuo coltello non si partira della mia mano, presto a uccidere e a perdonare secondo cti io ti sentird disposto." 2

Although Biancofiore replies with vows of eternal love,3 Florio's suspicions are not allayed, and his jealousy rises to such a pitch that he determines to kill Fileno.4 Fileno, divinely warned, escapes death by flight.5

In view of the common authorship of Filocolo and Filostrato, and of their close relation in chronology, we must conclude that one of the two episodes just compared influenced the other. After a mere reading of the two episodes a fair critic would conclude, no doubt, that the Fileno episode, with its mythological padding, its diatribe, and its bombastic monologues, was composed

1 See Filocolo, I, 258-261. Cl. Troilo's dream, Filostrato, vii, 23-28. In content, the two dreams are, of course, quite different.

2 Filocolo, I, 261, 263, 264, 266, 267. Cf. Filostrato, vii, 52-75, quoted in part above.

3 See Filocolo, I, 269-274. 4 Id., I, 275-281. 5 Id., I, 284-292.

102 THE FILOCOLO ON THE UNTRUSTINESS OF WOMEN. [CH. II

before the more fluent and finished parallel parts of Filostrato. However, before this simple and obvious inference can be accepted, a more technical study of the chronology is necessary.

In the first place, it is to be noted that the Fileno episode as a whole is one of the innovations in Boccaccio's treatment of the traditional story of Florio and Biancofiore.1 Since no earlier version of the story contains a character parallel to Fileno,2 we are especially justified in searching this part of Filoeolo for autobiographical revelations. With considerable justification auto biographical significance has been found in one small passage connected with this episode.3 The determination of the exact relation of this small passage to the episode as a whole is important for our present purpose. At the close of the sketch of the Fileno episode in the pages above4 we found Fileno fleeing to escape the jealous rage of Florio. When the fugitive reaches the spot where the " Glene " unites with the " Elsa," 5 he breaks into a denunciation of love and of. the injustice of his exile.6 This he follows with a particularly conventional diatribe against passionate women in general,7 — " sfrenata moltitudine di f em- mine," — citing the examples of Clytemnestra, Helen, Procne, Medea, Myrrha, Byblis, Cleopatra and others, all of whom are " innumerabile popolo di pessime creature." 8 Straightway Fileno meets a forlorn youth, whose denunciation of a particular woman is very different from the conventional bombast of Fileno.9 His fervid words run as follows :

"iSTon molto lontano di qui, avvegnach& vicina sia piu assai quella parte alia citta di colui i cui ammaestramenti io seguii, e dove tu non & molto tempo ci fosti siccome tu di', era una gentil donna la quale io sopra tutte le cose del mondo amai e amo, e di lei mi concedette amore per Io mio buon servire cib che 1' amoroso disio cercava : e in questi diletti stetti non lungo tempo, che la fortuna mi volse in veleno la passata dolcezza, che quando mi

1 Cf. Crescini, Contribute, etc., p. 203.

2 The sources of Filoeolo undoubtedly contained suggestions of jealousy between the lovers during the period of their separation. In Fleck's Flore und BlanschefMr, Flore's parting words (11. 1284-1320) seem to forbode jealousy on the part of his innamorata (Cf. Crescini, Contributo, etc., p. 203, note 4). In II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore we are told that at one time during Fiorio's absence Biancifiore was "in tanta gelosia" (II Cantare, xxxviii, 4).

3 Cf. Crescini, Contributo, etc., pp. 72-73. 4 See above, p. 101.

5 See Filoeolo, I, 291. Cf. Crescini, Contributo, etc., pp. 71-72.

6 See Filoeolo, I, 292-296. 7 Id., I, 296-299.

8 Id., I, 299. 9 See id., I, 300-303.

€H. Il] IN FILOCOLO, BOCCACCIO DEPICTS HIS OWN JEALOUSY. 103

credeva avere piu. la sua benivolenza, e avere acquistato con diverse maniere il suo amore, io colli miei occhi vidi questa me per un altro avere abbandonato; e conobbi manifestamente che lungamente e con false parole m' avea ingannato, facendomi vedere che io era solo colui che il suo amore aveva : la qual cosa come mi fu manifesta, niuno credo che mai simile doglia sentisse com' io sentii." l

No one can deny that these words seem to have a definite reference and a personal ring entirely lacking in the passages that precede them. One can easily infer that the youth who speaks represents Giovanni Boccaccio.2 If this utterance is autobio graphical, it belongs, presumably, to the period after Maria's infidelity — that is, to a period considerably later than the stage •of courtship represented by Filostrato. This passage may be regarded, then, as a later insertion into a work which, in its beginning, at all events, professedly represents the earliest stages •of the author's great love affair. Such a disposition of a passage before us accords well with the fact that it is no integral part of the episode to which it is so loosely attached. The episode is really closed with the flight of Fileno, the meeting with the forlorn youth being merely the first of Fileno's experiences during his wanderings. Florio does not pursue his supposed rival, and, so far as we can tell, his jealousy is cured by Fileno's flight.

We have still to consider the chronological position of the rest of the episode, or, more accurately, of the episode as a whole. Xo one has ever attempted to demonstrate that the Fileno episode as a whole is autobiographical. However, since one writer has ventured a suggestion in that direction,3 we may do well to consider the chronological implications of such a suggestion. To what period in Boccaccio's love affair could we assign this episode ? If we interpret the supposed allegory strictly, whether Boccaccio is speaking in the mouth of Florio or of Fileno, since neither of these has consummated his love, the episode, we may suppose, would represent the period of courtship, — the period to which we assign Filostrato. If Filostrato and the Fileno episode fall into the same period, which was written first? For answering this question we have only stylistic indications, and these £oint clearly

1 Filocolo, I, 301-302. 2 Cf. Crescini, Contribute, etc., pp. 72-73.

3 Rossi (p. 79, note 1), without demonstration, surmises that the episode as a whole is autobiographical, — " Principalmente, io credo, perche egli ritraeva sentiment! e affetti proprii : il Filocolo infatti e il Filostrato sono le opere scrivendo le quali piu ebbe il Boccaccio a provare i morsi della gelosia. "

104 THE EVIDENCE OF GRISEIDA'S UNFAITHFULNESS TO TRIOLO.

to the chronological priority of the episode in Filocolo. On the other hand, if we ignore the autobiographical possibilities of the Fileno episode we are once more left to the stylistic criterion, and hence to the chronological priority of Filocolo.

One more point deserves consideration before we close, tenta tively, our examination, of the relative chronology of the parts of Filocolo and Filostrato before us. We have already observed that Florio becomes aware of his lady's supposed infidelity through a favour, in the form of a veil, that Fileno brings to Montorio.1 This situation is strikingly similar to that in the Roman de Troie in which Troilus becomes aware of Briseida's infidelity, we infer, through the favour that she has given to Diomedes.2 It is to- be noted also that this situation in Filocolo is much nearer to the simple sketch in Benoit's poem than to the more complicated parallel situation in Filostrato. According to the Italian poem, Troilo at no time sees Diomede wearing Griseida's favour, and has no definite evidence of her infidelity until Deiphobus brings to Troy the "ornato vestimento" of Diomede, on which Troilo sees the fatal " fermaglio." Since Benoit's poem was almost certainly familiar to Boccaccio at the time when he was writing Filocolo ?• it seems probable that the detail of the veil shows the influence of the favour of Diomedes in the Roman de Troie rather than of the trophy exhibited by Deiphobus in Filostrato. To be sure, the detail of the veil may not be literary imitation at all, but merely Boccaccio's invention.

From the facts before us it seems to me most probable

(1) that Boccaccio introduced a long and cumbersome episode of jealousy into the story of Florio and Biancofiore merely for literary purposes ; 4

(2) that the remarks of the forlorn youth at the end of the episode are autobiographical;5

(3) that the situation in which Florio discovers Biancofiore's- supposed infidelity through her veil carried by Fileno may have been suggested by Benoit's brief sketch of Troilus's experiences- with Diomedes ;

(4) that in writing • Filostrato^ Boccaccio adopted many details from the Fileno episode in Filocolo.

1 See above, p. 100. 2 See above, pp. 94-95.

3 See above, pp. 10, 62, 69, 152 ff.

4 Cf. Crescini, Contribute, etc., p. 203. B Cf. id., pp. 72-73.

FILOSTRATO DUE MOSTLY TO BENOIT AND FILOCOLO. 105

From our study of the genesis of Filostrato, it appears that this poem has as its basis the fragmentary episode of Troilus and Briseida created by Benoit and abbreviated by Guido. To these fragmentary sources Boccaccio made many additions, a large part of which are mere adaptations of ideas and details that he had previously embodied in his own Filocolo, a work that was well under way and probably still in progress when Filostrato was composed. Since the earlier work was still in his mind and probably still unfinished, the writer of Filostrato could hardly have avoided some reminiscences of the earlier work in the later, even if he had intended to do so. But when we consider the meagreness of the proper sources of Filostrato and the similarity of parts of the story of Florio and Biancofiore to the story of Troilus and Briseida, such adaptations as I have pointed out seem not only natural but inevitable. Moreover, such adaptations and repetitions, far from being foreign to Boccaccio's general method, are one of the most familiar and, to the biographers of this author, one of the most interesting and baffling characteristics of his early works.1 There is, then, in the external circumstances and in the author's general literary economy nothing to contradict my present contention that_the_story of Troilo and Griseida, as it took its first independent literary form in the hands of Boccaccio and passed on through the hands of Chaucer to Shakespeare, is a successful combination of an episode from the mediaeval romance of Troy and of numerous features that were originally associated with the mediaeval story of Floire and Blanchefleur.

CHAPTER III.

THE' RELATIONS OP TROILUS AND CRISEYDE TO THE ROMAN DE TROIE AND TO THE HISTORIA TROIANA.

FOR many years it has been well known that Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde is based directly upon Boccaccio's Filostrato.2 Not only did Chaucer derive his plot from the Italian poem, but he also adapted from it approximately a_thircL_Qf the lines in the

1 Of. Crescini, Contribute, etc., pp. 70-219.

2 For the history of opinion on this point, see G. L. Hamilton, The In debtedness of Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde to Guido delle Colonne's Historict Trojana, New York, 1903, pp. 21-45.

106 DID CHAUCER BORROW FROM BENOIT OR FROM GU1DO 1 [CH. Ill

English poem.1 However, since Troilus is almost a third longer than Filostrato, and since approximately one-half of the Italian poem is left unused, it would seem that the sources of some two- thirds of the English poem must be sought' elsewhere.

It was entirely natural that in seeking materials for enlarging the story, Chaucer should revert to the famous sources of Filostrato itself. Opinions have varied, however, as to whether Chaucer's supplementary source Avas Benoit, or Guido, or both of these, and as to the extent of his borrowings from each.2 The most

1 The traditional statement (see W. W. Skeat, The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, Vol. II,. Oxford, 1894, pp. xlix-1), which rests upon "W. M. Rossetti's Chaucer's Troylus and Criseyde compared with Boccaccio's Filostrato (Chaucer Society, 1873), is that, of the 8239 lines of Troilus, 2583 lines are directly adapted by condensation from 2730 lines of Filostrato, the total length of which is 5704 lines. Probably Chaucer's verbal indebtedness to Filostrato is greater than appears from the tabulation based upon Rossetti's comparison, for I do not believe that Rossetti points out all the passages in Troilus that show verbal borrowings from the Italian. For example, Rossetti (p. 292) indicates no parallel in Filostrato for the following lines from Criseyde's letter to Troilus in the English poem :

" Your lettres ful, the papir al y-plcynted, Conseyved hath myn hertes pietee ; I have eek seyn with teres al depeynted Your lettre . . ." (T. and C., v, 1597-1600).

In Griseida's first letter to Troilo in Filostrato we read :

" Picne Iz carte dclla tua scrittura ; Nelle quai lessi la tua vita grama Non senza doglia, s'io abbia ventura Che mi sia cara, e benche sianfrcgiate Di lacrime, pur 1' ho assai mirate "

(Filostrato, ii, 122, 4T8). Again, the English lines,

" Now loke that atempre be thy brydel, And, for the beste, ay suffre to the tyde "

(T. and C., i, 953-954),

for which Rossetti (p. 35) indicates no parallel in Filostrato, certainly resemble the Italian lines,

" . . . possi tu soffrirc, Ben raffrcnando il tuo caldo disire"

(Filostrato, ii, 23, 7-8).

These are only examples from a list the completion of which would demand some revision of Rossetti's exceedingly useful comparison.

2 For a review of opinion" on this point, see Hamilton, pp. 15-50. There is no proof that Chaucer reverted for materials to the De Excidio Troiae Historia of Dares Phrygius, where the characters of the story of Troilus and Briseida are mentioned and to some extent described (see above, pp. 2-3). All the' details in which Chaucer's poem closely resembles Dares are accessible in the more immediate sources of Troilus and Criseyde. On this point, see T. R. Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, New York, 1892, Vol. II, pp. 314-315 • G. C. Macaulay, Academy, XLVII, 298, col. 2 ; Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, II, pp. Ix

DR. G. L. HAMILTON ON CHAUCER AND GUIDO DELLE COLONNE. 107

recent and the most complete collection of evidence on this point is that contained in Dr. G. L. Hamilton's book, The Indebtedness of Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde to Guido delle Colonne's Historia Trojana.1 "We might well expect this book to settle once for all & question that had previously been frequently, but always in completely, discussed, and so far as the collecting of evidence is concerned, our expectation is sufficiently realized. The evidence, however, is so confusingly arranged and in many cases -so unduly emphasized that just conclusions cannot, I think, be drawn from Dr. Hamilton's valuable collectanea without a rearrangement of the evidence, and, in most cases, a re-examination of the sources. The present chapter, then, represents my re-study of the docu-

Ixiv, Ixxx ; Hamilton, pp. 75, 82, 83, 98, 103, 116, note 2, 130, 150. On the apparent connection between Chaucer's line,

"Criseyde mene was of hir stature " (T, and C., v, 806), and Dares' phrase,

" Briseidam . . . non alta statura" (De Excidio Troiae, p. 17, 11. 7-8), see below, p. 111. Skeat (p. Ixxx), in asserting that the line,

"And save hir browes joyneden y-fere" (T. and C., v, 813), "is due to Dares," evidently overlooks Benoit's line,

"Mais les sorcilles li joigneient " (E. de T., 5279).

€f. Macaulay, Academy, XLVII, 298, col. 2. Certainly we cannot be sure that Chaucer took the name, "Poliphete-" (T. and C., ii, 1467, 1616, 1619), from the "Polypoetem" of Dares (p. 30, 1. 5), when Guido mentions a "Polibetes," a " Polipotes," and a "Poliphebus" in fairly close juxtaposition (ffistoria, sig. e 3 verso, col. 1. For "Polipotes" of the printed text— Strassburg, 1489— Harvard MS. 27282. 67. 6, of the fourteenth century, fol. 37 recto, has " Polipetes"). Benoit has "Polipetes" (R. de T., 8279, variant). Cf. Hamilton, pp. 97-98. ,

It is not easy to see that Chaucer's phrase, "mighty limes square" (T. andC., v, 801), applied to Diomedes, is any nearer to Dares' "quadratum corpore" (p. 16, 11. 19-20) than to Benoit's "Gros e quarrez . . .'" (E. de T., 5212). To be sure, another hero, Ajax Oileus, is described by Dares as "quadratum valentibus membris" (p. 16, 11. 14-15), for which Benoit has,

" . . . gros e .quarrez De piz, de braz e de costez " (E. de T., 5179-5180),

which Guido renders,

"Corpore grossus fuit, amplis*scapulis, grossis brachiis"

(Historia, sig. e 1 verso, col. 2 ).

Cf. Hamilton, p. 116, note 2. Chaucer's "Delphos" (T. and C., iv, 1411) has a parallel in Dares' "Delphos" (p. 19, 11. 13 and 19) and in Guido's "Delphos insulam" (Historia, sig. e 4 recto, col. 2). Cf. Hamilton, p. 75. On Chaucer's knowledge of Dares in general, see Beck, Anglia, V, 325-326, referred to by Lounsbury, II, 260, note 2, and by Hamilton, p. 61. note 2. 1 New York, 1903.

108 CHAUCER'S SUPPOSED BORROWINGS FROM GUIDO. [CH. m

ments and my attempt to state more justly the indebtedness of Chaucer's Troilus and Criseijde to Guido and Benoit respectively.1

We may first consider those passages of the English poem which are, or which have been reputed to be, based upon passages in Guido's Historia Troiana.2

Chaucer describes Troilus as follows :

" And Troilus wel waxen was in highte, And complet formed by proporcioun So wel, that kinde it not amenden mighte ; Yong, fresshe, strong, and liardy as lyoun ; Trewe as steel in ech condicioun ; On of the beste enteched creature, That is, or shal, whyl that the world may dure.

And certainly in storie it is y-founde,

That Troilus was never un-to no wight,

As in his tyme, in no degree secounde

In durring don that longeth to a knight.

Al mighte a geaunt passen him of might,

His herte ay with the firste and with the beste

Stod paregal, to durre don that him leste," 3 —

to which description may be added,

" And eek his fresshe brother Troilus, The wyse worthy 'Ector the secounde, In whom that every vertu list abounde, As alle trouthe and alle gentillesse, Wysdom, honour, fredom, and worthinesse," *

and also the lines,

" And in the toun his maner tho forth ay So goodly was, and gat him so in grace, That ech him lovtde that loked on his face.5

For dredelees, men tellen that he dooth

In armes day by day so worthily,

And bereth him here at hoom so gentilly

1 In general, I shall not consider those parts of Chaucer's poem which could have been suggested equally well by passages in either Benoit or Guido. For a list of such passages, see Hamilton, pp. 98 ff.

2 In connection with the Chaucerian passages reputed to be based on Guido I shall be obliged to consider numerous borrowings from Benoit which would appear more properly in my later list of Chaucerian passages based upon the Roman de Troie.

3 T. and C., v, 827-840. Cf. ii, 644, 739-740 ; iii, 1774-1775 ; v, 1564-

4 Id., ii, 157-161. s M> if 1076-1078.

CH. in.] CHAUCER'S- SUPPOSED BORROWINGS FROM GUIDO. 109

To every wight, that al the prys hath he Of hem that me were levest preysed be." 1

There can be no doubt that these descriptions have a close parallel in similar descriptions of Troilus in the Roman de Troie, where we

read,

" Poi ert meins forz en son endreit Ne rneins hardiz qu'Hector esteit :

Troilus fu beaus a merveille ; Chiere ot riant, face vermeille, Cler vis apert, le front plenier : Mout covint bien a chevalier.

Tant come il ert en bon talent, Par esguardot si doucement, Que deliz ert de lui veeir ; 2 Mais une rien vos di por veir, Qu'il ert envers ses enemis D'autre semblant e d'autre vis. Haut ot le nes e par mesure : Bien sist as armes sa faiture.

Trestoz les membres bien tailliez ;

Granz ert, mais bien U coveneit 0 la faille, que bone aveit.3

!Ne fu sorfaiz ne outrajos, Mais liez e gais e amoros.

1 T. and C., ii, 185-189. On these descriptions of Troilus, see Skeat, Vol. II, pp. Ivi-lvii; Hamilton, pp. 75-76 ; G. C. Macaulay, in Three More Parallel Texts of Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde (edited by F. J. Furnivall, Chaucer Society, 1894-1895), p. (a) ; J. W. Broatch, The Indebtedness of Chaucer's Troilus to BenoiPs Roman, in Journal of Germanic Philology, II, 16.

2 Macaulay (Three More Parallel Texts, p. a) notes the resemblance between this line and Chaucer's line concerning Troilus,

" It was an heven up-on him for to see" (T. and C., ii, 637).

3 I do not understand Dr. Hamilton's statement (p. 81, note 1) that the Italian lines (Filostrato, i, 27, 1-2),

" Ell' era grande, ed alia sua grandezza Rispondean bene i membri tutti quanti,"

which describe Griseida, were used by Chaucer in his description of Troilus •(T. and (7., v, 827-828),—

"And Troilus wel waxen was in highte, And complet formed by proporcioun " ;

for the French lines before us (cf. Hamilton, p. 81, note 1), which describe Troilus, are an equally adequate parallel to the English lines. On the possi bility that the Italian lines describing Griseida are themselves based upon the Jrench lines describing Troilus, see above, p. 24.

110 IN DESCRIBING TROILUS, CHAUCER FOLLOWS BENOIT. [CH. IIF

Bien fu amez e bien ama, E maint grant fais en endura. Bachelers ert ejovenceaus, De ceus de Troie li plus beaus E li plus 2woz, fors que sisfrere Hector . . ." x

Guido describes Troilus as follows :

" Troilus vero licet multum fuerit corpore magnus, magis tamen f uit corde magnanimus j animosus multum, sed multam habuit in sua animositate temperiem ; dilectus plurimum a puellis cum ipse aliqualem servando modestiam delectaretur in illis. In viribus vero et strenuitate bellandi, vel fuit alius Hector vel secundus ah ipso. In toto etiam regno Troiae iuvenis nullus fuit tantis viribus nee tanta audacia gloriosus." 2

-7 Since Boccaccio offers no similar passage, there can be no doubt that in his description of Troilus Chaucer is in the main following Benpit rather than Guido. Nevertheless, Guido's phrase, "alius Hector vel secundus db ipso" shows so striking a verbal similarity a to Chaucer's,

". . . Troilus, The wyse worthy Ector the secounde," 4

that, although Benoit expresses the same thought, —

" E li plus proz, fors que sis frere Hector . . .,"5—

1 R. de T., 3991-3992, 5393-5396, 5401-5408, 5422, 5425-5426, 5433-5440. On the similarity of Chaucer's description to Benoit's, see Macaulay, Three more Parallel Texts, p. (a) ; Macaulay, Academy, XLVII, 298 ; Broatch, Jour, of Germ. PhiloL, II, 16 ; Hamilton, p. 76, note 2.

2 Historic^ Troiana, sig. e 2 verso, cols. 1-2. Hamilton (p. 76, note 2) notes also Guido's statement, "... cum ibi sit alius Hector qui nou minori praeditus est virtute inclitus ille scilicet Troilus, qui non minus quam si Hector viveret Graecos affligit" (Historia, sig. k8 recto, col. 2 — verso, col. 1).

3 Cf. Skeat, Vol. II, p. Ivii ; Hamilton, p. 76.

4 T. and C., ii, 157-158, quoted above. Cf. T. and 0., ii, 644, 739-740 ; iii, 1774-1775 ; v, 1564-1565, 1803-1804, noted by Hamilton, p.' 76, note 1.

5 £. de T., 5439-5440. Broatch (p. 16) thinks that the French lines con tain "the very statement that Troylus was second only to Hector in arms." See also Benoit's statements concerning Troilus, —

" Poi ert meins forz en son endreit Ne meins hardiz qu'Hector esteit" (JR. de T., 3991-3992) ;.

' ' N'est pas meins forz d'Hector son frere "

(JR. de T. (Joly), 19899).

The conventionality of these phrases is, perhaps, shown by such lines as the- following in the Roman de Thebes, —

" 0 Eneas, qui fu molt proz, Fors Hector li mieudres de toz "

CHAUCER'S DESCRIPTION OF CRISEYDE NOT ALL FROM BOCCACCIO'S. Ill

it is possible that Guido had a slight influence upon the English passage.1

In Chaucer's description of Criseyde occur the following passages :

" Criseyde mene ivas ofliir stature? Ther-to of shap, of face, and eek of chere, Ther mighte been no fairer creature.

And, save liir browes joyneden y-fere, Ther nas no Idk in ought I can espyen ; But for to speken of hir eyen clere, Lo, trewely, they writen that hir syen, That paradys stood formed in hir yen.3

She sobre was, eek simple, and wys with-al, The beste y-norisslied eek that mighte be, And goodly of hir speche in general, Charitable, estatliche, lusty, and free ; ]S~e never-mo ne lakkede hir pitee ; Tendre-herted, slydinge of corage." 4

In this description Chaucer seems in the main to have departed from Boccaccio's description 5 and to have reverted to the sources

(Le Roman de Thebes, edited by L. Constans, Paris, 1890, 11. 7237-7238. Cf. Vol. II, p. cxvi). The French lines, £. de T., 5439-5440, quoted above, may be the source of Chaucer's line,

"Save Ector, most y-drad of any wight " (T. and C., iii, 1775).

Cf. Hamilton, p. 137.

1 Such an influence is denied by Macaulay, who holds that the resem blance is not "sufficient of itself to prove imitation of Guide's expression" (Academy, XL VII, 298).

2 Chaucer's statement in this line reminds us of the opening Dares' descrip tion, — "Briseidam formosam, non alta statura . . ." (p. 17, 11. 7-8). How ever, Chaucer's borrowing directly from Dares here seems unlikely from the fact that both Benoit and Guido have the same sense (B. de T., 5276, "Ne fu petite ne trop grant" ; Hist., sig. e 2 recto, col. 2, "nee longa nee brevis"), and the fact that in Filostrato (i, 34, 1) we are told that Troilo, in speaking of Griseida,

"Lodava molto gli atti e la statura."

3 Cf. Filostrato, i, 28, 8, " Gli occhi lucenti e 1'angelico viso." Cf. id., i, 27, 3-4 ; i, 11, 4-5 ; iv, 100, 3.

4 T. and C., v, 806-808, 813-817, 820-825.

5 See Filostrato, i, 27, 1—28, 8. For example, Boccaccio's statement,

"Ell' era grande ..." (Filostrato, i, 27, 1), is directly contradicted by Chaucer's line,

" Criseyde mene was of hir stature" (T. and C., v, 806).

112 CHAUCER'S CRISEYDE is FROM BENOIT RATHER THAN GUIDO.

of Filostrato.' Numerous details in Chaucer's description have -close parallels in the Roman de Troie,1 —

" Briseida fu avenant : Ne fu petite ne trop grant. Plus esteit bele e bloie e blanche Que nor de lis ne neif sor branche ; Mais les sorcilles li joigneient, Que auques li mesaveneient. Beam ieuz aveit de grant maniere E mout esteit bele parliere. Mout fu de bon a/aitement E de sage contenement. Mout fu amee e mout amot, Mais sis corages li chanjot ; E si ert el mout vergondose, Simple e aumosniere e pitose" 2

Guido describes Briseida as follows :

"Briseida, autem, filia Calcas, multa fuit speciositate decora, nee longa nee brevis, nee nimium macilenta ; lacteo perfusa candore, genis roseis, flavis crinibus ; sed super ciliis iunctis, quorum junctur a, dum multa pilositate tumesceret, modicam inconvenientiam praesen- tabat ; oculis venusta ; multa fulgebat loquelae facundia, multa fuit pietate tractabilis ; multos traxit propter illecebras amatores, multosque dilexit, dum suis amatoribus animi constantiam non servasset." 3

Apparently there are no details in Chaucer's description which he could not have found in Benoit's description quite as well as in Guide's,4 whereas the English passages show striking verbal

1 This comparison was made by Macaulay, in Three More Parallel Texts, Introduction, p. (a). Cf. Academy, XLVII, 298 ; Broatch, p. 26.

2 R. de T., 5275-5288.

3 Historia Troiana, sig. e 2 recto, col. 2.

4 Hamilton notes Chaucer's mention of "browes joyneden y-fere" as a "lak," and says (p. 82, note 1), "only in the Historia is the defect of the eyebrows emphasized." Cf. Professor Neilson in Journal of Compar. Lit., I, 290. I believe that Chaucer's lines,

"And save hir browes joyneden y-fere, Ther nas no lak . . ." (T. and C., v, 813),

show just the same emphasis of this defect that we find in Benoit's lines, " Mais les sorcilles li joigneient, Que auques li mesaveneient."

To be sure, Guido adds a detail, — " dum multa pilositate tumesceret, " — which does not occur in Benoit ; but neither is this detail in any wise reflected in Chaucer. Chaucer and Benoit agree in this point against Guido. On the phrase "supercilia iuncta," see J. Fiirst, Phi'ologus, LXI, 385-388; G. P. Krapp, Modern Lang. Notes, XIX, 235 ; G. L. Hamilton, Modern Lang. Notes, XX, 80.

€H. in] CHAUCER'S 'GOD OF LOVE' DUE TO BOCCACCIO'S. 113

^s^tfi^

resemblances to the French of Benoit. I conclude, therefore, that Chaucer followed Benoit at this point, and that here the English author cannot be proved to have borrowed anything at all from Guido.1

As part of his account of the innamoramento of Troilus, Chaucer writes,

" . -. . the god of love gan loken rowe Eight for despyt, and shoop for to ben wroken ; He kidde anoon his bowe nas not broken ; For sodeynly he hit him at the fulle"2

In Filostrato we find,

" Senza pensare in che il del s'a/retti Di recar lui, il quale amor traftsse Piu ch'alcun altro . . ." 3

It . has been held 4 that, since the Italian lines are an inadequate source for the English passage, Chaucer probably followed a passage in Guide's account of the innamoramento of Achilles and Polyxena, the French original of which served Boccaccio in his account of the innamoramento of Troilo.5 The Latin passage in question is as follows :

"Et dum desiderabili animo in earn Achilles suum defixisset intuitum, sagitta Cupidinis fortem Achillem subito vulneravit et ad interiora pertransiens cordis ejus." 6

I cannot see that the Latin passage could have served as a source of the English lines any better than could the Italian lines. Boccaccio provides a parallel for Chaucer's "god of love," as Guido does not. If Chaucer needed to be reminded that the "god of love" uses a "bowe," he may have been inspired by Guide's "sagitta," or by Boccaccio's later line, —

" Saette che per te m'entrar nel petto." 7

1 I cannot accept the opinion of Dr. Hamilton, pp. 81-82.

2 T. and C., i, 206-209. Of. Lenvoy de Chaucer to Scogan, 11 25-27

3 Filostrato, i, 25, 6-8.

4 See Hamilton, pp. 71-3 ; and see Journal of Comparative Literature, I, 289.

5 See above, pp. 35 ff.

6 Historia Troiana, sig. k 2 verso, col. 2. Benoit has no adequate parallel. Cf. £. de T. (Joly), 17510-17559.

7 Filostrato, iv, 146, 6. Chaucer's

"... soydenly he hit him at the fulle " (T. and C., i, 209), may or may not be nearer to Guide's,

" Subito vulneravit et ad interiora pertransiens cordis ejus," DEV. TR. CR. I

114 A PASSAGE POSSIBLY DUE TO GUIDO. [CH. Ill

In further describing the innamoramento of Troilus, Chaucer writes,

" And sodeynly he wex ther-with astoned, And gan hire bet biholde in thrifty wyse : ' 0 mercy, god ! ' thoughte he, * wher hastow woned, That art so fair and goodly to devyse ? ' Ther-with his herte gan to sprede and ryse,

And after that hir loking gan she lighte, That never thoughte him seen so good a siglife.

And of hir look in him ther gan to quikeu

So greet desir, and swich affeccioun,

That in his hertes botme gan to stiken

Of hir his fixe and depe impressioun :

And though he erst hadde poured up and doun,

He was tho glad his homes in to shrinke ;

Unnethes wiste he Jiow to loke or winke." l

A possible source for the English passages has been pointed out 2 in the following passages in Guido's account of Achilles' love affair :

"Achilles igitur dum Polixenam inspexit et ejus est pulchri- tudinem contemplatus vere suo eoncepit in animo nunquam se vidisse puellam nee aliquam aliam mulierem tantae pulchritudinis forma vigere. . . . Qui dum in earn frequentius intuendo sibi ipsi placere putaret et lenire grave desiderium cordis sui majoris scissurae cordis vulneris seipsum sibi reddebat actorem. . . . Quid ultra, amore Polixenae nimium illaqueatus, Achilles nescit ipse quid faciat. . . . Propter quod dilatat amplius plagas suas et sui amor is vulnera magis sui cordis attrahit in prnfundum" 3

Though we may well admit the possibility of Guido's influence upon Chaucer at this point, some consideration should be given to. Boccaccio's lines,

"E diessi piu a mirare il suo aspetto, II qual piu ch'altro degno in s6 gli pare Di molta lode. . . ." 4

than to the Italian,

". . >. che il ciel s'affretti Di recar lui, il quale amor trafisse Piuch'alcun altro. ..."

1 T. and 0., i, 274-278, 293-301.

2 Hamilton, pp. 73-4. Of. Neilson, Journal of Compar. Lit,., I, 289-290. 8 Historia, sig. k 2 verso, col. 2— k 3 recto, col. 1. The Roman de Troie

has no close parallel. 4 Filostrato. i, 28, 4-6. With the English passages compare also,

CH. in] CHAUCER'S 'HORASTE' AND ' THOAS ' DUE TO GUIDO? 115

Moreover, the English passage may show the influence also of Boccaccio's account of his own innamoramento near the beginning of Filocolo?- in which the following passage may be noted :

"... apparve agli occhi miei la mimbile bellezza della pres- critta giovane ... la quale si tosto com'io ebbi veduta il cuore comincio si forte a tremare . . . e non sappiendo perche, n& ancora sentendo quello che egli gia s'immaginava che avvenire gli dovea per la nuova vista, incominciai a dire : oime, che e questo. . . . Ma dopo alquanto spazio, rassicurato un poco, presi ardire, e intentivamente cominciai a rimirare ne' begli occhi dell'adorna giovane . . . di quindi col piagato cuore partito mi fui." 2

The name of Troilus's supposed rival occurs as Horaste in the lines,

" 'How that ye sholde love oon that hatte Horaste,'

' Horaste ! alias ! and falsen Troilus ? ' " 3

The fact that Benoit always writes Orestes^ while Guido has Horestesf may be a slender indication that in this detail Chaucer is influenced by Guido.6

Chaucer tells us that in exchange for Antenor, the Trojans delivered to the Greeks both Thoas and Criseyde, —

" And of this thing ful sone his nedes leyde On hem that sholden for the tretis go, And hem for Antenor ful ofte preyde To bringen hoom king Toas and Criseyde" 7

In Filostrato, Thoas is not mentioned, and Griseida is exchanged directly for Antenor.8 It may be said that Chaucer's innovation " Co li est vis que molt est bele ;

Onques horn plus bele ne'vit "

(E. de T. Joly, 17556-17558).

1 Filocolo, I, 4-7. See above, pp. 40 ff. As to Chaucer's use of Filocolo, see Chapter IV.

2 Id.. I, 5-6. 3 T. and C., iii, 797, 806.

4 See £. de T. (Joly), 27958, 28157, 28166, 28182.

5 See Historia, sig. n 5 verso, col. 2 ; n 6 recto, col. 2.

6 See Hamilton, p. 97. In the absence of a critical text of the Historia Troiana and of the part of the Roman de Troie under discussion, probably only limited inferences can be drawn from such slight variations in the spelling of a proper name.

7 T. and 0., iv, 135-138. Of. Hertzberg, Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shake- speare-Gesellschaft, VI, 203 ; Kissner, Chaucer in seinen Beziehungen zur italienischen Literatur, Bonn, 1867, p. 23 ; Hamilton, pp. 104-105.

8 See Filostrato, iv, 78, 7-8 ; 10, 4-6 ; 12, 7-8. See above, p. 8. Hamilton .notes (p. 105, note 2) that according to Harleian MS. 1239, Chaucer agrees with Boccaccio in omitting Thoas from the episode ; but this variant is evidently due to a scribe's error and signifies nothing.

116 CHAUCER ON CRISEYDE's GRIEF IS DUE TO BOCCACCIO. [CH. Ill

could have originated either in Benoit's poem or in Guide's Historia, both of which mention the exchange of Antenor and Thoas.1 However, Guido alone associates Briseida directly with the exchange of the two warriors. This fact will appear when we analyze the two accounts.2 Benoit first tells us that Antenor and Thoas are exchanged, to the great satisfaction of both sides.3 Then Calchas makes a separate request, — in no wise connecting it with this exchange, — that the Greek chieftains ask Priam to deliver Briseida to them.4 Priam grants this request, in no wise connecting it with the exchange previously made.5 According to Guido the procedure is the same,6 except that Priam releases Briseida in explicit connection with the exchange of Antenor and Thoas, —

" Sed rex Priamus ad petitionem Graecorum inter commutationem Antlienoris et regis Tlwas Breseidam G-raeds voluntarie relaxavit" 7

It may be, then, that Chaucer's innovation of connecting Criseyde and Thoas in the exchange for Antenor was suggested by the close association of these three characters in the Historia Troiana.

Criseyde's venting of her grief over the news of the approaching separation from Troilus is shown in the following lines :

4

" And fond that she hir-selven gan to trete Ful pitously ; for with Mr salte teres HIT brest, hir face y-bathed ivas ful wete ; The mighty tresses of hir sonnish heres, Unbroyden, hangen al aboute hir eres ; Which yqf him verray signal of martyre Of cleeth, which that hir herte gan desyre." 8

There can be no doubt that Chaucer is here following in the main Boccaccio's parallel description, —

" El vide lei in sul letto avviluppata Ne'singhiozzi, nel pianto e ne'sospiri ; El petto tutto e la faccia bagnata Di lacrime le vide, ed in disiri Di pianger gli occhi suoi, e scapigliata, Dar vero segno degli aspri martirj." 9

1 Of. E. de T., 13079-13085 ; Historia, sig. i 1 recto, col. 2— verso, col. 1.

2 See above, p. 8. 3 R de T ^ 13079_13085. 4 Id., 13086-13098. « Id., 13099-13120.

6 Historia Troiana, sig. i 1 recto, col. 2.

7 Id., sig. i 1 verso, col. 1. See T. E. Oliver, Jacques Milet's Drama "La Destruction de Troye la Grant" Heidelberg, 1899, p. 98.

8 T. and <?., iv, 813-819. » Mlostrato, iv, 96, 1-6.

CH. Ill] CHAUCER ON CRISEYDE's TRESSES NOT DUE TO GUIDO. 117

It has been maintained,1 however, that the English lines,

" The mighty tresses of hir sonnish heres Unbroyden, hangen al aboute hir eres ; "

show the influence of a phrase of Guide's in his similar de scription, —

". . . et aureos crines suos a lege ligaminis absolutes . . . divellit."2

In view of Boccaccio's word, " scapigliata," in the Italian passage above, and of his other line,

" E i biondi crin tirandosi rompea," 3

I think Guido's influence upon the English lines is not easy to demonstrate. Moreover, I believe that the demonstration is definitely vitiated by such a passage as the following, describing the heroine of Filocolo, a work which, as we shall see,4 Chaucer certainly used in writing Troilus :

". . . i begli occhi pieni di lagrime, e i biondi capelli senza alcun maestrevole legamento attorti e avviluppati al capo." 5

It has been suggested also6 that the same brief passage from Guido may be the source of Chaucer's later passage describing Criseyde, —

" And ofte tyme this was hir manere, To gon y-tressed with -Mr heres clere Doun by hir coler at hir bak bihinde, Which with a threde of gold she wolde binde." 7

In view of the somewhat conventional nature of this description 8 and of the parallel in Boccaccio's Teseide, —

" Ella avea d'oro i crini, et rilegati Intorno al capo senza treccia alcuna," 9 —

1 See Hamilton, pp. 77-79. 2 Historia, sig. i 2 recto, col. 2.

3 Filostrato, iv, 87, 7. 4 See below, Chapter IV.

t-Filocolo, I, 188. Cf. Filocolo, I, 121,—

"Ellanon si curavamai di mettere i suoi biondi capelli con sottile maestria in dilicato ordine."

6 Skeat (Vol. II, pp. Iviii-lix) made this suggestion and Broatch (pp. 17-18) rejected it. Hamilton (p. 79) revived Skeat's suggestion. ' T. and C., v, 809-812.

8 See The Court of Love, 11. 138-140 (edited by Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, Vol. VII, Oxford, 1897, pp. 409 ff. Cf. id., pp. 542-3). See also Kyng Alisaunder, 11. 207-208 (H. Weber, Metrical Romances, Vol. I, Edinburgh, 1810, p. 14).

9 Teseide (Opere Volgari di Giovanni Boccaccio, Vol. IX, Firenze, Moutier, 1831),, vii, 65, 1-2. Cf. Hamilton, p. 79, note 2.

118 CHAUCER ON CRISEYDE's GRIEF, FROM GUIDO OR BOCCACCIO.

the influence of Guido here will probably never be demon strated.1

In another part of his description of Criseyde's grief, Chaucer writes,

" Hir ounded heer, that sonnish was of he we, She rente, and eek hir fingres longe and smale She wrong ful ofte, and bad god on hir rewe, And with the deeth to doon bote on hir bale," 2

a passage in which he is certainly using Boccaccio's lines,

"E i biondi crin tirandosi rompea, E mille volte ognor morte chiedea." 3

Filostrato, however, offers no parallel to Chaucer's detail, —

" . . . and eek hir fingres longe and smale She wrong ful ofte . . . ,"-

which, it has been surmised, may show the influence of such passages as the following from Guide's extravagant addition to Benoit's more restrained account of Briseida's grief :

" Unguibus etiam. suis sna tenerrima ora dilacerabat . . . et dum rigidis unguibus suas maxillas exarat rubeo cruore pertinctas, lacerata lilia laceratis rosis immisceri similitudinarie videbantur." 4

I do not see that the Latin passage contains an exact parallel to Chaucer's detail. Moreover, before admitting Guide's direct in fluence here we should not overlook such passages as the following, describing the heroine of Filocolo, —

1 Since Dr. Hamilton was bent upon showing Guide's influence upon the Chaucerian passages before us, he might have cited also Guide's description of Polyxena, —

"Polixena in multorum mulierum nobilium comitiva, quae sparsis per earum pectora et terga capillis, flebiles gemitus . . . producebant " (Historia, sig. k 2 verso, col. 1).

' ' Sicque eius aurea et flavea caesaries in multis dispersa capillis auri similitudinem presentabat ut quasi non viderentur esse capilli sed coniuncta potius auri fila" (id., sig. k 2 verso, col. 2).

2 T. and C., iv, 736-739. » Filostrato, iv, 87, 7-8.

4 Historia, sig. i 2 recto, col. 2. The latter part of the Latin passage might conceivably be the source of Chaucer's line,

" Hir hewe, whylom bright, that tho was pale "

(T. andC., iv, 740), which, however, is tolerably close to Boccaccio's

"... le fresche guance e delicate Pallide e magre 1'eran divenute " (Filostrato, vi 1, 6-7).

Cf. Hamilton, p. 80, note 1.

OH. Ill] CRISEYDE'S SCOLDING OF HER FATHER IS FROM GUIDO. 119

"... ella s'avrebbe i biondi capelli dilaniati e guasti, e'l bel yiso senza niuna pieta lacerate con crudeli unghie, stracciandosi i neri drappi significant! la futura morte." l

From the evidence before me I conclude that no more than the remote possibility of Guide's influence at this , point has been established.

According to Chaucer, Criseyde gives to Troilus a considerable account of the style in which she intends to berate her father.2 In this speech occur the following expressions concerning heathen deities :

" I shal him so enchaunten with my sawes, That right in hevene his sowle is, shal he mete ! For al Appollo, or his clerkes lawes, Or calculinge avayleth nought three hawes.

. . . and beren him on honde, He hath not ivel the goddes understonde, For goddes speken in amphibologyes, And, for a sooth, they tellen twenty lyes.

Eek drede fond first goddes, I suppose, Thus shal I seyn, and that his coward herte Made him amis the goddes text to glose, Whan he for ferde out of his Delphos sterte." 3

These English passages have no direct parallel in Filostrato.^ In Benoit's account of Briseida's upbraiding of her father we read,

" Trop i mesfist dant Apollin, Se il tel respons vos dona Ne se il 90 vos comanda. Maudiz seit hui icist augurs, Icist dons e icist eiirs, Qu'a si grant honte vos revert ! " 5

•Guido represents this French passage by the following :

"Sane deceperunt te Appollinis falsa responsa a quo te dicis suscepisse mandatum ut tuos paternos lares desereres et tuos in tanta acerbitate peierares et ut sic tuis specialiter hostibus adhereres. Sane non fuit ille deus Appollo sed potius puto fuit comitiva infernalium furiarum a quibus responsa talia suscepisti." 6

1 Filocolo, I, 176. 2 See T. and 0., iv, 1366-1414.

3 Id., iv, 1395-8, 1404-11.

4 In another connection Filostrato has (vii, 90, 7-8),

" Non t' ha di questo il vero assai mostrato II tuo Apollo, il qual di' c' hai gabbato."

5 R. de T., 13768-13773. 6 Historia Troiana, sig. i 3 recto, col. 1.

120 CHAUCER'S BLAME OF HEATHENISM is FROM BENOIT. [CH. in

Certainly Criseyde's words are nearer to the Latin passage than to the French.1

As part of the conclusion of his poem Chaucer himself arraigns heathen practices in the following vigorous words :

" Lo here, of payens corsed olde rytes, Lo here, what alle hir goddes may availle ; I,o here, these wrecched worldes appetytes ; Lo here, the fyn and guerdon for travaille Of Jove, Appollo, of Mars, of swich rascaille ! Lo here, the forme of olde clerkes speche In poetrye, if ye hir bokes seche." 2

It has been conjectured that this passage shows the influence of Guido's invective against idolatry, — one of his most conspicuous additions to his French source.3 Although this invective is not directly connected with the story of Troilus and Briseida, and although there are no resemblances in detail between Chaucer and Guido at this point, no one can deny the possibility that the Latin invective may have influenced the English passage. However, the English lines,

". . . corsed olde rytes,

Lo here, the fyn and guerdon for travaille,"4 may show the influence of the French lines,

" Maudiz seit hui icist augurs, Icist dons e icist eiirs, Qu'a si grant honte vos revert ! " 5

Moreover, we should notice Hecuba's outburst against heathen deities and heathen practices as she mourns beside the dead body of Troilus,—

" Ahi lasse, quel porteure,

Et com dolerose aventure !

Ahi reis Mars, reis Jupiter,

Ahi Pluto, li Deu d'enfer,

Quel merveille, quel cruelte !

Tant sacrefice vos ai fait, Tant riche tenple preciox. Par 90 m'estes si hainox,

1 See Skeat, Vol. II, p. Ivii ; Broatcli, pp. 16, 20.

2 T. and C., v, 1849-1855.

:? Historia, sig. e 4 verso, col. 1— e 6 recto, col 1. Cf. Skeat, Vol II, pp. Ix- hi : Hamilton, pp. 90-92. * T. and C., y, 1849, 1852. * E. dc T., 13771-3.

CH. in] CRISEYDE'S RECEPTION OF DIOMEDES is NOT FROM GUIDO. 121

Que plus ne me poez grever, Ne me poez mes bien doner. De mortal geu, de plorement, De bret, de cri, de ullement Avez enplies mes entrailles ; Ici a trop dures batailles ! " 1

Hecuba's outburst may fairly, be said to stand at the end of Benoit's story of Troilus, and may well have influenced the similar passage at the end of Troilus and Criseyde. We may conclude, then, that in his remarks concerning heathen worship Chaucer was probably influenced rather more directly byJBsnoit than by Guido.

According to Chaucer, Criseyde responds as follows to Diomedes> first amorous approach :

" Criseide un-to that purpos lyte answer de, As she that was with sorwe oppressed so That, in effect, she nought his tales herde, But here and there, now here a word or two. Hir thoughte hir sorwful lierte brast a-two. For whan she gan hir fader fer aspye, Wei neigh doun of hir hors she gan to sye.

But natheles she thonked Diomede

Of al his travaile and his goode chere,

And that him liste his friendship hir to lede ;

And she accepteth it in good manere,

And wolde do fayn that is him leef and dere ;

And trusten him she wolde, and wel she mighte,

As seyde she, and from hir hors she alighte." 2

Guido reports Briseida's reply as follows :

" Sed Briseida in ipsis primis motibus, ut mulierum est nioris, suum praestare recusavit assensum. . ISTec tamen passa est quin post multa Diomedis verba ipsum nolens a -spe sua deijcere verbis humilibus dixit ei : ' Amoris tui oblationem ad presens nee repudio nee admitto, cum cor meum nunc non sit ita dispositum quod tibi possim aliter respondere.' " 3

Surely Guide's Latin provides no very close parallel to the English passage before us,4 whereas Benoit assigns to Briseida a much longer reply,5 in which certain verbal similarities to Chaucer's abridgment will appear from the following passages :

1 R. de T. (Joly), 21679-21683, 21698-21706. Guido (Historia, sig. 1 3 verso, col. 1) has no similar passage.

2 T. and C., v, 176-189. 3 Eistoria, sig. i 2 verso, col. 1.

4 See Hamilton, pp. 114-115.

5 See R. de T., 13617-13680. Cf. 13706-13712.

122 CRISEYDE DISMOUNTING PERHAPS FROM GUIDO. [CH. Ill

" Briseida fu sage e proz, Respond! li e a bries moz :

Qui tant a ire e esmaiance E en son cuer duel e pesance Come jo ai, mout li tient poi D 'amors ne de bien ne de joi.

Si poe'z bien estre certains, S'a 90 me voleie aproismier, Nul plus de vos n'avreie chier.

Ainz que venist al desevrer, Si a cr'ie cent feiz merci, Que de lui face son ami." l

From the passages before us I see no reason for supposing that the English lines are based upon Guido rather than upon Benoit.2

In one detail, however, —

"For whan she gan hir fader fer aspye, Wei neigh doun of hir hors she gan to sye.

. . . and. from hir hors she alighte,"3 — Chaucer may possibly show the influence of Guido, who writes,

" Quare associayit earn usque ad locum quo Briseida recipere in sui patris tentoria se debebat, et ea perveniente ibidem, ipse earn, ab equo descendens, promptus adivit," 4 —

though it is to be noted that here it is evidently Diomedes who dismounts, and not Briseida, as in the English passage. Benoit does not so explicitly mention the detail of the dismounting.5

1 E. de T., 13617-13618, 13637-13640, 13676-13678, 13706-13708. Cf. Hertzberg, Jahrbuch der Deutsclien Skakespeare-GescllscJiaft, VI, 203 ; Broatch, pp. 17, 18, 27. In connection with the phrase, crier . . . merci, see below, p. 124, note 2.

2 Fora contrary opinion, see Hamilton, pp. 114-115.

3 T. and C., v, 181-182, 189, quoted above.

4 Historia, sig. i 2 rerso, col. 1. Cf. Hamilton, p. 119, note 2. 6 Benoit writes,

" Mout deist plus Diomedes, Mais ja erent des tentes pres :

A tant Calcas i est venuz, Qui centre li s'en fu eissuz "

(E. de T., 13703-4, 13713-4). Cf., however, R. de T., 13846-7,—

" Quant la danzele fu el tref, Ou sis conduiz lot descendue."

€RISEYDE AND DIOMEDE DUE MORE TO BENOIT THAN TO GUIDO. 123

In his account of Criseyde's later reply to Diomedes, Chaucer assigns to his heroine these words,

" I sey not therfore that I wol yow love, Ne I sey not nay, but in conclusioun, / mene wet, by god that sit above," l

which several writers2 have held to be based upon a passage in Guide's account of Briseida's first reply to Diomedes, —

" Amoris tui oblationem ad presens nee repudio nee admitto." 3 In Benoit we find the following :

" Soz ciel n'a si riche pucele Ne si preisiee ne si bele, Por 90 que rien vousist amer, Que pas vos deiist refuser : Nejo nos refits autrement. Mais n'ai corage ne talent Que vos ne autre aim aparmains ; Si poe'z bien estre certains, S'a 90 me voleie aproismier, Nul plus de vos n'avreie chier. Mais n'an ai pense ne voleir, Neja Deus nel me doint aveir /" 4

I do not believe that the verbal reseihblance between the English lines and the Latin are sufficiently striking to preclude the possibility of Chaucer's having used the French passage before us. Moreover, the similarities between other passages in this part of the English poem and passages in the part of Benoit' s poem that we are now considering seem to strengthen the probability that at this point Chaucer is using the Roman de Troie rather than the Hist or ia Troiana, —

r" If that I sholde of any Greek han routhe, It sholde be your-selven, by my trouthe ! " &

" Si poe'z bien estre certains, S'a 90 me voleie aproismier, Nul plus de vos n'avreie chier." 6

1 T. and C., v, 1002-1004.

2 Cf. Kissner, p. 24 ; Skeat, Vol. IJ, p. lix ; Hamilton, pp. 83-84.

3 Historia, sig. i 2 verso, col. 1.

4 R. de T., 13669-13680. Cf. Broatch, p. 18.

6 T. and C., v, 1000-1001. 6 R^ de T., 13676-8.

124 CRISEYDE'S MEDITATION, PERHAPS FROM GUI DO. [OH. in

-'"This Diomede al freshly newe ayeyn

Gan pressen on, and faste Mr mercy prey 6." ]

1 " Preier convient Diomedes

Qui tant ainie que ne puet mes. I So vent li vait inerci crier" 2

Hir glove he took, of which he ivas ful fayn" 3

Un de ses guanz li a toleit, Que nus iiel set ne aparceit : Mout sj en fait liez . . ." 4

Chaucer tells us that after her second reply to Diomedes. Criseyde retired to her father's tent,

" Eetorning in hir soule ay up and doun The wordes of this sodein Diomede." 5

As the source of the first of these lines one writer 6 has suggested a phrase used by Guido in a different connection, —

"Multa tamen in sua mente revolvit." 7

However, there is no proof whatever that Chaucer, who on the whole is following Benoit at this point, went to another part of Guido's work for a phrase that he had already used twice in Troilus in close translation from FilostratoP

1 T. and C., v, 1010-11.

2 JR. de T. (Joly), 14983-5. Of. Hamilton, p. 114, note 3. On the mean ing of merci crier, see Littre, Didionnaire de la Langue Francaise, Tome II,, Partie Ie, Paris, 1869.

3 T. and C., v, 1013.

4 R. de T., 13709-13711. On this detail, see Hertzberg, p. 203 ; Macaulay, Academy, XLVII, 298 ; Broatch, pp. 17, 18 ; Hamilton, pp. 118-119. Skeat says (Vol. II, p. lix) that Chaucer's detail is "obviously from Guido," who> has, to be sure, " unam de cirothecis quam Hriseida gerebat in manu ab ea, nullo percipiente, furtive subtraxit " (Hiatoria Troiana, sig. i 2 verso, cols. 1-2).

5 T. and C., v, 1023-4. e See Hamilton, p. 85.

7 Historia, sig. 1 1 recto, col. 1. One might cite also Guido's phrase concerning Medea,— "multa inter se cogitatione revolvit" (Historia, sig. a 7 recto, col. 2), and the phrase in Filocolo, " nella mente tornandole alcuna voltaFlorio" (I, 323).

8 T. and C., ii, 601-2,—

"And every word gan up and doun to winde, That he hadde seyd, as it com hir to minde," —

is a translation of Filostrato, ii, 68, 3-4, —

" Seco nel cuor ciascuna paroletta Rivolvendo di Pandaro e novella."

CH. in] CRISEYDE'S GIYING-IN TO DIOMEDE is FROM BENOIT. 125

Criseyde's final succumbing to Diomedes is recounted by Chaucer in the following summary :

" I finde eek in the stories elles-where, Whan through the body hurt was Diomede Of Troilus, tho weep she many a tere, "Whan that she saugh his wyde woundes blede ; And that she took to kepen him good hede, And for to hele him of his sorwes smerte, Men seyn, I not, that she yaf him hir herte" l

Chaucer is evidently summarizing Benoit's account, in which occur the following passages :

" Quant Diomedes fu navrez, Et la fille Calcas le sot, Conforta s'en al mielz que pot ; Mes n'en puet pas son cuer covrir Que plor, et lermes, et sospir, N'issent de li a negun fuer. Bien fet senblant que de son cuer L'aime sor tote rien vivant.

Molt fu perillose la plaie ; Et ele en plore o les dens ielz.

Que vers lui a tot atorne S'amor, son cuer et son pense.

; Trop ai en lui ja mon cuer mis.

) » 2

€f. T. and C., ii, 659-660. T. and 0., iii, 1541-2,—

" And in his thought gan up and doun to winde Hir wordes alle . . .,"-

is a translation of Filostrato, iii, 54, 1-2,—

" E giva ciascun atto rivolgendo Nel suo pensiero ..."

€f. Hamilton, p. 85, note 4, who quotes these passages.

1 T. and C., v, 1044-1050.

2 J2. de T. (Joly), 20194-20201, 20211, 20213, 20219-20220, 20271. The English line,

"Whan through the body hurt was Diomede,"

may be due to the French lines in the early part of the Roman de Troie, 11. 557-8,—

" Come il [i. e., Troilus] navra Diomedes Par mi le cors de plain eslais."

€f. Broatch, pp. 19, 25, 26 ; Hamilton, pp. 122-124 ; ten Brink, Geschichte dcr Englischen Literatur, Vol. II, Strassburg, 1893, p. 95.

126 CRISEYDE'S GIVING-IN TO DIOMEDE is FROM BENOIT. [CH. in

Although Guide's account in general lacks the details of the English passage which are supplied by Benoit,1 it has been maintained 2 that the last two lines of the English passage,—

" And for to hele him of his sorwes smerte, Men seyn, I not, that she yaf him hir herte," 3 — •

are based upon the following passage in the Historia Troiana :

" Totum suum animuni ... in Diomedis declinat et convert! t amorem . . . sed quam primuin convalescentiam fuerit adeptus, absolute facere velle suum, cum in ejus amore tota defer veat et flagrant! desiderio penitus incalescat,"4

which is Guide's "account of the subsequent action of the heroine."5 Yet Chaucer's phrase, —

"... she yaf him hir herte," —

has close verbal parallels in the French passages already before us, and the sense of the two English lines, and a clear indication of the "subsequent action of the heroine," are contained in the fol lowing lines from Briseida's final soliloquy in Benoit's poem, — a soliloquy for which Guido has no parallel, —

" Mes or m'estuot a 90 torner Et mon corage et mon penser, Yoiile ou ne voille desormes, Confetement Diomedes Seit d'amors & mei entendanz, Si qu'il en seit liez et joianz, Et gie de lui, puisque si est. Or truis mon cuer garni et prest De fere 90 qui lui plera : Ja plus orgoil n'i trovera. Par parole 1'ai tant amene, Qu'or li ferai sa volonte Et son pleisir et son yoleir." 6

I believe that Guido's Historia had no influence whatever upon the English passage under consideration.7

1 See Historia, sig. k 6 verso, col. 2 ; 1 1 recto, col. 1. Professor Skeat (Vol. II, p. Ix), without examining Benoit's poem, refers the English passage to Guido.

2 Hamilton, p. 86. » T. and 0., v, 1049-1050. 4 Historia, sig. 1 1 recto, col. 1. 5 Hamilton, p. 86.

6 JR. de T. (Joly), 20317-20329.

7 In view of the similarities between the French and English passages before us I see no possibility of establishing a connection between Guido's " convales centiam " and Chaucer's verb, "hele."

CH. in] CRISEYDE'S UNFAITH AND HECTOR'S DEATH. 127

It has been held that the lines,

" Alias ! that they shulde ever cause finde . To speke hir harm ; and if they on hir lye, Y-wis, hem-self sholde han the vilanye," l

are a direct reference to Guide's scathing remarks on Briseida's faithlessness.2 However, not only does Benoit likewise condemn the heroine's inconstancy,3 but he also writes a passage in which he seems to anticipate just such an expression as Chaucer's, —

"De cest, veir, criem g'estre blasmez De cele que tant a bontez Que hautece a, pris e valor, Honeste e sen e honor, Bien e mesure e saintee, E noble largece e beaute ; En cui mesfait de dames maint Sont par le bien de li esteint." 4

Apparently the English lines are rather more definitely suggested by BenoitJhanJbyJSruido.

Chaucer's brief description of Hector's death at the hands of Achilles is contained in the lines,

" For as he drougli a king by thaventayle, Unwar of this, Achilles through the mayle And through the body gan him for to ry ve ; And thus this worthy knight was brought of lyve." 5

Probably no one now doubts that Chaucer is here following the account in Benoit's poem,6 —

" Hector a un rei dbatu, Prendre le volt et retenir, Et as lor par force tolir : Par la ventaille le teneit, Fors de la presse le traeit, De son escu iert descoverz ; Et quant 1'aparceit li coverz, Vers lui broche dreit lo destrier,

1 T. and 0., iv, 19-21.

2 Historic/,, sig. i 2 recto, col. 2— verso, col. 1 ; i 3 recto, col. 2. See Hamilton, pp. 125-6, 139.

3 See R. de T., 13429-13494, 13859-13866. Cf. Hamilton, p. 126, note 1.

4 R. de T., 13457-13464. 5 T. and C., v, 1558-1561.

6 Hertzberg(p. 204), Macaulay (Three More Parallel Texts, p. (b); Academy, XL VII, 298), Broatch (pp. 19, 21, 24), and Hamilton (p. 90, note 1) believe that Chaucer is here following Benoit. Skeat (pp. Ix, 503), without a sufficient examination of Benoit, assigned the English passage to Guido.

128 CHAUCER'S SYNTAX NOT DUE TO GUIDO. [CH. in

Nel pot souffrir hauberc doublier Que le feie et le polmon Ne li espandist sor Tarpon ; Molt le trebuche toz envers." 1

One writer, however, holds that, although Chaucer is following the French, one of his phrases, —

" Unwar of this . . ."-

"of which the syntactical position . . . offers difficulty, is best explained by a comparison with the parallel passage in Guido,"2 — a passage which reads,

"Achilles . . . accepta quadam lancea valde forti non advertente Hectare, velociter in Hectorem irruit." 3

That Chaucer, while rendering a passage from the Roman de Troie, should fall into a syntactical difficulty because he was pestered by an "ablative absolute" in Guide's text does not seem likely. Moreover, that there is a syntactical difficulty here at all must not be admitted without question. Since the Chaucerian passage is perfectly intelligible, and since the supposed troublesome word order seems to accord with Chaucer's usage elsewhere,4 T do not believe that we need connect the English phrase with Guide's "non advertente Hector e" which might, or might not, explain it.

In referring to the last encounters of Troilus and Diomedes Chaucer writes,

"And ofte tyme, I finde that they mette With blody strokes and with wordes grete, Assayinge how hir speres weren whette j And god it woot, with many a cruel hete Gan Troilus upon his helm to-bete." 5

1 R. de T. (Joly), 16166-16177. On the meaning of ventaille, see Hamilton, Modern Philology, III, 541-546.

'2 Hamilton, p. 89. 3 Historia, sig. i 6 recto, col. 1.

4 See, for example,

" Unwiting of this Dorigen at al, This lusty squyer, servant to Venus, "Which that y-cleped was Aurelius, Had loved hir best of any creature "

(Canterbury Tales, F 936-939) ;

"Nowhadde Calkas left, in this meschaunce, Al unwist of this false and loikked dede, His doughter, which that was in gret penaunce "

(T. and C., i, 92-94). * T. and C., v, 1758-1762.

CH. Ill] TROILUS-DIOMEDE FIGHTS DUB TO BOCCACCIO AND BENOIT. 129

The English passage is clearly based upon Boccaccio's lines,

" E spesse volte assieme s' avvisaro Con rimproveri cattivi e villani, E di gran colpi fra lor si donaro, Talvolta urtando, e talor nelle mani Le spade avendo . . .," l

with the additional influence, if such be necessary, of passages like the following from the Roman de Troie :

"A ferir d'espee et de lance, Tel geu voleient comencier, 0 les clers trenchanz branz d'acier, De quei les testes lor seignassent.

Ala [i. e., Troylus] ferir Diomedes D'une lance grosse et poignal

Et altretant espees nues,

Qui sor hialmes furent femes." 2

In view of the Italian and French passages before us, I see no possibility of establishing an intimate relation between Chaucer's line,

" Assayinge how hir speres weren whette,"

and Guide's expression,

" . . se graviter impetunt in duris ictibus lancearum." 3 In referring to .the authorities on the history of Troy, Chaucer in one place writes,

" But the Troyane gestes, as they felle, In Omer, or in Dares, or in Dyte, Who-so that can, may rede hem as they wryte" 4

Benoit refers to these same authorities in the lines,

" Mais tant fu Omers de grant pris E tant fist puis, si com jo truis, Que sis livres fu receiiz E en autorite tenuz.

Tant i a quis e reverse Qu'entre les autres a trove

1 Filostrato, viii, 26, 1-5.

2 R. de T. (Joly), 15588-91, 20066-67, 20107-8. Cf. Hamilton, p. 129, note 4.

3 Historia, sig. i 5 verso, col. 1. Cf. Hamilton, p. 129, note 4.

4 T. and C., i, 145-147.

DEV. TR. CR. K

130 CHAUCER'S 'DYTE' ('DICTYS') NOT DUE TO GUIDO. [CH. in

L'estoire que Daire ot escrite, En greque langue faite e dite," ]

the last line reading in two manuscripts,

"Et en lengue gregoise dite." '• Guido makes a similar reference to previous writers,—

" Ab Homeri tamen fictionibus noluit in aliquibus abstinere . . . eaque per Ditem Grecum et Phrigium Daretem . . .," 3 — •

a passage in writing which Guido evidently mistook Benoit's " gregoise dite" for the proper name.4 Since Benoit nowhere uses the spelling "Dite" for the proper name, but always "Ditis"5 or "Dithis,"6 some may hold that Chaucer's "Dyte" is due to Guide's "Ditem."7 I believe, however, that Chaucer's direct in debtedness to Guido in this detail cannot be proved, for the following reasons :

1. Chaucer's "Dyte" may possibly be a perfectly normal development from Benoit's " Dithis" or "Ditis."8

2. " Dite " (Dyte) may have been a current vernacular form for " Didys " in Western Europe.9

3. There is no reason why Chaucer may not have misinterpreted Benoit's "gregoise dite" as Guido did.

I hold, then, that Chaucer's " Dyte " may be due either to Benoit or to Guido.10

In the foregoing examination of the textual relations of Troilus and Criseyde to the Historia Troiana we have found only a few trifling details which point with any certainty to Chaucer's in debtedness to Guido, whereas we have already reviewed a con-

1 ll.de T., 71-74, 89-92.

2 Of. R. de T. (Constans), p. 6 ; Frommann, Germania, II, 63 ; Hamilton, p. 69, note 4. 3 Historia, sig. a 1 recto, col. 2.

4 Guide's mistake was first noticed by Hertzberg, p. 190. At the end of his work (sig. o 7 recto, col. 1) Guido again mentions "ditem grecum." H. Morf (Romania, XXI, 21, note 1) notes a form "Dites" in a MS. of the Historia, in a passage which is probably not Guido's own. Cf. Hamilton, p. 70, note 1.

5 R. de T. (Joly), 24299, 24322, 26040.

6 Id., 637, 24301,26202, 30095.

7 I am not certain whether Dr. Hamilton (pp. 69-70) attributes Chaucer's form to Guido's influence or to Benoit's.

8 See Hertzberg, Ebert's Jahrbuch, VIII, 159.

9 As yet I have been able to collect no data on this point ; but see Hertz- berg, Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shakespeare- Gfesellschaft, VI, 189.

™ Perhaps the verbal resemblance between Chaucer's " wryte " and Benoit's. " escrite " may suggest that Chaucer was using the Roman de Troie.

CH.IIl] CHAUCER ON DIOMEDE WOOING CRISEYDE IS FROM BENOIT. 131

siderable number of English passages that clearly show the influence of the Roman de Troie. To these latter English passages we may now add some others, the direct relation of which to the French poem can hardly be questioned.

For Chaucer's account of Diomedes' amorous conversation with Criseyde as he escorts her out from Troy,1 Benoit provides an extended parallel,2 which Guido renders in a mere summary of a few lines.3 Benoit' s direct influence upon Chaucer at this point may be enforced by resemblances in the following passages. In Troilus we read,

" Of which the sone of Tydeus took hede,

. . . and asked why she stood In swich disese, and gan hir eek biseche, That if that he encrese mighte or eche With any thing hir ese, that she sholde Comaunde it him, and seyde he dooii it wolde.

' Thus seyde I never er now to womman born ; For god myn herte as wisly glade so, I lovede never womman here-biforn As paramours, ne never shal no mo.

And wondreth not, myn oweiie lady bright, Though that I speke of love to you thus blyve ; ' For I have herd or this of many a wight, Hath loved thing he never saugh his lyve.

Ther been so worthy knightes in this place, And ye so fair, that everich of hem alle Wol peynen him to stonden in your grace. But mighte me so fair a grace falle, That ye me for your servaunt wolde. calle, So lowly ne so trewely you serve Nil noon of hem, as I shal, til I sterve.' " 4

For the English passages we find the following parallels in the Roman de Troie :

" E li fiz Tydeus 1'en meine,

1 T. and C., v, 92-1/5. On Chaucer's following of Benoit rather than of Boccaccio in the sequence of events at this point, see Hertzberg, p. 203 ; Ebert, Jahrbuchf. rom. u. engl. Literatur, IV, 90 ; Kissner, p. 24 ; Hamilton, p. 114, note 1.

2 E. de T., 13529-13616. 3 Historia, sig. 12 verso, col. 1. 4 T. and C'., v, 88, 108-112, 155-158, 162-165, 169-175.

132 CHAUCER ON DIOMEDE WOOING CRISEYDE IS FROM BENOIT. [CH.III

' Mais j'ai oi' assez parler

Que gent qu'onc ne s'erent veil

Ne acointie ne coneii

S'amoent mout, 9'avient ades.

Bele,' fait sei Diomedes,

' Onques d'amer ne m'entremis,

N'amie n'oi ne fui amis :

Preiee sereiz e requise D'amer, 90 sai, en mainte guise, Gi sont tuit li preisie del mont E li plus riche qui i sont, E li plus bel e li meillor, Qui vos requerront vostre amor, Mais sacheiz, bele, bien vos di, Se de mei faites vostre ami, Yos n'i avreiz se honor non. Preisiez deit estre e de grant non Qui de vostre amor est saisiz :

Mainte pucele avrai veiie E mainte dame coneiie : One mais a rien ne fis preiere De mei amer en tel maniere. Vos en estes la premeraine, Si sereiz vos la dereraine. Ja Deu ne place, s'a vos fail, Que mais por autre me travail :

Des granz sospirs e del grant plor

Dont vos vei mout chargiee e pleine,

Metrai mon cors en mout grant peine

Com vos en puisse esleecier

0 acoler e o baisier ;

Si metrai tel confort en vos

Dont vostre cors sera joios.' " 1

1 It. de T., 13529, 13552-13558, 13573-13583, 13591-13598, 13604-13610. Cf. Macaulay, Three more Parallel Texts, p. (b) ; Academy, XL VII, 298 ; Broatch, pp. 17, 27 ; Hamilton, pp. 113-114. For the English lines Chaucer had, of course, some basis in Filostrato (with R. de T., 13604-13605, 13573- 13583, compare Filostrato, vi, 14, 3-8 ; vi, 22, 24-25), but not enough basis to preclude the influence of Benoit upon the English lines. According to Hamilton (p. 113, note 3), Chaucer's lines (T. and C., 7, 86-87),

"... and un-to Diomede No word he spak, ne noon of al his route,"

in which he certainly uses Boccaccio's lines, —

"... a Diomede Non parlo punto ..." (Filostrato, v, 13, 2-3), —

CH. Ill] CHAUCER ON DIOMEDE IS FROM BOCCACCIO AND BENOIT. 133

Chaucer describes Diomedes as follows :

" This Diomede, as bokes us declare, Was in his nedes prest and corageous ; With sterne voys and mighty limes square, Hardy, testif, strong, and chevalrous Of dedes, lyk his fader Tideus. And som men seyn, he was of tunge large ; And heir he was of Calidoine and Arge," 1

a description which is clearly based upon Boccaccio's lines,

" Egli era grande e bel della persona, f Giovane fresco e piacevole assai,

E forte e fier siccome si ragiona, E parlante quant'altro Greco inai, E ad amor la natura aveva prona " ; 2

" Di Calidonia e d'Argo saria suto Re . . ."3

The details in which the English lines depart from the Italian seem to indicate the influence of Benoit's description, —

" Forz refu mout Diomedes, Gros e quarrez 4 e granz ades ; La cliiere aveit mout felenesse : Cist list mainte fausse pramesse. Mout fa hardiz, mout fu noisos . . . ," 5 —

rather than of anything in Guide's, —

"Diomedes fuit.multa proceritate distensus, amplo pectore, robustis scapulis, aspectu ferox, in promissis fallax, in armis strennuus, victoriae cupidus, timendus a multis, cum multum esset virtuosus ; servientium sibi nimis impatiens, cum molestus servien- tibus nimis esset ; libidinosus quidem muiium et qui per multas traxit angustias ob fervorem amoris." 6

contain a phrase, — " ne noon of al his route," — which "maybe a reminis cence of the list of distinguished Greeks who accompanied Diomedes, according to the narrative in the R. de T. (13517-13522), for which Guido (sig. i 2 verso, col. 1) has merely, ' Sed Graecis advenientibus ad recipiendum eandem.' " But the succeeding lines in the Historia, make us uncertain, I think, as to whether Chaucer made his slight addition at the suggestion of Benoit or of Guido, for the Historia reads (sig. i2 verso, col. 1), " Et Graeci earn in stia recipiunt comitatu [cf. Chaucer's 'route '], inter quos dum esset Diomedes. ..."

1 T. and G., v, 799-805. 2 Filostrato, vi, 33, 1-5.

3 Id., vi, 24, 3-4. 4 See above, p. 107, note.

8 E. de T., 5211-5215. Cf. Macaulay, Three More Parallel Texts, Introd., p. (a) ; Academy, XLVII, 298 ; Broatch, pp. 17, 27 ; Hamilton, pp. 115-116.

6 Historia, sig. e 2 recto, col. 1. If he had consulted Benoit at this point, Skeat (p. Iviii) would probably have acknowledged Chaucer's indebtedness to the French poet.

134 CRISEYDE'S GIFTS TO DIOMEDE ARE MAINLY FROM BENOIT. [OH. in

The lines,

" And after this the story telleth us, That she him yaf the faire baye stede, The which he l ones wan of Troilus," 2

evidently show the influence of Benoit's account of Briseida's return to Diomedes 3 of the horse that he had previously won from Troilus and had presented to her,4—

" Un jor iert ale preier Qu'ele remirot le destrier Qui Troylus avoit este.

' Sire,' fet ele, <lo cheval Yos presterai . . .'" 5

Neither Boccaccio nor Guido mentions any such occurrence. The lines,

" And eek a broche (and that was litel nede) That Troilus was, she yaf this Diomede,"6

are probably directly due to Boccaccio's account of Troilo's noticing the " fermaglio " on the " ornato vestimento " that Deifebo seizes from Diomede and brings to Troy,7 —

". . . avvenne

Che esso vide nel petto un fermaglio D' oro, li posto forse per fibbiaglio ;

II quale esso conobbe incontanente, Siccome quei che 1' aveva donato A Griseida . . ." 8

The two lines that follow, however, —

" And eek, the bet from sorwe him to releve, She made him were a pencel of hir sieve," 9 —

are clearly based upon Benoit's account of Briseida's giving a favour to Diomedes, —

1 On the reading "he," see Skeat, p. 499, and Hamilton, p. 119, note 3.

2 T. and C., v, 1037-1039.

3 J2. de T. (Joly), 15009-15019, 15046-7.

4 Id., 14238-14276.

5 Id., 15009-15011, 15046-7. Cf. Skeat, pp. Ixii, Ixxx ; Broatch, p. 25 ; Hamilton, pp. 119-120.

6 T. and C., v, 1040-1041. 7 Filostrato, viii, 8-10. 8 Id., viii, 9, 6—10, 3. 9 T. and C., v, 1042-3.

CH.III] CRISEYDE'S SOLILOQUY ON HER UNFAITH is FROM BBNOIT. 135

" La destre manche de son braz Bone et fresche c^e ciclaton Li done en leu de gonfanon." 1

In the English poem, after she has given her heart to Diomedes, Criseyde utters a soliloquy 2 which follows rather closely Briseida's soliloquy in the Roman de Troie,5 and for which Guido4 and Boccaccio have no parallel. The nature and extent of Chaucer's borrowings at this point will appear from the folio wing' comparison :

Troilus Roman de Troie

1

Alias, of me, un-to the \vorldes ende, De moi n'iert ja fet bon escrit, Shal neither been y-writen nor y- Ne chantee bone cha^ons.6

songe

No good word, for thise bokes wol me shende.5

2

For I have falsed oon, the gentileste Que gie trichai vers mon ami That ever was, and oon the worthieste !7 Qui one nul jor nel deservi.8

O, rolled shal I been on many a Desore auront prou que retraire

tonge ! De moi oil qui ne m'aiment gaire.

Through-out the world my belle shal Harront mei mes, et dreit auront

be ronge ; Les dames qui a Troie sont :

And wommen most wol hate me of Honte i a fait as dameiseles

alle. Trop lede, et as riches puceles.

Alias, that swich a cas me sholde Ma tricherie et mis raeffait

falle ! Lor seront mes lone tens retrait.30 They wol seyn, in as muche as in me

is, I have hem doon dishonour, weyla-

wey ! 9

4 "What helpeth that to do my blame Et que me valt si m'en repent ?

awey ? En ce n'a mes recovrement.

But sin I see there is no bettre way. Serai done a cestui leiax And that to late is now for me to Qui inoltest prouz et bons vassax.12

rewe, To Diomede algate I wol be trewe.11

1 R. de T. (Joly), 15102-15104. Neither Boccaccio nor Guido mentions this detail. See Hertzberg, p. 203 ; Skeat, pp. Ixii, Ixxx ; Macaulay, Three More Parallel Texts, p. (b) ; Academy, XLVII, 298 ; Hamilton, pp. 121-2.

2 T. and G., v, 1054-1085.

3 R. de T. (Joly), 20228-20330. Cf. Hertzberg, pp. 203-4 ; Skeat, p. Ixii, but see p. 500 ; Broatch, pp. 18, 19, 24 ; Macaulay, Three More Parallel Texts, p. (b) ; Academy, XLVII, 298 ; Hamilton, pp. 85, 124-125.

4 See Historia., sig. 1 1 recto, col. 1.

5 T. and C., v, 1058-1060. 6 JR. de T. (Joly), 20228-20229. 7 T. and C., v, 1056-1057. 8 R. de T. (Joly), 20233-20234. 9 T. and C., v, 1061-1066. 10 R. de T. (Joly), 20245-20252.

11 T. and C., v, 1068-1071. 12 R. de T. (Joly), 20265-20268.

136 CHAUCER DETAILS FROM BENOIT AND BOCCACCIO. [CH. Ill

5

But Troilus, sin I no better may, Dex donge bien k Troylus ! 2

And sin that thus depart en ye and I, Yet preye I god, so yeve yow right good day.1

6

she was allone and hadde nede Mes ci estoie sanz conseil, Offreendeshelp . . .3 Et sanz amis et sanz feeil.4

In describing the sorrow caused by the death of Hector, —

" For whom, as olde bokes tellen us, Was maad swich wo, that tonge it may not telle ; And namely, the sorwe of Troilus, That next him was of worthinesse welle," 5 —

Chaucer may be supplementing Boccaccio's more general state ment, —

" L' alto dolor, da non poter mai dire,

Che '1 padre, ed egli e' fratei per la morte

Ebber d' Ettor . . .," 6~

with a detail from Benoit's lines,

" Molt le regrete Troylus, Car riens soz ciel n'amot il plus." 7

In Troilus' threat regarding Diomedes, — •

" And trewely, if I have might and space, Yet shal I make, I hope, his sydes Nede" s—

Chaucer has added to Boccaccio's account, — •

"... ma per Venere dea Ti giuro, tosto ten faro dolente Colla mia spada alia prima mislea, Se egli avviene ch' io '1 possa trovare," y —

a detail which may be due to Benoit's lines,

" Ala ferir Diomedes D'une lance grosse et poignal Si que 1'enseigne de cendal Li remest parmi les cosiez" 10

1 T. and 0., v, 1072-1074. 2 E. de T. (Joly), 20308.

:! T. andC., v, 1026-1027. 4 K de T. (Joly), 20277-20278.

3 T. and C., v, 1562-1565. 6 Filostrato, viii, 1, 3-5.

7 R. de T. (Joly), 16351-16352. Of. Hamilton, pp.- 127-128. Guido writes n i trely, "Sic et dolentes fratres eiusdem doloris casu universaliter torque- b.-uitur" (Historia, sig. i 6 recto, col. 2).

8 T. and 0., v, 1704-5. 9 Filostrato, viii, 16, 4-7. 10 R. de T. (Joly), 20066-20069. Cf. Hamilton, p. 123.

CH. Ill] CHAUCER ON TROILUS's RETURN IS FROM BENOtT. 137

Chaucer describes vividly Troilus's triumphal return to Troy from one of his fights,1 as the following passages may illustrate :

" Thascry aroos at skarmish al with-oute, And men cryde in the strete, ' see, Troilus Hath right now put to flight the Grekes route ! ' With that gan al hir meynee for to shoute, * A ! go we see, caste up the yates wyde ; For thurgh this strete he moot to palays ryde ;

For other wey is fro the yate noon Of Dardanus, ther open is the cheyne.'

So lyk a man of armes and a knight

He was to seen, f ulfild of heigh prowesse ;

His helm to-hewen was in twenty places,

That by a tissew heiig, his bak bihinde,

His sheld to-dasshed was with swerdes and maces,

In which men mighte many an arwe finde

That thirled hadde horn and nerf and rinde ;

And ay the peple cryde, 'here cometh our joy e,

And, next his brother, holdere up of Troye ! ' "«2

The " yate of Dardanus " is Dardanides, one of the six gates of Troy,3 which, according to both Benoit and Guido, Hector orders to be opened to allow the Trojan army to issue forth for the second battle with the Greeks.4 Benoit alone, however, describes in .detail Hector's triumphal return after this battle,5 — a description that may have served as a model for the Chaucerian passage under consideration, —

" Hector detries entre en la vile, Encontre vindrent tex XX. M. N'i a celui ne plort de joie, Quant le voient entrer en Troie. Ne remest dame ne pucele, Ne borgeise, ne dameisele, Qui nel venissent esgarder. M. en i veist leii plorer ; En halt s'escrient li plosor :

1 T. and C., ii, 611-644.

2 T. and C., ii, 611-618, 631-2, 638-644.

3 Cf. R. de T. (Joly), 3133-4 ; (Constaus), 3147-8 ; Historia, sig. c 1 verso, col. 2.

4 See R. de T. (Joly), 7643-7646 ; (Constans), 7671-7674 ; Historia,, sig. g 3 recto, col. 2. Cf. Hertzberg, pp. 191-2 ; Skeat, pp. Ivii, 470 ; Broatch, p. 16 ; Hamilton, pp. 100-101.

5 R. de T. (Joly), 10139-10182. Guido omits this part of the French account (see Historia, sig. h 3 recto, cols. 1-2).

138 CHAUCER ON TROILUS'S RETURN IS FROM BENOIT. [CH. Ill

' Yez ci de toz vaillanz la flor, Li soverains, et li plus proz ; C'est cil qui nos vengera toz Des torz, cles lez que fez nos ont. Cil sires qui fist tot lo mont Le nos deffende d'enconbrier, Si com nos en avons mesfcier.' TJnques i90 ne li failli Jusqu'al pales qu'il descendi." l

The likelihood of Chaucer's having used this scene is, perhaps, increased by the circumstance that in connection with it Troilus is mentioned in terms resembling certain of the English lines quoted above, —

" Les dames ont assez enquis Qui en devoit avoir lo pris, Enpres Hector qui lo donreient ; Mes bien certainement saveient Que Troylus Tot trop bien fait." 2

Chaucer may have been influenced also by Benoit's less vivid account of Troilus's triumphal return from a later fight,3 — an account for which Guido offers no parallel,4 —

" Molt s'esjoi'st li reis Prianz Del damage qui est si granz Le jor desus ses enemis. Senblant li est bien et avis Qu'il sont tuit livre a torment, Se Troylus vit longuement. Molt le cherit et molt 1'enore ; Toz li poples coimine 1'adore, Sacrefices et oreison Font, que de mort et de prison Le garissent li soverain, Qui tot lo mont ont en lor main.

Le desarmerent icel seir, Le cors blecie et pers et neir. En deus C. leus ont fet lor mere Les dures mailles del hauberc, Sane en ont trait en plosors leus : A lui pareist quels est lor geus.

1 R. de T. (Joly), 10139-10156. Cf. 11. de T. (Constans), 10201-10218.

2 R. de T. (Joly), 10221-10225. Cf. R. de T. (Constans), 10283-10287 • T. and C., ii, 643-4.

3 R. de T. (Joly), 20591-20643.

4 Cf. Historia. sig. 1 1 verso, col. 1.

CH. IV] CHAUCER ON TROILUS's RETURN IS FROM BENOIT. 139

De darz trenchanz et acerez Est sis cors toz despointurez." l

From the evidence now before us as to the 'direct relations of the text of Troilus and Criseyde to the Roman de Troie and to the Historia Troiana it seems clear that, although Chaucer based his poem on Filostrato, he made considerable supplementary use of Benoit's poem, and probably adapted a few details from Guido. Although the French poem and the Latin " history " were prob ably equally well known to Chaucer, the overwhelming » pre ponderance of Benoit's influence is easily understood in view of the fact that the French account of the love of Troilus and Briseida is far richer in detail than is the dry prose abridgment of Guido.

CHAPTER IV.

THE RELATIONS OF TROILUS AND CRISEYDE TO FTLOCOW.

ALTHOUGH Chaucer is fundamentally indebted to Filostrato, and although he made liberal additional use of the Roman de Troie and probably some use of the Historia Troiana, there are con siderable parts of Troilus and Criseyde which are in no wise accounted for in these three works.2 For example, these sources offer no suggestion for the complicated plrii of a dinner at the house of Deiphobus by which Pandarus succeeds in introducing the lovers to each other,3 nor have these sources any parallel for Chaucer's elaborate account of the manner in which the lovers met / for their first night together,4 nor do we find in Filostrato or in

1 R. de T. (Joly), 20591-20602, 20607-20614.

2 I do not refer here to the smaller borrowings in Troilus from Dante, Petrarch, Boethius, and Ovid, and from the Roman de la Rose and Teseide, all of which borrowings have been more or less adequately pointed out (see Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, Vol. II, pp. 1, Ixv). For additional information as to the use of Dante in Troilus, see J. S. P. Tatlock, Chaucer and Dante, in Modern Philology, III, 367-371). These we may call "ornamental" borrowings ; that is, in most of these cases the English author borrowed forms of expression rather than suggestions for incidents. From Miss Cipriani's article, The Romance of the Rose and Chaucer (Publications of the Mod. Lang. Assoc., XXII, 552-595), it appears that Chaucer's poem owep more to the Romance of the Rose than has hitherto been acknowledged. Miss Cipriani's article reached me only after my study was in proof.

3 ?>ee T. and C., ii, 1402— iii, 231.

4 See T. and C., iii, 512-1190. The parallel in Benoit's account of th« seen t meeting of Jason and Medea will be discussed below, pp. 152 ff.

140 THE FIRST NIGHT OF TROILO AND GRISEIDA. [CH. IV

the sources of Filostrato any hint for many of the lively additions y that Chaucer makes to the role of Pandaro.1 Although such parts of the English poem are in some cases particularly " Chaucerian " in their liveliness and humour, and although Chaucer was, no doubt, quite capable of inventing them, still in the case of a poem in which so many foreign elements have already been discovered we are justified in a further search for possible sources,— a search in which we seem to be rewarded when we turn to Boccaccio's Filocolo, the work which, as we have found, contributed so much to the story of Troilo and Griseida while this story was receiving its first eminent literary treatment in Filostrato. That Chaucer should have known and used another of Boccaccio's early works is a priori not in the least surprising. Filocolo, though an inferior literary production, tells one of the most famous of mediaeval stories, and a manuscript containing Boccaccio's romance might very naturally come to the notice of an assiduous reader who knew and used Filostrato and Teseide.

In an attempt to estimate Chaucer's possible indebtedness to Filocolo, we may consider first the passage in Book iii of Troilus 2 recounting the occurrences immediately preceding the first night together of the young lovers, — a passage in which Chaucer departs J widely from the account offered him in Filostrato.2. The account in the Italian poem may be briefly sketched as follows :

Through Pandaro't: asjency, Griseida has appointed a night for Troilo's first visit to her Troilo goes secretly but boldly in the dark to an obscure part of Griseida's house, and on his arrival she coughs,4 as a sign to him that she is aware of his presence. After sending her household to bed, Griseida, with a taper in her hand, goes to Troilo, praying his pardon for having kept him waiting. Troilo refuses to see the discourtesy, and after many embraces they ascend the steps into Griseida's chamber, where with little delay they betake themselves to bed, and

" D'amor sentiron 1'ultimo valore." 5

This is manifestly no adequate basis for the related passage in Troilus and Criseyde, the general action of which may be outlined as follows :

1 See, for example, T. and C., i, 729-858. 2 T. and C., iii, 512-1190.

3 Filostrato, iii, 24-32. Pages 140-148 of this study represent my short article, CJiaucer's Use of Boccaccio's " Filocolo, " published in Modern Phil rtogyy Vol. IV, No. 1 (July, 1906), pp. 169-177.

4 On this detail, see above, p. 53. 5 Filostrato, iii, 32, 8.

€H. IV] THE FIRST NIGHT OF TROILUS AND CRISEYDE. 141

With the purpose of bringing Troilus and Criseyde together at his house, Pandarus chooses a night that promises to be dark and rainy,1 and invites Criseyde to supper. When she lias been assured that Troilus is in no way connected with the invitation, and that she shall be secure from the gossip of "goosish peple," she comes at evening to Pandarus' house, accompanie4 by a few of her women. While Pandarus and Criseyde sup, sing, make music, and tell tales, Troilus looks on through a little window from an adjoining €hamber. On account of the increased rain during the evening, Pandarus has no difficulty at bedtime in persuading Criseyde to spend the night at his house. Pandarus conducts his niece to her bed in an inner chamber, and provides for her attendants in a passage outside her door ; and, after making sure that all are given up to sleep, he goes to Troilus, scolds courage into him, and leads him through a trap-door into Criseyde's room, concealing him, we may assume, in a dark corner or behind a curtain. When Criseyde awakes in fright, Pandarus checks her attempted outcry, and comforts her by the assurance that he alone is invading her chamber. Gradually and skilfully he reveals to her that Troilus has entered the house by a secret way, and is at the point of mad ness from jealousy of Orestes, who, according to report, has sup planted him in Criseyde's heart. Criseyde protests that she can never be untrue to Troilus, and offers to Pandarus a ring with which to comfort her lover. Pandarus scoffs at the idea of such comforting,2 and at last persuades Criseyde to remain in bed while Troilus comes to her. The young lover is ready at hand, and while Pandarus sits near by and pretends to read " an old romaunce," Criseyde upbraids Troilus so severely for his unfounded jealousy and shows such poignant grief that Troilus falls in a faint. Pandarus springs impatiently to Troilus, throws him into the bed, and with Criseyde's aid brings him back to consciousness. After taking from Troilus such oaths as she wishes, Criseyde makes no objection to his remaining in bed with her, and Pandarus withdraws, leaving them together for the night. During their night together, in intervals of dallying, they exchange rings, and Criseyde gives Troilus a brooch. At the arrival of "cruel day," the lovers reluctantly separate, and Troilus sorrowfully hastens to the palace.

1 This detail may be due to Filostrato, iii, 24, 1.

2 See T. and 0., iii, 891-892,—

". . . that ring moste han a, stoon That mighte dede men alyve maTccn"

Cf. T. and C., iii, 1368-1369,—

"And pleyinge entrechaungeden hir ringes, Of which I can nought tellen no scripture. "

Is Chaucer alluding to such magic rings as we find in Filocolo (I, 110, 111, 147, 148, 152, 170, 263, 352, 353 ; II, 199), in the Roman de Troie (1677- 1702), and in the Historia Troiana (sig. b 1 verso, cols. 1-2) ?

H2 THE LOVERS' FIRST NIGHT IN FILOCOLO, [CH. iv

Before estimating Chaucer's originality in thus changing what lay before him in Filostrato,1 we should compare Chaucer's account with a passage in Boccaccio's Filocolo,2 which may be outlined as follows :

The enamoured Florio, under his new name, Filocolo, has followed Biancofiore to Alexandria. Having won the good-will of the guardian of the tower in which Biancofiore with her maid, Glorizia, is confined, Florio arranges to be conveyed into the tower by concealing himself in a basket of flowers that the Ammiraglio is to send to Bianco fiore on an approaching gala-day. On the appointed day Glorizia succeeds in conveying Florio into the tower without his being dis covered, and when she has deposited him in one of Biancofiore's rooms and has locked the door, the ardent young lover demands his innamo- rata. Glorizia explains to him that in his immediate appearance to his lady there is involved the twofold danger of scandal and of disaster to Biancofiore from sudden joy. Therefore Glorizia arranges to conceal Florio in an adjoining chamber, from which he can observe Biancofiore and her attendants in their merry making, and promises later to conduct him from the side chamber and conceal him behind the curtains of Biancofiore's bed, where he must wait until his lady has gone to sleep before revealing himself. Glorizia warns him that Biancofiore will be greatly frightened when she awakes, but that her fear will soon give way to joy, and Glorizia promises herself to be near at hand to prevent any mis carriage of the plan. Glorizia arouses the melancholy Biancofiore to take part in the festivities of the day, and comforts her by recounting a dream in which she saw Florio appear in Biancofiore's chamber. Biancofiore and her maids celebrate the day with flowers and music, while Florio looks on through a little hole from the adjoining chamber. At night Glorizia arranges Biancofiore's bed and conceals Florio behind the curtains. While Biancofiore pre pares for bed, Glorizia arouses her feelings for Florio by suggesting now the possibility, and again the impossibility, of his coming. Glorizia goes so far as to suggest that some other lover might please Biancofiore in Florio's absence, — a suggestion that Bianco fiore passionately repudiates, as she refers with sorrow to Florio's previous groundless jealousy of Fileno. When Glorizia leaves her, Biancofiore lies down, and, after many sighs for Florio, gives her self up to sleep. Florio advances and caresses her as she sleeps, and finally embraces her at the very moment when she dreams of being in his arms. When she awakes in fright, she attempts to call Glorizia, but Florio prevents her, and at last convinces her that her lover -is really before her. When she inquires by what means

1 On Chaucer's innovation at this point, see Hertzberg, Jahrbuch der Deut- schen Shakespeare- GescZlschaft, VI, 207 ; Kissner, Chaucer in seinen Bezie- hungcn zur italienischen Literatur, Bonn, 1867, pp. 32, 49.

2 Filocolo, II, 165-183.

TROILUS AND CRISEYDE's FIRST NIGHT IS DUE TO FILOCOLO. 143

lie has reached her, he attributes all to the gods, and urges that they delay their delight no longer. Taking her ring and calling Hymen, Juno, and Yenus to witness, Florio is ready for the espousal. At Biancofiore's suggestion they make vows before an image of Cupid in her room, after which Florio places the ring upon her finger and the marriage ceremony is completed. After they have waked Glorizia to rejoice with them, the lovers retire and spend the night together.

In spite of the divergent external circumstances of the two accounts, one must admit, at least, that the passage in Filocolo offers the general situation of the related passage in Troilus and Criseyde. In both stories a third person is arranging for the meeting of two lovers secretly, at night, in the bedchamber of the innamorata, the latter being unaware tnat her lover is con cealed near at hand. In one case the go-between resorts to this concealment in order to avert scandal and personal disaster to the lady, in the other, to avert scandal and to overcome the lady's scruples. The fact that in one case the innamorata frankly desires the meeting, while in the other she does not, happens not to affect the general procedure. Criseyde's scruples do, however, demand more delicate and persistent manipulation on the part of her uncle, and thus we account in a measure for the more subtle and prominent role of Pandarus in Chaucer's version.1 The fact that Chaucer's go-between is a man and Boccaccio's a woman makes no perceptible change in the action, for Pandarus and Glorizia show their respective charges precisely the same intimate personal attention.2

Passing from the general situation to details, we may note several minor circumstances of Chaucer's account that have definite parallels in Filocolo.

1. In each case the innamorata is led to believe that her lover is far away. Pandarus is explicit on this point, —

" He swor hir, * nay, for he was out of towne.' " 3

1 That- Boccaccio's Glorizia was capable of undertaking the more difficult r61e of Pandarus is indicated by her own words : " Se altro forse avvenisse io vi sar6 vicina, e lei caccer6 col mio parlare d' ogni errore " (Filocolo, II, 169).

2 Moreover, Chaucer did not deliberately choose to give to a man the r61e of go-between in this episode ; he merely used the character already provided by his story of Troilus and Criseyde. On a lady's having a male attendant, see B. de Roquefort, Poesies de Marie de France, Tome I, Paris, 1820, p. 417.

3 T. and C., iii, 570.

144 THE 'LITEL WINDOWE ' IN CHAUCER AND IN FILOCOLO. [CH. IV

Glorizia also is unequivocal,—

"Or ecco, disse Glorizia, tu nol puoi avere, egli noil c' e, ne ci pub venire." l A little later Biancofiore says to Florio,

" Come pub essere che tu qui sii ora ch' io ti credeva in Ispagna ? " 2 2. According to both accounts the lover, concealed in an ad joining chamber, observes through a small orifice the merry making in which his lady takes part. In Troilus we read,

"And she to souper com, whan it was eve,

With a certayn of hir owene men,

And with hir faire nece Antigone,

And othere of hir wommen nyne or ten ;

But who was glad now, who, as trowe ye,

But Truilus, that stood and miylite it see

Thurgli-out a litel idndowe, in a stewe,

Ther lie bishet, sin midnight, was in mewe,

Unwist of every wiglit but of Pandare ? But to the poynt ; now ivlian she was y-come With alle joy e, and alle frendes fare, Hir eem anoon in armes hath hir nome, And after to the souper, alle and some, Whan tyme was, f ul sof te they hem sette ; God wot, ther was no deyntee for to fette.

And after souper gonnen they to ryse,

At ese wel, with hertes fresshe and glade,

And wel was him that coude best devyse

To lyken hir, or that hir laughen made.

He song ; she pleyde ; he tolde tale of Wade." 3

The similar situation in Filocolo is thus described :

"Io in una camera a questa contigua ti metterb, dalla quale tu potrai cib che in questa camera si fara vedere : quivi dimorando tacitamente, io senza dire a Biancofiore alcuna cosa che tu qui sii, qua entro colle sue compagne la faro venire, dove tu la potrai quanto ti piacera vedere. . . . Levossi adunque per li conforti di Glorizia Biancofiore, e coW altre comincio a far festa, secondo che usata era per addietro. Elle avevano gia tutte le rose prese . . . e quale sonando con usata mano dolci strumenti, e altre presesi per mano danzando, e altre facendo diversi atti di festa, e gittando 1' una all' altra rose insieme motteggiandosi, e Biancofiore similmente non sapendo che da Filocolo veduta fosse. . . . Filocolo che per piccolo

1 Filocolo, II, 175. * Id., II, 179.

3 T. and C., iii, 595-614.

CH. IV] FIRST NIGHT DETAILS IN CHAUCER AND IN FILOCOLO. 145

pertugio vide nella kella camera entrar Bianco/lore, di pieta tale nel viso divenne, quale colui che morto a' fuochi e portato." 1

3. In each case the go-between, while keeping the lover con cealed, prepares the mind of the innamorata for his coming by vague suggestions of such a possibility. In Troilus we read,

" Sone after this, to him she gan to rowne, And asked him if Troilus were there ? He swor hir, ' nay, for he was out of towne ' And seyde, 'nece, I pose that he were, Yow thurfte never have the more fere. For rather than men mighte him ther aspye, Me were lever a thousand-fold to dye.' " 2

Similar suggestions occur in Filocolo as follows :

"Certo, rispose Glorizia, e' mi parve vedere nella tua camera il tuo Florio esser venuto, non so per che via ne per che modo . . . Glorizia disse : Biancofiore, se iddio cib che tu desideri ti conceda, vorresti che Florio fosse qui teco ora indiritto 1 " 3

4. The jealousy of the lover figures prominently in both stories. •Says Criseyde,

" ' Horaste ! alias ! and falsen Troilus ?

I knowe him not, god helpe me so,' quod she." 4

Biancofiore is equally outspoken, —

" Egli non e nel mondo brevemente uomo, cui io desideri n6 che mi piaccia, se non egli : e poich' io lui non vidi, e' non mi parve nomo vedere, non che alcuno me ne piacesse, avvegnache egli a torto ebbe gia opinione che io amassi Fileno.5

The motif of jealousy, merely referred to at this point in Filocolo,6 assumes in the parallel part of Troilus great lyric and dramatic importance.7

5. In both accounts the lady takes oaths from her lover before finally admitting him to her bed.8 In Troilus occur the lines, •

1 Filocolo, II, 168, 172. 2 T. and C., iii, 568-574. Cf. iii, 771-784.

3 Filocolo, II, 171, 174. 4 T. and C., iii, 806-807.

*Filocolo, II, 175. For the incident referred to by Biancofiore, see Filocolo,

147-279.

Florio's jealousy of Fileno, to which Biancofiore refers here, is the basis prominent episode in an earlier part of Filocolo, where the nature and

cts of ' ' Gelosia " are elaborately discussed and exemplified. See Filocolo,

247-281. See above, pp. 99 if.

I See T. and C., iii, 796-840, 987-1054. Chaucer's emphasis upon the motif nealousy here may be a reflection of the elaborate episode of jealousy in the rlier part of Filocolo. See below, pp. 157 ff.

8 On this custom, see V. Crescini, II Cantare di Fiorio eBiancifiore, Vol. I, alogna, 1889, p. 430, note 1. B. de Roquefort, Poteies de Marie de France,

248, note 1.

DEV. TR. CR. L

146 FIRST NIGHT DETAILS IN CHAUCER AND IN FILOCOLO. [CH. IV

" gone after this, though it no nede were, Whan she sivicli othes as hir list devyse Hadde of Urn take, hir thoughte tho no fere, Ne cause eek non, to bidde him thennes ryse," l

which have a parallel in the following from Filocolo :

" Col tuo medesimo anello ti sposerb, alia qual cosa Imeneo, e la santa Giunone e Venere nostra dea siano present!. Disse allora Biancofiore : mai di cib che ora mi parli dubitai . . . e davanti alia santa figura del nostro iddio questo faccianio." 2

6. In both stories the lovers make use of rings : 3

" And pleyinge entrechaungeden hir ringes, Of which I can nought tellen no scripture " ; 4

" E mentre in questa festa dimorano, Biancofiore dimanda che sia del suo anello, il quale Florio nel suo dito gli le mostra . . . col tuo medesimo anello ti sposerb . . . perche Biancofiore . . '.. disteso il dito ricevette il matrimoniale anello." 5

7. Although there is in Chaucer's poem no formal ceremony of marriage like that in Filocolo before the image of Cupid,6 the English poem does show a parallel in the interchanging of rings just mentioned, in the hymn of Troilus to Love 7 and to " Citherea the swete," and in Criseyde's acceptance of his vows :

" Than seyde he thus, ' 0, Love, 0, Charitee, Thy moder eek, Citherea the swete, After thy-self next heried be she, Venus mene I, the wel- willy planete ; And next that, Imeneus, I thee grete ; For never man was to yow goddes holde % As I, which ye han brought fro cares colde.

And for thou me, that coude leest deserve Of hem that nombred been un-to thy grace, Hast holpen, ther I lykly was to sterve, And me bistowed in so heygh a place That thilke boundes may no blisse pace, I can no 'more, but laude and reverence Be to thy bounte and thyn excellence ! ' 8

1 T. and 0., iii, 1142-1145. 2 Filocolo, II, 181.

a On Chaucer's use of this detail, see Hamilton, p. 121, note 1. On th< custom, see Englische Studien, XXXVI, 264,— a reference for which I an indebted to Dr. Hamilton.

4 T. and C., iii, 1368-9. * Filocolo, II, 180-182.

6 Id., II, 181-2. 7 On this hymn, see Kissner, p. m+

8 To T. and 0., iii, 1254-1274, there is a notable parallel in Filocolo, IJ 278-9, where Florio thanks Jupiter, Juno, Hymen, Venus, and Mars for "J

CH. IV] FIRST NIGHT DETAILS IN CHAUCER AND IN FILOCOLO. 147

And therwith-al Criseyde anoon he kiste, Of which, certeyn, she felte no disese. And thus seyde he, ' now wolde god I wiste, Myn herte swete, how I yow mighte plese !

And for the love of god, my lady dere, Sin god hath wrought me for I shal yow serve, As thus I mene, that ye wol be my stere, To do me live, if that yow liste, or sterve,

For certes, fresshe wommanliche wyf,

This dar I seye, that trouthe and diligence,

That shal ye nndeii in me al my lyf,

Ne I wol not, certeyn, breken your defence ;

And if I do, present or in absence,

For love of god, lat slee me with the dede,

If that it lyke un-to your womanhede.'

' Y-wis,' quod she, ' myn owne hertes list,

My ground of ese, and al myn herte dere,

Graunt mercy, for on that is al my trist ;

But late us falle awey fro this matere ;

For it suffyseth, this that seyd is here.

And at o word, with-outen repentaunce,

Wei-come, my knight, my pees, my suffisaunce ! ' " 1

This passage may, perhaps, be regarded as Chaucer's substitute for the more formal ceremony in Filocolo :

"Davanti alia bella immagine di Cupido se n'andarono . . . e Florio primamente comincio cosi a dire : o santo Iddio, signore delle nostre menti, a cui noi della nostra puerizia abbiamo con intera fede servito, riguarda con pietoso occhio alia presente opera, lo . . . cerco quello che tu ne' cuori de' tuoi subietti fai desiderare, e a questa giovane con indissolubile matrimonio cerco di congiungermi ; . . . Tu sii nostro Imeneo. Tu in luogo della santa Giunone guarda le nostre faccelline, e sii testimonio del nostro maritaggio . . . perche Biancofiore, che simile orazione avea fatta, disteso il dito ricevette il matrimoniale anello ; e levatasi suso come sposa, vergognosamente dinanzi alia santa immagine bacio Florio, ed egli lei." 2

From the evidence before us, without pursuing details further,3

lunga sollecitudine abbandonata, perciocche gli occhi miei veggono ci6 che peradlietro lungamente desiderarono."

1 T. and C., iii, 1254-1260, 1268-1278, 1289-1292, 1296-1309.

2 Filocolo, II, 181-2.

3 The parallel between T. and C., iii, 1247-1253, and Filocolo, II, 179, 11. 1-3, needs no emphasis. One or two other details may be worth noting as indicating Chaucer's possible use of Filocolo at this point. In describing the

148 DID CHAUCER BORROW FROM BOCCACCIO'S OTHER WORKS? [CH. IV

f we are justified, I think, in inferring a literary connection between 1 this episode in Filpcolo and the similar episode in Troilus and ( Criseyde.

However, before we can accept the conclusion to which we are immediately led by the foregoing comparison, it is necessary to inquire concerning other possible sources for the Chaucerian episode. Since it has been repeatedly pointed out that the scene in Filocolo which we have been examining recurs in some form in three later works of Boccaccio,1 we must inquire as to the possibility of Chaucer's having adapted his episode from one of these later accounts rather" than from that in Filocolo. Let us first examine the account in Ameto.2

After the nymphs, Mopsa, Emilia, Adiona, Acrimonia, and Agapes have told their own love stories, Fiammetta speaks in her

joy of the lovers when they are at last settled in each other's arms Chaucer

' ' And as aboute a tree, with many a twiste, Bitrent and wryth the sote wode-binde, Gan eche of hem in armes other winde "

(T. and C., iii, 1230-1232).

In a part of Filocolo that Chaucer seems likely to have known (see below, pp. 157 ff.) Florio writes to Biancofiore,

". . . e siccome 1' abbracciante ellera avviticchia il robusto olmo, cosi le tue braccia il mio collo avvinsero, e le mie il tuo simigliantemente " (Filocolo, I, 262). Cf. Dante, Inferno, xxv, 58-60 ; Lai du Chievrefeuille, 11. 68-76 (Die Lais der Marie de France, edited by K. Warnke, Halle, 1900, pp. 183-4) ; Petrarch, Sonnet cclxxvii, 8 ; Boccaccio, Amcto (Opere Minori, Milano, Sonzogno, 1887), p. 193 ; Ovid, Metamorphoses, iv, 365.

In the same episode, Chaucer's lines in connection with Troilo's embracing of Criseyde, —

" What mighte or may the sely larke seye, Whan that the sparhauk hath it in his foot ? "

(T. and C., iii, 1191-2),—

may or may not reflect the similar figure used in a somewhat different con nection but in the same episode in Filocolo, —

"... dove Filocolo timido, come la gru sotto il falcone, o la colomba sotto il rapace sparviere, dimorava" (Filocolo, II, 165-6). Cf. Filocolo, I, 217,— "_. . . avendp gia rimessa la semplice colomba intra gli usati artigli de' dispietati nibbi." The source of these expressions in Filocolo may be II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore, cxx, 5.

1 See Ameto (Opere Minori, Milano, Sonzogno, 1887, pp. 224-229), Fiammetta (Sonzogno, pp. 38-39, 67), and Amorosa Visione (cap. xlix, Opere Volgari, Firenze, Moutier, 1833, pp. 197-200). Cf. Crescini, Contribute, etc., pp. 80-81, 131, 140, note 1, 152, 194, 197; C. Antona-Traversi, 77 Propugnatore, Vol. XVI, Parte IIa (1883), pp. 63, 246 ; Crescini, in Voll- moller's Kritischer JahresbericM, III Bd. (1891-1894), 4 Heft, p. 386 ; A. della Torre, La Giomnezza, di Giovanni Boccaccio, Citta di Castello. 1905, pp. 270-275.

2 Ameto, pp. 221-229.

CH. IV] FIRST NIGHTS IN BOCCACCIO'S AMETO AND FIAMMETTA. 149

turn, telling us, in the course of her story, of her first night with her lover Caleone, as follows :

In the absence of her husband, Fiammetta is sleeping alone, when she dreams of being in the arms of one who has previously wooed her illicitly. Her dream is immediately realized, for she awakes to find herself in the arms of a young man, who checks her attempted outcry and with well-known voice tries to soothe her. When she recognizes her lover, she persuades him to sit on one side of the bed while she, sitting on the other side, converses with him. Caleone tells her the story of his past loves, of his dreams, and of his being led hither through the magic of Hecate, and with sword in hand he begs from her either love or death. Fiammetta yields her love, and the two become servants of Venus.

Although this episode as recounted in Ameto has a general resem blance to the parallel episodes in Filocolo and Troilus, it is clearly impossible that it should have been Chaucer's original. We need only note the absence of a go-between to see how far we are from the effective deceit of Glorizia and the masterful control of Pan- darus. To be sure, when Fiammetta asks Caleone how he has gained access to her room he replies,

"Hecate, vinta dalle mie parole, e da varj sughi d' erbe e virtuosi, a questo luogo venire mi diede apertissima via e sicura." l

But Hecate with her magic does not appear in the scene as Fiammetta describes it, and we cannot assume that her hidden activities at all resembled those of Glorizia or of Pandarus.

The related part of Fiammetta 2 offers still less resemblance to Chaucer's scene. Early in the work the heroine makes mere vague references to her first night with Panfilo,3 an experience which she later recounts as follows :

" Veramente una iniquita in me conosco, . . . e questa fa di ricever te scellerato giovane [*. e., Panfilo], e senza alcuna pieta, nel letto mio, ed aver sostenuto che '1 tuo lato al mio s' accostasse : avvenga che di questo, sicconie essi medesimi videro, non io, ma tu colpevole fosti ; il qual col tuo ardito ingegno, me presa nella tacita notte secura dormendo, come colui che altre volte eri uso d' ingannare, prima nelle braccia m' avesti e quasi la mia pudicizia violata, che io fossi dal sonno interamente sviluppata. E che doveva io fare, questo veggendo ? doveva io gridare, e col mio grido a me infamia perpetua, ed a te, il quale io piu che me medesima amava, morte cercare ? Io opposi le forze mie, siccome Iddio sa,

1 Ameto, p. 225. 2 Fiammetta, pp. 38-39, 67. 3 Id., pp. 38-39.

150 FILOCOLO THE ONLY SOURCE OF CHAUCER'S FIRST NIGHT. [CH. IV

quanto io potei; le quali alle tue non potendo resistere, vinte, possedesti la tua rapina." l

Obviously this brief account cannot be the source of the Chaucerian episode under consideration.

The related passage in Amoroso, Visione, — in which the author recounts his vision of having consummated his love of "la Donna," 2 — is too remote from the episode in hand to deserve more than mention here.

We may conclude, then, that of the Italian passages that we have considered, only the passage in Filocolo recounting the meeting of Florio and Biancofiore in the tower at Alexandria could have served as the basis of Chaucer's similar scene.

We may next inquire whether Chaucer may not have based his scene directly upon the sources of Filocolo* without the media tion of Boccaccio. The answer to this inquiry is the fact that no other known version of the story of Floire and Blanchefleur contains a scene that resembles Boccaccio's, — a fact that Crescini states vigorously as follows :

"Si noti che 1' autor nostro non fu indotto a rappresentare come fece 1' incontro di Florio e Biancifiore dall' esempio d' altra redazione della leggenda de' fanciulli amanti. Nessuno de' racconti numerosi, ne' quali per tutt' Europa si svolse questa leggenda, poteva inspirare al Boccaccio la scena, ch' ei figurb, scena, che invece gli fu suggerita dalla fresca memoria di cio che realmente eragli avvenuto con Maria." 4

The traditional scene is fairly represented in French Version I, where we are told that after Claris has brought in the basket of flowers in which Florio is hidden, Blanceflor enters the room, and Claris offers to show her the most beautiful flower in the land. When Blanceflor remonstrates at such banter, and utters a vow of constancy to Florio, the ardent young lover can remain concealed no longer, and leaps up from the basket into Blanceflor's arms.5

1 Fiammetta, p. 67. 2 Amoroso, Visione, cap. xlix, pp. 197-200.

3 On the sources of Filocolo, see Appendix B.

4 Crescini, Contribute, etc., p. 82. Cf. Crescini, II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore, I, 426 ; G. Volpi, II Trecento, Milano, 1897-1898, p. 93.

5 See Floire et Blanceflor (edited by E. Du Meril, Paris, 1856), Version I, 11. 2115-2160; Version II, 11. 2799-2818. Cf. Floris und Blauncheflur (E. Hausknecht, Berlin, 1885), 11. 895-928 ; FLore und Blanschefiur, by Konrad Fleck (E Sommer, Qnedlinburg, und Leipzig, 1846), 11. 5590-6124"; Floris ende Blancefloer, by Dideric van Assenede (H. E. Moltzer, Groningen, 1870), 11. 2292-3057 ; Flores oc Blanzafloor (G. E. Klemming, Stockholm,

1844), 11. 1348-1421 ; SAcfytos /col UXar^a^dpa (W. Wagner, Mediseval Texts, pp. 1-56,— Philological Society, Extra Volume, 1869-1872, London,

CH. IV] FILOCOLO THE ONLY SOURCE OF CHAUCER'S FIRST NIGHT. 151

Such an account is obviously no parallel to the scene in Trollus and Criseyde.

Since neither the sources of Filocolo nor any other of Boccaccio's works than Filocolo could have inspired Chaucer's scene, some one may suggest that the English poet had in mind some other of the many scenes of bedroom intrigue in the great body of mediaeval romance and of folk-tales. Several remote parallels to the tower episode in Filocolo have been pointed out, but none of them contains those details of Boccaccio's account that recur in the English poem.1

1870), 11. 1642-1685 ; La Lengenda ddla Reina Rosana e di Rosana sua Figliuola (A. d'Ancona, Livorno, 1871), pp. 53-61 ; II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore (V. Crescini, 2 vols., Bologna, 1889-1899), Stanzas 120-126. For the parallel scene in the Spanish Flores y Biancaflor, see E. Hausknecht, p. 67.

1 Crescini (Vollmoller's Kritischer Jahresbericht, III Bd., 1891-1894, 4 Heft, p. 386) refers to the following parallels : — (1) In the Old French Macaire (edited by A. Mussafia, Wien, 1864, 11. 210-260. Cf. L. Gautier, Les jGpop&s Franfaises, Tome III, Paris, 1880, p. 705 ; P. Rajna, Le Origini dell' Epopea Francese, Firenze, 1884, p. 180) we have an account of the dwarf's following Machario's directions as to how he may lie with Queen Bianciflor while the Emperor is at matins. (2) In Amis et Amiles (edited by K. Hofmann, Erlangen, 1882, 11. 664-704) there is a bedroom scene in which Belyssant disposes herself in the bed of Count Amiles while he is asleep. (3) In the story of Lancelot du Lac (see P. Paris, Les Romans de la Table Ronde, Tome IV, Paris, 1875, pp. 32-33) we are told that Gawain stealthily gains access to the bed of the daughter of the King of Norgalles, where the King discovers the pair together by looking through a window. (4) Similar scenes are to be found in Italian folk-poetry (see A. d'Ancona, La Poesia Popolare Italians, Livorno, 1878, pp. 23-28).

M. Landau (Giovanni Boccaccio : sein Leben und seine Werke, Stuttgart, 1877, p. 49) points out parallels to the tower episode of Filocolo: — (1) In Wolfdieterich (edited by A. Holtzmann, Heidelberg, 1865, Stanzas 88-95 ; (2) in the Swedish folk tale of Habor and Signild (see A. A. Afzelius, Yolks- sagen und Volkslieder aus Schwedviis dlterer und neuerer Zeit, Leipzig, 1842, Theil I, pp. 153-163) ; (3) the story of Vallivan (see H. von der Hagen, Die Schwanensage, in Abhandlungen der koniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1846, p. 535) ; (4) the story of a princess kept in a tower, to which a knight gains access in a basket (see H. A. Keller, Li Romans des Sept Sages, Tubingen, 1836, pp. Ixx-lxxiii) ; (5) the tale of " Die beiden Pflege- briider " (see C. Oberleitner, Schwedische Volkssagen und Mdrchen, Wien, 1848, pp. 78 ff.) ; (6) the story of Achilles and Deidamia (see F. H. von der Hagen, Gesammtabenteur^ II Bd., Stuttgart und Tubingen, 1850, pp. 496 ff.; Cf. Ill Bd., p. cxxviii).

A list of "bedroom intrigues" can be indefinitely increased by such references as the following: — Claris et Laris (edited by J. Alton, Tubingen, 1844), 11. 8843-8472) ; R. Renier, Novelle inedite di Giovanni Sercambi, Torino, 1889, pp. 116-119 ; Carle of Carlile (Bishop Percy's Folio Manu script, edited by J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall, Vol. Ill, London, 1868), 11. 331-360; a canzone of Antonio Pucci (Rivista di Filologia Romanza, II, 226) ; Syre Gawene and the Carle of Carelyle (edited by F. Madden, Syr Gawayne, London, 1839, p. 200), 11. 445-480 ; Le Chevalier a L'Epte (edited by E. C. Armstrong, Baltimore, 1900),- 11. 471-682; Yoivc, 11. 123-172; Guigemar, 11. 470-534 ; Equitan, 11. 115-188 ; the last three edited by K. Warnke, Die Lais der Marie de France, Halle, 1900.

152 THE FIRST NIGHT OF JASON AND MEDEA IN BENOIT. [CH. IV

No one, however, has pointed out the close similarity between this account in Filocolo and an episode in the story of Jason and . Medea as recounted in the Roman de Troie of Benoit de Sainte- Maure1 and in the Historia Troiana of Guido delle Colonne.2 This episode in the French poem 3 may he outlined as follows :

Jason has speedily won the heart of Medea, and has only to reap the fruits of his new love, swearing to his lady " sor toz les deus " that he will honour and marry her. Medea bids him come alone to her chamber after the King shall have gone to bed, to make his vows and to receive her love and her counsel. Jason readily assents, but urges that she send a servant to guide him,—

" Quar ne savreie ou jo alasse, IS e a quel hore jo levasse." 4

Having assented to this request, Medea impatiently awaits the coming of night, and then still more impatiently the retiring of the household. As she nervously paces her chamber, she often stops to look through a little aperture to see the bed where Jason lies,—

" Par la chambre vait sus e jus,

E so vent rec/uarde al pertus,

Tant que trestuit furent couchie.

Bien a veil e aguaitie

Le lit ou Jason se coucha." 5

When all have retired, Medea calls a trusted old woman-servant,, whom she bids to fetch Jason quietly, —

1 R. deT., 1445-1774.

2 Historic/, Troiana, sig. a 7 recto, col. 2 — sig. b 1 verso, col. 2.

3 We have no occasion to consider in full the parallel account in the Historia. Guido follows Benoit closely at this point, adding no significant details that occur either in Filocolo or in Troilus. Guide's only conspicuous addition to Benoit, — his extended condemnation of Medea's credulity and of Jason's infidelity (Historia, sig. b 1 recto, cols. 1-2), — does not concern us here. On the other hand, in his abridgment Guido omits certain of Benoit's details which appear in Filocolo and in Troilus. For example, there is nothing in the Historia to represent the French lines,

" Par la chambre vait sus e jus, E sovent regiiarde al pertus, Tant que trestuit furent couchie. Bien a veil e aguaitie Le lit ou Jason se coucha " (E. de T., 1531-1535).

As we shall see, the detail of the pertus is important.

4 It. de T., 1459-1460.

5 Id., 1531-1535. For a similar use of the word, pertus, see "Tote la nait les guardet par un pertus petit " (Pderinage de Charlemagne, edited by E. Koschwitz, Leipzig, 1895, 1. 441).

CH. IV] THE FIRST NIGHT OF JASON AND MEDEA IN BENOIT. 153

" Une soe maistre apela : Tot son conseil li a gehi, Car el se fiot mout en li : * Dreit a eel lit,' fait ele, * iras Tot soavet, le petit pas ; Celui qu'i gist m'ameine o tei : De noise te guarde e d'esfrei.' " l

When Medea has retired to her magnificent bed, the servant hastens to wake Jason and to lead him to Medea's chamber, —

" La vieille, senz autre respit, Le la chambre s'en est eissue, Dreit au lit Jason est venue ; Tot belement e en secrei Le traist par mi la main a sei. E cil s'en leva mout isnel, Si s'afubla de son mantel. Tot soavet et a cele S'en sont dedenz la chambre entre. Clarte i ot, tres bien i veient, Car dm cierge grant i ardeient. La maistre a 1'uis clos e serre, Puis 1'a desci qu'al lit mene." 2

Though she is aware of Jason's presence, Medea pretends to be asleep, and when he approaches and raises the coverlet she starts up in pretended amazement, and asks by what means he has entered her room, —

" Medea le senti venir, Si a fait semblant de dormir, E cil ne f u pas trop vilains : Le covertor lieve o ses mains. Cele tressaut, vers lui se torne ; Auques fu vergondose e morne :

I Yassaus,' fait el, ' qui vos conduit ? Mout par avez veillie anuit.

Tel noise ai tote nuit oi'e

Qu'or m'ere a grant peine endormie.' " 3

Jason replies that his only guide has been Medea's servant, —

" * Dame,' fait il, ' n'i quier guion Se vos e vostre maistre non : S'en vostre prison me sui mis,

II ne m'en deit pas estre pis.' " 4 v

1 R. de T., 1536-1542. 2 Id., 1572-1584.

8 Id., 1585-1594. * Id., 1595-1598.

154 THE FIKST NIGHT OF JASON AND MEDEA IN BENOIT. [CH. IV

The servant now leaves the lovers together, and Jason promptly swears eternal faithfulness to Medea and offers to do her pleasure, —

" La vieille ensemble les laissa, En autre chambre s'en entra. Jason a parle toz premiers : 1 Dame, li vostre chevaliers, Icil qui quites senz partie Sera toz les jorz de sa vie, Yos prie e requiert doucement Quel receveiz si ligement, Qu'a nul jor mais chose ne face Que vos griet lie que vos desplace.' " l

Not satisfied with this simple declaration, Medea urges her lover to take an oath before an "image de Jupiter," a procedure to which Jason readily consents, —

" * . . . Beans amis, Grant chose m'avez mout pramis: Se vos le voliez tenir, Ne me porriez plus ofrir. Seiirte vueil que jo en aie : Puis atendrai vostre manaie.' ' Dame, a trestot vostre plaisir ; Senz fausete e senz mentir, Vos en ferai tel seiirtance Qu'a tort avreiz vers mei dotancc.'

Une pelice vaire e grise Vest Medea sor sa chemise, Del lit s'en est a tant levee, Si a line image aportee De Jupiter le den poissant :

' Jason,' fait el, ' venez avant. Vez ci 1'image al deu des cieus : Jo ne vueil mie faire a gieus De mei e de vos I'asseinblee ; Par 90 vueil. estre aseiiree. Sor 1'image ta main metras, E sor 1'image jureras A mei fei porter e tenir E mei a prendre senz guerpir ; Leial seignor, leial arnant Me seies mais d'ore en avant.' Jason ensi li otreia." 2

1 R. de T., 1599-1608. 2 H^ 1609_1635.

CH. IV] LIKENESSES BETWEEN BENOIT AND FILOCOLO. 155

Medea now admits Jason to her bed for the night, —

" Tote la nuit se jurent puis, Ensi com jo el Livre truis, Tot nu a nu e braz a braz." 1

In the morning, before Jason departs, Medea counsels him con cerning his approaching dangers, and gives him magic gifts, — "nne figure Faite par art e par conjure,"2 " un oignement," 3 and " un anel/' 4 — each of which is powerful in protecting the life of him who carries it. After many caresses, Jason takes his leave. 5

The general likeness of this nocturnal meeting to that recounted in Filocolo needs no enforcing. We may sum up the details in which the two accounts agree as follows :

1. A lover is kept waiting outside his lady's bedroom.

2. There is a small hole through which one may see from one room to the other.

.3. A woman-servant leads the lover to his " amie."

4. The lover makes advances upon the person of his sleeping lady.

5. When the lady awakes she is shocked by the intrusion into her room.

6. The lady rises from bed and exacts an oath from her lover before an image of a god.

7. The lovers spend the night together.6

Boccaccio's intimate acquaintance with Benoit's poem during the period when he was writing this part of Filocolo can hardly be doubted. If my exposition of the mutual chronological relations of Filocolo and Filostrato be sound,7 it appears that Boccaccio wrote the Filocolo episode under consideration after he had written Filostrato, and hence after he had "ransacked Benoit's poem.8 Since we have found our author borrowing from Benoit's episode of Achilles and Polyxena materials for adding to the meagre story of Troilus and Briseida, we need not be surprised at the suggestion

1 E. de T., 1643-1645. 2 Id., 1665-6. 3 Id., 1671.

4 Id., 1677. 5 Id., 1763-1766.

6 I do not draw a parallel between the magic ring of the Roman de Troie (\. 1677) and the matrimonial ring of Filocolo (II, 181-2).

7 See above, pp. 27 ff.

8 On Boccaccio's i'amiliarity with the Roman de Troie while he was writ ing Filocolo, see also above, p. 104. Even though my exposition of the chronology be rejected, the evidence for Boccaccio's use of Benoit's poem in Filocolo is, I think, quite able to stand of itself. -

156 FIRST-NIGHT DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CHAUCER AND BENOIT. [CH.IV

that Boccaccio drew from Beiioit's episode of Jason and Medea a scene with which to enlarge his Filocolo. In view of the detailed resemblances between Beiioit's episode and the account in Filo colo of the meeting of Florio and Biancofiore in the tower at Alexandria, in view of Boccaccio's departure at this point from the sources of Filocolo, and in view of his undoubted familiarity with Benoit's poem, I believe that Boccaccio's indebtedness to Benoit at this point can hardly be questioned.1

Since Chaucer as well as Boccaccio was intimately acquainted with the Roman de Troie, is it possible that the English scene is based directly upon Benoit's poem, without the mediation of Boccaccio ? We may readily admit that two authors may use a, common source independently with surprisingly similar results ;. but in the present case the special similarities between Filocolo and Troilus are so important that Chaucer's independence of Boccaccio can hardly be maintained. The definite points in which Filocolo and Troilus show common differences from Benoit are the following :

1. In each case the innamorata is deceived into thinking that her lover is out of town,

2. In each account the lover, concealed in an adjoining chamber,, observes through a ^mall orifice the merry-making in which his lady takes part.

3. In each case the go-between, while keeping the lover con cealed, prepares the mind of the innamorata for his coming by vague suggestions of such a possibility.

4. The jealousy of the lover figures prominently in both stories.2

5. In the two cases rings are used with matrimonial significance. a

1 If this conclusion is sound, a reconsideration of the autobiographical validity of the tower scene in Filocolo is made necessary,— a reconsideration, however, that is no integral part of the present study. On the autobiographical significance of this scene, see Crescini, Contribute, etc., pp. 82, 131, 152, 194, 197 ; II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore, Vol. I, pp. 426-7 ; Vollmoller's- Kritischer Jahresbericht, III Bd., 4 Heft, p. 386 ; A. della Torre, p. 270, note 2 ; Antona-Traversi, II Propiignatore, Vol. XVI, Parte 11% pp. 63, 67, 240-245.

2 See p. 145.

3 Although Chaucer's scene is clearly based upon Boccaccio's, since the English author had undoubtedly read the account of Jason and Medea in the Roman de Troie, we need not be surprised if we find in Troilus some slight echoes from the French poem. There may or may not be significance in the resemblances that follow.

1. Pandarus says to Troilus (T. and C., iii, 738),

" Why, don this furred cloke up-on thy sherte."

OH. IV] FIRST-NIGHT DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CHAUCER AND BENOIT. 157

From the evidence now before us, I conclude that upon Benoit's account of a secret meeting of Jason and Medea, Boccaccio based the tower scene in Filocolo, — a scene that Chaucer adapted to his own purposes in Book iii of Troilus and Criseyde.

In the Chaucerian episode that we have been studying occurs an element that deserves additional consideration. We have already observed that both in the tower scene in Filocolo and in the similar scene in Troilus the heroine complains of a previous fit of jealousy on her lover's part.1 Chaucer's highly successful

Jason, when he rises from bed, puts on an outer cloak (R. de 2'., 1578), — " Si s' afubla de son mantel," —

and Medea when she rises, puts on a fur garment over her night-dress (id. , 1619-1620),—

"Une police vaire e grise Vest Medea sor sa chemise."

Guido has no similar detail.

2. Pandarus tends the door (T. and C., iii, 748-9),—

"Goth to the dore anon with-outen lette,

Ther-as they laye, and softely it shette." Likewise the old servant in Benoit's poem, —

" La maistre a 1'uis clos e serre" (R. de T., 1583).

Guido has a similar detail (see Historia, sig. a 7 verso, col. 2).

3. When Criseyde offers Pandarus a "blewering" (T. and 0., iii, 885) with which to comfort Troilus, Pandarus replies,

" ' A ring ? ' quod he, ' ye, hasel-wodes shaken ! Ye, nece myn, that ring moste han a stoon That mighte dede men alyve maken ; And swich a ring, trowe I that ye have noon ' "

(T. and C., iii, 890-893).

Perhaps Chaucer had in mind the magic ring that Medea gives Jason (R. de T. , 1677), which has such power that

" ' Soz ciel n'a home qui seit vis, Des qu'il 1'avra en son deit mis, Qui ja puis crienge enchantement Feu, arme, venin ne serpent :

Se tu ne vueus estre veiiz,

La pierre met defors ta main '"

(R. de T., 1681-84, 1690-91).

Guido has a similar detail (see Historia, sig. b 1 verso, cols. 1-2),

4. Says Pandarus to Criseyde (T. and C., iii, 948),

" But liggeth stille, and taketh him light here." So the servant in Benoit's poem (R. de T., 1543-4),

" 'Dame,' fait el, ' premierement Vos couchiez, si sera plus gent.' "

Guido omits this detail. Whether or not these details are signifi'-ant, I think they in no wise affect the main conclusions which we have reached above. 1 See above, p. 145.

158 JEALOUSY IN CHAUCER'S AND IN BENOIT'S LOVERS. [OH. iv

dramatic and lyric development of this motif, which has no basis in Filostrato,1 seems to rest upon the account of Florio's jealousy in the earlier part of Filocolo,2 — an episode definitely referred to by Biancofiore in the tower scene.

This element of jealousy in Troilus may be briefly outlined as follows :

In order to excite Criseyde's passion for Troilus, Pandarus reports to her Troilus' s sorrowful plight over a rumour as to her infidelity, — a rumour that Criseyde hastens to deny and to lament.* She proposes to soothe Troilus' s feelings on the following day, but Pandarus will allow no such delay, and presents Troilus to her at once. With firm but gentle words Criseyde censures Troilus for his jealousy, laments his pain, and ends with fervent protestations of faithfulness.4

. The episode of jealousy in Filocolo5 may once more6 be briefly outlined as follows :

Convinced by seeing Biancofiore's veil in. the possession of Fileno that the maiden is faithless, Florio gives way to violent jealousy. At the end of a lengthy complaint, Florio is at the point of suicide, when he falls asleep and has a vision that should have reassured him. On awaking, however, Florio writes a long letter to Biancofiore upbraiding her for her supposed infidelity, — a letter to which the maiden replies in full, denying the' accusations, and ending with vows of fidelity. Meanwhile the goddess Diana has gone to visit Gelosia, whose hideous dwelling is elaborately described. At Diana's request, Gelosia flies to Florio and strikes him with a renewed fit of jealousy. After the nature of jealousy has been prosaically expounded, we are told that Diana goes to the cave of Sleep, through whose agency Fileno is warned in a vision to flee from the death that Florio is preparing for him.

Although it would be absurd to expect Chaucer to introduce into Troilus any such dull and clumsy episode as this, there are good reasons for believing that he_drew from this part of Filocolo suggestions for Troilus's jealousy of " Horaste." Criseyde's tender arraignment of Troilus for his suspicion has a general parallel in Biancofiore's reply to Florio's accusation. The English heroine begins with an appreciation of her lover's merits, —

1 The element of jealousy in Troilus that we are now considering is not to be confused with the jealousy between Troilus and Diomedes treated later in the poem (see T. and C., v, 1212-1533, 1639-1722), which is in the main adapted from a part of Filostrato already discussed. See above, pp. 94 ff.

2 See Filocolo, I, 247-289. 3 T. and C., iii, 792-812, 837-840. 4 Id., iii, 988-1064. 5 Filocolo, I, 247-289.

15 See above, pp. 99 ff.

CH. IV] CAUSE OF JEALOUSY IN CHAUCER'S AND IN BENOIl'S LOVERS. 159

" And your goodnesse have I founde alwey yit, Of whiche, my dere herte and al my knight, I thonke it yow, as fer as I have wit, Al can I nought as muche as it were right." l

In her reply to the jealous Florio, Biancofiore utters similar praise of her lover, —

" Similemente i lunghi affanni e i gran meriti, a' quali io mai aggiugnere non potrei a remunerare il piu picciolo. . . . Neancora. mi si occulta la tua virtu, n6 la tua bellezza piena di graziosa piacevolezza . . . per le quali cose saresti piu degno amante dell' alta Citerea che di me." 2

In commenting on Troilus':* jealousy Criseyde charitably suggests that he is a victim of " fantasye " and " illusioun," —

" But certeyn is, som maner jalousye Is excusable more than som, y-wis. As whan cause is, and som swich fantasye With pietee so wel repressed is, That it unnethe dooth or seyth amis,

That thanke I god, for whiche your passioun I wol not calle it but illusioun." 3

" Fantasye " and " illusioun " are clearly involved in Florio's case, where a vision and a visit from " Gelosia " contribute toward his being deceived. Moreover, Biancofiore plainly hints that Florio may be out of his wits, — •

"Tu vai cercando di mostrarmi cagioni per le quali io debba avere te per Fileno lasciato, e quelle tu medesimo 1' annulli . . . e se da te quel senno non s' e partito che aver suoli, dovresti pensare che io non sono del senno uscita." 4

Criseyde assures her lover that by her explanation their mutual happiness will return, — •

" But, herte myn, what al this is to seyne Shall wel be told, so that ye noght yow greve, Though I to yow right on your-self compleyne. For ther- with mene I fynally the peyne, That halt your herte and myn in hevinesse, Fully to sleen, and every wrong redresse." 5

. * T. and a., in, 995-998. 2 Filocolo, I, 270-271. '

8 T. and C., iii, 103CM034, 1040-1041. 4 Filocolo, I, 271.

6 T. and 0., iii, 1003-1008.

160 CRISEYDE'S AND BIANCOFIORE'S ASSURANCES OF FIDELITY. [OH, iv

Biancofiore holds out the same hope,—

" Lascia ogni malinconia presa per questo se la mia vita t' e cara, e spera che ancora f ermamente conoscerai cib che io ora ti prometto, e la tua vita colla mia insieme caramente riguarda, sperando che a luogo e a tempo gl' iddii rimuteranno consiglio, forse concedendoci miglior vita che noi da noi non eleggeremmo." 1

Criseyde's affecting words,

" ' Eek al my wo is this, that folk now usen To seyn right thus, " Ye, Jalousye is Love ! " ;

may reflect the exposition of jealousy in Filocolo? in which occur such expressions as,

" 0 amore . . . chi potrebbe credere o pensare che la tua dolce radice producesse si amaro frutto com' & gelosia ? . . . Ella [i. e.t gelosia] con teco quasi d' un principio nata, di tutti i tuoi beni &

guastatrice." 4

Criseyde closes her plea beautifully with the following assurances of her fidelity :

" ' But, for my devoir and your hertes reste, Wher-so yow list, by ordal or by ooth, By sort, or in what wyse so yow leste, For love of god, lat preve it for the beste ! And if that I be giltif, do me deye, Alias ! what mighte I more doon or seye 1 '

"With that a fewe brighte teres newe

Out of hir eyen fille, and thus she seyde,

' Now god, thou wost, in thought ne dede untrewe

To Troilus was never yet Criseyde.' " 5

Biancofiore is equally outspoken in her assurances, —

" Yolessero gl' iddii che possibile fosse te aver potuto vedere e udire le vere . . . che io niuna persona ami se non solamente te, ne chiamo testimonio gl' iddii . . . Biancofiore non fu mai se non tua, e tua sara sempre. Adoprino i fati secondoch6 ell' ama, e senza fallo contento viverai." 6

To these general resemblances we may perhaps add at least one slight verbal resemblance. In the line assigned to Criseyde,

" « Alias ! what wikked spirit tolde him thus 1 '" 7,

1 Filocolo, I, 274. 2 T a<)ld Cmf iii} 1023-1024.

3 Filocolo, I, 280-281. 4 Id., T, 280-281.

6 T. and 01, iii, 1045-1054. 6 Filocolo, I, 270-271, 273, 274.

7 T.andC.,iii, 808.

«H. iv] CHAUCER'S PANDARUS is PARTLY FROM FILOCOLO. 161

the expression, " wikked spirit," reminds us of Biancofiore's words to Florio in his vision, —

" Caccia della tua nave quello iniquo spirito" l —

where the " iniquo spirito " symbolizes Florio's jealousy.

The facts before us seem to indicate that Chaucer's emphasis in this scene upon Troilus's jealousy of "Horaste" is due to the influence of the episode of Florio's jealousy of Fileno in Filocolo, an episode that is clearly mentioned later in the same work in the tower scene upon which the Chaucerian scene as a whole is based.

In our study of the evolution of the poem Filostrato, we con cluded that, in adding the character^ Pandaro to the story of Troilus and Briseida, Boccaccio drew to some extent upon his own earlier Filocolo.2 We found that the Duke and Ascalione in Filocolo counsel Florio in terms strikingly similar to conversations between Pandaro and Troilo in Filostrato. In the parallel con versations in Troilus, Chaucer in the main follows Filostrato ; but in some cases the English author amplifies the Italian poem with materials that may have their source in Filocolo.

In Pandarus' first conversation with Troilus concerning his love,3 Chaucer makes liberal and literal use of what Filostrato provides.4 One of the English author's additions at this point is shown in Pandarus' attempt to comfort Troilus by citing " examples " from antiquity, —

" ' I woot wel that it fareth thus by me As to thy brother Parys an herdesse,

1 Filocolo, I, 259-260. This parallel is not to be accepted, however, without reference to Filostrato, vii, 18, 3-4, —

" . . . e '1 nemico Spirto di gelosia . . ."

Boccaccio's account of Diana's visit to the house of Gelosia (Filocolo, I, 275- 278) is evidently based upon Ovid's Metamorphoses, ii, 752-801. Of. B. Zumbini, Nuova Antologia, Serie IIa, Vol. XVIII (1879), p. 694. One word in Chaucer's line,

"And wolde a busshel venim al excusen" (T. and 0., iii, 1025), .has a parallel in Ovid's lines,

"... lingua est suffusa vcncno

Inspiratque nocens virus piceumque per ossa Dissipat et medio spargit pulmone venenum "

(Metamorphoses, ii, 777, 800-801).

2 See above, pp. 56 ff. 3 T. and C., i, 547-1061. 4 Filostrato, ii, 1-33. DEV. TR. CR. M

162 CHAUCER'S PANDARUS is PARTLY FROM FILOCOLO. [CH. IT.

Which that y-cleped was Oenone, Wroot in a conipleyiit of hir hevinesse : Ye sey the lettre that she wroot, y gesse ?

And sith thou hast a felawe, tel thy mone ; For this nis not, certeyn, the nexte wyse To winnen love, as techen us the wyse, To walwe and wepe as Niobe the quene, Whos teres yet in marbel been ysene.' " l

Troilus, however, takes no comfort from such " ensaumples," —

" ' But suffre me my mischef to biwayle, For thy proverbes may me nought avayle.

Nor other cure canstow noon for me.

Eek I nil not be cured, I wol deye ;

What knowe I of the quene Mobe ?

Lat be thyne olde ensaumples, I thee preye.' " 2

Pandaro in Filoslrato, although quite as profuse in offering his friendship, does not bore his friend with an idle citing of examples. In Filocolo, however, we find a precise parallel to the " ensaumples " of Pandarus. When Duke Feramonte is inquiring concerning Florio's love and is offering him friendship and comfort, he points to ancient cases of love troubles similar to those of Florio, —

" ' A questo acquistare suole essere agli amanti molto affanno e- noia . . . e di questo & 1' antica eta tutta piena di

citing the case of Meilanion, Hylaeus, and Atalante, and of Acontiua and Cydippe. Troilus's reference to "ensaumples" reminds us also of Florio's soliloquy later, when he cites to himself the case of Hypsiphyle, Jason, Medea, and Creusa, and of Oenone and Paris, adding, —

" Oh quanti esempli a questi simili si troverebbero, ma al mio dolore niuno simile se ne troverebbe. •. . . Ora fossi io in quell' ora stato morto . . . certo la mia vita non si prolunghera piu." 4

Pandarus' account to Criseyde of the way in which he discovered Troilus's love for her is in some respects livelier than the parallel account in Filostrato. Pandarus says that when he overheard Troilus in the garden complaining of his love-pangs, he immediately stole upon him as follows :

1 T. and C., i, 652-6, 696-700. 2 Id., i, 755-760.

3 Filocolo, I, 219. 4 Idmf i} 256-257.

CH. iv] CHAUCER'S PANDARUS is PARTLY FROM FILOCOLO. 163

11 And I with that gan stille awey to goon, And leet ther-of as no-thing wist hadde I, And come ayein anoon and stood him by, And seyde, " a-wake, ye slepen al to longe ; It semeth nat that love dooth yow longe,

That slepen so that no man may yow wake. Who sey ever or this so dul a man ? " " Ye, freend," quod he, " do ye your hedes ake For love, and lat me liven as I can." ' " 1

The parallel part of Filostrato does not provide the lively details that Chaucer introduces.2 The Chaucerian details, however, seem to be almost precisely anticipated in Filocolo, where the Duke and Ascalione one day in the garden approach Florio with greetings, to which they receive no response until Ascalione arouses the young lover from his painful thoughts of Biancofiore, —

"Era Florio tanto nello immaginar la sua Biancofiore, che ne per la venuta di costoro, ne per lo loro saluto si muto ne cambio aspettOy ma cosi stette come colui che veduti ne uditi ancora non gli aveva. Allora Ascalione distesa la mano il prese per lo braccio, e lui tirando, disse : o innamorato giovane, dove se' tu ora ? Dormi tu, o se' pensando fuori di te uscito . . . ma dopo molti sospiri, alquanto da' pensieri sviluppato, alzata la testa, disse \i. e., Florio] : oime, or chi vi mena a vedere la miseria della mia vita, alia quale forse voi credete levar pena con parole confortevoli, e voi piu n' aggiungete 1 " 3

The Chaucerian passage reminds us also of the scene in Filocolo in which the Duke comes to cheer Florio and to elicit from him his love secret, —

" . . . il duca che per grandissimo spazio atteso 1' aveva, entro nella camera dicendo : o Florio, lieva su, non vedi tu il cielo che ride? Andiamo a pigliare gli usati diletti."4

With the first of these two passages from Filocolo we may further compare the passage in Troilus describing the manner in which Pandarus arouses Troilus when the young lover ignores the conversation of his interlocutor and falls into a reverie of love, —

" Yet Troilus, for al this, no word seyde, But longe he lay as stille as he ded were ; And after this with syliinge he abreyde, And to Pandarus voys he lente his ere,

1 T. and 0., ii, 542-550. 2 Cf. Filostrato, ii, 61-G2.

3 Filocolo, I, 238. * Id., I, 214.

164 CHAUCER'S -USB OF BOETHIUS AND FILOCOLO IN TROILUS. [cu. iv.

And up his eyen caste he, that in fere Was Pandarus, lest that in-frenesye He sholde falle, or elles sone dye :

And cryde * a-wake ' f ul wonderly and sharpe ; 1 What ? slombrestow as in a lytargye ? Or artow lyk an asse to the harpe 1 '" l

Beyond doubt Chaucer's passage shows a reminiscence of the passage in his translation of Boethius, where Philosophic, after explaining the need of stable things, says,

" ' Felestow,' quod she, ' thise thinges, and entren they aught in thy corage 1 Artow lylte an asse to the harpe ?}"2

Although Chaucer here adopts an expression from Boethius, it still seems probable that the passage as a whole was suggested by the parallel passage in Filocolo, with which it agrees so nearly in external circumstances as well as in several details of expression.

Similar considerations arise in connection with another passage in the same part of the English poem, for which there are undoubted parallels both in Filocolo and in Chaucer's Boethius. Concerning Fortune, Pandarus speaks to Troilus as follows :

" Quod Pandarus, 'than blamestow Fortune For thou art wrooth, ye, now at erst I see ; Wostow nat wel that Fortune is commune To every maner wight in som degree 1 And yet thou hast this comfort, lo, pardee ! That, as hir joyes moten over-goon, So mote hir sorwes passen everichoon.

For if hir wheel stinte any-thing to torne,

Than cessed she Fortune anoon to be :

Now, sith hir wheel by no wey may sojorne.

What wostow if hir mutabilitee,

Eight as thy-selven list, wol doon by thee,

Or that she be not f er fro thyn helpinge *\

Paraunter, thou hast cause for to singe!

And therf or wostow what I thee beseche rl Lat be thy wo and turning to the grounjde : For who-so list have helping of his leche, To him bihoveth first unwrye his wounde.'"2

1 T. and C., i, 722-731.

2 Boethius, De Consolations Philosophic, Bk. i, Pr. iv, Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, II, 8.

8 T. and C.t i, 841-858.

CH. iv] CHAUCER'S USE OF BOETHIUS AND FILOCOLO IN TROILUS. 165 In a similar attempt to console Florio, Duke Feramonte says,

" Pensa che infino a tanto die la piaga si nasconde al medico diviene ella putrida e guasta il corpo, ma palesata, le piu volte lievemente si sana. E perb non celare a me quella cosa la quale questo dolore ti porge, perocche io desidero donarti, secondo il mio potere, intero conf orto, e liberartene. . . . Pensa che la fortuna non terra sempre ferma la ruota ; cosi com' ella volgendo, dal cospetto di Biancofiore ti tolse, cost in quello ancora lieto ti riporra"1

Chaucer's relation to Filocolo at this point must be judged in the light of two obvious reminiscences from the English Boethius, —

" If Fortune bigan to dwelle stable, she cesede thanne to ben Fortune " ; 2

" Yif thou abydest after help of thy leche, thee bihoveth disco vere thy wounde." 3

Although the passage from Troilus contains two obvious borrow ings from Boethius, there is nothing to indicate that the English passage as a whole may not be the result of the similar passage in Filocolo. Since Chaucer seems certainly to have used the Italian romance, and since other parts of Duke Feramonte's conversation seem to be reflected in neighbouring parts of Troilus, it seems probable that the Chaucerian passage before us was inspired by a similar passage having similar circumstances in Filocolo and was graced with two borrowings from Boethius, rather than that the English passage was built up from two passages from Boethius, independently of Filocolo. I may at least suggest that if Chaucer did have before him Duke Feramonte's conversations with Florio, he would almost inevitably replace certain clumsy Italian expres sions by expressions of precisely the same thought in the more pithy and fluent form that had already come from his own pen in his translation of Boethius.

When Troilus persistently refuses to be comforted, Pandarus blurts out,

" ' No,' quod tho Pandarus, ' therfore I seye, Swich is delyt of foles to biwepe

1 Filocolo, I, 215-216, 242.

2 Boethius, Bk. ii, Pr. i. 82-4. In connection with T. and 0., i, 857-8, quoted above, see T. and G., i, 783, 791, 1087-1091 ; ii, 1578-9 ; v, 1537.

3 Boethius, Bk. i, Pr. iv, 4-5. Cf. Gesta Romanorum, edited by H. Oesterley, Berlin, 1872, cap. xxviii, p. 326 ; Pamphilus de Amore, 11. 1-16. edited by A. Baudouin, Paris, 1874, pp. 131-2.

166 PANDARUS'^ TALKS ARE PARTLY FROM FILOCOLO. [CH. IV

Hir wo, but seken lote they ne kepe.

Now knowe I that ther reson in thee fayleth.'"1

This remark, for which there is no parallel in the corresponding conversation in Filostrato, may have been suggested by the Duke's gentler words to Florio in a similar situation in Filocolo, —

" ' Onde se nullo prego dee valere noi ti preghiamo che tu prenda conforto, e da cotesti pensieri con diletti continui ti lievi : e se forse t' e occulta, come tu nel tuo parlar dimostri, la cagione perche devi pigliar diletto, noi non ce ne maravigliamo, perocch^ in cosi fatti affanni le piu volte il vero conosdmento si mole smarrire.' " 2

As the conversation continues, Pandarus says,

" ' . . . alias ! what may this be, That thou despeyred art tltus causelees ? What 1 liveth not thy lady ? benedicite ! How wostow so that thou art gracelees ? Swich yvel is not alwey botelees. Why, put not impossible thus thy cure, Sin thing to come is ofte in aventure? " 3

In the absence of anything similar in Filostrato^ there may be significance in the Duke's remark to Florio, —

" * . . . L' uomo non sa delle future cose la verita. . . . tu non come desideroso della vita di Biancofiore ti rallegri ch' ella viva, ma in pianti e in dolori consumi la tua vita.'"4

The comparisons adduced above 5 seem to me clearly to indicate

1 T. and C., i, 761-764. 2 Filocolo, I, 241.

3 T. and C., i, 778-784. 4 Filocolo, I, 220.

5 With another of Pandarus' idle " proverbes," —

' ' For how might ever sweetnesse have be knowe To him that never tasted bitternesse ? Ne no man may be inly glad, I trowe, That never was in sorwe or som distresse ; Eek whyt by blak, by shame eek worthinesse, Ech set by other, more for other semeth ; As men may see ; and so the wyse it deineth."

(T. and C., i, 638-644),>—

may be compared the similar conceit imposed by the Duke upon Florio, —

" Ma non si pub si dolce frutto com' e amore gustare senza alcuna amaritn- dine : e le cose desiderate lungamente giungono poi molto piu graziose " (Filocolo, I, 221).

Whatever suggestion Chaucer may have taken from the Italian passage, he is certainly using also the following passage from the Roman de la Hose :

" Quant entrer puet en la cuisine ; Et set loer et set blasmer Liquex sunt dous, liquex amer,

€H. IV] WHENCE COME DETAILS OF CHAUCER'S TEMPLE LOVE-SCENE ? 167

that Chaucer was familiar with Duke Feramonte's talks with \ Florio in Filocolo, and that he drew from this part of the Italian (X romance suggestions for enlarging and enlivening Pandarus' similar talks with Troilus in Troilus and Criseyde.

Although in his account of the innamoramento of Troilus in the temple1 Chaucer makes literal use of the parallel account in Filostrato? still the English author introduces many details that are not suggested in the Italian poem. We may well inquire whether any of Chaucer's additions may have been suggested by the accounts of similar temple scenes in Filocolo,3 Ameto* and Mammetta.5 In describing the immediate effect upon Troilus of his first sight of Criseyde, Chaucer introduces lively details for which there is no basis in Filostrato. According to Boccaccio, Troilo at this juncture remains quite calm, —

"L'occhio suo vago giunse penetrando La dov' era Griseida piacente, Sotto candido velo in bruna vesta, Fra 1' altre donne in si solenne festa.

Piacque quel atto a Troilo, al tornare

Car de plusors en a goustes. Ausinc sachies, et n'en doutes, Que qui mal essaie n'aura, Ja du bien gaires ne saura ; Et qui ne set d'honor que monte, Ja ne saura congnoistre honte ; N'onc nus ne sot quel chose est aiso, S'il n'ot avant apris mesaise ; Ne n'est pas digne d'aise avoir, Qui ne vuet mesaise savoir ; Et qui bien ne la set soffrir, Nus ne li devroit aise offrir. Ainsinc va des contraires choses, Les unes sunt des autres gloses, Et qui Tune en vuet definir, De 1'autre li doit sovenir " {R. de la R., edited by P. Marteau, Tome IV, Orleans, 1879, 11. 22354-22372).

Again, Pandarus' line,

"And next the valey is the hil a-lofte" (T. and C.y i, 950), reminds us of a remark of Florio to the despairing lover, Galeone, —

" La tua doglia e grandissima : ma chi dubitera che dopo gli altissimi monti non sia una profonda valle 1" (Filocolo, II, 276.)

As to Pandarus' sententiousness, see also Publications of Mod. Lang. Assoc., XXII, 576-7, 579, 581. ' J See T. and C., i, 162-329. 2 gee Filostrato, i, 18-30,

3 Filocolo, I, 4-8. On this scene see above, pp. 40 ff.

4 Ameto (Sonzogno), pp. 227-228

8 Fiammetta (Sonzogno), pp. 23-26.

1G8 CHAUCER'S TEMPLE LOVE-SCENE AND FILOCOLO. [CH. iv

Ch' ella fe' in se, alquanto sdegnosetto, Quasi dicesse : non ci si pub stare ; E diessi piu a mirare il suo aspetto." ]

Chaucer's hero acts very differently,—

"And up-on cas bifel, that thorugh a route His eye perced, and so depe it wente, Til on Criseyde it smoot, and tlier it stente.

And sodeynly he wex ther-with astoned,

And gan hire bet biholde in thrifty wyse :

' 0 mercy, god ! ' thoughte he, ' wher hastow woned,

That art so fair and goodly to devyse 1 '

Ther-with his herte gan to sprede and ryse." 2

The English passage closely resembles part of Boccaccio's account of his own innamoramento at the opening of Filocolo, —

". . . la quale si tosto com' io ebbi veduta, il cuore comincio si forte a tremare, che quasi quel tremore mi rispondeva per li meiiomi polsi del corpo smisuratamente : e non sappiendo perche, n6 ancora sentendo quello che egli gia s' immaginava che avvenire gli dovea per la nuova vista, incominciai a dire : oime, che & questo ? e forte dubitava non altro accidente noioso fosse." 3

Fiammetta* offers no significant parallel here, and Ameto has only the less specific expression,

" . . . ed il cuore gia delle dette cose dimentico, n& tremebundo- per altra moveste a tremare. , . ."5

Chaucer's words concerning the humbling of Troilus, — -

" Yet with a look his herte wex a-fere, That he, that now ivas most in pryde above, Wex sodeynly most subget un-to love," 6 — •

.have no basis in Filostrato, but resemble the author's words concerning himself in the parallel scene in Filocolo, —

" . . „ io vidi dopo lungo guardare Amore in abito tanto- pietoso, che me, cui lungamente a mia istanza avea risparmiato, fece tornare, desideroso d' essergli per cosi bella donna, subietto." 7

1 Filostrato, i, 26, 5-8 ; 28, 1-4. T. and G., i, 271-278.

Filocolo, I, 5. See A. Dobelli, II Culto dal Boccaccio per Dante, Venezia- Fi enze, 1897, p. 21.

See Fiammetta, p. 24. 5 Ameto, p. 228.

T. and G., i, 229-231.

Filocolo, I, 5. See Crescini, Contribute, etc., p. 191, note 3.

CH. IV] CHAUCER INDEBTED TO BENOIT. 169

Another addition of Chaucer's is the following, — -

" And of hir look in him ther gan to quiken So greet desir, and swich affeccioun, That in Ms hertes botme gan to stiken Of Mr Ms fixe and depe impressioun

Thus gan he malm a mirour of his minde, In which he saugh al hoolly hir figure ; And that he wel coude in his herte finde." *

This passage, which has no close parallel in Filostrato, resembles a passage in the account of the innamoramento in Mammetta, —

" Certo io ebhi forza di ritrarre gli occhi dal riguardarlo alquanto, ma il pensiero dell' altre cose gia dette ed estimate, niuno altro accidente, ne io medesima sforzandomi, mi pote torre. E gia nella mia mente essendo la effigie della sua -figura rimasa, non so con die tacito diletto meco Io riguardava." 2

"We should be more inclined to infer Chaucer's indebtedness to Fiammetta in this passage were the figure less conventional,3 and were it not for a passage in Benoit's account of the innamoramento of Achilles in the temple of Apollo, an account which Boccaccio certainly used 4 and which Chaucer must have known. The attack of love upon Achilles is described as follows :

" La grant bialtez et la fagon, Qu' Achilles vit en la pucele, Le cuist el cuer de 1'estencele Que ja par lui n'en ert esteinte. En son cuer l'a escrite et peinte Ses tres clers ielz vers et son front, Et son Uau chief qui tant est bloiit."5

There are other details in which this part of the English poem may resemble the Roman de Troie. Chaucer describes picturesquely the company who thronged to the temple, —

1 T. and C., i, 295-298, 365-367. Cf. Id., iii, 1499 ; v, 473-4.

2 Fiammetta, p. 25.

3 Cf. Filocolo, I, 252,—

". . . il dolente petto, nel quale io continuamente effigiata ti porto cosi bella come tu se' ! ne raai niuno conforto pote entrare in me senza il tuo nome," —

which resembles T. and C., iii, 1499-1502, —

" Ye be so depe in-with myn herte grave, That, though I wolde it turne out of my thought, As wisly verray god my soule save, To dyen in the peyne, I coude nought ! "

4 See above, pp. 35 ff. 6 E. de T. (Joly), 17522-17528.

170 CHAUCER USES BENOIT AND FILOCOLO IN TEMPLE SCENE. [CH. IV

" And to the temple, in al hir beste wyse, In general, ther wente many a wight, To herknen of Palladion the servyse ; And namely, so many a lusty knight, So many a lady fresh and mayden bright, Ful wel arayed, bothe moste and leste, Ye, bothe for the seson and the feste." l

Boccaccio writes merely,

"Alia qual festa e donne e cavalieri Fur parimente, e tutti volentieri," 2

whereas Benoit suggests Chaucer's picturesqueness, —

" Et toz li poples comunals ; Molt fu festivez li annals.

!N'i ot chevalier ne borgeis Qui icel jor ne festivast,

Mainte dame, mainte pucele Et mainte riche dameisele,

Por esgarder le sacrifice, L'anniversaire et le service." 3

The evidence before us seems to indicate that in recounting the innamoramento of Troilus Chaucer may have been influenced by the similar accounts in Filocolo and in the Roman de Troie. There are no clear indications that Chaucer used here either Ameto or Fiammetta.

In Criseyde's absence Troilus seeks comfort in visiting her desolate house, —

"And ther-with-al, his meynee for to blende, A cause he fond in toune for to go, And to Criseydes hous they gonnen wende. But lord ! this sely Troilus was wo ! Him thoughte his sorweful herte braste a-two. For whan he saugh hir dores sperred alle, "Wel neigh for sorwe a-doun he gan to falle.

Than seyde he thus, ' 0 paleys desolat, ^ 0 hous, of houses whylom best y-hight,

1 T. and 0., i, 162-168. 2 Filostrato, i, 18, 7-8.

3 E. de T. (Joly), 17463-4, 17468-9, 17485-6, 17489-90. With T. and ft, i, 232-245, compare R. de T. (Joly), 17549-50, 17453-4, 18425-33, 18440-1, and Filocolo, I, 96-98.

CH. iv] CHAUCER USES ROMAN DE LA ROSE AND FILOSTEATO. 171

0 paleys empty and disconsolat, 0 thou lanterne, of which queynt is the light, 0 paleys, whylom day, that now art night, Wei oughtestow to falle, and I to dye, Sin she is went that wont was us to gye !

0 paleys, whylom croune of houses alle, Enlumined with sonne of alle blisse ! O ring, fro which the ruby is out-falle, 0 cause of wo, that cause hast been of lisse ! Yet, sin I may no bet, fayn wolde I Jcisse Thy colde dores, dorste I for this route ; '

Ther-with he caste on Pandarus his ye With chaunged face, and p'dous to biholde ;

So pitously and with so dede an heive,

That every wight mighte on his sorwe reive.1' 1

The English passage is, of course, directly based upon the account of Troilo's similar visit in Filostrato? where the young lover addresses the house thus :

"... lasso, quanto luminoso Era il luogo e piacevol, quando stava In te quella belta, che '1 mio riposo Dentro dagli occhi suoi tutto portava ; Or se' rimaso oscuro senza lei, N6 so se mai riaver la ti dei." 3

Since the Italian poem does not suggest the detail of Troilus's kissing the doors, it has been thought that Chaucer made this addition under the influence of the Roman de la Rose, where Love in the course of his advice to the Lover says,

" Si te dirai que tu dois faire Por 1'amor de la debonnaire De qui tu ne pues avoir aise ; Au departir la porte liaise, Et por ce que Ten ne te voie Devant la maison, n'en la voie, Gar que tu soies repairies Anciez que jors soit esclairies." 4

Chaucer's direct indebtedness to the French passage is not to be inferred, however, without reference to the account in Filocolo of

1 T. and 0., v, 526-582, 540-552, 554-5, 559-560.

2 See Filostrato, v, 50, 7— 5o, 8. 3 Id., v, 53, 3-8. 4 Roman de la Rose, 11. 2623-2630.

172 DOOR-KISSING AT CRISEYDE's PALACE DUE TO FILOCOLO. [CH. IV

Florio's stealing away from Montorio to visit the abode of his beloved and to kiss the doors, —

" E era gia tale net viso tomato che di se faceva ognuno mara- vigliare. E non avendo arclire di tornare a Marmorina, andava il giorno senza alcuno riposo cercando gli alti luoghi da' quali egli potesse meglio vedere la sua paternale casa, ove egli sapeva che Biancofiore dimorava. E similmente la notte non dormiva, ma furtivamente e solo se n' andava infaio alle porti del palagio del suo padre . . . e quivi giunto, si poneva a sedere e con sospiri e con piaiito piu volte le baciava, dicendo : o ingrate porti, perche mi tenete voi che io non possa appressarmi al mio disio, il quale dentro da voi serrate tenete 1 " l

Since this Italian passage not only recounts a lover's visit to the abode of his innamorata but also contains the detail of his kissing the doors, I am inclined to infer Chaucer's indebtedness to Filocolo at this point for at least one external detail. Two additional details in the English passage may, or may not, increase the probability of such indebtedness. According to Chaucer, Troilus says,

" ' As go we seen the paleys of Criseyde, ' '

and the word, paleys, recurs several times in references to Criseyde' s dwelling in the English passage quoted above. In Filostrato, Criseyde's dwelling is mentioned only as "la casa," 3 and as "la magione,"4 whereas in Filocolo we are told that Florio went "infino alle porti del palagio"'* Again, Chaucer speaks of Troilus's leaving the royal palace,

" . . . in toune for to go." G

Such an expression here is, no doubt, entirely intelligible, even though the royal dwelling and the terminus ad quern are both "in toune." This expression may or may not show the influence of the parallel account in Filocolo, according to which Elorio, banished to a neighbouring estate, does actually return " to toune " to visit the abode of Biancofiore. Whether or not these more detailed resemblances have significance, I believe that the detail of kissing the doors, which is absent from Filostrato, is more likely to have been adopted by Chaucer from Filocolo, where it occurs in an account of an episode similar to that in Troilus, than from

1 Filocolo, I, 124. 2 T and Ctf v> 523.

a Filostrato, v, 50, 8. 4 Id., v, 51, 7.

5 Filocolo, I, 124, quoted above. 6 T. and C., v, 527.

€H. IV] WHAT IS THE SOURCE OF ANTIGONE'S SONG IN THE GARDEN ? 173

an isolated passage in the Roman de la Rose. When Chaucer introduced this detail, however, he may have been well aware of its occurrence also in the French poem, which he used freely elsewhere in Troilus}-

In the absence of a direct parallel in Filostrato, one is tempted to seek for the influence of Filocolo in that charming passage of Troilus in which we are told that after much troubled thought of her new love,2 Criseyde seeks recreation by descending into the garden with her three nieces, where they listen to Antigone's "Trojan song" in praise of love and of a lover.3 However, when •we examine the several garden scenes in Filocolo f we find none that essentially resembles Chaucer's. To be sure, in one passage we are told that while Edea and Calmena wait in the garden for Florio, whom they mean to seduce, they sing a song to pass the time, —

"... incominciarono a cantare urt amorosa canzonetta, con voci tanto dolci e chiare, che piu tosto d' angeli che d} umane creature parevano." 5

Although the Italian expressions may show resemblances to Chaucer's lines,

" Til at the laste Antigone the shene Gan on a Trojan song to singe clere, That it an heven was liir voys to here," °

the scene as a whole is no parallel at all to that in Troilus.

However, in connection with the English scene in hand, I believe that sufficient consideration has not been given to a passage^ in Filostrato itself,7 in which we read that on one occasion, after leading Pandaro into a garden, Troilo breaks into a somewhat long and elaborate love song. In the parallel part of the English poem Chaucer follows closely the Italian stanza8 immediately preceding Troilo's song, —

" And by the hond ful ofte he wolde take This Pandarus, and in-to gardin lede, And swich a feste and swich a proces make

1 See Koeppel, Anglia, XIV, 241-244 ; Publications of Mod. Lang. Assoc., XXII, 552-595.

2 See T. and G., ii, 598-811. 3 See Id., ii, 813-896.

4 See Filocolo, I, 183-4, 212-214, 229-238 ; II, 27-34.

5 Filocolo, I, 230. 6 T. and C., ii, 824-828. 7 Filostrato, iii, 73-89. 8 Id., iii, 73, 1-8.

174 CHAUCER'S SONG FROM FILOSTRATO? [CH. iv

Him of Criseyde, and of hir womanhede, And of hir beautee, that, with-outen drede, It, was an hevene his wordes for to here ; And thanne he wolde singe in this manere." l

At this point, for Troilo's song, Chaucer substitutes a song based almost entirely upon a passage in Boethius.2 The poet's delibera tion in this procedure is shown in his using the first five and a half3 of the sixteen stanzas4 of Troilo's song in the Proemium of the Third Book of Troilus. The last ten and a half stanzas of Troilo's song,5 which, so far as I know, have never been cited as a source of any part of the English poem, may be at the basis of Antigone's "Trojan song." In Antigone's song, the innamorata, after pledging herself to Love, gives thanks for being bestowed in so worthy a place. She praises her lover and enumerates his noble qualities. She lauds the moral effects of love, and condemns those who find in love any vice. She closes with a declaration of constancy. Similarly, in the part of Troilo's song under con sideration, the lover thankfully praises Love for receiving him as a true subject and for giving him the love of so noble a person. He mentions specifically the noble qualities of his lady, and hints at his own moral unworthiness. A comparison of some passages will, perhaps, enforce the resemblance of the two works at this point.6

Troilus Filostrato

1

She seyde, " 0 love, to whom I have E benedico il figliuol che m' accese

and shal Del suo valor, per la virtu di lei,

Ben humble subgit, trewe in myn E che m' ha fatto a lei servo verace,

entente, Negli occhi suoi ponendo la mid

As I best can, to yow, lord, yeve ich al pace.8 For ever-more, myn hertes lust to

rente. For never yet thy grace no wight

sente

So blisful cause as me, my lyf to lede In alle joye and seurtee, out of drede.7

1 T. and 0., iii, 1737-1743.

2 Boethius, Lib. II, met. 8 ; T. and 0., iii, 1744-1771. Cf. Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, II, 483, and J. S. P. Tatlock, The Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works, Chaucer Society, 1907, pp. 7-8.

3 Filostrato, iii, 74, 1—79, 4. * Id., iii, 74-89. 6 Id., iii, 79, 5—89, 8.

6 I present these parallels not so much for their verbal resemblances as for their resemblances in thought. It should, of course, be remembered that Troilo sings of a lady and Antigone of a man.

» T. and C., ii, 827-833. 8 Filostrato, iii, 83, 5-8.

CH. IV] GARDEN SONG-SCENE IS DUE TO THE FILOSTRATO. 175

2

As he that is the welle of worthinesse, E benedico . . .

Of trouthe ground, mirour of goodli- . . . il punto, che cosl

heed, Onesta, bella, leggiadra e cortese,

Of wit Appollo, stoon of sikernesse, Primieramente apparve agli occhi

Of vertu rote, of lust findere and miei;

heed.1 E benedico il figliuol che m' accese

Del suo valor, per la virtu di lei.2

3 Thurgh which is alle sorwe fro me E benedico i ferventi sospiri

deed.3 Ch7 i' ho per lei cacciati gia dal petto.4

Whom sholde I thanke but yow, god Ma sopra tutti benedico Iddio,

of love, Che tanto cara donna diede al mondo,

Of al this blisse, in which to bathe I E che tanto di lume ancor nel mio

ginne ? Discerner pose in questo basso fondo,

And thanked be ye, lord, for that I Che in lei, innanzi ad ogni altro disio,

love ! lo accendessi e fossine giocondo,

This is the righte lyf that I am inne, Talche grazie giammai non si porieno

To flemen alle manere vyce and sinne : Render per uom, quai render si dovri- This doth me so to vertu for to eno.6

entende, That day by day I in my wil amende.5

For alle the folk that han or been on Mi riconosco innamorato tanto,

lyve Ch' esprimere giammai non potre'

Ne conne wel the blisse of love dis- quanto.

Se cento lingue, e ciascuna parlante, Nella mia bocca fossero, e '1 sapere Nel petto avessi d' ogni poetante, Esprimer non potrei le virtu vere, L' alta piacevolezza e 1' abbondante Sua cortesia.8

cryve.7

But wene ye that every wrecche woot E benedico i pianti ed i martirj }The par fit blisse of love ?9 Che fatti m' ha avere amor perfetto.™

From the facts before us, I am inclined to infer that the garden scene n in which Criseyde and her nieces listen to Antigone's love song was suggested by the similar garden scene in which Troilo and Pandaro appear in Filostrato.1^ There are distinct indications that Antigone's song 13 is modelled on the latter part 14 of Troilo's

1 T. and C., ii, 841-844. 2 Filostrato, iii, 83, 1-6.

3 T. and C., ii, 845. 4 Filostrato, iii, 84, 1-2.

5 T. and C., ii, 848-854. 6 Filostrato, iii, 85, 1-8.

7 T. and C., ii, 888-889. 8 Filostrato, iii, 79, 7-8; 86, 1-6.

9 T. and C., ii, 890-891. 10 Filostrato, iii, 84, 3-4.

11 T. and C., ii, 813-903. 12 Filostrato, iii, 73-89.

13 T. and C., ii, 827-875. u Filostrato, iii, 79, 5-89, 8.

176 TEOILUS ON HIS BURIAL IS FROM FLORIO AND BIANCOFIORE |_CH. IV -

song, the first part of which Chaucer used elsewhere.1 If my inferences are justified, Chaucer's literary economy in 'the matter seems clear. From one garden scene in Filostrato? the English author, by using a passage from Boethius, made two garden scenes and two songs3 in Troilus, and still had left the material for the Proemio of the Third Book of the English poem.

Twice in Troilus, without justification in his immediate source, Filostrato, Chaucer makes Troilus refer to his own burial.4 When Troilus hears that Criseyde is to be taken from him he allows himself a considerable lament,5 most of which is taken directly from Filostrato. Q Toward the end of the English passage, how ever, Troilus apostrophizes Criseyde, and adds certain expressions concerning his own burial for which there is no suggestion in the Italian poem, —

" . . . but when myn herte dyeth, My spirit, wJdch that so un-to yow hyeth, Keceyve in gree, for that shal ay yow serve ; For-thy no fors is, though the body sterve.

0 ye loveres . . J

. . . whan ye comen by my sepulture, Remyrribreth that your felawe restetli there ; For I lovede eek, though I univorthy were.' " 8

Chaucer's tender lines may have been suggested by a dry passage in the letter that Florio writes to Biancofiore when he suspects that she has abandoned him, —

" . . . se questo esser vero sentirb, con altra certezza che quella che io ti scrivo, per gli eterni iddii la mia vita in piu lungo spazio non si distendera, ma contento che nella mia sepoltura si possa scrivere, ' qui giace Florio morto per amore di Biancofiorej mi\ uccidero ; sempre poi perseguendo la tua anima, se alia mia non! sara imitate altra legge che quella alia quale ora e costretta.9

As to the source of the later passage in Troilus in which the

1 Filostrato, iii, 74, 1—79, 4 ; T. and C., iii, 1-38.

2 Filostrato, iii, 73-89.

3 T. and 0., ii, 813-903; iii, 1737-1771.

4 See id.t iv, 327-329; v, 298-315.

5 Id., iv, 260-336. 6 Filostrato, iv, 30-37.

7 T. and C., iv, 319-323.

8 Id., iv, 327-329. T. and C., iv, 319-322, has a basis in Filostrato, iv, 34, 1-8, but the reference to burial (T. and C., iv, 327-329) is in no way •suggested in the Italian poem.

• Mlocolo, I, 266-267.

€H. IV] TROILUS'S ASHES AND FUNERAL URN ARE FROM TESEIDE. 177

despairing lover gives orders for his own funeral ceremonies,1 Professor Skeat has undoubtedly led us in the right direction in referring us to the account of the burial of Arcite in the Knight's Tale.2 But in this part of the Knighfs Tale Chaucer is seriously abridging his source, —

" But shortly to the poynt than wol I wende, And maken of my longe tale an ende," 3 —

and omits some details of Teseide that he may be using in the similar part of Troilus. In "pleyes palestral"4 Chaucer may have had in mind the "unta palestra"5 of Teseide, a phrase that he does not translate slavishly in the parallel passage of the Knight's Tale, though his paraphrase is close, —

" . . . ne how the Grekes pleye The wake-pleyes, ne kepe I nat to seye ; Who wrastleth best naked, with oille enoynt." 6

'Concerning the disposition of his ashes Troilus says,

" * The poudre in which myn herte ybrend shal torne, That preye I thee thou take and it conserve In a vessel, that men clepeth an urne Of gold. . . ."7

This passage, for which there is no parallel in the Knighfs Tale, may reflect the account of the disposition of the ashes of Arcite in Teseide, —

" E con pietosa man tutte raccolse Le ceneri da capo prima spente Con molto vino, e di terra le tolse,

1 See T. and C., v, 298-315.

2 In connection with the lines (T. and C., v, 306-308),

" ' . . . and offre Mars my stede, My swerd, myn helm, and, leve brother dere, My sheld to Pallas yef, that shyneth clere,' "

Professor Skeat (Oxford Chaucer, II, 496) cites the lines in the Knight's Tale, -(Group A, 2889-2894),

' ' Duk Theseus leet forth three stedes bringe, That trapped were in steel al gliteringe, And covered with the armes of daun Arcite. Upon thise stedes, that weren grete and whyte, Ther seten folk, of which oon bar his sheeld, Another his spere up in his hondes heeld."

3 Group A, 2965-2966. 4 T. and C., v, 304.

5 Teseide, xi, 62, 1. 6 Group A, 2959-2961.

7 T. and C., v, 309-312.

DEV. TR. CR. N

178 THE TROILUS ENVOY IS PARTLY FROM THE FILOCOLO. [CH. IV

Ed in un' urna d' oro umilemente Le mise. . . ." 1

The Envoy to Troilus contains the following graceful lines :

" Go, litel book, go litel myn tregedie, Ther god thy maker yet, er that he dye, So sende might to make in som comedie ! But litel book, no making thou nenvye, But subgit be to dlle poesy e ; And kis the steppes, wher-as thou seest pace Virgile, Ovyde, Omer, Lucan, and Stace."2

The similar Envoy at the end of Filostrato,2 addressed to " canzon mia pietosa," 4 provides none of the details of the English stanza,5 whereas the Envoy of Filocolo contains many of them, —

"0 piccolo mio libretto . . . se di me tuo fattore t' e cura, dimora con lei, ove io dimorare non oso, ne di maggior fama aver sollecitudine ; che conciossiecosach& tu da umil giovane sii creato, il cercare gli alti luoglii ti si disdice, e perb agli eccellenti ingegni, e alle robuste menti lascia i gran versi di Virgilio. . . . E quelli del valoroso Lucano . . . insieme con quelli del Tolosano Stazio. E chi con molta efficacia ama, il Sulmontino .Ovidio seguiti, delle cui opere tu se' confortatore. N& ti sia cura di volere esser dove i misurati versi del Fiorentino Dante si cantino, il quale tu, siccome piccolo servidore, molto dei reverente seguire. Lascia a costoro il debito onore, il qual volere usurpare con vergogna t' acquisterebbe danno. Elle son tutte cose da lasciare agli alti ingegni . . . e i morsi dell' invidia quanto puoi schifa" 6

In view of these similarities, I cannot avoid the conclusion that the writer of Troilus is once more influenced 'by Filocolo.7

1 Teseide, xi, 58, 2-6. 2 T. and C., v, 1786-1792. '

3 Filostrato, ix, 1-8. 4 Id., ix, 1, 2.

5 For an attempt to derive two or three of the English words from the- Italian of Filostrato, see Rossetti, -Comparison, p. 299.

6 Filocolo, II, 376-377.

7 Chaucer's "steppes" (T. and C., v, 1791), and possibly one or two other of the English words, may be due to a passage in the Envoy of the Thelais of Statius,—

". . . nee tu divinam Aeneida tenta, Sed longe sequere, et vestigia semper adora "

(Thebais P. Papinii Statii, edited by P. Kohlmann, Lipsiae, 1884, lib. xii, 816-817. Of. Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, II, 503).

In Chaucer's list of Virgile, Ovyde, Omer, Lucan, and Stace, Omer is substituted for the Dante of Boccaccio's list of Virgilio, Lucano, Stazio, Ovidio, and Dante, — a substitution easily understood in a poem dealing with the Trojan war. The Envoy of Fiammetta (Sonzogno. pp. 138-140), — " 0 picciolo mio libretto," — in which the book is directed to "innamorate

CH. IV] SUMMARY OF THE FOREGOING INVESTIGATIONS. 179

The demonstration attempted in the foregoing study allows me, I hope, the following summarizing observations as to the origin and development of the story of Troilus and Criseyde.

When Benoit de Sainte-Maure undertook his Roman de Trcie he found in one of his sources, — the De Excidio Troiae of Dares Phrygius, — a brave and handsome prince, fancy-free, and a definitely winsome maiden without a lover. By introducing the element of love between these two characters Benoit greatly increased our interest in the young prince, brought the maiden into more vital relation to the story of Troy, and embellished his poem with the episode of Troilus and Briseida, — an episode all the more alluring for its incompleteness.

From this fragmentary love story, as created by Benoit and abridged by Guido, Boccaccio developed the complete, unified, and polished poem, Filostrato. This completeness Boccaccio attained partly by a skilful use of suggestions from the episode of Achilles and Polyxena in Benoit's poem, partly, no doubt, from suggestions in similar mediaeval love stories, but chiefly by adapting situations, characterization, and descriptions from his own Filocolo, which was fresh in his mind 'and probably lay unfinished before him as he composed Filostrato.

When Chaucer undertook his poem, he used his dirgct_spurce, Filostrato, with the utmost freedom.1 At times he translated with literal accuracy, at times he expanded freely, and again, he deliberately added new incidents and new episodes, giving to the rather smooth and quiet narrative of Filostrato the liveliness and

donne " (p. 138), shows no significant resemblances to the English stanza quoted above ; but the outbreak in it against faithless men, —

" Gli occhi degli uomini fuggi, da' quali se pur sei veduto di' : 0 generazione ingrata e deriditrice delle semplici donne . . ." (p. 140), —

reminds us of Chaucer's lines, —

' ' Ne I sey not this al-only for these men, But most for wommen that bitraysed be Through false folk ; god yeve hem sorwe, amen ! That with hir grete wit and subtiltee Bitrayse yow ! and this commeveth me To speke, and in effect yow alle I preye, Beth war of men, and herkeneth what I seye "

(T. and C., v, 1779-1785).

1 For a recent statement as to the manner in which Chaucer used Filostrato, see J. L. Lowes, Publications of the Modern Language Association, XX, 851, note 1.

180 CHAUCER'S CHANGES IN CHARACTERIZATION. [CH. iv

complexity of a drama.1 In these additions to the action of the story, Chaucer adapted bits of the Roman de Troie and of the Historia Troiana that Boccaccio had rejected, and for one critical episode and for numerous details he reverted to Filocolo.

More important than Chaucer's additions to the action are his transformations of the characters of Filostrato. These trans formations, each of which calls for a separate essay,2 may be roughly estimated as follows :

Pandaro, the youthful cousin of Griseida and the devoted though impulsive and unscrupulous friend of Troilo, becomes the more mature, though still lusty, uncle of Criseyde and the faithful though increasingly cynical friend and adviser of Troilus. In the maturity of Pandarus and in the sententiousness that accompanies this maturity we have surmised the influence of Duke Feramonte of Filocolo *

The English poet does not seriously modify the character of Troilo. Both in Filostrato and in Troilus the hero is valiant, modest, and ever faithful in love, — never absorbingly interesting. In both poems he is the gentle, passive creature of love and of circumstance. In Chaucer's character, however, there is a charm of humility that we do not feel in the colourless hero of Filostrato.

Chaucer's most subt]e and interesting achievement in character ization is the transformation of the ready wanton, Griseida, into the dignified, modest, intuitive, yet yielding Criseyde. Whereas Griseida's simple sensuality requires no analysis, Criseyde's tender complexity almost eludes such a process. Though in general the English poet accomplishes this change by subtle inventions of his own, what may be called the climax in Criseyde's relations to Troilus, — her first utter yielding to his passion, — is brought about in a conspicuous episode modelled on a scene in Filocolo.

Chaucer's supplementary use of Filocolo is very different from his direct use of Filostrato. In no case does he follow closely the dull and pedantic prose of the Italian romance. In general he seems to have adopted from Filocolo mere suggestions for enforcing changes in character and for adding new incidents. With such suggestions his indebtedness to that work ceases, for

1 Concerning this dramatic element in Troilus, see T. R. Price, Publications Mod. Lang. Assoc., XI, 310-322; J. L. Lowes, Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc., XX, 836—837.

2 For a recent estimate of the characterization in Chaucer's poem, see E. K. Root, The Poetry of Chaucer, Boston and New York, 1906, pp. 105-122.

<J See ahove, pp. 161 ff.

CH. IV] WHY DID CHAUCER NOT MENTION BOCCACCIO? 181

the results in the English poem betray so slightly their prosaic origin that the process of the poet as well as his accomplish ment becomes apparent only after some such arid and soulless process as I have tried to pursue in the present study. The dry comparison of details in the preceding pages is perhaps justified if we 'have now even a ray of new light upon Chaucer's skilful adaptation of diverse sources, his enlivening of action, his beautifying of detail, and his subtle differentiation in character.

In conclusion, I must admit that to one riddle of Chaucerian inquiry I offer no suggestion toward elucidation, but rather, new perplexity. If it be true that Chaucer used with a free hand not only Filostrato and Teseide, but also Filocolo, we are the more puzzled over the fact that nowhere in his works does he mention Boccaccio, and we ask with new impatience, Why does Chaucer acknowledge his debt to his favourite Italian author only through the cryptic name of Lollius 1 1

1 For a classification of views concerning Lollius, see Appendix C. If I have succeeded in showing that in writing Troilus Chaucer made consider able use of Filocolo, the question at once arises as to the possibility of his having used Filocolo also in certain of his other works, — a question that I cannot treat in the present study. Perhaps the most important consideration that arises in this connection is the source of the Franklin's Tale, in regard to which Professor W. H. Schoficld (Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, XVI, 405-449) and Professor Pio Eajna (Romania, XXXI, 40-47 ; XXXII, 204-267) have disagreed. The general view of Pro fessor Schofield is that Chaucer had as the basis of his Tale some form of "Breton lay," while Professor Rajna holds in general that the Franklin's Tale is based upon one of a series of questioni d' amore in Filocolo (II, 48-67). In introducing Filocolo into Chaucer's library, so to speak, I have, perhaps, to some extent reopened this discussion, — a discussion in which I hope to take a modest part in a later article. I may say in passing that my study of Chaucer's relations to Filocolo has not led me to accept the main conclusion of Professor Eajna, even though I am sure that there is more evidence for his position than he himself presents. For example, now that we have independent reasons for believing that Chaucer was well acquainted with Filocolo, there may be some point in comparing Boccaccio's passage,

"Ma gia per tutto questo Tarolfo non si rimaneva, seguendo d'Ovidio gli ammaestramenti, il quale dice : 1'uomo non lasciare per durezza della donna di non perseverare, perocche per continuanza la molle acqua fora la dura •pietvsi" (Filocolo, II, 49),

with Chaucer's words concerning the consoling of Dorigen, " By proces, as ye knowen everichoon, Men may so longe graven in a stoon Til som figure ther-inne emprented be "

(Canterbury Tales, Group F, 829-831), in connection with which Skeat (Oxford Chaucer, V, 389) cites Ovid's,

" Gutta cavat lapidem " (Ex Ponto, IV, 10, 5).

On the other hand, while I believe that Chaucer used an independent lay, I think he may also have been influenced by the similar tale in Filocolo, — an influence for which Professor Schofield makes no explicit allowance.

182 DID BOCCACCIO USE LA ISTOBIETTA TROJAN A ? [APPX. A

APPENDICES.

APPENDIX A.

WE are to examine the possibility of Boccaccio's having used in Filostrato some Italian translation of Benoit or of Guido, or a French redaction of Benoit. We may begin by considering the Italian versions of Benoit and Guido, the episode of Troilus and Briseida in six of which is accessible to me, either in whole or in part.1

(I) La Marietta Trojana, found in a manuscript assigned to the opening years of the fourteenth century,2 is a somewhat abridged and decidedly free prose version of the Roman de Troie? An enumeration of some of the points in which the Marietta, differs from Benoit in the account 4 of Troilus and Briseida will, I think, prove conclusively that Boccaccio did not use this Italian version.

In the Marietta the father of Briseida is not Calchas, — as in Benoit, in Guido, and in Filostrato, — but Toas.5 In the Marietta Diomedes first appears among the Greek ambassadors who convey to Priam Toas' request for Briseida, and again in the Greek escort sent next day to accompany her to the Greek camp.6 In Filostrato the names of those in the first embassy are not given,7 but in a later conversation with Griseida, Diomede seems to say that he was present in the first embassy at Calchas' special request,8 whereas in

1 For general discussions of the Italian versions, see A. Benci, Intorno a? Volgarizzatori della Storia cli Troia, in Antologia, Vol. XVIII0 (1825), pp. 57-64; M. Tommaseo, Tradizione Iliache da Omero al Trecento. Amori di Troilo e di Briseida, in Antologia, XLVC (1832), 19-46 ; A. Mussafia, Sidle Versioni Italiane della Storia Trojana, in Sitzungslerichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-Historisclie Classe, LXVII (1871), 297-344 : W. Greif, Die mittelalterlichen Bearbeitungen der Trojanersage, Marburgj 1886, pp. 64-65, 73 ; E. Gorra, Tcsti Inediti di Storia Trojana, Torino 1887, pp. 152-202 ; H. Morf, Romania, XXI, 18-38, 88-107 ; XXIV, 174-196.

2 Cf. Gorra, p. 152.

3 Cf. id., pp. 154-166 ;. Morf, Romania, XXI, 92.

4 Text in Gorra, pp. 396-403. For an extract, see Tommaseo, pp. 32-43.

5 Gorra, p. 396. 6 Id., p. 397.

7 Filostrato (Opere Volgari di Giovanni Boccaccio, Vol. XIII, Firenze, Moutirr, 1831), iv, 13.

8 Id., vi, .19, 3-6.

APPX. A] THE EPISODE OF TROILO AND BRISEIDA, FROM GUIDO. 183

the Istorietta we are told that Diomede went in the first embassy, " sanza comandamento." l When Diomede wooes Briseida on their way out from Troy she immediately succumbs, and gives Diomede a ring that Troilo has given her,2 — an account very different from anything told us in Benoit, in Guido, or in Filostrato. According to the Istorietta, in order to be sure as to Briseida's conduct with Diomede, Troilo sends " uno ragazzetto " 3 to spy upon them after they have left Troy. No such character or device is employed in Filostrato.

Probably these details are sufficient evidence that Boccaccio did not follow La Istorietta Trojana.

The episode of Troilo and Briseida in three of the Italian prose versions, — (II) the Versione Venetaf (III) the version of Filippo Ceffi,5 and (IY) the version of Mazzeo Bellebuoni,6 — are accessible to me only in brief extracts.7 A comparison of these extracts with the parallel passages of Guido's Historia, confirmed by authoritative statements regarding these three versions,8 leads us to the tenta tive conclusion that the episode of Troilo and Briseida in these versions follows closely the account given by Guido. "We may infer, then, that none of these versions contains any material that Boccaccio could not have found as well in their Latin prose •original.9

(V) The prose version of Binduccio dello Scelto10 is based directly upon Benoit's poem.11 A comparison of the Italian text with the French original reveals few deviations at the hand of

I Gorra, p. 397. 2 Id., pp. 397-398. 3 Id., p. 398.

4 Preserved in a late fifteenth-century MS. Cf. Gorra, p. 184, note 2.

5 Dated 1324. Cf. Mussafia, p. 298 ; Benci, p. 59.

6 Dated 1333. Cf. Benci, p. 59.

7 A short extract of the Versione Veneta is printed in Antologia, Vol. XLVC (1832), p. 42. Of the five printed editions of the version of Filippo Ceffi, none is accessible to me. For a list of these editions, see Mussafia, pp. 297-298 ; Morf, Romania, XXI, 93-95. For a short extract of Ceffi's, version, see Antologia, Vol. XLVC (1832), p. 39. For an extract from the version of Mazzeo Bellebuoni, see Antologia, XLVC, 39-41.

8 Cf. Gorra, pp. 172, 174, 185-193 ; ?. Meyer, Romania, XIV, 77 ; Morf, Romania, XXIV, 174-196.

9 I am aware of the fact that some parts of the Versione Veneta shows considerable variations from Guido's text (cf. Gorra, pp. 186-187), and that the most acceptable theory at present is that this version " derivi appunto da un rifacimento franco- veneto dell' opera di Guido " (Gorra, p. 193). A comparison of the only accessible extract from the Troilus episode in this version (cf. Antologia, XLV° (1832), pp. 41-42) with the parallel passage in Guido's text seems to indicate that in this episode the Versione Veneta departs very little from Guido's Latin.

™ Dated 1322. See Benci, p. 62 ; Mussafia, p. 301.

II Cf. P. Meyer, Romania, XIV, 77 ; Gorra, p. 168 ; Mussafia, p. 303.

184 BOCCACCIO DID NOT USE BINDUCCIO DELLO SCELTO. [APPX. A

Binduccio. Two additions in the Italian version are worthy of note. In describing the circumstances of Briseida's departure from Troy, Binduccio writes, —

" E quand' ella venne al partire, ella ne va piagnendo e gridando* e facendo molto gran duolo." 1

This detail is absent from Benoit, Guido, and Filostrato? To Benoit's account of the love pangs of Diomedes,3 Binduccio adds, some details, — •

" e suda sovente fiate lo giorno . . . elli triema cosl come fa la foglia dinanzi al vento." 4

The last expression here resembles two passages in Filostrato applied to the fickleness of women, —

" Che come al vento si volge la foglia, Cosi in uii di ben mille volte il core Di lor si voJge." 5

" Yolubil sempre come foglia al vento."6

The borrowing of this detail in Filostrato from Binduccio is entirely unlikely in view of its commonplace nature7 and in view of its previous use by Boccaccio in Filocolo.8 I find no evidence, then, that Boccaccio used the version of Binduccio dello Scelto.

(VI) The last of the Italian versions to be considered is that contained in Codex Magliabechiano, IV, 46, at Florence,9 which in the part containing the episode of Troilo and Briseida is based upon a French prose abridgment of Benoit's poem.10 A comparison of

1 Gorra, p. 407. The text of the episode of Troilo and Briseida and of that of Achilles aud Polyxena is found in Gorra, pp. 404-442. For a less complete- text, see Antologia, Vol. XLVC, pp. 33-39, used by Mussafia, pp. 306-314, 333-340.

2 Cf. Filostrato, v, 1-9 ; E. de T., 13410-13422 ; Historia Troiana, sig. i 2 verso, col. 1.

3 R. de T. (Joly), 14927-15008.

4 Gorra, p. 415. These details are absent from Guide's Historia, sig. i 4 verso, cols. 1-2.

5 Filostrato, i, 22, 2-4.

6 Id., viii, 30, 8.

7 Cf. Dante, Paradiso, v, 74 ; xxxiii, 65.

8 Filocolo (Opere Volgari di Giovanni Boccaccio, Vols. VII-VIII, Firenze, Moutier, 1829), I, 264. »

9 On the correct numbering of this MS., see P. Meyer, Romania, XIV, 77, note 2; and on the Paris MS. containing the same version, see id.* pp. 77-78.

10 Cf. Romania, XIV, 77-78 ; XXI, 98 ; Gorra, p. 195.

APPX. A] WAS FILOSTRATO FROM A LATER VERSION OF BEN01T 1 185

our imperfect text x of the Italian version with the Roman de Troie reveals not a single significant divergence between them in their accounts of Troilo and Briseida.

The foregoing examination of the available texts of Italian versions yields no evidence that Boccaccio in composing Filostrato used any other version of the Troy story than that preserved to us in Benoit and in Guido.

Let us next inquire what evidence there may be for a statement that Boccaccio based his Filostrato upon " some recension of the French text of Benoit." 2

We may first consider the version of the Troy story that comes from the hand of Jean Malkaraume in the thirteenth century. In the midst of a poem that may pass under the broad title, Histoire de VAncien Testament et de la Guerre de Troie, this author inserted as his own a somewhat modified form of Benoit's poem.3 Mal- karaume's modifications consist chiefly in abridgments,4 and in a few interpolations.5 From the small amount of accessible information concerning these modifications, we can draw only tentative conclu sions as to the manner in which Malkaraume may have rendered the episode of Troilus and Briseida. From the fact that the author is " en general dispose a abreger," 6 and that among the interpolations mentioned none has been attached to our episode,7 it seems probable that Malkaraume has not materially altered the story of Troilus and Briseida as it is told by Benoit. Moreover, as we find elsewhere in this study,8 Boccaccio drew some material for his Filostrato from the episode of Achilles and Polyxena as told in Benoit's poem. Since we are told that Malkaraume " passe tout ce qui concerne la recherche de Polyxene," 9 we may conclude with considerable cer tainty that Boccaccio did not base his Filostrato upon this garbled version of the Roman de Troie.

1 For an incomplete text, see Antologia, Vol. XLVC, pp. 27-33, — used by Mussafia, pp. 304-305, 310-332.

2 See above, p. 6.

3 Cf. A. Joly, II, 4-5 ; I, 405-407. For extracts, see Joly, I, 406-408 ;

4 Cf. Joly, I, 408 ; E. T. Granz, Uber die Quellengemeinschaft des mittel- englischen Gedichtes Seege oder Batayle of Troye und des mittelhochdeutschen Gedichtes vom trojanischen Kriege des Konrad von Wiirzburg, Reudnitz- Leipzig, 1888, p. 4.

5 Cf. Joly, I, 409 ; Granz, pp. 4-5, 73-76 ; C. H. A. Wager, The Seege of Troye, New York, 1899, pp. Ixv, Ixxxiv, 67 ; G. L. Hamilton, Pub. Mod. Lang. Association, XX (1905), 180 ; Greif, pp. 70, 71, 94.

6 Joly, I, 408. 7 of. note 3, above.

8 See above, pp. 35 ff. 9 Joly, 1, 408, note 1.

186 AN ENLARGED VERSION OF BENOIT NOT USED. [APPX. B

During the thirteenth century arose a French prose abridgment of Benoit's poem, still inedited.1 As we have already seen, this version is faithfully represented by an Italian version, based upon it, from which the episode of Troilo and Briseida has been exten sively printed.2 Since there is no evidence that Boccaccio used this Italian version,3 we infer that he made no use of the French prose abridgment behind it.

In addition to the mediaeval versions of the Troy story extant in manuscripts, we must mention also a hypothetical "enlarged" version of Benoit's poem, which is inferred through a theoretical reconstruction of the common source of the Middle English Seege of Troye 4 and the Trojanerkrieg 5 of Konrad von Wurzburg.6 This " enlarged " version is thought to be a French redaction of Benoit's Roman de Troie containing considerable additions, but in some parts abridged.7 However, since neither of the two versions that are thought to be derivatives of the enlarged Roman de Troie contains the episode of Troilus8 and Briseida, our present con sideration of the hypothetical version need not be prolonged.

APPENDIX B.

The Source of Filocolo.

THE origin of the story of Floire and Blanchefl eur has never been satisfactorily settled.9 Neither the advocates of a Spanish or Provencal provenience 10 nor those who argue for a Greek origin n

1 For an account of the MSS., see P. Meyer, Romania, XIV, 65 ; Joly, I, 417, 420, 424. On the date, see Romania, XIV, 66. For extracts from several MSS., see Joly, I, 417-422, 425-427 ; Romania, XIV, 78-79.

2 See above, p. 184. 3 See above, p. 185.

4 Edited by C. H. A. Wager, New York, 1899.

5 Edited by A. von Keller, Stuttgart, 1858,

6 For the evidence involved in this reconstruction, see E. T. Granz, op. cit. ; "Wager, pp. lix-lxxxvi ; Hamilton, Pub, Mod. Lang. Assoc., XX, 179-180.

7 Cf. Granz, pp. 86-88 ; Wager, pp. Ixxxiv-lxxxv.

8 Concerning the role of Troilus in the Seege of Troye, see Wager, p. 115.

9 In my consideration of the versions of the story of Floire and Blanchefleur I follow in the main the study of V. Crescini, 11 Cantare di Fiorio e Bianci- fiore, 2 yols., Bologna, 1889-1899. In this consideration I make no claim to originality, nor do I attempt to re-examine the relations of the versions in detail. 10 See Crescini, I, 3-4.

11 See E. Du M<?ril, Floire et Blancefior, Paris, 1856, pp. xcii-ccv ; B. Zumbini, II Filocopo del Boccaccio, Nuova Antoloyia, Serie IIa, Vol. XVIII (1879), pp. 673-687 ; Crescini, I, 5.

APPX. B] THE STORIES OP FLORIO AND BIANCOFIORE. 187

have ever advanced a definite demonstration. Whatever the obscure origin of the story may be, its popularity during the Middle Ages in all "Western Europe is undoubted. Versions are «xtant, or can readily be inferred, in nearly every vernacular in the West, and the frequent mention of the hero and heroine in lists of lovers in mediaeval documents indicates a wide reading of these versions.1 My present task is not a study of all the versions of the story of Floire and Blanchefleur, but rather a consideration of those versions which are, or which represent, the source of Filocolo.

Opinions as to the immediate source of Filocolo have been diverse. Some scholars have held that Boccaccio took his story directly from a Greek version.2 Others have held that he derived his material directly from the French, — either from the two extant French versions,3 or from a French version represented by them.4 The most recent and thoroughgoing investigation has. resulted in the conclusion that Boccaccio based his work directly upon an Italian version of the story of Florio and Biancofiore.5 This conclusion may be analyzed as follows :

1. II Cantare di Fiorio e Biancifiore6 is earlier that Filocolo, and is based upon the lost original of Filocolo. 7

2. H Cantare and Filocolo show undoubted signs of their ultimate French origin, and also undoubted signs of localization in Italy.8

3. The chief source of Filocolo and of 11 Cantare was a Franco- Venetian version derived from a lost French source re presented by the two extant French versions.9

4. The lost French version which was at the basis of the Franco-Venetian source of Filocolo closely resembled French

1 On the distribution of the story, See E. Du Meril, pp. xii-ccv ; E. Hausknecht, Floris und Blauncheflur, Berlin, 1885, pp. 4-88 ; Orescini, I, 1-24 ; F. Schwalbach, Die Verbreitung der Sage von Flore und Blanceftor in der europdischen Literatur, Krotoschin und Ostrowo, 1869; H. Herzog, Die beiden Sagenkreise von Flore und, Blanscheflur, Wien, 1884.

2 See Crescini, I, 26-30; Du Meril, pp. Ixix-lxxi, clxxix, clxxxi ; A. Bartoli, I Precursori del Boccaccio e alcune delle sue fonti, Firenze, 1876, pp. 54-64 ; Zumbini, pp. 673-687.

3 Edited by E. Du Meril, Paris, 1856.

4 See Crescini, I, 25-30 ; Histoire Littemire de la France, XXIII, 81 ; XXIV, 581 ; M. Landau, Giovanni Boccaccio, sein Leben und seine Werke, Stuttgart, 1877, p. 54.

5 See Crescini, I, 16-24, 30-32 ; II, 10-25.

6 Edited by Crescini, Vol. II, pp. 64-227.

7 Crescini, I, 486-492. 8 Id., II, 6-11. 9 Id., II, 11-15.

188

THE SOUKCES OF BOCCACCIO'S FILOCOLO. [APPX. B

Version I1 and its allied Germanic versions,2 and contains some elements now preserved in French Version II.8

5. The differences between Filocolo and II Cantare lead to the inference that Boccaccio had for his source a longer and freer version of the story than the source of II Cantare.^ We may assume, therefore, a Franco-Venetian source of II Cantare and, derived from this Franco- Venetian source, a more extended Franco-Italian source of Filocolo?

6. Boccaccio drew not only upon his Franco-Italian source^ but also upon II Cantare, and upon oral tradition.6

From these results 7 we may construct the following diagram to represent the sources of Filocolo :

:Lost French original, represented \ by the extant French Versions 1 1 and II, and by the M.H.G. version J of Konrad Fleck.

Y (Lost Franco-Venetian version.)

(Lost Franco- Italian version.)

Oral tradition.

Filocolo.

From this diagram it appears we can approximate the source of Filocolo through at least four edited documents,— French Versions I and II, n Cantare, and the Flore und Blamcheflur of Konrad Fleck.

1 Edited by Du Meril, pp. 1-124

4 See Crescini, i, 25-27. « Cf. id,, pp. 22-23

the text of Frencl1 Yersion

» of U nn 97 98 ' PP' 27"28'

by A" Gaspaiy-

APPX. C] LOLLIUS. 189

APPENDIX C.

Lollius.

THE following explanations of Chaucer's "Lollius"1 "have been offered.2

I. The earliest students of Chaucer who recorded their opinion ignorantly accepted Chaucer's statement that he followed a real "autour" who wrote about the Trojan war. Evidently John Lydgate had no doubt as to the existence of a real Lollius when he wrote, —

"And of this syege wrote eke Lollius." 3

Thomas Speght in his first edition of the " Workes " of Chaucer, in the section entitled, " Most of the Authors cited by G. Chaucer in his workes, by name declared," lists " Lollius " as " an Italian Historiographer, borne in the citie of Urbine." 4

In John Urry's edition of Chaucer 5 we find Speght's information supplemented as follows :

" The poem of Troilus and Creseide was written in the former part of his life and translated (as he says) from Lollius^ an Historiographer of Urbane in Italy.3'6

In "A Short Account -of Some of the Authors cited by Chaucer," appended to the Glossary of this work, we read,

" Lollius, an Italian Historiographer born at Urbino, who lived under the Emperors Macrinus and Heliogabalus, in the beginning of the Third Century, is said to have written the History of his own Time, and also the Life of the Emperor Diodumenus the son of Macrinus." 7

1 T. and C., i, 394 ; v, 1653 ; Hous of Fame, iii, 378.

2 For part of the bibliography of this subject, see Hamilton, Chaucer's Indebtedness, etc., pp. 17, 21-22, 24, 26-27, 30, 32-40, 46-49, 133, 143-144.

3 The Auncient Historic and onely trewe and syncere Cronicle of the warres betwixte the Grecians and the Troyans . . . wrytten by Daretus a Troy an and Dictus a Grecian . . . and digested in Latyn by the lerned Guydo de Columpnis and sythes translated into englishe verse by John Lydgate, Moncke of Burye (T. Marshe, 1555), sig. b 2 verso, col. 1.

4 T. Speght, The Workes of Our Antient and Learned English Poet, Geffrey Chaucer, London, 1598, sig. Bbbbii verso, col. 1. On this Lollius, see G. Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, Tomo II, Milano, 1823, p. 469.

5 J. Urry, The Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, London, 1721.

6 Id., sig. f 1 verso. 7 Id., Glossary, p. 80.

190 WM. EOSSETTl'S EXPLANATION OF LOLLIUS. [APPX. G

The Lollius mentioned by these commentators is not known to have written concerning Troy, nor has any Lollius been discovered to whom Chaucer could have referred.1

II. A more modern explanation is that of W. M. Eossetti, who attempted to identify Chaucer's Lollius as Petrarch.2 From the English lines,

"And of his song nought only the sentence, As write niyn autour called Lollius," 3

which are among the lines preceding the Cantus Troili^ translated from the 88th Sonnet of Petrarch, Eossetti inferred that Chaucer refers to Petrarch as "Lollius." Eossetti then sought historical grounds for such an appellation for Petrarch, and, through second hand evidence, and through an utter misunderstanding of facts,5 gave forth the statement that, since one of Petrarch's friends addressed him as " Laelius " in correspondence, Chaucer's use of "Lollius" in referring to Petrarch was entirely intelligible. Eossetti completed his explanation by the suggestion that Chaucer may have attributed to Petrarch Filostrato itself, as did Pierre de Beauveau, who translated Filostrato into French at the beginning of the fifteenth century.6 After examining the facts, and after receiving the famous suggestion of E. G. Latham,7 Eossetti withdrew his explanation.8

1 For an account of other persons of this name, see A. Forcellini, Totius Latinitatis Onomasticon, Tomus IV, Prati, 1887, pp. 182-184. W. Godwin (Life of Chaucer, Vol. I, London, 1803, pp. 272, 273, 275) evidently thought Chaucer had a real Lollius in mind, and that this Lollius must have lived in the twelfth century (id., I, 275-276). E. G. Sandras (Etude sur Chaucer, Paris, 1851, p. 43) seems to think that Chaucer knew of Lollius Urbicus, and used his name as a blind. I find no evidence that the Spanish scholastic and alchemist, Lullius Raymundus (1225-1315 A.D.), wrote concerning the Trojan war.

2 See Athenaeum, Sept. 26, 1868, pp. 401, col. 3—402, col. 1.

3 T. and C., i, 393-394. 4 Id., i, 400-420.

5 See Rossetti's retraction, Athenaeum, Oct. 10, 1868, p. 465.

6 See L. Moland et C. D'Hericault, Nouvelles Francoises en prose du XIVQ Siecle, Paris, 1858, pp. xcviii-ci, 120, and see Tatlock, The Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works, Chaucer Society, 1907, p. 160. One is puzzled by a passage in a letter written by Boccaccio to a friend to explain the meaning of the name "Philostropo," attached to his 15th eclogue: — "Pro Philostropo ego intelligo gloriosum praeceptorem rneum Franciscum Petrarcam, cujus monitis saepissime mihi persuasum est, ut omissa rerum temporalium delectatione mentem ad aeterna dirigerem et sic amores meos, etsi non plane, satis tamen vertit ad melius." See J. F. P. Aldance de Sade, Mtmoires pour la me de Francois Petrarque, Tome III, Amsterdam. 1767, p. 505.

7 See below, pp. 193-194.

8 See Athenaeum, Oct. 10, 1868, p. 465. This specific retraction is not mentioned by G. W. Prothero (A Memoir of Henry Bradshaw, London, 1888,

APPX. G] THE MEANING OF CHAUCER'S WORDS ON LOLLIUS. 191

In his retraction, however, Kossetti casts no doubt upon his initial assumption, — that the "Lollius" mentioned1 just before the Cantus Troili refers to the author of the Italian sonnet at the basis of the Cantus, that is, to Petrarch. I venture to suggest that the " Lollius " mentioned here does not refer to the author of the Italian sonnet, but that, like the "Lollius" mentioned later in the English poem,2 it refers definitely to the author of Filostrato.

The lines immediately preceding the Cantus Troili are as follows :

" And of his song nought only the sentence, As write myn autour called Lollius, But pleynly, save our tonges difference, I dar wel sayn, in al that Troilus Seyde in his song ; lo ! every word right thus As I shal seyn ; and who-so list it here, Lo ! next this vers, he may it finden here." 3

In these lines Chaucer, I think, draws a clear contrast between Lollius, who gives merely the "sentence" of the song to follow, and himself, who gives " every word " of it. He seems to say, " I shall give you not merely the substance of Troilus's song, as does Lollius in Filostrato,^ but rather I shall give you every word of it, in so far as my English speech can translate Troilus's Trojan idiom ! " In other words, Chaucer seems to claim an advantage over Lollius, the author of Filostrato, the advantage of possessing » / the very text of Troilus's song, — a sonnet of Petrarch !

I am not aware that this interpretation has been explicitly offered before.5 If it be correct, we must conclude that the

p. 216) or by Hamilton (p. 38, note 1). In his original explanation, Kossetri misrepresented the following facts : Petrarch had a friend, Lelio di Piero Stefano (concerning this Lelio and concerning references to him in letters from Francesco Nelli to Petrarch, see H. Cochin, Lettres de Francesco Nelli & Pdtrarque, Paris, 1892, pp. 5, 243, 247, 273. See also G. Koerting, Petrarca's Leben und WerTce, Leipzig, 1878, pp. 81-82, and G. Koerting, Boccaccio's Lcben und WerTce, Leipzig, 1880, pp. 53, 187, 304), whom he naturally addresses, in Latin, as Laelius (see Lettere di Francesco Petrarca delle cose familiari libri ventiquattro, edited by G. Fracassetti, 5 vols.,s Firenze, 1863-1867, lib. iii, lett. 20, 21, 22 ; iv, 13 ; vii, 5 ; ix, 10 ; xv, 8, 9 ; xvi, 8 ; xix, 3 ; xx, 12, 13, 14), and to whom he refers as Laelius in letters to Boccaccio (id., lib. xxi, 15). 1 T. and C., i, 394. 2 Id., v, 1653. 3 Id., i, 393-399.

4 Perhaps the "sentence" of Troilus's song is contained in Filostrato, i, 38 ff. Of. Rajna, Romania, XXXII, 263.

5 Without specific explanation (and perhaps none is necessary) the " Lollius " mentioned before the Cantus Troili is referred to Boccaccio by The Globe Chaucer, London, 1901, p. 443, and by Professor J. W. Bright, Publications of the Modern Language Association, Vol. XIX, p. xxii. This

192 HENRY MORLEY AND J. W. BRIGHT ON LOLLIUS. [APPX. C

" Lollius " mentioned before the Cantus Troili refers not to the author of the Italian sonnet but to the author of Filostrato. Moreover, this interpretation seems to suggest that the contrast is between the author of Filostrato and Petrarch, the author of the sonnet, rather than between Petrarch, the author of Filostrato, and Petrarch, the author of the sonnet.

III. Professor Henry Morley's explanation stands by itself in the following words :

" But why does Chaucer give the name of Lollius to Boccaccio 1 . . . The genius of the Italian poet was here spent in sowing- tares ; and, with a parable of Scripture in his mind, out of Lolium, the Latin for a tare, Chaucer contrived for him, probably, a name that he thought justly significant." *

As one might expect, this conjecture has been generally ignored.2

IV. Professor J. W. Bright suggests 3 that under the influence of the mediaeval "habit of etymologizing names and toying with imputed meanings" Chaucer "played with the name of one of his favourite authors." According to Professor Bright, the name, Boccaccio, struck Chaucer's ear as cacophonous, and tempted him to "genial roguishness, "-

"Boccaccio was understood to be a masculine formation for the corresponding feminine pejorative, boccaccia (derived from bocca, 'mouth'). It therefore suggested 'a mouthy person,' 'persona maldicente.' . . . Now the English society of Chaucer's day included a class of noisy, popular advocates, wordy fanatics. Chaucer took the radical syllable, loll, which had come to designate activities of the tongue, to serve as an effective equiva lent of the bocca in the foreign name. Or, which comes to the same thing, he passed directly from lollard or loller to Lollius, by the simple process of Latinization."

"Whether or not this theory of "genial roguishness" be too

interpretation seems to be opposed by Kissner, Chaucer in seinen Beziehungen zur italienischen Literatur, Bonn, 1867, p. 8, note 1 ; Sandras, p. 45 ;

interpretation

above, Professor Bright printed a note in Modern Language Notes (Vol. XXII, Feb. 1907, p. 51, note 1), in which he offers a similar interpretation. My referring to Professor Blight's note at the very end of this foot-note, rather than in a more appropriate place, is due to the fact that my study was in proof before I knew of Professor Bright's contribution.

1 Henry Morley, English Writers, Vol. V, London, etc., 1890, p. 214.

2 See Hamilton, p. 36.

3 See Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, Vol. XIX, pp. xxii-xxiii.

APPX. G] V. R. G. LATHAM AND W. E. A. AXON ON LOLLIUS. 193

learned and ingenious, it would be more acceptable if "Lollius" did not appear in the Hous of Fame l in an august list along with Homer, Dares, "Tytus," and "English Gaufride." At any rate, this suggestion can hardly hold its own against another explanation which requires less subtlety, and which seems to reconcile the "Lollius" of Troilus and of the Hous of Fame.

V. K. G. Latham long ago suggested2 that Chaucer's mention of Lollius as a writer on the Trojan war is due ultimately to the opening line of an Epistle of Horace, —

" Trojani belli scriptorem, Maxime Lolli, Dum tu declamas Romae, Praenesti relegi." 3

Dr. Latham comments briefly as follows :

"Horace is writing to his friend, Lollius^ about the writer of the Trojan war, meaning Homer, but not, in the first instance at least, naming him. I submit that by the time of Chaucer the name of the person thus addressed had become attached to the person written about."

Although Dr. Latham does not imply that Chaucer was neces sarily the first to make this blunder, the initial objection made to Latham's happy suggestion was that Chaucer probably did not know the Epistles of Horace.4 This objection was finally obviated when W. E. A. Axon pointed out the fact 5 that the Latin lines in question occur in a passage quoted from Horace in the Poly- cratictis of John of Salisbury,6 a work that Chaucer certainly knew and probably used.7

Although Chaucer's acquaintance with the "Lollius" of Horace is now made almost certain, the objection still remains that the Latin poet does not mention Lollius as a writer on the Trojan

1 Hous of Fame, Hi, 378. 2 Athenaeum, Oct. 3, 1868, p. 433.

3 i, 2,1-2. With regard to the person addressed and to " Maxime" as a cognomen in this passage, see Orelli's edition, Vol. I, Berlin, 1892, pp. 316-317.

4 See T. R. Lounsbury, Studies in Chaucer, 3 vols., New York, 1892, Vol. II, pp. 262-264, 410. On this point, see also W. H. Schofield, English Literature from the Norman Conquest to Chaucer, New York, 1906, p. 293 ; Rajna, Itomania, XXXII, 265.

5 W. E. A. Axon, Chaucer and Horace, Notes and Queries, Series 9, Vol. Ill, p. 224. See also Chaucer Memorial Lectures, 1900, read before the Eoval Society of Literature, edited by P. W. Ames, London, 1900, p. 100.

* Polycraticus, vii, 9, Joannis Saresberiensis . . . Opera Omnia, edited by J. A. Giles, Yol. IV, Oxonii, 1848, p. 114.

7 See Lounsbury, II, 362-364 ; Hamilton, pp. 143-144 ; W. W. Wooll- combe, in Essays on Chaiicer (Chaucer Society), I-IV, pp. 295-298 ; Skeat, Oxford Chaucer, V, 252.

DEV. TR. CR. O

194 CHAUCER'S LOLLIUS DUE TO HORACE AND JOHN OF SALISBURY.

war, but merely addresses him as a friend. Chaucer, it is very properly said,1 was too good a Latinist not to know the vocative case. To meet such an objection, ten Brink suggested that Chaucer may have fallen upon such a corrupt reading as the following :

"Trojani belli scriptorum maxime Lolli, Dum tu declamas Romae, Praeneste te leg;/'

which would be translated as follows :

"Lollius, grosster2 der Schriftsteller iiber den trojanischen Krieg, wahrend du zu Eom declamirst, habe ich dich zu Praeneste gelesen." 3

As a conjecture with regard to possible corruption of the text, this suggestion has not been supplanted.4

Is it not possible, however, without juggling Horace's lines, to suppose that after finding in the Polycraticus a "Maxime Lolli" or "maxime Lolli" at least mentioned in the same line with "Trojani belli scriptorem," Chaucer may have associated in memory the person addressed and the matter discussed ? Having seen Lollius spoken of with respect in this connection, may not Chaucer have thought that a sufficient guaranty for inserting that name in the list of " authorities " in the Ho us of Fame ? In any case, from the evidence hitherto adduced, the most reasonable inference is, I think, that Chaucer's " Lollius " is in some manner due to Horace, whose "Maxime Lolli" probably reached the English author by way of the Polycraticus of John of Salisbury.

Why did Chaucer in Troilus name Lollius as his authority rather than the real author of Files trato ? One may conjecture that the Italian poem came to Chaucer's hands in one of the many anonymous manuscripts 5 of the Middle Ages, and that to

1 See, for example, Rossetti, Comparison, Prefatory Remarks, p. vii, note 1. Rossetti's question as to the possibility of Chaucer's having read Horace's lines in a translation has, I think, never been answered.

2 On the wrong reading, maxime, see above, p. 193, note 3.

3 B. ten Brink, Chaucer: Studien zur Geschichte seiner Ent'iiicJdung, Minister, 1870, ft>. 87-88.

4 Lounsbury (Vol. II, p. 410) rejects ten Brink's conjecture as "by no stretch of language . . . probable."

6 See J. Koch, Lollius: Essays in Chaucer, I-IV (Chaucer Society), pp. 412-413 ; Rajna, Romania, XXXII, 266. The strongest case for Chaucer's ignorance of Boccaccio's authorship is that put by Tatlock, pp. 60-61. Another theory as to the nature of the manuscript in which Filostrato came into Chaucer's hands is that of Miss E. P. Hammond who writes (Modern Language Notes, XXII, 52), "One Lollius (Urbicus?), of the third century, wrote a history unknown to us, but which according to Chaucer was of Troy.

APPX. C.] WHY CHAUCER DIDN'T MENTION BOCCACCIO. 195

supply the lack of an author's name he chose the high-sounding " Lollius." It is not easy, however, to believe that after visiting Italy at a time when Boccaccio was at the height of his fame as poet, novelist, and scholar, Chaucer decided to translate Filostrato without knowing who wrote it.1 If Chaucer did know the true authorship of Filostrato, his suppression of Boccaccio's name is still perfectly intelligible. Chaucer wished to present his poem as a well-authenticated account of one of the episodes in the Trojan war. He could hardly mention as an authority on sober ancient history a contemporary writer of a vernacular poem.2 No more could he refer to Benoit de Sainte-Maure as a historical authority, although the vernacular ' ' romance " of this writer served him so well when he composed Troilus. On the other hand, Guido delle Colonne, the author of a Latin Historia, has a place of honour among the writers about Troy listed in the Hous of Fame, although he proved to be far less useful than Benoit to the writer of Troilus. Since Boccaccio could not be mentioned, and since Troilus needed the stamp of historical authenticity, what safer authority could have been cited than the remote "Maxime Lolli"?

If we suppose that a composite volume in Chaucer's possession could contain this history of Lollius, duly marked, as (say) its first entry, and contain also, following this, the Filostrato of Boccaccio (a romance of Troy), as well a& some of Petrarch's sonnets, all unmarked, the attribution of the entire contents by Chaucer to Lollius would be quite natural." This is, of oourse, a mere guess. Moreover, the initial assumption, that Chaucer's Lollius is. "one Lollius (Urbicus?) of the third century," is, so far as I know, entirely unwarranted by any facts. Cf. Joly, I, 216.

1 Concerning Chaucer's probable knowledge of Boccaccio's works, see Koch, p. 413 ; Rajna, Romania, XXXII, 266-267 ; C. Segre, Chaucer e Boccaccio, in Fanfulla delta Domenica, Nov. 25, 1900, p. 2, col. 2.

2 On this position, see G. W. Prothero, A Memoir of Henry JBradshaw* London, 1888, p. 216 ; S'egre, p. 2, col. 2 ; M. Landau, Giovanni Boccaccio .- sein Leben und seine Werlce> Stuttgart, 1877, pp. 92-94.

•.*•

THE END

RICHARD CLAT & SONS, LIMITED,

BREAD STREET HILL, B.C., AND

BUNQAY, SUFFOLK.

PR Chaucer Society, London 1901 cPubli cations 3

A3

ser. 2 no. 40

CIRCULATE AS MONOGRAPH

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

K

&&M*\ .